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 THE HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES 
 
 BY 
 
 VICTOR DURUY 
 
 Of the French Academy 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE TWELFTH EDITION BY 
 
 E. H. AND M. D. WHITNEY 
 
 WITH NOTES AND REVISIONS BY 
 
 GEORGE BURTON ADAMS 
 
 Professor of History in Yaie University 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 
 
 1891
 
 D87 
 
 Copyright, 1891, 
 
 By 
 
 HENRY HOLT & CO.
 
 EDITOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 It is generally considered that the most successful text- 
 book on mediseval history in any language is M. Victor 
 Duruy's Histoire dii Moyen Age. Its great merit consists 
 in the fact that while it gives a very clear conception of the 
 general currents of the period, it also gives a sufficient 
 number of the facts and details of the history to furnish a 
 solid basis for such general views. Text-books on general 
 history almost invariably fall into one or the other of two 
 faults : Some of them deal in general views and afford no 
 sufficient groundwork of fact, so that, however clear these 
 general views may be, they are left hanging in the air in the 
 student's mind, and though he may have learned a great 
 many plausible explanations of history, he has learned very 
 little history. Others crowd together such a mass of detail 
 that the student cannot find his way and the work leaves in 
 his mind only a jumble of unorganized facts. The author 
 has followed the middle course between these two extremes 
 with very great success. The reader can hardly fail to gain 
 a clear conception of the general life and growth of the race 
 during this time, and of the relation of the several lines of 
 progress to one another, and yet these general views are 
 continually anchored to the facts and given fixed and defin- 
 ite place. 
 
 This translation is published in the confident belief that 
 it will prove as valuable a book for school use and general 
 reading among us as it has proved itself in France. 
 
 Numerous slight revisions have been made of the 
 author's text, which it has not been found possible to dis- 
 tinguish in any way from the statements of the original. 
 Many of these are mere corrections of dates and of mani- 
 fest typographical errors. Others are such modifications 
 of statement as the author himself would no doubt have 
 made in another edition. Some few omissions have also 
 been made from both text and notes, chiefly for the pur-
 
 IV EDITOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 pose of simplifying the narrative. Notes of the author's 
 which are retained are left unsigned, while those of the 
 editor are signed. In general, the intention has been to 
 confine changes and notes to points of sufficient import- 
 ance to justify notice, but in a book of this kind it is 
 hardly possible that every statement in need of revision 
 has been detected, or that no new errors have been made, 
 and I am conscious to myself of unequal knowledge of the 
 different subjects dealt with. 
 
 I wish to acknowledge my especial obligation to Professor 
 E. T. McLaughlin, of Yale University, for valuable assist- 
 ance rendered me in the portions of the book relating to 
 literary history. 
 
 GEORGE B. ADAMS. 
 
 New Haven, February 14, 1891.
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 The term Middle Ages is applied to the time which 
 elapsed between the fall of the Roman Empire and the 
 formation of the great modern monarchies, between the first 
 permanent invasion of the Germans, at the beginning of the 
 fifth century of our era and the last invasion, made by the 
 Turks, ten centuries later, in 1453. 
 
 During this interval between ancient and modern times 
 the pursuit of learning and of the arts was almost en- 
 tirely suspended. Instead of the republics of antiquity 
 and the monarchies of the present day, a special political 
 organization was developed which was called feudalism : 
 this consisted in the rule of the lords. Though every 
 country had its king, it was the military leader who was the 
 real ruler. The central power was unable to assert itself 
 and the local powers were without supervision or direction. 
 Hence this epoch was different in every respect from those 
 which preceded and followed it, and it is on account of this 
 difference in character that we give it a special name and 
 place in universal history. 
 
 The history of the Middle Ages is generally disliked by 
 those who are obliged to study it, and sometimes even by 
 those who teach it. It seems to them like a great Gothic 
 cathedral, where the eye loses itself in the infinite details of 
 an art which is without either unity or system, or like an 
 immense and confused book which the reader spells out 
 laboriously but never understands. If, however, we are 
 content to confine this history to the significant facts which 
 alone are worth remembering, and to pass over the insig- 
 nificant men and events, giving prominence and attention 
 to the great men and great events, we shall find this period 
 to be as simple as it is generally considered confusing. 
 
 In the first place, we must define its limits. The true 
 history of the Middle Ages does not extend beyond the 
 ancient Roman Empire and the provinces added to it by
 
 VI AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 Charlemagne when he brought the whole of Germany under 
 one common civilization. Outside of these limits all was 
 still barbarism, of which little or nothing can be known, and 
 whose darkness is only occasionally relieved by a gleam 
 from the sword of a savage conqueror, a Tchingis-Khan, or 
 a Timour. The events which interest us and which exerted 
 an active influence on the development of the modern 
 nations took place within these limits. And even among 
 these events we need only remember those which char- 
 acterize the general life of Europe, not the individual, 
 isolated life of the thousand petty States of which the his- 
 torian as well as the poet can say : 
 
 " Non ragioniam di lor ; ma guarda, e passa."* 
 
 The Middle Ages were built on the ancient foundation of 
 pagan and Christian Rome. Hence our first task is to study 
 the Roman world and examine the mortal wounds it had suf- 
 fered ; to pass in review this empire, with so many laws but 
 no institutions, with so many subjects but no citizens, and 
 with an administration which was so elaborate that it became 
 a crushing burden ; and, finally, to conjure up before us this 
 colossus of sand, which crumbled at the touch of paltry foes, 
 because, though it contained a religious life, eager for heav- 
 enly things, it was inspired by no strong political life such 
 as is necessary for the mastery of the earth. 
 
 Beyond the Empire lay the barbarians, and in two cur- 
 rents of invasion they rushed upon this rich and unresisting 
 prey. The Germans seized the provinces of the north ; 
 the Arabs those of the south. Between these mighty 
 streams, which flowed from the east and the west, Constan- 
 tinople, the decrepit daughter of ancient Rome, alone re- 
 mained standing, and for ten centuries, like a rocky island, 
 defied the fury of the waves. 
 
 With one bound the Arabs reached the Pyrenees, with a 
 second the Himalayas, and the crescent ruled supreme over 
 two thousand leagues of country, a territory of great length, 
 but narrow, impossible to defend, and offering many points 
 of attack. The Caliphs had to contend against a mighty 
 force in the geographical position of their conquests, a force 
 which is often fatal to new-born States, and which in this 
 case destroyed their Empire and at the same time brought 
 ruin to their equally brilliant and fragile civilization. 
 
 * Dante, Inferno, III., 51.
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. VU 
 
 Many chiefs among the Germans also called into being 
 States which were only ephemeral, because they arose in the 
 midst of this Roman world, which was too weak to defend 
 itself but strong enough to communicate to all with whom 
 it came in contact the poison which was working in its own 
 veins. To this fact we may attribute the fall of the king- 
 doms of Gaiseric, Theodoric, and Aistulf ; of the Vandals, 
 the Heruli, and the eastern and western Goths. 
 
 One people alone fell heir to the many invaders who en- 
 tered the Empire by means of the Rhine and the Danube, 
 namely, the Franks. Like a great oak, whose roots grow 
 deep down in the soil which bears and nourishes it, they 
 kept in constant communication with Germany and drew 
 thence a barbarian vigor which continually renewed their 
 exhausted powers. 
 
 Though threatened with an er.rly decline under the last 
 Merovingians, they revived again with the chiefs of the 
 second dynasty, and Charlemagne tried to bring order into 
 chaos and throw light into darkness by organizing his 
 dominions around the throne of the Emperors of the west, 
 and by binding to it Germanic and Christian society. 
 This was a magnificent project and one which has made his 
 name worthy to be placed by the side of the few before 
 which the world bows. But his cesign, which was incapable of 
 accomplishment, not only because geography was against it, 
 as it was against the permanence of the Arabian Empire, 
 but because all the moral forces of the times, both the in- 
 stincts and the interests of the people, were opposed to its 
 success. Charlemagne created modern Germany, which was 
 a great thing in itself, but the day when he went to Rome 
 to join the crown of the Emperors to that of the Lombard 
 kings, was a fatal day for Italy. From that time this beau- 
 tiful country had a foreign master, who lived far away and 
 only visited her accompanied by hordes of greedy and bar- 
 barous soldiers, who brought ruin in their train. How much 
 blood was shed during centuries in the attempt to maintain 
 the impossible and ill-conceived plan of Charlemagne. 
 How many of the cities and splendid monuments of the 
 country were reduced to ruins, not to mention the saddest 
 thing of all, the ruin of the people themselves and of 
 Italian patriotism. 
 
 After the ninth century the Carolingian Empire tottered 
 and fell through the incompetency of its chiefs, the hatred
 
 viil AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 of the people, and the blows of a new invasion led by the 
 Norsemen, the Hungarians, and the Saracens. It separated 
 into kingdoms, and these kingdoms into seignories. The 
 great political institutions crumbled into dust. The State 
 was reduced to the proportions of a fief. The horizon of the 
 mind was equally limited ; darkness had fallen upon the 
 world ; it was the night of feudalism. 
 
 A few great names, however, still survived : France, 
 Germany and Italy ; and great titles were still worn by 
 those who were called the kings of these countries. These 
 men were kings in name but not in truth, and were merely 
 the symbols of a territorial unity which existed no longer, 
 and not real, active, and powerful rulers of nations. Even 
 the ancient Roman and Germanic custom of election had 
 been resumed. 
 
 Of these three royal powers, one, that of Italy, soon dis- 
 appeared ; the second, that of France, fell very low ; while 
 the third, that of Germany, flourished vigorously for two 
 centuries after Otto I. had revived the Empire of Charle- 
 magne, though on a small scale. Just as the sons of Pippin 
 had reigned over fewer peoples than Constantine and Theo- 
 dosius, the Henrys, Fredericks, and Ottos reigned over a 
 smaller territory than Charlemagne and with a less absolute 
 power. 
 
 By the side of and below the kingdoms born of invasion 
 there r.rose a power of quite a different character, and one 
 whic!idid not confine itself to any limits, whether of country 
 or of law. The Church, emerging wounded but triumphant 
 from the catacombs and the Roman amphitheatres, had 
 gone out to meet the barbarians, and at her word the 
 Sicambrian meekly bowed his head. She only sought a 
 spiritual kingdom ; she also gained an earthly one. Power 
 came to her unsought, as it comes to every just and 
 righteous cause which aids the advance of humanity toward 
 a better future. After establishing the unity of her dogma 
 and of her he/^archy, her chiefs attained the highest emi- 
 nence in the Catholic world, whence they watched, directed, 
 and restrained the spiritual movements inspired by them. 
 
 The Church strove to teach mildness to a violent and 
 lawless society, and, opposed to the feudal hierarchy, the 
 equality of all men ; to turbulence, discipline ; to slavery, 
 liberty ; and to force, justice. She protected the slave 
 from his arrogant master, and defended the rights of
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. iX 
 
 women, children, and the family against the fickle husbands 
 who did not draw back even from divorce and polygamy. 
 The only succession recognized by the States in their public 
 offices was succession by right of inheritance ; the Church 
 set the example of succession by right of intellectual supe- 
 riority, by the election of her abbots, bishops, and even her 
 pontiff, and serfs succeeded to the chair of St. Peter, thus 
 attaining a dignity higher than that of kings. The bar- 
 barians had demolished the civilization of antiquity ; the 
 Church preserved its fragments in the seclusion of her mon- 
 asteries. She was not only the mother of creeds, but was 
 also the mother of art, science, and learning. Those great 
 scholars who taught the world to think again, those maitres 
 Is pierres vives, who gave Christianity its most wonderful 
 movements, were sons of the Church. 
 
 The feudal princes and lords, when freed from feudal 
 slavery, thought themselves above all law because they had 
 put themselves beyond the reach of resistance ; but the 
 Popes used the weapons of the Church against them. They 
 excommunicated a usurper of the throne of Norway, a king 
 who falsified the coinage in Aragon, the treacherous and 
 foresworn John in England and in France Philip Augustus, 
 when he repudiated his wife the day after his marriage. 
 During the rule of force the Popes had become the sole 
 guardians of the moral law and they recalled these princes, 
 who transgressed against it, to their duty by releasing their 
 people from their oath of fidelity. The pontifical power 
 spoke in the name and place of popular right. 
 
 This great moral force, however, was not always mistress 
 of herself. Until 726 the pontiffs had been the subjects of 
 the Emperors of Rome, western or eastern. Charlemagne 
 claimed and wielded the same authority over them. His 
 successors, the German emperors, tried to follow his exam- 
 ple. Henry HI. deposed three Popes and in 1046 the coun- 
 cil of Sutri once again recognized that the election of no 
 sovereign pontiff could be valid without the consent of the 
 emperor. 
 
 But after Charlemagne's death the Church constantly 
 grew in power. Her possession of a large part of the soil 
 of Christian Europe gave her material force ; while the fact 
 that all, both great and small, obediently received her com- 
 mand, gave her great moral force ; these two forces, more- 
 over, were increased tenfold by the addition of a third,
 
 X AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 namely, unity of power and purpose ; at the time of the 
 Iconoclasts and the last Carolingians, the sole aspiration of 
 the Church had been to escape from the bonds of the State 
 and to live a free life of her own. When she became 
 stronger and, of necessity, more ambitious, she claimed the 
 right, after the manner of all powerful ecclesiastical bodies, 
 to rule the lay part of society and the civil powers. 
 
 Two 'powers, accordingly, stood face to face at the end 
 of the eleventh century, the Pope of Rome and the German 
 emperor, the spiritual and the temporal authorities, both 
 ambitious, as they could not fail to be in the existing state 
 of morals, institutions, and beliefs. The great question of 
 the Middle Ages then came up for solution : Was the heir 
 of St. Peter or the heir of Augustus to remain master of the 
 world ? There lay the quarrel between the priesthood and 
 the empire. 
 
 This quarrel was a drama in three acts. In the first act 
 the Pope and the emperor disputed for the supremacy over 
 Christian Europe ; in the Concordat of Worms (1122) they 
 made mutual concessions and a division of powers, which 
 has been confirmed by the opinion of modern times ; in the 
 second act, the main question to be solved was the liberty 
 of Italy, which the Popes protected in the interest of their 
 own liberty; in the third act, the existence of the Holy See 
 was in peril ; the death of Frederick II. saved it. 
 
 The result of this great struggle and far-reaching anibi- 
 tion was the decline and almost the ruin of the two adverse 
 powers. The papacy fell, shattered, at Avignon, and the 
 Babylonian captivity began, while the German Empire, mor- 
 tally wounded, was at the point of disappearing during the 
 Great Interregnum, and only escaped destruction to drag 
 out a miserable existence. 
 
 During the contest the people, recovering from their 
 stupor, had turned to seek adventure in new directions. 
 Religious belief, the most powerful sentiment of the Mid- 
 dle Ages, had led to its natural result ; it had inspired the 
 crusades and had sent millions of men on the road to Jeru- 
 salem. 
 
 Though the crusade was successful in Europe against 
 the pagans of Prussia and the infidels of Spain, and, accom- 
 panied by terrible cruelty, against the Albigenses of 
 France, it failed in its principal object in the East ; the 
 Holy Sepulchre remained in the hands of infidels, and
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. XI 
 
 Europe seemed in vain to have poured out her blood and 
 treasure in the conquest of a tomb which she was not able 
 to keep. Nevertheless, she had regained her youth ; she 
 had shaken off a mortal torpor, to begin a new existence, 
 and the roads were now crowded with merchants, the coun- 
 try covered with fruitful fields, and the cities filled with evi- 
 dences of her growth and power. She created an art, a 
 literature and schools of learning, and it was France which 
 led this movement. The Middle Ages had come to an end 
 when the successors of Charlemagne and of Gregory VII. 
 became powerless, when feudalism tottered to its fall and 
 when the lower classes threw off their yoke ; new ideas and 
 new needs arising proclaimed the advent of Modern times. 
 
 These new needs were represented by the two countries, 
 where they were most fully met, namely, France and Eng- 
 land. The England of to-day dates from the Magna Charta 
 of King John, just as the royal power of Louis XIV. came 
 directly from Philip Augustus and St. Louis. We find in 
 these two countries three similar elements : the king, the 
 nobles, and the people, but in different combinations. From 
 this difference in combination resulted the difference in their 
 histories. 
 
 In England the Conquest had made the king so strong 
 that the nobles were obliged to unite with the commons in 
 order to save their honor, their estates, and their heads. 
 The nobility favored popular franchises, which they found 
 necessary to their cause ; the people were attached to their 
 feudal lords, who fought for them. English liberty, sprung 
 from the aristocracy, has never been unfaithful to its origin, 
 and we have the curious spectacle of a country in which the 
 greatest freedom and the greatest social inequalities exist 
 side by side. 
 
 In France, it was the king and the people who were 
 oppressed ; they were the ones to unite in order to over- 
 throw the power of feudalism, their common enemy : but 
 the rewards of victory naturally fell to the share of the 
 leader in battle. This two-fold tendency is evident from 
 the fourteenth century. At the beginning of that century, 
 Philip the Fair leveled the castles with the ground, called 
 peasants to participate in his councils, and made every one, 
 both great and small, equal in the eye of the law ; at the end 
 of it the London parliament overthrew its king and disposed 
 of the crown.
 
 Xll A UTHOR 'S PKEFA CE. 
 
 If these two countries had not fallen upon each other in 
 the violent struggle which is called the Hundred Years 
 War, the fourteenth century would have seen them fairly 
 started in their new life. 
 
 Germany and France have a common starting point in 
 their histories : each arose from the ruins of the great Caro- 
 lingian Empire, and each was originally possessed of a pow- 
 erful feudal system ; consequently their subsequent careers 
 might have been the same. In one, however, the royal power 
 reached its apogee ; in the other it declined, grew dim, and 
 disappeared. There was no mystery in this ; it was a sim- 
 ple physiological fact for which no reason can be given. 
 The Capetian family did not die out. After the lapse of 
 nine centuries it still continued to exist ; by this mere fact 
 of continuance alone the custom of election was not suf- 
 fered to become established, as there was no occasion for its 
 use. The dynasties on the other side of the Rhine, on the 
 contrary, though at first abler and stronger, seemed to be 
 cursed with barrenness. At the end of two or three gen- 
 erations they became extinct ; eighteen royal houses can be 
 counted in five centuries ; that is to say, that eighteen times 
 the German people saw the throne left vacant, and were 
 obliged to choose an occupant from a new family. Suc- 
 cession by election, which had been one of the customs of 
 Germany and which the Church had retained, became a 
 regular system. The feudal chiefs were not slow to under- 
 stand what advantages the system had for them : at each 
 election, to use an expression of the day, they plucked a 
 feather from the imperial eagle, and Germany finally counted 
 a thousand princes ; while on the other side of her great 
 river, the heir of Hugh Capet could say with truth, " I am 
 the State." 
 
 Such were the three great modern nations, as early as the 
 fourteenth century : Great Britain, with its spirit of public 
 liberty and hereditary nobility ; France, with a tendency 
 toward civil equality and an absolute monarchy ; Germany, 
 toward independent principalities and public anarchy. 
 To-day, the one is virtually an aristocratic republic, the 
 other a democratic State, and the third was until lately a 
 confederation of sovereign States ; this difference was the 
 work of the Middle Ages. 
 
 In Spain, the Goths who had fled to the Asturias had 
 founded there a Christian kingdom ; Charlemagne had
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. xill 
 
 marked out two more, by forcing a passage through the 
 Pyrenees at two points, Navarre and Catalonia. These 
 three States, strongly protected by the mountains at their 
 back, had advanced together toward the south against the 
 Moors ; but modern times had already begun on the north 
 of the Pyrenees, while the Spaniards, in the peninsula, 
 had not finished their crusade of eight centuries. They 
 gave as yet no sign of what was to be their subsequent 
 career. 
 
 The other Neo-Latin people, the Italians, had not been 
 able to find in the Middle Ages the political unity which 
 alone constitutes the individuality of a great nation. There 
 were three obstacles in the way of this : the configuration 
 of the country, which did not offer a geographical center ; 
 the thousand cities which ancient civilization had scattered 
 over its surface, and which had not yet learned by bitter 
 experience to surrender a part of their municipal indepen- 
 dence to save the common liberty ; finally, the papacy, which, 
 owning no master, even in temporal affairs, laid down this 
 principle, very just from its point of view and entirely legiti- 
 mate * in the Middle Ages, namely, that from the Alps to 
 the Straits of Messina there should never be one sole power, 
 because such a power would certainly desire Rome for its 
 capital. This policy lasted for thirteen centuries. It was 
 the papacy which, as early as the sixth century, prevented 
 the consolidation of the Italian kingdom of the Goths ; and, 
 in the eighth century, the formation of that of the Lom- 
 bards ; which summoned Pippin against Aistulf, Charle- 
 magne against Desiderius, Charles of Anjou against Man- 
 fred ; as well as later the Spaniards, the Swiss, and the 
 Imperialists against the French ; the French against the 
 Spaniards ; which finally entered into compacts with all the 
 foreign masters of the peninsula in order to assure, by a 
 
 * Entirely legitimate, for at a time when force alone reigned, the Holy 
 See would certainly have been at the mercy of one of those petty lords 
 who, in feudal monarchies, were the real masters, rather than the king, 
 and who would have renewed the scandals of the time of Marozia. But 
 the great Catholic poet of the Middle Ages, Dante, saw no less the dis- 
 astrous consequences of this policy : 
 
 Ahi Constantin di quanto mal fu matre 
 Non la tua conversion, ma quella dote 
 Che da te prese il primo rico patre ! 
 
 — Inferno, XIX., II5-I17.
 
 XIV AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 balance of influences and forces, the independence of her 
 little domain and her authority. 
 
 Italy, having no central power, was covered with repub- 
 lics, most of which, after a time, developed into principali- 
 ties. The life there was brilliant, but corrupt, and the civic 
 virtues were forgotten. Anarchy dwelt in her midst, an 
 infallible sign that the foreigner would again become her 
 master. 
 
 In the North, utter darkness : Prussia and Russia are of 
 yesterday. But in the East there appeared a nation, the 
 Turks, which was formidable since it possessed what Chris- 
 tian Europe no longer had, the conquering spirit of relig- 
 ious proselytism, which had been the spirit of the crusades ; 
 and also what Europe did not yet possess, a strong military 
 organization. 
 
 Accordingly this handful of nomad shepherds, which had 
 so suddenly become a people, or rather an army, accom- 
 plished without difficulty the last invasion ; Constantinople 
 fell. But at the very moment when the last remaining frag- 
 ment of the Roman Empire disappeared, the genius of an- 
 cient civilization arose, torch in hand, from the midst of the 
 ruins. The Portugese were on the road to the Cape of 
 Good Hope, while the artists and authors were opening the 
 way to the Renaissance : Wycliffe and John Huss had already 
 prepared the road for Luther and Calvin. The changes at 
 work in the States corresponded to the change in thought 
 and belief. Reform was demanded of the Church ; shaken 
 by schism, she refused it ; in a century she had to deal with 
 a revolution. 
 
 The important facts to be noted are : 
 
 The decline of the Roman Empire and the successful 
 accomplishment of two invasions ; the transient brilliancy 
 of the Arabian civilization. 
 
 The attempted organization of a new Empire by Charle- 
 magne, and its dissolution. 
 
 The rise and prevalence of feudalism. 
 
 The successive Crusades. 
 
 The contest between the Pope and the Emperor for the 
 sovereignty of the world. 
 
 We have here the real Middle Ages, simple in their gen- 
 eral outline, and reaching their highest development in the 
 thirteenth century. 
 
 But even before this period a new phase of the Middle
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. XV 
 
 Ages had appeared in England and France ; which led to 
 a new social organization of the two countries. Soon a few 
 brave voices were heard discussing the merits of obedience, 
 of faith, even, and pleading the cause of those who, until 
 that time, had been of no account, the peasants and the 
 serfs. 
 
 Humanity, that tireless traveler, advances unceasingly, 
 over vale and hill, to-day on the heights, in the light of day, 
 to-morrow in the valley, in darkness and danger, but al- 
 ways advancing, and attaining by slow degrees and weary 
 efforts some broad plateau, where he pauses a moment to 
 rest and take breath. 
 
 These pauses, during which society assumes a form which 
 suits it for the moment, are organic periods. The intervals 
 which separate them may be called inorganic periods or 
 times of transformation. On these lines we may divide the 
 ten centuries of the Middle Ages into three sections : from 
 the fifth to the tenth century, the destruction of the past and 
 the transition to a new form ; from the tenth to the four- 
 teenth, feudal society with its customs, its institution, its 
 arts, and its literature. This is one of the organic periods 
 in the life of the world. Then the tireless traveler starts 
 again : this time he again descends to depths of misery to 
 reach, on the other side, a country free from brambles and 
 thorns. When the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are 
 crossed we already perceive from afar the glorious forms of 
 Raphael, Copernicus, and Christopher Columbus, in the 
 dawn of the new world.
 
 LIST OF MAPS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 THE ROMAN EMPIRE UNDER TRAJAN, A.D. 117 i 
 
 EUROPE IN THE REIGN OF THEODORIC, CiRC. A.D. 
 
 500 33 
 
 EUROPE AT THE DEATH OF JUSTINIAN, A.D. 565.... 49 
 
 EUROPE, END OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY, A.D. 695. 88 
 EUROPE IN THE TIME OF CHARLES THE GREAT, 
 
 A.D. 814 137 
 
 THE WESTERN EMPIRE AS DIVIDED AT VERDUN, 
 
 A.D. 843 145 
 
 THE WESTERN EMPIRE AS DIVIDED A.D. 870 152 
 
 THE WESTERN EMPIRE AS DIVIDED A.D. 887 161 
 
 CENTRAL EUROPE, Circ. 980 216 
 
 CENTRAL EUROPE, 1180 24S 
 
 GREATEST EXTENT OF THE SARACENS' DOMINIONS. 296 
 
 CENTRAL EUROPE, A.D. 1360 408 
 
 CENTRAL EUROPE, A.D. 1460 464
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Editor's Preface . . iii 
 
 Authors Preface v 
 
 JBoo\{ ifirst. 
 
 TJ/E GERMANIC INVASION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Roman and Barbarian Worlds at the End of the 
 Fourth Century. 
 
 The End of Ancient History. — New Form of the Roman Empire. 
 — Municipal Government: Curials. — Taxes. — Condition of 
 Persons. — The Army. — Moral and Intellectual Condition. — 
 The Christian Church. — The Barbarians. — Germanic Nations. 
 — Slavs and Huns ......... 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 First Period of Invasion (375-476). Alaric, 
 Radagaisus, Gaiseric, and Attila. 
 
 S* 
 
 -4^ 
 
 First Movement of the Barbarians before the Death of Theodo- 
 sius. — Division of the Empire at the Death of Theodosius 
 (395)- — Alaric and the Visigoths (395-419); the Great Invasion 
 of 406. — Founding of the Kingdom of the Burgundians (413), 
 of the Visigoths, and of the Suevi (419). — Conquest of Africa 
 by the Vandals (431). — Invasion of Attila (451-453). — Taking 
 of Rome by Gaiseric (455). — End of the Empire of the West 
 (476) 16
 
 XVIU CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Second Period of Invasion: the Franks, the Ostrogoths, 
 THE Lombards and the Anglo-Saxons (455-569). 
 
 PAGE 
 
 A Second Invasion of German Barbarians Successful in founding 
 States. — Clovis (481-5 II). — The Sons of Clovis (511-561). — 
 Conquest of Burgundy (534) and of Thuringia (530). — Theod- 
 oric and the Kingdom of the Ostrogoths in Italy (493-526). 
 — The Lombards (56S-774). — Foundation of the Anglo-Saxon 
 Kingdoms (455- 5S4) 28 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Greek Empire from 408 to 705; Temporary Reaction of 
 the Emperors of Constantinople against the Germanic 
 Invaders. 
 
 Theodosius II., Marcian, Leo I., Zeno, Anastasius, Justin I. (408- 
 527). — Justinian I. (527-565). — Wars against the Persians 
 (528-533 and 540-562). — Conquest of Africa from the Vandals 
 (534); of Italy from the Ostrogoths (535-553); Acquisitions in 
 Spain (552); Justinian's Administration of the Interior; Code 
 and Digest. — Justinian II., Tiberius II., Maurice and Phocas 
 (565-6x0); Heraclius (610-641); Decline of the Greek Empire 43 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Renewal of the German Invasion by the Franks. 
 Greatness of the Merovingians. — Their Decadence 
 (561-687). 
 
 Power of the Merovingian Franks New Character of their His- 
 tory. — Lothaire I., Fredegonda, Brunhiida. — Lothaire II. 
 Sole King (613-628). — Dagobert I. (628-638). — Preponderance 
 of Franks in Western Europe. — Customs and Institutions in- 
 troduced by the Germans among the Conquered Peoples. — 
 Laws of the Barbarians. — Decline of the Royal Authority; 
 the " Rois Faineants." — Mayors of the Palace. — The Mayor 
 Ebroin (660) and Saint Leger; Battle of Testry (687). — Hered- 
 ity of Benefices ......... 54 
 
 3Bool? Secont), 
 
 THE AHAB INVASION (622-1058). 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Mohammed and the Empire of the Arabs (622-732). 
 
 Arabia and the Arabs. — Mohammed. — The Hegira(622); Struggle 
 with the Koreishites (624); Conversion of Arabia. — The
 
 CONTENTS. XIX 
 
 r.\GE 
 Koran. — The First Caliphs of Persia and of Egypt; Conquest 
 of Syria (623-640). — Revolution in the Caliphate, Hereditary 
 Dynasty of the Ommiads (661-750). — Conquest of Upper Asia 
 (707) and of Spain (711) 71 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Dismemberment, Decline and Fall of the Arabian 
 Empire (755-105S). 
 
 Accession of the Abbasides (750), and Foundation of the Caliphate 
 of Cordova (755). — Caliphate of Bagdad (750-105S). — Almans- 
 sur, Haroun-al-Rashid, Al-Mamun. — Creation of the Turkish 
 Guards. Decline and Dismemberment of the Caliphate of 
 Bagdad. — Africa; Fatimite Caliphate (968). — Spain; Caliphate 
 of Cordova. — Arabian Civilization 91 
 
 Book UbirD. 
 
 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE, OR THE ATTEMPT 
 
 TO ORGANIZE GERMAN AND CHRISTIAN 
 
 EUROPE (687-S14). 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Mayors of Austrasia and the Papacy, or the Ef- 
 forts TO Infuse Unity into the State and the 
 Church. 
 
 Pippin of Heristal (687-714). — Charles Martel (714-741); The 
 Carolingian Family reorganizes the State and its Authority. 
 — Formation of Ecclesiastical Society; Elections; Hierarchy; 
 the Power of the Bishops. — Monks; Monasteries; the Rule 
 of St. Benedict. — The Pope; St. Leo; Gregory the Great. — 
 The Papacy breaks away from the Supremacy of Constanti- 
 nople (726); invokes the Aid of Charles Martel. — Pippin the 
 Short (741-768) 105 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Charlemagne; Unity of the Germanic World. — the 
 Church in the State (768-814). 
 
 The Union, and the Attempted Organization ^.f the V'hole Ger- 
 manic World under Charlemagne. — Wars with the Lombards 
 (771-776)- — Wars with the Saxons (771-804). — Wars with the
 
 XX CONTENTS, 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Bavarians (788), the Avars (788-796), and the Arabs of Spain 
 (778-812); the Extent of the Empire. — Charlemagne be- 
 comes Emperor (800). — Results of his Wars. — His Govern- 
 ment. — Literary Revival; Alcuin ...... 122 
 
 Bool? ifourtb. 
 
 FALL OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE.— NEW 
 BARBARIAN INVASIONS (814-887). 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Louis the Pious and the Treaty of Verdun (815-843). 
 
 Instability of Charlemagne's Work. — Louis the Pious (814-840); 
 his Weakness; Division of the Empire. — Revolt of the Sons 
 of Louis the Pious. — Battle of Fontenay (841); Treaty of 
 Verdun (843) 139 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Final Destruction of the Carolingian Empire (845-887). 
 
 Internal Discords; Vain Effort of the Sons of Louis the Pious to 
 reconstitute the Empire. — Division of the Royal Authority; 
 Heredity of Benefices and of Offices. — Louis the Stammerer 
 (877). — Louis III., and Karlmann (879); Charles the Fat 
 (1884) 148 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Third Invasion, in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries. 
 
 The Norsemen in France and England, — In the Polar Regions and 
 in Russia. — The Saracens. — The Hungarians. — Difference be- 
 tween the Ninth Century Invasion and those preceding . . 156 
 
 'Se>Q>Q\<. jfittb. 
 
 FEUDALISM, OR THE HISTORY OF THE KING- 
 DOMS FORMED FROM THE CAROLINGIAN 
 EMPIRE D URING THE TENTH AND 
 ELEVENTH CENTURIES. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 France and England (888-1108); Decline of the Royal 
 Power in France. Increase of the National 
 Power. — Norman Conquest of England (1066). 
 
 The Struggle of a Century between the Last Carolingians and the 
 First of the Capetian Dynasty. — The Accession of Hugh Capet
 
 CONTENTS. XXI 
 
 PAGE 
 
 (987). — Weakness of the Capetian Dynasty: Robert (996); 
 Henry I. (1031); Philip I. {1060). — Activity of the French 
 Nation. — Downfall of the Danish Dynasty in England (1042); 
 Eadward the Confessor. — Harold (1066). — The French Inva- 
 sion of England. — Battle of Hastings (1096). — Revolts of the 
 Saxons aided by the Welsh (1067) and the Norwegians (1069). 
 — Camp of Refuge (1072); Outlaws. — Spoliation of the Con- 
 quered. — Results of this Conquest . . . . • • 171 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Germany and Italy (888-1039).— Revival of the Empire 
 OF Charlemagne by the German Kings. 
 
 Extinction of the Carolingian Family in Germany (911). — Election 
 of Conrad I. (911), and of Henry the Fowler (919); Greatness 
 of the House of Saxony. — Otto I., or the Great (936); his 
 Power in Germany; he drives out the Hungarians (955). — Con- 
 dition of Italy in the Tenth Century. — Otto re-establishes the 
 Empire (962).— Otto II., Otto III., Henry II. (973-1024), and 
 Conrad II. (1024-1039) 187 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Feudalism. 
 
 Beginning of the Feudal Regime. — Reciprocal Obligations of Vas- 
 sal and Lord. — Ecclesiastical Feudalism. — Serfs and Villeins. 
 — Anarchy and Violence; Frightful Misery of the Peasants; 
 Several Goods Results. — Geographical Divisions of Feudal 
 Europe ........... 200 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 Civilization in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries. 
 
 Charlemagne's Fruitless Efforts in Behalf of Literature. — Second 
 Renaissance after the Year 1000. — Latin Language. — Language 
 of the Common People. — Chivalry, Architecture . . . 222 
 
 3Booft Sijtb. 
 
 THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE PAPACY 
 AND THE EMPIRE (1059-1250). 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The Quarrel over Investitures (1059-1122). 
 
 Complete Supremacy of the Emperor Henry HI. (1039-1056). — 
 Hildebrand's Effort to regenerate the Church and emancipate
 
 XXll CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 the Papacy; Regulation of 1059. — Gregory VII. (1073). His 
 Great Plans. — Boldness of his First Acts. — Humiliation of the 
 Emperor (1077). — Death of Gregory VII. (1085), and of 
 Henry IV. (1106). Henry V. (1106). — The Concordat of 
 Worms (1122); End of the Quarrel over Investitures . . 235 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Struggle between Italy and Germany (i 152-1230). 
 
 Three Epochs in the Struggle between the Papacy and the Empire. 
 — Strength of German Feudalism; Weakness of Lothar II. 
 (1125); the Hohenstaufen (1138). — Division of Italy; Progress 
 of the Small Nobles and of the Republics. — Arnold of Brescia 
 (1144). — Frederick I.. Barbarossa (1152); Overthrow of Milan 
 (1162); the Lombard League (1164); Peace of Constance 
 (1183). — Emperor Henry VI. (iigo); Innocent III. (119S); 
 Guelfs and Ghibellines in Italy. — Frederick II. (1212-1250). — 
 Second Lombard League (1226). — Innocent IV. (1243); Fall of 
 German Power in Italy (1250) 245 
 
 3Booft Seventb, 
 
 THE CRUSADES (1095-1270). 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The First Crusade to Jerusalem (1095-1099). 
 
 Condition of the World before the Crusades; the Greek Empire. — 
 Peter the Hermit; the Council of Clermont (1095) and the first 
 Crusaders. — Departure of the Great Army of Crusaders (1096); 
 Siege of Nicffia and Battle of Dorylaeum. — Siege and Taking 
 of Antioch (1098); Defeat of Kerboga; Siege and Taking of 
 Jerusalem (1099). — Godfrey, Baron of the Holy Sepulchre. — 
 Organization of the New Kindgom ..... 261 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 The Last Crusades in the East; Their Results 
 (i 147-1270). 
 
 Second Crusade (1147). — Jerusalem taken by Saladin; Third Cru- 
 sade (1189). — Fourth Crusade (1201-1204). — Foundation of an 
 Empire at Constantinople (i 204-1 261). — The last Four Cru- 
 sades in the East; the Mongols of Jenghiz Khan. — Seventh and 
 Eight Crusades (124S and 1270). — Eflecls of the Crusades . 273
 
 CONTENTS. XXUl 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 The Crusades of the West. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Crusades in Europe; the Teutonic Order (1230). — Conquest 
 and Conversion of Prussia, Livonia, and Esthonia. — Crusade 
 against the Albigenses (120S); Union of Southern and North- 
 ern France. — The Spanish Crusade. — Decline of the Caliphate 
 of Cordova during the Ninth Century; its Renewed Strength 
 during the Tenth Century, and its Dismemberment in the 
 Eleventh Century. — Formation of the Kingdoms of Castile 
 and Leon, of Navarre, and of Aragon. — Taking of Toledo 
 (1085); Founding of the County of Portugal (1095); the C id. — 
 Incursions of the Almoravides (ro86), and of the Almohades 
 (1146). — Victory of Las Navas de Tolosa (121 1). The Moors 
 driven back upon Granada.— Results of the Spanish Crusade 290 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Progress of the Cities. 
 
 Beginnings of the Communal Movement: — Communes properly so 
 called. — Intervention of Royalty; Decline of the Communes. — 
 Cities not Communal. — Origin of the Third Estate. — Advance- 
 ment of City Populations in England and Germany. — Feudal 
 Rights and Customary Rights opposed ..... 305 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 Civilization of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries. 
 Explorations in the East and the Commerce of the Middle Ages. — 
 New Departures in Industry and Agriculture. — Corporations, 
 — Condition of the Country Districts. — Lack of Security. — The 
 Jew and Bills of Exchange. — Intellectual Progress; Universi- 
 ties, Scholastics, Astrology, Alchemy, Magicians. — National 
 Literature. — Arts; Ogival Architecture . . . 318 
 
 Bool? EiQbtb, 
 
 RIVALRY BETWEEN FRANCE AND 
 ENGLAND (1066-1453.) 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 First Period in the Strife; the English Kings Lose 
 Half of Their French Possessions (1066-1217). 
 
 Louis the Fat (110S-1137); William II. and Henr>' I. (10S7-1135). 
 — Louis VII. (1137-1180) in France; Stephen and Henry II. 
 (11 35-11 89) in England, — Abuse of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.
 
 xxiv CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 — Thomas d Becket (1170). — Conquest of Ireland (11 71); the 
 King of France sustains the Revolt of the Sons of the English 
 King (1173. — New Character shown by French Royalty in the 
 Thirteenth Century; Philip Augustus (iiSo) and Richard the 
 Lion-hearted (iiSg). — Quarrels between Philip Augustus and 
 John Lackland; Conquest of Normandy and of Poitou (1204). 
 — Quarrel between John Lackland and Innocent III. (1207). 
 — Magna Charta (1215) 341 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Progress of the Royal Power in France from Philip 
 Augustus to Philip of Valois. 
 
 Internal Administration of Philip Augustus. — Louis VIII. (1223) 
 and the Regency of Blanche of Castile. — Saint Louis, his As- 
 cendency in Europe; Treaties with England (1259), and with 
 Aragon (125S). — Government of Saint Louis. — Progress of the 
 Royal Authority. — New Character of Politics; Philip III. 
 (1270), Philip IV. (1285); New War with England (1294). — A 
 New Struggle between the Papacy and the State (i 296-1304). — 
 The Papacy at Avignon (1309-1376). — Condemnation of the 
 Templars (1307). — Administration of Philip IV.; Reign of his 
 Three Sons (1314-1328) 358 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Progress of English Institutions from the Granting of 
 THE Magna Charta until the Hundred Years War 
 (1217-1328). 
 
 Pledges made by the Magna Charta (1215). — Henry III. (1216). — 
 The League of the Barons; Provisions of Oxford; the Parlia- 
 ment (1258). — Edward I. (1272). — Conquest of Wales (1274- 
 1284). — War with Scotland (1297-1307); Balliol, Wallace, and 
 Bruce. — Edward II. (1307); Progress of Parliament . . 385 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 The Hundred Years War. 
 
 Preliminaries of the Hundred Years War (i 328-1 337). — Battle of 
 Sluys (1340); State of Affairs in Brittany. — Cr6cy (1346) and 
 Calais (1347). — John (1350); Battle of Poitiers; States Gen- 
 eral; the Jacquerie; Treaty of Br6tigny (1360). — Charles V. 
 (1364); Du Gucsclin; the Great Companies in Spain. — The 
 War with the English renewed (1369); New Method of War- 
 fare. — Wycliflc. — Wat Tyler and the English King Richard 
 IL (1377). — Deposition of Richard II. and Accession of Henry 
 IV. of Lancaster (1399). — Henry V. (1413). — France under 
 Charles VI. (1380-1422); Popul.ir Insurrections. — Insanity of 
 Charles VI. (1392); Assassination of tiie Uuke of Orleans
 
 CONTENTS. XXV 
 
 I'AGE 
 
 (1407); the Armagnacs and the Burgundians. — Henry V. re- 
 opens the War with the French (1415). — Battle of Agincourt. 
 — Henry VI. and Charles VH., Kings of France (1422); Joan 
 of Arc (1421-1431). — Treaty of Arras (1435); Charles VH. at 
 Paris (1436); End of the Hundred Years War . . . 392 
 
 CHAPTER XXVHI. 
 
 Internal History of France and England during the 
 Hundred Years War. 
 
 Parliament's Increasing Power in England. — The English Consti- 
 tution in the Middle of theFifteenth Century. — France: Prog- 
 ress of Royal Authority. — Formation of a Princely Feudalism 
 by Appanages. — Development of the Old and New institutions 433 
 
 Boof? IRlntb. 
 
 ITALY, GERMANY, AND THE OTHER EUROPEAN 
 
 STATES TO THE MIDDLE OF THE 
 
 FIFTEENTH CENTUR Y. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 Italy from 1250 to 1453. 
 
 Italy after the Investiture Strife; Complete Ruin of all Central 
 power (1250). — Manfred and Charles of Anjou. — The Princi- 
 palities in Lombardy; Romagna and the Marshes. — The Re- 
 publics: Venice, Florence, Genoa, and Pisa. — Reappearance 
 of the German Emperors in Italy and the Return of the Popes 
 to Rome. — Anarchy; the Condottiere. — Splendor of Literature 
 and the Arts. — Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio .... 443 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Germany from 1250 to 1453. 
 
 The Great Interregnum (1250-1273). — Usurpation of Imperial 
 Property and Rights. — Anarchy and Violence; Leagues of the 
 Lords and of the Cities. — Rudolf of Hapsburg(i273;. — Found- 
 ing of the House of Austria (1282). — Adolf of Nassau (1291) 
 and Albert of Austria (1298). — Liberation of Switzerland 
 (1308). — Henry VII. (1308) and Lewis of Bavaria (i 314). — The 
 House of Luxemburg (1347-1438); the Golden Bull. — The 
 House of Austria recovers the Imperial Crown, but not its 
 Power (1438) 460
 
 xxvl CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 The Spanish, Scandinavian, and Slavic States. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Spain from 1252 to 1453. — The Crusade suspended. — The Scandi- 
 navian States, Denmark, Sweden and Norway; their Second- 
 ary Role after the Time of the Norsemen. — Slavic States; 
 Power of Poland; Weakness of Russia. — Peoples of the 
 Danube Valley; the Hungarians. — The Greek Empire. — The 
 Ottoman Turks and the Mongols of Timour .... 476 
 
 Bool? XTentb. 
 
 CIVILIZATION IN THE LAST CENTURIES OF 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 The Church from 1270 to 1453. 
 
 Foreshadowings of a New Civilization. — The Papacy from Gregory 
 VII. to Boniface VIII.— The Popes at Avignon (1309-1376) ; 
 Great Schism of the West (1378-1448). — Wycliffe, John Huss, 
 Gerson; Councils of Pisa (1409), of Constance (1414), and of 
 Basel (1431); Galilean Doctrines 505 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 The National Literatures.— The Inventions of the 
 Middle Ages. 
 
 The Italian and French Literatures. — The Literatures of the North. 
 — English, German, and Scandinavian. — Spanish and Portu- 
 guese Literatures. — Renaissance of Classical Learning. — Print- 
 ing, Oil-painting, Engraving, and Gunpowder . . .517 
 
 Index 535
 
 HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 THE GERMANIC INVASION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE ROMAN AND BARBARIAN WORLDS AT THE END 
 
 OF THE FOURTH CENTURY. 
 
 The End of Ancient History. — New Form of the Roman Empire. — 
 Municipal Government : Curials. — Taxes. — Condition of Persons. — 
 The Army. — Moral and Intellectual Condition. — The Christian 
 Church. — The Barbarians. — Germanic Nations. — Slavs and Huns. 
 
 Ancient History ends with the Roman Empire, which 
 
 first absorbed all the peoples of antiquity and then involved 
 
 them all in its ruin. Asia, Egypt, Greece, 
 
 End of Ancient Carthage, Spam and Gaul had all'been drawn 
 
 History. . i ,- t^ 
 
 mto the vast embrace of Rome, the Rome 
 which gave to its subjects unity of government, and to its 
 western provinces unity of language. 
 
 This unity — the work of conquest — was maintained by a 
 policy which, though liberal at first, ended by becoming 
 oppressive. Then the chill of death crept over the great 
 Roman society, the bonds were loosened, and, at the first 
 shock of the barbarians, the colossal fabric fell to pieces. 
 
 The unity of government, enforced by conquest as early 
 
 as the time of the Republic, was regulated under the Em- 
 
 -, „ , pire, by the organizing work of a wise ad- 
 
 New Form of ^ . .' -^ . S" ^ . , , 
 
 the Roman Em- mmistration. It was mcorporated \n one 
 ^^^^' man, who was at first a military chieftain 
 
 rather than a sovereign, who, after Diocletian and Constan- 
 tine, became an actual monarch, the head of a vast hierarchy.
 
 2 THE GERRIANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 These two emperors tried to give more stability to the im- 
 perial authority by a considerable change in the character of 
 the government. Whereas the fate of the empire had before 
 depended on the rival and capricious desires of the legions 
 or the praetorians, the Emperor was now seen to be suddenly 
 raised to a mysterious height, sheltering his power under the 
 doctrine of divine right and his person behind a pomp orien- 
 tal in its magnificence and entirely unknown to the first 
 Caesars. 
 
 Below him, as if to keep the citizens and soldiers at a dis- 
 tance, grew up an interminable series of civil and military 
 officers— the former held in greater esteem than the latter. 
 At the head of this hierarchy stood, in respect to influence, 
 the seven great officers who formed the ministry of the 
 Emperor in his palace at Constantinople, the new capital of 
 the Empire, which displayed on the banks of the Bosphorus 
 a precocious corruption and a splendor born of yesterday. 
 
 The seven great officers of the court (to leave out the 
 
 consuls, the pr?etors, and the senate, which still existed, 
 
 though only for display), regarded less as pub- 
 
 Civil & Military ,• ■ ^\ *u * f .-U T 
 
 Hierarchy, bc magistrates than as servants of the Em- 
 peror, were : 
 
 (i) The count of the sacred chamber {comes sacri cubicuW), 
 or great chamberlain, often influential because he was in 
 constant attendance on the Prince. 
 
 (2) The master of the ofifices [magister officionivi), a kind 
 of minister of state, on whom depended all the household of 
 the Emperor, all the police of the Empire with its 10,000 
 officers {curiosi), the posts, arsenals, factories and store- 
 houses of arms ; an immense administration that comprised 
 four departments, with directors and sub-directors, and one 
 hundred and forty-eight clerks. 
 
 (3) The quasstor of the palace {quLCstor pa/atii), a kind 
 of chancellor, who was the mouth-piece of the Emperor and 
 who drew up his decrees. 
 
 (4) 'i'he count of the sacred largesses [comes sacrarutn lar- 
 g///or//m), m'lnhter of finance, on whom the provincial counts 
 of the largesses and all the financial officers of the Empire de- 
 pended, and who acted as judge in proceedings of a fiscal 
 nature. 
 
 (5) The C(Kint of the private estate {comes rei privatce), 
 who administ(;red the estates of the Emperor through agents, 
 called roiioiialcs and cicsai iani.
 
 C-'AP. I.] ROMAN AND liARBARIAN WORLDS. 3 
 
 (6) The count of the domestic cavalry {codics domesticorwn 
 f.quLtuni). And finally, 
 
 (7) The count of the domestic infantry {domesticorum 
 p^ditiuii). These two together had under their command 
 
 3500 men, divided into seven " schools," fine looking 
 •soldiers, for the most part Armenians, who presented an 
 imposing appearance, as they formed in line in the porticos 
 of the palace. 
 
 To these officers must be added; to give a fair idea of 
 'he court of Constantinople, an innumerable herd of door- 
 keepers, pages {j)(edagogia), spies, servants of all kinds and 
 eunuchs, '' more numerous," said Libanius, " than the 
 swarming flies in summer." 
 
 Leaving the central government, we now pass on to the 
 provinces and find there, at the head of the hierarchy, the 
 four praitorian prefects of the East, of Illyricum, of Italy, 
 and of Gaul. This was the tetrarchy of Diocletian, but it 
 existed without danger to the unity of the Empire or to the 
 Emperor himself. They were no longer, in fact, those 
 praetorian prefects of old times, who overthrew their mas- 
 ters ; their claws and teeth had been drawn by taking away 
 from them all military command. Their office was still a 
 desirable one and their authority so great that its curtail- 
 ment did not affect their administration. Their powers 
 were : to publish the decrees of the Emperor, to make 
 assessments, to watch over the collection of imposts, without 
 being able, it is true, to add anything to them, to judge 
 civil and criminal proceedings on appeal from the chiefs 
 of the diocese, and to remove and punish the provincial 
 governors at their will. 
 
 Their rich appointments, the number of people employed 
 in their bureaus, the luxury of their existence, made their 
 like kings of a second rank. 
 
 Each prefecture was divided into dioceses governed bj* 
 vice-prefects ; * there were sixteen of these : six in thd 
 prefecture of the East (the East, Egypt, the vicarship oi 
 Asia, the proconsulate of Asia, Pontus and Thrace); two in 
 Illyricum (Dacia and Macedonia); three in Italy (Italy, 
 western Illyricum and western Africa); three in Gaul 
 
 * Consult the list in Bury's History of the Later Roman Enapire, vol. 
 i. p. XV. 
 
 The divisions differed greatly at different dates. — Ed.
 
 4 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 (Spain, Gaul, and Britain). Rome, whose territory extended 
 a hundred miles from its walls, formed a diocese by itself, 
 as did Coystantjngple also. 
 
 Finally the four prefectures and the-- sixteen dioceses 
 were divided into one hundred and twenty provinces, gov- 
 erned by consulars, correctors, and presidents, their degrees 
 differing slightly in authority. By the side of this civil 
 hierarchy we see the military hierarchy, and at its head the 
 master of cavalry {tnagister eqiiituni) and the master of 
 infantry {rnagistcr pedituvi), offices which were increased in 
 number after the division of the Empire. Under them 
 were the military counts and the dukes, in the provinces 
 and on the frontiers, who alone had control over the pro- 
 vincial troops, each in his own department. We have now 
 examined the imperial hierarchy and the whole central 
 government. 
 
 The despotism was of recent origin ; it had existed only 
 
 two centuries and had been preceded by free institutions, 
 
 institutions which still survived in the muni- 
 
 G^v^erniife^nt. ^'P^^ government. Rome had scattered 
 copies of herself everywhere. There was no 
 town in the Empire which did not have its little senate, the 
 curia, composed of proprietors or curials owning at least 
 fifteen acres of land, vvho deliberated as to the affairs of the 
 municipium and chose magistrates from their midst to 
 administer them. The decemvirs recalled the consuls by 
 their title and powers, namely, the presidency of the curia, 
 the general administration of town affairs, and jurisdiction 
 in matters of small importance. An edile, a curator (treas- 
 urer of the city), a collector., irenarchs (police commissioner.s) 
 scribes and notaries complete the list of municipal officers. 
 
 The municipal government seemed to prosper, and a new 
 magistrate had recently been added to it — the defensor, a 
 kind of regular tribune chosen by all the municipality, to 
 act in its defense before the Emperor. When the clergy 
 were authorized by Honorius to take part in the election 
 for this new magistracy, it fell under the control of the 
 bishop.* 
 
 But the prosperity of the municipal government was more 
 apparent than real, for local liberty lacked the securities 
 
 * The history of this office and its relation to the bishop are very 
 uncertain. — Eu.
 
 Chap. I.] ROMAN AND BARBARIAN WORLDS. 5 
 
 which public liberty alone can give. The government, 
 whose greed equaled its infinite needs, had turned for 
 taxes to these municipal magistrates, these proprietors, 
 whose land could be seized, and had ordered them not only 
 to collect but also to guarantee the tax. This obligation 
 became more and more burdensome with the waning pros- 
 perity ; the curials could bear it no longer and took refuge 
 in the privileged orders, the clergy and the army. They 
 were arrested and brought back, as the state could not 
 bring itself to lose its taxpayers and the guarantees of its 
 revenues. Then followed a struggle where the individual 
 was easily defeated by the state. The curials were chained 
 down to their service. That they might be within reach, 
 they were not allowed to live in the country ; death itself 
 did not deprive the state of them, for their children were 
 devoted from birth to the same condition. Exemption 
 from torture and from certain ignominious penalties could 
 not secure them from ruin and misery, which are also 
 forms of torture. Despair drove many of these miserable 
 men to a wild life in the forests, or even over to the bar- 
 barians. The number of curials showed an astonishing 
 decrease in all the cities. 
 
 Thus the last trace of free institutions had become an in- 
 strument of oppression in the hands of a government which 
 exacted rigorous payment of its imposts with- 
 imposts. Q^j. ^^fjj^g fQj- ^i^g happiness or unhappiness 
 of its subjects — on whom these taxes fell with a crushing 
 weight. There was, first, the indiction, a land tax which 
 did not affect the property of the Imperial domain, and the 
 rate of which the Emperor determined each )-ear for each 
 diocese by an edict signed by his own hand and in purple 
 ink, which was posted up in the principal cities of each 
 diocese in the month of July. The sums exacted were 
 assessed according to the property accredited to each one 
 in the census, which was made every fifteen years. This 
 period of fifteen years, established in 312 by Constantine, is 
 the so-called period of the indiction. To make matters 
 worse, superindictions were often added to the indictions. 
 
 The other branches of the public revenue were : the capi- 
 tation, paid by the country people ; the follis senatorius, 
 exacted from all the senators, the aurum coronarium, paid 
 by the towns under certain circumstances, the chrysargyron 
 Qustralis collatio) levied on industry and commerce, and
 
 6 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I, 
 
 finally indirect taxes, duties on sales and revenues of toll- 
 gates, mines, race-courses, salt-works, and imperial manu- 
 facturers. It was a terrible moment when the swarm of 
 fiscal agents spread over the whole Empire. To under- 
 stand fully this tyrannical oppression, we must add to the 
 taxes the furnishing of the food donations, the duty of har- 
 boring soldiers and magistrates in their circuits, and of keep- 
 ing the posts and public roads in order, etc., etc. 
 
 These overpowering burdens weigned the more heavily 
 on the poor and the men of moderate means, from the fact 
 that the Empire had created privileged orders, 
 ^°Per*sons.°*^ which wcrc nccessarily made up, in greater 
 part, of the rich. A hierarchy of titles had 
 been established, often blending with the hierarchy of 
 offices, and comprising numerous degrees : the nobilissitni, 
 the patricii, the illustres, the spcctabiles, the clarhsimi, per- 
 fectissi7fn, egregii, equites, ducenarii, not to mention the title 
 of count and those of magistrates, acting or non-acting 
 {ex-consul, exprefect). In this way the Empire had tried to 
 make a nobility, but even these titles, distributed at the 
 caprice of despotism, were but masks of servitude. 
 
 The second class consisted of the curials, whose wretched 
 condition we have already described. 
 
 The third class — that of common free tnen — included 
 those who owned less than fifteen acres, and the merchants 
 and artisans. Free labor was theirs by right, but free labor 
 was already becoming a thing of the past. It had hardly 
 existed in antiquity — the slaves were almost the only 
 men who worked. Different circumstances had assisted to 
 develop it for a time, and then new changes had brought 
 back almost hopeless conditions. The artisans had formed 
 themselves into corporations — especially since the time of 
 Alexander Severus, in order to sustain each other, and to 
 be able better to bear the chrysargyron and the competition 
 of the imperial manufacturers ; but the Empire soon treated 
 them as it had the curials. Alarmed by the decrease in 
 production, it thought to obviate it by forbidding the mem- 
 bers of corporations to leave them, and by obhging them to 
 make their children members of the same. After that the 
 corporations were no longer a benefit, but a servitude, very 
 hurtful to industry. In the country, the lower classes of 
 free men were no longer happy. They were despoiled of 
 their little property by the violence or cunning of the great
 
 Chap. I.] ROMAN AND BARBARIAN WORLDS. 7 
 
 land-o\vnci"s, or by barbarian invasions, and were reduced 
 to the necessity of becoming coloni of the rich — a service 
 which held them down to a Hmited piece of land, and de- 
 prived them, if not of the title, at least of most of the rights 
 of a free man. By this subjection and this "immobilizing," 
 so to speak, the moral life of the free man was destroyed. 
 
 The last class — that of the slaves, had gained a great 
 deal, it is true. Stoic philosophy, and, after that, Chris- 
 tianity, had spread abroad new ideas on slavery, and had 
 profoundly modified the spirit of the law in regard to the 
 slave. He was at last regarded as a man ; he was allowed 
 to dispose of his peculium more freely ; his murderer was 
 treated as a homicide ; he also was " immobilized," and that 
 which was a loss to the free man was an advantage to the 
 slave, who, engaged in the cultivation of the soil, could not 
 be sold to a distance or separated from his family. 
 
 Thus by lowering the free men and raising the slaves, the 
 two classes were brought into an almost common condition. 
 This may be regarded as the beginning of serfdom, and it 
 was the general condition of the country people during the 
 Middle Ages. 
 
 There was some good in this, but, also, much that was 
 bad. The free man no longer had the heart to work or to 
 fight. Laborers were lacking everywhere. The popula- 
 tion diminished, and as life became more and more miser- 
 able, the idea of maintaining a family was given up. The 
 government had recourse to the barbarians, and many of 
 the emperors established colonies of them in the depopu- 
 lated provinces, in this way making an opening for inva- 
 sion. 
 
 It was much the same with the army. As the Empire 
 had introduced there, also, the system of servitude, and of 
 The Arm privilege, which prevailed everywhere else, 
 
 no man who was worth anything cared to 
 enlist in its ranks. We have seen that some, like the 
 curials, were not allowed to do so. Therefore the army 
 was recruited partly from among the masses of men with- 
 out occupation, without money, and without work, and 
 partly from the barbarians, who joined the legions in 
 crowds. Probus had said that they ought to be felt but 
 not seen. They were both felt and seen, and that very 
 quickly. The 40,000 Goths of Theodosius were less his ser- 
 vants than his masters : the Frank Arbogast had already
 
 8 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 made an Emperor ; a barbarous mercenary, Odovakar 
 (Odoacer), was soon to put an end to the Empire itself. 
 
 Degraded by the branding of their bodies, and discour- 
 aged by the unseasonable distribution of rewards and favors 
 lavished on the idle guards of the prince, the palati?is, the 
 cotiiitatciises, and withheld from the soldiers of the frontiers, 
 the Roman legions had no longer anything to excite them 
 to the defense of their country. They were even to a cer- 
 tain extent disarmed ; they had been allowed to give up 
 the shield, the pihim, and the short sword, the powerful 
 arms of ancient Rome, and to take the bow and the light 
 shield, at the same time that their effective strength was 
 reduced to 1500, one-fourth of the former number.* Thus 
 the Empire was tottering to its fall, in spite of its hundred 
 and thirty-three legions, its arsenals, its storehouses, and 
 its girdle of fortifications along the Rhine, the Main, the 
 Danube, the Euphrates, and the Arabian desert. 
 
 The moral and intellectual condition of this ancient 
 
 society had fallen very low. No doubt it was well to see 
 
 everything raised that before had been de- 
 
 Moral and In- i i P i i -i i , 
 
 teiiectuai Con- graded, slavcs, women and children ; but, on 
 '^"^'°"- the other hand, all that before had been 
 
 strong and brave was now brought low. There could no 
 longer be courage and genius where there was no longer 
 liberty. As there was a lack of soldiers, there was also a 
 lack of writers and artists. In vain were the schools regu- 
 lated and improved. In vain did Valentinian determine 
 the number of professors, their appointments and their 
 duties, and place the scholars under strict inspection ; dis- 
 cipline can regulate but not produce ; impulse may be 
 directed but not forced. Instead of men of letters, there 
 were sophists and rhetoricians like Libanius, and poets like 
 Claudian, and the latter were by far the best — they have 
 harmony and some exalted ideas ; but all the others, and 
 with them those rich Romans who cultivated polite letters 
 for a pastime, came to writing trifling verses — epithalamia — 
 the weak literature of a degenerate age ; artists were no 
 longer seen, and for the decoration of Constantinople Con- 
 stantine was obliged to pillage the cities of the Empire that 
 were rich in monuments of antiquity. Literature and art, 
 
 * Theoretically the number in the legion reniained 6000. Gibbon's 
 statement in chap. xvii. is incorrect. — Ed,
 
 Chap. I.] ' ROMAN AND BARBARIAN WORLDS. 9 
 
 in fact, were closely allied in antiquity to paganism, and 
 they had not yet been freed from their dependence. And 
 paganism, a worn-out creed, destroyed by philosophy 
 and by Christianity, driven from the throne, and aban- 
 doned by almost all except the country people, who are 
 longer bound by custom, paganism no longer inspired 
 faith and would never again be the source of any great 
 work. 
 
 But if the old religion was perishing, and the old order of 
 things growing cold in death, a new religion and a new so- 
 ciety were coming into being ; guardians of 
 "^^'^church!^" that life which is never entirely extinguished 
 in human communities. 
 
 Christianity had developed and established itself, in spite 
 of persecutions. The beauty of its ethical precepts and 
 the courage of its apostles had won for it numberless vic- 
 tories. It had at last ascended the throne with Constantine, 
 and this Emperor loaded the Church with privileges. He 
 authorized the bishops, her chiefs, to constitute themselves 
 arbiters in civil matters, with the consent of the two parties; 
 he exempted the churches from municipal taxes, he yielded 
 to them portions of the imperial domain, and allowed them 
 to receive special legacies, so that the Church added the influ- 
 ence of wealth to that which had already been given her by 
 her young and ardent faith, her spirit of proselytism, and 
 the genius of her chiefs. Even heresy — which under sev- 
 eral forms had already shown itself in the midst of the 
 Church — had been but nourishment to her strength, a whole- 
 some combat which kept her energies alive. While the 
 literature derived from paganism hardly drew the breath of 
 life, that which sprang from Christianity was impassioned, 
 active, practical ; it came from the soul and had to do with 
 facts. It is only necessary to call to mind Tertullian, St. 
 Anastasius, St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, St. Gregory of 
 Nazianzus, Lactantius, Salvian, and many others. The 
 numerous councils held in the fourth century show the ac- 
 tivity of the Church, the communication which she estab- 
 lished between the provinces of the Empire, and the part 
 which all her members took in her affairs. To necessity, 
 the best source of all that is to endure, is due the hierarchi- 
 cal organization, which raised the bishops above the pres- 
 byters and the metropolitans above the bishops, and in vir- 
 tue of which the See of Rome demanded a supremacy due
 
 10 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 .to the ancient capital of the Roman world, and to him 
 who was called the heir of St. Peter. 
 
 It was in the new society, or, more property speaking, 
 the religious society, the Church, that life and hope and a 
 future were to be found. Unmoved, she saw everything 
 about her falling to pieces, even the imperial structure in 
 which she had sought temporary shelter ; she survived its 
 destruction ; she was not in the least unsettled by the shock, 
 nor was she even distressed by it, being neither exclusive 
 nor patriotic ; she had no love for the Roman Empire, and 
 was little interested in its safety or its ruin. It was the 
 saving of souls that occupied her thoughts, and her ambi- 
 tion was to lead into her own paths the people encamped 
 about the Empire. She did not hate the barbarians — she 
 loved them as her conquest and her future flock ; as children 
 who would receive her words with greater submissiveness. 
 She was already attracting them ; she went to meet them 
 and converted them. The Goths of Dacia had an Arian 
 bishop, Ulfilas, who had translated the Bible into their dia- 
 lect, and the Burgundians were in like manner converted. 
 
 The barbarians might come, might overturn the worm- 
 eaten barriers, and grind to powder all the structure of the 
 Empire — the only institution that had life, the Church, pre- 
 sented no obstacles, but rose alone, in the midst of ruins, 
 young and strong. 
 
 When Rome called herself the Mistress of the World, she 
 
 knew well enough that it was an exaggeration, and that her 
 
 bounds were not those of the earth also. 
 
 Cruel experience had taught her that she had 
 
 not one frontier that was not threatened by tribes hidden in 
 
 the depths of the north, the south, or the west. 
 
 To the north lay three great peoples, arranged in the fol- 
 lowing order : the Germans, the Slavs, and the Asiatic 
 nations. To the east dwelt the Persians, who had often 
 made war on the Romans, and were long to continue to do 
 it, for the sake of certain frontier towns — but who had no 
 thought of invasion, not caring to change their abode. 
 To the south the Arabs, who had not as yet inspired fear, 
 wandered over the deserts of their great peninsula ; and in 
 the African deserts dwelt the Moorish tribes, who were 
 numerous enough to alarm the Roman officers and to aid 
 in the dissolution of the Empire, but not numerous enough 
 to make an invasion themselves.
 
 Chap. I.] /voirtAN AND BARBARIAN WORLDS. II 
 
 At the death of Theodosius (395), serious danger threat- 
 ened only from the north. Pushed on by the Slavs, who 
 The Germanic Were thcmselves pushed by Asiatic hordes 
 peoples— cus- from the banks of the Volsra, the Germans 
 
 toms, govern- iini ,i ti r ■ mi 
 
 ment, and reiig- crowded all along the Roman frontier. The 
 *°°- Suevi, the Alemanni, and the Bavarians occu- 
 
 pied the southern country, between the Main and the 
 Lake of Constance. The Marcomanni, Quadi, Hermunduri, 
 Heruli, and the Goths, at the extremity of the Germanic 
 zone, reached to the banks of the Danube. To the west, 
 along the lower Rhine, lay the confederation of the Franks 
 (Salians, Ripuarians, Sigambri, Bructeri, Chatti, Chamavi, 
 etc.), who had united to resist the Romans in the middle of 
 the third century. To the north dwelt the Frisians between 
 the Lake Flevo and the mouth of the Ems ; farther to the 
 east were the Vandals, the Burgundians, the Rugians, the 
 Longobards or Lombards, and, between the Elbe and the 
 Eider, the Angles and the Saxons ; finally, back of all these 
 peoples, the Jutes, Danes, and Scandinavians, who inhabited 
 Denmark and Sweden, and who, in the ninth century, made 
 the second invasion. The customs, government, and char- 
 acter of these nations formed such a contrast to those of the 
 Roman world that the thought of it is said to have inspired 
 Tacitus's book on Germany. Discipline and slavery, the 
 principles of government in the Empire, were held in horror 
 among the Germans. Love of individual independence and 
 voluntary devotion were the basis of their character ; war — 
 not disciplined and scientific as among the Romans, but 
 adventurous, carried on afar from home — for glory and 
 booty, was their greatest delight. As soon as a young man 
 had been presented before the public assembly, and had 
 received from the hands of his father or of some famous 
 chief his shield and javelin, he was a soldier and a citizen ; 
 he attached himself immediately to some chief of great 
 renown whom he followed in peace and in war, with other 
 warriors recruited in the same way. They formed the 
 comitatus or gefolge of the chief, and were always ready to 
 sacrifice their lives for his, always bound to him through 
 every danger, but bound by an obligation entirely volun- 
 tary, by bonds of honor alone. 
 
 It was impossible to establish the despotism of a single 
 man over such people, so the government of the Germans 
 consisted of an assembly {inall) in which all took part, a
 
 12 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 sacred institution founded, they said, by tlie Gods them- 
 selves. It was held in sacred places and on sacred days, 
 at the new and at the full moon under the open sky, on 
 heights or in groves* There the warriors gathered with 
 their arms, the symbol of military sovereignty. The clash- 
 ing of shields indicated the applause of the assembly — a 
 loud murmur, their disapprobation. The same assemblies 
 exercised judicial power, sometimes by a gathering of all 
 the free men, sometimes by a delegation {rachimbiirgt). 
 
 Each canton or hundred had its magistrate, and usually 
 the whole nation a king, chosen from among the members 
 of one family, which had the hereditary possession of this 
 title. The warriors themselves chose whom they would fol- 
 low in battle — what herzog, as he was called.* Thence 
 the saying of Tacitus : Jieges ex nobilitate^ duces ex virtute 
 sumunt. 
 
 The Olympus of these people corresponded to their spirit 
 of pride and heroism, bloodthirsty passion and love of 
 glory, but at times a certain charm mingled with their terri- 
 ble fancies. Besides Woden, who gives victory and who 
 comes down every night from his heavenly palace, whose 
 windows open toward the east, to ride through the air 
 with the dead warriors ; besides Donar, the Hercules of the 
 Germans, to whom lightning-struck trees are dedicated ; 
 besides the wild joys of Walhalla, a strange paradise, where 
 the warriors fight and drink without ceasing — appear the 
 gracious goddesses, who carry everywhere peace and the 
 arts : Freya, the Venus of the North, who had the magic 
 necklace, and Holda, beautiful and chaste like Diana, who 
 flies through the air on wintry nights clothed all in white, 
 and scattering snow upon her path. In this mythology 
 we find again the worship of the stars ; Hertha, the earth, 
 is the first goddess of the Germans ; they also worshiped 
 Sunna, the sun, and her brother Mani, the moon, who is 
 pursued by two wolves. These are not the fancies of 
 Greece, but they, too, are poetry, and sometimes sublime 
 poetry. The Song of the Niebelungen preserves the last 
 reflection of their glory.f 
 
 * In the states where there were kings they were regularly the com- 
 manders. — Ed. 
 
 f This poem, which tells of the struggle of the Burgundians against 
 Attila, where the traditions and the great names dear to the memory of
 
 Chap. I.J ROMAN AND BARBARIAN WORLDS. 13 
 
 The bards were held in great honor among them. 
 " Everything dies," said the Germans ; " one thing alone 
 does not die, the memory of the famous dead." Such a 
 thought made death easy ; and how they defied it ! how 
 rashly and fearlessly did they brave the terrors of the deep ! 
 Who does not know the story of those Franks whom Pro- 
 bus had transported to the shores of the Euxine Sea, and 
 who one day having seized several boats embarked, and 
 sailed over the whole Mediterranean, pillaging as they went 
 the shores of Greece, of Italy, and of Africa, and who re- 
 turned by way of the ocean, after defying the tempests and 
 the Roman Empire. It was their boast to laugh in the face 
 of death. 
 
 The Germans paid little attention to the cultivation of 
 land ; they had no property in their own right, and every 
 year the magistrates distributed to each village, and to each 
 family, the lot it was to cultivate,* in order, as Caesar said, 
 not to divert the men from their taste for fighting, and to 
 maintain an equality of fortune. For this reason their 
 civilization made little progress. They had no towns 
 either, a result perhaps of this same arrangement, but 
 scattered huts of earth separated from each other, each 
 one surrounded by the field which the owner cultivated. 
 Their closely fitting dress formed another contrast to the 
 full robes of the Greeks and Romans. 
 
 Purity of life was general among the Germans, polygamy 
 was only allowed to kings and great men. But sobriety 
 was not one of their virtues ; they drank a great deal at 
 their Homeric feasts ; their cup of honor was the skull of 
 a vanquished enemy, and often the feast ended in blood- 
 shed and the death of some one of the guests. They also 
 had a passion for gambling, and staked everything, even 
 their own persons. Whoever lost himself at play became 
 the slave of the winner ; it was a debt of honor, and he 
 would not think of breaking his word. Barbarians have 
 their vices, as well as civilized races, but they are perhaps 
 
 the Germans of the middle ages are brought together, was arranged in its 
 present form in the thirteenth century, but its origin is of a much earlier 
 date. 
 
 * This is at most true of the Germans only in the earliest times, and in 
 general it must remembered that in all discussions of their civilization 
 tribal differences and differences of date are vitally important points. — Ed.
 
 14 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book L 
 
 preferable because they spring from a coarseness that can 
 be refined, and not from corruption and moral exhaustion, 
 for which there is no remedy. 
 
 Such were the habits of the great Germanic race that 
 was about to invade, and for some time to occupy, the best 
 part of the Roman Empire. Behind them 
 ^^^ Hurfs ^"'^ were two other barbarous nations, pushing 
 them on, differing much more from the 
 Roman world than did the Germans. These were the 
 Slavonians and the Huns. 
 
 The Slavonians, who are to-day a race of one hundred 
 millions of men in the family of European nations, were 
 then scattered under the name of Venedi and Slovenes, near 
 the Danube, the Borysthenes, and the Black Sea, at the 
 source of the Volga and the Niemen, and along the Baltic 
 as far as the Elbe, where they may have mingled with 
 some of the Germanic tribes. Elsewhere they did not 
 appear till later, and then divided into three branches,* — 
 the southern Slavs (Bosnians, Serbs, Croats, modern 
 Dalmatians), between the Danube and the Adriatic Sea; 
 the western Slavonians (Lekhs or Poles, Czechs or Bo- 
 hemians, Moravians, Pomeranians, etc.), between the Elbe 
 and the Vistula, the Baltic and the Carpathian moun- 
 tains ; the northern or settled Slavonians, who joined with 
 the Finns or Tchoudes of the eastern Baltic, formed the 
 primitive Russian nation — among whom are included the 
 Livonians, the Esthonians, the Lithuanians and the Prus- 
 sians. 
 
 The Huns (Hiong-Nu), who belong to the Tartar-Finnish 
 race, were objects of fear and horror to all the western 
 peoples, whether Germans or Romans ; their wandering 
 life spent in huge chariots or in the saddle, their bony faces 
 pierced by little eyes, their broad and flat noses, their great 
 flaring ears, their brown and tattooed skin — were all pecu- 
 liarities of manners and appearance entirely foreign to 
 Europe. Ammianus Marcellinus called them " two-legged 
 beasts," and compared them to those grotesque figures 
 which adorn the parapets of bridges. The Germans ac- 
 cused them of being the offspring of infernal spirits and 
 Scythian sorceresses, from the boundless steppes which 
 
 * Consult the classification given in vol. xxii. of the Encyc. Brit., 
 article Slav. — Ed.
 
 Chap. I.] ROMAN AND BARBARIAN WORLDS. IS 
 
 stretched far away into the North and East, an unknown 
 and dreaded region well fitted to harbor such beings. 
 
 This Tartar-Finnish family sent representatives many 
 times into Europe, after the Huns — the Avars in the sixth 
 century, the Bulgarians and Khajars in the seventh, the 
 Madgyars or Hungarians in the ninth, the Mongols or Tar- 
 tars in the thirteenth, and the Turks in the fourteenth. 
 These last ended the invasions.
 
 CHAPTER II.* 
 
 FIRST PERIOD OF INVASION (375-476). ALARIC, RADA 
 GAISUS, GAISERIC. AND ATTILA. 
 
 First Movement of the Barbarians Before the Death of Theodosius. — 
 Division of the Empire at the Death of Theodosius (395). — Alaric 
 and the Visigoths (395-419); the Great Invasion of 406. — Founding 
 of the Kingdom of the Burgundians (413), of the Visigoths, and of 
 the Suevi (419). — Conquest of Africa by the Vandals (431). — In- 
 vasion of Attila (451-453). — Taking of Rome by Gaiseric (455). — 
 End of the Empire of the West (476), 
 
 In the end of the fourth century there came from the depth 
 of the Steppes which extend to the borders of Europe and 
 Asia, an impulse which shook the whole bar- 
 ofthl^Bl^blHlns. barian world, and caused that great rising of 
 peoples which overturned the Empire of the 
 West. The Huns, who had been settled since the third century 
 B. C. in the great plains of Central Asia, beyond the Caspian 
 Sea, had advanced little by little toward the West. In 
 consequence of internal discord the nation divided itself 
 into two parts, and one part founded on the Oxus the 
 nation of the White Huns, or Ephthalites, which proved so 
 formidable to Persia, while the other, attracted by the re- 
 port of the wealth of Rome, which had penetrated even to 
 their deserts, pressed on toward Europe and crossed the 
 Volga. They carried along with them the Alani, who 
 were established between the Black and Caspian seas, crossed 
 the Don, and threw themselves upon the great Gothic 
 Empire in which Hermanric had united the three branches 
 
 * Of the recent studies of the period covered by this chapter, Hodgkin's 
 Italy and her Invaders (4 vols.) is the best detailed account in 
 English. Bury's History of the Later Roman Empire (2 vols.), is 
 more condensed, and in the main follows closely Hodgkin and the re- 
 cent German authorities. The best single volume account in English is 
 Emerton's Introduction to the Middle Ages, which covers the whole 
 period to the end of Charlemagne's reign. — Ed. 
 
 16
 
 Chap. II.] FIRST PERIOD OF INVASION. 17 
 
 of his nation — the Ostrogoths or Eastern Goths, on the 
 east of the Dnieper, the Visigoths or Western Goths, to the 
 west of it, and the Gepidae or " Loiterers," toward the Bal- 
 tic, who had been left behind by the other two tribes. 
 
 The Gothic Empire fell : the Ostrogoths submitted, but 
 the Visigoths retreated to the shores of the Danube and 
 begged the Emperor Valens for an asylum on the lands of 
 Empire. They were received into the Empire (376), but 
 finding themselves ill-used by the Roman officers, they re- 
 paid the hospitality they had received with revolt, and 
 marched against Valens, whom they killed at the battle of 
 Adrianople (378). Theodosius stopped their progress, and 
 by means of skillful treaties incorporated some of them into 
 his army, and scattered the others in Thrace, Moesia, and 
 Asia Minor. Those who settled in Thrace remained loyal 
 and defended the frontier agamst the Huns. 
 
 The Empire had apparently admitted the Goths to its 
 territory as a favor, but the truth is that it dared not refuse 
 such formidable suppliants. Formerly it had formed the 
 barbarians into colonies after subduing them ; now it re- 
 ceived them seemingly through generosity, in reality through 
 fear, and as the boldness of the barbarians and the feeble- 
 ness of the Empire increased, they broke through the bar- 
 riers by force and. became masters of the Roman soil. 
 
 The invasion had reached this point when the Empire of 
 Theodosius passed to his two sons, and was divided be- 
 tween them never to be united (395). The 
 Emp^re°at°'^the boundary in Europe was the Drinus, tribu- 
 Death of Theo- tary of the Save, and the Adriatic and Ionian 
 
 doSlUS (395). . I. r • .1 ir.i . r^ . • 
 
 seas ; m Africa the end of the greater Syrtis. 
 Honorius had the west ; Arcadius the east. The Empire 
 of the East lasted 1058 years after this separation ; that of 
 the West, only 81 years. During these 81 years, though 
 entirely independent of one another, the two empires con- 
 tinually combined their forces for their common defense. 
 
 The Empire of the East was saved by the double barrier 
 of the Danube and the Balkan Mountains, by the general 
 direction of the barbarian invasion, which was at first turned 
 rather against the west than the south, and perhaps, also, by 
 its greater vigor, being the younger of the two empires, and 
 by the greater pains taken to defend Constantinople, which 
 had become the real and living capital of the Roman world, 
 while Rome was but the shadow of one. The Empire of
 
 1 8 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 the West, on the other hand, was the object of all the great 
 attacks, and in one half-century endured four terrible as- 
 saults : that of Alaric, with the Visigoths ; Radagaisus, with 
 the Suevi, the Vandals and the Alans ;* Gaiseric with the 
 Vandals, and Attila with the Huns. To be able to resist 
 successfully such blows, falling in such quick succession, 
 the Empire of the West would have needed far more power 
 than it could command. 
 
 The Visigoths having chosen for their leader Alaric, chief 
 
 of their most illustrious family, that of the Balthi, revolted 
 
 again at the instigation of the Goth Rufinus,f 
 
 Vi^igoths^la^^- a perfidious minister of Arcadius, who had 
 
 419). The Great neglected to pay them the bounty which the 
 
 Invasion of 406. ^ c r^ t ,.■ 1 11 ^ ..u 
 
 court of Constantmople allowed them an- 
 nually (395). They ravaged Thrace and Macedonia, and 
 passing Thermopylae without encountering a Leonidas ; 
 they spared Athens, but devastated Attica and the Pelo- 
 ponnesus. The Empire had, however, a protector in the Van- 
 dal Stilicho, to whose genius Theodosius had confided his 
 two sons at his death. Stilicho hastened against the Visi- 
 goths and surrounded them on Mount Pholoe, in Arcadia, 
 but either through neglect or policy he let them escape by 
 the strait of Naupactus, and to prevent new ravages, Arca- 
 dius had no recourse but to appoint Alaric chief of the sol- 
 diery in Illyricum. 
 
 This peaceful honor could not satisfy a barbarian chief. 
 Raised on the shields of his compatriots, that is, made their 
 king,| Alaric led them to the conquest of Italy, and proba- 
 bly at Asti, besieged the Emperor, who had fled there from 
 his capital at Milan. Fortunately Stilicho hastened thither 
 from Rhaetia, which he had saved from an invasion of bar- 
 barians, rescued Honorius, and defeated the Visigoths at 
 Pollentia (Polenga on the Tanaro, 402). It was said that 
 Alaric again received honors after his defeat in Italy, as 
 after his defeat in Greece. Honorius appointed him gen- 
 eral, and gave him the secret mission of conquering Illyri- 
 
 * See p. 19, note. 
 
 f That this revolt was instigated' by Rufinus is extremely doubtful. 
 It was probably an independent national movement which was sooner or 
 later inevitable. — Ed. 
 
 X This probably occurred in 395. Both chronology and the details of 
 events throughout the whole period are very uncertain. — Ed.
 
 Chap. II.] FIRST PERIOD OF INVASION. 19 
 
 cum for the Empire of the West. After this treachery and 
 meanness, the Emperor celebrated his victory in Rome, 
 where the bloody games of the circus were held for the last 
 time. He then retired to Ravenna, beyond the marshes at 
 the mouth of the Po, as he scorned Rome and did not dare 
 to live longer at Milan, where Alaric had so nearly taken 
 him by surprise. 
 
 The Roman Empire did not have a long respite, for the 
 Suevi, leaving the shores of the Baltic under the leadership 
 of Radagaisus,* turned toward the South, carrying with 
 them the peoples they encountered, the Burgundians, the 
 Alans and the Vandals. These tribes joined them in the 
 devastation of the Empire all the more readily, as they saw 
 gathering behind them the threatening hordes of the Huns. 
 Two hundred thousand of them, leaving the main body of 
 their companions on the shores of the Rhine, crossed the 
 Alps and, descending into Italy, penetrated as far as Flor- 
 ence. Stilicho again saved Rome and the Empire, by sur- 
 rounding the barbarians on the rocks of Fiesole, where they 
 all perished of hunger, or were sold as slaves. Radagaisus 
 himself was put to death. The barbarians who had re- 
 mained in Germany were terrified by the news of this dis- 
 aster, and, changing their course, attacked Gaul. They 
 crossed the Rhine (406), in spite of the resistance of the 
 Ripuarian Franks, to whom the defense of the river had 
 been confided by Rome. From this time for two years 
 Gaul was a prey to frightful ravages, which did not cease 
 till the Suevi, the Alans, and the Vandals turned to seek 
 south of the Pyrenees the booty which had begun to fail 
 them in the north. 
 
 Alaric had stopped on his retreat at the head of the 
 Adriatic. His position, lying as it were between the two 
 empires, allowed him to throw himself on the one or the 
 other as the opportunity offered. He was again attracted 
 toward the Western Empire. Though Stilicho had defeated 
 the Goths, he had not ceased to maintain friendly relations 
 with their chief, and also kept a body of 30,000 barbarians 
 in Italy, in the pay of the Empire, either because he admired 
 
 * Except the main events this paragraph is wholly conjectural. The 
 composition of the army of Radagaisus is entirely unknown. Most likely 
 Goths formed the main body. The invasion probably began at the end 
 of 404. — Ed.
 
 20 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 their valor or because he really wished to rely on their 
 assistance to make his son emperor. Honorius, alarmed at 
 this, had him assassinated (408), and abandoned all the bar- 
 barian auxiliaries in Italy to death. The latter took refuge 
 with Alaric, and he returned with them to avenge their 
 wrongs (408). 
 
 This is the most famous invasion of the King of the 
 Goths. He crossed the Alps, passed over the Po and the 
 Apennines, and appeared under the walls of the Eternal 
 City. Deputies came to his camp with words of peace. 
 They represented to him the size of the city and the num- 
 ber of the inhabitants. " The thicker the grass, the better 
 the mowing," said he. Nevertheless he consented to a 
 treaty which ransomed the ancient capital of the world on 
 the payment of 5000 pounds of gold and 30,000 pounds of 
 silver, and went into winter quarters in Tuscany. He soon 
 perceived that he was being trifled with, and returned to 
 Rome in great rage, receiving into his ranks the fugitive 
 slaves who rushed to him from every side. The city, after 
 having been surrounded, deprived of the supplies from 
 Sicily and devastated by a terrible famine, opened its gates. 
 The senate, obedient to the conquerors, bestowed the pur- 
 ple on the prefect Attains and appointed Alaric himself 
 master-general of the armies. The Goths assumed Roman 
 dignities, and this same instinct led them at first to respect 
 Rome. But Honorius, who preferred stratagem to force, 
 secured the assistance of the Goth Sarus, and persuaded 
 him to attack suddenly the camp of his compatriots. Alaric 
 returned against Rome for the third time, and, says Bos- 
 suet, " this new Babylon, imitator of the ancient city, like 
 it elated by its conquests and triumphant in its luxury and 
 wealth, fell with a great fall." The city endured the same 
 disgrace which the Gauls had inflicted upon it eight cen- 
 turies earlier, and was given over to all the horrors of pillage 
 during three days. The barbarians respected only the 
 Christian temples, which were a secure refuge for fugi- 
 tives (410). 
 
 Alaric did not long outlive this triumph, which Hannibal 
 and Pyrrhus had striven for in vain. He had gone down 
 into southern Italy, meaning to take possession of Sicily and 
 Africa, and died the following year at Cosenza, in Bruttii. 
 The barbarians honored the remains of their great chief 
 with a strange and unusual burial. To prevent the possi-
 
 Chap. II.] FIRST PERIOD OF INVASION. 21 
 
 bility of the profanation of his body by the Rortians, they 
 had their prisoners turn from its course the Busento, which 
 flows through Cosenza, dig a grave in the bed of the river, 
 and bury Alaric there, surrounded by the rich spoils of his 
 victories. The waters were turned back to their natural 
 course, and the prisoners who had done the work were killed 
 on the tomb so that no one might betray the secret (410). 
 
 Athaulf (Adolf), the brother and successor of Alaric, had 
 a great admiration for the Empire and wished to re-estab- 
 lish it by means of and for the profit of his nation. He began 
 by offering his services to Honorius, and in January, 414, he 
 married the Emperor's sister, Placidia, whom the Goths had 
 kept in their camp as a prisoner or hostage. He promised 
 to drive from Gaul and Spain the usurpers who were there 
 contending for the imperial throne. 
 
 As if there had not been attacks enough from without 
 the Empire, three usurpers had assumed the purple in 
 Spain and Gaul, — Constantine, Maximus, and Gerontius. 
 They were easily overthrown, but there succeeded them 
 Jovinus and Sebastian. These Athaulf conquered, and 
 then passed into Spain to drive out the barbarians who had 
 invaded it. He was assassinated at Barcelona, the first of 
 the many Visigoth kings who were to meet a violent death, 
 (415). His children were put to death by the Goth Sin- 
 geric, who was king for seven days and then also died by 
 the hands of assassins. 
 
 Walia succeeded him. He tried to pass into Africa, but 
 was unable to cross the currents of the Straits of Gibraltar, 
 which proves that the Goths had had little experience of 
 the sea. Having returned to the heart of Spain, Walia, in 
 the interest of the Emperor of the West, disputed the pos- 
 session of that region with the Alans, the Suevi, and the 
 Vandals. He partly exterminated the first, drove back the 
 second into the mountains of the Northwest, and the latter 
 into Bastica. 
 
 The chief of the Suevi, though defeated, fell back upon 
 
 the mountains of Asturia and of Gall^cia, where he 
 
 „ ,. f founded a kingdom (410), which under its 
 
 rounding 01 , . 1 m 1 -r-. 1 • • 
 
 the kingdom of kuigs Rechila and Rechiarms, from 438 to 
 Inl (4^3)^0!" he 455' conquered Lusitania, and would have 
 Visigoth's and subdued the whole of Spain, if the Goths 
 uevi (419). ^^^ ^^^ arrested its progress. These latter 
 people had recovered from the Emperor Honorius (in 419),
 
 22 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 as recompense for their services, the second Aquitaine with 
 Toulouse as capital. Little by little they spread over Gaul 
 as far as the Rhone and the Loire, and returned into Spain, 
 this time on their own account. Theodoric IL conquered 
 the Suevi there in 456, and Leovigild subdued them in 585. 
 The whole of Spain then belonged to the Goths ; by 507 
 the Franks had almost entirely driven them from Gaul. 
 
 The kingdom of the Burgundians came sooner into being, 
 for in the year 413 Honorius had ceded to Gundicar terri- 
 tory on both sides of the Jura (Switzerland and the 
 Franche-Comte). 
 
 Thus, in the first twenty years of the fifth century, three 
 barbarian kingdoms were founded, which lasted for unequal 
 periods but which all disappeared very soon ; that of the 
 Suevi in 585 under the attack of the Visigoths, that of 
 the Burgundians in 534, and that of the Visigoths, to the 
 north of the Pyrenees, in 507, at the hands of the Franks, 
 and in Spain, in 711, at the hands of the Arabs. 
 
 Honorius died in 423, incapable of defending his empire, 
 and leaving no glory behind him but that of having, like his 
 Con uest of f^^^er, protected the Church and the true faith. 
 Africa by the Many of his cdicts ordered the destruction of 
 Vandals (431). j^ols and of tcmplcs, and forbade public 
 employment to pagans and heretics. His nephew Valen- 
 tinian HL, son of Placidiaand of Count Constantius, whom 
 she had married after the death of Athaulf, succeeded him. 
 He was only six years old and remained under the guard- 
 ianship of his mother. During the same time, Pulcheria 
 was governing the Empire of the East for her brother 
 Theodosius H., who had succeeded his father Arcadius in 
 408. New calamities assailed the two empires under the 
 reign of these feeble emperors, who were controlled by 
 women, and whose ministers and generals made use of the 
 barbarians in their rivalries and court intrigues. 
 
 Count Boniface, ruler of Africa, jealous of the favor 
 shown Aetius by the Empress Placidia, called the Vandals 
 and their king, Gaiseric, into Africa.* He soon repented 
 it, and tried, but too late, to resist the invasion, which was 
 one of the most destructive that ever passed over the Ro- 
 
 * This is the traditional account, but it is probably incorrect. See the 
 article by E. A. Freeman in the English Historical Review, vol. ii. p. 
 417.— Ed,
 
 Chap. II.] FIRST PERIOD OF INVASION: 23 
 
 man provinces. Gaiseric made an alliance with the nomad 
 tribes of the Moors, defeated Boniface in a bloody battle, 
 and besieged him at Hippo (Bona) fourteen months. Saint 
 Augustine, who was bishop of this city, refused to leave it, 
 and kept up the courage of its inhabitants by his exhorta- 
 tions and piety. His death in 430 saved him from the sight 
 of a new defeat of Boniface and the fall of Hippo.* The 
 Romans were obliged to abandon Africa (431), and four 
 years later Valentinian recognized by treaty the establish- 
 ment of the kingdom of the Vandals. This was the fourth 
 state founded by the barbarians, and was destined to last 
 no longer than the others. Its founder, however, had some 
 remarkable ideas, and showed genius in seizing upon the 
 advantages of his new position. He took Carthage in 439, 
 and tried to revive the maritime power of which these cities 
 had formerly been the seat. He constructed vessels, kept 
 a marine force, though the Empire no longer did so, and 
 took possession of Sicily, Corsica, Sardinia, and the Balearic 
 Islands. He harassed the coasts of the Tuscan and the 
 yEgean seas, and, in a word, defied Constantinople as he 
 had done Rome, and became the master of the Mediterra- 
 nean. At the same time he was conspiring with the bar- 
 barians in the North in order that they might press in at 
 once from all sides upon the Empire, where Aetiuswas try- 
 ing to restore a little authority and order. 
 
 Those whom Gaiseric had summoned were the Huns. 
 They came at last, those barbarians, who were more terrible 
 even than all the others whom we have seen 
 '^«iia('«i-453)°. setting the whole universe in commotion, and 
 who had halted for half a century in the cen- 
 ter of Europe, holding under their yoke the Ostrogoths, the 
 Gepidse, Marcomanni, and the southern Slavs. Attila, the 
 son of Mundzuk, reigned over them. A dagger planted in 
 the earth had been for all time the religious symbol of the 
 Scythian peoples. A herdsman found a very rusty one in 
 the fields where his flock was grazing, and carried it to 
 Attila. It was believed that it was the dagger of the god 
 of war, and that this find portended the conquest of the 
 world by the King of the Huns. From this time, clothed 
 in the eyes of his people with a divine character, Attila 
 
 * The siege of Hippo fails. The Vandals obtain it by the treaty of 
 435.— Ed,
 
 24 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 wished to reign alone and had his brother Bleda put to 
 death. He called himself the Scourge of God, adding that 
 the grass could not grow where once his horse had passed. 
 
 It is remarkable that this great conqueror accomplished 
 so much by means of negotiation, and that we know of 
 no victory gained by him, although his empire was im- 
 mense. He first made a strong diversion against Theodo- 
 sius II. to force him to recall the troops which he had just 
 sent against Gaiseric. He crossed the Danube near Mar- 
 gus, destroyed seventy towns, and compelled the Emperor 
 not only to pay a heavier tribute than the one he had al- 
 ready submitted to, but also to give up the right bank of 
 the Danube to the Huns. Theodosius II. attempted to 
 have him assassinated, and thought that he had succeeded 
 in corrupting his minister Edecon. Attila, hearing of this 
 perfidy, pardoned with contempt the Roman ambassadors 
 who had come to find him in his wooden palace in Panno- 
 nia, and contented himself with reproaching Theodosius 
 " with conspiring against the life of his master like a 
 treacherous slave." But after the death of Theodosius II. 
 (450) he found a bolder enemy in Marcian, a prince who 
 declared that he had " gold for his friends and a sword for 
 his enemies." 
 
 Attila was not a man to be stopped by menacing words, but 
 as Constantinople was considered impregnable he decided to 
 carry the wrath of heaven in another direction. He de- 
 manded of the Emperor of the West the half of his states, 
 and pressing on Gaul with 600,000 barbarians, he passed 
 over the Rhine, ravaged Belgium with fire and sword, 
 crossed the Moselle and the Seine, and marched upon Or- 
 leans. The people fled before him in indescribable terror, 
 for the Scourge of God did not leave one stone upon another 
 where he passed. Metz and twenty other cities had been 
 destroyed; Troyes alone had been saved by its bishop, 
 Saint Lupus. Attila wished to possess Orleans, the key to 
 the southern provinces, and surrounded it with his vast 
 army. The bishop. Saint Anianus, kept up the courage of 
 the inhabitants. While he was praying a cloud of dust was 
 seen on the horizon; "'Tis the help of God" cried he, and 
 indeed it was Aetius, who had united with the troops of the 
 Romans those of the barbarians of Germanic race who were 
 now inhabiting Gaul and who would be chiefly affected by 
 the new invasion, the Visigoths under Theodoric, the Sax-
 
 Chap. II.] FIRST PERIOD OF INVASION. 25 
 
 ons, the Burgundians, the Ripuarian and the Salian Franks. 
 At first Attila retreated, but only in order to choose a 
 field of battle more favorable to his cavalry. He halted 
 near M^ry-sur-Seine on a vast plain, where was fought the 
 battle which saved the West from the dominion of the Huns. 
 This was a terrible conflict of all the nations of the world, 
 and the bodies of 160,000 men strewed the field of carnage. 
 Attila was defeated and retired to his camp, which was sur- 
 rounded by a wall of chariots, and "in the morning," says 
 the Goth Jornandes, historian of the war, "the conquerors 
 saw in the midst of this camp an immense funeral pile made 
 of the saddles of horses. Upon it stood Attila, and below 
 the Huns, torch in hand, were ready to set fire to it if their 
 fortification should be forced. Thus a lion pursued by 
 hunters to the entrance of his lair, turning, once more 
 arrests and terrifies them by his roaring." The allies did 
 not dare brave the despair of the Huns, and allowed Attila 
 to return to Germany (451). 
 
 The following year he indemnified himself for his defeat 
 by invading upper Italy. He destroyed Aquileia, whose 
 inhabitants took refuge in the lagoons where their descen- 
 dants founded Venice. Padua also was reduced to ashes. 
 Vicenza and Verona, Pavia and Milan submitted. In the 
 palace in Milan he saw a picture representing the Emperor 
 sitting on his throne and the chief of the Huns prostrate 
 before him. He ordered the painter to put the king of the 
 Huns on the throne and the Emperor at his feet, and the 
 picture thus came much nearer the truth. In the mean 
 while the Italians had no soldiers to defend them. The 
 Pope, Leo the Great, risked his life to save them. He 
 came to the camp of Attila with deputies of the Emperor 
 and yielded to the barbarian everything he desired, rich 
 presents and the promise of a tribute. The approach of 
 Aetius and a disease which decimated his army decided At- 
 tila to return to his forests.* The terror of Italy was so 
 great that it was believed to have been saved only by a mir- 
 acle, which the genius of Raphael has immortalized. Some 
 months afterwards the Scourge of God died at his royal vil- 
 ag'e near the Danube (453). The peoples he had subdued 
 threw off the yoke ; the chiefs of the Huns disputed over his 
 crown by terrible combats which reduced their numbers ; 
 
 * Exactly what induced Attila to retreat remains unknown. — Ed.
 
 26 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 and their power wasted away like those violent tempests 
 which disappear and leave behind only the traces of their 
 ravages. 
 
 Attila had never seen Rome, but Gaiseric, his ally, vis- 
 ited it with fire and sword (455). The Senator Petronius 
 The taking of Maximus, who had assassinated Valentinian 
 Rome by Gai- ni.^ was then Emperor. Exasperated by his 
 o/the^Empire weakness the people slew him, but not before 
 West (476). Eudoxia, the widow of Valentinian, whom 
 
 he had compelled to marry him, had sent to the Van- 
 dals for help. Leo the Great had less success with the 
 King of the Vandals than with the King of the Huns. 
 During fourteen days Rome was pillaged with such bar- 
 barity, that since then the name of Vandalism has been 
 given to all devastation where destruction is wrought for the 
 mere pleasure of destroying. For twenty years longer Gai- 
 seric ruled over the Mediterranean and defied the impotent 
 rage of the two Empires. Indeed he survived the Empire 
 of the West by one year, but the greatness of his people 
 seemed to perish with him (477). His kingdom, torn by 
 religious discord and the revolts of the Moors, fell under 
 the attacks of Belisarius, fifty-seven years after his death. 
 
 After the death of the feeble Maximus the King of the 
 Visigoths in Gaul gave the purple to the rhetorician Avitus. 
 The Suev Ricimer transferred it to the Senator Majorian. 
 The barbarians disposed of the Empire as they pleased, but 
 a certain shame kept them from assuming the sceptre them- 
 selves. Majorian showed himself a noble character in the 
 midst of general corruption. He wished to overturn the 
 power of the Vandals, and assembled a fleet at Carthage, but 
 his preparations were destroyed, betrayed perhaps by his 
 generals. Disheartened he returned to Italy and died there 
 under the sword of Ricimer (461). His murderer set up 
 successively three Emperors who pass across the scene like 
 shadows (461-472), Severus, Anthemius, and Olybrius, and 
 he even left the throne vacant for a time. Glycerins and 
 Julius Nepos reigned hardly two years (472-475). Finally 
 the Pannonian Orestes gave the purple to his own son 
 Romulus Augustulus, a child of six years, who, as if in bit- 
 ter irony, united the names of the founder of Rome and the 
 founder of the Empire. Odovakar, commander of the con- 
 federate barbarians (Heruli, Rugii, Scyri, Turcilingi, etc.) 
 took Ravenna and Rome, and banished the last heir of the
 
 Chap. II.] FIRST PERIOD OF INVASION. ij 
 
 Caesars of the West to the country house of Lucullus. The 
 imperial insignia were sent to Constantinople by the senate, 
 a symbol of the fall of the Empire. Odovakar was pro- 
 claimed king by his Heruli and gave them a third of the 
 lands of this country, and demanded the title of Patrician 
 from Zeno the Emperor of the East, thus acknowledging 
 the superiority of the imperial dignity and the majesty of 
 the Roman name. This was the end of the Empire of the 
 West (476), an event which appears more significant to the 
 eyes of posterity than to those of its contemporaries,* who 
 had been accustomed for more than half a century to see 
 the barbarians in control of everything. 
 
 * In their eyes the Roman Empire still continued to exist as before. — EDj
 
 CHAPTER HI. 
 
 SECOND PERIOD OF INVASION : THE FRANKS, THE OS- 
 TROGOTHS, THE LOMBARDS AND THE 
 ANGLO-SAXONS (455-569). 
 
 A Second Invasion of German Barbarians Successful in Founding States. — 
 Clovis (481-511). — The Sons of Clovis (511-561). — Conquest of 
 Burgundy (534) and of Thuringia (530). — Theodoric and the King- 
 dom of the Ostrogoths in Italy (493-526). — The Lombards (568- 
 774). — Foundation of the Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms (455-584). 
 
 We have seen that in their first period of invasion, the 
 
 German barbarians destroyed more than they built up. 
 
 Some, like Alaric, Radagaisus, and Attila, left 
 
 Second Inva- ,.' , .',.*', ,' , ',., 
 
 sion of the Ger- nothmg but rums behmd them ; others, like 
 man Barbarians. Qundicar, Hermcric, Walia, and Gaiseric, set 
 up kingdoms which did not prove stable. We come now to 
 a second period, a new incursion of barbarians, who founded 
 more durable states on the ruins of the shattered Empire. 
 
 The Salian Franks are supposed to have been governed 
 
 between the years 420 and 428, by a king named Phara- 
 
 mond : but there is some doubt of his exist- 
 
 Clovis (481-511). ^ r rr. 11^1 c 
 
 ence, as Gregory of Tours did not know of 
 him.* Toward 428 they raised on their shields — and thus 
 made king — Clodion the Hairy, who led them as far as the 
 Somme, where they were driven back by Aetius. To suc- 
 ceed him (448), they chose Merovius, who fought with honor 
 at the great battle of Chalons [M^ry-sur-Seine] and from 
 whom sprung the Merovingian dynasty. Nevertheless, his 
 son, Childeric the First (456), was driven out for a time, 
 on account of his excesses, and was replaced by Count 
 Aegidius, who, with the title of Master of the Roman Sol- 
 diery, took command of the Gallo-Roman forces between 
 the Somme and the Loire. But the Franks were not con- 
 
 * Nearly the whole of the early history of the Franks as related in this 
 paragraph is legendary. — Ed. 
 
 28
 
 Chap. III.] SECOND PERIOD OF INVASION. 29 
 
 tent with Aegidius and called back their national chief. 
 Leading his warlike bands as far as the banks of the Loire, 
 over which their descendants were to rule for ever, he 
 joined the Saxon pirates who had disembarked at the 
 mouth of that river. In 481 he died, and his son Chlo- 
 doweg or Clovis succeeded him. 
 
 Clovis was the founder of the first barbarian monarchy 
 which was fully able to resist successfully the last shocks 
 of invasion and to endure for many centuries. At first he 
 reigned only over the country of Tournay, and had only 
 three or four thousand warriors at his command. But the 
 divided condition in which he found Gaul made easy for 
 him a conquest which would have been impossible fifty 
 years before, when the Empire of the West was still in 
 existence. AH the country to the south of the Loire be- 
 longed to the Visigoths ; the Burgundians ruled from 
 Langres to the Durance, and from the Loire to the Alps ; 
 Alsace and the country between the Rhine and the Vosges 
 belonged to the Alemanni ; Armorica, which was destined 
 to receive from British emigrants the name of Brittany, 
 was independent and had renewed the old federation of the 
 Armorican cities ; finally, Alans were encamped by the 
 Vilaine ; Saxons occupied Bayeux, and Prankish kings 
 ruled at Cambray, Terouanne and Cologne. In this way 
 the barbarians held almost the whole of Gaul divided among 
 them ; of the Roman power only a feeble remnant was left 
 in Champagne and Picardy, where Syagrius, the son of 
 Aegidius, called by the barbarians King of the Romans, 
 held Beauvais, Soissons, Troyes and Rheims. 
 
 Clovis attacked Syagrius and defeated him near Soissons 
 (486); from that time nothing was left of the Empire of the 
 West, and the barbarians were at last fairly masters of the 
 country. Three peoples, then, held dominion in Gaul ; the 
 Visigoths, the Burgundians, and the Franks. Alaric II., 
 King of the Visigoths, sought an alliance with Clovis, who 
 eagerly accepted it. Gundobad, King of the Burgundians, 
 having just put to death two of his three brothers, so that 
 he need only share his kingdom with one, * gave Clovis, at 
 his request, the hand of his niece Clotilda ; she was a 
 Catholic. 
 
 * This story and that of Clovis's later vengeance are now considered 
 very doubtful. — Ed.
 
 $0 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 Clovis had no intention of confining his conquests to 
 what he already possessed. He was resolved not to share 
 at all with new invaders — that is, he was resolved to change 
 the Franks into defenders of the soil of which they had just 
 taken possession, and also to subjugate the barbarians who 
 had established themselves in Gaul before him. In 496, 
 he conquered the Alemanni on the left bank of the Rhine 
 and pursued them as far as Swabia ; he also drove the 
 Thuringians, who were ravaging the right bank of the 
 river, back to their forests. 
 
 In the heat of the battle against the Alemanni, he had 
 called upon the God of Clotilda and vowed that if He would 
 give him the victory, he would become a Christian. Soon 
 after, he was baptized by Saint Remigius, Archbishop of 
 Rheims; 3000 Franks followed his example, the others 
 remained pagans. This conversion had great results; as 
 he had become not only a Christian but a Catholic, as were 
 also the Gallic bishops and all the Gallo-Roman population, 
 he was considered as a protector throughout the country, 
 while the Visigoths and the Burgundians were hated as 
 Arians. This circumstance greatly helped him in subduing 
 these two peoples. 
 
 When a quarrel broke out between Gundobad and his 
 remaining brother Godigisel, Clotilda urged her husband to 
 avenge her father's murder; and the bishops, too, made 
 an urgent appeal to him as orthodox king of the Franks. 
 He entered Burgundy, defeated Gundobad near Dijon 
 (500), forced him to give up Vienne and Geneva to Godi- 
 gisel, and made both of them pay him tribute. Thus he 
 both divided and impoverished the kingdom of Burgundy. 
 Hardly had he departed when Gundobad despoiled and 
 killed Godigisel. Clovis did not return to attack him again, 
 but sent against him from the south Theodoric, king of 
 the Italian Ostrogoths, whom he had made his ally by giving 
 him his sister in marriage.* This custom of strengthening 
 political alliances by family ties had hardly been known to 
 ancient history, and it may be considered a barbarian impor- 
 
 * The account of these events here and in the following paragraph is 
 entirely wrong. Strange as it may seem, the alliance was between Bur- 
 gundians and Franks against the Visigoths. Theodoric interferes to aid 
 the Visigoths, checks the Franks, and compels the Burgundians to yield 
 him a part of their territory. — Ed.
 
 Chap. III.] SECOND PERIOD OF INVASION. 3^ 
 
 tation. Theodoric occupied the passes of the Alps and 
 seized the province of Marseilles. Gundobad relinquished 
 it to him, and by this concession and by his political gentle- 
 ness toward the Catholic clergy, he saved the remainder of 
 his states. 
 
 The Visigoths had entered into alliance with the Burgun- 
 dians, who were Arians like themselves, and, like them, were 
 threatened by the ambition of Clovis. Clovis, attracted by 
 the rich and beautiful countries of the South, made objec- 
 tions to this alliance ; he also put forward the interests of 
 religion, and said to his warriors: "I am much displeased 
 that these Visigoths, who are Arians, should possess a part 
 of Gaul. Let us go forth with the help of God, and when 
 we have conquered them, we will take possession of their 
 land, for it is very good." Accordingly, he marched 
 against the Visigoths, gained a victory over them on the 
 plain of Vouille, near Poitiers (507), and finished the con- 
 quest of all the country as far as the Pyrenees, except, 
 however, Septimania, which the Visigoths retained for three 
 centuries longer. 
 
 In this way all the Gauls were either subject to Clovis or 
 paid him tribute, wath the exception of the Armoricans, 
 who, though at first allied with him, afterward resisted his 
 ambitious pretensions and remained independent under 
 their king Budic. The other tribes of the Frankish nation 
 had also kept their own chiefs ; Clovis put an end to this by 
 means which show the crafty and cruel spirit of the barba- 
 rians. He caused Sigibert, king of the Ripuarian Franks, to 
 be assassinated by his own son, and had the son killed after- 
 wards; then presenting himself before the warriors of the 
 tribe, he said: "I am in no way an accomplice of these 
 doings ; it would be wrong for me to spill the blood of my 
 relations. But since this thing has happened, my advice is 
 this; if it pleases you, follow it; turn to me, put yourselves 
 under my protection." The Ripuarians lifted him on their 
 shields and proclaimed him king. The other chiefs ruling 
 at Tournay, Cambray, and at Mans, suffered the same fate as 
 Sigibert. "Then," says Gregory of Tours, "Clovis, gath- 
 ering his people together, spoke thus of the relatives he had 
 killed: 'Unhappy am I to remain like a wayfarer among 
 strangers ! I have no kinsmen to aid me if adversity should 
 come.' But this he said, not from grief at their death, but 
 out of cunning, if perchance he might still discover some
 
 32 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 relation whom he might kill. Having done these things he 
 died (511)." 
 
 Clovis was the first to unite all the elements from which 
 the new social order was to be formed, — namely, the bar- 
 barians, whom he established in power ; the Roman civiliza- 
 tion, to which he rendered homage by receiving the insignia 
 of Patrician and of Consul from the Emperor Anastasius ; 
 and finally, the Catholic Church, with which he formed that 
 fruitful alliance which was continued by his successors. 
 The Council of Orleans had sanctioned this alliance by 
 recognizing Clovis as protector of the Church, whose im- 
 munities he confirmed in this same council. The Pope had 
 already written to him : " The Lord has provided for the 
 needs of the Church by giving her for defender a prince 
 armed with the helmet of salvation : be thou always for her 
 a crown of iron, and she will give thee victory over thine 
 enemies." 
 
 The sons of Clovis, following the Germanic custom, 
 divided his states. Theodoric [Theuderic] the eldest, be- 
 came king of Metz ; Lothaire [Chlo- 
 viIf5ir56f)°*^(?dSl thacherj, of Soissons ; Childebert, of Paris ; 
 quest of Burgundy and Chlodomcr, of Orleans. Each of them 
 mgia(53o° ^^' had also a part of Aquitaine. 
 
 From this time, for half a century, the 
 history of the Franks lacks unity and continuity. Being 
 masters of almost the whole of Gaul, they satisfied their 
 adventurous spirit by expeditions in all directions, against 
 the Burgundians, the Thuringians, the Visigoths and the 
 Ostrogoths. They rarely acted in accord, which resulted in 
 a separation between the Austrasians, or eastern Franks, 
 and the Neustrians, or western Franks, a separation which 
 continued to increase. 
 
 In 523, the sons of Clovis attacked Sigismund, son of 
 Gundobad, conquered him, and threw him with all his family 
 into a well. But soon afterwards Chlodomer fell into an 
 ambuscade and perished. He left three sons ; his brothers 
 Childebert and Lothaire stabbed two of them and divided 
 his states ; the third, Chlodobald, who became Saint Cloud, 
 only escaped by taking refuge in a monastery. Ten years 
 afterwards Childebert and Lothaire again attacked the Bur- 
 gundians, whom they conquered, deprived of their national 
 kings, and forced to embrace Catholicism (534) ; this com- 
 pleted the work of Clovis.
 
 Chap. III.] SECOND PERIOD OF INVASION. 33 
 
 Between the two expeditions against Burgundy there was 
 a war with the Visigoths. Their king, Amalaric, had mar- 
 ried Clotilda, sister of the Frankish kings ; as he was an 
 Arian, and she a Catholic, he maltreated her. Outraged by 
 this, Childebert and Lothaire entered the country of the 
 Visigoths, defeated Amalaric near Narbonne (531), crossed 
 the Pyrenees, and brought back Clotilda. They appeared 
 again in that country in 542, and penetrated as far as Sara- 
 gossa, but the new Visigoth king, Theudis, drove them back. 
 
 During this time Theodoric had waged war elsewhere. 
 He subdued the Thuringians (530), thus extending the 
 power of the Franks as far as the mountains of Bohemia. 
 When his brothers started for Burgundy, his warriors said 
 to him : " If you will not go against the Burgundians with 
 your brothers, we will leave you and follow them instead." 
 He replied to them : " Follow me and I will lead you to the 
 country of Auvergne, where you will get as much gold and 
 silver as you wish, and whence you may bring back slaves, 
 flocks and clothing." Auvergne, which was very hostile to 
 the Franks, had revolted against them, and was now pil- 
 laged and devastated. The Austrasians brought back lines 
 of chariots and of chained prisoners whom they sold at auc- 
 tion all along the road. 
 
 Under Theudibert, son of Theodoric, the Austrasians 
 descended upon Italy, over which enticing country the 
 Greeks and the Ostrogoths were struggling (539) ; they 
 promised their aid to both sides, attacked each in turn, and 
 gained a rich booty. But they did not all return, diseases 
 and excesses caused the death of a great number. They 
 made two more expeditions into Italy under the generals 
 Leutharis and Buccelin.* The latter penetrated the first time, 
 in 546, as far as Sicily ; but descending again into Italy in 
 554, he was defeated by Narses, near Capua, and the 
 Franks left the peninsula, not to return for two centuries. 
 
 In the mean time, Theodoric, the son of Theudibert, died, 
 and Lothaire I. took his kingdom of Austrasia. This did 
 not add to Lothaire's strength, for he was vanquished by 
 the Saxons, whom his warriors had forced him to attack 
 against his will. He also received the inheritance of Chil- 
 debert, King of Paris, and so found himself sole king of the 
 
 * These seem to have been independent expeditions undertaken 
 against the will of the king and to have been unsuccessful. — Ed.
 
 34 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 Franks (558). But at his death (561) this transient unity 
 was again broken. 
 
 We come now to another founder of a great kingdom, 
 Theodoric, who was an even more remarkable man than 
 Clovis. It is, however, not astonishing that 
 thI^K°ngdo''m''o'f the Goths were distinguished from the other 
 the Ostrogoths barbarians by a singular readiness to adopt 
 ay 493-52 . ^j^^ Roman civilization, for they had lived for 
 a long time in immediate contact with the Empire. And 
 in the case of Theodoric, who seems utterly different from 
 the barbarians in his civilizing genius and in his policy, 
 there is still less cause for surprise, as he was brought up at 
 Constantinople, whither he was taken as a hostage when 
 eight years old. 
 
 When at the death of Attila all the nations which had 
 been subject to the Huns threw off their yoke, the Ostro- 
 goths also became free. Three princes of the family 
 of the Amals ruled over them : Walamir, Widemir, and 
 Theudemir. Theudemir had a son Theodoric, who was 
 born in 454, and succeeded his father in 474. His sojourn 
 at the court of the East had attached him to the Emperor 
 Zeno, whom he defended against a rival. When obliged by 
 the turbulence of his subjects to undertake some warlike 
 expedition, he diverted their attention from Constantinople, 
 which they had planned to attack. Zeno authorized him 
 to descend upon Italy where Odovakar was reigning, for the 
 Emperor of Constantinople cared nothing for the Kingdom 
 of the Heruli.* 
 
 Theodoric carried his whole nation with him. Old men, 
 women, and children followed the warriors in chariots, with 
 the flocks and all the wealth of the tribe. There were 200,- 
 000 in all. This movement began in the autumn of 488, 
 and in the following February he first overwhelmed in the 
 Julian Alps an army of Gepidae and Sarmatians, and then 
 defeated Odovakar at Aquileia and Verona (489). In spite of 
 these three victories he was surrounded by a force from 
 Pavia and placed in a critical situation, from which he was 
 rescued by a relief force sent him by the Goths of Toulouse. 
 Thanks to this aid, he conquered the whole Cisapline 
 region, and Odovakar took refuge in Ravenna. During the 
 
 * The fidelity of Theodoric to Zeno was not quite so perfect as here 
 represented- — Ed.
 
 Chap. III.] SECOND PERIOD OF INVASION. 35 
 
 two years' siege of this city, all Italy submitted, and the Goths 
 made the valuable acquisition of Sicily. Odovakar surren- 
 dered on the condition of dividing his kingdom, but Theodo- 
 ric had him assassinated at a feast, and reigned alone (493). 
 The new Emperor Anastasius recognized him as king in 
 Italy. 
 
 Without going to war Theodoric added Illyricum, Panno- 
 nia, Noricum, and Rhaetia to Italy, and after some hostili- 
 ties with the Burgundians gained also the province of Mar- 
 seilles. The Bavarians paid him tribute, the Alemanni 
 invoked his aid against Clovis, and finally, at the death of 
 Alaric II., the Visigoths recognized him as their ruler for 
 the time of the minority of Amalaric, grandson of Alaric. 
 He defeated a Frankish army near Aries in 508, thus return- 
 ing to the Goths of Aquitaine, who had been subdued by 
 the Franks, the aid they had given him when conquering 
 Odovakar. The two branches of the Gothic nation which 
 had been separated so long, and whose territories near the 
 Rhone were adjacent, were now united, and the domin- 
 ion of Theodoric extended from the depths of Spain across 
 Gaul and Italy as far as Sirmium on the Save. He was 
 united by family alliance with almost all the barbaric kings; 
 he himself had married the sister of Clovis, and he gave the 
 hand of his own sister to the King of the Vandals, his niece 
 to the King of the Thuringians, one of his daughters to 
 the King of the Visigoths and the other to the King of the 
 Burgundians. He seemed to be the chief of the barbarians 
 who were established in the Empire of the West, and even 
 Germany showed deference to her glorious representative, 
 who had become the heir of the C^sars. Theodoric was 
 really anything but a barbarian in his political ideas. He 
 showed a consideration for the Emperor of the East which 
 proved his respect for this ancient empire, still so imposing 
 in its ruins, and only waged war when forced to do so. 
 For this chief of the Goths was a pacific king, and made the 
 best use of peace. "Let other Kings rejoice in ravaging 
 cities and burdening themselves with huge spoils," said 
 he, "but I wish my dominion to be such that vanquished 
 nations shall only regret that they were not sooner made 
 subject to it." 
 
 The new-comers needed lands, and as each Italian city had 
 given up a third of its territory to be distributed to the Heruli 
 of Odovakar, the Goths of Theodoric merely substituted
 
 3*5 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 themselves for the Heruli, a substitution which caused no 
 suffering, as there were many abandoned estates. A com- 
 mon law was established for the two peoples, except in regard 
 to a few of their own customs which the Goths preserved. 
 The barbarians paid a tax for their lands like the Romans, 
 and cases of dispute between men of the two races were 
 decided by a mixed tribunal. Theodoric did not wish his 
 Goths to be privileged before the law, and would perhaps 
 have preferred to have them mingle freely with the van- 
 quished population, but the barbarians reserved the profes- 
 sion of arms for themselves, and forbade their children 
 the study of literature and the arts. The Romans alone 
 resorted to the schools, and they held only civil offices. 
 Nevertheless Theodoric was supreme over his kingdom, and 
 we do not find among the Ostrogoths assemblies such as 
 the other barbarians had, but the king governed alone with 
 the aid of a council. 
 
 Theodoric professed a great reverence for the Roman 
 civilization. He had asked for and obtained from the Em- 
 peror Anastasius the imperial insignia that Odovakar had dis- 
 dainfully sent back to Constantinople, and he gave up the 
 dress of the barbarians for the Roman purple.* Although he 
 lived at Ravenna he was accustomed to consult the Roman 
 senate, to whom he wrote: "We desire, conscript fathers, that 
 the genius of liberty may look with favor upon your assem- 
 bly." He established a consul of the West, three praetorian 
 prefects, and three dioceses, ^ — that of northern Italy, that of 
 Rome, and that of Gaul. He retained the municipal gov- 
 ernment, but appointed the decurions himself. He reduced 
 the severity of the taxes, and his palace was always open 
 to those who wished to complain of the iniquities of the 
 judges. Faustus, a praetorian prefect, and Theodahad, a 
 nephew of the prince, were in this way forced to make resti- 
 tution. A poor woman had been begging for years to have 
 her process decided. Theodoric summoned the judges and 
 they despatched the affair in a few days. He then con- 
 demned them to punishment for not having done in three 
 years what could have been done in three days. Royal 
 
 * It is impossible to tell what was the exact relationship between the 
 two governments. Theodoric does not seem to have recognized any real 
 subordination to the Empire. Monimsen in recent studies holds that 
 he did.— Ed.
 
 Chap. III.] SECOND PERIOD OF INVASION. 37 
 
 envoys armed with his full authority traversed the prov- 
 inces, that the king's justice might be accessible to all, and 
 in order to establish a vigilant police. 
 
 Thus a barbarian gave back to Italy the prosperity which 
 she had lost under the emperors. The public buildings, 
 aqueducts, theatres, and baths were repaired, and palaces 
 and churches were built. The uncultivated lands were 
 cleared and companies were formed to drain the Pontine 
 marshes, and the marshes of Spoleto. The iron mines of 
 Dalmatia and a gold mine in Bruttii were worked. The 
 coasts were protected from pirates by numerous flotillas. 
 The population increased greatly. Theodoric, though he 
 did not know how to write, gathered around him the best 
 literary merit of the time,^Boethius, the bishop Ennodius, 
 and Cassiodorus. The latter, whom he made his minister, 
 has left us twelve books of letters. Theodoric seems in 
 many ways like a first sketch of Charlemagne. 
 
 Though himself an Arian, he respected the rights of the 
 Catholics from the first, confirmed the immunities of their 
 churches, and in general left the free election of their 
 bishop to the people and the clergy of Rome. He eve' 
 protected the Jews and wrote to their rabbis : " We can ■ 
 not enforce religion, for no one is obliged to believe any- 
 thing in spite of himself." When, however, the Emperor 
 Justin I. persecuted the Arians in the East, he threatened 
 to retaliate, and as a great commotion was observed among 
 his Italian subjects, he believed that a conspiracy was being 
 formed against himself. He forbade the Catholics to carry 
 any sort of arms, and accused several men of consular rank 
 of criminal relations with the court of Constantinople. The 
 prefect Symmachus and his son-in-law, Boethius, were im- 
 plicated. Theodoric confined them in the tower of Pavia, 
 and it was there that Boethius wrote his great work, The 
 Consolations of Philosophy. They were both executed in 
 525.* Theodoric, however, finally recognized their inno- 
 cence, and felt such great regret that his reason is said to 
 have been unbalanced and that remorse hastened his end 
 (526). His tomb, of which the cupola is formed of a single 
 stone twelve metres wide and one and a half thick, is still 
 to be seen at Ravenna. It is the only monument raised by 
 the Goths that we possess, and it is readily seen that this 
 
 * Boethius was probably executed in 524. — Ed.
 
 38 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 structure has nothing in common with the architecture so 
 improperly called Gothic. 
 
 After the death of Theodoric the supremacy wielded by 
 his nation over the barbarian world disappeared. The 
 Ostrogoths and the Visigoths were again separated. The 
 first recognized as king x\thalaric, son of the beautiful and 
 learned Amalasuntha, and grandson of Theodoric ; the 
 second, a son of Alaric II. The kingdom of the Ostrogoths 
 degenerated rapidly, and survived its founder but a short 
 time. Nevertheless, Theodoric showed too high a degree 
 of the genius of civilization to be ranked with the barba- 
 rians who have left nothing durable behind them. 
 
 Though the Ostrogoths left few traces on the soil of 
 Italy in spite of their graat king, Theodoric, the'7 place on 
 the peninsula was filled, after some years of 
 Lombards (568- Qj-cck dominion, by a people who planted 
 Germanic institutions there. The Lombards, 
 or Longobards, a people originally from the banks of the 
 Elbe, had long wandered on the left bank of the Danube 
 between the Theiss and Moravia, and had finally settled 
 in Pannonia and Noricum at the invitation of Justinian. 
 Reinforced by an army of Avars from Asia, and underthe lead- 
 ership of Alboin, they utterly destroyed the kingdom of the 
 Gepidse, and forced the beautiful Rosamund, daughter of 
 the King Cunimund, who was slain in the battle, to marry 
 the victor (566). Two years later summoned by Narses, * 
 A.lboin crossed the Julian Alps, conquered the whole valley 
 of the Po without a combat, and had himself proclaimed 
 king in Milan. Pavia, which he took after a long siege, be- 
 came his capital. He entered Umbria and established a 
 Lombard duke in Spoleto, but Ravenna and Rome escaped 
 him, as well as the coasts of Liguria and Venice, and all the 
 southern part of the peninsula and the islands. The Greek 
 Empire retained these, and they were governed by an 
 exarch who lived at Ravenna and was supreme over the 
 dukes established elsewhere as subordinate governors. 
 
 Alboin was assassinated in 573 by Helmichis, his shield- 
 bearer, at the instigation as the legend goes of Rosamund, 
 whom he had forced at a feast to drink from her father's 
 skull. His successor, Kief, carried the dominion of the 
 Lombards into the southern part of the peninsula. He 
 
 * This story is now commonly rejected. — Ed.
 
 Chap. III.] SECOND PERIOD OF INVASION. 39 
 
 took Beneventum, but did not gain Naples, Gaeta, Amalfi, 
 Calabria, or Bruttii, which were kept by the Greeks. He 
 died in 575 by the hands of one of his great nobles. Alboin 
 had divided the country between thirty-six dukes, who each 
 ruled over his territory and one great city.* Following the 
 Germanic custom the nation came together in a general 
 assembly, and even the king was then subject to its decisions. 
 
 After the death of Kief the thirty-six dukes let the throne 
 stand vacant and each one ruled over his own territory. 
 This division of power encouraged the enemies of the Lom- 
 bards, and after being attacked by the Greeks and the 
 Franks they reestablished the office of king in 584. Au- 
 tharis, the son of Kief, recovered the lost provinces, sub- 
 dued Beneventum, which had become the seat of a power- 
 ful duchy, and by regulating the laws confirmed the Lom- 
 bard conquest. He settled the conditions of the ownership 
 of land and the rights of the victor and the vanquished ; the 
 latter sank to the condition of tributaries, and were obliged 
 to pay to their new masters one-third of the product of the 
 fields they had retained. He compelled the dukes to sur- 
 render half their revenues to the king, but promised not to 
 deprive them of their offices for anything short of felony. 
 
 The Lombards were pagans at the beginning of the con- 
 quest, and though soon converted to Arianism, they did not 
 become Catholics till the reign of Agilulf (602), and then 
 through the efforts of the Pope, Saint Gregory, and the 
 queen Theudelinda.f 
 
 Rotharis gave them their first written laws. In a diet 
 held in Pavia in 643, by "the faithful people and fortunate 
 army" of the Lombards, the law which bears his name was 
 published, and differed from other barbarian laws in being 
 territorial rather than personal. J The only ones of his suc- 
 cessors who are worthy to be rescued from oblivion are 
 Grimoald (662) one of the most energetic of Lombard kings, 
 
 * The Lombard dukes, probably thirty-five in number, correspond 
 more nearly to the counts than to the dukes of the Frankish kingdom. 
 Counts very rarely appear in the Lombard kingdom, though the kings 
 appoint over smaller subdivisions judicial officers like the Judex and the 
 Sculdahis, or administrative officers like the Gastaldus. — Ed. 
 
 f The process of conversion was a slow one. It cannot be called com- 
 plete before the reign of Grimoald. — Ed. 
 
 X That is, German and Roman were subject alike to the Lombard law, 
 with the possible exception of cases arising between Romans. — Ed.
 
 40 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 and Luitprand (712) who united very nearly the whole pen- 
 insula under his laws. It was then that the Pope Greg- 
 ory III. sent a suppliant letter to Charles Martel, and 
 instituted that policy in pursuance of which the Holy See 
 to preserve its independence so often contended against the 
 masters of Italy, and so often summoned against them the 
 aid of foreigners. When Charlemagne assumed the crown 
 of the Lombards in 774, their race, which had been supreme 
 over a great part of Italy for 206 years, had established cus- 
 toms there which gave rise to Italian feudalism, the Cisal- 
 pine region even retained their name, and is still called 
 Lombardy. 
 
 In the same period as the reigns of Clovis and Theo- 
 
 doric, Britain, separated by the sea from the continent, had 
 
 its own particular invasion, or rather a series 
 
 Founding of r • ■ • i ' , ^ 
 
 the Angio?sax- ot successive mvasious by two peoples from 
 
 °^^_^^ingdoms the shores of the lower part of the Elbe, the 
 
 Angles and the Saxons.* These invasions 
 
 lasted a century and resulted in the Anglo-Saxon heptarchy. 
 
 Great Britain, which had been partly conquered by the 
 Romans, had under their dominion preserved entirely distinct 
 its three peoples, — the Caledonians (Picts and Scots) in the 
 north, in what is now called Scotland where the Romans, had 
 not penetrated ; in the south and east the Loegrians, who had 
 felt the influence of the Roman civilization; and at the west 
 beyond the Severn the Cambrians or the Welsh, a people 
 unconquerable in their mountain fastnesses. 
 
 The Picts continually descended from the highlands of 
 Scotland and made disastrous expeditions against the 
 South. As long as the Romans held the island they kept 
 them in check, but when Honorius, menaced by Alaric and 
 Radagaisus, recalled his legions, f the wall of Severus and the 
 vallum of Adrian were no longer of any use. The Loegrians 
 and the Cambrians were harassed by these attacks and 
 
 * This history of the English conquest takes little account of the more 
 recent investigations. The chronology and nearly all matters of detail 
 are very uncertain. The account given by J. R. Green in his shorter or 
 longer History of England or in his Making of England should be 
 read. — Ed. 
 
 f It seems certain that only one legion, the 20th, was recalled to meet 
 Alaric, and this in 402, and that the other two, the 2d and 6th, formed 
 the army of the usurper Constantine, with which he took possession of 
 Gaul in 407. — Eu.
 
 Chap. III.] SECOND PERIOD OF INVASION. 4I 
 
 decimated by famine, and, unable to gain the assistance of 
 Aetius "by their groans," were reduced to defend them- 
 selves. They chose a penteym or pendragoii, a common 
 chief, who was to live at London and take charge of the 
 defense of the whole country. The choice of the pendragon 
 often proved to be an occasion of discord, as the Lcegrians 
 and Cambrians quarreled as to which people should receive 
 the office. While Vortigern filled this office, they could 
 think of no other means of safety than to summon against 
 the Picts the barbarians from beyond the sea, the Saxons, 
 the Jutes, and the Angles. These were bold pirates, who, 
 finding the way toward the Rhine barred by the Franks, 
 had taken the ocean for their domain, and continually set 
 sail from the coasts of Germany and the Cimbric peninsula 
 to scour the North Sea and the British Channel. Two 
 Saxon chiefs, Henghist and Horsa, defeated the Picts and 
 received as recompense the Isle of Thanet on the coast of 
 Kent, with the promise of tribute. Such protectors soon 
 change to masters ; the white dragon of the strangers de- 
 voured the red dragon of the Britons. These were the ban- 
 ners of the two peoples. In 455 Henghist took possession 
 of the country between the Thames and the Channel with 
 the title of King of Kent, and made Canterbury his capital. 
 From that time it was the ambition of all the chiefs of 
 the Saxon pirates to gain a firm footing in Great Britain as 
 the Frankish tribes had done in Gaul. In 491, in spite of 
 the efforts of the penteyrn Ambrosius, ^lla founded at 
 Chichester the kingdom of Sussex (Southern Saxons). In 
 516 Cerdic founded at Winchester that of Wessex (West 
 Saxons). Here the Saxons came into collision with the 
 Cambrians, who proved to be formidable adversaries. Ar- 
 thur,* prince of Caerleon, the hero of Gaelic legends and 
 the Achilles of the Cambrian bards, defeated them, it is said, 
 in twelve battles, of which the most celebrated is that of 
 Badon-Hill (520). According to tradition he killed with 
 his own hand in a single day 400 of his enemies. When 
 wounded he was borne to an island formed by two rivers 
 and died there, at what date is not known. His tomb has 
 never been found. The Cambrians, whom he had defended 
 so long, refused to believe in the death of their national 
 
 * Consult the article on Arthur in vol. ii. of the Dictionary of National 
 Biography. — Ed,
 
 42 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 hero, and for many centuries looked forward to his coming 
 as the time of their deliverance. He had saved the Cam- 
 brian independence for the time being. When stopped at 
 the west, the Saxon invaders founded in the east in 526 still 
 another kingdom, Essex (East Saxons), with the capital of 
 London (Lon-din, the city of vessels), on the Thames, 
 which made four Saxon kingdoms. 
 
 In 547 the Angles made their appearance. Ida, or the 
 i^ian of fire, took possession of York and the region which 
 is called Northumberland (land north of the Humber). In 
 571, Offa, chief of a tribe of Angles who were settled on the 
 eastern coast of Great Britain, took the title of King of 
 East Anglia, with Norwich for his capital, and in 584 Crida 
 founded between the East x\ngles and the Cambrians the 
 kingdom of Mercia (frontier, March), with Lincoln or Lei- 
 cester for capital. 
 
 When these three kingdoms were added to the four Saxon 
 kingdoms the heptarchy was complete, and the country 
 which had been held by the Romans was divided into seven 
 little barbarian kingdoms, which later were united into one. 
 The new-comers formed a large element of the English 
 population, which is still considered to have a Saxon foun- 
 dation. 
 
 The invasion did not reach Scotland, which was still held 
 by the Picts and Scots, whom the Romans had been unable 
 to conquer, nor did it reach Ireland, which escaped the 
 German dominion as it had the Roman, except for a few 
 points on the coasts where the Danes had settled. The 
 Celtic population of Ireland, which was divided into a great 
 number of clans and little states, kept its independence till 
 the twelfth century. Saint Patrick carried the Catholic re- 
 ligion there as early as the fourth century, and the Church 
 of Ireland early became a center of light. Saint Columban, 
 whom we shall find among the Franks, was one of her sons.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE GREEK EMPIRE FROM 408 to 705 ; TEMPORARY 
 REACTION OF THE EMPERORS OF CONSTANTI- 
 NOPLE AGAINST THE GERMANIC INVADERS. 
 
 Theodosius II., Marcian, Leo I., Zeno, Anastasius, Justin I. (408-527). 
 Justinian I. (527-565). — Wars against the Persians (52S-533 and 
 540-562). — Conquest of Africa from the Vandals (534) ; of Italy 
 from the Ostrogoths (535-553) ; Acquisitions in Spain (552) ; Jus- 
 tinian's Administration of the Interior; Code and Digest. — Justi- 
 nian II., Tiberius II., Maurice and Pliocas (565-610) ; Heraclius 
 (610-641) ; DecHne of the Greek Empire. 
 
 While the tide of barbarian nations swept over almost the 
 
 whole of Europe, the Greek Empire* remained intact; it 
 
 dragged out an existence which was for the 
 
 Theodosius II., . . • vi ^1 , 
 
 Marcian, Leo I.) most part miserable, though it was more 
 Zeno, Anastasius, ffioj-jQug ^t timcs than might have been ex- 
 
 JUStin I. (408-527). ^ , , c ■ . TT I 
 
 pected from so corrupt a society. Under 
 Justinian and Heraclius it had been able to take the offen- 
 sive against the invaders, to regain Italy from the Ostro- 
 goths, Africa from the Vandals, and a part of Spain from 
 the Visigoths, at the same time driving back the Bulgarians 
 and Avars beyond the Danube, the Persians beyond the 
 Euphrates, and extending its protectorate over all the Chris- 
 tians in Asia. But it was exhausted by this last effort, and 
 unable to defend and keep its southern provinces when the 
 invading barbarians from the south, the Arabs, appeared. 
 
 This Empire was governed for the most part by women 
 and eunuchs, who swayed at their will the degenerate em- 
 perors. Thus Theodosius II., the successor of Arcadius 
 (408-450), allowed himself to be ruled throughout his reign 
 
 * The titles Greek Empire, Eastern Empire, and Western Empire, as 
 used here and elsewhere, are, strictly speaking, incorrect, at least till we 
 reach the time of Charlemagne. The Empire throughout the whole 
 period was considered as one and undivided, whatever arrangements 
 night be made for the government of different parts of it. — Ed. 
 
 43
 
 44 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 by his sister Pulcheria, who succeeded in keeping liim in a 
 long minority. When the Empire was attaclied under this 
 emperor, he paid tribute ; he had the good fortune not to 
 be attacked at the East and even gained half of Armenia, 
 which King Arsaces divided with him, himself taking the 
 lion's share.* In the reign of Theodosius a new heresy 
 sprang up — that of Nestorius, whom he appointed bishop of 
 Constantinople, and the Empire was long troubled by it. 
 The Theodosian Code must be mentioned here, too, which 
 supplemented the inadequate Gregorian and Hermogenian 
 codes and contained the collected decrees of the Christian 
 emperors. This code was drawn up by a commission of 
 lawyers in 438, and was the first body of laws which was 
 given to the Empire with the imperial sanction ; it was very 
 popular, especially in the West, among the Goths of Italy 
 and Spain. 
 
 Marcian (450-457), whom Pulcheria married for his 
 courage, showed more firmness toward Attila than his prede- 
 cessor had done ; but after his death Constantinople was 
 given over to misfortune. The Thracian Leo I. (457) re- 
 ceived the crown at the hands of a barbarian. Zeno (474) 
 owed it to the revolt of the Isaurian guards, who, like the 
 old praetorian guards, made everything bow to their caprice 
 and violence. A rival Basilicus troubled the Empire, and 
 religious quarrels, a chronic malady at Constantinople, 
 brought the Catholics and the partisans of Eutyches into 
 such violent conflict that Zeno's endeavors to calm them by 
 his Henoticon, ox Edict of Union (481), were without suc- 
 cess. 
 
 In 491 Anastasius, who had been earlier proposed for the 
 patriarchal see at Antioch, was made Emperor through the 
 intrigues of a woman. To protect Constantinople, he built 
 a wall from the Euxine to the Propontis, 70 kilometers (40 
 miles) long, strengthened with towers and bearing his name; 
 he mixed in the religious quarrels and only inflamed them 
 the more — blood even flowed in the tumults. However, he 
 freed Constantinople from the Isaurians, abolished again 
 the chrysargyron, the detested tax, and strictly forbade the 
 combats in the circus between men and wild beasts. These 
 emperors were not, as a general rule, wanting in knowledge, 
 
 * The division of Armenia between Rome and Persia takes place in the 
 reign of Theodosius I. — Ed.
 
 Chap. IV.] THE GREEK EMPIRE. 45 
 
 humanity, or even good intensions ; but tliey were petty and 
 weak. What they, as well as the whole nation, lacked, was 
 dignity and force of character, strength and elevation of 
 mind, rather than mere intelligence. 
 
 Anastasius waged an unsuccessful war against Persia 
 (502-505), which cost him Colchis.* At his death (518), 
 a dynasty began in the person of the Thracian Justin I., 
 who had bought the throne from the Imperial guards. He 
 was an officer of the guard, and had before that been a 
 shepherd and a soldier. He did not know how to read, and 
 he signed his edicts by means of a tablet, in which the first 
 four letters of his name were cut like a stencil. Neverthe- 
 less, he was not without merit, and he reigned till 527. 
 
 At this time his nephew Justinian mounted the throne, 
 having made his way to it by humoring all the vices which 
 distracted Constantinople, by corrupting the 
 (ssT^se's^.'^^Per- soldicrs and lavishing gold on the circus 
 sian Wars (528- games, which held in the affections of this 
 degenerate people a place equal to that of 
 their gravest interests. If his reign was great it was not due 
 to moral excellence, but to his wars, his works of legislation, 
 and the monuments he erected. 
 
 Justinian carried on wars in four directions, — in the east 
 with the Persians, in the southwest with the Vandals, in 
 the west with the Ostrogoths, in the north with the Bul- 
 garians. 
 
 The war against the Persians, though often interrupted, 
 was the first to begin — in 528 — and the last to end, in 562. 
 It did not have the same character as the others; there were 
 no countries conquered by the barbarians, to be recovered 
 from them, like Italy and Africa, nor an invasion to be 
 repelled, as upon the Danube ; it was the sustaining of an 
 old and equal struggle — the defense of a frontier from the 
 regular attacks of an established people, as old as the Em- 
 pire itself; who did not come rushing on, a whole people 
 in masses, but who sent armies — which constitutes the 
 real difference between barbarian invasions and ordinary 
 wars. 
 
 After the hundred years of good understanding, the old 
 hostilities between the Roman Empire and Persia had 
 
 * Colchis was not involved in this war. The conquests which the Per- 
 sians had made were restored at its close — Ed.
 
 4^ THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 broken out again under Anastasius and Justin. King Ko« 
 bad had seized several Roman towns, and had subjugated 
 all Armenia, always an object of desire to both empires. 
 There had also been a few quarrels during the reign of Jus- 
 tin on the occasion of the conversion of the Lagi, who, on 
 becoming Christians, had renounced the protection of the 
 Persians to put themselves under the Greek Emperor. Jus- 
 tinian had reigned for a year (528), when Kobad finally 
 opened hostilities by dispersing the workmen engaged in for- 
 tifying the town of Dara in Mesopotamia. The defense of 
 the provinces in Asia was confided to Belisarius, whose name 
 has become inseparably connected with Justinian's and 
 immortalized by his great deeds as well as by his misfor- 
 tunes. They were associated in debauchery before they 
 were associates in glory — a fact very characteristic of the 
 Greek Empire. Belisarius was first victor in two battles, 
 and then vanquished at Callinicum. Nevertheless he saved 
 the Asiatic provinces of the Greek Empire by his skillful 
 maneuvers, and Kobad's successor, Chosroes Nushirvan, 
 wishing to strengthen his position by peace before under- 
 taking the vast designs that filled his head — consented to 
 negotiate. Justinian paid down 11,000 pounds of gold 
 (533)- For this price they swore an eternal friendship; it 
 lasted less than eight years. 
 
 In 540, Chosroes, uneasy at the increase of Justinian's 
 power, and urged on by Witiges, King of the Ostrogoths, 
 invaded and ravaged Syria, took possession of Antioch, and 
 was stopped only by Belisarius, whom Justinian called back 
 from Italy in all haste. The great general prevented new 
 conquests of the Persians by his maneuvers, but he could 
 neither conquer Armenia nor bring back the Lagi under 
 Roman protection. They had had to suffer so much from 
 Roman extortioners, that they no longer wished to be separ- 
 ated from Persia. In 545, a truce was signed, after Chos- 
 roes had besieged Edessa in vain. Ten years later, the Lagi 
 rebelled and the war began again in Colchis, whose popula- 
 tion was in great ])art Christian. The treaty of 562 secured 
 this ])rovince to the Emjiire. Justinian, at the same time, 
 obtained liberty of conscience for the Christians of Persia, 
 but agreed to pay a tribute of 30,000 pieces of gold, so 
 that, in the East, his reign was marked by the humiliation 
 of a material loss and by the honor of obtaining a moral 
 advantage in the empire of his enemy.
 
 Chai-. iV.j THE GREEK EMPIRE. 47 
 
 On the other three sides, his military glory was less 
 doubtful. 
 
 Victory had been fatal to the barbarians. Those men of 
 
 the north, carried suddenly from the damp and gloomy for- 
 
 „. „ ^ ests of Germany to the scorching plains of 
 
 The Conquest o- ^ k r ■ it 
 
 of Africa (534) ; Italy, bpam, and Africa, had two enemies 
 5 53K^^Acquis^- that brought them sure death, the sun and 
 tions in Spain dissipation. What happened to the English 
 soldiers in India, happened to them too. 
 They were enervated by the climate, and their intemperate 
 habits, harmless on the banks of the Elbe, became fatal at 
 the foot of Atlas. Add to this their small numbers, their 
 intestine wars, the hatred of the populations toward their 
 savage and political masters; finally, the sudden contact 
 with civilization which is so often fatal to barbarians, and it 
 will be readily seen that at the end of two or three genera- 
 tions nothing remained of a power which at first had seemed 
 irresistible. In after years the crusaders established in 
 Palestine had the same experience. Seeing this quick 
 decline, it seemed to Justinian natural to profit by it, and 
 he began with the Vandals. 
 
 It was after the first Persian war that the expedition 
 against the Vandals took place. Gelimer had just assassin- 
 ated Prince Hilderic — a relation of the Emperor Theodosius 
 I. by his mother. Under the pretext of avenging him 
 Justinian decided to attack that enervated nation, which 
 was still torn by religious conflicts. Belisarius set out for 
 Africa with a fleet of 500 ships manned by 20,000 sailors 
 and 15,000 soldiers. The departure was an occasion of 
 great solemnity at Constantinople ; and the success of 
 Belisarius fully repaid the importance of the preparations. 
 Three months after he landed he gained the decisive vic- 
 tory of Tricamaron and took possession of Africa, Sardinia, 
 and the Balearic Islands (534). Gelimer, closely besieged, 
 sent to Belisarius for bread, which he had not tasted for 
 three months, a sponge with which to bathe his aching eyes, 
 and a lute wherewith to sing his woes. When led before 
 him he burst out laughing ; and when he was presented to 
 the Emperor he cried with Ecclesiastes, " Vanity of vani- 
 ties — all is vanity." He vvas given estates in Galatia, where 
 he quietly spent the rest of his life. 
 
 Belisarius hardly had enjoyed his triumph at Constan- 
 tinople, for the conquest of Africa, when he was sent to
 
 48 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 Italy. In Italy the Ostrogoths retained more vigor, from 
 the fact that they had come there in greater numbers and 
 
 more recently. Theodoric had kept them 
 Italy "from Vh°e Separated from the Italians. His daughter 
 Ostrogoths (533- Amalasuntha, reigning in the place of Atha- 
 ^^^'' laric, wished to refine them, but the Goths, 
 
 who clung to their barbaric rudeness, forced her to name 
 her cousin Theodahad king, and soon after Theodahad 
 assassinated her. Justinian appeared as the avenger of 
 Amalasuntha in Italy, as he had of Hilderic in Africa. 
 Belisarius conquered Sicily (535), and took Naples and 
 Rome (536). Invain did Witiges, the new king of the Goths, 
 assemble all the forces of the nation, newly inspired by his 
 courage, take for an instant the offensive, and shut up 
 Belisarius in Rome ; he could not capture him there and 
 was obliged to fly to Ravenna, where he suffered the same 
 fate as Gelimer (540). But envy and the Persian war called 
 Belisarius back ; the Goths, under Totila, took advantage 
 of that and gained a great victory at Faenza which gave 
 them Rome (546). Belisarius came back, but with insuffi- 
 cient forces, and only succeeded in reentering the old capi- 
 tal of the world. What the court refused him, it gave to 
 the eunuch Narses. He had an army in which barbarians 
 predominated — Huns, Persians, Herulians, Lombards and 
 Slavs — and fought at Lentagio * in the Apennines against 
 King Totila, who died of his wounds (552). Teias, suc- 
 ceeding Totila, had a like fate ; and the Ostrogothic mon- 
 archy ended with him. The bands of Franks, though 
 called upon at the same time by the Goths and the Greeks, 
 did not assist either of the two parties. Those of the 
 Ostrogothic warriors who still remained in Italy were 
 allowed to retire with their possessions, after promising on 
 oath never to return. 
 
 Thus the Greek Empire seemed to have avenged the 
 Empire of the West. When it had seized Valencia in Spain 
 
 and the Eastern Baetica, which Athanagild 
 ^spa'hl\5°52^ '" yielded to Justinian in order to obtain his 
 
 help against a rival, Agila, it seemed to have 
 regained its sovereignty over the two basins of the Mediter- 
 ranean. But the increase of power was too much for its 
 weak condition, and lasted but a short time. 
 
 * The exact place where this battle was fought is unknown. — Ed.
 
 EL HOPE 
 
 AT THE DEATH OF 
 JUSTINIAN 
 
 565. 
 
 Komnti En 1 1 li If 
 
 Teutonic Kint'tliinis
 
 E. F. FISK, ENGR.. N.Y.
 
 Chap. IV.] THE GREEK EMPIRE. 49 
 
 A new invasion, in the north, was repelled at the same 
 time. The Bulgarians who are believed to be of Tartar 
 blood, came from the region of the Volga about this time. 
 They settled in Dacia, and while the imperial armies were 
 fighting in Asia, Italy, and Spain, they crossed the Danube 
 on the ice and appeared under the very walls of Constan- 
 tinople. The capital of the Empire was saved by Belisarius, 
 who expelled them with the aid of the guards of the palace 
 and the inhabitants of the town, and drove them back 
 beyond the Danube* (559). Another Tartar people, the 
 Avars, the remains of a great nation destroyed in Asia by 
 the Turks and the Chinese, approached the Danube in 558. 
 Justinian persuaded them to stop in Dacia. He hoped to 
 make them defenders of the Empire; but they became its 
 most terrible enemies. ._ 
 
 Justinian's greatest claim to the memory of posterity is, 
 however, less in his transient victories than in the works of 
 
 lustinian's legislation which are connected with his name. 
 Administration, They wcre cxccuted under the direction of 
 o e igest. Tribonian, a lawyer and a man of universal 
 knowledge, but mercenary and without conscience, acco^d- 
 ing to Procopius, who said : "He trafficked in laws — mak- 
 ing and unmaking them according as it was asked of him." 
 With nine other lawyers for associates, Tribonian made in 
 fourteen months (528-529) a collection of the constitutions 
 and imperial edicts, divided into twelve books; this is the 
 Code. Justinian brought out, some time after, a new edi- 
 tion of it, in which were two hundred laws and fifty decis- 
 ions delivered by himself. In the year 533 the Institutes 
 appeared, a summary of the principles of Roman juris- 
 prudence, which was intended for the schools of Constan- 
 tinople, Berytus and Rome, and the Digest, called, as in 
 Greek, Pandects (general collection). This is an immense 
 compilation, made in three years time by seventeen law- 
 yers, though Justinian had allowed them twelve years for 
 the task. All the previous codes and two thousand books 
 on jurisprudence were summarized, and three million lines 
 were reduced to one hundred and fifty thousand. To avoid 
 further confusion, it was forbidden to make commentaries 
 
 * This invasion was by a branch of the Huns, not by the Bulgarians. 
 It may have been in 558. The home offered by Justinian to the Avars 
 was in Pannonia. — Ed.
 
 5© THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 on them, and even to interpret or cite the old laws; in a 
 doubtful case the Emperor himself could be appealed to for 
 an interpretation. 
 
 Finally, the fourth great work includes, under the name of 
 Novelise, the laws made by Justinian after the publication of 
 the Code (534-565). All this legislation was the last will and 
 testament, as it were, of Roman jurisprudence, but animated 
 by new principles of humanity in the civil law and of des- 
 potism in the government. 
 
 For the defense of the Empire, Justinian built or restored 
 eighty fortresses along the Danube and six hundred m Dacia, 
 Epirus, Thessaly, Macedonia and Thrace; he rebuilt the 
 wall of Anastasius, which had been thrown down by an earth- 
 quake and had let the Bulgarians through; he even fortified 
 all the isthmuses of the Empire, and covered the frontier of 
 the Euphrates with forts as he had the Danube. Other 
 structures were for the adornment of the capital — as, for 
 instance, the magnificent basilica of St. Sophia, which is 
 now a mosque. The importation, in his reign, of silk- 
 worms, by two Nestorian monks coming from China, must 
 also be mentioned. 
 
 From every point of view that we have taken, the reign 
 of Justinian is worthy of praise. It is contemptible, if we 
 consider the inner factions, the bloodthirsty quarrels of the 
 greens and the blues (the colors of the circus charioteers), 
 the Nika sedition, which for five days gave Constantinople 
 over to devastation — murder and conflagration. The dan- 
 ger was so great for the Emperor himself that he was on 
 the point of departing on a ship held in readiness for him, 
 when his wife Theodora stopped him, saying : " I shall re- 
 main, and I shall console myself with that thought of the 
 ancients, that the throne is a glorious tomb ! " 
 
 Belisarius, with 3000 veterans, surrounded the rebels in 
 tlie circus and killed, it is said, 30,000 of them. This brave 
 Theodora had been only a comic actress, daughter of the 
 keeper of the bears in the amphitheater, and ncjtorious for 
 every kind of licentiousness before Justinian married her. 
 Virtue was nowhere seen, and without this strength is 
 weakness, for it alone can give to states as well as to indi- 
 vidu'ds a wliolesome confidence in themselves. The innu- 
 i.''eral)lj fortresses proved only that the Romansof the lower 
 empire felt their own powerlessness, and had a lively fear 
 of the ruin which they knew themselves unable to avert.
 
 Chap. IV.] THE GREEK EMPIRE. 51 
 
 Justinian died in 565, after withdrawing his favor from 
 
 Belisarius. * He was succeeded by three emperors, the 
 
 . „ ^. two last of fine character who form an ex- 
 
 Justin II. Ti- . , , , , . - , . 
 
 beriusii. Mau- ception to the general degradation ; first his 
 '^l-Lyn^r^ nephew, Justin II. (565), then Tiberius II. 
 ciius (610-741). (1578), and Maurice (S82). The two last 
 
 Steady decline. ^-^ '■ ' , .1 .1 \ \\ • \^^ c a ^■ 
 
 gained the throne by the right of adoption, 
 which proved almost as successful in their case as when it 
 gave the Empire to the Antonines. The splendor of Jus- 
 tinian's reign was continued under these three Emperors. 
 If Italy was conquered by the Lombards (568), the Avars, 
 on the other hand, were turned back from the East by 
 Justin's courageous attitude. The Persian war was waged 
 with success by Tiberius II., and under Maurice the Greek 
 Empire became the protector of Chosroes II., who was 
 driven from his states by the revolt of Varahan (591). 
 Unfortunately at the end of this reign, the Avars, led by 
 their Khan, the terrible Baiam, raised the annual tribute to 
 100,000 pieces of gold, took Sirmium f and Singidunum, 
 and ravaged everything from Belgrade to the Black Sea. 
 Maurice had nothing to oppose to these formidable troops 
 but a degenerate army attracted only by the hope of gold, 
 and generals who had no more force of character than 
 Commentiolus, who always fell sick when the barbarians 
 arrived, and who never lost blood but by the surgeon's lan- 
 cet. Maurice wished to make a reform in the discipline, 
 but the attempt cost him his life. A revolt broke out in 
 the European and Asiatic camps, and Phocas, who was pro- 
 claimed Emperor, had him strangled with all his children 
 (602). Fortunately the terrible tyranny of Phocas defeated 
 itself by its own excesses. Heraclius, the son of the ex- 
 arch of Africa (610), was called upon to overthrow him. 
 
 The reign of Heraclius was a struggle against the Persians 
 and the Avars, admirable for its courage and spirit. For a 
 long time war had not been waged on so grand a scale as it 
 
 *The tradition that Belisarius had his eyes put out by the order of 
 Justinian and was obliged to beg his bread, a story popularized by Mar- 
 montel's romance and David's picture, does not go farther back than 
 Tzetzes, an author of the twelfth century, in whom little faith can be 
 placed. The portraits of Justinian and Theodora are still to be seen in 
 the mosaic of the apse of St. Vitalis at Ravenna, which contains so many 
 memorials of the Lower Empire. 
 
 f Sirmium was captured in the reign of Tiberius. — Ed.
 
 52 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 was now in Asia. The extremities of distress to which the 
 Emperor was first reduced only made his success there- 
 after the more remarkable. The Avars invaded the North, 
 and pursued the Emperor as far as the outskirts of Constan- 
 tinople (6ig). The Persians, led by the Satrap Shahen, 
 invaded Syria (613), Palestine, Egypt, and even Cyrenaica, 
 where they destroyed all the Greek towns, and returning 
 to Asia Minor, suddenly pushed as far as Chalcedon. Here 
 they settled for ten years in sight of Constantinople, which 
 the loss of Egypt had reduced to starvation. The limits of 
 the Empire at that time hardly reached beyond the walls of 
 Constantinople and Heraclius was already thinking of trans- 
 ferring the capital from there to Carthage, when the patri- 
 arch Sergius restrained him and placed the possessions of the 
 Church at Constantinople at his disposal. The war which 
 was going on had assumed almost a religious character; 
 Chosroes had strangled the Christian priests in Jerusalem, 
 and had sworn that he would not make peace with Heraclius 
 until he should "renounce his crucified Lord, and take up 
 the worship of the Sun." Heraclius carried the war into 
 the enemy's country. He attacked Asia Minor first from 
 the south (622), landed in Cilicia, and gained a victory at 
 Issus. He then attacked it from the north, landing at 
 Trebizond, and enlarged his army with many auxiliaries col- 
 lected from the tribes of the Caucasus — dragged Armenia 
 into an alliance with him, and penetrated into Azerbiyan, 
 destroying the town of Thebarmis, which ri' regarded as the 
 birthplace of Zoroaster, the religious legislator of the Per- 
 sians. This bold enterprise saved Asia Minor and Egypt, as 
 formerly that of Scipio in Africa had saved Italy. The Per- 
 sian armies were withdrawn across the Euphrates. The 
 Persians allied themselves with the Avars, Heraclius with 
 the Turkish Khazars from the Volga, who stood to Persia 
 in the same position as did the barbarians from the Danube 
 to the Greek Empire. While the Avars were suffering 
 defeat in an attack on Constantinople (626), Heraclius, 
 strengthened by 40,000 Khazars, went so far that the king 
 of Persia himself trembled for his capital (627). The Em- 
 peror, victor in a battle near the ruins of Nineveh, pillaged 
 the towns and palaces of Persia, and penetrating as far as 
 Ctesephon, which, however, he did not besiege, he regained 
 300 Roman flags. Chosroes was dethroned and put to death 
 by his own son Siroes, and the treaty then concluded (628)
 
 CHAP. IV.] THE GREEK EMPIRE. 53 
 
 gave back to the two empires their old boundary lines, and 
 to the Christians the wood of the True Cross, which He- 
 raclius bore back in triumph to Jerusalem (629). 
 
 Here the successful period of the reign of Heraclius ends, 
 as well as the transient prosperity of the Greek Empire, 
 which was exhausted by the attacks of the Persians and 
 even by its own victories, overwhelmed by taxes and ruined 
 in its commerce and industries. The Empire was in great 
 need of repose after such disasters and exertions, but it was 
 now overwhelmed by the sudden rush of a nation from the 
 depths of Arabia, much more formidable than the Per- 
 sians — a veritable torrent — destroying everything in its path. 
 Ten years had hardly passed when Heraclius, after new and 
 useless efforts, released his Syrian subjects from their oath 
 of allegiance, and set sail crying: "Farewell, Syria, fare- 
 well forever!" (638). * Before he died he saw Egypt lost, 
 Alexandria captured (641). His dynasty continued on the 
 throne for seventy years, unfortunately for the Empire. 
 Blood and madness and unprecedented refinements of cruelty 
 give an awful character to this period: Constans II. (641) 
 had his brother killed, and thought he saw him in his dreams 
 offering a cup of blood and saying: "Drink, brother, drink." 
 Constantine IV. Pogonatos (668) had the noses of his two 
 brothers cut off, whom the troops of the Anatolic district 
 in Asia Minor wished to force upon him as associates in the 
 Empire, 'because," said they, "_'ust as there are three per- 
 sons of equal power in heaven, so ought there to be — in 
 all reason — three persons of equal power on the earth." 
 Justinian II. (685) had two favorites, a eunuch and a 
 monk ; the first of whom is said to have had the Emperor's 
 mother scourged, and the second of whom caused insolvent 
 debtors to be hanged head downwards and roasted over a 
 slow fire. Tiberius III, f stained with blood, was fortu- 
 nately the last of this terrible lineage: he was first mutilated, 
 and then decapitated (705). 
 
 Then it was that the Greeks of the Lower Empire J sank 
 into such extremes of vice, of folly, and low bloodthirstiness 
 that they are quoted as one of the most deplorable types of 
 human nature that history can show. 
 
 * This date is a matter of dispute. It should probably be 636. — Ed. 
 f Tiberius was not of the lineage of Heraclius. — Ed. 
 X The strong defense which the Empire makes against the Saracens 
 shows that it was not as degenerate as it has been often represented. — Ed.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE RENEWAL OF THE GERMAN INVASION BY THE 
 FRANKS. GREATNESS OF THE MEROVIN- 
 GIANS. THEIR DECADENCE (561-687). 
 
 Power of the Merovingian Franks. New Character of their History. — 
 Lothaire I., Fredegonda, Brunhilda. — Lothaire II. Sole King (613- 
 628). — Dagobert I. (628-638). — Preponderance of Franks in West- 
 ern Europe. — Customs and Institutions introduced by the Germans 
 among the Conquered Peoples. — Laws of the Barbarians. — Decline 
 of the Royal Authority : The " Rois Faineants." — Mayors of the 
 Palace. — The Mayor Ebroin (660) and Saint Leger : Battle of 
 Testry (687). — Heredity of Benefices. 
 
 The reaction of the Greek Empire against the barbarians 
 
 did not go farther than Italy and Africa, in which countries 
 
 Power of the 't meted out justice to a people who had 
 
 Merovingian already yielded to the enervating effects of 
 
 Franks. New ....•'.•' _ ,. , , ° , , 
 
 Character of civuization. It did not extend to Gaul, where 
 their history. j|- ^ould havc cncountered a people which 
 had better retained its Germanic vigor. We have seen the 
 Franks under the sons of Clovis dividing their warlike 
 energy among a crowd of difi"erent enterprises, but none the 
 less strengthening and extending their dominion. Again 
 we have seen them gathering around their chiefs accord- 
 ing to the German custom and demanding adventures and 
 booty, though already less submissive and devoted to these 
 chiefs, less worthy of the name of "• fideles," yN\\\Q\-\ had been 
 given them. At one time they threatened to leave Theo- 
 doric if he would not lead them into Burgundy, at another 
 they brutally ill-treated Lothaire I., who refused to lead them 
 against the Saxons. Their devotion changed to antagonism. 
 The leudes * became an aristocracy hostile to the king, a 
 class of powerful men who were united by common inter- 
 ests, and whose power came at once from the sword, always 
 
 * See below, p. 63. — Ed. 
 
 54
 
 Chap, v.] RE.YEIVAL OF THE GERMAN INVASION. 55 
 
 terrible in their vigorous hands, and from the possession of 
 the soil which they held either through conquest or through 
 the generosity of the king. 
 
 This aristocracy of the leudes throve especially in Aus- 
 trasia, which remained less civilized than Neustria, and 
 where there was less of the Roman element to lend its sup- 
 port to the king and temper the violent customs of the 
 leudes. This distinct difference in their characters sepa- 
 rated the two portions of the Frankish kingdom more and 
 more, and, as we have already seen, they rarely acted in 
 concert under the sons of Clovis. They soon became ene- 
 mies, each one representing an opposing principle. This 
 struggle between royalty and aristocracy, between Neustria 
 and Austrasia, lasted for a century and a half, and absorbed 
 all the activity of the Franks within their own territory and 
 in civil war. 
 
 After three years of unity under Lothaire I. (558-561), 
 
 the kingdom of the Franks became again a tetrarchy, 
 
 , ^ . , and the four sons of Lothaire divided it be- 
 
 Lothaire I. , ^i -i t^ • r -n • 
 
 Fredegonda. twccu them. Chanbcrt was Kmg of raris ; 
 Brunhiida. Guuthramn, King of Orleans and Burgundy ; 
 
 Sigibert, King of Austrasia ; and Chilperic, King of Sois- 
 sons ; and each had also a portion of the southern part of 
 the territory as in the division of 511. At the death of 
 Charibert in 567, who left no sons, his states were all 
 divided excepting Paris, into which no one of the Frankish 
 kings might enter without the consent of the two others. 
 
 While Chilperic, the Neustrian king, was making Latin 
 verses and receiving a smattering of Roman education, 
 which merely refined the cruelty of his character without 
 softening it, Sigibert, the Austrasian king, unacquainted 
 with this superficial culture, which is more pernicious than 
 useful, was repelling with his warriors the last waves of bar- 
 barian invasion, which were again dashing against the Aus- 
 trasian barriers, and was thus keeping alive the vigor of his 
 people. He defeated the Avars in 562. Three or four 
 years later he fell into their hands, but paid a ransom, and 
 these barbarians withdrew toward the south. 
 
 Chilperic took a mean advantage of his absence and 
 seized his city of Rheims. Sigibert as soon as he was free 
 again conquered and pardoned him. Reasons for a more 
 bitter hatred were soon added to this first act of rivalry. 
 Sigibert had married Brunhiida, daughter of Athanagild,
 
 56 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 king of the Visigoths, a beautiful, learned, and ambitious 
 woman and a friend of civilization. Chilperic wished also 
 to have a wife of royal blood, and gained the hand of 
 Gaileswintha, the sister of Brunhilda. This passing caprice 
 yielded soon to the influence of his beautiful and imperious 
 mistress Fredegonda, who completely ruled the king. One 
 day Gaileswintha was found smothered in her bed, and 
 Fredegonda took her place as queen (567). Brunhilda 
 vowed to avenge her sister, and a war broke out between 
 Neustria and Austrasia. Gunthramn then assumed the 
 office of mediator, which he kept throughout his reign. He 
 brought this first quarrel to an end by causing the cities 
 which Gaileswintha had received as dowry to be restored 
 to Brunhilda. 
 
 A second war, which was kindled by the perfidy of Chil- 
 peric, was ended through the same mediation.* Finally, when 
 a third war broke out, Sigibert, less disposed to clemency 
 toward his treacherous brother, seized all his states and had 
 himself proclaimed king by the Neustrians. But at the very 
 moment when he was being raised on their shields, adher- 
 ents of Fredegonda, " bewitched by her," stabbed him on 
 either side with poisoned knives (575). Brunhilda found 
 herself a prisoner in Paris with her only son Childebert II., 
 but an Austrasian noble succeeded in rescuing the young 
 prince. As Childebert was a minor, the Austrasians were 
 governed by a mayor of the palace. This was the first im- 
 portant appearance of this office, which increased in power 
 during the civil wars and played so great a part in the next 
 century. Its origin is uncertain, but it either grew out of 
 the office of steward of the king's house {major do/iius), whose 
 influence increased, as is often the case,} or of a criminal 
 judge {/iiord, murder ; doiii, judgment), whose powers be- 
 came greatly extended. In either case the mayor of the 
 palace became a personage of the first importance, chosen 
 Ijy the nobles among themselves, and in consequence de- 
 voted to their interests and powerful through their support. 
 He ruled the royalty, especially the weaker kings, or " Rois 
 faineants," and his authority grew so that he finally sup- 
 planted the king himself. 
 
 * There was no real peace between the wars here called the second and 
 third.— El). 
 
 f This is now the accepted opinion. — Ed, 
 
 I
 
 Chap, v.] RENEWAL OF THE GERMAN INVASION. 57 
 
 We shall merely indicate here the confused events of this 
 epoch, the alliances first formed and then broken, and in the 
 midst of all the death of Chilperic, which was possibly due 
 to Fredegonda (584). 
 
 The incursions into Provence by the Lombards, who were 
 at first unsuccessful and were repulsed by the Patrician 
 Mummolus, are more worthy of our attention (572-576). 
 We have seen the Franks victorious both in the South and 
 the East over the invaders who were trying to wrest from 
 them the prizes of their victory, and becoming more 
 and more secure in the possession of the soil of their con- 
 quests. AVe shall particularly notice the usurpation of Gun- 
 dovald in the South, because it is one of the first symptoms 
 of the hostility of this country, which remained Roman, 
 toward the North, which became German, and toward the 
 Franks. This illegitimate son of Lothaire I., who had with- 
 drawn to Constantinople, was recalled by several nobles of 
 the South, by the Duke Gunthramn-Bozo, by Mummolus, 
 the victor of the Lombards, and by Desiderius, Duke of 
 Toulouse, who proclaimed him king. He fell through the 
 treachery of the nobles, who returned to their allegiance to 
 Gunthramn the king of Burgundy (585). But he had 
 hardly been defeated when the royal power had to contend 
 against a much more formidable coalition, for just as the 
 nobles of the South had united against it, now also the great 
 nobles and the bishops of the North were conspiring to 
 arrest its growth. 
 
 The royal authority was indeed gaining strength and gath- 
 ering up the traditions of the imperial government, which 
 still lingered among the Gallo-Romans, and striving to 
 model itself upon this type of despotism. For example 
 Chilperic * had established imposts in spite of the murmurs 
 of the Franks ; and being displeased with their spirit of inde- 
 pendence, he persecuted the bishops, who had become pow- 
 erful through the profound faith of the people and the rich 
 endowment of their churches, and who, often chosen from 
 the barbarians, were united by their interests with the great 
 nobles. Brunhilda, the daughter of a Visigoth king, en- 
 deavored to make the Roman principles which had ruled at 
 the court of her father prevail even among the Austrasians, 
 
 * The despotism of Chilperic was rather a purposeless tyranny than 
 any clearly formed plan. — Ed.
 
 58 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 a much more difficult task. The leudes and the bishops 
 in Austrasia and in Neustria formed a plot to seize the 
 power of these two kingdoms and of Burgundy as well. 
 This plot was frustrated at the moment of consummation. 
 The principal conspirators were put to death, and yEgidius, 
 the bishop of Rheims, was judged and exiled by a council of 
 bishops. 
 
 Gunthramn and Childebert were alarmed and hastened 
 to put an end to their difference and renew their alliance, 
 by the treaty of Andelot (in the Haute-Marne, 20 kilo- 
 metres northeast of Chaumont). Childebert was made heir 
 to his uncle, who had no children, but so great was the power 
 of the nobles that at the very moment when the royal 
 power, after a signal victory, was trying to gain strength by 
 this alliance, they obtained the possession and the heredi- 
 tary transmission of the lands which had been granted to 
 them.* In return they promised not to change their alle- 
 giance from one king to the other according to their ca- 
 price (587). 
 
 Gunthramn died in 593. His states were united with 
 those of Childebert, but only for a short time, as the latter 
 prince died in 596. His oldest son Theodebert II. received 
 Austrasia; his second son Theodoric II., Burgundy. 
 
 Brunhilda ruled her two grandsons. She urged them 
 against the son of Fredegonda, the king of Neustria, who, 
 though at first victorious at Latofao between Soissons and 
 Laon (596), was afterwards defeated at Dormelles Seine-et- 
 Marne (600), and again near Etampes in 604. This would 
 have been the end of Lothaire II., if the king of Austrasia 
 had not saved him by making a treaty with him. Brunhilda 
 was furious at seeing a vengeance which she had pursued for 
 thirty years escape her, and incited Theodoric to attack his 
 brother. In a second war Theodebert was defeated and 
 put to death with all his children (612). She then governed 
 two-thirds of Gaul, encouraged the arts, had roads con- 
 structed, and built monasteries and destroyed what remained 
 of the worship of idols. She gave aid to the missionaries 
 who went to preach Christianity to the Anglo-Saxons, and 
 
 * The treaty provides simply that the kings will respect the terms of 
 any grants which they have made and not arbitrarily violate them. It 
 relates to no special class and has no bearing on the development of the 
 feudal system. — Ed.
 
 Chap, v.] RENEWAL OF THE GERMAN INVASION. 59 
 
 Pope Gregory the Great wrote to congratulate her on this 
 step. But all these works of civilization did not please the 
 nobles, whom she treated with a growing rigor. The clergy 
 also was exasperated at the persecutions suffered by Saint 
 Columban, whom she drove from the monastery of Luxeuil, 
 when this bold apostle of Christianity reproached her with- 
 out reserve with plunging her grandson into licentiousness 
 that she might have the more power over him. When 
 Theodoric died in 613, the nobles of Austrasia and Bur- 
 gundy approached Lothaire II. secretly, and offered to 
 recognize him as king if he would relieve them of Brun- 
 hilda. He marched against her, and, abandoned by her 
 armies on the banks of the Aisne, she fell into the hands of 
 the son of her rival, together with the four sons of Theo- 
 doric. Lothaire had the four princes killed, and Brunhilda 
 was bound to the tail of a furious horse, who dashed her 
 body to pieces in his course (613). 
 
 We find in 614, under the name of the Council of Paris, an 
 assembly in which 79 bishops and a great number of the 
 
 laity took part. This assembly seems to mark 
 ^^ng^(643-6'28)°^^ ^^ '^^'^^ when the ecclesiastical aristocracy, 
 
 mixing more and more with the lay aristoc- 
 racy, was admitted with it to the great political assemblies.* 
 The "perpetual constitution," carried by this assembly, 
 commemorates the victory of this double aristocracy, of 
 which Lothaire II. had been but the tool. This consti- 
 tution enacted the abolition of any unusual imposts 
 established by the four sons of Lothaire I. ; the restitution 
 to the nobles and the churches of the property which had 
 been taken from them ; the giving of the election of the 
 bishops to the clergy and to the people of the cities, the 
 simple right of confirming them being left to the king; 
 the extension of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction to which 
 alone the clergy were to be subject ; the regulation that the 
 judges of the counties [the Grafen] were to be chosen from 
 among the great proprietors of the county ; and finally the 
 penalty of death for any one who should disturb the public 
 
 * This statement is certainly incorrect. This assembly and others 
 like it seem to have been primarily church councils, but what was the 
 exact relation to them of the laymen, who assembled at the same time, 
 whether they were admitted as members of the council or held a separ- 
 ate assembly, is a matter of dispute. ^Ed.
 
 6o THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 peace. When they gave up Brunhilda, the mayor of the 
 palace had made Lothaire II. swear that he would not take 
 away their powers, and that he would not interfere in the 
 election to this office which was made by the great nobles. 
 This perpetual constitution which completed and established 
 the results of the treaty of Andelot, which had been partly 
 overthrown by Brunhilda, is almost the only important event 
 in the reign of Lothaire II. In 622 the Austrasians, tired of 
 having the same king as the Neustrians, asked him for a king 
 of their own. He sent them his son Dagobert, who united 
 the whole monarchy again in 628. 
 
 The reign of Dagobert I. was the highest point of the 
 Merovingian dynasty, and gave to the Franks 
 ^^f628^638)*. ^' ^ marked preponderance in western Europe. 
 
 Dagobert put a stop to the incursions of 
 the Wends, a Slavic people over whom Sama, a Prankish 
 merchant who traded among them, had become king after 
 delivering them from the Avars.* To resist the incursions 
 of the Slavs, who were ravaging Thuringia, he made use of 
 the Saxon tribes, remitting the tax of 500 oxen which they 
 had been paying. He delivered Bavaria from a band of 
 Bulgarians who had demanded his protection, and whom he 
 caused to be put to death, not knowing what else to do with 
 them ; it was the policy of the age. 
 
 At home he was practically the master of all Gaul. At 
 the death of his brother Charibert, to whom he had ceded 
 Aquitaine, he left his nephews in possession of the duchy of 
 Toulouse, but received the submission of the Gascons. The 
 Bretons had again become entirely independent, and fre- 
 quently ravaged the frontier. Their Duke, Judicael, had 
 assumed the title of king. Dagobert sent Saint Eloi 
 [EligiusJ as ambassador to him, and invited him to come to 
 his court, where the Duke of the Bretons was received with 
 honor and loaded with gifts (635). 
 
 The administration of affairs was confided by Dagobert to 
 able ministers : Pippin of Landen, mayor of the palace of 
 Austrasia ; Cunibert, bishop of Cologne, and Arnulf, bishop 
 of Metz. He himself went through Austrasia and Bur- 
 gundy giving audience alike to great and small, restrain- 
 ing the nobles, and trying to put a stop to abuses and to vio- 
 
 * The Franks were really defeated, and the incursions of the Wends 
 continued. — Ed.
 
 Chap, v.] RENEWAL OF THE GERMAN INVASION. 6i 
 
 lence. He busied himself in improving the laws, and made 
 corrections in those of the Salians, the Ripuarians, the 
 Alamannians, and the Bavarians. Commerce prospered, 
 favored by these extended foreign connections. Dagobert 
 formed an alliance with the Lombards of Italy and the Visi- 
 goths of Spain ; he sent two ambassadors to Heraclius. 
 The industrial acts had illustrious representatives in the 
 goldsmith, Saint Eloi, who became bishop of Noyon, and 
 in his pupils. Dagobert built the Abbey of Saint Denis, to 
 which he presented 27 estates or villages at once. He 
 himself lived near by, at Clichy, where he displayed the 
 luxury of his court, and but partially concealed his de- 
 bauchery. His renown was spread abroad through all 
 Europe.* 
 
 He died in 638, and with him departed the greatness of 
 the Merovingians, who abandoned themselves to a degree 
 of ease and inertia which proved fatal to their dynasty. 
 
 It is by the study of the laws of the barbarians that we 
 
 learn to understand the new state of society which resulted 
 
 from the introduction of their customs and 
 
 Manners and institutions among the conquered peo- 
 
 institutions of =» \ hi 
 
 the Germans, plcs. f We posscss the laws of auiiost all the 
 Barbarians. ^''^ peoplcs who invaded the Empire, and who 
 promptly felt the necessity of putting into 
 writing their old customs and at the same time of adapt- 
 ing them to their new needs. All were at once drawn up 
 in Latin, except the Salic law, or that of the Salian Franks, 
 which was first written out in the German language on the 
 other side of the Rhine ; later it was put into Latin, 
 and amended successively by Clovis, Theodoric I., Childe- 
 bert I., Lothaire I., Dagobert I., and Charlemagne. These 
 two last editions are the only ones which we possess. The 
 law of the Ripuarians, closely resembling that of the Salians, 
 was published by Theodoric I., as well as those of the 
 
 *As Dagobert was the last of the strong Merovingian kings, later 
 legend naturally exaggerated somewhat the good results of his reign. — Ed. 
 
 f Many points concerning these early laws are still in dispute, but 
 these seem fairly certain : that the Lex Salica was not originally com- 
 posed in German; that the supposed share of any given Merovingian 
 kings in its formation and revision rests, so far as proof goes, upon 
 later and doubtful tradition, and that the work of Charlemagne went no 
 further than to provide more accurate texts. It exists in hve more or 
 less widely differing groups of texts. — Ed.
 
 62 THE GERMAAr/C INVASION: [Book 1. 
 
 Alemannians and the Bavarians. The law of the Burgun- 
 dians, published by Gundobad (474-516) and completed by 
 his son Sigismund, is known by the name of the Lex Gun- 
 dobada or Gombata. That of the Visigoths, begun by 
 Euric and continued by most of his successors, was only 
 finished in the 7th century and the final revision published 
 in the Council of Toledo, in 693, under the name of Forum 
 /udicu??i, the Fuero Ji/zgo of the Spaniards. 
 
 These laws are more barbarous in proportion as the 
 people who formed them were more distant from the coun- 
 tries of the South and the center of Roman civilization. 
 Thus Theodoric the Great, by his edict, made his people 
 subject to the almost unaltered Roman law. Next to this, 
 the law of the Visigoths is that which borrows the most from 
 Roman legislation, traces of which are to be found on every 
 page ; then come those of the Burgundians, etc. The least 
 Roman is that of the Anglo-Saxons, who were also the 
 people most cruel to the conquered. 
 
 These laws are in no sense political constitutions, for of 
 these the barbarians had no idea, but civil and above all 
 criminal codes, especially aimed at punishing personal vio- 
 lence, thefts of domestic animals, etc., and which well show 
 the state of society of the times. Far the larger part of the 
 Salic law is concerned with penalties. 
 
 The barbarians who occupied Italy (the Heruli and the 
 Ostrogoths) took but a third part of the lands. The Bur- 
 gundians who occupied the eastern part of Gaul, and the 
 Visigoths who held the middle, took two-thirds of the land. 
 The Anglo-Saxons took the whole. It is not known what 
 course the Franks, the Vandals, and the Suevi took in this 
 respect. It is probable that they took possession of vacant 
 domains and of those which pleased their fancy, without 
 any fixed rule, feeling that they had not conquered the 
 country in order to be restrained by conscientious scruples 
 from taking any fine domain which suited them.* It is 
 probable that among themselves they drew lots for these 
 domains. 
 
 All the grants made by the Merovingian kings up to the 
 eighth century seem to have been grants of land in full 
 ownership and to have constituted what was called allodial 
 
 * It is now the accepted opinion that the Franks took only the Roman 
 state domains and other unoccupied lands. — Ed.
 
 Chap, v.] REMEWAL OF THE GEliMAN INVASIOM. 63 
 
 land (all-od., freehold land).* The king did not till the 
 eighth century give temporary grants, which were limited 
 either to a certain number of years or more frequently to 
 the life of the donee or donor. These grants, which were 
 made in imitation of the ecclesiastical precaria (usufructs 
 for five years), to which certain conditions and pecuniary 
 dues were sometimes attached, came gradually to be called 
 benefices, and this custom extended from the kings to pri- 
 vate individuals as well as to the churches. f Lands which 
 were called tributary, subject to a tribute in money or in 
 kind, had generally been granted to men of an inferior 
 rank, bordering on servitude. The class distinctions were 
 as follows : 
 
 1. The free men, who owed nothing to any one, but were 
 under obligation to the king, to make him certain gifts and 
 to perform military service in the national wars. All classes 
 of freemen were called leudes, but this name was soon used 
 with special reference to the men who were richest and of 
 the highest rank among the free men. The king chose 
 from them the dukes and the counts whom he sent to com- 
 mand the armies or to govern the provinces and cities. 
 These royal leudes, who, living in intimacy with the king, 
 had obtained great domains from him, and the chiefs who 
 had had enough lands to allow them to distribute some 
 among their own followers, formed an aristocracy whose 
 pretensions were continually increasing. 
 
 2. The litus, who, like the Roman colonus, could not be 
 torn capriciously from the land that he cultivated as farmer, 
 and for which he paid a fixed rent to the proprietor. 
 
 3. The slave, who no longer possessed the personal lib- 
 erty which the litus and the colonus still retained. 
 
 The fine or wergeld for murder, if not taken too literally, 
 gives an approximate idea of the value placed by the bar- 
 barian law on the different classes. In most cases the mur- 
 der of a barbarian was taxed double the amount of the 
 murder of a Roman ; the murder of a noble double that of 
 
 * This has long been a subject of dispute. The weight of authority 
 seems at present inclining to the view that the grants of the Merovingian 
 Kings were in some cases of a temporary character. — Ed. 
 
 t It seems almost certain that the practice was first developed by the 
 churches and private individuals and was afterwards borrowed by the 
 Kings. — Ed.
 
 64 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 a simple free man ; the murder of a Roman proprietor, 
 double that of a Roman colonus, etc. 
 
 The political status, like the social status of the Ger- 
 mans, remained after the conquest for the most part as it 
 had been before, but was modified to suit the new circum- 
 stances. The monarchy still existed, and the king con- 
 tinued to be chosen from a family which was higher in rank 
 than all the others ; reges ex nobilitate sumunt, says Tacitus. 
 But there was still attached to this hereditary principle a 
 sort of popular confirmation in the ceremony of the shield, 
 the King being lifted on a buckler and proclaimed in the 
 great assembly of the free men. 
 
 This assembly always met to decide the great state ques- 
 tions. It was called in France the Champ de ma?'s or de 
 mai [Maifeld] in England the Witenagemot (meeting of the 
 wise men) ; in Spain, the council of Toledo. Little by 
 little it ceased to include all the free men, who being dis- 
 persed over the country often feared the expense and diffi- 
 culty of a long journey ; then the great nobles and the 
 bishops assembled alone. In the local administration the 
 barbarians still kept the provinces and the cities, and also 
 established divisions into counties, and hundreds, perhaps 
 a hundred families, from which comes canton. The counts 
 [Grafen] held in their counties inferior courts where all the 
 freemen were supposed to meet to judge offenses ; later 
 they were assisted by a committee of free men. 
 
 We have said that the barbarian laws were personal and 
 not territorial, — that is, that each barbarian carried his law 
 about with him, and that, for example, the Salian Frank who 
 found himself among the Visigoths was judged by the Salic 
 law and not by the Visigothic. This was important, for 
 there were grave differences between the procedure and 
 penalties of the different laws : for instance, among the 
 more civilized barbarians, we find written evidence from the 
 beginning regarded as important, while among the less 
 civilized such proofs were less sought for than other kinds 
 of evidence. 
 
 These other kinds of evidence were the witnesses who 
 had some notion of the facts, and the conjurators, who 
 affirmed by oath not the innocence of the accused, but the 
 confidence they had in his words, and finally the judicial 
 tests or ordeals, and among the latter the trials by fire, by 
 water, and by the cro.ss, and the judicial combat, which, by
 
 Chap, v.] RENEWAL OF THE GERMAN INVASION. 65 
 
 the way, was not in the Salic law, but which was gener- 
 ally used. The penalties were death, which is also not 
 mentioned in the Salic law, the compositio or tvergeld, 
 paid to the injured party or his family,* and the fredum 
 [Friedensgeld] a fine paid for having disturbed the public 
 peace. 
 
 The army remained on nearly the same footing as the 
 earliest times. When the country was attacked, when the 
 landivehr was needed, the king published his ban or procla- 
 mation, and all the freemen were obliged to come, under the 
 leadership of their respective counts, to render him gratui- 
 tous military service. 
 
 This kind of organization spared the treasury of the king 
 the only possible expense at a time when the civil adminis- 
 tration cost little or nothing to the central power, and. in 
 this way the revenues of the royal domains and the presents 
 from the free men, together with the imposts of the Roman 
 cities, which were the only resources of the king, were suf- 
 ficient for its needs. Nevertheless, when the needs of a 
 rather more complicated government and the luxury of a 
 less primitive court increased the expenses, we find the 
 kings, as Chilperic and Dagobert, trying to establish a sys- 
 tem of taxation, f 
 
 These taxes were perhaps what most wounded the pride 
 of the barbarians. These leudes, accustomed to lead a free 
 and irresponsible life in the forests near which they "loved 
 to dwell, and to bind themselves only by the ties of an 
 entirely voluntary devotion, and to consider their chief as a 
 man, not as a power, could not understand why this man, 
 who possessed the largest, the most beautiful, and the most 
 numerous domains, should still demand something from 
 them ; they could not make up their minds to submit to 
 
 * A few examples of the wergeld are g^ven from the Salic law : 
 The free Frank, 200 solidi ; the Graf, 600 solidi ; one of the King's 
 comitatus, 600 solidi ; one of the King's comitatus in time of war, 1800 
 solidi, the highest wergeld of the Salic law ; the free Roman, 100 solidi ; 
 the litus, 100 solidi ; the slave, 30 solidi. Other barbarian codes made 
 similar distinctions between the classes but with different amounts of com- 
 pensation. Reference should be made to the valuable chapter in 
 Emerton's Middle Ages, entitled Germanic Ideas of Law. — Ed. 
 
 \ This can relate at most only to certain kinds of ta.xes or to certain 
 parts of the country. The Roman taxes were continued and were in 
 general paid by the Franks. — Ed.
 
 66 THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 demands made without their consent to pay imposts which 
 seemed to them strangely to resemble the tributes which 
 were exacted from conquered peoples ; in a word, they had 
 no conception of the state, that abstraction of which they 
 made so little and of which modern societies have made so 
 great a thing. Much time must elapse before the first 
 notions of political metaphysics could find a way into these 
 stubborn minds, that is to say, before society could be 
 changed from its foundations, a work which meant nothing 
 less than the initiation of the barbarians into the Roman 
 ideas. 
 
 After Dagobert the Merovingian race fell into decay. 
 We no longer distinguish the periods of the confused his- 
 tory of the Franks by the names of their 
 th^i'^MonarThy!^ kings, but by those of the Mayors of the Pal- 
 Mayors of the ace, who were formerly the judges of the 
 disputes which arose in the royal dwelling, 
 but who now directed public affairs. In their hands the 
 long-haired princes became only tools whom they used to 
 give authority to their acts. The Mayors kept the young 
 kings strangers to the affairs of the kingdom and relegated 
 them to the country, to the depths of some estate whence 
 they brought them once a year to show them, poor phan- 
 toms of authority that they were, to the public assemblies. 
 Nevertheless they hesitated to despoil entirely this Merovin- 
 gian family, which was protected at the same time by popu- 
 lar prestige and by jealous rivalries. Woe to the Mayor 
 of the Palace who should touch this crown, protected by an 
 ancient nimbus of respect ! 
 
 The two sons of Dagobert, Sigibert and Clovis II., reigned, 
 the first over Austrasia and the second over Neustria and 
 Burgundy, each of the kingdoms having a Mayor of the 
 Palace. When in 656 Sigibert died, Grimoald the Mayor 
 of Austrasia tried to place his own son upon the throne. 
 The nobles of Austrasia, not wishing to give themselves new 
 kings more powerful than the old, united with those of 
 Neustria and put to death the usurper and his father. This 
 lesson was understood by the mayors who succeeded Grim- 
 oald, and before his attempt was renewed a century elapsed, 
 during which they rendered great services, gained brilliant 
 victories, and produced a series of eminent men whom the 
 Franks became accustomed to see standing from father to son 
 at the head of affairs. Meanwhile they remained the chiefs
 
 Chap, v.] RENEWAL OF THE GERMAN INVASION. 67 
 
 of the Austrasian aristocracy in its struggle with the Neu- 
 strian monarchy. 
 
 This monarchy found an able and energetic defender in 
 
 Ebroin, who succeeded Erchinoald (660) in the mayoralty of 
 
 Neustria and Burgundy.* In these two coun- 
 
 (66oi?^and Sa^nt trics, Ebroin ruled the nobility with a rod of 
 
 Leger ; battle of iron, and when Lothaire III. died he did not 
 
 Testry (687;. ' . . ^ i ■ 
 
 consult them m the choice of his successor: 
 by his own authority he placed upon the throne Theodoric 
 III., a son of Clovis II. As it had always been the part 
 of the nation to confirm the hereditary succession of the 
 sovereign by a show of election, the nobles saw in the action 
 of Ebroin a blow aimed against their traditional rights. 
 They combined in the three kingdoms under the leadership 
 of Wulfoald, Mayor of Austrasia, and of Saint Leger, bish- 
 op of Autun, overthrew the audacious Mayor, and impris- 
 oned him in the abbey of Luxeuil. 
 
 Childeric II., King of Austrasia, was recognized in the 
 three kingdoms, with Wulfoald and Saint Leger as his may- 
 ors of the palace. He was not so easily resigned to the 
 diminution of his authority as the other kings, and, not con- 
 tent with the way in which Saint Leger favored the nobles, 
 he sent him to join Ebroin in the prison at Luxeuil. He 
 even dared to have the noble Bodilo whipped with rods like 
 a common slave. This outrage cost him his life. He was 
 assassinated by Bodilo in the forest of Chelles (673). 
 
 Ebroin and Saint Leger at once came out of the common 
 captivity which had brought them together, and again took 
 their places as the heads of two opposite parties. Ebroin 
 had lost his king, Theodoric III., to whose assistance the 
 Neustrian nobles had rallied ; he set up another, an alleged 
 son of Lothaire III. He had an army of mercenaries, with 
 which he overcame Theodoric, who in his flight lost the 
 royal treasure, which was of great assistance to the con- 
 queror. This army, entirely foreign to the military system 
 of the Franks, and dependent upon the man who paid it, 
 made the triumph of Ebroin over the nobles certain ; he 
 became absolute master of the kingdom under Theodoric 
 III., whom he had again taken up for king. Under the pre- 
 text of punishing the murderers of Childeric II. he had 
 a great number of his adversaries put to death, and among 
 
 * The details of this period are all more or less uncertain. — Ed,
 
 6S THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 them Saint Leger. He gave their lands, as well as much 
 property, which he took from the church, to his soldiers. 
 Never, even under Brunhilda, had the nobles been pursued 
 with such virulence. Many left Neustria and took refuge 
 among the Austrasians; some went as far as to the Gascons. 
 
 The Austrasian nobles, persecuted in the name of the 
 royal authority, which acted sometimes by itself, as under 
 Childeric 11. and sometimes by its defender Ebroin, boldly 
 protested by abolishing this dignity in their country. They 
 murdered their king Dagobert II., and did not replace him 
 (678). They entrusted the government to Martin* and Pip- 
 pin of Heristal, whom they called princes or dukes of the 
 Franks. These two men were descendants of Pippin the 
 Elder of Landen and of Arnulf, Bishop of Metz, and 
 were thus connected with all the great Austrasian families. 
 Enormous domams situated on the banks of the Rhine added 
 to the influence which they owed to their inherited position. 
 
 The skill of Ebroin triumphed once more near Laon ; but 
 when he perished by the hand of an assassin in 681, the 
 triumph of Austrasia and of its chief was assured. The 
 battle of Testry, won in 687 by Pippin of Heristal, pro- 
 claimed this triumph. 
 
 The principal cause of this stubborn contest with the 
 nobles was the question of the right of inheritance in land, 
 a fundamental question, on which depended 
 n^ghunllnds^ the political and social status of the Franks 
 in the future. f According as the right of 
 inheritance lost or gained, the present status would be 
 maintained or changed. For we find here already the 
 principle of appropriating the royal grants, and encroach- 
 ing on monarchical power, which, after spreading later to 
 other objects, gave birth to the feudal regime. This solu- 
 tion was far off and did not come till the end of two cen- 
 turies, after internal conflicts which were long in proportion 
 to the importance of the question which was under dispute. 
 
 When before a conquest a barbarian chief distributed to 
 
 * The descent of Martin is entirely unknown, and the exact position 
 
 which these two held after the murder of Dagobert is not clear. — Ed. 
 
 f The struggle during the later Merovingian period was unquestion- 
 ably one between the aristocracy and the royal power. That this struggle 
 involved, however, the question of hereditary right to royal land grants, 
 as clearly and consciously as is here asserted, is a statement of which 
 there is no proof. — Ed,
 
 Chap, v.] RENEWAL OF THE GERMAN INVASION. 69 
 
 his companions in arms, the horses, or the "bloody and vic- 
 torious javelin," as Tacitus says, the gift of these as well as 
 of every personal object of this kind was certainly made with- 
 out any reservation, and whoever re€eived it kept it as long 
 as it lasted, even if he left his chief, and bequeathed it at 
 his death to whomsoever he pleased.* But when after 
 the conquest the chief gave lands, unforeseen difficulties 
 arose from the entirely different nature of the gift. If a 
 supply of horses and javelins gave out, others could be 
 found on a new expedition, but when the lands at the dis- 
 posal of a chief were once given away, it was not so easy 
 to obtain others. The kings soon recognized the neces- 
 sity of limiting their gifts of lands, if they wished to pre- 
 serve means of rewarding their subjects and of keeping 
 them with them. They then attached as a condition to their 
 grants the loyalty of the grantee, and generally limited them 
 to the length of his life.f The holder quite naturally 
 tended to break away from this condition and this limit. 
 When unfaithful they tried to retain their lands, and when 
 dying to transmit them to their heirs. In the disorder of 
 the times which followed the invasion they often succeeded, 
 but as often the kings opposed it. They established imposts 
 to supply the insufficiency of the resources from their dimin- 
 ished domains. But though the Franks accepted the obli- 
 gation of military service, which conformed to the barbarian 
 customs, they entirely rejected that of the imposts, which 
 were totally foreign to these customs. J Thus on both sides 
 there were motives which explain the violence of the strug- 
 gle ; on the one cupidity and the desire of assuring a durable 
 position for themselves and their families, on the other the 
 needs which grew with the progress of the government and 
 forced the royalty to resist, at the risk of seeing its whole 
 power destroyed. In the treaty of Andelot the tenants pre- 
 vailed, § but Brunhilda soon regained all the ground that 
 Gunthramn and Chilperic had abandoned. In the per- 
 petual constitution the tenants gained a second and more 
 important victory, but Dagobert and Ebroin drove them 
 
 * This is by no means as certain as indicated. The opposite was prob- 
 ably more often the case. — Ed. 
 f See above, p. 63. — Ed. 
 \ See above, p. 65. — Ed. 
 § See above, p. 58.— Ed.
 
 7© THE GERMANIC INVASION. [Book I. 
 
 back with violence, contested their encroachments, and 
 strove to reestablish the ancient principles of territorial 
 rule. We read in a diploma of a grant made by Theodoric 
 III. (676), that is, under the rule of Ebroin: "All who are 
 convicted of unfaithfulness toward those from whom they 
 hold their lands, appear justly {inerito) to lose such lands." 
 This struggle was going on at the epoch which we are con- 
 sidering. The right of inheritance was contested with vigor 
 and sometimes gained and sometimes lost ground, but finally 
 was introduced imperceptibly, though its victory was not 
 complete for two centuries longer.
 
 BOOK II. 
 THE ARAB INVASION (622-1058). 
 
 CHAPTER VI.* 
 
 MOHAMMED AND THE EMPIRE OF THE ARABS (622-732). 
 
 Arabia and the Arabs. — Mohammed. — The Hegira (622) ; Struggle 
 with the Koreishites (624) ; Conversion of Arabia. —The Koran. — 
 The first Caliphs of Persia and of Egypt ; Conquest of Syria 
 (623-640). — Revolution in the Caliphate, Hereditary Dynasty of the 
 Ommiads (661-750). — Conquest of Upper Asia (707) and of Spain 
 (711). 
 
 We now pass from the forests and rivers of the north of 
 Europe to the sands and deserts in the south of Asia; from 
 
 the country of clouds, of rains, and of moist 
 ^"^Arlbs.^^^ vegetation to one of a burning sun, to the 
 
 consuming and suffocating simoom, and to 
 dry and aromatic plants. The men dwelling in these two 
 countries are as different as their climates. A people sober 
 in body and mind, of a quick and ardent temperament, 
 seeing nothing but their desired goal and going directly to- 
 ward it, and accustomed to dash through the desert with 
 the swiftness of an arrow, because of the impossibility of 
 stopping there with impunity, and because there was noth- 
 ing to attract them between the place of departure and 
 that of arrival ; a people made either for prompt action 
 or absolute repose — such is the Arab people, and these 
 traits of character are seen in its history. 
 
 The Roman Empire was bounded by the Germans on the 
 north and the Arabs on the south. The former had directed 
 their attacks for the most part toward the Empire of the 
 
 * The stories connected with the origin and spread of Mohammedanism 
 are more or less mythical in character, and some of them exist in more 
 than one form. The chronology is also, in many cases, uncertain —Ed. 
 
 71
 
 72 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 West, and had overthrown it by an invasion prepared and in- 
 deed begun long before: the latter, emerging suddenly from 
 their deserts, had made the Empire of the East their special 
 point of attack, and without overthrowing it entirely, had, as 
 it were, with a single blow of their cimeter cut off a large 
 portion. It was by astonishing good fortune that the Em- 
 pire at Constantinople survived these two attacks coming 
 from opposite directions, like an island in the midst of an 
 inundation. 
 
 Arabia, which then appeared for the first time on the stage 
 of history, is a vast peninsula of which some portions are 
 still little known. It is bordered on the north toward Asia 
 by great deserts, and on the northwest is connected with 
 Africa by the isthmus of Suez, where the small peninsula of 
 Sinai projects between the gulfs of Suez and of Akaba. 
 The peninsula of Arabia forms an imperfect square, with 
 the longest side facing Egypt and Abyssinia across the Red 
 Sea and the strait of El Mandeb — the shortest side facing 
 Persia, from which it is separated only by the Persian Gulf, 
 The width is very great, especially at the southern end. A 
 chain of mountains, the continuation of the Lebanon range, 
 extends along the Red Sea to Bab-el-Mandeb, the Gate of 
 Tears. Another range borders the Persian Gulf as far as 
 the Strait of Ormuz. These two mountain systems are con- 
 nected by a line of hills which run from one strait to the 
 other. The inner slopes of these mountains surround a low 
 and arid valley which forms the center of Arabia, and their 
 outward slopes face the sea and form a girdle of lands, 
 parts of which are rich and fertile, and here the heat of the 
 climate is mitigated by the sea-breezes, the rains, the water- 
 courses, and the numberless irregularities of the land. 
 
 While the impossibility of permanently settling or of 
 founding anything durable in the interior has always kept up 
 the nomad life, the advantages offered by the coast lands 
 have given birth to fixed institutions and to a civilization 
 which at times is brilliant enough. 
 
 The only knowledge the ancients had of Arabia came 
 through a few scattered Roman expeditions. They divided 
 it into three parts, — Arabia Petrsea (the peninsula of 
 Sinai); Arabia Deserta (the deserts which extend from the 
 Red Sea to the Euphrates); and Arabia Felix (Southern 
 Arabia). 
 
 The Arabian geographers, on the other hand,do not include
 
 Chap. VI.] MOHAMMED AND THE ARABS. 73 
 
 either the peninsula of Sinai or the deserts of Suez or of 
 the Euphrates in their country, but consider- them as lying 
 outside of Arabia. They divided the rest of the peninsula 
 into eight countries: i, Hedjaz, which borders the Red 
 Sea, southeast of the peninsula of Sinai; 2, Yemen, which 
 lies south of Hedjaz ; 3, Hadramaut, on the Indian Sea, at 
 the east of Yemen ; 4, Mahrah, at the east of Hadramaut; 
 5, Oman, between Mahrah and the Persian Gulf and the 
 Indian Sea; 6, Haga or Bahrein, on the Persian Gulf, 
 between Oman and the Euphrates; 7, Nedjed, south of 
 the Syrian deserts beween Hedjaz and Bahrein ; and 8, 
 Ahkaf, south of Nedjed. The two latter provinces com- 
 prise the great valley in the interior of the peninsula. 
 
 The most fertile of these provinces is Yemen, which is 
 also well situated for commerce, at the southwestern corner 
 of Arabia between the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. 
 This is the country of Aden, of Sana, of the ancient and 
 wonderful Saba, and of Mocha, famous for its coffee. The 
 best known though not the most fertile of these provinces 
 is Hedjaz, the country of Mecca and of Medina, two cities 
 which ruled all the rest of Arabia through their religious 
 influence, though their situation in the sandy zone, far from 
 the sea, obliged them to have two ports on the Arabian Gulf 
 (Yanbo for Medina, and Djidda for Mecca), in order to 
 derive their means of subsistence from abroad. 
 
 The Arabs attribute a double origin to their population : 
 to the Ariba, a primitive race descended from Shem ac- 
 cording to some, from Ham according to others, and to the 
 descendants of Abraham, who, according to their tradi- 
 tions, in obedience to the commands of God came to Mecca 
 to found the temple of the Kaaba. They say that Abraham 
 lived many years in Hedjaz, and was aided in his divine 
 mission by Ishmael, who was the founder of the Ishmaelites 
 or the Moutarriba ; while his other son Kahtan or Jectan was 
 the father of the Jectanides or the Moustarriba. The Ish- 
 maelites remained in Hedjaz, the Jectanides settled mainly 
 in Yemen. We must add to these the Nabatean Arabs who 
 live in the north of Arabia, and who are believed to be of 
 Syrian or Aramean origin. 
 
 The Arab populations of the north and of the south 
 founded great powers, and came often into contact both in 
 peace and war with foreign powers far and near. The Naba- 
 tean kingdoms of Hira, Anbar, and Ghassan were often in-
 
 74 THE ARAB INVASION [Book II. 
 
 volved in the affairs of the Roman Empire and of Persia. 
 The Arabs of Hira under the dynasty of the princes Mound- 
 hir or Mondar in the sixth century were formidable adver- 
 saries of the Greek Empire, while those of Ghassan under the 
 princes of Djafna upheld the cause of Constantinople. By 
 the beginning of the seventh century, these powers were 
 much weakened and contracted between the Greeks and the 
 Persians. The Jectanides brought great renown to Yemen, 
 where one of their branches, the Homerites, had the skill to 
 excite the fertility of the soil by remarkable works of irri- 
 gation. The dynasty of the Tobbas played a great part in 
 this province, and tradition, though evidently falsely, attri- 
 buted to them the conquest of India, of Asia, and of Africa as 
 far as the Atlantic. Under this dynasty of idolaters, Chris- 
 tianity was preached by an envoy sent by Constantine, but 
 at the beginning of the sixth century they persecuted the 
 new religion, and the Greek Emperor Justin I. induced the 
 negusch or king of Abyssinia, who was a Christian, to avenge 
 the wrongs of the Cross. The Abyssinians then invaded 
 Yemen (525), and under the viceroy Abraha-el-Djadan, 
 established their dominion and the Christian religion in this 
 country. They had a code of laws drawn up by the Bishop 
 Gregentius, and built at Sana a church with which they 
 tried to oppose the Kaaba of Mecca. A rivalry had indeed 
 always existed between Yemen and Hedjaz, between the 
 Moutarriba and the Moustarriba. In 575 the Abyssinians 
 were driven from the country, but only with the assistance 
 of a Persian army sent by Chosroes, who merely substituted 
 his own dominion for that of the Africans. 
 
 In this way the prosperity and the independence of the 
 two outermost regions of Arabia had succumbed together. 
 On the other hand, the central region, which had never 
 wielded so great a power, had at least preserved that liberty 
 without which no progress could be made in Arabia. This 
 region had enjoyed that tranquillity which in a great coun- 
 try divided into several states is always assured to those in 
 the center, as they cannot be approached before the outer 
 states which form a natural barrier to them are subdued. 
 The foreign armies which had appeared in the north and 
 the south had not penetrated to Hedjaz. More traces of 
 patriarchal government were found there ; the people were 
 divided into tribes composed of a certain number of 
 families, a sheikh (lord) at the head of each family ; a
 
 Chap. VI.] MOHAMMED AND THE ARABS. 75 
 
 supreme sheikh or emir (commander) at the head of each 
 tribe, which he governed with the advice of the sheikhs of 
 the families. In ancient times when a chief took possession 
 of a pasturage he set his pack of hounds barking, and so 
 far as the hound could be heard, so far extended his right 
 of possession. So great simplicity was there in the primi- 
 tive customs of this people. Nevertheless the population 
 of Hedjaz, though hardly advanced from the primitive con- 
 dition as far as their institutions are concerned, held a 
 variety and mixture of religious ideas of every sort which 
 prepared them for a brilliant destiny, and compensated for 
 their past obscurity. For another advantage possessed by 
 central states is that they are the meeting-ground of all the 
 others, the point where all i^itercourse, trade, and ideas con- 
 verge. Three of the great religions of Asia and Europe, 
 without mentioning idolatry with all its gods, met there : 
 Christianity, which had been carried to the north by the 
 Greeks and to the south by the Abyssinians ; Sabianism, 
 brought by the Persians to the north and south, and finally 
 Judaism, which had been introduced everywhere with that 
 faculty the Jews have always possessed of making their way 
 into every country. Three hundred and sixty idols were 
 gathered together in the Kaaba, and when Mohammed 
 turned them out, there was found among the number a 
 Byzantine virgin, painted on a column, holding Christ in 
 her arms. Idolatry was the dominant religion, — not the 
 ingenious idolatry of Greek paganism, which personified 
 the abstractions of the intellect and clothed the gods in 
 human form, but the Egyptian idolatry, the worship of 
 animals, oi plants, of the gazelle, of the horse, of the camel, 
 of palm-trees and of rocks. Some worshiped the stars. 
 All indeed recognized a supreme god, Allah, and this idea 
 of a deity above all others was upheld by the influence of 
 the Jewish and the Christian religions, which also diffused 
 abroad the idea of revelation, of a future life, of paradise, 
 of the infernal regions, etc., elements which are found 
 again in the Koran. 
 
 The form of this religion had not changed for a long 
 time. All its ceremonies were determmed, processions in 
 the Kaaba, pilgrimages, sacrifices in the valley of Mina, etc. 
 As with the Jews, the care of the temple had been given to 
 one chosen family for many years ; in 440 Cossai, head of 
 the Ishmaelite family of the Koreishites, had secured this
 
 76 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 charge, had rebuilt the temple, and, in away, founded Mecca 
 and established the principal religious and civil institutions 
 of the Arabs. This showed a tendency toward organization 
 and unity. 
 
 A like movement was going on in the language; unity of 
 idiom, so necessary in effecting a great revolution of thought 
 in a vast country, was gradually produced by the influence 
 of the poets. The Arabs were poets as well as warriors and 
 merchants ; at least they had their bards, like the men of the 
 north, and their feasts, and their poetical contests, such as 
 were held at the Olympic games of the Greeks. 
 
 These poets, who were not merely literary men, but who 
 knew as well how to handle the sword and exchange mer- 
 chandise as to give voice to the tender and fierce feelings of 
 the human soul, hospitality, revenge, honor, or perhaps the 
 solemn and pleasing scenes of nature, the immense desert, 
 fresh oases, the light gazelle, — these poets hastened to the 
 poetical contests which, with the religious ceremonies, were 
 the object of these pilgrimages. Then what were called con- 
 tests of glory were held, and whoever was most successful in 
 moving the souls of the listeners and in awakening within 
 them a response, saw his work written in letters of gold on 
 costly canvas and hung in the Kaaba. In this way seven 
 poems have come down to us, one of which was written by 
 the famous Antar, who died in 615, during the life of 
 Mohammed, and who best expressed the Arab spirit of his 
 times. It was he who cried one day, at the first recitation of 
 his poems: "What subject is there that the poets have not 
 sung?" as if he felt that Arabia had exhausted one phase of 
 its existence and needed to begin a new life. 
 
 The Arabs are generally referred to as a young people: 
 but they were rather an ancient people who had traversed 
 the whole sphere of their political existence, narrow though 
 it was. It could hardly have been otherwise in the midst of 
 this strange mixture of all the divinities in the enclosure of 
 the Kaaba, and it was but natural that the general feeling 
 should be an indifference and scepticism where there were 
 so many altars to choose from. We need only mention as 
 an example the small number of those who took part in the 
 religious struggle at the time of the first preaching of Mo- 
 hammed; on the one hand, on the side of the prophet a 
 few devoted disciples, on the other a thousand Koreishites 
 who by their title of guardians of the temple necessarily
 
 Chap. VI.] MOHAMMED AND THE ARABS. 77 
 
 constituted the defenders of the ancient creeds, but who 
 were themselves very incredulous, men of witty, brilliant, 
 and acute minds, scoffers, and without sincere attachment to 
 the beliefs which they defended much more from their 
 interest and habit than from conviction. 
 
 Certain men were greatly struck by this general lukewarm- 
 ness and lack of faith, and sought for means of escape. Dur- 
 ing a feast celebrated by the Koreishites in honor of one of 
 their idols, a few years before the preaching of Mohammed, 
 four men, more enlightened than the rest of the nation, met 
 by themselves, and, after agreeing that their fellow-country- 
 men were led astray into error, resolved to seek the truth and 
 to ask after it in foreign lands. One of them went to Constan- 
 tinople to be baptized, a second being persecuted fled into 
 Syria, the third became a Christian like the first, and the 
 fourth just saw Mohammed and died proclaiming that he 
 was the true prophet. 
 
 Mohammed was born about the year 570. He was the 
 son of the Koreishite Abdallah, son of Abd-el-Muttalib, 
 
 -- , . who had defended Mecca against the Abys- 
 
 Mohammed. . . » r tt u • 
 
 smians, and who was hmiself son of Haschim, 
 famous for his distribution of soup during a famine. Hav- 
 ing lost his father at two months, and his mother at six 
 years of age, he was taken charge of by his grandfather and 
 put under the guardianship of his uncle Abu-Talib. Being 
 without fortune he became a camel driver and traveled a 
 great deal, especially in Syria, where he is said to have 
 become intimate with a monk of Bostra, and a Jewish rabbi, 
 who both introduced him to their sacred books, the Old and 
 New Testaments. He fought with bravery in a tribal war, 
 and by his amiable qualities gained the affection of all, and 
 by his probity the name of Al-Almin (the trustworthy man). 
 A rich and noble widow, Khadijah, took him into her service 
 as director of her commercial affairs, and he served her inter- 
 ests so well that she married him out of gratitude. From 
 that time he was master of a great fortune, and was able to 
 give himself up to his meditations and to exert that influ- 
 ence which is given by the possession of riches. Until his 
 fortieth year he did nothing really worthy of note, though 
 every year he retired with his family to the mountain of 
 Hira and passed there entire nights in deep meditation. 
 
 In 611 he disclosed his projects to Khadijah, to his cousin 
 Ali, to his freedman Seid, and to his friend Abu Bekr, and
 
 78 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 declared to them the necessity of bringing the religion of 
 Abraham back to its original purity. He told them that he 
 had received commands from God through Gabriel, and gave 
 to his new religion the name of Islam, which signifies a 
 complete resignation to the will of God. They believed in 
 him. 
 
 When the growing numbers of the proselytes had spread 
 abroad the report of his undertaking, he assembled them 
 together and said : "Which one of you will be my brother, 
 my lieutenant, my vicar?" No one spoke. Then Ali cried 
 with the enthusiasm of an ardent disciple and the fierceness 
 of an Arab of the desert : " I will be that man ; apostle of 
 God, I will support you, and if any one resists you, I will 
 break his teeth, I will tear out his eyes, I will cleave his 
 belly and I will break his legs." They \yere engaged in a 
 very dangerous struggle, and Abu-Talib trembled for his 
 nephew and besought him to abandon his plan. " If some 
 one should come to me with the sun in one hand and the 
 moon in the other, I should not draw back," answered 
 Mohammed. The Koreishites persecuted him, and he 
 could not go into the Kaaba to pray without being over- 
 whelmed with insults. One day he returned home after 
 preaching all day in the midst of outrages ; and, dispirited, 
 he wrapped himself in his cloak and threw himself down on 
 his mat ; but soon courage for his undertaking returned to 
 him, and he dictated the beautiful surah, where the Angel 
 Gabriel is supposed to say to him : " Arise and preach, O 
 man, who art wrapped up in a cloak. . . " His adherents 
 were alarmed and took refuge in Abyssinia, and he himself 
 retired to the mountains near Mecca, from 616-619. 1'he 
 surahs or chapters of the Koran (Al-Koran, the book), 
 which he dictated according to the impressions and needs 
 of the moment, and which his secretary wrote on palm-leaves 
 and on the bones of sheep — were certainly impostures as 
 far as concerns the pretended inspiration by the Angel 
 Gabriel. But full of elevated thought as they were, and 
 written in a forcible, pure and musical language, they de- 
 lighted the Arabs, who were trained by their poetic contests 
 to aj^preciate such merit, and who, perhaps tired of a poetry 
 which had touched on all the old subjects, found a power- 
 ful charm in this eloquence so keen, penetrating, practical, 
 and yet rich in poetical color, although it had thrown off 
 the trammels of rhythm. Omar was one of those savage
 
 Chap. VI. 1 MOHAMMED AND THE ARABS. 79 
 
 warriors, one of tho.se men of the sword who cannot bear 
 that any one should believe differently from themselves. 
 He was starting to kill Mohammed it is related when one 
 of his relations stopped him and said he would do better 
 first to cleanse his own house, for his sister Fatima read 
 the verses of the false prophet. He returned home and 
 found her reading with his brother-in-law. "What are you 
 hiding under your clothing ? " he cried, and wounded her 
 with his dagger. But at the sight of the blood of his sister, 
 he stopped, and taking the verses glanced at them, and ex- 
 claiming, hastened to the prophet to declare himself his 
 disciple. From that time he gave to the councils of Islam- 
 ism the benefit of his decided and violent spirit, and we 
 may, perhaps, attribute partly to his influence the character 
 of warlike propagandism and conquest with the sword, 
 which the religion of Mohammed, at first more peaceful and 
 mild, now assumes. 
 
 Mohammed had lost his protector Abu-Talib in 619, and 
 had also lost Khadijah, whom he always remembered with 
 loyalty and gratitude. Deprived of these 
 cJt!tls"^with^^he supports he looked about for others. The 
 Koreishites (624). inhabitants of Yatrib, for a long time the 
 Conversion of Ara- ^j^^j^ ^f ^^^^^ ^^ Mecca, offered him a 
 
 refuge ; and he went to that city in 622 to 
 escape the persecutions of the Koreishites. This year is 
 famous, because it is the first of the Mussulman Era ; it is 
 called the year of the Hegira, or of the flight. From that 
 time Yatrib took the name of the City of the Prophet, 
 Medinat-en-Nebi. 
 
 Mohammed had gained much knowledge of men in his 
 youth, and showed great skill in building up a party in his 
 new city and in preparing himself to sustain an open con- 
 test. He himself made the first attack, probably in order 
 to prevent the faith of his new proselytes from wasting in 
 inactivity. He started with 306 men to surprise a caravan 
 returning to Mecca. Nearly 1000 Koreishites came out 
 against him. They fought at Bedr (624). The Mussul- 
 mans were giving way, when Mohammed, leaving his wooden 
 throne, whence he had been watching the combat, threw 
 himself on his horse and, tossing a handful of sand in the 
 air, cried : " May our enemies be covered with confusion ! " 
 The courage of his troops revived, and they gained a victory 
 which bore great results for his cause.
 
 8o THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 He was, however, defeated somewhat later at Mount 
 Ohud (625), and the war then assumed a more cruel charac- 
 ter. He turned his attack upon the neighboring Jewish 
 tribes, in order to force them to take his part. They com- 
 bined, and, with the assistance of the Koreishites, laid siege 
 to Medina where he was. This is called the War of the Na- 
 tions or of the Trench (627). Mohammed had had a trench 
 dug before the city ; he himself seized a pickaxe one day 
 and, as the iron drew sparks from the rock, said : " The 
 first spark tells me of the subjection of Yemen, the second 
 of the conquest of Syria, and the third of the conquest of 
 the East." He succeeded in driving away the besiegers by 
 sowing discord among them, and the advantage thus gained 
 was so considerable that he was able to obtain a truce of 
 ten years from the Koreishites, and to turn his arms against 
 the Jews of Khaibar, five leagues from Medina, whose power 
 he completely destroyed (628), 
 
 The following year (629) he went on a pilgrimage to 
 Mecca and made many converts there ; and when in 630 
 this city broke the truce, he entered it with 10,000 men, 
 marched against the temple and destroyed all the idols, say- 
 ing : " Truth has come, let falsehood disappear ! " From 
 that time he was feared as the great religious chief of 
 Arabia, and he already was entering into relations with 
 foreign states. Chosroes tore his letters in pieces : '* Thus 
 may his kingdom be torn to pieces ! " cried the Prophet. 
 Heraclius gave a better reception to his messages ; never- 
 theless a war broke out with the Greeks of Syria, who had 
 slain the messenger of the Prophet. This war did not last 
 long, but we already see in it the fanatical courage of the 
 Mussulmans. Djafar, son of Abu-Talib, after losing both 
 hands, still held the banner of Islamism between his arms 
 and received fifty-two wounds in front. For a short time 
 Mohammed thought he should have to carry on a general 
 war ; and clothed in a robe of green, the color still worn by 
 his descendants, he started off at the head of 10,000 horse- 
 men, 20,000 foot-soldiers and 12,000 camels, but the enemy 
 did not appear. 
 
 The union of Arabia, however, was brought about by the 
 adhesion of the chiefs of Yemen and of Mahrah, the princes 
 of Hadramaut, of Oman, of Barein, etc. The character of 
 these adhesions was undoubtedly in general rather political 
 than religious, and these far-off tribes had hardly had the
 
 Chap. VI.] MOHAMMED AND THE ARABS. 8l 
 
 time to inquire minutely into the new religion. The reli- 
 gion of Mohammed did not have preachers who carried the 
 teaching of its dogma and its morality far and wide, like 
 the Christian religion. But buried as almost the whole of 
 Arabia was in religious indifference, these far-off Arabs 
 heard of a powerful chief who had arisen in Hedjaz, and 
 who seemed to promise a brilliant future to Arabia, and 
 they hastened to share in these glories. These conversions 
 were made almost as summarily as that of the Franks under 
 Clovis, and it is certain that many of the soldiers in the first 
 victorious armies which started from Arabia in search of 
 conquest hardly knew anything of the Koran. And though 
 there were these adhesions, there were, on the other hand, 
 oppositions, antagonisms, and the appearance of false proph- 
 ets, which saddened the last years of the life of Mohammed. 
 After a sickness of several months he went, followed by 
 114,000 Mussulmans, to the holy places to make the great 
 pilgrimage of El-Haddj. On returning from Medina, as he 
 felt the approach of death, he was carried to the mosque, 
 where he recited the public prayers, and then asked the 
 assembly in a loud voice if he had ever injured any one or 
 was in debt to any one. An old woman claimed three 
 drachmas ; he gave them to her, and thanked her for having 
 reminded him of her debt here on earth rather than in 
 heaven. He died on the 8th of June, 632. 
 
 The Koran is a collection of all the verses which fell as 
 occasion demanded from the lips of the Prophet, and which 
 
 The Koran ^^"-^ gathered together in a first edition by 
 the orders of the Caliph Abu-Bekr, and in a 
 second by the orders of the Caliph Othman. The method 
 of their composition is shown by their incoherence and by 
 the numberless contradictions which they contain. It is 
 composed of 114 chapters or surahs, which are divided 
 into verses. These verses, containing all the precepts of 
 Islam morality, are inscribed by the Mohammedans upon the 
 walls of their mosques, on their banners, and on their mon- 
 uments. 
 
 What especially characterizes the Koran is a general 
 simplicity and even a certain dearth of imagination. The 
 fervid exaggeration and the forcible images of the East 
 are indeed to be found in it, but only in rare flashes, with 
 no trace of the Indian exuberance or of the wealth of 
 imagination of the European races. This is to be seen in
 
 82 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 the fundamental principle of their dogma, which is simply 
 this — " God alone is God, and Mohammed is his prophet." 
 The Koran does not acknowledge any lower divinity by 
 the side of Allah, the sole God, the all-powerful Creator ; it 
 does not allow of a plurality of persons in Allah, and 
 entirely rejects the idea of God become man. It only 
 teaches that God has been revealed to man by a series of 
 prophets, the last and the most perfect of whom is Mo- 
 hammed ; his predecessors are Adam, Noah, Abraham, 
 Moses, and Christ. It also recognizes the existence of 
 angels, messengers of God to the prophets. Mohammed 
 acknowledged that Christ had the power of performing 
 miracles, and owned that he had not received it himself. 
 " When the unbelievers say : * We will not believe you 
 unless you make a spring of fresh water gush from the 
 earth, or a piece of sky fall on us, or unless you produce 
 God and his angels to bear witness to your words.' .... 
 Reply to them : ' Praise be to God — am I anything but a 
 man and an apostle ? ' " 
 
 The Koran admits the immortality of the soul, but with- 
 out venturing to define its nature. "The knowledge of 
 the Soul is a thing that is reserved to God. Man is only 
 permitted to possess a small part of knowledge." It also 
 acknowledges the resurrection of the body and the partici- 
 pation of this part of our being in the joys and sufferings of 
 a future life. Mounkir and Nebir, black angels with blue 
 eyes, question the dead ; Gabriel weighs their deeds in 
 scales large enough to contain the heavens and the earth. 
 Those risen from the dead are led to the bridge Al-Sirat, 
 which is more slender than a hair and sharper than a dag- 
 ger. Those who are guilty cannot cross it. They fall into 
 the infernal regions which lie below it, and where the least 
 guilty wear shoes of fire, which make their brains seethe as 
 in a caldron. Those who truly believe cross the abyss as 
 quickly as a flash of lightning, and go to dwell in the gar- 
 dens of the seventh heaven, or paradise. They find there 
 groves which are always fresh and green, pavilions of 
 mother of pearl, of ruby, of hyacinth, limpid streams flow- 
 ing in yellow amber, diamonds and emeralds, carpets of 
 rich silk, flowers, perfumes, exquisite repasts and black-eyed 
 immortal nymphs. Such is the sensual paradise that Mo- 
 hammed promised to the mass of faithful Mussulmans, but 
 he places the spiritual joys much higher. " The most fav-
 
 Chap. VI.] MOHAMMED AND THE ARABS. 83 
 
 ored of God is he who shall see his face morning and even- 
 ing, a rapture which surpasses all the pleasures of the senses, 
 as the ocean surpasses a drop of dew." 
 
 This doctrine of rewards and punishments in the future 
 life implies the moral freedom of man, since God can only 
 reward or punish those who have been free to choose be- 
 tween good and evil. Nevertheless Mohammed teaches the 
 opposite dogma of predestination, which destroys this free- 
 dom, by declaring that a man is predestined to good or to 
 evil from all Eternity. But this belief was of powerful assis- 
 tance to him, for why should one try to escape from dangers 
 or death if everything is decided beforehand, if the fate of 
 each is ruled by an unchanging will? Thus the Mussulman, 
 impelled by his passions, called by him the spirit of God, 
 rushed against the enemy, to victory and to the conquest 
 of the world, much as to-day, since he has lost his warlike 
 enthusiasm, he sits calm and resigned in the face of the fire 
 which burns his towns, of the pestilence which decimates 
 his people, and of the Christian civilization which shakes the 
 foundation of his empire, and would utterly overthrow it if 
 it had no interest in its preservation. 
 
 The religious law of the Arabs, like that of the Jews, is 
 also their civil law, and the Koran is at the same time the 
 sacred book and the code of the Mussulman. Mohammed 
 reformed Arabian family life. He raised the position of 
 women. Daughters had before inherited nothing; he de- 
 creed that each daughter should inherit half as much as was 
 received by each of her brothers. Though maintaining the 
 authority of husbands, he commanded them to be consider- 
 ate protectors of their wives, and though he permitted poly- 
 gamy in order to avoid too much collision with the customs 
 of the East, he praised and encouraged those who con- 
 tented themselves with one wife.. The position of woman 
 as a mother also was raised. "A son gains paradise at his 
 mother's knees." The rights of the children are protected, 
 and the Koran does away with the frightful custom which 
 permitted parents to bury their daughters alive. If it did 
 not require the abolition of slavery, it at least determined 
 the obligation of the masters toward their slaves, and recom- 
 mended manumission to them as an act agreeable to God. 
 
 The Koran provides severe punishments for theft, usury, 
 fraud, and false testimony, and prescribes the giving of alms. 
 It regulates the religious observances with severity : the fast
 
 84 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 of Rhamadan ; the observance of the four holy months, an 
 ancient custom, which, by a kind of truce of God, sus- 
 pended all hostilities of the faithful with each other; the 
 great annual pilgrimage to Mecca, which city Mohammed 
 had made the seat of the new religion in order that, instead 
 of disturbing the Arab customs, he might turn them to the 
 profit of Islamism ; and the five daily prayers, which were 
 so irksome an obligation, that the false prophet Moseilama 
 was able to draw many followers to himself by simply dis- 
 pensing with one of these prayers. Ablutions either with 
 water or, if water failed, with the fine sand of the desert, cir- 
 cumcision, the avoidance of wine and of swine flesh, the 
 latter health measures, are also required by the Koran. 
 
 It reiterates the doctrine that the faithful are all broth- 
 ers, but also that all who do not believe are enemies. There 
 is, however, a great distinction made between Christians, 
 Jews, and all the unfaithful who believe in one God and in 
 the last judgment, and idolaters, apostates, and schismatics. 
 With the former it is enough to avoid ties of blood, and it is 
 not right to fight with them unless they give the first offense. 
 But as to the latter, it is the duty of every good Mussulman 
 to attack them, pursue them, and to kill them, unless they 
 embrace the religion of the Prophet. "Ye believers, form 
 no connections with Christians and with Jews." Woe to 
 the Mussulman who stays by his fireside instead of going to 
 war; he cannot escape death, for the term of his life is 
 fixed. Does he fear the burning heat of the combat? 
 "The infernal regions are hotter than the heats of summer." 
 Does he think to turn and flee? "Paradise is before you, 
 behind you the flames of the infernal regions." 
 
 These precepts, hopes, and menaces were the powerful 
 motives which sent the Arabs forth, sword in hand, in every 
 direction. 
 
 Mohammed did not regulate either the form of the gov- 
 ernment or the order of succession. The caliph was at the 
 
 .j..^j. ^ J same time the religious, civil, and military 
 tive Caliphs; chief. Abu-Bekr, whom Mohammed had en- 
 Sy?i\" Persia*^ joined to say the prayers in his stead, was 
 and of'Egypt recognized as caliph (632), and afterwards 
 
 ^^~ chose as his successor Omar (634), who in 
 
 his turn intrusted this choice to a commission of six impor- 
 tant persons. This commission appointed Othman (644), 
 whose weakness gave rise to disturbances in the midst of
 
 Chap. VI.] MOHAMMED AND THE ARABS. 85 
 
 which Ali mounted the throne (656). Ali, the husband of 
 Fathna, the daughter of Mohammed, had, ever since the 
 death of his father-in-law, been one of the pretendants to 
 the throne, and chief of the party of the Fatimites. These 
 rivalries were perpetuated by the two Mussulman sects, the 
 Schiites or Separatists, who considered Ali and his posterity 
 as unjustly deprived of their rights, and the Suunites or the 
 conservative party, who recognized Abu-Bekr, Omar, and 
 Othman as legitimate sovereigns. Long and bloody wars 
 resulted from this division. To-day the Persians are Schiites 
 and the Turks are Sunnites. After Ali (661) hereditary rule 
 begins with the Ommiades. 
 
 This is the period (632-661) of the most rapid and most 
 marvelous conquests of the Arabs. 
 
 "Go," said Abu-Bekr to the Arab warriors, "and fight 
 bravely and loyally ; do not mutilate those whom you have 
 conquered, or kill the old men, the women and children ; do 
 not destroy the palm-trees or burn the crops, or cut down 
 the fruit-trees." Some of these warriors went to the heart 
 of Arabia to put down the false prophets and the tribes 
 who refused to recognize Islamism, others marched against 
 Syria, and others toward the Euphrates and Persia. 
 
 The first subdued the interior of the peninsula and thus 
 gave unity to the whole Arab nation. 
 
 The second succeeded in six years in conquering Syria 
 from the Byzantine Greeks. They first took Bostra, which 
 was the key to the country toward the desert, and then 
 besieged Damascus. The siege was interrupted by the bat- 
 tle of Aimadin, where they utterly defeated an army or 
 70,000 men, sent by the Emperor Heraclius. Damascus 
 capitulated to the General Abu-Obeidah; but the fiery 
 Khalid, who at the same time successfully fought his way 
 through another gate, after three days of truce pursued the 
 fugitives with all the speed of his Arab horses, caught up 
 with them, and utterly destroyed them, returning with their 
 spoils (635).* A second victory gained on the banks of the 
 Yermuk in Palestine completed this conquest (636). A 
 Greek army of considerable size had come out against the 
 Mohammedans; three times they fell back, but each time 
 
 * The accounts of the fall of Damascus are conflicting — a confusion 
 which the text indicates, between capitulation and storming. It was 
 abandoned by the Arabs on the approach of the Roman army, and again 
 occupied after the battle of 636. — Eu.
 
 86 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 their wives, who were on horseback, bow in hand, at the 
 rear of the army, sent them back to the combat. The Ara- 
 bian historians undoubtedly exaggerate when they speak of 
 150,000 enemies slain and 40,000 taken prisoners. Jerusa- 
 lem opened its gates to the Caliph Omar, who came in per- 
 son to take possession ; he was plainly mounted on a rough- 
 haired camel, and carried in front of him, on his saddle, a 
 bag of wheat, a bag of dates, and a leathern bottle of water, 
 and offered to share his frugal repast with all whom he met. 
 He stayed ten days at Jerusalem in order to regulate the 
 affairs of the country, and to build a mosque, though he 
 allowed the Christians the free exercise of their religion. 
 After Jerusalem, Aleppo, and finally Antioch, the mighty 
 capital of Syria, surrendered, and Heraclius abandoned this 
 country forever (638). 
 
 The army which had been sent in the direction of the 
 Euphrates had had no less marvelous a success.* Khalid, 
 the first commander, took Hanbar and Hira. His passing 
 into Syria did not diminish his success. Persia, whose power 
 was already declining, tried in vain with 150,000 soldiers 
 to resist 30,000 Arabs, and was defeated in the great battle 
 of Kadesiah, which lasted three days (637). The famous 
 standard of the Sassanides, the leather apron, which re- 
 called their origin, fell into the hands of the Mussulmans. 
 The victors, leaving behind them the colonies of Bussorah 
 and Kufah, hastened to Ctesiphon, which they captured. 
 The victory of Jalula, and that of Nehavend, or the victory 
 of victories, at the south of Ecbatana (642), made Persia 
 subject to them. Ispahan was conquered, Persepolis sacked, 
 and Yezdegerd, the king of Persia, just escaped being taken 
 l)risoner in the midst of his falling ])alace. He went in search 
 of aid as far as China, but in vain, and was assassinated on 
 the shore of the Oxus(652), and Khorassan became subject 
 to the Arabs. 
 
 While the overthrow of the great King was being effected, 
 Egypt was subjugated. There, as in Syria, it was the East- 
 ern Empire that suffered the attack. Amru, chief of the 
 Arabs, skillfully took advantage of the hatred which the 
 
 * The Parthian kings, or the Arsacides, who had succeeded the Greek 
 kinj;;s, or the Seleucides, hnd been succeeded in 226 by the Sassanides, 
 who founded the second Persian Empire, and were still ruling over the 
 country between the Euphrates and the Indus when the Arabs appeared 
 there.
 
 Chap. VI.] MOHAMMED AND THE ARABS. 87 
 
 Copts or the natives felt toward the Greeks, whom they 
 considered as foreigners and heretics. His progress was 
 not checked till he reached Alexandria, which held out 
 against him fourteen months.* It has not been proved 
 that Amru gave the order to burn the precious library of 
 this rich and learned city.f On the contrary we see 
 Amru organizing the government of the country with wis- 
 dom, substituting a more just system of taxation for the 
 capitation, and reserving one-third of these taxes for the 
 preservation of the canals and ditches, and also reviving 
 the ancient project of the Pharaohs, the Ptolemys, and the 
 Caesars, of connecting the Nile and the Red Sea, a project 
 which was, however, abandoned in the fear of opening to 
 the infidels a way to the sacred cities. 
 
 The intestine quarrels that filled and followed the Cali- 
 phate of Ali brought the conquests of the Arabs to a halt, 
 for the time being. Ali, the leading repre- 
 
 Revolution in . ^ , _S' , . ■ , r ^r 1 
 
 the Caliphate, scntative of the Hashmiites and of Moham- 
 
 naYty'^'cTf^t'he "^cd, saw arisc against him a Koreishite 
 
 Ommiades (66i- rcaction which had already shown itself in 
 
 "f 'upper"Asfa the clcction of Othman. Moawijah was the 
 
 (707) and of leader of the movement : he governed Syria, 
 
 Spam (711). ' *,.,.,• 
 
 where this party was strongest, while Ah was 
 established at Kufah, in Irak-Arabi (Babylonia), a country 
 devoted to his cause. After several bloody contests Moa- 
 wijah had the caliph assassinated by three fanatics, and 
 the hereditary dynasty of the Ommiades began, which 
 lasted 90 years (661-750). Under this dynasty, Damascus 
 became the capital of the Empire. From that time the 
 character of the government changed and became more 
 despotic, though it must be borne in mind that it had to do 
 with a very different people from the Arabs of Hedjaz. 
 
 The institutions and the faith of the Mohammedans un- 
 derwent various modifications ; while some on the one hand 
 gave themselves up to luxury and disobeyed the precepts 
 of their religion, others by a natural reaction formed the fa- 
 natical and gloomy sects of the Kharegites, the Motazelites, 
 the Kadonians, etc., the puritans of Islamism, who strug- 
 
 * Alexandria was probably occupied by the Arabs without resistance. 
 Later (646). it revolted and was retaken by force. — Ed. 
 
 f This story, now disbelieved, makes its first appearance in the thir- 
 teenth century. — Ed,
 
 88 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 gled against the Ommiades with indomitable energy. The 
 dynasty was only established by rivers of blood, and more 
 especially by the victories of the valiant Hojiaj in the reign 
 of Abd-el-Melek. A second and last period of conquests 
 began in his reign. 
 
 In the east the conquest of Transoxiana, of the ancient 
 Sogdiana and the shores of the Indus (707) carried the do- 
 minion of the Mussulman to the limits of the empire of 
 Alexander. The Arabs found at this extreme end of their 
 empire, at Bokhara and at Samarcand (707), the fruits from 
 the seeds of civilization left there by the Greek conquerors, 
 and they did not allow this growing prosperity to perish. 
 
 They advanced also in the direction of Asia Minor and 
 of Constantinople. So far they had only fought on land, 
 but the Syrian dynasty of the Ommiades gave them a mari- 
 time power, the elements of which they found in the con- 
 quered provinces of Phoenicia and Cilicia. In 672 they 
 began a series of attacks upon Constantinople itself, and 
 carried them on for seven years, but were driven away by 
 the Greek fire, an invention of a Syrian, which had the ter- 
 rible property of burning in water. This bold enterprise, 
 which threatened to destroy all that was left of the Roman 
 Empire, was renewed in 717 under the Caliph Soliman. An 
 army of 120,000 men crossed Asia Minor and the Hellespont 
 and stationed themselves before Constantinople, which a 
 fleet of 1800 sail was besieging at the same time. Again 
 the Greek fire caused the attempt to fail, and the Arab 
 invasion in this direction was given up. Their retreat 
 decided that the Eastern Empire should live some centuries 
 longer. 
 
 The Arabs were summoned to Africa by the natives, who 
 were overwhelmed by the tributes imposed by the Romans. 
 Akbah hastened thither and advanced as far as the Atlan- 
 tic, where he urged his horse into the waves. He founded 
 Kairowan at the south of Carthage, twelve miles from the 
 coast (670). The Arabs feared the Roman fleet, but the 
 desert, their domain, had no terror for them. Akbah yielded 
 to the attacks of the Moors. But Hassan, under the 
 Caliph Abd-el-Melek (692-698), established the, dominion 
 of the Arabs over the whole length of the African sea-coast 
 by the conquest of Carthage, which was consigned to the 
 flames and has never been rebuilt. A last insurrection of 
 the Moors, led by their Queen Kahina, was put down in 709,
 
 Chap. VI.] MOHAMMED AND THE ARABS. 89 
 
 and the Arabs then turned their attention to the countries 
 beyond the strait of Hercules. 
 
 Tarik crossed this strait in 711 and gave it the name 
 of Gibraltar (Djebel-Tarik, Mountain of Tarik). These 
 Arabs encountered here for the first time the barbarians of 
 the north. They found in Spain the Visigoth monarchy in 
 an enfeebled condition, torn by discord and allowing the 
 walls of its fortifications to fall to pieces.* They were 
 aided by the powerful Count Julian, Governor of Ceuta,f 
 and by the Archbishop of Seville, who wished to overthrow 
 King Roderic; and were victorious at the battle of Xeres \ 
 on the banks of the Guad-al-Lete. Roderic is said to have 
 perished in the waters of the Guadalquivir, when trying to 
 make his escape (711). This three days' § battle put an 
 end to the kingdom of the Visigoths, but it was eight years 
 before the Arabs succeeded in subjugating the peninsula as 
 far as the mountains of Asturia, where Pelayo, a Visigothic 
 chief, kept his independence. In 720 they occupied Septi- 
 mania as a dependency of the Gothic kingdom. Thus they 
 had crossed the Pyrenees, another mighty barrier, and Gaul 
 lay opened before them. It was now a question whether or 
 not they would succeed in conquering it as they had done 
 
 * Monarchy of the Visigoths. — The kingdom of the Visigoths had 
 lasted 300 years, from 410 to 711. They were at first supreme over Gaul 
 as far as the Loire and over a part of Spain. By the battle of Voulon 
 (507) they were crowded back to the south of the Pyrenees, but still retained 
 Septimania at the north of these mountains. The Spanish peninsula was 
 not entirely subject to them till after their absorption of the kingdom of 
 the Suevi (565) and the e.xpulsion of the Greeks from the southern coast 
 (623), The most brilliant epoch of this monarchy was that of Leovigild 
 (569-586), and of Reccared (5S6-601), in which the Visigoths were con- 
 verted from Arianism to Christianity. The clergy had a very large share 
 in the government of the Visigoths, and with them the Council of Toledo 
 took the place of the national assemblies of the other barbarian peoples. 
 Another cause of weakness was the application of the system of an elec- 
 tive monarchy in an aristocratic state ; the nobles contrived that the 
 throne should be vacant as often as possible, each one hoping to ascend it 
 himself. There is no country where so large a proportion of the kings 
 have been assassinated. 
 
 f A portion of the Eastern Empire on the African coast. Julian was 
 not an officer of the Visigoths, but it is not clear exactly what aid was 
 received by the Arabs. — Ed. 
 
 X It is now established that the battle was not fought at Xeres de la 
 Frontera, but farther south near the little stream now called Salado (Wadi 
 Bekka).— Ed. 
 
 § Said also to have lasted a week. — Ed,
 
 90 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 Asia, Africa, and Spain, and in destroying with a single 
 blow the German states and the Christian religion. They 
 had already pushed their cavalry as far as Sens, and the 
 Berber Munuza had already settled in Septimania and 
 married the daughter of the Duke of Aquitaine. This was 
 a solemn moment in the history of the world. The ques- 
 tion was decided in the famous plains between Tours and 
 Poitiers, where the powerful Austrasian infantry of Charles 
 Martel, like a wall of iron, resisted the fiery horsemen of Ara- 
 bia, of Syria, and of Magrib (732). 
 
 Thus the Arab invasion found its bounds on the banks of 
 the Indus, at the entrance to Asia Minor, and at the Pyre- 
 nees. Like the German invaders the Arabs settled in their 
 conquered countries, and there arose in the face of the 
 western and Christian civilization, a civilization which was 
 entirely Eastern and Mussulmanic. The Byzantine Empire, 
 escaping from the torrents which rushed past on either side, 
 thanks to its position and to the walls of its capital, existed 
 between the two new worlds like a pale image of the ancient 
 Roman world.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 DISMEMBERMENT, DECLINE AND FALL OF THE 
 ARABIAN EMPIRE (755-1058). 
 
 Accession of the Abbasides (750}, and foundation of the Caliphate of 
 Cordova (755). — Caliphate of Bagdad (750-1058). — Almanssur, Har- 
 oun-al-Rashid, AI-Mamun. — Creation of the Turkish Guards. De- 
 cHne and dismemberment of the Caliphate of Bagdad. — Africa ; 
 Fatimite Caliphate (968). — Spain ; Caliphate of Cordova. — Arabian 
 Civilization. 
 
 It was just a century after Mohammed's death when 
 Charles Martel, in 732, forced the Arabian invaders to 
 . J. retrace their steps ; in one hundred years the 
 the Aobassides Arabs had Spread from the Indies to the Pyr- 
 d a°t i o n'^of°t'he enees. To give their boundaries more exactly, 
 Caliphate of their empire reached, on the east, as far as the 
 755 . Indus and the Vale of Cashmir; on the north 
 their boundary line followed the steppes of Turkestan, the 
 Caspian Sea and the Caucasus, which Islamism had already 
 crossed, then a line drawn obliquely from the eastern point 
 of the Black Sea to Tarsus, beyond which lay their tribu- 
 taries, Pontus and Cappadocia ; the Mediterranean, where 
 they occupied Rhodes, Cyprus, and the Balearic Islands; 
 finally the southern Cevennes and the Pyrenees, excepting 
 the little kingdom of Ps-layo; on the west their boundary was 
 the Atlantic Ocean ; — on the south, the deserts of Africa, 
 Ethiopia, and the Indian Ocean as far as the mouths of the 
 Indus. 
 
 This empire was more than four thousand miles in length ; 
 no empire in antiquity had attained to so great a size. But 
 this great belt was soon cut into three parts by the Abbas- 
 sides in Asia, the Ommiades in Spain and the Fatimites in 
 Africa. Thus, while the German invasion, carried on at 
 different times and by different methods, without plan or 
 unity of direction reached under Charlemagne's influence 
 an organized result, the Arab invasion, the outcome of a 
 
 91
 
 92 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book IL 
 
 single, common idea, accomplished at one blow and under 
 one impulse, fell into a state of utter disorganization. 
 
 The extreme weakness of the Arabian Empire was due not 
 only to the extent of its territory but also to its institutions 
 and its dynasties. There had been a purely Arabian period 
 under the first four successors of Mohammed, and a Syrian 
 period under the Ommiades ; now came a Persian period 
 under the Abbassides, and after that a Turkish period, each 
 subject people claiming in turn the supreme power, as is 
 generally the case in great empires formed by conquest, and 
 as was the case in the jRoman Empire. 
 
 The Ommiades of Damascus had begun to arouse a cer- 
 tain civilization in Syria, steeped as it was in all the ancient 
 civilizations, as is shown by the celebrated mosque, one of 
 the wonders of the world, which Valid I. had built at Da- 
 mascus and which Tamerlain destroyed; nevertheless, con- 
 quest was the distinguishing characteristic of that period. 
 On the other hand, peaceful employments, industry, and the 
 cultivation of the sciences characterized the period that fol- 
 lowed. 
 
 The Ommiades, who were perverted, wine-drinking Mo- 
 hammedans, belonged, in fact, neither to the Arabs who had 
 remained in their native peninsula, nor to those who had 
 settled in large numbers in Irak (ancient Babylonia). This 
 country was an Arabia on a small scale, where the worship 
 of Islam and the attachment to the Prophet's family were 
 kept up in all their purity. The descendants of Ali pre- 
 served together with their pretensions great influence over 
 these tribes. But though they were men of virtue and fine 
 character, the Alides had not in general the talents neces- 
 sary to enforce the recognition of their rights. A family of 
 their ]jarty, and one which ])retended to be connected with 
 them by l)lood, undertook this on their own account; this 
 was the Abbas family. The Abbassides, taking advantage 
 of a disturbance during which Merwan II. ascended the 
 throne (744), stirred up a revolt in Khorassan, where their 
 influence reigned supreme, and in Irak, where the Alides, 
 although rivals, welcomed them out of hatred for the Om- 
 miades. They took black for their color, because white was 
 the color of the Ommiades, and the two opposing parties were 
 distinguished by their colors. Merwan was defeated on the 
 banks of the Zab, a tributary of the Tigris, and his head was 
 cut off (750). The triumph of the Abbassides was signalized
 
 Chap. VII.] FALL OF THF ARABLAN EMPLRE. 93 
 
 by horrible acts of vengeance. The Ommiades and their 
 adherents were murdered by the thousand. Ninety of their 
 chiefs were invited to a banquet on the pretext of a recon- 
 ciliation. In the midst of the feast, a poet appeared, not an 
 Antar singing of combats, love, hospitality and glory, but a 
 gloomy and awe-inspiring poet; "Abdallah," said he to the 
 uncle of Abbas, who was presiding at the feast, "remem- 
 ber Al-Husein, remember Zaidi. Husein was assassinated 
 and his corpse, dragged through the squares of Damascus, 
 was trampled beneath the feet of horses. Zaidi, the son 
 of Husein, conquered by Hescham the Ommiad, was 
 strangled before his eyes, and his body was exposed like a 
 vile criminal's. Remember your friends, remember your 
 brothers. Hasten: this is the moment for your just ven- 
 geance I" He finished speaking; an executioner appeared 
 behind each of the Ommiades; they were struck down, and 
 their still palpitating bodies were covered with planks and 
 carpets. Then, on this bloody platform, the feast went on 
 (750). The tombs of the caliphs of Damascus were opened, 
 the bones found there were burned, and the ashes thrown to 
 the winds. Abul-Abbas acquired in this way his name of 
 El-Saffah — the bloody. 
 
 One Ommiad, however, escaped; the young Abder- 
 rahman; he hid himself first with the Bedouins of Barcah, 
 in Egypt, and then with the Zenetes, until he was called to 
 rule by the Arabs of Spain. 
 
 The armies of Islam were composed of very varied ele- 
 ments; in the army which invaded Spain, there were doubt- 
 less many pure Arabs, but there were also Syrians, Egyp- 
 tians and Berbers, and they settled separately, in distinct 
 bands, in the conquered territory; this explains, though it 
 is anticipating somewhat, the fall of the caliphate of Cor- 
 dova. At Cordova the royal legion of Damascus had estab- 
 lished itself. It was these Syrian Arabs, faithful to the 
 Syrian family of the Ommiades, who delivered Spain into the 
 hands of Abderrahman (755). He assumed the title of 
 Emir-al-Moumenin (chief of the believers), and founded the 
 Caliphate of the West. 
 
 The Abbassides, though deprived by this dismemberment 
 of the western extremity of their empire, still reigned over 
 Asia and over Africa, though it, too, was to follow the 
 example of Spain, fifty years later. The first of the Ab- 
 bassides, the sanguinary Al)Lil-Abbas, reigned only four
 
 94 THE ARAB INVASIOM. [Book II. 
 
 years. His brother Abu-Giaffar Almanssur, or the vic- 
 Caiiphate of torious, Succeeded him (754-775)- He had 
 Bagdad (750- to fight agaiiist his uncle Abdallah, one of 
 s°ur!' HaTounI the principal promoters of the fortunes of 
 ai-Rashid. Ai- their house. He took him prisoner, and, as 
 he had sworn not to kill him by the sword 
 or by poison, he crushed him under a falling ceiling. 
 After this act of cruel perfidy, which gave him absolute 
 control, he reigned wisely. It was he who gave the 
 Arabian Empire its third and celebrated capital Bagdad 
 (762), situated on the banks of the Tigris, near the old 
 Seleucia and' built around a hill which was crowned by 
 the pavilion of the Caliphs; it was defended from at- 
 tacks without by a brick enclosure, fortified with 163 
 towers. Immense sums were spent on its decoration. In 
 that stronghold of despotism, which the ghosts of the Per- 
 sian kings, the great kings, still seemed to haunt, the Caliphs 
 of the East acquired a more and more absolute authority 
 and began to claim for themselves divine attributes, fol- 
 lowing the Oriental custom of the worship of the sovereign. 
 A pompous court, officers of all kinds, and a prime minister 
 called the Vizier (bearer of the burden), relieved the sove- 
 reign from all the cares of government and of the adminis- 
 tration of justice, but they also separated him from his 
 subjects. His primitive simplicity was exchanged for the 
 luxury taught by the magnificent Persian palaces. He 
 accumulated vast wealth, still following in the steps of the 
 Persian kings. Almanssur's treasure amounted, it was said, 
 to 150 millions of dollars. His son Mahdi spent six million 
 dinars (a dinar is worth about two dollars) in a single pil- 
 grimage to Mecca. What had become of Omar with his bag 
 of dates and his leather bottle of water? 
 
 The most famous of the Caliphs of Bagdad was Haroun- 
 al-Rashid (the Just) also called the Victorious (786-809). 
 His name is familiar even in Europe, as well as that of his 
 faithful vizier, Giaffar. We shall see farther on his rela- 
 tions with Charlemagne. He made eight invasions of the 
 Eastern Empire, conquered successively Irene and the usur- 
 per Nicephorus, forbade the Greeks ever to rebuild the town 
 of Heraclius on the Pontus, which he had destroyed, and 
 laid upon them a tribute which they were obliged to pay in 
 money stamped with his image. But even while he was wag- 
 ing war on them, he borrowed from them their science and
 
 Chap. VII.] FALL OF THF ARABIAN EMPIRE. 95 
 
 their books, and made them popular among the Arabs by the 
 protection he accorded to scholars. 
 
 His son, Al-A'Iamun, was still more eminent in this respect 
 (813-833). He founded many schools and an academy, and 
 spent enormous sums in the encouragement of science and 
 literature. 
 
 Almanssur, Haroun-al-Rashid and Al-Mamun are the 
 
 three great names of the Eastern Caliphate. Motassem, 
 
 „ ,. r who came after them (8^^-842), although 
 
 Creation of . . . /> ■^■^ ^ ■" . . ° 
 
 the Turkish victorious m the wars he had to sustain against 
 ancf^faii^of 'the ^^^ Greek Empire, prepared the way for the 
 Caliphate of fall of the Abbassides, by forming a guard 
 ^^ ^ ■ of 50,000 Turkish slaves, bought in Tartary.* 
 
 They proved masters, rather than slaves. This body of sol- 
 diers disposed at their will of the throne and the lives of 
 the caliphs, who, surrounded by plots and menaces, devel- 
 oped a marvelous cruelty. 
 
 Motawakkil (847) is a typical representative of them; he 
 ordered a vizier who had offended him to be roasted alive 
 in a furnace lined with iron spikes ; he invited all the officers 
 of his court to a feast, and had them massacred, to prevent a 
 plot against him ; he allowed wild and ferocious beasts to 
 run wild in his palace, and the courtiers were forbidden to 
 protect themselves from them. He was finally assassinated 
 by his son Muntassir (861). His successor was poisoned. 
 Another was murdered. The palace of the caliphs became 
 the scene of bloody tragedies, unrelieved by any generous 
 sentiments. It is the old story of despots who surround 
 themselves with a special and permanent military force whose 
 duty it is to guard them: the soldiers soon take the law into 
 their own hands and enforce it with the sword; witness the 
 Praetorians at Rome, the Isaurians at Constantinople, and 
 the Strelitz at Moscow. In the midst of this anarchy the 
 caliphate of Bagdad fell to pieces. Africa had already 
 broken away in the time of Haroun-al-Rashid. Even in 
 Asia independent dynasties were springing up on all sides — 
 founded generally by the Turks who had been made gov- 
 ernors of provinces. 
 
 In this way the Turks were introduced little by little into 
 
 * The Turks are a Tartar race, belonging to the so-called Turanian 
 family of nations, and are related on the one side to the Mongolic tribes 
 and on the other to the Finnic, of which the modern Finns and the Hun- 
 garians are representatives. — Ed.
 
 96 THE ARAB INVASION, [Book II. 
 
 Asia, which had been galvanized rather than resuscitated by 
 the electric current of Arabian invasion. We have seen 
 how, at the end of the Roman Empire, the barbarians were 
 really governing it, though they appeared to be its ser- 
 vants, and then how, throwing aside the mask, they seized 
 it openly by means of invasion and declared themselves its 
 masters; in the same way the Turks first gained a footing 
 in the caliphate as soldiers of the caliphs, and, when they 
 had them completely in their power even to the point of dis- 
 posing of their throne, and their lives, they degraded them 
 and established themselves openly in their place. 
 
 The dynasty of the Gaznevides sprang from the province 
 of Gazna (997). Mahmud, the son of the founder, took 
 the new title of Sultan, subjugated Khorassan and Kowar- 
 ism, laid a tribute upon the people of Georgia, sent twelve 
 terrible expeditions into the country between the Indus and 
 the Ganges, conquered Delhi and Lahore, and by his victo- 
 ries carried the religion of the Koran to all the peoples of 
 Hindostan, who had become tributary to him. After him all 
 this vast dominion came into the possession of a new horde 
 from the north. He had established the Turkomans in the 
 eastern part of Persia, and they revolted after his death, 
 led by Seldjuk, who defeated Mahmud's son Masud and 
 established the Seldjuk dynasty in the midst of the empire 
 of the caliphs. Togrul-Beg, the grandson of Seldjuk, 
 completed the revolution which deprived the Arabian race 
 of their rule over the East (1058). The Caliph Kaim, 
 reigning at Bagdad, when threatened by him sought his pro- 
 tection, and delegated to him all temporal power over the 
 States of Islam, keeping for himself only the spiritual power. 
 He placed on his head two crowns, emblematic of the power 
 with which he was invested over Arabia and Persia, and 
 girded him with a magnificent sword. The prince was then 
 clothed successively with seven robes of honor, and the 
 caliph gave him seven slaves born in the seven countries of 
 the Empire, while he was proclaimed sovereign over the 
 East and the West. 
 
 Africa, as has been said, soon broke away from the 
 Calij)hate of Bagdad. The Aglabides of Kairowan (800- 
 Africa Fati- 9°9) wcre masters of the Mediterranean in 
 mite Caliphs the ninth and tenth centuries, and estab- 
 ^^ lished themselves in Corsica, Sardinia, and 
 
 Sicily, besides making several attacks on Italy. To guard
 
 Chap. VII.] FALL OF THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. 97 
 
 against them Pope Leo IV. enclosed the neighborhood of 
 the Vatican (Leonine City) with a rampart. To the west 
 of the Aglabides, the Edrissites gained their independence 
 at Fez (789-919). 
 
 But the greatest of the Mussuhnan dynasties in Africa 
 was that of the Fatimites, which absorbed the other two. 
 Ever since the Alides had seen the caliphate taken away 
 from them by the Abbassides, in spite of their legitimate 
 claims, they had sought to enforce those claims elsewhere 
 than in Asia. A family, pretending to descend from Ali 
 and Fatima, superseded the Aglabides at Kairowan in 909, 
 and established themselves in Egypt under their chief Moez 
 (968). "Of what branch of the family of Ali are you?" he 
 was asked. "These are my ancestors," he replied, pointing 
 to his scimitar, "and these my children," he added, as he 
 threw some gold to his soldiers. The Fatimites brought 
 about not merely a political but a religious schism. They 
 assumed the title of caliph, and made their residence at 
 Cairo, which they built, and whence their rule extended over 
 all northern Africa, Syria, and even over Bagdad for a brief 
 space, about the time of Togrul-Beg's invasion. Fanati- 
 cism prevailed over all this country; the names of Ali and 
 of the successors of Moez were the only ones invoked in the 
 mosques of Africa. The schism was pushed to such a point 
 that the Fatimite Caliph Hakim, a cruel tyrant, perverting 
 the Mohammedan religion, insisted on being adored as the 
 incarnation of God. Driven from Cairo, he carried his 
 divinity into Syria, where his doctrine, a unitarian religion, 
 is still in force among the Druses. The Fatimites brought 
 prosperity to Egypt and Egypt in return gave them great 
 wealth; they built superb mosques and made Cairo a center 
 of science and literature, as Bagdad was in the East, and 
 Cordova in the West. 
 
 The Caliphate of Cordova had as brilliant and as tran- 
 sient a career as the other two. The Arabs had shown 
 Spain. Call- g^cat moderation in the conquest of Spain, 
 phate of Cor- The Christians had everywhere not only lib- 
 erty of worship but also their laws and their 
 judges. Councils were held by them with the consent of the 
 caliphs of Cordova. The tribute exacted of them was in no 
 way oppressive. Above all, the Jews, whom the Visigoths 
 had treated with extreme severity, were now unmolested and 
 were even treated with favor. There were some revolts — ■
 
 98 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 the most formidable of which took place in Toledo, which 
 mourned the loss of its title of capital and center of the gov- 
 ernment, but except for these, the conquered mingled very 
 generally with the conquerors and formed a mixed popula- 
 tion, the Mozarabes. The caliphs of Cordova rarely had to 
 fight for their power over the peoples of central and south- 
 ern Spain, and they were soon able to display in peace the 
 brilliant qualities which most of them possessed. Abderrah- 
 man I. (755), Hescham I. (787), Abderrahman II. (822), 
 Al-Hakaai II. (961), were able sovereigns absorbed in caring 
 for the happiness of their people, patrons of literature, and 
 rich in the treasures which the fertile and well-cultivated 
 soil of Spain yielded in profusion. Abderrahman I. wept 
 at the sight of a Syrian palm he had had brought to Spain, 
 and which reminded him of his native country whence he 
 had been forced to fly. Another made it his duty to per- 
 form some manual labor for an liour every day. 
 
 Nevertheless, during these reigns the Christians were en- 
 croaching upon the Arabian Empire from the north. Pippin 
 the Short seized Septimania (759) ; Charlemagne estab- 
 lished his power south of the Pyrenees as far as the Ebro 
 (812), whence afterwards sprang the little Christian States 
 of Barcelona and Aragon ; while the Christians of Asturia 
 held their ground and increased, though imperceptibly ; so 
 that, as we shall see farther on, there stretched across the 
 northern part of the peninsula a belt of independent Chris- 
 tian people, who were later to drive out the Mussulmans. 
 
 The Walls, or governors of provinces, had already sought 
 under Mohammed I. (852) to make themselves independent, 
 and had sometimes succeeded ; while under the lead of 
 Ibn-Hafson, Jewish and Berber bandits, from their hiding- 
 place in the mountains of Aragon, began an insurrection 
 which it took eighty years to subdue. 
 
 Abderralinian III. (912-961), whose reign was the most 
 brilliant in the annals of the Cordova caliphate, restored 
 the sway of the Arabs by subduing Ibn-Hafson and his sons, 
 and by his signal victories over the Christians of Asturia. 
 This access of power was sustained until the reign of Hes- 
 diam II. by the genius of the prime minister, Almanzor, 
 who drove the Christians back beyond the Douro and the 
 Ebro, which they had crossed. But Almanzor carried with 
 him to the tomb the power of the caliphs of Cordova (1002). 
 
 In tlie eleventh century the Caliphate of the West fell a 
 
 \
 
 Chap. VII.] FALL OF THE ARABIAJV EMPLRE. 99 
 
 prey to anarchy and confusion, in which the African guard 
 of the caliphs, like the Turkish guard at Bagdad, took a 
 prominent part, and during which the Walls shook off their 
 yoke. In loio Murcia, Badajoz, Grenada, Saragossa, 
 Valencia, Seville, Toledo, Carmona, and Algeziras had be- 
 come so many independent principalities. In 1031, Hes- 
 cham, the last of the Ommiades, was deposed and retired 
 with joy into obscurity ; in 1060, even the title of Caliph 
 had disappeared. 
 
 Such was the fate of the Arabian Empire in the three 
 portions of the world — Asia, Africa, and Europe : first a 
 sudden and irresistible expansion, then at the end of a few 
 centuries division and general decay. The Empire had 
 been built too quickly to endure. As their poets improvised 
 brilliant poems, so they improvised a gigantic dominion. 
 No one can say that it has entirely perished who has seen the 
 religion, the language, and the laws of the Koran still reign- 
 ing over the greater part of the country formerly included 
 in the Arabian Empire. Moreover, it handed down to the 
 Europe of the Middle Ages discoveries, arts, and sciences, 
 often borrowed, it is true, from other peoples, but the mere 
 propagation of which sheds a luster over the Arabian name. 
 
 In fact, while Europe was lost in the darkness of barba- 
 rian ignorance scarce pierced by a single ray, the capitals 
 of Iglamism were flooded with a great light 
 ^"^^za^ron!^''' °^ literature, philosophy, arts, and industry. 
 Bagdad, Samarcand, Damascus, Cairo, Kairo- 
 wan, Fez, Grenada, and Cordova were so many great intel- 
 lectual centers. 
 
 We have seen that the Arabs, before they left their penin- 
 sula, already possessed a poetical literature which found 
 expression in two distinct dialects, the Homerite or Him- 
 yarite in Yemen, the Koreisch in Hedjaz. The latter 
 was used by Mohammed and gained the preponderance. 
 It has come down to us in all its purity, as the lan- 
 guage of learning and religion, or literary Arabian, while, 
 as the language of the people, it has undergone numerous 
 changes, resulting from the diversity of the peoples subju- 
 gated to Islamism, and from the lapse of ages. This lan- 
 guage is exceedingly rich in certain respects. The Arab 
 poets had an inexhaustible supply of synonyms at their com- 
 mand to express, from every point of view and in every 
 varying condition, the objects which their life in the desert
 
 lOO THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 brought continually before their eyes and offered to their 
 use. They boasted of having 80 different terms to express 
 honey, 200 for the serpent, 500 for the lion, 1000 for the 
 camel, as many for the sword, and about 4000 to express 
 the idea of misfortune. An extraordinary memory was 
 necessary to permit of their making use of such a multitude 
 of words, and the rawia or Arabian rhapsodists possessed 
 such memories ; one of them, Hammad, offered one day 
 to recite to the Caliph Walid consecutively 100 poems of 
 from 20 to 100 verses each, and of fanciful construction, 
 and the illustrious auditor was more quickly tired by it 
 than the indefatigable reciter. 
 
 Though at first addicted to lyrical literature, after their 
 conquests the Arabs enlarged the horizon of their minds, 
 when they mingled with a people more advanced in civiliza- 
 tion. In their contact with the Persians, the Grecianized 
 Egyptians, and even the Greeks of Constantinople, they 
 acquired that rich intellectual development which has always 
 been rather energetical than creative. They became ac- 
 quainted with the writings of Aristotle through the later 
 ramifications of the Alexandrian school, which had be- 
 come peripatetic toward its end, and, with a wonderful 
 fervor, applied themselves to commenting on his great 
 philosophical works. Al-Kindi, who is regarded as the 
 father of philosophy among the Arabs, and who taught in 
 Bagdad in the ninth century, professed the theories of the 
 Stagirite philosopher. Al-Farabi, who followed him and who 
 was also of the Bagdad school, wrote sixty separate treatises 
 on the works of Aristotle. Unfortunately they did not read 
 the writings of the Greek philosopher in the original, but 
 only in Syriac versions from which they made Arabic trans- 
 lations. Accordingly, when they handed these writings over 
 to the Christian Europe of the Middle Ages, which obtained 
 a knowledge of the most of Aristotle's works through them 
 only, many new variations crept in, because the Europeans 
 were obliged, in their turn, to translate them again. 
 
 It may be added in connection with Aristotle that the 
 Arabs carried on the debates on great j'jhilosophical prob- 
 lems which have always agitated the human mind. Avi- 
 cenna (died 1037) represented God as a motionless being 
 at the center of nature, and exerting scarcely any influence 
 upon it ; according to others, Avicenna was a pantheist. 
 Gazali, on the contrary, after going through all the systems 
 appeared, after a period of scepticism, in the mystic school
 
 Chap. VII.] FALL OF THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. loi 
 
 of the Soufis, and wrote his book on the " Destruction of the 
 Philosophers." The excitement stirred up by these dis- 
 putes gave rise to a host of sects in Islamism. The one 
 most inspired by a philosophic spirit was the sect of the 
 Motazilites, a kind of Islamic protestants, who laid great 
 stress on the human reason, and who were under the protec- 
 tion of some of the Abbassid caliphs. Al-Mamun, espec- 
 ially, brought up as he was by the Persian family of the 
 Barmecides, encouraged them ; while others, whose ideas 
 extended in the same direction with Gazali, formed numer- 
 ous fanatical sects. While this confusion of ideas and be- 
 liefs prevailed in the midst of the Eastern Caliphate the 
 study of philosophy was revived in the Western Caliphate 
 by Ibn-Badja and by Ibn-Tofail, who wrote that curious 
 psychological romance of the " Autodidactus," or the 
 Natural Man, in which he supposes a child thrown upon a 
 desert island at its birth and there growing to manhood, who 
 comes by himself to the knowledge of nature, not only in its 
 physical but also in its metaphysical aspect and even of God. 
 Later, in the twelfth century, the study of philosophy had a 
 fresh impulse given it under the Almohades by Averroes, 
 who was so famous in the Middle Ages because it was from 
 him that the Christian peoples received their direct knowl- 
 edge of the greater part of Aristotle's works. 
 
 The Arabs had better success in the exact sciences, owing 
 to the scholars who were attracted from Constantinople by 
 the caliphs, and especially by the second of the Abassid 
 caliphs, Almanssur. As early as the first half of the ninth 
 century, two astronomers of Bagdad measured, in the plains 
 near the Red Sea, a degree of the meridian. Soon a com- 
 mentary on Euclid, a corrected edition of the tables of 
 Ptolemy, a more exact calculation of the obliquity of the 
 ecliptic and the precession of the equinoxes, a more precise 
 knowledge of the difference between the solar year and the 
 siderealyear, and the invention of new and exact instruments, 
 bore witness to the aptitude of the Arabs for the exact 
 sciences ; and Samarcand, long before Europe, had a very 
 fine observatory. Yet it is a mistake to ascribe to them, as 
 is often done, the invention of algebra and of the so-called 
 Arabic numbers which w'e use. They only handed down to 
 Europe these two valuable instruments of our mathematics, 
 as they did the Aristotelian philosophy, borrowing them 
 from the work of other nations. It is possible that we in-
 
 I02 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 herit from them, under a like title, the mariner's compass and 
 gunpowder, which they may have borrowed from the Chi- 
 nese. Europe owes to them also the use of linen paper, 
 which first lowered the price of manuscripts, and afterwards, 
 when printing- had been discovered, made its benefits more 
 accessible and more quickly felt. 
 
 They excelled in the practice of medicine ; and hi that, 
 too, they learned much from the Greeks, as can be seen 
 from the treatises on Galen by Averroes. Many of their 
 great philosophers were physicians also, — Avicenna, for 
 instance, and Averroes, whom we have just mentioned. 
 The Arabian physicians had such a reputation that a king 
 of Castile, who was troubled with dropsy, wished to be 
 treated for it at Cordova, and through the courtesy of 
 the caliph obtained permission to recover his health among 
 his enemies. They taught us the process of distillation 
 and the uses of rhubarb ; they discovered alcohol and many 
 new remedies and medicaments, the use of manna, of senna, 
 camphor, mercury, syrups, etc. 
 
 Geography is one of the sciences that owes most to the 
 Arabs ; their great conquests, their taste for travel and ad- 
 venture, their enforced pilgrimages gave them an exact 
 knowledge of many distant lands that had never been vis- 
 ited by Europeans or else had been forgotten by them. 
 Among these men the first in rank were Abulfeda, Masudi, 
 and particularly Edrisi, who was called to the court of Roger, 
 King of Sicily, and there composed his curious work, en- 
 titled : " Diversions of a man desirous of becoming thor- 
 oughly acquainted with the different countries of the world." 
 In the line of history, the annals of Masudi, Makusi, and 
 Abulfeda may be mentioned. But the Arabian historians 
 were little given to criticism or analysis, and rarely stated 
 anything beyond bare facts. 
 
 Of the fine arts, they cultivated architecture alone, as the 
 law of their religion forbade the representation of the hu- 
 man form, and so cut off the possibility of sculpture and 
 painting. This prohibition itself gave a peculiar character 
 to their architecture, though little invention was shown in 
 it, as its principal element was borrowed from the Byzantine 
 architecture, that is, the more than semicircular [or horse- 
 shoe] arch borne on pillars — what really belongs to them are 
 the arabesques by which they supplied the places of painted 
 or sculptured figures in their ornamentation. They were
 
 Chap. VII. J FALL OF TILE ARABLAM EMPIRE. 103 
 
 originally inscriptions with a meaning ; later the sense disap- 
 peared and they were merely combinations of lines borrowed 
 from the Arabic letters, which lend themselves readily to the 
 formation of the rich designs that we admire in the carpets 
 and stuffs of the East. As regards the pretended Arabic 
 origin of the pointed architecture, it is now known that 
 nothing is more erroneous than this supposition. The 
 characteristics of Arabic architecture are the magnificence 
 and luxury of the interiors of their buildings, and the pro- 
 fusion of basins and fountains of gold and precious stones, 
 which they obtained from the East and the mines of south- 
 ern Spain. One of the most magnificent monuments of this 
 kind was the famous mosque built by Abderrahman I. 
 at Cordova, with its 1093 marble columns and its 4700 
 lamps ; another, no less splendid, was the palace of Al- 
 Tehra (Flowers), which Abderrahman built upon the banks 
 of the Guadalquiver for one of his favorites, and where a 
 jet of mercury fell sparkling into a shell of porphyry. The 
 Alhambra, at once a palace and a fortress, can still be seen 
 and admired at Grenada, and many parts of it, especially 
 the so-called court of the Lions, are models of architectural 
 beauty and splendor. 
 
 The Arabs have always been merchants by nature, and 
 when their power extended from the Pyrenees to the Him- 
 alayas, they easily became the most considerable merchants 
 of the world. No one knew so well as those inhabitants of 
 the desert how to make the best use of water in the work of 
 cultivation, under their burning sun. The system of irriga- 
 tion instituted by them, and still preserved in the plain of 
 Valencia, the garden of Spain, might serve as a model to 
 the agriculturists of our own times. When they went to the 
 great Roman cities and became acquainted with works of 
 industry, they developed great skill as artisans. The repu- 
 tation of Toledo for its arms, Granada for its silks, Cuenca 
 for its blue and green cloths, and Cordova for harnesses, 
 saddles and leather goods, spread throughout Europe, and 
 these products of infidel industry brought the highest prices. 
 Spain especially profited by this time of splendor, as she 
 was more peaceful than the East during the first centuries 
 of the Caliphate. Her population was large ; Cordova 
 alone is said to have had 200,000 houses, 600 mosques, 50 
 hospitals, 80 public schools, 900 public baths, and a million 
 inhabitants.
 
 I04 THE ARAB INVASION. [Book II. 
 
 We have given here a brief sketch of the civilization 
 which was diffused by the Arabs from the Tagus to the 
 Indus, a civilization brilliant but unstable ; while that of 
 Europe, though slower in its development and suffering 
 many convulsions and eclipses, has had the long continued 
 existence which is reserved for all slow and labored growth.
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE, OR THE AT- 
 TEMPT TO ORGANIZE GERMAN AND 
 CHRISTIAN EUROPE (687-814). 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE MAYORS OF AUSTRASIA AND THE PAPACY. OR THE 
 
 EFFORTS TO INFUSE UNITY INTO THE STATE 
 
 AND THE CHURCH (687-768). 
 
 Pippin of Heristal (687-714). — Charles Martel (714-741) ; The Carolin- 
 gian Family Reorganizes the State and its Authority. — Formation of 
 Ecclesiastical Society ; Elections ; Hierarchy ; The Power of the 
 Bishops. — Monks ; Monasteries ; the Rule of St. Benedict. — The 
 Pope ; St. Leo ; Gregory the Great. — The Papacy breaks away from 
 the Supremacy of Constantinople (726), Invokes the aid of Charles 
 Martel. — Pippin the Short (741-768). 
 
 We left the history of the Franks at the year 681, when 
 Ebroin's attempt to put the ruling power into the hands of 
 
 royalty and of Neustria had been frustrated 
 ist&i'$87-7i^."' ^y h^^ death. The mayors who succeeded 
 
 him in the western kingdom were not strong 
 enough to maintain the great struggle begun by him. They 
 continued by their persecutions to enlarge the ranks of the 
 Austrasian army, and that army finally reached the point 
 when it was able to conquer, for its position on the banks of 
 the Rhine and in the neighborhood of the barbarians had 
 made it necessary that they should retain the courageous 
 vigor which Neustria had lost, and which would have given 
 the Austrasians victory much sooner had it not been for 
 the genius of Ebroin. Pippin of Heristal by the decisive 
 battle of Testry (6S7) became master over the three king- 
 
 105
 
 lo6 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 doms, though he allowed Theodoric III. to remain on the 
 throne. Just as Ebroin had taken up arms against the 
 nobles and Austrasia, for the sake of royal authority and 
 " Roman France," as Neustria was called, so Pippin of 
 Heristal resisted this attempt, and menaced, in a way, the 
 conquest of Clovis in behalf of the ancient Ripuarians, and 
 at first, as will readily be believed, equally in behalf of the 
 old German customs. That this event was considered a 
 serious revolution, even at the time of its occurrence, is 
 shown by the fact that all the surrounding nations over 
 which the Frankish power extended, the Britons, Aqui- 
 tanians, Gascons, Frisians, and Alemanni, believed that 
 power to be shattered and that the time had come to free 
 themselves. But Pippin let them see that, far from having 
 lost, it had gained in strength. " He waged many wars," 
 said the chronicles, "against Radbod, duke of the Frisians, 
 and other princes, against the Flemings and many other 
 nations. In these wars he was always victorious." 
 
 Pippin did not set up the throne again in Austrasia, but 
 kept it in Neustria, which he wished to treat with considera- 
 tion, and three kings successively reigned there who were 
 mere puppets in his hands. At his death (714), the heredi- 
 tary right of his family to the mayoralty of the palace was 
 evidently already regarded as a matter of course, for he left 
 the title to his grandson, a child of six years of age, under 
 the guardianship of his widow, Plectrude. 
 
 The Neustrians sought to profit by this minority to free 
 
 themselves from Austrasian power. They defeated the 
 
 Austrasians, and made Chilperic II. their king 
 
 tef^(TiT-74i). ^"^ Raganfred their mayor. The Austra- 
 
 The CaroUn- siaus, who wcrc uot coutcut to submit to a 
 
 gian family re- i -i i i • i .1 
 
 organizes the child and to a womau, recognized another son 
 aithorfty'^ '^^ ^^ Pippin as their chief, Karl or Charles, 
 who was called a bastard by those who strictly 
 regarded the law. The Neustrians had allied themselves 
 with the Frisians, in order to place Austrasia between two 
 hostile countries, and Charles was defeated at first in 716, 
 But a year later he surprised the conquerors and defeated 
 them at Vincy near Courtray (717). Instead of stopping to 
 celebrate his victory according to the barbarian custom, he 
 pursued the Neustrians to the very walls of Paris ; their 
 army was almost annihilated. As their alliance with the 
 Frisians had not succeeded, the Neustrians turned to the
 
 Chap. VIII.] THE FRANKS AND THE CHURCH. 107 
 
 Aquitainians, who were ruled by Duke Eudes, and who, 
 through hatred of barbarian authority, joyfully seized the 
 opportunity of repulsing the new set of Frankish invaders. 
 But the second league failed like the first. Charles defeated 
 them near Soissons (71S), and pursued them as far a 
 Orleans. Later he induced Eudes to deliver to him Chil- 
 peric II. whom he recognized as king (720). 
 
 This victory completed the work begun at Testry, and 
 marked the final victory of Austrasia and the beginning of 
 a new era in the history of the Franks. Until then, all the 
 old institutions had been falling to pieces, and nothing new 
 had taken definite shape. The territory had been loosely 
 held together and badly organized ; its outlying provinces 
 were wavering between submission and independence. Sax- 
 ons, Thuringians, Bavarians, Alemanni, and Aquitainians 
 were placed in an uncertain position, and no one could give 
 the exact limits of the Frankish Empire. Within, Neustria 
 and Austrasia were divided by what was really the antag- 
 onism between Roman and barbarian ideas ; the free men 
 were more and more degraded, on the one hand, and on the 
 other the aristocracy of the leudes became more and more 
 powerful. Royalty existed, but without power ; the Mayors 
 of the Palace had the power but not the rights of kings. 
 All the elements of the state were in confusion. 
 
 The Carolingian family, w'ith its illustrious origin and 
 victories, with its power and riches, was the only one in a 
 position high enough, and with talents great enough, to in- 
 fuse order into the barbarian world. The three great men 
 belonging to it, Charles Martel, Pippin the Short, and Char- 
 lemagne, were workers in the same cause and followed the 
 same policy, both in war and in peace ; what was begun by 
 the first of them was continued by the second, and accom- 
 plished by the third. 
 
 The quick blows, felt at the extreme limits of the king- 
 dom, the expeditions alternating between the north and 
 south, which, later, were the characteristic features of Char- 
 lemagne's wars, were already seen in those of Charles Mar- 
 tel. First there was a series of campaigns against the 
 Bavarians ; then another against the Frisians ; then still 
 another against the Saxons. All these nations, except the 
 last, were subdued for a time, at least, if not for ever (720- 
 729). The wars were renewed in the south ; all along the 
 Rhone the Burgundian lords who had gained their inde-
 
 io8 THE CAROLINGIAN- EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 pendence returned to their allegiance, as well as Provence 
 and Marseilles, whose governor Maurontus was banished 
 (739). Eudes, the duke of Aquitania, was likewise forced 
 to submit, and when he died Charles gave the duchy to his 
 son Hunold only on the condition of his rendering homage 
 to himself and his sons Pippin and Karlmann. 
 
 But the most famous military achievement of Charles, and 
 that which gave him in after times his popular name of 
 " Martel," was his great victory over the Saracens in 732. 
 Hardly a century had passed since Mohammedanism came 
 into being in the deserts of Arabia, and its votaries had 
 already reached the farthest limits of the West ; by the year 
 711 they had invaded Spain, by 720 they had crossed the 
 Pyrenees, and conquered Narbonne. In 732, the Emin 
 Abderrahman invaded Aquitania, captured Bordeaux, and 
 marched upon Tours, tempted by the wealth of the abbey in 
 that town. Charles, summoned by Eudes, went to meet the 
 infidels and gained a great victory between Tours and Poi- 
 tiers, which stopped the movement of Mussulman invasion. 
 
 Thus he consolidated his territory on every side, prevent- 
 ing a division and protecting the frontiers from new inva- 
 sions. The same sword that accomplished this great work 
 had, at the same time, the glory of saving Christianity. 
 
 The Middle Ages acknowledged two masters, the Pope 
 and the Emperor, and these two powers came, the one from 
 Rome, and the other from Austrasian France. We have 
 seen how the mayors of Austrasia, Pippin of Heristal, and 
 Charles Martel, rebuilt the Frankish monarchy and pre- 
 pared the way for the empire of Charlemagne ; we now 
 pass to the Roman pontiffs and see how they gathered 
 around them all the churches of the West, and placed them- 
 selves at the head of the great Catholic society, over which 
 one day Gregory VII. and Innocent III. should claim to 
 have sole dominion. 
 
 The Roman Empire had perished, and the barbarians had 
 built upon its ruins many slight structures that were soon 
 overthrown. Not even had the Franks, who 
 Erciesiast*i c a [ wcrc dcstincd to be perpetuated as a nation, 
 Society; Eiec- as yct succcedcd in founding a social state of 
 archVV Power any Strength ; their lack of experience led 
 pate*^^ ^P'^'^"' them from one attempt to another, all equally 
 vain ; even the atternpt of Charlemagne met 
 with no more permanent succecs. In the midst of these
 
 Chap. VIII.] THE FRANKS AND THE CHURCH. 109 
 
 successive failures one institution alone, developing slowly, 
 and steadily through the centuries following out the spirit 
 of its principles, continued to grow and gain in power, in 
 extent, and in unity. 
 
 The preaching of the apostles and their disciples had 
 spread the Gospel throughout the Roman world, and as 
 early as the third century the Christians formed a kind of 
 vast society by themselves in the heart of the Empire. 
 From Britain to the banks of the Euphrates, a Christian, 
 traveling with a letter from his bishop, found aid and pro- 
 tection all along his route. Everywhere that he went he 
 met with brothers, who assisted him if poor, and cared for 
 him if sick ; a sign served in the place of words, and the 
 Christians all understood each other no matter of what lan- 
 guage or country they might be — for they were all of one 
 family. This society had organized itself under the stress 
 of persecution ; it had a rigid discipline and a strictly 
 regulated hierarchy. The cities of the Roman provinces 
 had grown into dioceses governed by supervisors or bishops 
 {episcopi) ; below them in authority were the elders or priests 
 {j)resbyteri). The bishop, who had first been appointed by 
 the apostles and consecrated by the laying on of hands, 
 afterwards when the number of conversions necessitated the 
 formation of a church in every city, was chosen by the faith- 
 ful, installed by the other bishops of the province, and con- 
 firmed in his powers by the metropolitan (Canon XIV. of 
 the Nicene Council). The letters of Sidonius ApoUinaris 
 show that at Chalons and Bruges in the fifth century, the 
 elections of bishops were by popular vote. Later the clergy 
 took a larger part in ecclesiastical elections and inclined to 
 the exclusion of the laity ; but what the laymen lost in this 
 respect they gained by the encroachment of the royal power 
 upon the church, which power often gave the bishoprics to 
 nobles. The clergy struggled against this usurpation and 
 succeeded in establishing the principle of election by the 
 clergy and the people, with the submission of the election 
 to the king for his consent ; this was the arrangement made 
 by the canons of the councils of Orleans, in 549, and by the 
 perpetual constitution of 615. 
 
 The election system was only used for one degree of 
 the ecclesiastical dignitaries, for the bishopric. The lower 
 dignitaries were chosen by the bishop. They were di- 
 vided into two categories of orders — the higher and the
 
 110 THE CAKOLiNGIAM EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 lower orders. There were three higher orders, namely, the 
 priests, the deacons, and the sub-deacons, and four lower 
 orders, the acolytes, the doorkeepers, the exorcists, and 
 the readers. The latter orders were not regarded as an 
 integral part of the clergy, as their members were the ser- 
 vants of the others. 
 
 As regards the territorial divisions, the bishop governed 
 the diocese, which at a much later date was divided into 
 parishes, whose spiritual welfare was in the hands of the 
 parish priest or curate {curio). The parishes, taken together, 
 constituted the diocese ; the united dioceses, or suffragan 
 bishoprics, constituted the ecclesiastical province, at whose 
 head stood the metropolitan or archbishop. When a pro- 
 vincial council was held, it met in the metropolis and was 
 presided over by the metropolitan. Above the metropoli- 
 tans were the Patriarchs, in the East, and the Primates, in 
 the West, bishops who held the great capitals or the apos- 
 tolic sees, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, Rome, 
 Jerusalem, Cesarea in Cappadocia, Carthage in Africa, and 
 Heraclius in Thrace ; among them Rome ranked higher by 
 one degree, and from this supreme position exercised a 
 supreme authority acknowledged by all the Church. 
 
 The organization of the hierarchy did not reach this 
 point at once, but after a long process which separated and 
 determined the originally confused elements and fixed by 
 more exact lines and greater distances the different degrees 
 of power. The authority which was at first shared by the 
 mass of the faithful, the foundation of every religious 
 structure, rose step by step as it was withdrawn from the 
 lower orders, and was finally vested almost entirely in the 
 supreme point, the Pope. This gradual ascent of authority 
 from point to point sums up the whole of Church history 
 till the time of Boniface VIII. ; about half the course had 
 been run at the time to which we have now come. 
 
 In the fifth and sixth centuries, under the barbarian kings, 
 the bishops kept and extended the influence which they 
 had possessed under the Roman Empire in the cities which 
 they often preserved from ruin during invasion, by their 
 intercessions with the German chiefs. Chilperic complained 
 of it ; " The bishops alone," he said, " reign in the cities." 
 They ruled as sovereigns, each one his diocese, and all to- 
 gether they managed the affairs of the province by means 
 of the councils. The king, indeed, called the council to-
 
 Chap. VIII.] THE FRANKS AND THE CHURCH. m 
 
 gether, but he did so at the suggestion of the bishops. The 
 kings were not even admitted to it ; * priests and abbots 
 were allowed to be present, but only a small number of them. 
 There were twenty-five of these assemblies held in Gaul in 
 the fifth century, and fifty-four in the sixth. It was then 
 that the bishops had most influence, as the lay authority was 
 still very weak on account of the prevailing confusion, and 
 as the education of the bishops gave them great weight 
 with the barbarian sovereigns. It declined, however, in the 
 seventh century, and we hear of only twenty councils, while 
 in the eighth century there were no more than seven in a 
 period of fifty years. In fact, the introduction of nobles, 
 rough barbarians, into the bishoprics had spread among the 
 clergy ignorance and vices, worldly tastes and temporal 
 ambitions, which ill accorded with the cares of ecclesiastical 
 government. 
 
 The aim of the monastic system had originally been a 
 
 purer and more ascetic life than that led not only by the 
 
 .- , ,- faithful in general, but even by ecclesiastics. 
 
 Monks. Mon- ,,,, , = - ' -' , ^ , 
 
 asteries. Rule 1 he monks, at first, were not members of the 
 of St. Benedict, clergy, nor did they wish to be ; they were 
 common laymen, who aspired to carry virtue to its ex- 
 treme limits ; they were the stoics of Christianity, but 
 they carried their stoicism to excess. In the deserts of 
 Syria and Egypt they gave themselves over to so severe a 
 life of fasting and penitence that finally, as St. Jerome bears 
 witness, " it unsettled their minds, so that they no longer 
 knew what they were doing or what they were saying." 
 Simeon of Antioch passed his life standing upon a column, 
 whence his surname Stylites. In this state of absolute iso- 
 lation they were called hermits (inhabitants of the desert), 
 and anchorites (those who live in retreat); those who held 
 any intercourse with each other, without, indeed, ceasing to 
 live alone, were call monks (men of solitude), and this 
 name is the one most commonly used. The name of 
 cenobites (those who live in common) marked a third class, 
 those who approved of union and a common life. This 
 form of monasticism prevailed in the West. 
 
 It is true that instances of this anchorite fanaticism were 
 
 * During the last part of the period, certainly, the kings were admitted. 
 The question of the existence of Concilia mixta, in which laymen took part, 
 is a disputed one. See above, p. 59. — Ed.
 
 Hi THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE, [Book III. 
 
 occasionally seen in Europe, a result of the impetuosity of 
 the barbarian character. Even in the Vosges there was a 
 stylite who had taken his stand on a column, from which he 
 had thrown down a statue of Diana, and who stayed there 
 until the nails froze off from, his hands and feet ; but in 
 general the monks of the West did something better than 
 abandoning themselves to useless maceration. In the midst 
 of the confusion caused by invasion, they opened asylums 
 where they would gather together and find the repose that 
 was banished from every other place. Such were, in the 
 fifth century, the monasteries of Saint Victor at Marseilles, 
 and of Lerins on one of the islands near Hyeres, not to 
 mention those of Milan, Verona, Aquileia, and Marmoutiers, 
 near Tours, all of earlier date, where, instead of the ec- 
 static idleness of the anchorites, great intellectual activity 
 was found, and where most of the controversies on the 
 famous subjects of free will, predestination, grace, and 
 original sin were started. The strictness of ascetic rule 
 was moderated there to the nature and requirements of the 
 climate, according to the wise saying of Sulpicius Severus, 
 that " it is gluttony for the Greeks to eat heartily, but a 
 necessity for the Gauls." 
 
 At the beginning of the sixth century St. Benedict of 
 Nursia, whom ardent piety had early drawn into retirement, 
 and who had seen flocking around him a herd of monks 
 attracted by his virtues, published for the monastery of 
 Monte Cassino, which he had founded, his famous Rule of 
 the monastic life, thereby giving definite shape to the insti- 
 tution in the West. These wise rules portioned off the 
 monks' time, hour by hour, between manual and intellectual 
 labor : agriculture, reading, and the copying of manuscripts 
 were to occupy their time. The last mentioned occupa- 
 tion, so useful to civilization, was regarded as a work of 
 great piety. Cassiodorus, who retired toward the year 540 
 to a monastery and there passed the rest of his life, was in 
 the habit of copying manuscripts ; he often repeated the 
 saying, " that you stab the devil with as many blows as you 
 trace letters on your paper." 
 
 St. Benedict of Aniane, in Aquitania, in the time of 
 Charlemagne, marks a new era of reformation in monastic 
 life. A question that had early aroused a great deal of dis- 
 cussion was, what place should be assigned to monks in the 
 religious society. They had wished to be answerable only
 
 Chap. VIII.] THE FRANKS AND THE CHURCH. 113 
 
 to their abbots, but the tendency toward organization, which 
 showed itself everywhere, obliged them to submit to the 
 bishops. This was necessary for the maintenance of good 
 order and for the repression of the bad or false monks who 
 overran the country. As early as 451, the oecumenical 
 council of Chalcedon prescribed the subordination of the 
 monks to the bishops, and the councils of Agde (506), and 
 of Orleans (511 and 553) confirmed this law. In 787, a 
 canon of the second Nicene Council granted to the abbots 
 the right of conferring the lesser orders on the monks of 
 their houses, and soon there was no monk who was not 
 also a priest. 
 
 Above the aristocracy of the bishops rose the pontifical 
 
 monarchy by slow degrees. From the first, the word of the 
 
 ..... T, o* successor of St. Peter and of the bishop of 
 
 The Pope: St. , ^ ,„.,,. , . *^ 
 
 Leo ; Gregory the Eternal City had enjoyed a superior au- 
 the Great. thority ; he was often consulted on doubtful 
 
 questions, and he was early regarded as the representative 
 of Catholic unity. The second general council, convoked 
 by Theodosius at Constantinople in 381, solemnly recog- 
 nized this supremacy by giving to the bishop of Constanti- 
 nople only a secondary rank. The name of pope, which 
 originally belonged to all the bishops, was finally reserved 
 for him alone ; a change which was already perceptible in 
 the time of Leo the Great, though it was not completed 
 until a much later time. 
 
 The bishop of Rome had possessed a great deal of prop- 
 erty as early as the time of the Empire, in the capital and in 
 the rest of Italy. He even acquired some beyond the Alps, 
 for instance in the province of Aries, upon whose bishop he 
 laid the duty of administering his affairs. He occupied, 
 moreover, in Rome itself, in the most famous city of the 
 world, the influential position which had been granted to bish- 
 ops during the municipal regime at the end of the Empire. 
 
 The part that St. Leo (440-461) took in public affairs, 
 and the success of his intercession with Attila, did much to 
 enhance the dignity of his office. He obtained an edict 
 from Valentinian III., in which the Emperor pledged "the 
 whole Church to recognize her spiritual director, in order to 
 preserve peace everywhere," and at the same time he is 
 seen reinstating in his see a bishop of Gaul, who had been 
 banished from it, and transferring the metropolitan dignity 
 Crom Aries to Vienne.
 
 114 THE CAROLIXGIAN EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 Though kindly treated, the Church of Rome did not 
 make any progress under the Ostrogoths. But when their 
 power had been broken (553), and Rome had been placed 
 again under the authority of the Emperor of Constantino- 
 ple, the very remoteness of her new master insured to the 
 Church a more prosperous future. The invasion of the 
 Lombards drove a great many refugees into her territory, 
 and the Roman population showed a slight return of its 
 old energy in its double hatred toward them, as barbarians 
 and as Arians. As to the exarch, whom the Emperor of 
 the East had entrusted with the government of his Italian 
 provinces and invested with direct power over the military 
 dukes and counts of Naples, Rome, Genoa, etc., he could 
 no longer enforce his authority on the western shore of 
 Italy, confined as he was to Ravenna and separated from 
 Rome by the Lombard power which had seized Spoleto. 
 
 It was at this favorable point in the state of affairs, 
 though critical in some respects, that Gregory the Great 
 made his appearance (590-604). He was a descendant of 
 the noble Anicia family, and added to his advantages of 
 birth and position the advantages of a well-endowed body 
 and mind. He was prefect of Rome when less than thirty 
 years old, but after holding this office a few months he 
 abandoned the honors and cares of worldly things for the 
 retirement of the cloister. His reputation did not allow 
 him to remain in the obscurity of that life. Toward 579 he 
 was sent to Constantinople by Pope Pelagius II. as secre- 
 tary or papal nuncio, and he rendered distinguished ser- 
 vices to the Holy See in its relations with the Empire and 
 in its struggles against the Lombards. In 590 the clergy, 
 the senate, and the people raised him with one accord to 
 the sovereign pontificate, to succeed Pelagius. As it was 
 still necessary for every election to be confirmed by the 
 Emperor at Constantinople, Gregory wrote to him to beg 
 him not to sanction this one ; but the letter was intercepted 
 and soon orders arrived from Maurice ratifying the elec- 
 tion. Gregory hid himself, but he was discovered and led 
 back to Rome. 
 
 When once Pope, though against his will, he used his 
 power to strengthen the papacy, to propagate Christianity, 
 and to improve the discipline and organization of the Church. 
 Although he complained that the episcopates, and especially 
 his own, were less " the office of a shepherd of souls than
 
 Chap. VIII.] THE FRANKS AND THE CHURCH. 115 
 
 of a temporal prince," yet he did not neglect the temporal 
 powers of the Holy See. And it is well that he did assume 
 these powers, for the Emperor did so little for the protection 
 of Italy, that the soldiers entrusted with the defense of Rome 
 against the Lombards were without pay. Gregory gave 
 them their pay, took part himself in the work of defense, and 
 armed the clergy. When Agilulf, whose advance had 
 called for these preparations, had drawn back, Gregory en- 
 tered into negotiations with him in the name of Rome, in 
 spite of the protests of the exarch. 
 
 Strengthened thus by his own efforts, he undertook 
 the propagation of Christianity and orthodoxy both with-, 
 in and without the limits of the old Roman Empire.) 
 Within those limits there were some who still clung to 
 paganism, in Sicily, Sardinia, and even at the very gates 
 of Rome, at Terracina, and doubtless also in Gaul, as 
 there is a constitution of Childebert still extant dated 554, 
 and entitled : " For the abolition of the remains of idola- 
 try." There were Arians very near to Rome — namely, the 
 Lombards ; but through the intervention of Theudalinda, 
 their queen, Gregory succeeded in having Adelwald, the 
 heir to the throne, brought up in the Catholic faith ; as 
 early as 587 the Visigoths in Spain, under Reccared, were 
 converted. 
 
 England was still pagan throughout : and thither Gregory 
 sent the monk Augustine with forty Roman missionaries 
 (596). They landed on the island of Thanet, went from 
 there to the king of Kent, ^thelberht, who allowed them to 
 preach their doctrines at Canterbury. Christianity spread 
 rapidly from that center to the north and west, and, in 627, 
 it was solemnly recognized in Northumberland. St. Augus- 
 tine, archbishop of Canterbury, had been appointed primate 
 of Great Britain by Gregory the Great, with whom he car- 
 ried on an active correspondence which has come down 
 to us. 
 
 Ireland, " the isle of Saints," was already converted, and 
 monks were going out from her to join in the conquest 
 of the barbarians. It was at this time that St. Columban, 
 the monk who so boldly reproved Brunhilda for her crimes, 
 went to preach the gospel among the mountains of Helvetia, 
 and to establish abbeys there surrounded by cultivated 
 lands. St. Rupert afterwards made his way into Bavaria 
 and founded there the bishopric of Salzburg.
 
 Il6 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 Christianity thus renewed its ardor for proselytism, and 
 Gregory contributed to its success most wisely by enjoining 
 precepts of moderation upon his missionaries, and by the skill- 
 ful manner in which he made the transition to Catholicism 
 easy to the pagans ; he wrote to Augustine : " Be careful not 
 to destroy the pagan temples ; it is only necessary to destroy 
 the idols, then to sprinkle the edifice with holy water, and to 
 build altars and place relics there. If the temples are well 
 built, it is a wise and useful thing for them to pass from 
 the worship of demons to the worship of the true God ; for 
 while the nation sees its old places of worship still standing, 
 it will be the more ready to go there, by force of habit, to 
 worship the true God." 
 
 In the interior Gregory succeeded in arranging the dif- 
 ferent degrees of power in the Church, and in forcing the 
 recognition of the supreme power of the Holy See. We 
 find him granting the title of Vicar of Gaul to the bishop 
 of Aries, and corresponding with Augustine, archbishop of 
 Canterbury, in regard to Great Britain, with the archbishop 
 of Seville in regard to Spain, with the archbishop of 
 Thessalonica in regard to Greece, and, finally, sending le- 
 gates a latere to Constantinople. In his Pastoral, which 
 he wrote on the occasion of his election, and which be- 
 came an established precedent in the West, he prescribed to 
 the bishops their several duties, following the decisions of 
 many councils. He strengthened the hierarchy by prevent- 
 ing the encroachments of the bishops upon one another : 
 " I have given to you the spiritual direction of Britain," he 
 wrote to the ambitious Augustine, " and not that of the 
 Gauls." He rearranged the monasteries, made discipline 
 the object of his vigilant care, reformed church music, and 
 substituted the chant that bears his name for the Ambro- 
 sian chant, " which resembled," according to a contempo- 
 rary, " the far-off noise of a chariot rumbling over pebbles." 
 
 Rome, victorious again with the help of Gregory the Great, 
 continued to push her conquests to distant countries after 
 his death. Two Anglo-Saxon monks, St. Wilfrid, bishop of 
 York, and St. Willibrord undertook the conversion of the 
 savage fishermen of Friesland and Holland at the end of 
 the seventh and beginning of the eighth century ; they were 
 followed by another Englishman, the most renowned of all 
 these missionaries, Winfrith, whose name was changed to 
 Boniface, perhaps by the Pope, in recognition of his active
 
 Chap. VIII.] THE FRANKS AND THE CHURCH. ii? 
 
 and beneficent apostleship. When Gregory II. appointed 
 him bishop of Germany (723), he went through Bavaria and 
 established there the dioceses of Frisingen, Passau, and 
 Ratisbon. When Pope Zacharias bestowed the rank of 
 metropolitan upon the Church of Mainz in 748, he entrusted 
 its direction to St. Boniface, who from that time was pri- 
 mate, as it were, of all Germany, under the authority of the 
 Holy See. St. Boniface was assassinated by the Pagans 
 of Friesland in 755. 
 
 The Pope had now become, in truth, the ruler of Christ- 
 endom. He was, however, still a subject of the Greek 
 Emperor ; but a rupture was inevitable, as his 
 
 The Papacy ' . ' , , , • i 
 
 frees itself from authority, ou the oue hand, was growing day 
 of Co°n'sta'nU^ by day, and the emperor's, on the contrary, 
 nopie (726), but was declining. As early as the end of the 
 
 invokes the aid ^, ^ , t-io -ttj- j 
 
 of Charles Mar- Seventh ccutury, when Pope Sergius li. refused 
 *^'- to recognize the canons of the council in 
 
 Trullo, the Emperor Justinian II. wished to have him forc- 
 ibly removed from Rome ; but the soldiers refused to obey, 
 Rome rose in rebellion, there was insurrection through- 
 out the exarchate, and the Venetians formed themselves 
 into an independent duchy.* This was an entering wedge. 
 In 726 the Isaurian Emperor Leo sided with the Iconoclasts 
 (image breakers), who looked upon the worship of images 
 as idolatry. He published an edict in their favor which he 
 wished to enforce in his Italian provinces. But the images 
 of the saints were already very dear to the Italians ; and 
 Rome again rebelled. Gregory II. (713-731), upheld as he 
 was by public opinion, and enjoying great popularity by 
 reason of his wealth and good deeds, wrote a letter to the 
 Isaurian Leo, which has a certain flavor of Gregory VII. 
 about it : " The civil powers and the ecclesiastical powers 
 are things distinct ; the body is subject to the former, the 
 soul to the latter ; the sword of justice is in the hands of 
 the magistrate ; but a more formidable sword — that of ex- 
 communication — belongs to the clergy. O tyrant, you come 
 in arms to attack us ; we, all unprotected as we are, can but 
 call upon Jesus Christ, the prince of the heavenly army, and 
 beg him to send out a devil against you who shall destroy 
 your body and the salvation of your soul. The barbarians 
 have bowed beneath the Gospel's yoke, and you, alone, are 
 
 *Not independent of the Eastern Empire, but of the Exarchate. — Ed.
 
 Ii8 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 deaf to the voice of the shepherd. These godly barbarians 
 are filled with rage ; they burn to avenge the persecution 
 suffered by the Church in the East. Give up your audacious 
 and disastrous enterprise, reflect, tremble, and repent." 
 
 Gregory II. followed up these letters with an appeal to 
 the Venetians, to the Italians of the exarchate, and even to 
 the Lombards. The Romans banished their imperial pre- 
 fect. At the same time Luitprand, king of the Lombards, 
 invaded the exarchcite and put an end for the moment to 
 the dominion of the eastern Empire in the northern part of 
 Italy. 
 
 But the Pope did not intend this revolution to result for 
 the Roman Church in a simple exchange of masters. 
 Gregory II. stopped Luitprand by conciliating the court of 
 Byzantium, and succeeded in driving him away when he 
 came to besiege Rome. The same danger reappeared un- 
 der his successor Gregory III. (731-741), who appealed to 
 those godly barbarians with whom Gregory II. had threat- 
 ened the Greek Empire — namely, the Franks. 
 
 The Carolingians and the Popes had met in an enemy's 
 country, in a field of battle, where the one party were seek- 
 ing conquest with the sword, the other with the cross. The 
 missionaries who went out under Roman auspices to con- 
 vert the pagans of Germany sought the protection of 
 Charles Martel's army, and they in turn helped him to vic- 
 tory. It was then that the alliance between the two supreme 
 powers of the West was first formed. Pope Gregory III. 
 conveyed to Charles the keys of the tc^mb of St. Peter with 
 other presents, and the titles of Consul and Patrician. Gre- 
 gory conjured him to come and deliver him from Luitprand, 
 the king of the Lombards, who was fiercely threatening 
 Rome. Charles did not have time to accomplish this dis- 
 tant expedition himself, but it was done by his successor. 
 
 Charles Martel was succeeded (741) by his sons Karlmann 
 and Pippin. His youngest son, Gripho, he first excluded 
 from any share in the inheritance, but after- 
 Pippinthe^short ^^,-^3^ q,-, ^jg death-bed, allotted him a certain 
 portion. Gripho was despoiled of his share 
 by his brothers, who pursued him whithersoever he went in 
 search of an armed force to sustain his claims, among the 
 Bavarians, the Saxons, and the Aquitanians, until at the end 
 of ten years he died on his way to seek help among the 
 Lombards. Karlmann had Austrasia, Pippin Neustria,
 
 Chap. VIII.] THE FRANKS AND THE CHURCH. 119 
 
 They made many expeditions to the north, the east, and the 
 south, as their father had done before them ; expeditions 
 against the Bavarians, the Alemanni, and the Saxons, many 
 of whom they forced to submit to the rite of baptism. 
 They also marched against the Aquitanians, who were led 
 by Waifar, as Hunold, his father, had retired to a monastery 
 whence we shall shortly see him emerging. 
 
 Both Karlmann and Pippin tried to reform certain abuses 
 that had crept into the Church. Two councils, convoked by 
 Karlmann, the one in Germany (742), the other in the fol- 
 lowing year at Lestines (near Charleroi, in Belgium), drew 
 up decrees which abolished superstitious rites and certain 
 Pagan ceremonies, still remaining in force ; they also au- 
 thorized grants of Church lands by the " Prince " for military 
 purposes on condition of the payment of an annual rent to 
 the Church ; they reformed the ecclesiastical life, forbade 
 the priests to hunt or to ride through the woods with dogs, 
 falcons, or sparrow-hawks ; and, finally, made all priests 
 subordinate to their diocesan bishops, to whom they were 
 obliged to give account each year of their faith and their 
 ministry — all of which were necessary provisions for the 
 organization of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and for the regu- 
 lation of church government. Similar measures were taken 
 by the Council of Soissons, convoked by Pippin in 744. In 
 747, Karlmann renounced the world and retired to the cele- 
 iDrated Italian monastery of Monte Cassino. As he left he 
 intrusted his children to the care of their uncle. Pippin, who 
 robbed them of their inheritance and ruled alone over the 
 whole Prankish Empire. 
 
 It was then that Pippin contemplated assuming the crown. 
 Charles Martel had left the throne vacant on the death of 
 Theodoric IV. (737), possibly in order to accustom the 
 Franks to do without their Merovingian kings. In 742 
 Pippin had crowned Childeric III., no doubt because he did 
 not feel himself so strong as his father had been. Every- 
 body must have been impressed by the contrast between the 
 imbecility of the throne and the genius of the Carolingians, 
 and it naturally gave rise to the question laid before Pope 
 Zacharias by Pippin himself, namely : " Who should be called 
 king, he who has the name or he who has the power?" 
 When, at the solicitation of his envoys, the title of king was 
 offered him by the chiefs of the nation, he seemed inclined 
 to refuse it, and pretended that he wished to leave the ques-
 
 I20 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 tion entirely in the hands of the sovereign pontiff. Accord- 
 ingly Burchard, bishop of Wirzburg, and Fulrad, abbot of 
 Saint Denis, were sent to Rome to consult the oracle, whose 
 reply was such as Pippin desired. In November of the 
 year 75 a, an assembly gathered at Soissons proclaimed him 
 king. Childeric was deposed at the same time, and his head 
 was shaved and he was shut up in the monastery of Sithieu, 
 where he died in the year 755. He left one son named 
 Theodoric, who was sent to the monastery of Fontenelle and 
 brought up in obscurity. This ending of the first Frank 
 dynasty did not excite even a protest or a murmur of regret. 
 
 Pippin was at first consecrated by Boniface, archbishop 
 of Mainz, and again, two years later, by Pope Stephen II. in 
 person, who anointed him and his two sons with holy oil, at 
 the same time pronouncing the sentence of excommunica- 
 tion against any who should thereafter choose a king from 
 any other family of the Franks. 
 
 Pippin reaped the fruits of the Carolingian alliance with 
 the popes, in this sanction given to his temporal authority 
 by the spiritual authority. He soon repaid the Pope, who 
 was hard pressed by Aistulf, king of the Lombards. To 
 induce him to cross the Alps, Stephen II. bestowed upon 
 him the title of Patrician of Rome— the highest possible title 
 of the Empire, but one which brought no power with it. He 
 made two expeditions against the Lombards, occupied the 
 Pentapolis together with the exarchate of Ravenna, and 
 presented it, in spite of protestations from the Emperor of 
 the East, to St. Peter, thus putting temporal power into the 
 hands of the Roman pontiffs (754-6). 
 
 Pippin was the first sovereign ruler of the West. Con- 
 stantine V. (Copronymus) the emperor at Constantinople, 
 sent ambassadors to him, who brought him the first organ with 
 several stops that had been seen in France, and asked of him 
 the hand of his daughter Giselaforthe emperor's son : they 
 suggested the exarchate of Ravenna as her dowry, hoping 
 by this means to recover it from the Pope ; and that was 
 doubtless the real cause of their embassage. Pippin refused. 
 In the mean time he proceeded with his military measures ; 
 he conquered tiie Saxons again, whose complete subjection 
 required a half century's continued struggle. The blows he 
 struck at Aquitania were so fierce as to be decisive for 
 that country. He first recovered Septimania from the 
 Arabs, and then kept up a series of disastrous invasions into
 
 Chap. VIII.] THE FRANKS AND THE CHURCH. 121 
 
 the country south of the Loire for eight consecutive years. 
 Waifar, its brave chief, defended himself with indomitable 
 courage, but he was at last assassinated (768), and the sub- 
 jugation of Aquitania followed. 
 
 Pippin died of dropsy in the same year, leaving to his two 
 sons, Charles and Karlmann, the reorganized kingdom of 
 the Franks, with its royal power revived and established, 
 and having the twofold supports of material strength and 
 spiritual authority. 
 
 The life of the growing empire was threatened by the 
 division of power between the two sons. But the death of 
 Karlmann, at the end of three years, restored unity and 
 enabled his brother Charles to become Charles the Great 
 (Charlemagne).
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 CHARLEMAGNE ; UNITY OF THE GERMANIC WORLD— 
 THE CHURCH IN THE STATE (768-814). 
 
 The Union, and the attempted Organization of the whole Germanic 
 World under Charlemagne. — Wars with the Lombards (771-776). — 
 Wars with the Saxons (771-804). — Wars with the Bavarians (788), the 
 Avars (788-796), and the Arabs of Spain (778-812) ; the extent of the 
 Empire. — Charlemagne becomes Emperor (800). — Results of his 
 Wars. — His Government. — Literary Revival ; Alcuin. 
 
 Charlemagne enlarged and completed the work which 
 
 had only been begun by Charles Martel and Pippin. It was 
 
 The union of "o^ alone that he had greater genius than his 
 
 the whole Ger- father and grandfather, but circumstances 
 
 manic world , , r i 1 , i ■ t-> 
 
 under charie- Were also much more favorable to him. Born 
 •"^sne. ^.Q |.]^g throne, while they had stood at first 
 
 only on its steps, and heir to an authority which had been 
 accepted by the nation for sixteen years, he was free both 
 from the cares which precede and the dangers which follow 
 an act of usurpation, and reigning for almost half a century, 
 he had time to carry his plans to their completion. These 
 plans consisted, in the first place, in the uniting, either by 
 absorption or by the annihilation of the nationalities which 
 still retained their independence, the whole Germanic world 
 into a simple empire ; and in the second place in the internal 
 organization of this Empire, in attempts to give to it a life of 
 order and general intelligence and civilization, an effort in 
 which Charlemagne far surpassed all the barbarian sovereigns 
 who had preceded him, not even excepting Theodoric. 
 
 Charlemagne made war successfully upon all the peoples 
 with whom his predecessors had fought. He proportioned 
 the obstinacy of his attacks to the obstinacy of the resistance 
 he encountered. His eastern frontier was in great danger 
 from the Saxons, the Danes, the Slavs, the Bavarians and 
 the Avars ; he led eighteen expeditions against the Saxons, 
 three against the Danes, one against the Bavarians, four 
 against the Slavs, and four against the Avars. He made
 
 Chap. IX.] CHARLEMAGNE. 123 
 
 seven against the Saracens of Spain, five against the 
 Saracens of the Mediterranean islands, five against the 
 Lombards, and two against the Greeks. If vi^e add to 
 these those which he directed against peoples who were 
 already in the Frankish empire, but not entirely subju- 
 gated, that is, one against the Thuringians, one against 
 the Aquitanians, and two against the Bretons, we shall 
 have a total of fifty-three expeditions, which were led for 
 the most part by Charlemagne himself, and which give 
 an idea of his remarkable activity. He doubled the ex- 
 tent of the territory possessed by Pippin. None the less 
 Charlemagne is generally represented as a royal sage, a 
 pacific prince who only waged war in self-defense ; but let 
 us restore to him his real personality, rugged though it be. 
 He had no invasion to fear. The Arabs were divided, the 
 /Avars weakened, and the Saxons powerless to carry on a 
 serious war outside of their forests and their morasses. And 
 if he led the Franks across their frontiers it was because he 
 was ambitious, like many others, to reign over more people, 
 and to leave a name behind him which should dwell in the 
 memories of men.* 
 
 The kingdom of the Lombards was always the refuge of 
 
 the disinherited Frankish princes, and of whoever resisted 
 
 \A/o.= o„o;„.,t the Carolingians. But if the Franks had a 
 
 Wars against . ° 
 
 the Lombards formidable enemy m Italy, they had also a 
 (771-77 )■ very valuable ally there : the Pope, united 
 
 with them by common interest, learned, either personally or 
 through his many subordinates in the churches of Italy, the 
 slightest movements made in the peninsula, and warned the 
 Frankish king as soon as any open or hidden peril threat- 
 ened their common cause. Having become sole master by 
 the death of his brother Karlmann, in 771, Charlemagne 
 had taken possession of the vacant throne of Austrasia, thus 
 dispossessing his two nephews, who had taken refuge at the 
 court of Desiderius, King of the Lombards. The aged 
 Hunold, formerly duke of Aquitaine, who had left his con- 
 vent in order to avenge the assassination of Waifar, had 
 also gone thither. While Charles was defeating the Saxons 
 
 * It must be noticed that this characterization of Charlemagne is an 
 inference, an opinion, as is also the opposite one which the author rejects. 
 The original sources give us almost no statement whatever as to his 
 motives. — Eo. 
 
 :(kr
 
 124 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 for the first time, letters from Hadrian I. and from the 
 Archbishop of Ravenna came to him on the banks of the 
 Weser, saying that Desiderius, on the refusal of the Pope to 
 crown the sons of Karlmann King of Austrasia, had just 
 invaded the Exarchate. Charlemagne, after vainly sum- 
 moning the Lombard king to give back the domains of St. 
 Peter to the Holy See, crossed the Alps (773), defeated the 
 enemy, and occupied the whole of Lombardy. Hunold 
 was killed, and Desiderius became a monk ; the sons of 
 Karlmann were confined in a monastery, and the conqueror 
 triumphantly entered Rome, where he confirmed the grant 
 made by Pippin to the Pope. He himself took the title of 
 King of the Lombards, which gave him the whole of Upper 
 Italy, at the same time that the title of Patrician assured to 
 him the sovereignty over Rome, and over all the domains 
 added to the Holy See (774). Two years later, when 
 Adelgis, a son of Desiderius, encouraged by the court of 
 Constantinople, and in league with the Dukes of Beneven- 
 tum, of Friuli, and of Spoleto, tried to incite Italy to revolt, 
 Charlemagne, victorious again, took the opportunity to sub- 
 stitute Frankish officers for the Lombard dukes in many 
 places, though not in the case of Beneventum, whose duke 
 continued independent, on the condition of paying a tribute, 
 which he, however, never paid except when an army came 
 to collect it. Nevertheless, Charlemagne allowed the Lom- 
 bards to live under their own laws, as he generally did in the 
 case of the people whom he conquered (776). 
 
 During this time, Charles was also at war with the Saxons. 
 This war, which began in 771, did not end till 804 ; that is, 
 
 it lasted thirty-three years. The Lombards 
 ^he^Safons^* were already a broken people ; the Saxons 
 
 were a young and vigorous people. The rude 
 barbarian strength which the Austrasians had retained on 
 the banks of the Rhine, and which distinguished them from 
 the Neustrians, existed in still greater vigor among the 
 Saxons on the banks of the Weser and the Elbe. They held 
 by tribes the lands near the mouths of these two rivers, the 
 Westphalians at the west, the Eastphalians at the east, the 
 Engern (Angrians) at the south, and the north Elbe people 
 (the Nordalbingicn) on the right bank of the river Elbe. 
 In the middle of the eighth century they were still precisely 
 like the Germans of Hermann, and indeed Hermann himself, 
 the hero of Teutonic independence, was the object of their
 
 Chap. IX.] CHARLEMAGNE. 125 
 
 adoration, in the form of the idol they called Irmensaiile 
 (Hermann Saiile).* 
 
 This religion of independence made them hard to convert. 
 Saint Lebuin, who was preaching the gospel to them, not 
 having sufficient patience to win them over gradually, 
 thought he could give more weight to his words by threaten- 
 ing them with the sword of Charlemagne. This exasperated 
 them, and they destroyed the church of Deventer, and slew 
 the converts there. Charlemagne at once entered their 
 country to avenge this deed, and took the Eresburg and 
 destroyed the Irmensiiule. From its ruins arose Widukind, 
 the Hermann of a new age, and whenever Charlemagne left 
 the country of the Saxons, a new revolt broke out, signalized 
 by the destruction of the churches. 
 
 A series of expeditions against the Saxons succeeded the 
 campaigns of 774 and of 776 in Italy ; in the first, he de- 
 feated them on the Weser, in the second near the source 
 of the Lippe, and this second time he neglected no means 
 of enforcing obedience to his rule. The establishment of 
 fortresses and garrisons in the conquered country, enforced 
 baptism, and the exaction of an oath from all the assembly 
 at Paderborn (777) to recognize Charlemagne as their king, 
 to pay him tribute, and to impose no obstacle to the propa- 
 gation of Christianity, were so many moral and material 
 guarantees of obedience, but they proved powerless. Widu- 
 kind had not taken the oath ; instead of going to Pader- 
 born, he had taken refuge among the Danes, and at 
 his first reappearance raised anew the call to war (778). 
 He had advanced as far as Coblentz and the banks of 
 the Rhine, when he was stopped by the Alemanni and 
 the Austrasians, while Charlemagne hastened toward him, 
 Charlemagne was victorious at Buckholz (779), received 
 the submission of the tribes settled to the west of the Elbe 
 (780), and redoubled the severity of his measures. Ten 
 thousand Saxon families were transported to Belgium and 
 Helvetia. 
 
 The Saxons were deprived of their assemblies and their 
 judges, and were made subjects to Frankish counts. Their 
 territory " was divided between bishops, abbots, and priests, 
 on condition of their preaching and baptizing among them." 
 
 * Only a fancied resemblance of the word. No real connection of the 
 Wol with Hermann existed. — Ed.
 
 126 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book III, 
 
 Charlemagne hoped, by establishing what might be called 
 religious garrisons among this people, to strengthen his 
 power much more than by the presence of the military 
 garrisons. The bishoprics of Minden, Halberstadt, Verden, 
 Bremen, Munster, Osnabriick, and Paderborn were estab- 
 lished during the reign of Charlemagne, and others, like 
 Hildesheim, under his immediate successors. 
 
 However, the war was not yet at an end. Widukind, who 
 had taken refuge with the Danes, rekindled the fires of 
 patriotism and vengeance, and again defeated the Prankish 
 generals. This time Charlemagne resolved to terrify the 
 Saxons into submission. He had 4500 of the warriors who 
 had taken part in the battle delivered up to him, and out- 
 doing all his former severities, had them slain at Verden. 
 But this terrible massacre only excited another desperate 
 insurrection, and it was not until Charlemagne had gained 
 two victories, at Detmold and at Osnabriick, and his son 
 Charles had gained one, and until the army had passed a 
 winter under arms in the snows of Saxony, that he triumphed 
 over the obstinacy of Widukind, who, sorely pressed and 
 without hope, finally consented to submit and be baptized 
 (785). From this time he disappeared from the stage of 
 history. 
 
 His countrymen, however, showed more perseverance. 
 In 792 the Saxons revolted again, and lying in ambush took 
 a body of Prankish soldiers by surprise. Charlemagne who 
 had allied himself with the Abodriti, a Slavic tribe, who 
 were settled beyond them on the farther side of the Elbe, 
 attacked them from both directions at once, ravaged their 
 country, and passed the winter among them on the Weser. 
 In 798, v/hen his commissioners sent to levy the tribute 
 were killed, he returned to their territory and deluged it with 
 blood. Their submission did not seem assured until 804. 
 
 Even then, in spite of their comparative weakness, Charle- 
 magne did not dare impose a heavy tribute upon them ; he 
 only kept up the tithe, and allowed them to retain their 
 national institutions, though giving them Prankish judges. 
 But he maintained the laws which he had given them in 780, 
 and which punished with death all infractions of religious 
 duties, even the neglect of a fast. Therefore the most stub- 
 born of the people preferred to take refuge with the Slavs 
 and the Danes rather than to make up their minds to such 
 hypocrisy ; and the incursions of tlie Bohemians and Slavs
 
 Chap. IX.] CHARLEMAGNE. 127 
 
 from 806-812 and of the Danes under their King Godfried 
 (808-811) on the territory of the Empire may be considered 
 as a continuation of the Saxon war. The lieutenants of 
 Charlemagne repelled these incursions, but were obliged to 
 march as far as the Oder before they could check the Slavs, 
 and to the Eider in order to close the entrance of Germany 
 to the Danes, which, however, did not prevent the men of 
 the North, the Norsemen, from waging a more terrible war 
 with his successor. 
 
 The Bavarians had been subjugated before the Saxons. 
 They were the most powerful and most restless of all the 
 .,. tributary peoples, and in consequence of their 
 the Bavarians position formed a conncctmg Imk m coali- 
 Al^ils'^fysaVger, ^^^'^^ between the peoples of the North and 
 and with the of the South. Their Duke Tassilo belonged 
 (77V8 °2); ^h'e to the Agilolfings, one of those old and illus- 
 extent of the trious reigning families which are found among 
 
 Empire. o o _ o 
 
 most of the German peoples, and which looked 
 with disfavor on the recent elevation of the Carolingians. In 
 787, when Charlemagne was forced to fight not only with 
 each people separately, but with a league which embraced 
 almost the whole of Europe, the Lombard Duke of Bene- 
 ventum and the court of Byzantium drew Tassilo into the 
 contest. He brought with him the Avars and stirred up 
 the Saxons, while at the same time the Arabs had taken up 
 arms against Charlemagne in the South. After forcing the 
 Lombards back to their allegiance, Charlemagne marched 
 upon the Bavarians, who dared not resist him, advanced 
 as far as the Lech, and sent the descendant of the Agilol- 
 fings to the monastery of Jumieges. Tassilo had before 
 this time been guilty of " herisliz," that is, of abandoning 
 the army of the Franks in an expedition against the Aqui- 
 tanians (788). Bavaria was now divided by Charlemagne 
 into counties. 
 
 The Avars as allies of Tassillo were now to undergo 
 the same punishment that he had suffered. This nation, 
 intimately related to the Huns, had appeared in Europe on 
 the banks of the Don toward the middle of the sixth cen- 
 tury, and soon after on the banks of the Danube. They 
 took possession of Dacia and of Pannonia, and under their 
 Chief Baian had menaced Constantinople, whicli was, how- 
 ever, saved by Heraclius (626). Their capital, the Ring 
 fortress, which was simply an immense intrenched camp.
 
 128 THE CAROLINGIA IV EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 filled with the spoils of the world, was situated in the 
 marshes between the Danube and the Theiss, not far from 
 the place where Attila's royal town had stood. Charle- 
 magne wished to remove from the frontiers of his empire 
 this perpetual menace of Hunnish invasion. He attacked 
 the Avars with three armies, but without permanent success 
 (791). It was not till 796 that combats which devastated 
 Pannonia, and internal discords among the Avars, gave the 
 victory to the Franks, and that Pippin, the son of Charle- 
 magne, took possession of the Ring. The remnants of this 
 people continued to live in the same place under native 
 princes, who promised to pay tribute and to be baptized. 
 Eginhard says " the Franks brought back from there such 
 great wealth that though until then they might have been con- 
 sidered poor, from this time they could call themselves rich." 
 Charlemagne did the same work at the south as at the 
 east ; he advanced even farther than was prudent. Charles 
 Martel had been content to repel the invasion of the Arabs. 
 Charlemagne returned invasion with invasion. In 778 he 
 went to the assistance of the vvali of Barcelona, who 
 refused to recognize Abderrahman and the Caliphate of 
 Cordova. He entered Spain, through St. Jean-Pied-de- 
 Port, while another army entered further to the east. Pam- 
 peluna and Saragossa were taken and the two armies were 
 joined together, when the hostile spirit of the Gascons in 
 the Pyrenees recalled the conqueror.* In recrossing these 
 mountains his rear guard was surprised in the valley of 
 Roncesvalles by the Gascons, and was massacred with its 
 leader Roland, Count of the frontier of Brittany, a hero 
 who is better known to poetry than to history. In 793 the 
 Arabs in their turn carried invasion into Septimania [as 
 far as Narbonne,] and Louis, a son of Charlemagne, whom 
 he had made king of Aquitania, was obliged to carry on a 
 war for nearly twenty years before he succeeded in estab- 
 lishing the Franks on the farther side of the Pyrenees. 
 Finally, after the capture of Barcelona and of Tortosa, a part 
 of the valley of the Ebro was subjugated by them by the year 
 
 * This account of Charlemagne's campaign in Spain is somewhat inac- 
 curate. Pampeluna, a Christian city of the l<ini;^dom of Asturia, is taken 
 after a siege, but Charlcmai^ne fails to capture Saragossa. On his return 
 the fortifications of I'ampehina are destroyed, and this first expedition to 
 Spain leads to no permanent results. — En.
 
 Chap. IX.] CHARLEMAGNE. 129 
 
 812. At the same time the Prankish vessels were defending 
 the Balearic Islands, which had invoked the protection of 
 Charlemagne against the Saracens, and took temporary pos- 
 session of Sardinia and Corsica, which were a prey to attacks 
 of pirates of the same nation. 
 
 By these wars the dominion of the Franks was extended 
 in all directions. Since the subjection of the Saxons and 
 the Lombards, the whole Germanic race, except the Anglo- 
 Saxons and the Norsemen of the Danish peninsula, had been 
 united into a single group. All the foreign and hostile 
 races, whether Slavs, Arabs, or Avars, were either subdued 
 or driven back. The confusion of the barbarian world was 
 reduced to order, the multiplicity of authorities was done 
 away with, and the stage of history now presents a scene 
 more easy of comprehension. Only four great empires re- 
 mained in existence, those of Charlemagne, of Constanti- 
 nople, of Bagdad, and of Cordova. These four divided 
 among them three quarters of the world as it was then 
 known. The empire of Charlemagne was bounded on the 
 north and west, from the mouth of the Elbe to the Spanish 
 shore of the Bay of Biscay, by the ocean ; on the south by the 
 Pyrenees, and in Spain, by a part of the river Ebro ; in Italy 
 it extended to the Garigliano and Pescara, without, how- 
 ever, including Gaeta, which belonged to the Greeks, and 
 Venice, which recognized the merely nominal sovereignty of 
 Constantinople ; finally, in Illyricum, it extended to the 
 Narenta, or the Cettina, without including the cities of 
 Trau, Zara, and Spalato, which, after a maritime war of 
 several years, remained in the possession of the Eastern 
 Empire. The frontier at the east followed, — in Illyricum, 
 the course of the Bosna and that of the Save until it joined 
 the Danube ; in Germany, the course of the Theiss from 
 its confluence with the Danube to the point where it re- 
 ceives the river Hermath. From that point, the line of the 
 frontier turned toward the west, keeping across Moravia a 
 nearly equal distance from the Danube, and from the Car- 
 pathian mountains to the mountains of Bohemia, which it 
 left on the east, and passing to the north joined first the 
 Saale, then the Elbe, which was guarded by eight fortresses, 
 and finally the Eider.* 
 
 * The eastern frontier here traced must be regarded as only approxi- 
 mate. It was always somewhat uncertain and fluctuating. — Ed.
 
 130 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 All the peoples within these limits recognized the direct 
 supremacy of Charlemagne. The Thuringians, who had 
 revolted against it once, and the Aquitanians, who were in 
 revolt at the time of Charlemagne's accession, had been 
 entirely subdued. Outside of these boundaries other peo- 
 ples, who were merely tributary to it, formed around the 
 Carolingian empire a girdle of defense. Such peoples 
 were those of Navarre, Beneventum, the North Elbe Saxons, 
 the Abodriti, the Wiltzi, and other Slavic tribes, all of 
 whom were under the careful surveillance of the Counts of 
 the Frontiers [Markgrafen]. Brittany and Bohemia had 
 been ravaged, but not conquered. 
 
 The master of this vast empire had not felt content with 
 
 the barbarian title of King, and in the year 800 had become 
 
 Charlemagne Empcror. In this year he was at Rome dur- 
 
 becomes Em- Jng the Christmas season, and on that day, 
 
 peror(8oo). The ,°i i • • \u i u u 
 
 results of his while he was praymg in the church where 
 '^^'"^- Pope Leo III. was saying mass, in the presence 
 
 of a great crowd, he suddenly felt a crown placed on his 
 head ; it was the imperial crown, and was given him by the 
 Pope. Undoubtedly it had all been arranged beforehand, 
 and these two great personages in their long conferences 
 must have discussed the advisability of restoring the Empire 
 of the West, a question which seriously concerned the future 
 of Europe. Nevertheless, Charles feigned surprise in order 
 to deceive his Austrasian subjects, who would hardly receive 
 with favor such a complete return to the Roman traditions.* 
 This was the final consummation of the alliance which had 
 so long united the Carolingians and the Pontiffs of Rome. 
 Charlemagne well deserved this reward ; he who had founded 
 not only a great Germanic empire but a great orthodox 
 empire, who had conquered the enemies of Rome, the 
 Lombards, and the pagan Avars, the Mussulman Arabs, and 
 the idolatrous Saxons, and who had always identified the 
 triumph of Catholicism with the triumph of his own cause ; 
 and who, finally, had now come to Rome only to protect, by 
 his authority as Patrician, the Pope who had recently been 
 the victim of a conspiracy in his own city. His role of 
 
 * The original sources give us only the fact of the coronation and the 
 surprise expressed by Charles. The conjecture of previous conference on 
 the subject is a reasonable one ; any ccnjecture as to the reason for 
 Charles's surprise is very uncertain. — Ep,
 
 Chap. IX.] CHARLEMAGNE. 13 1 
 
 benefactor and his great power prevented the Pope from 
 deriving any right of supremacy from the fact that he had 
 bestowed the crown upon him. Charlemagne succeeded to 
 all the prerogatives of the Emperors, and from this time 
 governed Italy and the Church by virtue of this title. 
 
 Rome again had an imperial prefect and imperial judges. 
 Charles made laws, dispensed justice, confirmed the election 
 of the Pope, as the Emperor at Constantinople had formerly 
 done, and the Church of Rome did not differ from the other 
 churches of the Catholic creed in any temporal power, except 
 that the Holy See had the revenues and the administration 
 of greater domains. Thus the Church had resumed the same 
 place in the state that it had held under the earlier Emperors. 
 
 Nevertheless this gift by the Pope of the imperial crown 
 carried with it a danger for the future. For when political 
 unity ceased and religious unity alone remained, the popes 
 not only considered themselves above the authority of the 
 State, but claimed the right of controlling, and of always 
 disposing of, what they had once given. It was then that 
 the great quarrel between the Popes and the Emperors 
 arose, which fills the history of the Middle Ages. 
 
 By the conquest of Charlemagne, Italy lost her nationality; 
 for the German Caesars, inheriting his title, always con- 
 sidered the peninsula as one of their provinces. 
 
 Some of the conquests of Charlemagne were perma- 
 nent, some ephemeral ; some were of value, others were 
 not. Everything that he attempted beyond the Pyrenees 
 failed. The country of Barcelona, joined by him to France,* 
 did not remain subject, and of the marches of Gascony, 
 nothing is retained by France except what belonged to 
 her from its natural position on the northern slopes of 
 the Pyrenees. He would have gained more if he had con- 
 quered the Bretons, and had succeeded in assimilating 
 them sooner to the French life and nationality instead of 
 contenting himself with their wavering allegiance. The 
 conquest of the kingdom of the Lombards was of no value 
 either to France or to Italy, but it raised the political posi- 
 
 * The original kingdom of Charlemagne should not be identified too 
 closely with the modern France. The conception of the French nation 
 and territory, as it was distinguished in later times from other European 
 nations, was one entirely impossible to the men of Charlemagne's time. 
 Charlemagne himself was always a thorough German. — Ep.
 
 132 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 tion of the Pope and assured his temporal power for the 
 future. The country which gained the most by these long 
 wars was the one which had suffered the most from them, 
 namely, Germany. Before Charlemagne Germany was still 
 a chaos of tribes, which, whether pagan or Christian, whether 
 Franks, Saxons, Thuringians or Bavarians, were all bar- 
 barians, enemies of each other, and without any bond of 
 union. After his time, there was a German people, and a 
 German kingdom soon came into being. It is a great glory 
 to have created a nation, but one which can be claimed by 
 few conquerors, for they destroy much more than they 
 build up. 
 
 The world was filled with the renown of Charlemagne. 
 The title he had taken at Rome was no empty one : he was 
 in very fact the Emperor of the West. Eginhard describes 
 him in his palace of Aix-la-Chapelle as continually sur- 
 rounded by kings and ambassadors from the most distant 
 countries. Ecgberht, King of the Anglo-Saxons of Sussex, 
 and Eardwulf, King of Northumberland, were among those 
 who came to his court. The King of Asturia, and the King 
 of the Scots, in writing to him, always spoke of themselves as 
 his men, and the former rendered liim account of all his 
 wars and offered him a share of the booty ; following, says 
 Eginhard, the Greek proverb still in use, " It is better to 
 have the Frank for your friend than for your neighbor," 
 the Eastern emperors made treaties with him, but did not 
 acknowledge his title of Basileus, or recognize him as an 
 emperor equal in rank to the Byzantine sovereigns. He 
 sustained friendly relations with the Caliph of Bagdad; the 
 great Haroun-al-Rashid was well able to appreciate him, 
 and it was for his interest to ally himself with the enemy 
 of the Caliphs of Cordova. Haroun sent him the keys 
 of the Holy Sepulchre, whither pilgrims had already begun 
 to go. A clock with wheels of marvelous workmanship, 
 silken tents, perfumes from Arabia, and monkeys from 
 Bengal, astonished the barbarians of the West. The 
 Mussulman ambassadors said to Charlemagne : " The 
 Persians, the Medes, the Indians, the Elamites, indeed 
 all the nations of the East fear you more than our master 
 Haroun." 
 
 The greatness of the Carolingian Empire owed as much 
 to the wisdom of its government as to its victories. Charle- 
 magne early recognized that the vast extent of his domains,
 
 Chap. IX.] CHARLEMAGNE. 133 
 
 and the individuality of the various populations, demanded 
 a division of authority. And though he himself remained 
 
 supreme over the German race and particu- 
 Chl°rTem"agne!^°^ ^^.rly over the victorious nation of the Austra- 
 
 sians, whose language and costume he con- 
 tinued to use, and in whose country, which was also the 
 most central of his empire, he resided (Aix-la-Chapelle was 
 his favorite residence), in 781 he had his sons Pippin and 
 Louis crowned kings respectively of Italy and of Aquitaine. 
 In 806, in the diet of Thionville, he arranged, under the form 
 of a last will and testament, for a division of his empire 
 between his three sons, Charles, Pippin, and Louis ; and as 
 the two former died in his lifetime, he made a new division 
 in 813, by which Bernhard, son of Pippin, became King of 
 Italy, while Louis had everything else with the title of 
 Emperor. But even after they were kings, his sons were 
 merely his lieutenants. 
 
 The national assemblies became nothing more than the 
 council of the sovereign, and as they formerly had been 
 gatherings of violent and ignorant warriors, it was a gain to 
 withdraw from them the functions of government while 
 leaving them those of counsel; bishops, nobles, freemen, and 
 imperial agents came to these assemblies from the outer- 
 most parts of the empire, to inform the Emperor of all that 
 happened in their provinces. It was customary to summon 
 two such assemblies a year, though we only find thirty-five 
 expressly mentioned by the chroniclers. There was no 
 fixed place of meeting, but they were held wherever the 
 Emperor happened to be at the time. While he was mixing 
 with the multitude who collected there, and receiving pres- 
 ents from them, the assembly, composed of the dukes, the 
 bishops, the abbots, and the counts, with twelve of the most 
 important men of their counties, in a word of the grandees 
 of the State, examined in his absence the projects for laws, 
 prepared by him since their last meeting.* After receiving 
 their advice, which he was at liberty either to follow or to 
 reject, he promulgated those Capitularies which have come 
 down to us. These treat of all the concerns of both the 
 civil and the ecclesiastical government, and not only of the 
 administration of the provinces, but of that of the Emperor's 
 
 * The methods followed by the assemblies differed very greatly at dif- 
 ferent times. — Ed.
 
 134 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 domain and even of the added benefices. Who is not 
 familiar, if only through Montesquieu, with the Capitulary 
 De Villis, in which he regulates the sale of vegetables and 
 eggs in his domains ? He commands that care shall be 
 taken that none of his slaves shall die of hunger, " as far as 
 that is possible with God's help." All proprietors did not 
 feel the same solicitude in this matter. 
 
 He treated ecclesiastical affairs in the same high-handed 
 way that he did everything else. Concerning the question 
 of the worship of images, he wrote the following to his 
 clergy : " I have taken the office of arbiter betvveen the 
 bishops ; we have seen, and, by the grace of God, have 
 decided what it is necessary to believe." The Pope ac- 
 cepted his decision without protest, although it contradicted 
 his own position. 
 
 Another agency of the central government, which the 
 Emperor employed in making his power felt throughout the 
 empire, was the institution of 7?iissi dominici, imperial 
 envoys who were continually traversing the provinces and 
 returning to make their report to the throne. Two of them 
 were always sent together ; a count and a bishop, in order 
 to act as a restraint upon one another, to provide both for 
 the secular and religious needs of the community, and also 
 to combine wisdom with strength. In all the departments 
 of his government Charlemagne gave great weight to the 
 bishops and the clerks, because they alone had any learning, 
 but he never allowed himself to be ruled by them as did his 
 weak successor. The missi doviinici were supposed to tra- 
 verse their circuits, which contained several counties, gener- 
 ally twelve, four times a year, and there to preside over the 
 local assemblies, to publish the Capitularies, and personally 
 to supervise every one and everything. 
 
 Charlemagne retained in almost its original form the 
 method of administration established by the Merovingians 
 over the provinces : the duke,* the count, and the centen- 
 arius, with their duties of raising troops, administering jus- 
 tice, and collecting all the dues of the public treasury. The 
 departments under these last mentioned officers were called 
 respectively, comitatus (county) and centena (hundred) a 
 district composed perhaps originally of loo households. 
 
 * The office of duke was no part of the regular organization of the 
 State under Charles, but rather exceptional. — Ed.
 
 Chaf. IX.] CHARLEMAGNE. 135 
 
 Military service continued to be rendered gratuitously. 
 Every land-owner owed it to the state ; and possibly all 
 free citizens even if owning no land, but several of the 
 poorer freemen were allowed to unite in furnishing a man to 
 represent them in this service.* The bishops and the 
 abbots, by the capitulary of 803, were exempted from per- 
 sonal military service, on the condition of sending their men 
 to the army. 
 
 Justice was administered by the local assemblies, but they 
 no longer comprised all the freemen, as these had given up 
 regular attendance. A certain number of scabini, seven at 
 the least, formed a kind of jury which was presided over by 
 the count or the centenarius. An appeal could be made 
 from their decisions to the 7?nsst dominici when they came to 
 hold their assizes in the county. 
 
 There had been no regular public imposts since the 
 beginning of the seventh century ; all that the king received 
 were the rents due to him as proprietor, by his numerous 
 colonic the fruits and revenues of his domain, the personal 
 services and returns of the counts and of the holders of 
 royal lands, the gratuitous gifts of the rich, and the tribute 
 paid by conquered countries. The proprietors were obliged 
 to furnish means of transportation to either himself or his 
 agents Avhen they passed through the country ; besides this, 
 they were charged with the care of the roads, bridges, and 
 so forth. The army equipped and supported itself ; the 
 land which the soldiers had received took the place of pay. 
 
 Still another glory attaches to the name of Charlemagne : 
 that of having raised learning from the low position to which 
 it had sunk, and of having striven to dispel 
 viVa^h'^^A^ciiin' ^^ ignorance which the barbarians had dif- 
 fused over his empire. He himself could 
 only write with difficulty, but he was none the less one of 
 the most cultivated even of his times. Not all the nations 
 subject to his power possessed at that time written laws ; in 
 some cases their customs were recorded during his reign, and 
 in others existing codes were revised. He had the same 
 thing done for the barbarian poems which celebrated the 
 
 * The question upon whom the duty of military service rested in the 
 Prankish state is a disputed one. The sentence above, which is con- 
 siderably changed from the author's text, is the most that can be posi- 
 tively affirmed. — Ed,
 
 136 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book III. 
 
 exploits of their ancient chiefs. He had a grammar of his 
 national language begun, and had the four gospels revised 
 by Greeks and Syrians. We read in one of his capitularies: 
 " Desiring that the state of our churches shall more and 
 more improve, and wishing by constant care to revive the 
 cultivation of learning, which has almost perished through 
 the indolence of our forefathers, we by our own example 
 encourage all whom we can attract to the study of the lib- 
 eral arts. We have also with the constant aid of God already 
 corrected with accuracy the books of the Old and of the 
 New Testaments, which have been corrupted by the ignorance 
 of the copyists." He had founded a sort of small academy, 
 called the School of the Palace, of which he as well as his 
 three sons, his sister, his daughter, and all the important 
 persons of his court were members. In this circle he was 
 called David, Alcuin took the name of Flaccus, and Angil- 
 bert that of Homer. 
 
 Alcuin, the most remarkable man in the literature of that 
 era, was his principal helper in his attempt to revive learn- 
 ing. He was an Anglo-Saxon monk whom Charlemagne had 
 attracted to his court. In 796, Alcuin received from him 
 the rich abbey of St. Martin of Tours, whose domains con- 
 tained more than 20,000 coloni or serfs, and to which he 
 retired in the year 800. Two folio volumes of his writings 
 have come down to us. These contain works on theology, 
 of which one refutes the opinion of Felix of Urgel on the 
 difference between the two natures of Jesus Christ, a philo- 
 sophical treatise on the nature of the soul, and books of 
 poetry and history. The whole shows little originality, and 
 is mostly borrowed from the writings of Boethius and the 
 Fathers, but his style is superior by its precision to that of 
 the writers of the age. Alcuin was truly a scholar ; he was 
 familiar with Pythagoras ; often cites Aristotle, Plato, Homer, 
 Virgil, and Pliny, and is one of the most notable instances 
 of the union of those elements so difficult to harmonize, the 
 spirit of ancient literature with the spirit of Christianity. 
 The most interesting monument that he has left us is his 
 letters, some 300 of which we possess, many of them ad- 
 dressed by this feeble Aristotle to one who equaled Alex- 
 ander. They touch on all sorts of subjects, on theology, 
 grammar, etymology, astronomy, chronology, and on the 
 schools which they were both trying to restore and which 
 prospered in certain places, especially in Tours, Fulda,
 
 EUROPE 
 
 IN THE TIME OF 
 
 CHARLES THE GREAT 
 814
 
 Chap. IX.] CHARLEMAGNE. I37 
 
 Ferrieres, and Fontenelle, under the direction of pupils of 
 Alcuin. Among these pupils was Rabanus Maurus, the 
 archbishop of Mainz. 
 
 We must also mention Leidradus, archbishop of Lyons, 
 Theodulf, bishop of Orleans, Smaragdus, abbot of Saint 
 Mihiel, Angilbert, abbot of Saint Riquier, Saint Benedict 
 of Aniane, the latter the second reformer of the monastical 
 order in Aquitaine, and finally Eginhard, the secretary of 
 Charlemagne, who wrote the Emperor's life and also annals 
 of the epoch. His life of Charlemagne is characterized by 
 a literary style, and a manner of looking at things which are 
 truly remarkable for the times. Thus a real progress had 
 been made over the two preceding centuries, which had 
 only produced dry chronicles and coarse legends. This 
 was the first revival of letters. 
 
 But this brilliant empire, this vast and wise organization, 
 and this returning civilization were all to disappear with the 
 man to whose existence they were bound. It was in vain 
 that Charlemagne rekindled the lamp of learning ; its pass- 
 ing beams were soon again to disappear in the profound 
 darkness that covered everything. In vain did he strive to 
 create commerce and trace with his hand the plan of a 
 canal that was to connect the Danube and the Rhine ; the 
 age of commerce and industry was still far distant. In vain 
 did he in his capitularies struggle against the tendency of the 
 holders of royal lands to change their benefices into allodial 
 land and extend their powers in all directions : these usurp- 
 ations were to go on and to produce feudalism. In vain 
 did he unite the whole German world into a simple empire; 
 he felt this empire breaking to pieces in his very hands. In 
 vain did he fight to the end against the outside barbarians : 
 they had retreats whose depths his arm could not reach, and 
 whence they reappeared before his death to sadden his old 
 age with mournful forebodings. He saw the Norsemen 
 prowling around his coasts, and was obliged to take defen- 
 sive measures against the enemies who were to do much to 
 overthrow his empire.
 
 1^.8 
 
 THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. 
 
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 BOOK IV. 
 
 FALL OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE.— 
 NEW BARBARIAN INVASIONS (814-887). 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 LOUIS THE PIOUS AND THE TREATY OF VERDUN 
 
 (814-843)- 
 
 Instability of Charlemagne's Work. — Louis the Pious (814-840) : His 
 Weakness ; Division of the Empire. — Revolt of the Sons of Louis 
 the Pious. — Battle of Fontenay (841) ; Treaty of Verdun (843). 
 
 The German race, unlike the Arabian, had passed from a 
 
 disintegrated to a united condition. But it was only a tran- 
 
 , ^ . ...^ , sient union which put all western Europe 
 
 Instability of i^ -it 
 
 Charlemagne's under the sway of one man, and it perished 
 ^°'^''' with him who called it into existence. In the 
 
 space of one century tlie Carolingian empire suffered a com- 
 plete dismemberment, and the empire of Islam experienced 
 a like fate. It was- as if, instead of the great boulders which 
 covered the soil of Europe, Asia, and Africa, at the end of 
 the eighth century, nothing could be found but grains of 
 sand after the lapse of a hundred or a hundred and fifty 
 years. 
 
 Of these two empires it was the Arabian which still re- 
 tained the greater unity, allowing for the vast extent of its 
 territory. It preserved, for a time at least, unity of govern- 
 ment, of religion, of law and of language, a unity which was 
 prescribed in the Koran. Charlemagne's empire had unity 
 of religion and government only, and no unity of language 
 and laws. The Gallo-Romans and the Italians spoke the 
 Roman language with various modifications ; the Germans, 
 the Teutonic languages. Charlemagne allowed the Lom- 
 bards and the Saxons to keep their own laws ; the Salian 
 Franks, the Ripuarians, the Alemanni, and the Bavarians 
 had also kept theirs. 
 
 139
 
 140 FALL OF THE CAROLING/AN EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 Charlemagne had allowed them to retain, besides their 
 own laws, their nationalities, or, if that is too strong an 
 expression for the time, he had at least not destroyed the 
 national characteristics and the love of independence pos- 
 sessed by each of the tribes gathered together in his empire. 
 These tribes had not mixed or merged in each other ; they 
 were simply held together by Charlemagne's force of will 
 and strong administration, and this bond was their only 
 union. When the bond was broken by Charlemagne's death, 
 and his feeble successor found himself incapable of renew- 
 ing it, the union was dissolved and the nations all separated. 
 But the revolution did not take place without a struggle, for 
 unity had its partisans ; and, moreover, those who demol- 
 ished Charlemagne's great structure did not know what to 
 do with its materials or upon what plan to build up the 
 Europe of the future. Hence the confusion, hesitations, 
 and divisions of the time. 
 
 The private ambitions of the princes of the imperial 
 family assisted in the general dismemberment, while the 
 ambition of the great proprietors and imperial governors 
 encouraged the tendency toward a minute division. 
 
 In this conflict, the Church usually upheld the cause of 
 unity ; nevertheless, as the ecclesiastical aristocracy had in 
 general the same interests as the lay aristocracy, we see the 
 bishops also in the party favoring division. 
 
 Of the tribes, only one demanded unity — the Austrasians, 
 who had triumphed with the Carolingians, and who in the 
 hands of Charlemagne had borne the imperial sceptre, the 
 symbol of his power. The others, the Gallo-Romans of the 
 West and the Teutons of the East, demanded independence 
 and the abolition of the imperial unity which commemorated 
 their defeat.* " The greatness of Charles's glory," said the 
 monk of St. Gall, " had led the Gauls, the Aquitanians, the 
 Burgundians, the Alemanni, and the Bavarians to boast of 
 being called the subjects of the Franks, as if it were a great 
 distinction." When Charlemagne and his glory departed, 
 all that lent their servitude a semblance of honor departed 
 with him. 
 
 Charlemagne's successor, Louis the Pious, did not con- 
 
 * This paragraph must not be understood to imply any conscious move- 
 ment for national independence following on the death of Charlemagne, 
 but rather the unconscious tendency of things. — Ed.
 
 Chap. X.] LOUIS THE PIOUS. 141 
 
 tribute anything to restore the vanishing glory. His good- 
 ness, his virtues, the purity of his life, the efforts he made 
 Louis the from the beginning of his reign to banish 
 Pious (814-840). from the court the loose morality which 
 division of \he Charlemagne had allowed to prevail there, and 
 Empire. ^q restore discipline among the monks and 
 
 the secular clergy, were indeed worthy of praise, but he 
 lacked the firmness necessary to sustain his authority. 
 From the beginning he showed a deference toward the 
 Pope which Charlemagne would have considered excessive. 
 He allowed Stephen IV. (816) to have himself elected and 
 take possession of the pontificate, without awaiting his con- 
 sent, and was satisfied with tardy excuses from the Pope ; 
 when Stephen came to France he allowed him to consecrate 
 him, and to pronounce the following words, which showed 
 the tendency of the Holy See to lay claim to the imperial 
 crown in order to gain uncontrolled disposal of it : " Peter 
 is proud to bestow this gift upon you, because you sustain 
 him in the enjoyment of his just rights." The papacy was 
 already preparing to free itself a second time ; the authority 
 of the Western Empire was to be thrown off as that of the 
 Eastern Empire had been. 
 
 If Charlemagne had considered it necessary to share his 
 power with his sons, because of the extent of the empire, 
 there was certainly a much greater necessity for Louis the 
 Pious to do the same. But the manner in which he divided 
 his states differed in no respect from the division of Charle- 
 magne himself, and did not seem to call in question or to 
 endanger the imperial unity. Two subordinate kingdoms, 
 Aquitaniaand Bavaria, were erected for the second and third 
 sons of the Emperor, Pippin and Louis ; Lothaire, the old- 
 est, was admitted to a share of the empire ; Pippin and 
 Louis could neither make war, nor conclude a treaty, nor 
 give up a town, without his permission. Bernhard, King of 
 Italy and nephew of the Emperor, rebelled against this 
 division ; but he was compelled to deliver himself into their 
 hands ; his eyes were put out, and he died from the effects of 
 this punishment. His kingdom was given to Lothaire. 
 
 The tendency toward dismemberment, though to a cer- 
 tain extent yielded to, was checked by this division. Louis 
 at the same time fought against the impending internal divi- 
 sions by trying to bring the common freemen into direct 
 relation with the Emperor and to call them back into
 
 142 FALL OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 political life, ground down, as they were, more and more 
 under the power of the great proprietors and the provincial 
 governors. It was to this end that he exacted the oath di- 
 rect of all of them,* and that he ordained that all should be 
 consulted with regard to the new provisions added to the law. 
 
 But these efforts were at first poorly supported, and the 
 disturbances on the frontiers of the empire made it evi- 
 dent that the restraint of Charlemagne's strong hand had 
 been removed. The Norsemen renewed their ravages, the 
 Slavs crossed the Elbe, the Avars rose in rebellion ; the 
 Croats made themselves independent ; the Duke of Bene- 
 ventum refused to pay tribute ; the Saracens of Africa pil- 
 laged Corsica and Sardinia, those of Spain invaded Septi- 
 mania and assisted in a revolt of the Gascons, and the 
 Bretons made Morvan their king and invaded Neustria. 
 It is true that the Franks regained the advantage they 
 had lost at most points ; especially in the case of the 
 Bretons, Morvan was killed, and Louis gave them another 
 duke. 
 
 But soon the miserable weakness of the Emperor became 
 a well-known fact. "In 822, he convoked a general assem- 
 bly at Attigny, and there, before the bishops, abbots, and 
 noblemen of his kingdom, made public confession of his 
 faults, and, of his own accord, underwent punishment for 
 all that he had done toward his nephew Bernhard, as well 
 as toward others." When Theodosius humiliated himself 
 before St. Ambrose at Milan, he presented a noble specta- 
 cle to the world, and rose again stronger than he had been 
 before, after the public avowal of his fault. Louis left 
 Attigny with his power diminished and debased, because it 
 was a political body — a rival authority to his own — that had 
 given him absolution. After that every one knew how far 
 it was safe to go with such a man. 
 
 His second wife, whom he married in 819, was Judith, 
 
 the beautiful and learned daughter of a Bavarian chief ; 
 
 , ^ ^ by her he had a son, whom he named Charles 
 
 Revolt of the /„ \ t t i i it-. j 
 
 sons of Louis (823). Judith cxcrtcd ovcr the Emperor and 
 the Pious. ^|^g empire an influence which she shared 
 
 with her favorite, Bernard, Count of Barcelona, who was 
 of a clever and intriguing turn of mind. In 829 she in- 
 sisted upon her husband's giving a part of his dominion to 
 
 This was always the practice under all the Frankish kings. — Ed,
 
 Chap. X.] LOUIS THE PIOUS. I43 
 
 the son she had borne him ; and, accordingly, at the 
 assembly of Worms (829), Louis converted Alemannia, 
 Rhaetia, Alsace, and a part of Burgundy, into a sub- 
 ordinate government for his son Charles. 
 
 This division caused ill-feeling among Louis's elder sons, 
 who considered themselves wronged by it, and among the 
 partisans of unity, who saw the basis of 817 disturbed ; the 
 nobles joined with all the dissatisfied elements in the hope 
 of overthrowing the influence of Judith and of Bernard, who 
 was trying to lessen their consideration in the State. The 
 revolt broke out during an expedition against the Bretons, 
 who had regained their independence. Lothaire, Pippin of 
 Aquitania, and Louis of Bavaria took up arms against their 
 father, made him prisoner, and confined him in a monas- 
 tery at Compiegne, in the hope that the monks would 
 induce him to embrace the monastic life of his own accord. 
 At the same time they sent the Empress and her son 
 Charles to a convent (830). The constitution of 817 was 
 again confirmed. Louis the Pious, however, managed to 
 have the general assembly of the nation, which was to 
 legislate upon the new state of affairs, convened at Nim- 
 wegen, in the midst of the Germans, in whom he had confi- 
 dence. His confidence was justified, for the Germans, 
 coming to the assembly in greater numbers than the Roman 
 Franks (830), sustained his cause. A wily monk sowed 
 discord among the three brothers, and Louis the Pious, 
 again master, confirmed the gift that he had made to his 
 youngest son.* Li 832 he did even more than that ; tired 
 of the never-increasing intrigues of Pippin, he took Aqui- 
 taine away from him to bestow it upon Charles. 
 
 This was the signal for a new revolt. The sons of the 
 Emperor marched against him, taking with them Pope 
 Gregory IV., who had come to France to defend the 
 division of 817. Gregory was indeed an advocate of unity, 
 but of that unity offered by the act of 817 ; that is to say, 
 he upheld the cause of an emperor whose weakness would 
 give more strength to religious unity. The army of Louis 
 and that of his sons met in the plain of Rothfeld, near 
 Colmar, in Alsace (833) ; his soldiers deserted without 
 
 * This was a new division, differing somewhat from that of 829, but 
 the details of the numerous divisions of this reign are of little impor- 
 tance. — Ed.
 
 144 FALL OF THE CAROLLNGIAN EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 striking a blow, and this act of treachery gave the place 
 its name of Liigenfeld, the Field of Lies. 
 
 The conquerors insulted the age and dignity of their 
 father by subjecting him to public disgrace. He was 
 obliged to read in public, in the Church of St. Medard of 
 Soissons, a long recital of his faults, in which he accused 
 himself of having exposed the people to perjury and the 
 State to murder and pillage, by making new divisions in 
 the empire and by provoking civil war; after which the 
 bishops, with great solemnity, removed his military belt and 
 gave him the dress of a penitent. 
 
 This humiliation of the empire, in the Emperor's per- 
 son, gave Louis a party to uphold his cause. His pious 
 resignation and the revolting harshness of his sons excited 
 the compassion of the people. His sons, moreover, agreed 
 no better than before. Louis and Pippin were not willing to 
 be despoiled for the sake of Charles, neither were they 
 willing to obey Lothaire, who aimed to maintain the unity 
 of imperial command ; and they found a sure support in 
 the reluctance of their people to remain in the empire. 
 They, therefore, released Louis from the monastery where 
 he was held by Lothaire, and gave him back his power 
 (835) ; but he would not resume the insignia of office, after 
 his public penance, until he had received the permission of 
 the bishops. 
 
 When the Emperor emerged from the cloister, for which 
 he was well fitted, he relapsed into his old faults. His 
 blind preference for his youngest-born made him forget 
 that the cause of all his misfortunes had been the division 
 that he had made during his lifetime between his sons. In 
 837 he formed a new kingdom in the north of France for 
 Charles. When Pippin, King of Aquitania, died, in the fol- 
 lowing year, the children he left were robbed and their 
 kingdom, too, was given to Charles. Then Louis the Ger- 
 man, and Lothaire, whose kingdoms were reduced, the one 
 to Bavaria, the other to Italy, took up arms. In order to 
 avoid fighting with them both at once, the Emperor entered 
 into negotiations with Lothaire (839). He gave to Lothaire 
 all the provinces to the east of the Meuse, the Jura moun- 
 tains, and the Rhone, together with the title of Emperor; 
 the western provinces he allotted to Judith's son ; Bavaria 
 to Louis the German. The latter, with all Germany to 
 uphold him, rebelled against the injustice of the division ;
 
 Chap. X.] THE TREATY OF VERDUN. 145 
 
 and the old Emperor spent his last days in this unrighteous 
 warfare. He died near Mainz, on the Rhine. *' I pardon 
 him," he said to the bishops who were interceding for the 
 rebel, "but let him know that he has killed me." 
 
 The Middle Ages were more affected by his virtues as a 
 man than by his faults as a prince, and they have been full 
 of indulgence toward the memory of the pious and good- 
 natured Louis. 
 
 Lothaire succeeded Louis the Pious as Emperor. On his 
 
 accession he claimed the rights of imperial authority and 
 
 wished to exact the oath direct from all free 
 
 F^fenay%4°n "^^"' ^vcn in the states of his two brothers. 
 
 treaty of Ver- Charlcs IL (the Bald), ioined Louis the Ger- 
 
 dun(843). • > ^- ^u i • A 
 
 man in resistmg these claims, and even in 
 fighting against them, while Lothaire found an ally in Pippin 
 II. , whose ambition it was to recover Aquitania from Charles 
 the Bald. After several vain attempts to come to an agree- 
 ment, a great battle was fought at Fontenay, near Auxerre, 
 (841). All the nations of the empire took part in this gen- 
 eral affray except the Gascons, the Goths of Septimania, and 
 the Bretons. Lothaire came leading the Italians, the Aqui- 
 tanians, and the Austrasians ; Louis led the Germans, and 
 Charles, the Neustrians and the Burgundians. Forty thou- 
 sand of the army of Lothaire, who was defeated, are said to 
 have perished, and this great loss of life among the freemen 
 was felt throughout the Frankish countries, which were thus 
 deprived of their defenders at the very moment when they 
 were threatened by the Norse invasion. Several days after 
 the council of Tauricum, which was held near the field of 
 battle, decided that the judgment of God had been pro- 
 nounced on the plains of Fontenay. But Lothaire still re- 
 fused to accept this judgment, and the two brothers united 
 to force it upon him. They met between Basel and Strass- 
 burg, and in the presence of their armies took an oath of 
 alliance, which Louis the German pronounced in the 
 Roman language of the West Franks before the soldiers 
 of Charles the Bald, and Charles pronounced in the Ger- 
 man language before those of Louis (842). Louis's oath 
 is the earliest monument we possess of the French lan- 
 guage. 
 
 Finally Lothaire yielded and contented himself with a 
 third of the empire, " with something over and above, due 
 to his name of Emperor." The treaty of Verdun (843)
 
 146 FALL OF TLIE CAROLLNGLAN EMPLRE. [Book IV. 
 
 sanctioned this arrangement by ordering a division of the 
 Carolingian empire into three parts. 
 
 Lothaire received, with the title of Emperor, the whole of 
 Italy as far as the duchy of Beneventum, and the country 
 lying between the Alps and the North Sea along the Rhine, 
 a long strip of territory separating the states of his two 
 brothers. The boundary lines of this kingdom were com- 
 plicated : the western boundary was a line following the 
 Rhone from its mouth as far as Ardeche, then following 
 the Cevennes as far as the heights of Macon, then the Saone, 
 then the mountains of Argonne, passing to the right of the 
 Ardennes, and finally the Scheldt, as far as its mouth ; the 
 eastern boundary started at Istria, skirted the eastern Alps, 
 and followed the Rhine, leaving on the right hand the towns 
 and territories of Worms, Spyer, and Mainz, in order to 
 give some vineyard land to the King of Germany, and cross- 
 ing the river a little lower down, joined the Weser near its 
 mouth. 
 
 All the territory to the west of this was given to Charles 
 the Bald. France thus lost for the first time her natural 
 limits, the Rhine and the Alps, which she has not yet en- 
 tirely recovered.* 
 
 All the east was given to Louis the German. 
 
 In this division, so different from the Merovingian divi- 
 sions, we see the first marking off of the two modern 
 nationalities, France and Germany. Lothaire's part was the 
 only one that had a temporary existence : the other two 
 states soon fell to disputing over its fragments. f Yet we 
 can readily conceive that many intelligent men of that time 
 groaned over the fate of the great empire of Charlemagne 
 now fallen to earth and broken on the field of Fontenay. 
 " A beautiful empire," said the deacon Florus, a Latin poet 
 of the day, " a beautiful empire flourished under a brilliant 
 diadem ; there was but one prince and one people. . . . The 
 Frankish nation shone with a brilliant light before the eyes 
 of the whole world. Foreign kingdoms, tlie Greeks, the Bar- 
 barians, and the Senate of Latium, all sent their embassies 
 
 * There was of course at that time no such thing as France, in the 
 modern sense of the name, and no really P'rench nation ever possessed 
 the Rhine and the Alps as its natural frontiers. — Ed. 
 
 f And have continued to dispute over them down to the present mo- 
 ment. — Ed.
 
 Chap. X.] THE TREATY OF VERDUN, 147 
 
 thither. The race of Romulus, Rome herself, the mother 
 of kingdoms, had bowed down to this nation ; it was there, 
 in Rome, that its chief, sustained by the aid of Christ, had 
 received the diadem by apostolic gift. Happy, if it had 
 only known its happiness, was the empire which had Rome 
 for its citadel and the bearer of the keys of heaven for its 
 founder. Fallen now, this great power has lost at once its 
 glory and the name of empire ; the kingdom, once firmly 
 united, is divided into three portions ; there is no longer 
 any one who can be called emperor; instead of a king, we 
 have only a kinglet, and instead of a kingdom, a mere frag- 
 ment of a kingdom."
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 FINAL DESTRUCTION OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE 
 
 (845-887). 
 
 Internal Discords ; Vain effort of the Sons of Louis the Pious to recon- 
 stitute the Empire. — Division of the royal Authority ; Heredity of 
 Benefices and of Offices. — Louis the Stammerer (877). Louis III,, 
 and Karlmann (879) ; Charles the Fat (884). 
 
 In the year 843, we have only reached the end of the first 
 
 act of the drama of the dismemberment of the CaroUngian 
 
 Internal dis- empire. The tcrms of the treaty of Verdun 
 
 cords; vain vvcrc indeed sanctioned by posterity, but only 
 
 efforts to rccon- 
 
 struct the em- after having been contested during the forty- 
 P*""^- four years (843-887) that the Carolingian 
 
 family remained supreme on the throne ; until then, in spite 
 of weakness, the Carolingians aspired to keep the whole of 
 western Europe united in a single empire, and could not 
 make up their minds to sacrifice the cherished hopes of 
 Charlemagne. The final dismemberment did not take place 
 till the downfall of their house. 
 
 The internal struggles redoubled, in the midst of the 
 general breaking up that was going on ; but these struggles 
 were rather between the sovereign and the great nobles of 
 each country, than between the groups of peoples. The aris- 
 tocracy and the dignitaries of the Church acted in concert, 
 and renewed their encroachments upon the central power 
 which had been checked by the iron hand of the first three 
 Carolingians. The nobles encroached in two directions. 
 As holders of royal lands, they again began to dispute with 
 the king the heredity of their benefices, and as officers of 
 the sovereign power they raised new pretensions, those of 
 making the offices which had been entrusted to them in the 
 provinces hereditary, and of appropriating to themselves 
 whatever of the royal authority had been delegated to them. 
 The bishops, on their side, profited by the submissive and 
 humble piety of the family of Louis the Pious to qonstitute 
 
 148
 
 Chap. XL] ITS FINAL DESTRUCTION. 149 
 
 themselves judges of the conduct of the kings, and to keep 
 them ui a subjection which, if they had really succeeded in 
 establishing it, would have given rise in France to an almost 
 theocratic rule. 
 
 In the midst of the struggle, born of the events and the 
 legislation of the times, the kingdoms called into being by 
 the empire became more and more incapable of defending 
 themselves against attacks from without. The Norsemen 
 at the north and the west, the Saracens at the south in Italy, 
 Provence, and the Alps, and later the Hungarians at the 
 east, ravaged with impunity the country from which Charle- 
 magne had so often emerged to strike terrible blows at the 
 barbarians, and from which Louis the Pious had still suc- 
 ceeded in repulsing them, but where henceforth feeble kings 
 allowed them to encroach. 
 
 It would have seemed that the division of Verdun, by 
 limiting the authority of each sovereign to a smaller extent 
 of territory, would at least have made this authority stronger 
 and more secure in all the parts of the country where it did 
 exist, but this was not the case. 
 
 In France, Charles the Bald did not really reign over 
 Brittany, Aquitaine, or Septimania. The Bretons set up a 
 virtually independent kingdom. William, son of Bernard, 
 defeated the army which was sent against Septimania, and 
 fickle Aquitaine, over which he wished to make his son king, 
 first recognized Pippin II., then summoned a son of Louis 
 the German to the throne, then accepted the son of Charles, 
 and finally returned to Pippin. The latter, in order to have 
 more strength for resistance, allied himself with the Norse- 
 men and adopted their religion, and united with them in all 
 their devastations up to 864, when he was made prisoner and 
 tried by the council of Pitres. Charles then succeeded in 
 enforcing his authority and in securing the recognition of 
 his son, but only by placing him under the guardianship of 
 the great nobles, the real masters of the country. 
 
 In Germany, Louis the German suffered the same fate 
 which he had inflicted on his father : he passed his life in 
 putting down the rebellions raised by his sons. Neverthe- 
 less he also gained several victories over the barbarians 
 who were crowding up against his frontiers, and began the 
 military organization of Germany. 
 
 In Italy Lothaire struggled in vain against the dukes 
 of Naples and of Beneventum, who called the Moors of
 
 150 FALL OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 Africa and of Spain to their aid, and even at the heart of 
 the Peninsula he came into conflict with the pretensions of 
 the Holy See and of the Roman aristocracy. Disgusted 
 with the world, he retired to the abbey of Prum, in the 
 midst of the Ardennes, where he died. It bodes ill for the 
 power of the crown, when the king shuts himself up in a 
 cloister. Lothaire had divided his states between his three 
 sons : Louis II., who had Italy and the title of Emperor ; 
 Charles, who had the country of Provence, between the 
 Alps and the Rhone ; and Lothaire II., who had Lotha- 
 ringia (Lorraine), the country between the Meuse and the 
 Rhine. The King of Provence died in 863, and his 
 brothers divided his states. A few years later, on the 
 death of Lothaire II., after the scandalous affair of his 
 double marriage, where the Pope interfered with such 
 arrogance, but with such success, Charles hastened again 
 to Metz to seize Lotharingia. But Louis the German 
 arrived with a superior force, and compelled him to con- 
 sent to a new division (870). 
 
 These princes, like the last Merovingians, were short- 
 lived. The Emperor Louis II. died in 875. He had driven 
 the Saracens from Bari, but was taken prisoner by the Bene- 
 ventins. His death left two thrones vacant ; that of the 
 empire and that of the kingdom of Italy. Two old men, 
 who were each on the verge of the grave, disputed the suc- 
 cession. Charles the Bald was quicker than Louis the 
 German, and was successful in gaining the title of Em- 
 peror. 
 
 Louis the German died the following year. Charles the 
 Bald attempted to despoil his nephews, Karlmann, Louis, 
 and Charles the Fat, of their three kingdoms of Bavaria, 
 Saxony, and Swabia, and so to reconstruct the empire of 
 Charlemagne, though he was not even able to defend Rouen 
 against the Norsemen. He was defeated by Louis of Sax- 
 ony, and Karlmann invaded Italy. When preparing to 
 repel them, he encountered opposition from the great nobles 
 of his own kingdom. He was therefore obliged to fly be- 
 fore Karlmann, and died on his retreat (877). Karlmann 
 of Ikivaria was crowned King of Italy. 
 
 Thus the career of the King of France was ended ; there 
 is a melancholy contrast between the grand memories and 
 dreams of this heir of Cliarlemagne, on the one hand, and 
 on the other his complete impotence in enforcing obedi- 
 
 J
 
 Chap. XI.] ITS FINAL DESTRUCTION. 151 
 
 ence from his nobles who, in perfect safety, refused him 
 even military service, the first and most essential obligation 
 of all vassals toward their sovereign. 
 
 This was really the result of the revolution which was 
 
 going on, and in which the noble, who had in fact become 
 
 , independent of the king, stood between him 
 
 Heredity of -i i • i /• ^ ■ i i • 
 
 benefices and and the Simple freemen, and mtcrccpted their 
 °*''*^^^' allegiance. During this whole period the 
 
 earlier custom of "commending" themselves to a power- 
 ful chief had been in use among the small proprietors, who 
 were too weak to defend themselves from violence.* This 
 custom became general and the earlier Carolingian kings 
 contributed to make it so, by recognizing the right of every 
 freeman to choose himself a lord, but on the condition of 
 remaining faithful also to themselves. They may have 
 expected in this way to give greater security to the state, 
 and to prevent a return of the condition of violence and 
 anarchy which had prevailed under the Merovingian kings, 
 throughout the whole of Gaul. But in working to establish 
 order, they were really working against their own authority, 
 or rather against the authority of their own successors ; for 
 the power of the first Carolingians was unassailable. In 
 order to overcome the disadvantages of this method of 
 "commendation," and to reap only good results from it, 
 a direct oath had been exacted from all freemen who be- 
 came vassals of any lord. This practice was continued by 
 the later kings, but it became merely a reminder of a van- 
 ished power. The edict of Mersen in 847 regulated these 
 affairs : " Every free man, it said, shall be able to choose 
 a lord for himself, either the king or one of his vassals, and 
 in ordinary wars vassals may appear in the field under the 
 command of their lords." 
 
 These freemen had now nothing to do with any one but 
 their own lord, and no longer knew more than the name of 
 
 * The poor man going to his rich and powerful neighbor confessed his 
 inability to supply his own wants or to defend himself, and begged to be 
 taken under the protection of the strong man, offering in return his per- 
 sonal services or surrendering the ownership of his lands, which, however, 
 he would receive back again as a tenant of his neighbor, now become 
 his lord. Beginning in the times of confusion at the fall of the Roman 
 •Empire, this custom of "commendation " continued through the whole 
 feudal period, and aided greatly in the formation of the great feudal do- 
 mains. — Ep,
 
 152 FALL OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 the royal authority, with which they never came into con- 
 tact. As those freemen who put themselves under the pro- 
 tection of others were generally land-owners, soon the 
 land, which is permanent, came to be more considered than 
 the men themselves, who pass away. Thus not only did 
 the weak man look for protection to the great noble, but 
 also the small field to the great domain ; certain formali- 
 ties symbolized this new relation, as when the small pro- 
 prietor gave into the hand of the great a clod of earth or 
 a branch of a tree to indicate the change of ownership. 
 These were the earlier stages of the growth of the feudal 
 system.* 
 
 Charlemagne once wrote to his son Louis, King of Aqui- 
 taine, to reproach him for not having taken more pains to 
 attach his subjects to him by presents and grants of land, 
 and alluding to his son's piety with delicate irony said : 
 " You give nothing but your benediction, and that only 
 when it is asked for ; this is not enough." The King of 
 Aquitaine responded to him that he had nothing more to 
 give, as his vassals refused to give back the benefices they 
 had once received, and insisted on transmitting them to 
 their heirs. Charlemagne replied that he must not allow 
 this usurpation of the royal domains, but must get them back 
 from the usurpers ; however, as a prudent sovereign and 
 kind father, he did not wish to compromise his son's popu- 
 larity, and undertook himself a task which would have been 
 dangerous enough for any one else. Agents sent in his 
 name forced the holders to give up the domains which 
 they had illegally retained. This story illustrates very well 
 the revolution which was taking place in these times. The 
 obstacles which Charlemagne was able to overcome were 
 insurmountable for his weak successors. Under them the 
 heredity of benefices gained the authority of an established 
 custom. 
 
 It was the same in the case of the heredity of the ofifices 
 and titles of duke, count, etc., to which were attached an 
 authority delegated by the crown, and which was all the 
 more extended because the kings, and Charlemagne first of 
 
 * Considerable liberty has been taken with the text of the last two par- 
 agraphs. It must be kept in mind also that the forms and practices 
 here described reach back into much earlier times, and that they are de- 
 veloped only, not originated under the Carolirgians. — Eu,
 
 Chap. XL] ITS FINAL DESTRUCTION. 153 
 
 all, hoped to strengthen their own power by giving larger 
 powers to their agents. But Charlemagne kept as careful 
 a watch over the encroachments on the offices as on the 
 benefices, and checked the growing independence of the 
 counts ; we see him in his Capitularies continually restrain- 
 ing their crafty attempts to retain their appointments, rebuk- 
 ing their negligence, and never allowing them to forget that 
 he was their master. To keep them in better control he 
 avoided making them too powerful, and never gave more 
 than one county to any one person.* His successors aban- 
 doned this wise and vigilant method. In the ordinary 
 course of events what had been abuses passed first into 
 customs, then came to have the force of laws, and in the 
 famous Capitulary of Kiersy-sur-Oise, promulgated by 
 Charles the Bald in 877, to persuade his nobles to follow 
 him across the mountains, he implicitly recognized, at least 
 as an established custom, the right of the son of a benefic- 
 iary to receive the benefice, and of the son of a count to 
 receive the county, at his father's death. 
 
 The great nobles had powerful allies in the bishops, who, 
 starting with the right of interference either to correct or 
 punish the actions of all men, " who are prone to error," 
 came logically to .claim the right of deposing kings and 
 disposing of their crowns. 
 
 In 858, the nobles and bishops with Wenilo, Archbishop 
 of Sens, prominent among them, after having summoned 
 Charles to respect the Capitularies signed in their favor, 
 resolved to depose him, and called Louis the German to his 
 throne. Charles fled and demanded the protection of the 
 Pope. Some time later, a movement in his favor allowed 
 him to return to his states, and he complained to the pub- 
 lic assembly of the boldness of Wenilo and the bishops, in 
 the following terms : " Wenilo, according to his own choice 
 and that of the other bishops and the nobles of the king- 
 dom, consecrated me as king, following the traditions of 
 the Church. After that I could not be removed from the 
 throne by any one, at least without having been heard by 
 the bishops who consecrated me as king, and who are the 
 thrones of the Divine Spirit. I have always been prompt 
 to submit to their paternal corrections, and am so still." 
 Hincmar, the great bishop of Rheims, a defender of the royal 
 
 * This is not absolutely without exception. — Ed.
 
 JS4 FALL OF THE CAFOLINGIAN' EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 authority and one who was concerned in all the principal 
 affairs of the times, wrote that " kings are subject to no one, 
 if they govern according to the will of God ; but if they are 
 adulterers, homicides, or ravishers, they should be judged 
 by the bishops." It was certainly right that the kings 
 should feel under some restraint, and should have to give 
 an account of their actions to some moral power here on 
 earth. But this accountability of the royal authority devel- 
 oped into servitude, and the institution of monarchy was 
 shattered to its foundations. 
 
 It was in this deplorable state that Charles the Bald left 
 the kingdom of France to his son Louis II., called the 
 Stammerer (877). His reign and those of 
 sta°m merer ^is two successors, his SOUS Louis III. and 
 1^,?^^- i"S."',® Karlmann (870), were uneventful. The two 
 ma'nn (879). latter, to bc sure, showed some activity 
 FaMSs/).^ *^^ against the Norsemen, whom they defeated 
 several times, especially at Saucourt in Vi- 
 meu. But these victims knew no other means of holding 
 Hastings in check than by granting him the county of Char- 
 tres, and they were unable to prevent Boso, who had as- 
 sumed the title of King of Aries and of Provence, from 
 being crowned in an assembly of bishops ; moreover, their 
 reign was short ; Louis died in 882, Karlmann in 884. 
 
 They left no children, and the crown was offered to 
 Charles the Fat, the only surviving son of Louis the Ger- 
 man, who by the death of his brothers (882) had united all 
 Germany with Italy, with the title of Emperor. When 
 France was joined to these the empire of Charlemagne, 
 with the exception of the kingdom of Provence, was again 
 united, but only temporarily and for the last time. The 
 master of this vast empire was not even able to drive back 
 the Norsemen who were besieging Paris ; this city was de- 
 fended by Eudes,[Odo] Count of Paris, the son of Robert the 
 Strong, and by the bishop Gozlin. As for Charles the Fat 
 he only paid the Norsemen a sum of money on condition 
 that they should ravage a different part of his states, the 
 valley of the Yonne, instead of the banks of the Seine. 
 
 His nobles, exasperated by his weakness, deposed him at 
 the diet of Tribur (887). 
 
 Seven kingdoms were formed from the final and hence- 
 forth unchallenged dismemberment of the empire : Italy, 
 Germany, Lorraine, France, Navarre, cisjurian Burgundy
 
 Chap. XI.] ITS FINAL DESTRUCTION. 155 
 
 or Provence, and transjurane Burgundy ; if we count Brit- 
 tany and Aquitaine, which existed in fact if not in law, we 
 have nine kingdoms. The power of the imperial crown 
 declined in Italy, where petty princes disputed its posses- 
 sion ; elsewhere, no one could tell anything about it, for no 
 real power was attached to it. National kings were chosen 
 everywhere : Arnulf in Germany, Eudes Duke of France, 
 in France. The separate existence of both these nations 
 dates from this time. There was a general tendency to- 
 ward isolation, and a new era in European history was 
 about to begin.
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE THIRD INVASION, IN THE NINTH AND TENTH 
 CENTURIES. 
 
 The Norsemen in France and England. — In the Polar regions and in 
 Russia. — The Saracens. — The Hungarians. — Difference between 
 the Ninth century Invasion and those preceding. 
 
 The names of Norsemen and Saracens have occurred 
 
 frequently in the foregoing pages ; it will be necessary 
 
 to retrace our steps for a moment in order 
 
 ^°Framfe" *" ^^ ^^^^ ^ correct idea of the new invaders, 
 
 who assailed the Carolingian Empire of the 
 
 West and were so instrumental in its destruction, just as, four 
 
 centuries earlier, the Germans, the first invasion, had assailed 
 
 and ruined the Roman empire of the West ; and as the 
 
 second invasion, the Arabian, had in the seventh century 
 
 robbed the Empire of the East of half of its provinces. 
 
 This movement had three separate starting-points : in 
 the north, in the south, and in the east, gradually spreading 
 to the west and enveloping the whole empire. The Norse- 
 men were the first to appear. 
 
 After Charlemagne had restored peace and order in 
 Germany, the movement of invasion, which had tended 
 toward the Rhine for many centuries, was forced to 
 change its direction. Instead of keeping to the land, it 
 took to the sea and assumed a piratical /;haracter. The 
 men of the North, Norsemen, left their crowded Cimbric 
 peninsula, and in their barks set out in little fleets upon the 
 " pathway of the swans," as the old national poems ex- 
 press it. Sometimes they coasted along the shores and lay 
 in wait for their enemies in the straits, the bays and the lit- 
 tle harbors, a habit wliich gave them the name of Vikings, or 
 Children of the bays ; sometimes they flew in pursuit across 
 the ocean. Their frail l)oats were scattered and wrecked by 
 the fierce storms of the northern seas, and they did not all 
 
 156
 
 Chap. XII.] THE THIRD INVASION. 157 
 
 rally again around the vessel of their chief at the signal 
 agreed upon ; but those of them who survived their ship- 
 wrecked companions had neither lost confidence nor grown 
 anxious ; they laughed at the winds and the floods, which 
 had not been able to harm them ; " The force of the tem- 
 pest," they sang, "assists the arms of our oarsmen, the hur- 
 ricane is at our command, it casts us whithersoever we 
 wish to go." — (Augustin Thierry.) 
 
 It was such men as these who had conquered a part of 
 Ireland in the seventh century, and, under the names of 
 Danes and Norwegians, had at different times ruled or 
 swayed England. Charlemagne had seen them approach- 
 ing the coasts of his empire. After his death they grew 
 bolder and their light craft hovered about the shores of 
 France. They entered the mouths of the rivers, and went 
 far up their streams, establishing themselves there in bands 
 of five or six hundred, and from these naval stations they 
 overran the neighborhood, pillaging town and country and 
 carrying their booty off to sea. In this way they seized 
 the islands of Walcheren, at the mouth of the Scheldt ; of 
 Betau, between the Rhine, the Wahal, and the Leek ; of 
 Ossel, near Rouen ; of Her or Noirmoutier, opposite the 
 mouths of the Loire. In 840 they burned Rouen ; in 843 
 they pillaged Nantes, Saintes, and Bordeaux, and then 
 after rounding Spain, whose coasts they ravaged, and 
 whose rivers they ascended, laying waste their banks, they 
 advanced, led by their formidable chief, Hastings, to at- 
 tack Italy and to pillage Luna, which they mistook for 
 Rome.* In 845 they pillaged the Abbey of St. Germain 
 des Pres, at the very gates of the Paris of that day. In the 
 next few years they repeatedly sacked Saintes and Bor- 
 deaux ; in 851 they ascended the Rhine and the Meuse and 
 devastated their banks ; in 853, they captured Tours and 
 burned the abbey of St. Martin ; three years afterwards 
 they were seen at Orleans. In 857 they burned the 
 churches of Paris and led away to captivity the abbot of 
 St. Denis. Soon Meaux and La Brie were laid waste. In 
 864 they were seen at Toulouse. They usually made the 
 churches and abbeys the objects of their attacks, because it 
 was there that all took refuge, and there that everything of 
 
 * The exploits of Hastings are somewhat mythical, this attack upon 
 Italy especially so. — Ed.
 
 15^ FALL OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 value was carried for safety. In the midst of the general 
 inertia, one man alone fought bravely against the invaders, 
 namely, Robert the Strong, to whom Charles the Bald had 
 given the country lying between the Seine and the Loire, 
 which came to be called the Duchy of France. Robert, 
 who was the ancestor of the Capetians, defeated the in- 
 vaders repeatedly, and perished in an encounter with them 
 at Brissarthe, near Mans (866). Charles then had no 
 other resource but to buy the retreat of the Norsemen. 
 They willingly accepted his gold and went off to ravage 
 some neighboring province, while another band came to 
 take their place in the province they had left. 
 
 These devastations continued until the year 911, in the 
 reign of Charles the Simple. They stopped then, and for 
 the same reason that the earlier devastations of the Bur- 
 gundians, the Franks and the Goths had ceased, because the 
 invaders had conquered and were settling in the new coun- 
 try. The Norsemen grew tired of their life of pillage ; 
 moreover, having destroyed so much, there was nothing 
 left for them to seize, and at last they settled down in the 
 places which had become familiar to them in their raids. 
 Finally their presence as enemies became so disastrous 
 that his nobles advised Charles to give up to them a part 
 of his territory, which they would be interested in culti- 
 vating when they no longer regarded it as foreign land, but 
 their own domain. Charles accordingly caused proposi- 
 tions of this nature to be laid before Rolf, or Rollo, one of 
 the most terrible of their chiefs. They offered him the 
 land lying between the Andelle and the ocean, with the 
 hand of the king's daughter in marriage, on the condition 
 of his establishing himself there with the title of Duke, of 
 rendering homage to Charles, and of embracing Christ- 
 ianity. Rolf accepted this offer, and the treaty of St. Clair- 
 sur-Epte confirmed the establishment of the Norsemen in 
 the country which has taken their nam« (9^i)- ^^ the fol- 
 lowing year Rolf was baptized, and Neustria, repeopled 
 not only by the Norsemen, who were few in number, no 
 doubt, but also by a crowd of adventurers who came to 
 have a share in the new settlement, was placed by its dukes 
 upon the high-road to prosperity and power. It is difficult 
 to believe that the Norsemen could have treated those they 
 had conquered with much kindness ; but it is certain that 
 serfdom soon disappeared from the soil of Normandy^
 
 Chap. XII.] THE THIRD INVASION. 159 
 
 that the life of the husbandman was happy ; that agricul- 
 ture prospered ; that the feudal system was more highly 
 organized there than elsewhere ; and that, in general, 
 under these Norman dukes, the province enjoyed a high 
 degree of prosperity and of civilization. 
 
 The Norsemen robbed France and the Netherlands of 
 their security and of a part of their wealth, but from 
 England they took her independence as well, 
 "^iif Engia^nX" Thus far wc have spoken of this country 
 only in connection with the sufferings she 
 went through during the first invasion in the fifth century, 
 because England, though soon to interfere often in the 
 affairs of the continent, was as yet leading the isolated 
 existence forced upon her by her insular position. From 
 the time when the Roman power had been broken until 
 the moment when William the Conqueror brought the 
 British isles again under continental dominion, England's 
 relations with the rest of Europe were slight. Her internal 
 history is also void of interest. We need only mention the 
 conversion of ^thelberht, King of Kent, to Christianity 
 (596-616), whose example was gradually followed by the 
 other states of the Saxon heptarchy. 
 
 In 829, after .a troubled existence, these states were 
 united under the power of one sovereign, the King of Wes- 
 sex, Ecgberht the Great, who had spent several years at the 
 court of Charlemagne, and had learned in the school of that 
 great master how to reign. But England, like France and 
 a part of Germany, was already beset by this last band of 
 invaders emerging from the two Cimbric peninsulas, the 
 Norse or Danish and the Scandinavian pirates. It needed 
 only three days for those bold lords of the ocean to cross 
 the North Sea in their ships with two sails, and to reach 
 the coasts of the great island which lay opposite to their 
 own country. 
 
 Ecgberht succeeded in repulsing them whenever they 
 appeared during his reign. But, under his successors 
 (836-871), the Danes renewed their inroads and sanguinary 
 raids, and succeeded in establishing themselves in the north 
 of the heptarchy, where they occupied successively North- 
 umberland, East Anglia, and Mercia. 
 
 In 871, they encountered an unexpected obstacle — Alfred 
 the Great ascended the throne in that year. For seven 
 years, he succeeded in warding off the approach of Guth-
 
 l6o FALL OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Bcok IV. 
 
 rum, the terrible chief of the Danes, from his states, which 
 included only the southern and western part of the island. 
 But at the end of that time he could no longer call forth 
 from his subjects the necessary zeal and devotion to con- 
 tinue the hard struggle.* 
 
 His extensive knowledge, acquired by study and travel, 
 inspired him with a disdain for his untutored people which 
 he could not hide ; the tendency he showed toward des- 
 potism, which he as well as the continent had derived 
 from Roman traditions, wounded the independent spirit of 
 the Saxon race. It is also necessary to add that this 
 people seemed to have become enervated, as was the case 
 with almost all the peoples who made the first invasion into 
 the Roman Empire. Even the clergy abandoned Alfred, 
 lest they should share his unpopularity. After a vain 
 appeal to arms, he fled to the depths of Somersetshire and 
 asked for shelter, according to tradition, without making 
 himself known, in the house of a poor wood-cutter, where 
 occurred the well-known incident of the burnt cakes. 
 
 For some months he remained concealed in the forest. 
 In the mean time he carefully followed the state of affairs 
 in the country, and noticing that the depredations of the 
 foreigners roused the hatred of the Saxons more and more, 
 he watched for a favorable opportunity to act. He had 
 revealed his hiding-place to some of his former companions. 
 He agreed to meet them at the stone of Ecgberht, in the 
 seventh week after Easter. Guthrum and his Danes were 
 encamped near that place, at Ethandune. Alfred made 
 his way as the legend relates into the enemy's camp, 
 disguised as a harper, and studied their position ; then he 
 attacked and completely routed them. Guthrum consented 
 to be baptized and to withdraw to the north ; a line was 
 drawn between the Danish and Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, 
 which followed Watling Street, the great highway built by 
 the Britons and rebuilt by the Romans, reaching from 
 Dover to Chester. 
 
 Alfred ruled with great wisdom. The division of Eng- 
 land into counties and hundreds, for administrative pur- 
 
 * The occupation of Wessex by the Danes was due rather to their sud- 
 den and unexpected attack than to the causes here given. See also the 
 hi.stories of Green referred to above, p. 40, note, for a more just estimate 
 of the character of Alfred. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XII.] THE THIRD INVASION. i6i 
 
 poses, a division found on the continent also, no doubt 
 existed before his time, and was derived from German cus- 
 toms, but its more precise organization is usually, and 
 probably correctly, attributed to him. The county or shire 
 was divided into hundreds, and they, in time, were divided 
 into townships, or sometimes tithings, that is, communi- 
 ties of ten families ; the ten heads of families were con- 
 jointly responsible for the misdemeanors committed within 
 their district. Every man had to be enrolled in a tithing.* 
 The community itself decided on the cases brought before 
 them. Any cases coming up for trial between members of 
 one township were decided by the community itself ;f actions 
 between different townships were judged in the hundred's 
 court by a body of twelve chosen freeholders.;!; Superior 
 to the assembly of the hundred was the county assembly, 
 which met twice in each year, and was presided over by the 
 sheriff, with whom sat also the ealdorman and the bishop. 
 The sheriff was appointed by the king, and represented his 
 interests before this body and collected the fines. § The gen- 
 eral assembly, witeuagemot (assembly of the wise men), was 
 the highest grade in this hierarchical organization. It was 
 open at first to all freemen, but later, as the size of the state 
 increased, and the privilege grew moredifficult to exercise, it 
 became naturally reserved for the most powerful thanes 
 or nobles alone. || Finally, at the head of all stood the 
 king, whose office was partly hereditary and partly elective, 
 as among the Franks, and whose power was modified by the 
 witenagemot. 
 
 * The subdivisions of the counties were not uniform but varied greatly 
 in different parts of England. The common responsibility of the members 
 of the tithing as here described did not exist in the time of the Saxon 
 kingdom. Reference should be made to Stubbs' Cons. Hist, of Eng., 
 vol. i., chaps, v. and vi., on the subject of this paragraph. — Ed. 
 
 f All important cases would be likely to be taken to the hundred 
 court. — Ed. 
 
 X However similar this may appear to the later jury system, it must 
 not be regarded as its origin. That was introduced in the germ after the 
 Norman conquest, and developed in England still later into its present 
 form. — Ed. 
 
 § The graf or count in the Prankish kingdom performed the duties 
 of both the sheriff and the ealdorman in the Saxon system. — Ed. 
 
 II Or, perhaps more probably, the witenagemot represented the f£7«r/7- 
 r«A«^n««))«/« of Tacitus instead of the general pubHc assembly. — Ed,
 
 l62 FALL OF THE CAROLLNGIAN EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 When Alfred had restored order through these vigorous 
 institutions he showed himself a stern lover of justice. He 
 united in a single code all the ordinances of the kings 
 ^thelberht, Ine, and Offa, and laid very heavy penal- 
 ties on magistrates who had violated their trust. " It was 
 possible then," said the chroniclers, " to hang a golden 
 bracelet over the highway and no one would dare touch it." 
 The defense of the country, also, occupied his attention ; 
 he built a number of fortresses, and constructed vessels on 
 a different plan from the Danish ships — longer and with 
 higher decks — and he succeeded in driving away the 
 formidable Hastings under a promise never to return. 
 Finally, he endeavored to diffuse knowledge among his 
 people and founded schools, Oxford among others.* He 
 himself translated into Saxon the Ecclesiastical History of 
 the Venerable Bede, the Epitome of Universal History of 
 Paulus Orosius, and the Consolations of Philosophy by 
 Boethius, and he corrected a translation of the Dialogues 
 of Gregory the Great. He died in 901; his name is 
 almost as famous among the English as Charlemagne's 
 among the Franks. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon monarchy, thus restored, continued 
 under Alfred's successors. His son, Eadward the Elder 
 (901-925), conquered Mercia and East Anglia, covered 
 the country with fortifications, showed favor to the com- 
 moners of the towns, and founded the school at Cambridge. 
 
 ^thelstan (925-940) overcame at Brunanburh, on " the 
 day of the great battle," a formidable coalition of Danes, 
 Gaels, Scots, and nations of the Orkney Islands, armed 
 with their terrible claymores (937). This victory brought 
 all of the old heptarchy under one sceptre. yEthelstan's 
 renown spread afar ; his sisters, Edwina (Eadgyfa) and 
 Edith, married the kings of France and of Germany, and 
 his nephew, Louis d'Outremer, found a refuge at his court. 
 He may be said to have been the first king of the whole 
 of England. 
 
 But this prosperity declined after his death, hastened by 
 discords and crime in the royal family. The influence of 
 the bishops is conspicuous in this period, and especially 
 that of their chief, St. Dunstan, also the attempts on the 
 
 * The connection of either Oxford or Cambridge with Saxon schools is 
 entirely mythical. — Ed,
 
 Chap. XII.] THE THIRD INVASION. 163 
 
 part of the provincial governors to free themselves from 
 royal authority. Then the Danes came back to renew the 
 attack on England in its feeble condition. yEthelred II. 
 believed that he had sent them away when, on the advice 
 of the bishops, he gave them 10,000 pounds of silver ; 
 it was, however, the surest way to bring them back 
 that could be devised. Olaf, king of Norway, and Swein 
 or Swegen, king of Denmark, continued their attacks 
 until the end of the century. A second and third ran- 
 som had no effect in driving them off ; yEthelred then 
 formed a vast conspiracy against them ; all the invaders 
 who had established themselves in England were mas- 
 sacred on the day of St. Brice (1002). The Saxon men 
 and women took a terrible revenge on their conquerors for 
 the oppression they had suffered. It was but a transient 
 deliverance ; for Swein made invasion upon invasion, and 
 finally in 1013 assumed the title of King of England, 
 ^thelred fled to the court of the Duke of Normandy, 
 whose daughter, Emma, he had married. His son, Ead- 
 mund II., Ironsides, fought with wonderful heroism, but 
 without permanent success, against Cnut, son and suc- 
 cessor of Swein, with whom he was forced to divide 
 England, as Alfred had done before him. Eadmund died 
 in 1016, and Cnut the Great established the Danish power 
 throughout the country. 
 
 His reign began in cruelty. He set to work with bar- 
 barian ferocity to rid himself of any obstacles in his path. 
 But when his power was well secured he ruled more leni- 
 ently and showed himself a great king. He became the 
 representative and chief of the Scandinavian invasion, as 
 Charlemagne had been that of the German invasion. By 
 marrying Emma, the widow of ^thelred, he paved the way 
 to a union of the conquerors and the conquered. He even 
 had leisure to extend his power over Sweden and Norway 
 and his supremacy over Scotland. He made wise laws and 
 modified some of the severities of those of Alfred the Great, 
 and took care that the Danes should not oppress the Eng- 
 lish ; he sent Saxon missionaries to Scandinavia charged 
 with the task of hastening the fall of paganism and with 
 tempering the savage customs of its population. Finally, 
 he strove to reform his own character, as many stories in- 
 form us. Having killed a soldier, in an access of fury, 
 he gathered the men of his army together, acknowledged
 
 164 FALL OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 his crime, and demanded punishment. All were silent. He 
 then promised that whoever would express his opinion 
 should do so with impunity. His guards referred the deci- 
 sion to his own wisdom. He condemned himself to pay 
 nine times the amount of the usual penalty. On another 
 occasion his courtiers were extolling him as the greatest of 
 monarchs, he whose will was law for six powerful nations, 
 the English, Scotch, Gaelic, Danish, Swedish, and Nor- 
 wegian ; he was then at Southampton, sitting by the shore 
 of the sea. The tide was coming in ; he commanded it Vi) 
 stop and to respect the sovereign of six kingdoms ; the tide 
 still rose and forced him to withdraw. " You see," he said 
 to his flatterers, — " you see the weakness of earthly kings ; 
 no one is strong but the Supreme Being who rules the 
 elements." And on his return to Winchester, he took his 
 crown from off his head, placed it upon the great crucifix 
 in the cathedral, and never wore it again except on the 
 occasion of public ceremonies. 
 
 In 1027, he made a pilgrimage to Rome and visited the 
 most famous churches on his road. He was so prodigal of 
 gifts that, according to a German chronicler, all those who 
 lived upon the paths he traveled cried with reason : " May 
 the blessing of the Lord be upon Cnut, King of the Eng- 
 lish." England's well-merited reputation for wealth dates 
 far back, for the Knytlinga Saga, speaking of the coun- 
 tries whence Cnut derived his riches, mentions the British 
 isle as the " richest of all the northern countries." After 
 spending some time in the Holy City, where he happened 
 to be at the same time with the Emperor Conrad II., the 
 Scandinavian monarch went directly to Denmark. He 
 wrote from that country a letter to his English subjects, in 
 which he gave them an account of his travels, and closed 
 by recommending them to pay promptly each year their 
 tithes and Peter's pence. This wiis a tax of one farthing 
 on each hearth which he had imposed in behalf of the 
 Holy See. Cnut ended his glorious reign at Shaftesbury 
 on the 12th of November, 1035. 
 
 We have just seen how the Norsemen gained a footing in 
 France and England ; we must now follow 
 
 Norsemen in ,, ^i • i r i. ^ „ i 
 
 the Polar re- them on their less famous but more remark- 
 gions andRus- ^[jig expeditions, and see them, on the one 
 hand, discovering America, and on the other 
 founding what afterwards became the empire of Russia.
 
 Chap. XII.] THE THIRD INVASION. 165 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon king, Alfred the Great, preserved and 
 handed down to us * an account of the routes taken by two 
 Norse adventurers ; of Wulfstan, who sailed to the further- 
 most parts of the Baltic Sea, a long journey in those days, 
 and of Othere, who rounded the North Cape and reached 
 Biarmia, that is to say, the regions lying on the White Sea 
 and near the mouth of the Dwina. These hardy mariners 
 were not daunted by the long voyage to the polar seas, nor 
 even by the dangers there encountered. Accordingly it is 
 not surprising to find that they reached the Faroe Islands 
 in S61, and in 870 came upon Iceland, which owes to them 
 its three or four centuries of prosperity ; or that, carried by 
 the currents, tempests, or the spirit of adventure, they 
 should have found Greenland, in 981, 200 miles to the 
 west. It was while they w^ere skirting along these shores 
 that they discovered Labrador, covered in those days with 
 vines, and they called it Vinland ; f they were then in 
 America. About the same time they discovered the Shet- 
 land Islands, which were unknown to the Romans ; occu- 
 pied the Orkneys, which Agricola had only seen from afar, 
 and founded at the northern extremity of Scotland the 
 kingdom of Caithness, which they held till the end of the 
 twelfth century. They founded another kingdom in the 
 Hebrides and on the peninsula of Cantire, which remained 
 in their possession until 1266. 
 
 They spread to the east as well as to the west, though 
 not in such large numbers, because that region, which 
 Roman civilization had not reached, had less to offer. In 
 the middle of the eighth century a few adventurous Norse- 
 men, who are called by Russian writers Varangians, a name 
 of doubtful origin, had made their way into the midst of 
 the Slav settlements around Lake Ilmen, where they occu- 
 pied the town of Novgorod. Though they were driven 
 away at first, they were soon called back. In 862 three 
 brothers, named Rurik, Sineus and Truwor, who had gone 
 there with a number of warlike companions, were recog- 
 nized by these powerful cities as their leaders in war. 
 Rurik, who inherited the power of his two brothers, is 
 
 * Incorporated in his translation of Orosius's History. — Ed. 
 
 f The exact location of Vinland cannot be determined, but it was 
 probably not south of Nova Scotia. — Ed.
 
 l66 FALL OF THE CAROLING/AN EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 regarded as the founder of the Russian empire, whose 
 capital was first Novgorod and later Kief.* 
 
 Thus the Scandinavians, like the Arabs, had come forth 
 from their sterile peninsula and had gone to the east and 
 the west, and, like them, had spread along an immense belt 
 of land from America to the Volga, narrow, except in Rus- 
 sia, and always keeping to the northern regions, as the 
 Arabs had always kept to the south. Some Norse chiefs, 
 it is true, came down into the South. We have seen how 
 they pillaged Spain, and ventured into the Mediterranean 
 through the Straits of Gibraltar. But that place was already 
 Dccupied by other ravagers, namely, the Saracens. 
 
 The Saracens were to Italy what the Norsemen were to 
 France. Like them, they long pillaged the coasts, and, 
 like them, they settled down in certain places. 
 The Saracens. They camc from Africa, from Kairowan, 
 which the Arabs had merged in the province 
 of Tunis, and which had been made the capital of a flour- 
 ishing kingdom by the Aglabites. On this Punic land 
 they had found relics of naval grandeur, and had turned 
 the maritime habits of the nations they found there to their 
 own profit. They equipped some ships, and for the third 
 time — in succession to Carthage and Gaiseric — this point of 
 Africa sent out tyrants to rule over the Mediterranean. As 
 pirates at first, they devastated Malta, Sicily, Corsica, and 
 Sardinia, and gave way only for an instant to the fleets of Char- 
 lemagne ; when he died their incursions began again, and 
 the corsairs became invincible. In 831 they subdued Sicily, 
 and then passed over to the Great Land, as they called 
 Italy. The rivalry existing between the Greek and Lom- 
 bard chiefs enabled them to take Brindisi, Bari, and Taren- 
 tum, and to build a fortress at the mouths of the Garigliano, 
 They burned Ostia, Civita-Vecchia, the suburbs of Rome, 
 and the rich abbey of Monte-Cassino, and pursuing their 
 disastrous course as far as Venice, they repeatedly threat- 
 ened Naples, Salerno, Gaeta, and Amalfi, the last of which 
 finally consented to negotiate with them. Malta, Sardinia, 
 Corsica and the Balearic Islands were in their possession. 
 Their domain extended over all the western Mediterranean, 
 
 * The early history of Russia is largely mythical. Even the date 862, 
 which has received a sort of official sanction, is doubtful. So is also the 
 origin of the name of Russia, — Ed.
 
 Chap. XII.] THE THIRD INVASION. 167 
 
 and their power, re-established by Khair-ed-deen Barba- 
 rossa in the sixteenth century, has continued down to the 
 present day. 
 
 They were not afraid even to risk themselves in the very 
 midst of the Christian nations. They landed on the coast of 
 Provence ; pillaged Aries and Marseilles, and in 889, they 
 founded a military colony at Fraxinet, near St. Tropez in 
 Provence. By means of outposts they commanded from 
 this camp the passes of the Alps, and thus were safe during 
 the whole of the tenth century to pillage Italy and France 
 it their will. The terror inspired by these infidels reached 
 such a point that one of them alone, says Luitprand, could 
 put a thousand and two of them could put ten thousand to 
 flight. From Provence they proceeded to the Dauphine, 
 Valais, and Switzerland, and there they met the other inva- 
 ders coming from the east, the Hungarians. 
 
 The movement of invasion from the point from which the 
 
 Hungarians came had never once ceased since Attila's time. 
 
 Masses of men had pushed their way in like 
 
 '^^^ri^'s?^^' ^he waves of a storm-tossed ocean, rising and 
 
 and receding, continually asserting themselves 
 
 and then giving way to others. 
 
 After Attila's Huns, many of whom remained by the 
 banks of the Danube in the neighborhood of their chief's 
 favorite places of abode, came the Slavs, " those who can 
 speak," * who had recovered their independence after the 
 fall of the Gothic kingdom and after the destruction of 
 Attila's monarchy ; following them came the Bulgarians, 
 " the cursed of God "; the Avars, another horde of Huns, 
 who were the terror of Constantinople for two centuries, 
 and who fell beneath the sword of Charlemagne ; and 
 finally the Khazars, a cross between Huns and Turks, 
 whose chagan dwelt in the Crimea. Among the subjects of 
 the Khazars, in the ninth century, was found a tribe who 
 were also of the Hunnic race, and whom the Latins and 
 Greeks called Hungarians. After living many years be- 
 tween the Ural and the Volga, they had advanced at the 
 beginning of the ninth century as far as the country be- 
 tween the Don and the Dnieper. In 888 a new stream 
 
 * Slova means speech ; the Slavs are those who speak the same lan- 
 guage, and, after their manner of speaking, the stranger, Niemeiz, is a 
 mute, that is, he does not speak the national tongue-
 
 1 68 FALL OF TLLE CAROLJNGLAN EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 of invaders overwhelmed both masters and subjects. The 
 Hungarians were forced back to the Danube and Transyl- 
 vania, and were about to perish there with their leader 
 Arpad, when a fragment of the Khazar nation, the tribe 
 of Magyars, joined fortunes with them, revived their 
 strength and courage, and were rewarded for the services 
 they rendered, by the honor of giving their name to the 
 whole nation. Those whom we still call Hungarians call 
 themselves Magyars. 
 
 Arnulf, the king of Germany, induced them by means of 
 gold to attack his enemies, the Moravian Slavs, who held 
 dominion from the mountains of Bohemia to those of Tran- 
 sylvania. The Hungarians overpowered them, but seized 
 upon the greater part of their country. There they found 
 a population whose basis was of Hunnic and Avar stock, to 
 whom they quickly assimilated themselves. As the wind 
 of the desert piles up the sand into mountains in a mo- 
 ment's time, so victory among unsettled peoples brings a 
 host of tribes to the conqueror's standard and gives him 
 irresistible strength. Though they had just come down 
 from the Carpathian mountains, the Hungarians, borne 
 away by their enthusiasm, carried war into the plains of the 
 Theiss and into Pannonia and gained complete mastery 
 over them in the space of a few years' time. In 899 they 
 were already at the gates of Italy and ravaging Carinthia 
 and Friuli ; in the year 900 they made their way into Bava- 
 ria, and the new king of Germany paid them tribute. 
 The ease with which they acquired booty encouraged them 
 to extend their raids. Their bold horsemen rushed down 
 both sides of the Alps into the great plains of Lombardy 
 and into the valley of the Danube. They even crossed the 
 Rhine, and provinces like Alsace, Lorraine, and Burgundy, 
 which up to that time had only looked with terror to the 
 north and west, whence the Norsemen came, found out 
 now by cruel experience that the east, too, could pour bar- 
 barians down upon them. The Hungarians spread such 
 terror through these nations that in France their name was 
 long remembered and used to express the utmost ferocity. 
 
 The destructive inroads of the Magyars had the same 
 results as those of the Norsemen. As in France the coun- 
 try districts bristled with chateaus, so in Italy walls were 
 built about the towns as a protection against them, and the 
 city soldiery was reorganized, thus enabling them later to
 
 Chap. XII.] THE THIRD INVASION. 169 
 
 regain their municipal independence. In Germany for- 
 tresses were built, which were occupied by men who first 
 used them to defend the country and then appropriated 
 them to their own use. The two greatest powers, Austria 
 and Prussia, were originally two marches (marks) organ- 
 ized on a military basis to cover Germany against the 
 attacks of the invaders from the east. 
 
 If we now compare the invasion of the ninth century 
 
 with those that preceded it, we shall find this difference, 
 
 Difference be- that but for the doublc attack of the north- 
 
 tween the em and the southern barbarians, the Roman 
 
 ninth century . ■ i i 
 
 invasion and Empire might havc had a prolonged though 
 those preceding, j-^^^ ^ happy existence, as there was nothing to 
 necessitate its fall nor even to make it desirable ; * while, 
 on the other hand, the new Carolingian Empire carried 
 within itself the causes of dissolution, which, though as- 
 sisted by the invasion, were in themselves sufficient to de- 
 stroy its existence as a united empire. 
 
 Another point of difference was the manner in which the 
 Norsemen and Saracens carried on the invasion by little 
 bands ; the invasion did not mean with them the removal 
 of whole nations in a body, as was the case with the barba- 
 rians of the earlier invasion, nor, as with the Arabs in the 
 seventh century, did it mean a religious conquest. They 
 were in search of booty rather than lands, and their raids 
 resulted in a great deal of pillage, local destruction, and 
 sufferings among the people, but they did not cause a gen- 
 eral upheaval nor the substitution of a new social state for 
 the old. The Hungarians alone, in the valleys of the 
 Theiss and of the Danube, formed a permanent settlement, 
 like those of the Franks, the Burgundians, and the Goths, 
 but they did not attempt to extend their occupation to any 
 great distance. What especially distinguished the ninth 
 
 * It is uncertain work attempting to specify what would have been, had 
 some important event of the past not taken place, and yet the author is 
 undoubtedly right here. There was no inner necessity compelling the 
 fall of the Roman Empire. If no invasion had happened there would 
 certainly have come a slow but sure recovery of good government, of all 
 civilization, anti, what is even more important, of the power of produc- 
 tion and growth. The Eastern Empire lasted until the fifteenth cen- 
 tury and then fell before an invasion. The Western Empire, if left to 
 itself for as long a time, would undoubtedly have had a far more fruitful 
 life.— Ed.
 
 170 FALL OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE. [Book IV. 
 
 century invasions from others was the fact that it promoted 
 but did not create the general confusion ; that it hastened 
 the fall of the Carolingian Empire, that is, the breaking up 
 of political unity — though it was not the sole cause of this : 
 in a word, the invasion was one of the forces which im- 
 pelled society of that day to assume the form it did : 
 namely, feudal anarchy, taking the last of the words in its 
 etymological meaning, that is, the absence of a supreme 
 power ; feudalism, as we shall see, was, in fact, the pre- 
 ponderance of local powers over the central authority.
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 FEUDALISM, OR THE HISTORY OF THE 
 
 KINGDOMS FORMED FROM THE CARO- 
 
 LINGIAN EMPIRE, DURING THE 
 
 TENTH AND ELEVENTH 
 
 CENTURIES. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 FRANCE AND ENGLAND (88S-110S) ; DECLINE OF THE 
 
 ROYAL POWER IN FRANCE. INCREASE OF T*HE 
 
 NATIONAL POWER.— NORMAN CONQUEST 
 
 OF ENGLAND (1066). 
 
 The struggle of a century between the last Carolingians and the first of 
 the Capetian dynasty. The accession of Hugh Capet (987). — Weak- 
 ness of the Capetian dynasty : Robert (996) ; Henry I. (103 1) ; 
 Philip I. (1060). — Activity of the French Nation. — Downfall of the 
 Danish dynasty in England (1042); Eadward the Confessor. Harold 
 (1066). — The French Invasion of England. Battle of Hastings 
 (1066). — Revolts of the Saxons aided by the Welsh (1067) and the 
 Norwegians (1069). Camp of Refuge (1072) ; Outlaws. — Spoliation 
 of the Conquered. — Results of this Conquest. 
 
 Unity of history for the peoples of the Carolingian Em- 
 pire disappears with the unity of that empire. The follow- 
 ing century is full of disorder ; it was no 
 The struggle lonoer the confusion of the great contests of 
 
 bet%veen the , r • • , . , '^ 
 
 last caroiin- barbarian invasion, which were in a sense 
 Irstcapetians^ dignified and imposing, but confusion in 
 which personal interests and local ambitions 
 played a leading part. But at the bottom of all these, two 
 important questions were agitated : whether the Carolin- 
 gian family, which earnestly insisted on its right not onjy 
 to the imperial but also to the French throne, should be 
 entirely excluded from both, and whether the royal author- 
 
 171
 
 172 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 ity, in whosoever's hands it should be placed, should con- 
 tinue powerless, with all its rights disregarded. The course 
 of events was to answer in the affirmative first the one and 
 then the other of these questions. 
 
 The new king of France, Eudes, wished to be recog- 
 nized by Aquitaine, which had formerly repudiated the 
 Carolingians, but which now pretended to defend their 
 legitimacy, intending to resist the sovereignty of the king 
 of France, whoever he might be. While Eudes was in the 
 South, Charles III., the Simple, a posthumous son of Louis 
 the Stammerer, had himself proclaimed king in a great 
 assembly held at Rheims. The king of Germany, Arnulf, 
 an illegitimate prince of the Carolingian house, in whom the 
 imperial ambition still lived in spite of the revolution which 
 overthrew Charles the Fat in 887, received the pretender 
 in the Diet of Worms, and declaring himself his protector, 
 commanded the counts and bishops on the banks of the 
 Meuse to sustain his pretensions. Eudes defeated him, and 
 ended this quarrel by granting several domains to his rival. 
 This brave and active prince was carried off by premature 
 death in 898. His brother Robert inherited the duchy of 
 France, and Charles the Simple was recognized as king. 
 
 The most memorable deed which is connected with the 
 name of this prince is the cession of Neusiria to the Norse- 
 men, which has already been mentioned. 
 
 His life and reign ended sadly. The nobles, jealous of 
 the little power he had left, formed a conspiracy against him. 
 Robert, Duke of France, assumed the title of king, and was 
 consecrated at Rheims (922), and at his death in the fol- 
 lowing year, Rudolf, Duke of Burgundy, took his place on 
 the throne. Thus, whether the king came from France or 
 liurgundy, in either case the center of ancient Gaul seerned 
 destined to retain the monarchy. The extremities, the north 
 as well as the south, were hostile to these lords at the center. 
 The Duke of Normandy and the Count of Vermandois sup- 
 ported the claims of Charles the Simple for a time, though 
 they betrayed him later, and this unhappy descendant of 
 Charlemagne died a prisoner in the castle of Peronne (929). 
 Rudolf was recognized by the most powerful nobles and 
 reigned till 936. During his reign the Hungarians pene- 
 trated into France as far as Toulouse. 
 
 At his death the crown was at the disposal of Hugh the 
 Great, Duke of France, master of the richest abbeys of the
 
 Chap. XIII.] FRANCE AND ENGLAND. I73 
 
 kingdom, and supreme over the country to the north of the 
 Loire. He preferred to make kings rather than to assume 
 the title himself, and recalled Louis IV., called d'Outremer, a 
 son of Charles the Simple, from England (936). But he 
 soon deserted him, and formed against him a league in which 
 Otto L, King of Germany, joined. When besieged in the 
 city of Laon, his sole remaining possession, Louis was 
 forced to take refuge in Aquitaine, where the nobles formed 
 an army to defend him ; the Pope's intervention reestablished 
 him on his throne. 
 
 Soon after, everything was again changed. Upon a new 
 quarrel between Hugh and Louis IV., the German king 
 turned against his former ally instead of against the king. 
 He laid waste the country as far as Paris, but gained no 
 important success, and finally withdrew beyond the Rhine, 
 followed by the descendant of Charlemagne, who, in the 
 council of Ingelheim, humbly offered to defend himself 
 from any accusations made against him, and who besought 
 Otto to judge the case himself, or to order a decision by 
 single combat. Although justified by the council, which 
 excommunicated Hugh the Great, Louis spent the rest of 
 his life in begging help on every side, and never regained 
 the slightest shadow of authority. 
 
 Nevertheless the Carolingian dynasty had not quite come 
 to an end. Lothaire succeeded Louis IV., thanks to the 
 support of Hugh the Great, who was his uncle. His reign 
 shows some evidences of strength ; many of the great vas- 
 sals were alarmed by Otto's pretensions to restore the 
 empire, for their one policy was to prevent, whether in 
 France or in Germany, the restoration of the old imperial 
 sway, which would have obliged them to retrace the steps 
 they had made in the path of usurpation since Charlemagne's 
 time, and in consequence they rallied around the King of 
 France. This was the case with the nobles of Lorraine, who 
 summoned Lothaire to oppose Otto. Hugh the Great was 
 no longer living, but his son, Hugh Capet, was devoted to 
 the cause of Lothaire, who had paid well for the devotion 
 of the Duke of France by giving him Burgundy, which he 
 succeeded in maintaining, and Aquitaine, of which he did 
 not even get possession.* Lothaire penetrated as far as 
 
 * Both Burgundy and Aquitaine had been granted to Hugh the Great 
 before his death. — Ed,
 
 174 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 Aix-Ia-Chapelle and just missed takingthe Emperor prisoner. 
 Otto, in turn, marched as far as Paris, ravaging the country 
 as he went, but he was forced to make a disastrous retreat, 
 and the greater part of his army perished on the banks of 
 the Aisne.* It was a great triumph for Lothaire to have 
 even held his own against so powerful a monarch, and 
 though forced to give up Upper Lorraine (980), he at least 
 obtained the duchy of Lower Lorraine for his brother 
 Charles. 
 
 This last evidence of power ever shown by the Carolin- 
 gian dynasty was due to the circumstances of the moment 
 and to the aid given it by the House of France. The lat- 
 ter possessed a well-established feudal power ; but the 
 Carolingian dynasty, after a century of disturbances, was 
 undermined to the very roots. The tree had no life left in 
 it ; the slightest push would send it over. And it was not 
 long before this happened. Lothaire was so conscious of 
 the real state of things that on his death-bed he implored 
 Hugh Capet to protect his son Louis V., and to allow him 
 to be king. Hugh promised and kept his word — but Louis 
 v., after reigning one year, died and left no children (987). 
 
 The Dukes of France for a century had been, in relation 
 
 to the last Carolingians, what the Mayors of the Palace had 
 
 , been to the last Merovingians, but with cer- 
 
 Accession of . , . ^^ ,_, i i i i i i 
 
 Hugh Capet tam differences. 1 hey had less splendor, less 
 ^9^^^- authority, and a narrower power, but also, 
 
 perhaps, a more independent situation as they possessed a 
 territorial power of their own. The Mayors were at once 
 leudes, great proprietors, and royal ministers ; they drew 
 much influence and consideration from these first two 
 sources, from the last alone came all their political power : 
 and this office in strict law, if not in fact, had something 
 essentially subaltern about it. The first of the Capetians, on 
 the contrary, had no office at court, and wielded only a 
 narrow power, but they wielded it for themselves. In the 
 
 * This is the I'-niperor Otto II. 
 
 It is perhaps natural that there should be a slight and unconscious 
 exaggeration of the influence of France in Lorraine at this time, and of 
 the disasters suffered by the (lermans in these invasions of French terri- 
 tory. These certainly were the days when the two nations were begin- 
 ning to distinguish themselves from one another, and in a slight way 
 beginning their national rivalries. Charles holds Lorraine under Otto, 
 and not under Lothaire. — Eo.
 
 Chap. XIII. ] FRANCE AND ENGLAND. i75 
 
 case of Pippin the Short, a man raised himself above all 
 the other men of the nation. In the case of Hugh Capet, 
 a fief, that is a land governing itself in virtual indepen- 
 dence, raises itself to a position of legal right above all the 
 other fiefs. This is the characteristic nature of the revolu- 
 tion of 987, which Montesquieu especially emphasizes, when 
 he says: "The title of king was joined to the most im- 
 portant fief." But the new king, also, governed hardly 
 more than his own estates, while the ]\Iayor of the Palace 
 become king had succeeded to the still real prerogatives of 
 the prince over the whole state. 
 
 Besides this there were certain other striking analogies. 
 It was the Pope who again gave the signal of revolution, 
 and in words which greatly resemble the famous response 
 of Pope Zacharias, " Lothaire is king only in name," said 
 Silvester II., " Hugh has not the title, but is king both by 
 his deeds and in very fact." A second time the final sen- 
 tence over a fallen dynasty was pronounced by the mouth 
 of the sovereign pontiff.* The owner of the abbeys of 
 Saint Denis, Saint Martin of Tours, and Saint Germain 
 well knew the efficacy of religious sanction for such a revo- 
 lution, and he obtained it from the Pope, the bishops, and 
 the saints. When he was building a tomb for Saint Valery, 
 the latter said to him : " Thou and thy descendants shall be 
 kings to the most distant generation." 
 
 Hugh Capet received another sanction, and one without 
 which no revolution can be permanent, the sanction of 
 necessity and the very force of events. As long as the 
 Carolingian empire lasted it extended from the Pyrenees to 
 the Elbe ; its center was somewhere near the Rhine, where, 
 besides, the people who founded the empire lived, and 
 where was situated the capital and the seat of government, 
 Aix-la-Chapelle. After the division of the empire this city 
 was no longer the center either of Germany or of France, 
 but, on the contrary, was near the borders of both. France 
 extended from the Pyrenees to the Meuse, and the national 
 life was centered toward the middle of this territory, and 
 there seemed to be a tendency to choose the ruler from the 
 duchies of France and Burgundy. The memories of ancient 
 
 *This comparison is entirely unhistorical. Gerbert of Rheims does not 
 become Pope under the name of Silvester II. till twelve years later. The 
 leading part in this revolution is taken by Adalbero, Archbishop of 
 Rheims. — Ed.
 
 176 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 Neustria, and the fact that Clovis and several of the Mero- 
 vingians had resided at Paris, fixed attention particularly 
 upon the Duchy of France. In this region, now that each 
 group of peoples had separated, the Carolingians were con- 
 sidered foreigners, men from the Rhine, speaking the Teu- 
 tonic language and not the Roman (Romance) idiom of the 
 banks of the Seine and Loire, the language of Hugh Capet. 
 
 This is the character of the revolution which elevated 
 him to the throne, and this is the argument which justi- 
 fies it. 
 
 On July T, 987, in an assembly held at Senlis, at which 
 hardly more than the bishops and the nobles of the duchy 
 of France were present, he was elected and proclaimed 
 king. A few days later Adalbero, Archbishop of Rheims, 
 consecrated him at Noyon. 
 
 The Carolingian race was, however, not yet extinct, and 
 Charles, duke of Lower Lorraine, the brother of Lothaire, 
 made an attempt to annul the election of Hugh Capet. 
 His cause was sustained in the North and the South, in 
 Flanders, Vermandois, and Aquitaine. But he was finally 
 betrayed into the hands of Hugh Capet by the bishop of 
 Laon, and was shut up in the tower of Orleans ; his sons 
 succeeded to his claims, but without being able to establish 
 them. One of them died leaving no children, and we know 
 nothing certain of the fate of the two others. To confirm 
 his house in the possession of the throne, and to prevent 
 the alternate succession of Carolingian kings and kings of 
 a new race, which had frequently been the case since 887, 
 Hugh Capet had his son Robert recognized as his heir in 
 an assembly of the bishops and nobles held at Orleans, a 
 practice which was followed by all the kings of France down 
 to Philip Augustus. 
 
 Hugh Capet did not succeed in gaining recognition in 
 the South. The Aquitanians dated their acts, " In the 
 reign of God, until there shall be a king." He made war 
 against the Count of Poitiers, and against the Count of 
 Perigord, who having been asked by him, " Who made you 
 a count?" rei)lied, " Who made you king ?" Brittany also 
 remained entirely independent. But the countries border- 
 ing on the duchy of France were more submissive, and it 
 was in these tliat the ascendency of the monarchy was in 
 form most nearly established. The Count of Anjou and 
 the Duke of Normandy paid homage to Hugh Capet.
 
 Chap. XIII.] FRANCE AND ENGLAND. I77 
 
 Moreover, the king knew how to obtain the most sub- 
 stantial and important support by a close alliance with the 
 Church ; not so much with the head of the whole Church, 
 like the first Carolingians (the connection no longer ex- 
 tended so far) as with the local clergy, whom he favored in 
 every way, giving them complete freedom in their elections, 
 and loading them with gifts. His successors followed the 
 same method. 
 
 At the death of Hugh (996), his son Robert had no diffi- 
 culty in succeeding him on the throne. He was a mild, 
 pious, and docile man, occupied in writing 
 thT^mona^r^ch°y hymns, singiug in the choir, and wore the 
 of the Cape- copc as wcU as the crown and sceptre. He 
 
 tians; Robert ^ \ . , , ^ , 
 
 (996) ; Henri I. fed morc than a thousand poor people each 
 (loi^l.' The ac- ^^Y- ^c was rulcd by his wife and by the 
 tivity of the priests. He was, however, excommunicated 
 "* ""*■ for desiring to continue to live with with his 
 
 first wife, Bertha, who was related to him, for the Church 
 forbade marriage between relations as far as the seventh 
 degree. He yielded and took Constance, daughter of the 
 Count of Toulouse, for his second wife. " Then," says the 
 chronicler, Rodulfus Glaber, speaking of those who fol- 
 lowed the new Queen to the court, " we find France and 
 Burgundy overrun by a new kind of people, who were at 
 once the vainest and most frivolous of men. Their mode 
 of life, their clothes, their armor, and the trappings of their 
 horses were all equally fantastic ; true buffoons, whose 
 shaven chins, small-clothes, ridiculous boots, and indeed 
 their whole inharmonious exteriors, announced the disor- 
 der of their minds. They were men without honor, with- 
 out law, and without shame, whose contagious example 
 corrupted the whole French nation, which had formerly 
 been well ordered, and threw it into every sort of debau- 
 chery and wickedness." This curious passage shows what 
 bitterness of hatred, and what antagonism of character, 
 customs, and even of clothing, separated the north and 
 the south of France. 
 
 This Robert, so peaceful a prince, and utterly without 
 ambition, received the offer of a crown. The Italians 
 wished to recognize him as king to avoid acknowledging 
 the Emperor Conrad. He drew back before the dangers 
 of this position, and refused. This policy was, after all, the 
 most favorable for the new dynasty ; the Carolingians had
 
 178 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 lost everything by trying to gain too much, and nominally 
 to rule Western Europe, instead of planting themselves 
 firmly in some corner of Europe and taking deep root 
 there. Robert obtained, by the death of his uncle Henry 
 (1002), an acquisition less splendid but more valuable than 
 that of Italy, namely, the Duchy of Burgundy. Before 
 he could take possession, however, he was forced to carry 
 on a war for twelve years, aided by the Duke of Normandy, 
 because the son of his uncle's wife, by a former marriage, 
 disputed his succession. Such is the weakness of royalty. 
 When Robert tried to interfere in the affairs of the Count 
 of Champagne, the latter said to him: "I am hereditary 
 Count by the grace of God ; this is my rank. As to my 
 fief, it comes to me by inheritance from my ancestors, and in 
 no way is connected with your domain. Do not oblige me 
 to do, in defense of my honor, things which will be dis- 
 pleasing to you ; for God is my witness that I would rather 
 die than live without honor." 
 
 We must notice the customs of this era of feudalism. 
 The middle of the eleventh century is the time when the 
 royal authority was least recognized, and when the inde- 
 pendence of the nobles reached its highest point. They 
 ruled their little states like kings ; they tried to acquire 
 others, and carried on wars in other lands on their own 
 account. Such was preeminently Eudes (Odo) the Count 
 of Blois and Champagne, who took possession of certain 
 parts of the kingdom of Aries, which had been united to 
 the empire at the death of Rudolf III. (1032), and who died 
 in an attempt to conquer Lorraine, with the hope of restor- 
 ing the ancient kingdom of Lothaire I. If he should suc- 
 ceed in this he expected to accept the royal crown to 
 be offered him by the Italians. His rival, the famous Fulk 
 Nerra, Count of Anjou, was a man of the same order. 
 After defeating his son Geoffrey, who had stirred up a 
 revolt, he made him creep several miles on the ground with 
 a saddle on his back. " You are vanquished," said he, 
 kicking him, — "You are vanquished at last." "Yes," 
 replied Geoffrey, " but by my father; for every one else I 
 am invincible." This reply disarmed the severity of the 
 old man. Soon afterwards he started on foot for the Holy 
 Land, and died, on his return, from the fatigue of the jour- 
 ney and from the penances he had inflicted on himself. 
 Such traits are characteristic of the crude and savage
 
 Chap. XIII.] FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 179 
 
 energy of the times. Another active and dangerous neigh- 
 bor was the Duke of Normandy. WilHam II., the Bastard, 
 came to the ducal throne in 1035, a child of seven years. 
 The early years of his reign are filled with contests with 
 the turbulent nobles and with France ; later he conquered 
 England, while some of his vassals subdued Southern Italy. 
 
 In the midst of these rough and turbulent nobles, who 
 were as powerful and more warlike than the king, Henry I. 
 seemed quite cast in the shade. Without having much in- 
 fluence, he was mixed up in almost all their quarrels, as 
 ally of one or the other. However, he was king, and 
 there were attached to his title certain rights which proved 
 valuable enough in time. The most remarkable event 
 of Henry's reign was his marriage with a daughter of 
 Jaroslaf, Duke of Russia. He went so far in search of his 
 wife in order to be sure to avoid the mistake made 
 by his father in marrying a relation. 
 
 The reign of Philip I., who succeded his father Henry in 
 1060, was no more brilliant, though it was at the very time 
 when Europe roused itself from its inactivity and its 
 narrow life, and became the stage of great events. The 
 first crusade took place, and the long quarrel between 
 the Papacy and the Empire began between Gregory VII. 
 and the Emperor Henry IV. But Philip took no part in 
 either. His reign was passed in petty wars with William 
 the Conqueror who attacked Maine ; with William Rufus 
 who ravaged the French Vexin ; with Robert the Frisian, 
 whom he wished to prevent from taking possession of Flan- 
 ders ; and with Fulk Rechin, the Count of Anjou, who had 
 ceded the Gatinais to him, and whom he repaid by robbing 
 him of his wife Bertrade. On being excommunicated for 
 this crime by Pope Urban II., at the Council of Clermont 
 (1095), he gave up Bertrade, took her back again, then 
 gave her up again, and once more took her back, until the 
 Church, occupied with the greater events of the crusades, 
 finally overlooked his conduct. 
 
 Philip I., with his vices and his indolence, with his sales 
 of ecclesiastical benefices and his debasing of the coinage, 
 an example often followed by his successors, failed to cause 
 the royal authority either to be respected or to be feared. 
 At the time of his death (1108) the power of the Capetian 
 dynasty was at its lowest point. 
 
 But though the king slept indolently on his throne,
 
 l8o FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 the nation was energetic and full of earnest purpose, and 
 Frenchmen were going forth in all directions in search 
 of conquest. The spirit of adventure, so dear to the 
 ancient Gauls, seemed to revive with a strength which had 
 increased in the six centuries of enforced repose. Five 
 hundred thousand men crossed the Alps and the Rhine, 
 and marched eight hundred leagues farther to deliver the 
 Holy Sepulchre. Norman cavaliers conquered principalities 
 in Italy. A Burgundian prince of the house of the Capets 
 founded the kingdom of Portugal beyond the Pyrenees ; 
 and finally 60,000 Frenchmen crossed the Channel and sub- 
 jugated England. This last event was of the first conse- 
 quence for the future and for the destiny of France. 
 
 After Cnut, the Scandinavian empire crumbled away, 
 as did the Prankish empire, after Charlemagne. Cnut 
 Fall of the ^^^^ apparently intended to leave Norway to 
 Danish dynasty Swciu (Swcgcn), and Denmark and England 
 jro42K Eldwa"rd to Harthacnut, the son of Emma. The lat- 
 the con^ssor. ter was in Denmark at the death of his 
 father, and the Danes of England proclaimed 
 Harold, another son of Cnut's king. He was, however, 
 only recognized north of the Thames. The people of the 
 south upheld the cause of Harthacnut. It was from the 
 very start a question of race. Harold represented the 
 Danes, Harthacnut the Saxons. The death of Harold left 
 the whole country in the hands of Harthacnut, whose reign 
 prepared the way for the return of the Saxon dynasty. 
 Eadward HI., or the Confessor, son ot yEthelred and 
 Emma, a.scended the throne of his fathers in 1042. 
 
 Eadward was Saxon by his father, Norman by his mother. 
 He himself preferred the Normans, as he had passed his 
 childhood among them when in exile, and because they were 
 the more civilized of the two. He drew many of them to 
 his court, gave them the principal bishoprics, and showed 
 great favorto his brother-in-law Eustace, Count of Boulogne. 
 The Saxons were jealous. They were represented at court 
 by Godwine, a man of great power and of Saxon origin, who, 
 though for a time allied with the Danes, was always the 
 protector of his countrymen. Godwine, either personally or 
 through his son, governed a great number of counties. He 
 took the side of the Saxons in a dispute between them and 
 the Normans, and so fell into disgrace. He was absent 
 from court when a new Norman visitor appeared — namely,
 
 Chap. XIII.] FRANCE AND ENGLAND. l8l 
 
 William II., the illegitimate son of the Duke, Robert the 
 Devil. William found Normans everywhere, at the head of 
 the troops, in the fortresses, in the bishoprics, and all re- 
 ceived him as a sovereign ; it seemed to him that the con- 
 quest of England was almost accomplished, and he returned 
 to his country thinking that a royal crown was much better 
 worth having than a ducal crown. His journey at any rate 
 made a strong impression upon the Saxons, and public 
 opinion compelled the restoration of Godwine to favor, while 
 the Normans were driven from the court. 
 
 Godwine died in 1053, and his oldest son Harold suc- 
 ceeded to his offices and influence. It is told us that 
 somewhat later Harold was thrown by shipwreck into the 
 hands of William, who compelled him to take an oath upon 
 cunningly concealed relics of saints that he would aid him 
 in gaining the throne of England. 
 
 Not long after Eadward died, and the Witenagemot elected 
 Harold king. William immediately sent over to remind him 
 of his promises " made on good and holy shrines." Harold 
 replied, "that as they were drawn from him by force they 
 were of no value, and that, besides this, his royal authority 
 belonged to the Saxon people." William treated the Saxon 
 as a usurper, and a person guilty of sacrilege, and appealed 
 to the court of Rome, whose policy was now directed by 
 Hildebrand. The pope, alleging that the Peter's pence 
 had not been paid, excommunicated Harold, and invested 
 William with the kingdom of England, and sent him a con- 
 secrated banner as symbol of military investiture, together 
 with a ring containing a hair of St. Peter set under a dia- 
 mond, as symbol of ecclesiastical investiture. The duke 
 then published his proclamation of war. Throughout all 
 B'rance a crowd of adventurers responded, and on Septem- 
 ber 27, 1066, au army of 60,000 men in 1400 ships embarked 
 from St. Valery-sur-Somme. 
 
 They disembarked at Pevensey (Sussex), while the Saxon 
 
 fleet that was guarding the Channel had put in for supplies. 
 
 Just at this time Harold was fighting his 
 
 Norman In- brother Tostig in the north, who had rebelled 
 
 vasion of Eng- , • • , , -vt • tt • i. 
 
 land. Battle and jomcd the Norwegians. He •was victo- 
 (u)66) ^^^'"^^ rious and rapidly returned to the south, where, 
 though his army was only a quarter the size 
 of the enemy's, he confronted it on an eminence in the 
 neighborhood of Hastings. The Saxons made palisades
 
 1 82 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 with strong stakes. Mirth and disorder reigned in their 
 camp, and it is said that they spent the night before the 
 battle in singing and drinking ; the Normans, on the other 
 hand, spent it in praying and receiving the sacraments. The 
 latter made the attack on the following day, but the Saxon 
 axes dealt destruction to all that approached them. William 
 vainly commanded his archers to aim in the air so as to 
 avoid the palisades. Harold lost an eye, but the intrench- 
 ment was not forced.* Finally a feigned retreat enticed 
 the Saxons to break their lines, and they were then cut to 
 pieces. Harold was killed, and the beautiful Edith, of the 
 Swan's Neck, was the only one who could recognize the 
 body of flie lasit' Saxon king (1066). 
 
 William marched against London, and soon received its 
 submission. He entered, and at once began tlie construc- 
 tion of the famous Tower, " the bridle of London " as the 
 inhabitants themselves called it. He was there crowned 
 King with the usual ceremonies, though in the midst of a 
 tumult excited by the setting on fire of some houses near 
 the church. 
 
 William had obtained what he desired, the crown, together 
 with the treasure of the former kings. It was now the turn 
 of his companions. Their reward was adapted to their 
 rank, and the services of each. Barons and cavaliers re- 
 ceived castles, great domains, market-towns, and even 
 cities. Some of them married the Saxon widows, with or 
 without their consent, and installed themselves in the home 
 whose master they had either driven away or killed. Those 
 who on the continent were perhaps only ox-drivers or weav- 
 ers, were now warriors and gentlemen, and possessed serfs, 
 vassals, castles and manors. They transmitted to their de- 
 scendants their coarse names indicative of their origin : 
 Front du Boeuf, William le Chartier, Hugh le Tailleur, etc. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon clergy was also treated with severity. 
 Some ot them, influenced liy the 'Pope's bull, had gone over 
 to the conquerors, but the majority, who were of Saxon ori- 
 gin, were devoted heart and soul to the national indepen- 
 dence. Among the bodies found on the field of Hastings 
 were those of thirteen monks ; the abbot of Hida and his 
 twelve companions. The Saxon clergy was despoiled and 
 
 * The breaking of the line by the pretended flight comes before 
 William's order to his archers and the fatal wounding of Harold, — Ed.
 
 Chap. XIII.] FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 183 
 
 persecuted ; the primate Stigand was driven from his archi- 
 episcopal see of Canterbury and replaced by the celebrated 
 Lanfranc whom Alexander 11. charged to reform the Anglo- 
 Saxon clergy. The Normans pretended to have received 
 this mission, and, if we believe Matthew Paris, the Saxon 
 clergy had passed their days and nights in eating and drink- 
 ing. Lanfranc asserted for the see of Canterbury not 
 merely the slight supremacy of former times, but authority 
 over all the bishoprics of England, in order that he might 
 secure the foreign occupation of all the ecclesiastical bene- 
 fices of the country. Normans, Frenchmen, and men of 
 Lorraine were all provided for in some way or other. The 
 Saxon clergy were persecuted. One of the new prelates 
 is said to have forbidden those in his diocese the use of 
 nourishing food and of mstructive books, for fear lest they 
 should gain too much physical and intellectual strength. 
 Even the Anglo-Saxon saints did not escape the hatred of 
 the conquerors, and perhaps nothing wounded the feelings 
 of the vanquished so much as this. 
 
 All spirit of resistance had not died with Harold on the 
 
 field of Hastings, but during the next six years revolts 
 
 broke out all over the country. The first 
 
 sa^onsafcf/dby rcvolt took placc during a journey of Wil- 
 
 theweish(io67) Uam's to the Continent ( 1067); it was helped 
 
 and by the Nor- , , ,,. , , , }■ ' •" . . ^ ' 
 
 wegians (1069). by the Weish, and caused some stir m London. 
 Sw.ouuawl. But William had already gained the favor of 
 the inhabitants of the capital by promising 
 them, in a charter in the English language, to give them 
 back the laws of the times of King Eadward. He struck 
 a blow at the rebels by the capture of Exeter, and by the 
 destruction of from 300 to 700 houses in Oxford, besides 
 the complete ruin of Leicester.* He built fortresses and 
 established garrisons on the ruins of these towns. The 
 bravest of the Saxons fled before this military occupation, 
 and took refuge in Scotland and Ireland, where they were 
 well received. They sent from there an appeal for aid 
 to their ancient foes the Scandinavians. Osbeorn, brother 
 of the King of Denmark, landed at the mouth of the 
 Humber, in the midst of provinces occupied by the an- 
 cient Danish population (1069). The Saxons rushed to 
 his standard with their prince, Eadgar, and the other 
 
 * The destruction of O.xford and Leicester is doubtful. — Ed.
 
 1 84 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 exiles, the untiring friends of liberty, at their head. 
 But Osbeorn was bought over by the rich offers made 
 him by William, and left the country, to be outlawed 
 by his brother for his treachery. Thrown upon their 
 own resources, the wretched Saxons were obliged to 
 yield, after all Northumberland had been visited by fire and 
 sword. 
 
 As the combined forces were defeated, the resistance now 
 took another form. Between the outlets of the Ken and 
 the Ouse, on the island of Ely, the Saxons opened what they 
 called "a camp of refuge," and thither hastened all who 
 had been proscribed. This camp of refuge was finally sur- 
 rounded by William's troops, a causeway was constructed 
 across the marsh which had been its protection, and it was 
 taken in spite of the heroic defense of the Saxon Hereward.* 
 The latter even consented to be reconciled with the Norman 
 king ; but we are told that one day when he was resting 
 after his dinner, he was attacked by a band of strangers and 
 perished after killing fifteen of them with his own hand. 
 
 Though now without the power of combination and 
 without their camp of refuge, the Saxons still resisted the 
 Norman king. They resisted individually, in the forests, 
 where like bandits they lived on the king's game, and drew 
 the bow of William Tell against any Norman noble who 
 should pass.f They were hunted and outlawed in vain ; 
 and this race of patriot poachers continued to exist for more 
 than a century, and their popular hero Robin Hood was 
 born about 1160. William made the following law : When- 
 ever a Frenchman is killetl or is found dead in any hundred 
 the inhabitants of that hundred must seize and produce the 
 murderer within five days ; or else must jointly pay 46 silver 
 marks. J As after that decree the men of the hundred took 
 pains to remove all means of identification from the bodies 
 of their victims, the Norman judges declared that every man 
 
 * Charles Kingsley's novel, " Hereward," collects the various legends 
 concerning him into a connected narrative. — Ed. 
 
 \ The continuance of this sort of resistance to the Normans, and the 
 connection of Kobin Hood with it, are legendary, unsupported by any 
 trustworthy evidence. — Eu. 
 
 X Sec the law as enacted Ijy William, in Stubbs, ' ' Select Charters," p. 80, 
 (see also p. 193), and in Freeman, " Norman Conquest," iv. p. 217, n. 3. 
 (American edition). — Ed.
 
 Chap. XIII.] FRANCE AND ENGLAND. T85 
 
 who was assassinated should be considered a Frenchman 
 whose " Englishry," as they called it, could not be proved. 
 
 These, with a revolt in Maine, and a Norman conspiracy, 
 
 were the obstacles which William was forced to overcome. 
 
 Even while he was combating them he was 
 
 Spoliation of , . ■, • , • • u- _ 
 
 the conquered busy m regulatmg and organizmg his con- 
 peopie. — Re- q^ered territory. Between 1080 and 1086 a 
 
 suits for Eng- t . -' i r 11 i 
 
 land and France register was prepared of all the properties 
 of this conquest. Q^cupied by the conquerors ; * the number of 
 houses owned by each, the resources of the inhabitants, and 
 the rents paid before the invasion were all taken down. 
 This formed the great Survey of England called by the 
 Saxons the Domesday-book, because it recorded the irre- 
 vocable sentence of their dispossession. On the lands thus 
 divided and registered was established the most regular 
 feudal body of all Europe : of 600 barons and under them 
 60,000 knights. f At the head of all was the king, and with 
 no feeble power like the French king. He was the chief 
 of the conquest, the victorious captain : all others were only 
 his lieutenants and soldiers. Thus the Anglo-Norman 
 monarchy, reserving for itself much territory, 1462 manors 
 and all the principal towns, and taking pains, by exacting 
 a direct oath of allegiance from even the knights to attach 
 all the vassals, no matter of whom they held their lands, to 
 itself by the closest ties, was from the first so powerful that 
 later the nobles and the commons were forced to combine 
 in order to avoid being utterly crushed by it. 
 
 We must not be misled by the name of the Normans into 
 thinking that they were Scandinavians. These conquerors 
 were Frenchmen, and with them French civilization, cus- 
 toms, language, and feudal institutions all took root in the 
 English soil. We can still find French names among the 
 
 * It includes both races alike. The name probably meant only that 
 the disposition made of the land was regarded as final. — Ed. 
 
 f The numbers given in this paragraph must not be considered as 
 exact. Besides taking an oath from all landholders, even if they were 
 the vassals of his own vassals, and retaining in his own hands larger 
 domains than he granted to any single person, he introduced also another 
 check on the tendency of feudalism to destroy the central power. He 
 scattered the largest estates which he gave to any of his followers through 
 various parts of England, to prevent the formation of local and practically 
 independent principalities, such as his own Duchy of Normandy was in 
 France. See Stubbs, Cons. Hist, of Eng., I. pp. 259 ff. — Eu.
 
 1 86 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 English peerage, and until the reign of Edward III., that is 
 until the middle of the 14th century, French continued to 
 be the language of the court and of the tribunals.* 
 
 France paid dear for this conquest made by her arms, 
 her customs, and her language. The dukes of Normandy, 
 when kings of England, wielded a power that long held 
 that of the French kings in check, and two centuries of war 
 and eight of jealous hostility have been the results of this 
 great event. 
 
 The new monarchy, by its very origin, was doomed to 
 lasting disturbances. The Channel could not be filled up, 
 and Normandy and England always continued two separate 
 countries, a fact which was the cause of many disagree- 
 ments in the Anglo-Norman kingdom and even in the royal 
 family. Besides this, the manners of William the Conqueror 
 and of his followers were rude and violent, and his sons 
 were like him. They had many bitter quarrels, and even 
 before the death of their father they began to try to over- 
 reach each other. The Conqueror, himself, died during a 
 a war with his eldest son, who wished to seize Normandy, 
 and who was aided by the king of France (1087). 
 
 * French becomes the lan^age of the courts and of the records not 
 under the Norman but under the Angevin kings in the thirteenth 
 century. — Ed.
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 GERMANY AND ITALY (888-1039).— REVIVAL OF THE EM- 
 PIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE BY THE GERMAN KINGS. 
 
 Extinction of the Carolingian family in Germany (911). — Election of 
 Conrad I. (91 r), and of Henry the Fowler (919) ; Greatness of the 
 House of Saxony. — Otto I., or the Great (936) ; his power in Ger- 
 many ; he drives out the Hungarians (955). — Condition of Italy in 
 the tenth century. — Otto re-establishes the Empire (962). — Otto II., 
 Otto III., Henry II. (973-1024), and Conrad II. (1024-1039). 
 
 By the treaty of Verdun in 843, which had divided 
 Charlemagne's dominion between his three grandsons, the 
 
 imperial crown had been bestowed upon Lo- 
 ^an3i?ngians. thai re, together with Italy and the long strip 
 
 of territory which separated France and Ger- 
 many. When thig unsubstantial empire was destroyed, the 
 crown continued to be attached to Italy, in memory of the 
 Roman empire. If a powerful state had been fofrhed on 
 the peninsula the imperial crown, defended by a strong 
 arm, could no doubt have been permanently secured to it. 
 But as the fall of Italy followed its division, this token of 
 power over the whole world, and of the political unity of 
 Europe, ce>uld not remain in the hands of a petty king, lord 
 over a few provinces in Lombardy. It seemed as if it 
 ought to belong by just rights to one of the two great States 
 formed by the di'smemberment of the Carolingian empire, 
 to France, or to Germany. What we have seen of the 
 history of France in the tenth and eleventh centuries shows 
 us that the imperial sceptre was not for her. The dukes of 
 France, who had, moreover, no claim ts the empire, under- 
 stood that it would be foolish for them to entertain such an 
 ambition, and that, if they did, they would probably lose 
 their own feudal royalty. The kings of G^ermany, on the 
 other hand, were the real heirs of Charlemagne, primarily 
 because their people gloried in everything that related to 
 him, and also because the carryirvg out of his work devolved 
 
 1S7
 
 l88 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 upon them by force of circumstances. The country over 
 which they reigned had been brought into existence by 
 Charlemagne, the nations surrounding them had first been 
 encountered and subdued by Charlemagne. Everywhere 
 within and without their domains they found and followed 
 the traces of his footsteps. 
 
 Germany showed great love for his family. While France 
 was choosing her kings from her native-born lords, Eudes, 
 Robert, Rudolf, and Hugh Capet, Germany, on the depo- 
 sition of Charles the Fat (887), chose one of Charle- 
 magne's descendants, Arnulf, the illegitimate son of Karl- 
 mann, so that the Carolingian dynasty continued on the 
 throne until it died out in 911. Arnulf was an able and 
 warlike man, and his activity forms a strong contrast to the 
 indolence of the other Carolingians. He assumed high 
 prerogatives ; he tried to restore the lately shattered em- 
 pire by claiming suzerainty over all the new sovereigns 
 who were appearing throughout Europe. He exacted 
 recognition of this suzerainty of Eudes, king of France, 
 of Rudolf, the Welf, king of transjurane Burgundy, of 
 Louis, king of Aries and son of Boso, and of Berengar, 
 king of Italy, formerly Duke of Friuli, who had assumed 
 this crown after the deposition of Charles the Fat. 
 
 He soon claimed a more direct sovereignty over these 
 countries. He appointed his son Zwentibold king of 
 Lorraine, but he was not recognized, and, indeed, he met 
 his death there. In 894 Arnulf was called by the pope to 
 cross the Alps and protect him from (juido, duke of 
 Spoleto, who had proclaimed himself emperor and king 
 of Italy. In a second expedition Arnulf took possession 
 of those two crowns for himself (896). Though they gave 
 him nothing but a title, yet they pointed out the way to his 
 successors. His power in Germany was a more firmly 
 established one. The foreign tribes, against whom Charle- 
 magne had fought, were also held in check and repulsed by 
 Arnulf. The Norsemen in the north and the Slavs in the 
 east, like the waves of an angry ocean, were forever beat- 
 ing on the frontiers of Germany. Arnulf drove the Norse 
 pirates from the banks of the Dyle, where they had set- 
 tled. Since the victories of Louis the German, the Slavs 
 had invaded Germany four times between the years 844 
 and 874. At their head were the Moravians under their 
 formidable chieftain Zwentibold. Arnulf's success against
 
 Chap. XIV.] GERMANY AND ITALY. 189 
 
 these enemies was much less decisive than against the 
 Norsemen, but on the death of Zwentibold, in 894, his king- 
 dom fell to pieces, and the danger was removed. Chris- 
 tianit]^ had shortly before been carried into the lands occu- 
 pied by the Moravians by Methodius, and Cyrill, mission- 
 aries from the East. But other enemies, the Hungarians, 
 speedily appeared, and once in Germany they could be 
 driven out only by long and sustained efforts. During the 
 reign of Louis the Child, son. and successor to Arnulf 
 (899-911), they won a great battle near Augsburg, and 
 committed outrages which were never avenged. 
 
 The German branch of the Carolingian family became 
 extinct on the death of Louis the Child, and Germany was 
 obliged to choose a king from another family. 
 thfcaroUngia°n At that time Germany, like France, con- 
 Famiiy in Ger- sistcd of a number of large fiefs ; but it was 
 manyign). divided iuto two parties, differing in their 
 
 customs and character. One party included the old Ale- 
 mannic and Austrasian federations, where the great towns 
 were situated with the chief ecclesiastical sovereignties ; 
 the other party represented Saxon Germany, and still retained 
 its barbarous and warlike characteristics. The difference 
 between these two parts of the country gave rise to a spirit 
 of antagonism later on. The territory formerly belonging 
 to the Alemanni and the Boii went to form two duchies, 
 Alemannia (Swabia) and Bavaria. Another duchy, Fran- 
 conia, was in the Austrasia of the Frankish kingdom. 
 Saxony included Thuringia and a part of Friesland. These 
 were the four primitive grand-duchies of Germany.* 
 
 \\\ 911, the electoral system, which had only been tem- 
 porarily banished by the glory of the Carolingians, was re- 
 stored to its place among the political customs of Germany 
 at the very time when it disappeared from those of France. 
 As a result of this the fortunes of the two countries have 
 been widely different. The great vassals of France saw the 
 throne so weak and so stripped of all power, while they 
 themselves were rich and strong, that they did not even 
 
 * These great duchies, abolished for the moment by Charlemagne, begin 
 to reappear under his son Louis. They were based largely on the old tribal 
 differences, and helped greatly to perpetuate those differences — a serious 
 obstacle, even down to our own times, in the way of the formation of any 
 united German State. Lorraine should be added to those mentioned, 
 making the number five at the end of the Carolingian period. — Ed.
 
 190 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 think of taking away the hereditary descent and of terri- 
 torial ownership, those two great sources of power. On the 
 other hand, the vassals of Germany, who knew that the 
 power of their kings was well sustained, did their best to 
 undermine it by taking away that double advantage. So 
 in the former case, the power of the crown, which had been 
 weak, became strong, while in the latter, though strong at 
 first, it became weak ; and the two countries reached, the 
 one an extreme centralization, the other an extreme divi- 
 sion. It is noticable in this connection that the family of 
 Hugh Capet has existed for nine centuries, and still exists, 
 while the German dynasties, by a singular fate, have died 
 out very rapidly in the second or third generation ; so that 
 Germany, being constantly called upon to choose a new 
 royal race, adopted the doctrine of succession by election, 
 while France, on the contrary, adopted that of hereditary 
 right. 
 
 Conrad I., who was elected in 911 by the three nations 
 
 of Saxony, Thuringia, and Franconia, was a descendant of 
 
 , Charlemagne in the female line. He began 
 
 Elections of , •^, , ... i i , 
 
 Conrad I. (gn) the Struggle between the knig and the great 
 Fow^r^Tgio)^ feudal lords, which continued throughout the 
 greatness of the middle agcs. The Warlike dukcs, rude rcprc- 
 saxon House. gcntativcs of the feudal spirit, endeavored to 
 shake off the royal yoke from their unruly shoulders, and 
 yet they continually placed royal authority over themselves 
 m order to keep the glory of the imperial title in their 
 country, and by union better to resist all acts from without. 
 
 Conrad was a Franconian ; he tried to sap the strength 
 of Saxony and to take Thuringia away from it, but was 
 defeated by Duke Henry at Eresburg. The Duke of 
 Lorraine, in the west, refused to acknowledge him, and gave 
 his allegiance to the king of France ; but Alsace remained 
 under Conrad. To the south, those who held the power 
 in Swabia also refused to him the name of king, and allied 
 themselves with Arnulf, Duke of Bavaria. He defeated the 
 latter and forced the former to appear before a national 
 assembly ; the diet of Altheim condemned them as felons, 
 and had them beheaded. Conrad had succeeded in some, 
 if not all, of his undertakings, when he died, mortally 
 wounded, it is said, in a combat against the Hungarians in 
 918. 
 
 After the death of this Franconian emperor, the crown
 
 Chap. XIV.] GERMANY AND ITALY. 191 
 
 came into the possession of the House of Saxony, where it 
 remained for more than a hundred years (919-1024). As 
 Conrad was dying he designated his old enemy and con- 
 queror, Henry, as the one most capable of defending Ger- 
 many against the Hungarians, and it was this Saxon duke 
 who was elected king. 
 
 The deputies who brought him the news found him busy 
 catching birds ; thence, his surname. Henry I., or the Fow- 
 ler, brought order into Germany, which, before, had been 
 unorganized and defenseless. He has the credit of being 
 the one to institute, in behalf of royal authority, the Pfalz- 
 grafen or palatine counts, whom he placed in the provinces 
 by the side of the dukes, and whom he entrusted with the 
 oversight of the crown lands.* In the object sought they 
 were an imitation, on a smaller scale, of the missi dominki of 
 Charlemagne. There was at that time no heerban, no Field 
 of May, nor any assemblies of estates at regular intervals. 
 Henry attempted to re-establish the heerban by renewing 
 earlier laws, that whoever had passed his thirteenth year 
 should be obliged to carry arms ; if he did not appear 
 within three days after the levy, he incurred the penalty of 
 death. 
 
 To check his enemies from without he instituted a com- 
 plete system of defense ; he formed the mark, [called after- 
 wards] Schleswig, as a defense against the Danes, the north 
 mark, or mark of northern Saxony, against the Slavs, and 
 the Wends, the mark of Meissen, against the Hungarians 
 and the Poles, and also the strongholds of Quedlinburg, 
 Meissen, and Merseburg. The latter was made the center, 
 as it were, of the whole defense ; he put down there a col- 
 ony of thieves and vagabonds, who were henceforth to 
 defend the country they had formerly ravaged, and plun- 
 der only its enemies. He ordained that every ninth man 
 of the district should be stationed in the nearest "burg " or 
 fortress, while the others were to keep his fields in cultiva- 
 tion. He built also storehouses in the fortresses in which 
 one-third of all the crops were to be deposited, and he 
 required that their assemblies and markets, their public 
 festivals and marriages, should be held within the walls. 
 
 The effect of these excellent institutions was felt even in 
 
 * The credit for this institution is to be given to Otto I. rather than 
 to Henry. — Ed,
 
 192 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 Henry's reign. His great victory at Merseburg on the 
 Saale * (933) forced back the Hungarians, and the recovery 
 of Lorraine for the German kingdom protected it on the 
 west, as it was protected by Bohemia on the east and Schles- 
 wig on the north. 
 
 Henry had summoned a diet at Erfurt some time before 
 his death, and had asked it to recognize his second son, 
 Otto, as king. Otto proceeded to Aix-la- 
 Great °936'),*his Chapellc (Aachcn), where the dukes, princes, 
 power in Ger- and all the great noblemen of the country, 
 derives ^out t h e assembled in the " Hall of Columns," where 
 forever^"^'^"^ stood the thronc of Charlemagne, proclaimed 
 him king ; after his election the archbishop 
 of Mainz presented him to the people assembled in the 
 church, with these words : " This is he who has been chosen 
 by God, designated by our late lord and king, Henry, and 
 who has been raised to the throne by all the princes — the 
 noble Lord Otto. If the choice pleases you, raise your right 
 hands." The people all raised their hands. It was a last 
 remnant of the old custom of election by the whole tribe, 
 and not by its chiefs alone. 
 
 The accession of another Saxon king raised opposition 
 in the west and the south, as it had in the last reign. 
 The dukes of Bavaria and Franconia joined Lorraine in 
 resisting Otto, and obtained the assistance of Louis IV., 
 king of France. Otto defeated the rebels and pushed 
 into Champagne, with the help of his brother-in-law, the 
 Duke of France, and the Count of Vermandois, then in 
 arms against Louis IV. Finally, a treaty of peace was 
 made between the kings (942). By a happy combination 
 of circumstances the great duchies hostile to the king be- 
 came vacant, and he succeeded in conferring them upon 
 members of his own family. Bavaria was given to his 
 brother Henry, Svvabia to his son Ludolf, Lorraine to his 
 son-in-law Conrad the Red, the archbishopric of Cologne 
 to his other brother, Bruno, and that of Mainz to another 
 son, Wilhelm. He strengthened his authority still more by 
 extending the powers of the palatine counts, who were 
 appointed in several of the great fiefs under the dukes to 
 administer justice in the king's name, and to rule the royal 
 domains ; he was further strengthened by the favor he 
 
 * This battle is now supposed to have been foujifht some distance west 
 of Merseburg, near the village of Kiethcburg. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XIV.] GERMANY AND ITALY. 193 
 
 showed the church in Germany. He bestowed counties 
 and even duchies upon the bishops, with all the preroga- 
 tives of secular princes,* though in many cases these pre- 
 rogatives and the temporal jurisdiction were exercised not 
 directly by the bishop, but by another officer called the 
 Vogt {advocatus!) Later, the counts palatine either made 
 themselves independent or were made subject by the dukes, 
 and the bishops also became sovereigns of little states, 
 virtually independent of the general government; but there 
 was no reason why it should enter into Otto's calculations 
 that his successors would not know how to rule. 
 
 The reign of Otto I. is celebrated for a great military 
 feat, the decisive victory, near Augsburg (955), over the 
 Hungarians, who, it is said, lost 100,000 men, and after 
 that their incursions into Germany ceased. Territory 
 across the Enns, which was taken from them, was annexed 
 to the East mark, and formed the foundation of the later 
 Austria. In his external policy with regard to the Bohe- 
 mians, the Poles, and the Danes, Otto followed the example 
 of Charlemagne with the Saxons, in attempting to make 
 them at once Christians and subjects of his empire. Thus 
 in Bohemia, he forced Boleslav I., who was persecuting 
 Christians, to pay him an annual tribute, and to encourage 
 the religion he had been persecuting (950). The Duke of 
 Poland was obliged to render homage to him and to allow 
 the bishopric of Posen to be founded ; the Danes, whom he 
 pursued to the remotest parts of Jutland, obtained peace 
 only when they had promised that their king and his son 
 should be baptized. f Charlemagne had founded the 
 bishoprics of Saxony, in the valleys of the Weser ; and Otto, 
 following in his steps, established in the valleys of the Elbe 
 and the Oder the archbishopric of Madgeburg and the 
 bishoprics of Brandenburg, Havelborg, Meissen, Naum- 
 burg (Zeitz), IMerseburg, and Posen ; on the Cimbric penin- 
 sula, those of Schleswig, Ripen, and Aarhus ; in Bohemia, 
 that of Prague.;]; It was a formal taking possession of 
 
 * Otto I. may, perhaps, be taken as a representative of this tendency, 
 though it does not take the exact form here described until a later 
 time. — Ed. 
 
 f Otto's expedition to the extremity of Denmark, and the conditions of 
 peace exacted rest only on later traditions, but the Danes were certainly 
 held in check. — Ed. 
 
 X The bishopric of Prague was established under Otto II. — Ed.
 
 194 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 those lands by Christianity and civilization, but the empire 
 did not long retain its hold over them. 
 
 Germany's claims upon Italy had lain dormant since the 
 
 death of Arnulf. They were revived by Otto. From the 
 
 ^ J. . , beginninfj of the tenth century Italy had been 
 
 Condition of .° ^ , ^.,-'^,-',. , 
 
 Italy in the givcu ovcr to the most frightful disorders, 
 otto re-establ "^^^ Uniformity established by Roman con- 
 lishes the Em- qu€st had disappeared with the imperial 
 pire (9 2). power, the country had lost all unity of char- 
 
 acter and customs ; it was German on the north, where the 
 Lombards and the Francs were settled ; Roman at the 
 center, where the Holy See protected the Roman spirit ; 
 Greek, and almost Saracenic in the south, where Constan- 
 tinople's power was still supreme, and where the Arabs 
 were now establishing themselves. 
 
 A host of little sovereign powers had sprung up. Among 
 the lay nobility, the Duke of Friuli on the east, and the 
 Marquis of Ivrea on the west of Lombardy, the Duke of 
 Spoleto in the center, and the Dukes of Beneventum, Saler- 
 no, and Capua in the south. Among ecclesiastics, the 
 pope, the archbishops of Milan and Ravenna, the bishops 
 of Pavia, Verona, and Turin ; and among free towns, 
 Venice, Genoa, Gaeta, and Amalfi. 
 
 Of these, the Dukes of Friuli and Spoleto, and the Mar- 
 quis of Ivrea, were most powerful, and they had long been 
 contending for the throne among themselves and with the 
 king of Provence. Intrigues, which bring the dagger and 
 poison into play too often, soil the pages of Italy's history 
 at this time and for many years after. Marozia, a disso- 
 lute woman, who was stained with the blood of many mur- 
 ders, had, at one time, the disposal of the crown of Italy 
 and the papal tiara. 
 
 In 924, the imperial crown had fallen from the head of 
 the assassinated King lierengar 1., and in the prevailing 
 confusion no one had taken possession of it. Rudolf, King 
 of Burgundy, and Hugh, Count of Provence, followed by 
 Lothaire, son of the latter, laid claim at least to the throne 
 of Italy. In 951, Berengar II., Marquis of Ivrea, and 
 grandson of the emperor of the same name, poisoned, it 
 was said, Lothaire, took his place, and, to insure the succes- 
 sion to his own son, Adalbert, he tried to compel Lothaire's 
 widow, Adelheid, to marry him. But she took refuge in 
 the castle of Canossa, and called upon Otto for assistance.
 
 Chap. XIV.] GERMANY AND ITALY. IQS 
 
 Otto, who was victorious over all his enemies, holding 
 uncontested authority within Germany and without, a 
 supremacy founded on victory, needed nothing but the 
 crown of iron and the imperial crown to enable him to 
 re-establish almost exactly the empire of Charlemagne. He 
 went in quest of th»ese. In 951 he crossed the Alps. All 
 the clergy of Lcmbardy came to meet hmi. The Peninsula 
 was tired of having a sovereign always present with them, 
 and imagined that the authority of an absent monarch, of a 
 German king beyond the Alps, would be less oppressive. 
 It was a mistake which Italy has made several times, to her 
 misfortune. She thought she offered the kings of Ger- 
 many a title only, but they, when masters of the title, 
 claimed the authority also. 
 
 The King of Germany did not get possession of the 
 crowns Italy had to offer on his first journey. He merely 
 married Adelheid and received the homage of Berengar II. 
 But when he returned in 961, and found that Berengar was 
 trying to resist him, he caused himself to be proclaimed 
 King of Italy, at Milan, and to be crowned Emperor at 
 Rome (Feb. 2, 962). He agreed to respect the donations 
 made by Charlemagne to the Holy See, and the Romans 
 promised not to elect a pope save in the presence of 
 envoys sent by the emperor, and with his consent. 
 
 By this act Otto restored the Empire in favor of those 
 princes who should be elected kings of the Germans to the 
 north of the Alps, and he established the German power in 
 Italy. These measures were not put through without resist- 
 ance. The Romans were indignant when they saw him 
 disposing of the papal throne. They banished John XIII., 
 appointed by him, and elected a prefect and twelve tri- 
 bunes. For this. Otto punished them with severity. Rome 
 and the Pope realized, for the third time, that they had 
 found their master. 
 
 Otto had not yet gained possession of the southern part 
 of Italy. He sent Bishop Luitprand as ambassador to 
 Nicephorus, Emperor of the East, charged with the duty of 
 asking the hand of the Princess Theophano for his son 
 Otto. Nicephorus refused, and accompanied his refusal 
 with outrageous behavior toward the ambassador ; where- 
 upon Otto ravaged the Grecian territories to such an extent 
 that the new Emperor of Constantinople, John Zimisces, 
 was induced to yield Theophano. The marriage took
 
 196 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 place, but the treaty with the eastern Emperor granted to 
 the House of Saxony no rights in Southern Italy. 
 
 Otto's position resembled that of Charlemagne in some 
 respects. They were both all-powerful at home, both con- 
 quered and Christianized the peoples to the north and the 
 east, they both exalted the Empire of the West, both con- 
 trolled Italy and the papacy, and both tried to negotiate a 
 marriage under very unpleasant conditions with the Emper- 
 ors of the East, who showed always a harsh and disdainful 
 spirit toward the barbarian "basileus.". To the parallel 
 must be added the wide renown of Otto and the numerous 
 embassies, which he received even from the Saracens, after 
 his victory over the Hungarians. He died in 973. 
 
 The last emperors of the Saxon line. Otto II. (973), Otto 
 III. (983), and Henry II. (1002), lost the ascendency gained 
 Otto II., Otto by their predecessors. The first was detained 
 III., Henry II. by insurrcction in Germany, and by an expe- 
 Cc?nr^ad Vi . ditiou into France, which took him as far as 
 O024-1039). Paris, and he did not reach Italy till seven 
 
 years from the beginning of his reign. The little feudal 
 States, lay and ecclesiastic, had profited by the long absence 
 of their sovereign, and had risen on all sides and made 
 themselves practically independent. Moreover Otto II. 
 cared less about enjoying his authority in the northern or 
 central part than he did about gaining possession of the 
 south. He met a severe defeat in Calabria, and was taken 
 prisoner by Greek pirates. He escaped from them by 
 swimming, and died a few months after (983). 
 
 Otto III., who was possessed by romantic ideas of the 
 Roman empire and by an ambition which had been nour- 
 ished by his mother Theophano and his grandmother Adel- 
 heid, gave most of his thought to Italy, though his long 
 minority prevented him from going thither to obtain the 
 imperial crown until 996. He bestowed the papal office 
 upon his relative Gregory V., who saw in the Germans "the 
 arm of Christianity," and afterwards upon Silvester II., his 
 former teacher, whose dream it was to unite all Christendom 
 under the two powers and to send it forth into Asia to the 
 conquest of Jerusalem. The tribune Cresentius rebelled 
 against the German domination in Rome, and assumed the 
 titles of patrician and consul. Upheld by the court of Con- 
 stantinople he tried to revive the Roman republic. Otto 
 III. repressed the sedition with great cruelty ; he imprisoned
 
 Chap. XIV.] GERMANY AND ITALY. I97 
 
 Cresentius in the castle of St. Angelo, and condemned him 
 to be hanged on a gibbet 70 feet high (998), but his wife is 
 said to have avenged him by poisoning the emperor (1002). 
 
 The cruel experiences which Ital}' had undergone during 
 the period of German domination seemed to make the sub- 
 stitution of a national king advisable, and Arduin, Marquis 
 of Ivrea, was proclaimed in Pavia. Henry of Bavaria, great- 
 grandson of Henry the Fowler, had just succeeded Otto. 
 He was a prince of such zealous piety that it is related of 
 him that at one time he wished to abdicate and become a 
 monk. His reign was none the less on this account a 
 troubled one. He had to struggle in Germany against 
 many of the great vassals and the King of Poland, and he 
 crossed the Alps three times. The second time (1013) he 
 overthrew Arduin, aided by internal rivalries, which were 
 always the ruin of Italy. ]\Iilan had declared against 
 Arduin because she was jealous of Pavia ; her archbishop 
 carried most of the prelates with him into the imperial party, 
 for they saw that their power would be curtailed by a tem- 
 poral sovereign near at hand. On his third trip (1014), 
 Henry H. attempted again, unsuccessfully, the conquest of 
 the Greek dominions in the south of Italy, but his appear- 
 ance did for the moment give to the church the preponder- 
 ance of power in the peninsula. 
 
 On the death of Henry II., called Saint Henry (1024), 
 the imperial crown was restored to the Franconian house, 
 which had already possessed it once. This seemed to keep 
 the balance between the two parties of Germany. But the 
 change of dynasties did not bring a change of policy. The 
 German royalty, represented for the most part by men of 
 talents and energy, continued to grow stronger and to ex- 
 tend its power. 
 
 Germany was almost forced to maintain an offensive 
 policy toward the east in order to keep the foreign tribes 
 at a distance. Henry II. had been obliged to keep up a 
 long struggle with the Poles, from whom he had taken 
 Bohemia, but who forced him to renounce all right of sove- 
 reignty on the part of the empire over their country.* Con- 
 rad II., the Salic, recovered this right, but he yielded the 
 mark of Schleswig to the King of Denmark, Cnut the 
 Great. He stopped, however, the attacks of the Slavs to 
 
 * This is very doubtful. — Ed.
 
 198 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 the north of the Elbe, making them tributary to the Chris- 
 tians, and, to hold them in check, he rebuilt Hamburg, 
 which they had destroyed. 
 
 Since the time of Otto I., the great vassals had been 
 more directly under control. Conrad was able to secure 
 the condemnation and imprisonment of the Duke of Swabia 
 as a disturber of the public peace, in his efforts to get 
 possession of the kingdom of Burgundy. This countrj'- 
 Conrad kept for himself. By the treaty of Basel, which he 
 induced Rudolf III., the old king of Aries, to sign, he an- 
 nexed the Valley of the Rhone, Franche-Comte, and 
 Switzerland, to the empire (1033). 
 
 Conrad, the Salic, managed affairs in Italy in much the 
 same way as his predecessor ; he depended for support 
 upon the bishops, who were the soul of the German party, 
 and especially upon Heribert (Aribert), archbishop of 
 Milan, who had crowned him ; and he increased still more 
 the power of their leading men. He thought himself sure 
 of their dependence upon him, because they received from 
 his hand their insignia of office, the crosier and the ring. 
 But the great favor shown to bishops did not prove wise in 
 the event ; the bishops, who were the masters of Italy, 
 believed that they were able to slight the imperial sove- 
 reignty on the one hand ; and on the other, to oppress the 
 smaller vassals and the burgesses. The latter were not to 
 be despised when they were found in the rich Italian com- 
 munes. The burgesses and smaller vassals joined forces ; 
 but, following the usual inclination to secure the triumph of 
 the moment rather than to think of the future, they called 
 upon the emperor. Conrad came again, and tliis time in a 
 very different frame of mind. He seized Heribert, with 
 the Bishops of Vercelli, Piacenza, and Cremona, and in 
 order to keep the episcopal power forever within bounds, 
 he published his famous edict of 1037, which declared the 
 fiefs of the vassals or valvassors to be irrevocable, hered- 
 itary, and practically immediate.* This was the constitut- 
 ing act of Italian feudalism ; but it was a peculiar feudal- 
 ism, shorn of the hierarchical development which it had in 
 other countries, because of this condition of innnediate- 
 ness which did away with the intermediary office of the 
 
 * That is, held directly of the emperor, the lord paramount, and not of 
 the emperor's vassals. — Pp.
 
 Chap. XIV.] GERMANY AND ITALY. 199 
 
 great vassals between the emperor and the subordinate vas- 
 sals.* 
 
 Conrad II. died in 1039, '^"^ ^'^ ^'^'^' Henry III., suc- 
 ceeded him, the most powerful of the German Caesars, but 
 whose very power brought on the ruin of the second 
 empire and the greatest conflict of the Middle Ages, namely, 
 the struggle between the Church and the Empire. 
 
 * The policy of this act did not differ materially from that which Con- 
 rad had been following out in Germany, and its influence upon Italian 
 feudalism can easily be overstated. — Ed.
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 FEUDALISM.* 
 
 Beginning of the Feudal Regime. — Reciprocal Obligations of Vassal and 
 Lord. — Ecclesiastical Feudalism. — Serfs and Villeins. — Anarchy and 
 Violence ; frightful Misery of the Peasants ; several good Results. — 
 Geographical Divisions of Feudal Europe. 
 
 The real heirs of Charlemagne were from the first neither 
 the kings of France or those of Italy or Germany ; but the 
 innin of f^'-i^^^ lords. When Charles the Fat was. 
 the Feudal Re- deposed it was not only the empire that was 
 ^""^' dismembered, but also the kingdoms and the 
 
 great fiefs. The dukes and counts had been as powerless 
 as the kings against the Saracens, the Norsemen and the 
 Hungarians, and equally incapable of keeping their vast 
 territories under one government. The people, no longer 
 led by their chiefs to common expeditions of war, had little 
 by little become accustomed to rely only on themselves. 
 
 After they had for years been in the habit of taking- 
 refuge in their forests among the wild beasts at the approach 
 of the pagan, at last some men of spirit made a stand and 
 refused to abandon their whole substance without even at- 
 tempting to defend it. Here and there in a mountain gorge, 
 at the ford of a river, on a hill overlooking the plain, they 
 built intrenchments and walls, which were defended by the 
 bravest and strongest. An edict of 853 ordered the counts 
 and vassals of the kings to repair the old castles and to 
 build new ones. The country was soon covered with them, 
 
 * The history of the early stages of the feudal system has long been 
 and still is a subject of controversy and disagreement among scholars. 
 Consult the suggestive chapter (XV.) in Emerton's Introduction to the 
 Middle Ages ; chap vi., sections 3-6, of Andrews's Institutes of General 
 History ; and two articles by the present editor in the Andover Reviciv, 
 vol. vii., pp. 366-375 and 505-518. The older accounts in English are 
 without value. — Ed. 
 
 200
 
 Chap. XV.] FEUDALISM. 201 
 
 and the invaders often were repulsed. A few defeats made the 
 latter more wary. They did not dare venture so far into the 
 midst of the fortresses, which sprang from the ground on 
 every side, and the new invasion, hindered and obstructed 
 in this way, ceased in the following century. Later, the 
 masters of these castles were the terror of the country, but 
 they saved it at first, and though feudalism became so 
 oppressive in the latter part of its existence, it had had its 
 time of legitimacy and usefulness. Power always estab- 
 lishes itself through service, and perishes through abuse. 
 
 But what was this new regime ? We have seen the sys- 
 tem of land tenure becoming more uniform throughout the 
 barbarian world, through the confirmation of the right of 
 hereditary transmission of the lands granted by the kings, 
 and we have seen the law giving its sanction also to a 
 usurpation of another kind, the hereditary transmission of 
 the royal offices. Generally, the holders of these offices were 
 also proprietors either of allodial or of royal lands, with the 
 result that authority and landed property were united in the 
 same hands. This union is the essential characteristic of 
 feudalism. 
 
 Under the absolute monarchy of the Roman empire, all 
 the appointments to public office, high or low, were in the 
 hands of the monarch, and remained always at his direct 
 disposal, so that he could recall them at will. And more 
 than this, the public officer neither owned the soil of the 
 province which he governed, nor did he have any rights of 
 government over the landed properties which he might 
 possess as a simple citizen. He was, therefore, amenable, as 
 proprietor, to the civil law of the whole empire, and as gov- 
 ernor to the arbitrary will of the sovereign. The feudal 
 system was just the reverse of this. A lord who granted, as 
 an inferior fief, a certain part of his own fief, made over to 
 the grantee or vassal at the same time both the property 
 and the sovereignty over it, neither of which he could reclaim 
 unless the vassal failed in some of the services agreed to by 
 him when he received the investiture. 
 
 If one lord wished to obtain land from another and 
 become his vassal, he must seek him out, and then the cere- 
 mony of " homage " took place between the two ; the 
 would-be vassal must kneel before his future lord, and 
 placing his hands in those of the latter, must declare in a 
 loud voice that from that time forward he would be his man
 
 202 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 {/lomo), that is, that he would be devoted and faithful to 
 him, and would defend him at the risk of his own life, much 
 as the ancient Germans did in the comiiatiis relationship. 
 After this declaration, which was really the " homage," he 
 gave the lord his oath of fealty or of faith, and swore to per- 
 form all the duties which devolved upon him from his new 
 relation of vassal of his lord. After the vassal had per- 
 formed this double ceremony, the lord did not fear to 
 entrust his land to the man who was so strongly bound to 
 him, and granted it to him by " investiture," which was 
 often accompanied by some symbol, a clod of turf, a stone, 
 a switch, a branch of a tree, or any other object, according 
 to the custom of the fief. Otto of Freising says : " It is 
 customary when a kingdom is delivered over to any one 
 that a sword be given with it, when a province is transferred, 
 a standard is given."* 
 
 In the first place, the vassal was under certain moral 
 
 obligations to his lord, those of keeping his secrets, of 
 
 disclosing to him the plots of his enemies 
 
 Reciprocal • ,. i • r j r j- i • ■ • i • u • 
 
 obligations against him, of defending him, giving him his 
 °V»u \^^,^^^ horse in battle, if the latter were unhorsed, 
 
 and the lord. ,,.,;, . . . 
 
 or of taking his place in captivity ; of re- 
 specting his honor and causing others to do the same ; of 
 assisting him with good advice, etc. The material obliga- 
 tions or the services owed by the vassal were of various 
 kinds : 
 
 I. Military service, which was the very foundation of 
 the feudal relation, and the principle by which this state of 
 society, which knew nothing of standing and paid armies, 
 existed. The vassal was obliged, at the bidding of his 
 lord, to follow him either alone or with a certain number 
 of men, according to the importance of his fief. The dur- 
 ation of this service also varied in proportion to the size 
 of the fief ; in some cases it was sixty days, in some forty, 
 
 * The ceremony of simple or franc homage was performed by the vassal 
 standing up and placing his hand on the Bible, and wearing his dagger 
 and spurs, which he must remove for the ceremony of liege homage. In 
 the latter ceremony the vassal, bareheaded, knelt on one knee, and plac- 
 ing his hands in those of his lord, gave him the oath of fealty and prom- 
 ised to serve him in the army. The latter promise was not included in 
 the simple homage. A vassal sometimes paid liege homage for one fief 
 and simple homage for another. Thus the Duke of Brittany agreed to 
 the former for the county of Montfort, but pretended only to owe the 
 second for his duchy.
 
 Chap. XV.] FEUDALISM. 203 
 
 and in others 20, a variation whicli made distant expe- 
 ditions impossible, and made the forces thus raised avail- 
 able only for wars in the near vicinity, or for private wars. 
 There were fiefs where military service could only be 
 claimed within the limits of the feudal territory, or even 
 only for defense. 
 
 II. The obligation to serve the suzerain in his court 
 of justice. As under the feudal regime the lord filled the 
 place of the State and was invested with the functions of 
 the public power ; he was obliged, in order to exercise 
 these functions, to collect about him the powers divided by 
 his vassals. Making war was one of his functions and the 
 administration of justice another. The lord summoned his 
 vassals to come to his courts, and it was their duty to come 
 either to serve him with their counsel or to take part in 
 judging the quarrels that were brought before him. They 
 also promised to give their assistance in carrying out the 
 sentences which they had pronounced. 
 
 III. l"he aids, some of which were legal or obligatory, 
 the others gracious or voluntary. The legal aids were 
 generally due in three cases ; when the lord was made 
 prisoner his ransom was to be paid, when he armed 
 his eldest son as knight, and when he married his eldest 
 daughter. The aids took the place of the public taxes 
 of the ancient and modern States, but were of a very 
 different character, as we have seen ; they neither recurred 
 at regular intervals nor were exacted by a general system 
 for the public needs ; but they had the appearance of 
 a voluntary gift, given under especial circumstances. An 
 annual impost would have seemed like an affront to the 
 vassals. 
 
 In addition to these services we must mention certain 
 feudal rights by which a lord, in virtue of his sovereignty, 
 could interfere in any important changes occurring on a 
 fief granted by him to a vassal. Some of these were sources 
 of new revenues to him. The rights were those of relief, a 
 sum of money paid by each heir on his succession to a 
 fief, especially if his succession was not in the direct line ; of 
 alienation, which must be paid by any one who should sell 
 or in any way alienate his fief ; of escheat and of co/iJiscatio?i, 
 by which the fief returned to the possession of the suzerain 
 if the vassal died without heirs, or if he had forfeited it and 
 deserved to be deprived of it ; of ■wardship, in virtue of
 
 204 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 which the lord during the minority of a vassal assumed his 
 guardianship, the administration of his fief, and used the 
 revenues ; and finally the right Qiinarriage,\h2Xv~> the right 
 of proposing a husband to the heiress of a fief and of 
 obliging her to choose one among the lords whom he pre- 
 sented to her. 
 
 The vassal who performed all his services with exactness 
 was virtually master of his fief. He could grant either a 
 part or the whole of it to others, and become in his turn 
 suzerain lord of vassals of a lower rank or of vavassors 
 (valvasors), who owed him services of the same kind that he 
 had promised to his own suzerain. In this way a hierarchy 
 was built up. 
 
 The suzerain had obligations as well as the vassal. He 
 could not withdraw his fief from his vassal arbitrarily, or 
 without good cause ; he must defend him if he were at- 
 tacked, and treat him with justice, etc. 
 
 We must notice that as the feudal system developed, 
 everything became a fief ; everything that could be granted, 
 such as the right to hunt in a forest, to fish in a river, or to 
 furnish an escort for merchants along the roads ; the village 
 oven,* and in fact any useful privilege granted on the con- 
 dition of fealty and homage became a fief. The lords mul- 
 tiplied these grants in order to multiply the number of men 
 who owed them military service. But the fief itself to which 
 rights of justice were attached, as a rule remained undivided, 
 and the whole of it was inherited by the oldest son. 
 
 The obligation of the vassals to assemble at the court of 
 justice of their lord, a court which they composed, shows us 
 that judgment by peers was the principle of feudal justice, 
 a principle equally marked in the German customs and in- 
 stitutions, where we saw free men judged by the assembly 
 of free men. Peers {pares, equals) were the vassals of the 
 same suzerain, established around him on the same territory 
 and invested with fiefs of the same rank. Even the king 
 had his peers, those who held their lands directly from him, 
 as king, not as duke of France. Every vassal had a right 
 
 * The term banal was applied to everything which the vassals could 
 be forced to use by the lord of the fief, in order to obtain certain dues. 
 Examples are the oven, the mill, and the wine press, to which the vassals 
 were obliged to bring their bread to be baked, their grain to be ground, 
 and their grapes to be pressed, and to leave part of what they brought as 
 a payment to the feudal lord for the service rendered.
 
 Chap. XV.] FEUDALISM. 205 
 
 to be judged by his peers and in the presence of his lord. 
 If the latter refused him justice, or if the vassal considered 
 that he had been unjustly judged, he preferred a charge 
 oi default of justice and appealed to his lord's suzerain. 
 Whenever a disagreement arose between a lord and his vas- 
 sal, it could always be brought before the next higher step 
 in the hierarchy. 
 
 This right of appeal, however, did not content the spirit 
 of individual independence which animated this warlike 
 society. The lords reserved with jealous care another 
 right of appeal, the appeal to arms. They preferred to take 
 justice into their own hands rather than to wait for another. 
 In this way the private wars arose, a practice which was so 
 common among the early German peoples, that they had a 
 special name for them (fe/ide). The formalities which 
 should precede these wars, and give the party who was to be 
 attacked sufficient warning, were established by law. Our 
 international wars really arise from the same principle and 
 are no more justifiable. The lords made war with their 
 little armies just as it is now waged with our great armies, 
 only then the hostilities had a narrower character, as the 
 states were smaller. Such contests, like our duels, the 
 combats of one man with one other man, were unknown to 
 antiquity. In reality the duel itself was one of the pro- 
 cedures of justice, at this time, and the judicial combat 
 fought in the lists, a practice handed down from the barba- 
 rians, was customary throughout the Middle Ages. 
 
 The courts held by the lords did not all have the same 
 extent of jurisdiction. There were three different degrees 
 in France, the haute, basse, and inoyenne justice (the high, 
 low, and mesne justice). The first alone could decide 
 questions of life or death. Generally the largest fiefs had 
 the most extended jurisdiction ; but sometimes a mere 
 vavassor held one of the highest courts, and sometimes a 
 lord, who only possessed the lower power, could punish with 
 death a thief taken in the act. Within these variable 
 limits the lord had the sole administration of justice over 
 his fief ; and when later the central government recovered 
 this right, it amounted to a revolution. 
 
 Before finishing the enumeration of the sovereign rights 
 that had fallen to the feudal lords, we must add two more. 
 The first was, they acknowledged no legislative authority 
 superior to their own throughout their fiefs. In the last
 
 2o6 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 capitularies of Charles the Simple, at the beginning of the 
 tenth centur}-, we see the final manifestation of a public legis- 
 lative power ; after that there were no more general laws, 
 either civil or political, but there were everywhere local cus- 
 toms, which were isolated, independent of each other and 
 different in different places,* and above all, territorial as 
 opposed to the personal character of the barbarian laws. 
 The second of these rights was that of coining money, which 
 is always a sign of sovereignty; even before Charlemagne 
 it seems that certain private persons had the i'ight to coin 
 money. After his time this was one of the rights usurped 
 by the nobles, and at the accession of Hugh Capet there 
 were no less than 150 men in France who exercised this 
 right. 
 
 Every political system displays its character by the 
 place from which its power is exercised. The ancient 
 republics had their agora and their forum ; the great 
 monarchy of Louis XIV. had its palace of Versailles ; 
 the feudal lords had their castles ; these were enormous 
 buildings, either round or square, massive, without orna- 
 ments or any pretensions to architectural style, and gen- 
 erally built on a hill. They were pierced by a few loop- 
 holes, from which arrows could be shot, and had a single 
 gate opening on a moat which could only be crossed by 
 a drawbridge ; they were crowned with battlements and 
 machicolations from which masses of rock, pitch, and melted 
 lead were thrown upon any assailant who had been bold 
 enough to approach the foot of the wall. These castles 
 now look like gray, jagged, and broken crows' nests torn by 
 storms, and, seen from a distance, these monuments at once 
 of legitimate defense and of oppression, entirely eclipse our 
 modern, small, and lightly built habitations. Nothing less 
 than these impregnable fortresses would have been sufficient 
 defense against tiie incursions of the Norsemen, or later, 
 during the feudal wars, and all fled to them at any alarm. 
 Those who had no right to live inside the castle itself, who 
 were neither nobles or warriors, established themselves at 
 the foot of its great walls under their mighty guardianship. 
 In this way many of our cities were formed. 
 
 * This wide diversity of the local customary law is an extremely im- 
 portant fact to be remembered in any study of the feudal system. It 
 makes any detailed description of feudal arrangements true only of lo- 
 calities. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XV.] FEUDALISM. 207 
 
 Even the clergy were included in this system of feudal- 
 ism. The bishop, formerly "defender" of the city, in many 
 cases had become its count, either through a 
 ^Feudalfsm^' gradual usurpation or by express concession 
 of the king, which united together the county 
 and the bishopric, the ecclesiastical and the civil author- 
 ity, and made the bishop the suzerain of all the lords in 
 his diocese. The Church possessed, in addition to the 
 tithes, immense estates which had been given her by the 
 faithful. To defend these against the brigandage of the 
 time, she resorted to secular means, and chose among the 
 laymen men of judgment and courage, to whom she confided 
 domains on the condition of their defending them with the 
 sword, in case of need. These avoue's [advocatus, vogt) of 
 the monasteries and churches did just as the counts of the 
 kings did, made their functions hereditary and took posses- 
 sion of the estates given to them to protect. They con- 
 sented, however, to consider themselves vassals of those they 
 had despoiled, to pay them fealty and homage, with the 
 usual conditions of rents in kind and of personal services. 
 Thus the abbots and the bishops became suzerains, and tem- 
 poral lords, with many vassals ready to fight for their cause, 
 with a court of justice, and in short all the prerogatives 
 exercised by the great proprietors. There were bishop 
 dukes, bishop counts, themselves vassals of other lords, and 
 especially of the king, from whom they received the inves- 
 titure of the lands attached to their churches, or as they 
 were called, their " temporalities." 
 
 This ecclesiastical feudalism was so extended and so 
 powerful, that in the Middle Ages it possessed more than a 
 fifth of all the lands in France and nearly one-third of those 
 in Germany. There was this difference between the Church 
 and the king, that the latter, after the conquest, gained 
 nothing more but was always giving, so that finally he pos- 
 sessed nothing but the city of Laon ; while the Church, 
 though she might lose a few domains, which was however 
 unlikely, as she had the ban of excommunication for a 
 weapon of defense, was always acquiring more property, as 
 few of the faithful died without leaving her some land, so 
 that she was always receiving and gave little or nothing, and 
 only when forced to do so. 
 
 Thus by the eleventh century the Europe of the Carolin- 
 gian times was divided into innumerable fiefs, each of which
 
 2o8 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 formed a state with a life, laws, and customs of its own, 
 and with an almost independent secular or 
 
 Serfs and Villeins. i • ^- i i • r 
 
 ecclesiastical chief. 
 
 We have now given a description of the social life and 
 privileges of the suzerains ; but it bj' no means applies to 
 the whole feudal society. This was the life led by the war- 
 like and fighting part of society, the part that rules, judges, 
 punishes, and oppresses. Below this was a society which 
 worked, supported the other, made clothing and armor for 
 it, built its castles and baked its bread, the society of the 
 serfs, or rather of the men under power, hotnme de poeste 
 {gens potestatis). Freemen were no longer to be found ; 
 they had entirely disappeared, some having raised them- 
 selves and become the fortunate lords, and others having 
 been pushed down into the lower ranks of society and be- 
 come serfs or villeins. The class of simple freemen which 
 had been almost entirely destroyed by the invasions in the 
 Roman empire, had again been swallowed up. There were 
 no longer any men who possessed freeholds (allodial lands), 
 or at least so few that they are hardly worth mentioning.* 
 
 The villeins were very numerous. The lord or noble 
 had not only vassals but also subjects living on those parts 
 of their estates that they had not made into fiefs, and from 
 the first these serfs, or more properly men of the soil, 
 \servi glebce\ were completely at his mercy. Beaumanoir 
 says : " The lords can deprive them of all they possess, 
 imprison them as often as they please, whether justly or 
 unjustly, and are responsible only to God for their acts." f 
 
 In spite of this the condition of the serf was better than 
 that of the slave of antiquity. The improved condition of 
 slaves at the end of the Roman empire survived the catas- 
 trophies of the invasion, and continued in feudal society. 
 
 * These statements need considerable modification. The tendency of 
 the feudal system was toward such results, but they were never completely 
 attained. There always remained free men, and allodial land continued 
 to exist in very considerable quantity ; there was indeed a very strong 
 tendency to turn land held by a feudal tenure into allodial land where- 
 ever circumstances were favorable. — Eu. 
 
 \ In what follows concerninjj the servile classes it must be remembered 
 that the utmost possible diversity existed in the same country and even 
 on the same domain. There were innumerable gradations of service and 
 of right, and assertions which are true of one place may be very mis- 
 leading as to the facts in another. — Eu.
 
 Chap. XV.] FEUDALISM. 209 
 
 The freeman in ancient times had been harder on the slave 
 than was the barbarian, in whom a certain instinct of liber- 
 aUty had been cultivated by the moral teachings of the 
 Christian religion. The serf was looked upon as a man, as 
 having family relations and, like his lord, descended from 
 the Father of all men, and like him made in the image of 
 God. The serfs could also enter the clergy, and in that 
 way often rose to a higher position than that of the most 
 powerful lords. 
 
 Above the serfs were those who had their lands under a 
 mortmain tenure, who, continues the old jurist Beaumanoir, 
 "were treated more kindly, for their lord can claim nothing 
 from them unless they do some wrong, except the rents and 
 services which custom has fixed for them to pay." But the 
 mortmain tenant could not marry without the consent of 
 his lord, and if he married a free woman or one born out- 
 side the seignorial lands he must pay a fine according to 
 his lord's will. This is the right oi fonnm-iage \^forismari- 
 tagtum'\. The children were to be divided equally between 
 the two lords. If there were only one child it should 
 belong to the lord of its mother. On the death of a mort- 
 main tenant without heirs in the same domain, all posses- 
 sions belonged to his lord. There was no way in which 
 they could escape from these claims. No matter where 
 they went, the right of pursuit followed their persons and 
 their property ; the lord always inherited his serf's pos- 
 sessions. 
 
 One step higher than these were the free tenants, called 
 villeins {roturiers). Their condition was less uncertain. 
 Unlike the serfs, they had retained their liberty, and on 
 condition of a yearly rent and of services {corvees) they held 
 the lands granted by the proprietor of the domain, which 
 lands and all they possessed they were able to transmit to 
 their children. But while the beneficiary tenures or fiefs 
 were guaranteed by a public and well determined law, these 
 servile or censive tenures were under the absolute jurisdic- 
 tion of the proprietor, and were only guaranteed by private 
 agreements. Therefore the villeins, especially those of the 
 country who did not need to be treated with as much con- 
 sideration as those of the cities, were subject to a power 
 that was often unbounded. We read in an ancient docu- 
 ment in respect to the lords : " They are lords of the heav- 
 ens and the earth, and they have jurisdiction over the land
 
 2IO FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 and what is under it, over body and soul, over the water, 
 the winds, and the meadows." The villein could not appeal 
 from a sentence, because the feudal law said : " Between 
 you, the suzerain, and you, the villein, there is no judge but 
 God." — " We acknowledge as belonging to our gracious 
 suzerain," says another formula, " both ban and summons, 
 the great forest, the bird in the air, the fish in the running 
 water, the animal in the thicket as far as our gracious lord 
 or his servitors can hunt. — In return our gracious suzerain 
 will take under his protection and care the widow and the 
 orphan as well as the peasant." Thus the lord possessed 
 all rights, but owed, in return, protection to the weak. This 
 was the principle of the feudal society in regard to its sub- 
 jects. Royalty no longer performed the duties for which 
 it was instituted, and the protection which could not be 
 obtained from the nominal head of the State was now 
 sought from the bishops, counts, barons, and all powerful 
 men.* 
 
 Everything belonged to the suzerain ; but as neither in- 
 dustry nor commerce existed, nor that luxury which allows 
 one person to consume in a few moments the result of the 
 work of many, the demands of the lords were not at first 
 oppressive, and these claims, as far as they respected the vil- 
 leins, were as definitely fixed as the rights of a land-owner 
 in regard to his tenants now are. Only, in considering the 
 Middle Ages, we must always take into account that arbi- 
 trary and violent acts, which the law would not tolerate in 
 the present times, could then be performed with impunity. 
 The obligations of the villein toward his lord were either 
 rents in knid, as provisions, grain, cattle, or poultry, pro- 
 ducts of the land and farm ; or labor, or services of the 
 body, the corv6es in the fields or the vineyard of the lord, 
 the building of the castle or cleansing of the moat, the 
 repairing of roads and the making of furniture, utensil;-, 
 horse-shoes, ploughshares, carriages, etc. In the cities and 
 wherever the villein was prosperous the lord was not spar- 
 ing in the exaction of rents in money and arbitrary taxes. 
 But a change was to come in time, and one of the clergy 
 
 * This sentence states the great social and political cause which called 
 the feudal system into being — the necessity, felt during all the interven- 
 ing ages, which transformed a few simple practices and institutions of 
 the fifth and sixth centuries into the complicated institutions of per- 
 fected feudalism, — Ed.
 
 Chap. XV.] FEUDALISM. 21 1 
 
 had already spoken these words : "The lord who demands 
 unjust dues from his villeins does so at the peril of his 
 soul." If the fear of heaven was not sufficient restraint, 
 the communes were already appearing, and the law officers 
 of the crown were close behind. There were also certain 
 fantastic feudal dues to enliven this dreary life lived by the 
 feudal lord, shut up between the dismal walls of his castle 
 from one year's end to another. In Bologna, in Italy, the 
 tenant of the Benedictines of Saint Proculus paid as a 
 fine the fumes of a boiled capon. Each year he brought 
 his capon to the abbot, placed between two plates, uncov- 
 ered it, and as soon as it stopped smoking, his rent was 
 paid and he carried off his capon. Elsewhere the peas- 
 ants brought solemnly to their lords, on a cart drawn by 
 four horses, a little bird, or perhaps a maypole decorated 
 with ribbons. The lords themselves often condescended 
 to take a part in these popular comedies. The Margrave 
 of Juliers, when making his solemn entrance, must be 
 mounted on a blind horse, with a wooden saddle and a 
 bridle of linden bark, and wearing two spurs of hawthorn, 
 and carrying a white staff. Whenever the abbot of Figeac 
 entered the city the lord of Monbrun received him in a 
 grotesque costume and with one leg bare. 
 
 So the feudal lords, wearied with the monotony of their 
 lives, joined sometimes in the laugh of the common people, 
 as the Church did also when she authorized the celebration 
 of the feast of the ass in her basilicas. Surely the power- 
 ful and the happy, in these times of sadness and poverty, 
 with misery everywhere and no security to be found, owed 
 to their serfs and villeins, at least, these few moments of 
 forgetfulness and gayety. 
 
 The Middle Ages were indeed hard ages for the poor, 
 when, in spite of all rules and all agreements, the nobles 
 
 ... recognized no right but that of force. Theo- 
 
 Anarcny and •n ••! 
 
 violence, terri- rctically the prmciplcs of the feudal relations 
 the ""pllsants*^ ^^^ vcry admirable, but in practice they led 
 Some good re- to auarchy ; for the judicial institutions were 
 so defective that the bonds of the vassal re- 
 lation were continually disregarded. This was the cause of 
 the interminable wars which sprang up throughout all 
 feudal Europe and which were the greatest scourge of the 
 period. As every one at once appealed to the sword if he 
 had suffered any wrong or if he considered any sentence
 
 212 FEUDALISM. [Book V, 
 
 pronounced against him unjust, this society was usually in 
 a state of war. Every hill became a fortress, and every 
 plain a battlefield. Fortified in their strong castles, 
 covered with iron armor, surrounded by warriors, the feudal 
 lords, tyrants as they were called by a monk of the eleventh 
 century, delighted in combats and knew no other way of 
 enriching themselves except by pillage. There was no 
 more commerce, for the roads were unsafe,* no industry, 
 for the lords who were masters also of the cities, taxed the 
 burghers the moment they saw the least sign of wealth. 
 The customs were different everywhere, as there were no 
 general laws, and each noble possessed the whole legislative 
 power over his fief ; the profoundest ignorance also pre- 
 vailed everywhere except inside the walls of a few monas- 
 taries. The clergy, the guardians of the moral laws, were 
 not able to forbid the prevailing violence, but only to regu- 
 late it somewhat by establishing the truce of God, which 
 prohibited private war from Wednesday evening till Mon- 
 day morning. 
 
 To the question, upon whom weighed the heavy burden 
 of these feudal wars, we may answer that they were exceed- 
 ingly fatal to the noble, though he was armed with iron ; 
 but they were much more so to the serf who was almost 
 without all protecting armor. At Brenneville, where a battle 
 took place between the kings of France and of England, 
 of the 900 knights who fought, only three were killed. At 
 Bouvines Philip Augustus was unhorsed, and was left 
 sometime without defense in the hands of the foot-soldiers 
 of his enemy ; but they sought in vain for some defect in 
 his armor through which to thrust the point of a dagger, and 
 they struck him with many weapons without being able to 
 break his cuirass. His knights could take their time in 
 coming to his rescue and in replacing him on a horse. 
 After this he rushed with them into the midst of the tur- 
 
 * The variety of money was also a great obstacle to commerce. One 
 hundred and fifty lords coined money in the eleventh century, and often 
 would only receive their own in payment ; so that merchants were forced 
 to use a different kind in almost every fief to which they came ; a 
 great disadvantage to them. We must also mention as other impedi- 
 ments to commerce, the droit d'aubaine, by which any stranger who lived 
 a year and a day on the fief became, in a sense, the serf of its feudal lord. 
 His possessions fell to the lord on his death. The suzerain also pos- 
 sessed the right of obtaining lodgment from his vassal and the right of 
 requiring horses, carriages, food, etc., when he was traveling.
 
 Chap. XV.] FEUDALISM. 213 
 
 moil, and their long lances and heavy axes never struck in 
 vain. Besides, if a noble were taken prisoner, it was another 
 calamity, for his ransom must be paid. But who would 
 pay for the burned cottage and harvest of the serf ? Who 
 would bind up his wounds, and who would care for the 
 many widows and orphans ? 
 
 Two contemporary authors, historians of the crusades, 
 describe these disastrous times in the following words. 
 Guibert of Nogent says : " Before the Christians started for 
 the lands beyond the sea, the kingdom of France was a prey 
 to continual disturbances and quarrels. The one subject 
 of conversation was the brigandage on the public ways. 
 There were numberless fires and wars waged in every direc- 
 tion for no better cause than insatiable cupidity. In short, 
 covetous men showed no respect for propert}^, and gave 
 themselves up to pillage with unbridled audacity." Wil- 
 liam, the archbishop of Tyre, says : " No property was 
 secure. If any one was thought to be rich it was considered 
 reason enough for imprisoning him, keeping him in irons, 
 and subjecting him to cruel tortures. Brigands, armed with 
 swords, beset the roads, lay in ambush, and spared neither 
 foreigners or the men consecrated to the work of God. 
 Even the cities and strong places were not safe from these 
 evils, for hired assassins made the streets and squares 
 dangerous for men of property." During the seventy 
 years from 970-1040 there were forty years of either famine 
 or plague. 
 
 Nevertheless, the progress of civilization is never so com- 
 pletely obstructed that three centuries can pass without 
 bringing some good to mankind. Among the men of the 
 Church there was a renewed activity of thought, and in 
 secular society poetry again made its appearance. 
 
 There was also some progress in morality, at least among 
 the ruling class. In the isolation in which every one lived 
 the soul gained a new vigor with which to face the ever 
 present perils. The consciousness of the dignity of man, 
 which had been destroyed by despotism, was felt again, and 
 this society, that shed blood with the most perfect freedom, 
 often showed a moral elevation formed only during that 
 epoch. The low vices and indolence, the cowardice of the 
 Romans of the age of decline and of conquered peoples, 
 were utterly unknown at this time ; and we have inherited 
 from it our sense of honor. The nobles of the feudal ages
 
 214 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 knew how to die, and this is the first step toward knowing- 
 how to Hve. 
 
 Another happy consequence of this system was the reor- 
 ganization of the family. - In the ancient cities a man lived 
 anywhere but in his own house, his life was spent in the 
 fields, or in the forum ; he hardly knew his wife and chil- 
 dren, while he had the power of life and death over them. 
 In the first age after the conquest, the custom of virtual 
 polygamy and the ease with which divorces could be 
 obtained prevented the family life from being reformed. 
 In the feudal society, where men lived in isolation, the father 
 drew nearer to his family. When he was not busy with 
 combats he was idle in his castle, which was perched like an 
 eagle's nest on the top of some mountain, and had nothing 
 but his wife and children to occupy his heart and life. The 
 Church, which had succeeded in making these rude soldiers 
 bow down at the feet of a virgin, and had made them 
 respect in the Mother of the Saviour all the virtues of 
 women, softened the wild spirits of these warriors and pre- 
 pared them to feel the charm of the finer spirit and more 
 delicate sentiments bestowed by nature on the weaker sex. 
 Woman returned to her proper place in the family and in 
 society, the place assigned her by the Mosaic law. And 
 more than this, she became the object of a worship which 
 created new feelings, which were celebrated by the trouba- 
 dours and trouveres, and was practiced in chivalry. Thus, 
 as in the beautiful legend of St. Christopher, the strong 
 was overcome by the weak, the giant by the child. 
 
 This can be seen in an institution of the times. Robert 
 d'Arbrissel founded near Saumur, at Fontevrault, about the 
 year iioo, an abbey which soon became famous, and in 
 which were recluses of both sexes. The women were clois- 
 tered, and spent their lives in prayer. The men worked in 
 the fields, drained marshes, cleared the land, and were the 
 constant servitors of the women. The abbey was governed 
 by an abbess, "because Jesus Christ at his death had given 
 his best beloved disciple to his mother as her son," says the 
 bull of confirmation. 
 
 Except as regards the family, the state was certainly 
 badly organized. We must, nevertheless, in spite of all 
 things to the contrary, carefully observe the political theory 
 which this society represents. Though the serf had no 
 rights, the vassal had, and very extended ones too. The
 
 Chap. XV.] FEUDALISM. 215 
 
 feudal relation war; never formed except on conditions which 
 were well known to him and accepted by him ; no new con- 
 ditions could be imposed upon him without his consent. 
 From this fact the following great maxims of public right, 
 in spite of a thousand violations of them, have come down 
 to us : that no tax can be imposed without the consent of 
 the tax-payers, no law is valid unless accepted by those who 
 are to owe it obedience, and that no sentence is lawful 
 unless pronounced by the peers of the accused. These 
 are the rights maintained by feudal society, which were dis- 
 covered under the ruins of absolute monarchy by the States- 
 General of 1789 ; and as a guarantee of these rights, the 
 vassal could break the tie which bound him to his lord by 
 giving up his fief, or he could answer a refusal of justice 
 from his suzerain by war. This right of armed resistance, 
 recognized even by Saint Louis, led, indeed, to anarchy, and 
 made the individual strong at the expense of society in 
 general. But this was the proper place at which to begin. 
 Before the state could be well organized it was necessary 
 to raise the individual and the family ; and this double 
 task was the work of the Middle Ages. 
 
 The Church did much toward this end by establishing 
 the sanctity of the marriage tie, even for the serf, by 
 preaching the equality of all men before God, which was a 
 continual protest against the great inequalities on earth ; 
 by proclaiming, in applying the principle of election to her 
 highest office, the rights of intelligence as opposed to the 
 only rights recognized by the feudal world, the rights of 
 force ; and finally by crowning with her triple crown, and by 
 installing in the chair of St. Peter, a position higher than 
 that of the kings, a serf, as was, perhaps, Hadrian IV., or 
 the son of a poor carpenter, as Gregory VII. was said 
 to be. 
 
 Such were the customs which ruled in all the countries 
 
 comprised within the limits of the empire of Charlemagne ; 
 
 . . , that is, in almost the whole of the Germanic 
 
 Geographical , , '. 
 
 description of world, in i< raucc, Germany, Italy, and the 
 Feudal Europe, j^^^th of Spain. The political geography of all 
 these counties was formed on the lines of their feudal organi- 
 zation. Since the words, "no land without a lord" were 
 the fundamental axiom of feudalism, there was not a single 
 domain, however small, that was not to some extent incor- 
 porated in the hierarchy. Among all these rising ranks of
 
 2i6 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 suzerainties the royal suzerainty was the only one whose 
 limits in any way corresponded with those of the different 
 nationalities, which were already showing themselves 
 though in the vaguest outlines. 
 
 It is on the basis of this suzerainty, an empty word 
 enough at the time, but containing all the future of the 
 royal power, that we comprise, under the name of France, 
 countries not then known by the name, but which were 
 under the suzerainty of the Duke of France, in his quality 
 of king. The duchy was still the most valuable and sub- 
 stantial possession of the king, although even this great 
 fief had been much diminished in extent. The former 
 vassals of Robert the Strong, the counts of Anjou, of Blois, 
 and of Chartres, had become powerful feudatories ; and of 
 the former duchy of France Philip I. possessed only the 
 counties of Paris, Melun, Etampes, Orleans and Sens, and 
 did not even possess the right of free passage from one of 
 these cities to another. Between Paris and Etampes there 
 was the chateau of the lord of Montlhery ; between Paris 
 and Melun the city of Corbeil, whose count hoped some- 
 time to be able to found a fourth dynasty ; and between 
 Paris and Orleans the chateau of Puiset, which was finally 
 taken by Louis VI. after a three years' war. Still nearer to 
 Paris were the lords of Montmorency and of Dammartin ; 
 and to the west the counts of Montfort, of Meulan, and of 
 Mantes, all of whom robbed merchants and pilgrims, even 
 when armed with the safe conduct of the king. These were 
 the domains of the Duke of France ; he also had powerful 
 vassals in the counties of Ponthieu between the Canche and 
 the Somme, of Amiens, of Vermandois and of Valois, and 
 of Soissons and Clermont in Beauvais. 
 
 Surrounding the Duchy of France, now a royal domain, 
 and between the Loire, the ocean, the Scheldt, the upper 
 part of the Meuse and the Saone, were vast feudal princi- 
 palities whose possessors rivaled their suzerain, the king, 
 in wealth and in power. These were the county of 
 Flanders, which extended from the Scheldt to St. Omer or 
 beyond, and which was held under the emperors, as well as 
 the kings of France, as the count had bought in the tenth 
 century several (German fiefs on the farther side of the 
 Scheldt ; the duchy of Normandy, which extended from 
 the Bresle to the Coucsnon, and whose owner had been 
 master of England since 1066, and also claimed to hold
 
 Chap. XV.] FEUDALISM. 217 
 
 Brittany in his tenure ; the county of Anjou, to which Sain- 
 tonge and Maine had been added, and whose proprietors 
 often leagued themselves with the kings of the Capetian 
 ■Jynasty against Normandy, and in this way gained the dig- 
 nity of grand seneschal ; they were also related to the 
 Capetians by various intermarriages ; the duchy of Bur- 
 gundy, which had been held since 1032 by a younger branch 
 of the family of France ; and finally the county of Cham- 
 pagne, which was exceedingly powerful under Eudes II. 
 (1019-1037). 
 
 Between the Loire and the Pyrenees the ancient king- 
 dom of Aquitaine was divided into four great fiefs {fiefs 
 dominants); the duchy of Aquitaine at the north, belonging 
 since 845 to the powerful counts of Poitiers, at the south- 
 west, between the Garonne and the Pyrenees, the duchy of 
 Gascony, the title to which had been bought by the count 
 of Poitiers in 1052 ; the county of Toulouse, to which had 
 been joined the marquisate of Provence ; and finally the 
 »;ounty of Barcelona which lay partly to the south and partly 
 ^o the north of the eastern Pyrenees. Thanks to their re- 
 moteness from their suzerain, most of the lords of these fiefs 
 styled themselves dukes and counts by the grace of God. 
 
 The great feudatories, immediate vassals of the crown, 
 were called the peers of the king. When the institution 
 of the peerage * was regulated in the twelfth century, there 
 were six lay and six ecclesiastical peers. The former were 
 the dukes of Burgundy, Normandy, and Aquitaine, and tht 
 counts of Flanders, Champagne, and Toulouse ; the latter, 
 the archbishop-duke of Rheims, the two bishop-dukes of 
 Laon and of Langres, and the three bishop-counts of Beau- 
 vais, Chalons, and Noyon. 
 
 Among the rear fiefs (arrilre-fiefs) there were at least 
 one hundred counties and a great number of vice-counties, 
 signories, episcopal counties, seignoral abbeys, baronies, etc. 
 
 It will not do to try to simplify the aspect of Europe by 
 attributing too great an extent to the imperial suzerainty. 
 The emperor at times pretended to consider France as a 
 vassal state, and was justified in this by the tradition of 
 former times ; but his right was never recognized. The 
 
 * The origin of this institution is a matter of great uncertainty. There 
 is, however, no good evidence of its appearance before the reig^ of 
 Philip Augustus at the beginning of the thirteenth century. — Ed.
 
 2i8 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, reconstituted 
 b}' Otto the Great in 962, really only comprised the king- 
 doms of Germany, Italy, and Aries. The kingdom of Ger- 
 many, on becoming an empire, was directly subject to the 
 emperor, as was Aries since the union of 1033. The king- 
 dom of Italy, which extended as far as and included Bene- 
 ventum, had also been directly subject to him since 962, 
 though the Pope and the other great feudal lords at the 
 center were almost independent. The popes had ther.i- 
 selves received the homage of the Normans of Southern 
 Italy. The kingdom of Aries itself soon became com- 
 pletely separated from the empire. The kingdom of Ger- 
 many was bounded on the west by the Meuse and the 
 Scheldt ; on the northwest by the North Sea ; on the north 
 by the Eider, the Baltic, and by the Slavic territory ; on 
 the east by the Oder, with the kingdoms of Hungary and 
 Poland ; and on the south by the Alps. It was divided 
 into nine great territorial divisions, namely : 
 
 The great duchy of Saxony, which extended from the 
 Oder almost to the right bank of the Rhine, and from 
 Friesland and Denmark, at the north, to Thuringia and 
 Bohemia at the south. 
 
 Thuringia, which lay between Bohemia, Franconia, and 
 Saxony, and was regarded as a province of the latter. 
 
 Bohemia and Moravia, subject to the same hereditary 
 duke who had recognized the suzerainty of the empire, 
 and who often succeeded in having his own suzerainty 
 recognized by the King of Poland. 
 
 The duchy of Bavaria, which lay between the Alps and 
 the mountains of Bohemia, and included the East Mark, 
 which later became Austria. 
 
 The duchy of Carinthia, on the upper part of the Drave 
 and the Save. 
 
 Alemannia, which included Swabia, which latter name 
 was beginning to predominate over the other, and which 
 extended to the German Switzerland and to Alsace. 
 
 Franconia, which lay between Swabia to the south, the 
 Bavarian Nordgau, and Thuringia to the east. Saxony to 
 the north, and the Rhine to the west. 
 
 Lorraine, which extended from Franconia and Saxony to 
 the Scheldt and beyond the upper part of the Meuse. 
 
 Friesland, which was situated on the shores oi the North 
 Sea. These were the eight great German duchies, for
 
 Chap. XV.] FEUDALISM. 21$ 
 
 Thuringia, as dependent on Saxony, did not count.* 
 Besides these there were nine or ten marken (margra- 
 vates), a great number of counties, and several prince- 
 bishoprics, and seignorial abbeys. This German feudalism 
 was as yet not very thoroughly organized, but it was to 
 become powerful, while the royal house, which was at this 
 time much richer and stronger than in France, was to lose 
 all its domains and power. We shall see the causes that 
 led to this result in later chapters. 
 
 The kingdom of Aries, lying between the south of France 
 on the west, the Mediterranean on the south, and the Alps, 
 the Reuss, the Rhine, and the southern part of the Vosges 
 on the east and north, was at the same time within and 
 without the boundaries of modern PVance, and extended over 
 Languedoc, Provence, the Dauphine, Lyonnais, Franche- 
 Comte, Savoy, and Switzerland. Like the others, it con- 
 tained both ecclesiastical and lay principalities. The 
 county of Savoy was destined eventually to have a brilliant 
 career. The power of the kings of Aries disappeared, 
 however, very early. It was first divided into two states, 
 transjurane Burgundy and cisjurane Burgundy, then re- 
 united in 933, and finally, a century later, was bequeathed 
 to the King of Germany. He made it nominally a part of 
 the German empire, but in reality it only belonged to its 
 feudal chiefs, its bishops, and counts. 
 
 We have seen that, by his edict of 1037, Conrad pre- 
 vented the formation of any extended feudal system in 
 Italy, and as a result many of the cities had become virtu- 
 ally republics. The kingdom of Italy was composed of the 
 following states and cities : Lombardy, in which were the two 
 great cities of Milan and Pavia, around one or the other of 
 which most of the other Lombard cities were grouped ; on 
 the coasts of the two seas there were situated three rich and 
 powerful cities: Venice, which already possessed the coasts 
 of Dalmatia across the Adriatic ; Genoa, the mistress of 
 Corsica ; and Pisa, the mistress of Sardinia ; the duchy or 
 marquisate of Tuscany, the most powerful of all the Italian 
 fiefs. In the center of the peninsula were situated the 
 domains of the Church, in the ancient Exarchate which 
 was claimed both by the Pope and the Archbishop of 
 
 * Nor was Friesland at any time under a duke. Lorraine was divided 
 into two duchies under Otto I. — Ed.
 
 220 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 Ravenna, and also the republic of Rome, whose jurisdic- 
 tion extended over the whole Roman Campagna, the ancient 
 Latium. In the south the Lombard Dukes of Benevento 
 at first kept a better hold on their duchy than did Charle- 
 magne's successors on his crown, and the emperors of the 
 Eastern Empire still retained various points on the coasts, 
 which were continually harassed by the Arabs. The latter 
 had landed in Sicily in 827. 
 
 Some newcomers, the Normans, were trying to reconcile 
 these various masters of Southern Italy with each other by 
 subjugating them all ; and in the eleventh century they 
 founded four states in Southern Italy, the principality of 
 Capua and Aversa, the duchy of Apulia and Calabria, the 
 principality of Tarentum, and the great county of Sicily. 
 
 Spain was engaged in bitter struggles with the Moors, 
 but by the end of the century succeeded m conquering 
 Oporto, Toledo, and Valencia ; the kingdom of Oviedo 
 became the kingdom of Leon. The Carolingian mark, at 
 the source of the Ebro, had also become a part of the 
 kingdom of Navarre ; that of Barcelona, in Catalonia, " the 
 land of the Goths," had remained a county and was depend- 
 ant on France, though very powerful. Since 1035 there 
 had been a fourth kingdom, the kingdom of Aragon. We 
 shall return to these Spanish kingdoms and give their his- 
 tory later on. 
 
 The feudal system had been carried to England by the 
 Normans, but under conditions and with consequences 
 which were peculiar to the country, and which impelled it 
 in quite a different direction from the rest of feudal Europe. 
 As feudalism arose from the institutions and the vicissi- 
 tudes of the Carolingian empire, it did not exist, strictly 
 speaking, in the Slavic and Scandinavian countries. We 
 will, however, give a slight sketch of the political geography 
 of these countries during the eleventh century. 
 
 The kingdom of England, conquered by William the 
 Bastard in 1066, extended from the Channel to Carlisle and 
 Bamborough in the north, which served as a bulwark against 
 Scotland ; the country of Wales was beyond the Norman 
 dominion, and they were obliged to build a line of strong 
 castles, which were given into the keeping of the lords of 
 the frontiers (Marches), to arrest Welsh incursions ; Scot- 
 land had lost Cumberland, which was now attached to Eng- 
 land, and several of her peninsulas at the west and north
 
 Chap. XV.] FEUDALISM. 221 
 
 were held by the King of the Isles. Ireland was still inde- 
 pendent, and divided among several native kings. 
 
 Denmark was composed of Jutland, of the Danish Isles, 
 and of Scania, on the coast of Sweden. Norway was com- 
 posed of the county of Orkney, the Faroe Islands, etc. 
 
 Sweden had the islands of ^land and of Gotland, a part 
 of Lapland and the coasts of Finland. The piracy of the 
 vikings had ceased in the three Scandinavian kingdoms, 
 and monarchical unity was re-established ; but the ambi- 
 tions of the different families, internecine wars, and the 
 geographical position of these countries, which seemed to 
 put them outside the general range of the affairs of Christ- 
 endom, prevented their inhabitants for a long time from 
 taking any part in European politics. 
 
 There were Slavic states on the shores of the Baltic, and 
 we have also the duchy of Poland ; the state of the Prus- 
 sians and that of the Lithuanians ; the Grand Duchy of 
 Russia, which was divided into a number of rival princi- 
 palities, and the kingdom of Hungary, which was separated 
 from Bohemia by the Moravian mark. 
 
 In Europe, the Empire of the East possessed the great 
 peninsula to the south of the Danube and the Save, between 
 the Archipelago, the Adriatic, and the Black Sea, with the 
 exception of Croatia, which had been recently conquered by 
 the Hungarians ; and in Asia Minor it still held some forti- 
 fied cities on the coast. Menaced by the Normans of Italy, 
 who wished to get possession of Greece, by the Arabs of 
 Egypt and Africa, who infested the Archipelago, by the 
 Turks of Asia Minor, who were encamped on the opposite 
 side of the Bosphorus, by the Russians, who had besieged 
 Constantinople four times, and by the Petchenegs, who had 
 quite recently taken possession of Thrace, and besides this, 
 ill supported by the barbarians of every race who lived in 
 his provinces or were in his pay, the Emperor Alexis was 
 soon obliged to call the Christian peoples of the west to 
 the aid ot the last remains of the Roman empire.
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 CIVILIZATION IN THE NINTH AND TENTH CENTURIES. 
 
 Charlemagne's fruitless efforts in behalf of Literature. — Second Renais- 
 sance after the year looo. — Latin language. — Language of the com- 
 mon People. — Chivalry, Architecture, 
 
 We have seen how complete a dissolution of the social 
 order of things followed Charlemagne's death. "Civiliza- 
 , tion shared the same fate, though its ele- 
 vain'^e^^t"^in mcnts had begun to draw together and take 
 te^rs*^'*^ °^ '^* shape under his hands. He had clearly seen 
 that unity of ideas is the cement which is in- 
 dispensable to political unity, and, like all great mmds, 
 he had a strong desire to reign over a civilized rather than 
 a barbarian empire. Hence his letters and capitularies, 
 in which he ordains that "schools for children shall be 
 formed, and the sons, not only of serfs but also of free 
 men, shall be called in"; that is to say, not only the chil- 
 dren of the poor country people to whom the warriors dis- 
 dainfully left the humble and peaceful career of the clerk 
 and the monk, but also those who were one day to take 
 the places of those warriors and carry the great swords of 
 their fathers in battle. " You are counting," he said to 
 the sons of his noblemen, when, after examining them him- 
 self he found that they knew less than the children of the 
 poor, " you are counting on the services rendered by your 
 fathers, but I wish you to know that th6y have had their 
 reward, and that the State owes nothing except to him who 
 has deserved it by his own efforts." 
 
 Mandates like those, uttered by such a man, could have 
 no other result than to form an enlightened community of 
 laymen which would have changed the character of the 
 Middle Ages. Though he had to make a stubborn fight 
 against the obstinacy and boorishness of his people, Charle- 
 magne had already succeeded in opening public schools 
 near every monastery and every cathedral church in the
 
 Chap. XVI.] CIVILIZATION. 223 
 
 empire. The counts and knights sent their children to 
 them whether they wished to do it or not. On his death 
 there was, no doubt, a feeling of universal joy, as on the 
 death of Louis XIV. All the school-going nobility threw 
 their Latin and Teutonic grammars to the winds ; they saw 
 with joy a career of civil war opening before them, when 
 every one could do as he chose, and where there was 
 room for as much license as valor. 
 
 All hope was lost of forming an enlightened society. 
 The ecclesiastical body at least had retained something of 
 the impetus which Charlemagne had given to learning. 
 Beneath the ruins of the great structure which he had 
 raised, and which had not been entirely overthrown, a 
 refuge was found for an intellectual development possess- 
 ing a certain grandeur of its own. Alcuin's place was 
 filled by Hmcmar, and Charles the Bald endeavored to 
 imitate Charlemagne. In 855 the law and a council vied 
 with each other in recommending instruction in both 
 divine and humane literature ; in 859 they made fresh 
 attempts to restore the Carolingian schools, " because the 
 suspension of study in this way leads to ignorance of 
 the faith and to a dearth of all knowledge." We find 
 in the year 882 the first mention of the episcopal school at 
 Paris, whose later career was so brilliant, and in the cata- 
 logue of the St. Requier library for the year 831, 256 
 volumes are noted, among which were the Eclogues of 
 Virgil and the Rhetoric of Cicero, Terence, IMacrobius, 
 and perhaps Trogus Pompeius, which last is lost to us. 
 
 About that time there was a philosophical movement and 
 disputes which foreshadowed those of the great centuries 
 of the Middle Ages ; the German monk Gottschalk believed 
 that he had found the dogma of predestination in the writ- 
 ings of St. Augustine. After being opposed by the learned 
 bishop of Mainz, Rabanus Maurus, a disciple of Alcuin, 
 and being condemned by two councils, he was confined in a 
 cloister by Hincmar, until his death, but he did not once 
 show a desire to retract his words. The celebrated Irish- 
 man, John Scotus Erigena, who was charged by Hincmar 
 to reply to him, had to be in turn suppressed because his 
 argument was so exclusively dialectic and philosophical, as 
 he himself called it, and drawn, in fact, from the study of the 
 ancient philosophers. But the political confusion was daily 
 increasing ; the empire was entirely broken up ; the nobles
 
 224 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 were fighting, despoiling, and working havoc at their will. 
 There was no room for scholarship in the midst of such 
 confusion. So it vanished, except in a few isolated mon- 
 asteries where the last feeble rays of science found their 
 only refuge from the fierce blasts of the tenth century. 
 Outside these walls there reigned profound darkness ; 
 frightful misery, both physical and moral ; plagues and 
 famines, when human flesh, and flour mixed with chalk, 
 brought their weight in gold. It seemed as if physical 
 death was about to get possession of the world which had 
 already been overcome by intellectual death ; indeed, man- 
 kind itself was persuaded of this fact. As the year looo 
 approached no more building went on, no repairing, no 
 laying by for a future day, at least for a future here below. 
 They gave their lands and their houses to the clergy, inundi 
 fine appropi)iqiiante, for the end of the world was at hand.* 
 But, like all other hours, this hour of anguish and 
 irrepressible terror passed by. The sun rose again on the 
 
 ^ „ first day of the year looi. Suspended ani- 
 se con a Re- . ■' , •' . , . ^ rT-., ,j 
 
 naissance after mation returned with new vigor. J he world 
 '°°°- gave thanks to the God who had let them 
 
 live, by conceiving a glorious thought of Christian unity 
 and of religious heroism, which was expressed by the head 
 of Christianity : " Soldiers of Christ," cried Silvester II. 
 (999-1003), referring to the ruin of Jerusalem, " Soldiers 
 of Christ, arise, you must fight in his cause." A century 
 had not elapsed before millions of men had responded to 
 this call. 
 
 In the mean time, all went to work ; the earth seemed to 
 cast aside its age and to deck itself in a fine array of new 
 churches. Basilicas were rebuilt, monasteries were founded. 
 Only 1 108 had been built in France in the space of eight 
 centuries, while 326 sprang up in the eleventh, and 702 in 
 the twelfth century. In the rest of Christian Europe the 
 same pious duties were being performed, and in equal num- 
 ber, for in those two centuries the movement which put a 
 fourth part of the soil into the hands of the clergy was at its 
 
 * This dark picture could easily be relieved by touches of another sort. 
 There was no peculiar fear of the approaching end of the world con- 
 nected with the year 1000. It was a common feeling for two or three 
 centuries of this period. See New Englander and Yale Review, vol. xii., 
 p. 369.— Ed.
 
 Chap. XVI.] CIVILIZATION. 22$ 
 
 height. It was at that time a useful measure, though it 
 had bad results later on. 
 
 At the same time Hfe returned to the intellectual world. 
 Silvester II. set the example. While yet a simple monk of 
 Aurillac, under the name of Gerbert, he went to study liter- 
 ature, algebra, and astronomy, among the Mohammedans 
 of Spain, and to open up to Christian Europe a new source 
 of knowledge, Arabian science ; he collected a large library, 
 constructed globes, and contrived a pendulum-clock, such 
 a wonderful thing to the multitude, that he passed in their 
 eyes for a magician who had sold himself to the devil. In 
 I022 heretical opinions made their appearance in Orleans : 
 it was not a symptom of declining strength but of a new 
 growth of religious feeling ; the human mind was anxious to 
 be convinced of what it believed. Thirteen heretics, con- 
 demned by a council, perished at the stake. 
 
 Society had already grown tired of brigandage ; by in- 
 stinct it was led to emerge from the general confusion, to 
 take its stand on the new foundations which had been 
 formed in the midst of the chaos, to lead a more regular 
 social life, and to develop with some security the new civili- 
 zation born of the stormy elements and convulsions of the 
 tenth century. As interpreter of the public need, whence she 
 drew the authority for her commands, the Church was not 
 afraid to place bounds upon the violence of the barons : 
 she established the Truce of God (1041), which forbade all 
 private warfare from Wednesday evening till Monday morn- 
 ing, and threatened ^all who transgressed this law with the 
 most severe punishments, both temporal and spiritual. 
 
 The two societies, the ecclesiastic and the lay, the one 
 owning as it did, but one master, obeying one idea, mature 
 and well wrought out, and undertaking to 
 ^^language." correct and repress the other society ; the 
 latter of recent growth, developing sponta- 
 neously and having no guide but its passion and instincts, 
 these two societies have henceforth their separate languages. 
 The speech of the first had not changed ; in its churches 
 and convents, sheltered from the storms without, it had 
 preserved the language of universal domination and of 
 learning, the Latin language — not, it is true, in its pristine 
 purity, but adapted to present needs, a living and national 
 language, so to speak, in the domain of the Church. The 
 second language, emerging from its infancy, brought with
 
 2 26 FE UDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 it many new idioms, still imperfect, rough, uncertain, and 
 variable, but they were used by all, they had life and vigor, 
 and were the expression of the thoughts and feelings which 
 animated all men. In Germany the spoken language was 
 Teutonic, confined, perhaps, after the tenth century, to the 
 other side of the Meuse ; in Italy, the Italian language, 
 which had not yet produced anything, though, thanks to 
 Dante and Petrarch, it was destined to reach its perfection 
 sooner than the others ; in France, the Romance language, 
 which was already divided into the northern Romance, 
 {latigue d'oil), and the southern Romance or Provencal, 
 \langue d'oc), following the different manners and charac- 
 ters of these two portions of Gaul. The Romance language 
 developed from the Gallo-Roman language, which was 
 spoken in the two Gauls at the time of the Roman empire, 
 and which the barbarians of Germany and the north had 
 modified, according as their genius or their ignorance led 
 them. Its foundation is Latin ; almost no changes occur 
 except in the forms. Analysis takes the place of synthesis. 
 Inflexion by terminations to indicate the case of substantives 
 and the person of verbs was too subtle foi* the barbarian 
 mind and gave way to articles, pronouns, and auxiliary verbs. 
 The sonorous quality of the languages of the south took 
 on a hard sound in the harsh voices of the north. The Nor- 
 mans, who adopted the language of the conquered nations 
 among whom they settled, have been most active in the 
 work of language formation. For instance, out of charitas 
 they have made charitc, while the southern tribes stopped 
 at the first transformation which this word underwent, 
 namely, charitad. We have before us then the two instru- 
 ments of the literature of the Middle Ages : first, the Latin, 
 imposing in its unity ; and second, the common and na- 
 tional idioms in all their diversity ; one the organ of the 
 spiritual, the other the organ of the temporal world. De- 
 bates on religious and philosophical subjects were held, and 
 the chronicles were written in Latin, and no longer, as in 
 Charlemagne's time, was it the will of one man, but the needs 
 of all, which caused this revival in letters. The monas- 
 teries were now the centers of learning. 
 
 All France joined in this second renaissance, and espec- 
 ially the province of Normandy, where the warlike spirit of 
 feudal society had already showed itself in its highest form 
 of expression. The magnificent abbey of Fontenelle or of
 
 Chap. XVI.] CIVILIZATION. 227 
 
 St. Vandrille, restored by the duke in the year 1035, was a 
 Norman possession ; also that of Jumieges, whose imposing 
 ruins can still be seen, and the Abbey of Bee, founded in 
 1040, which acquired fame at the very beginning of its 
 existence owing to the presence of two great doctors there, 
 Lanfranc and St. Anselm, not to mention the monasteries 
 of St. Stephen of Caen, of Rouen, of Avranches, of Bayeux, 
 of Fecamp, and of Mt. St. Michael, "in the midst of the 
 dangers of the deep" {in pericido maris). William the 
 Bastard was called the Conqueror, but he also earned the 
 name of the "great builder." If the noblemen did not 
 know how to write, by right of birth, and " in the capacity 
 of barons," the monks, in the retirement of the monasteries, 
 were no longer content merely to copy the rare manuscripts 
 which have survived the shipwreck of ancient civilization ; 
 they took an interest in the events going on about them, 
 and wrote them down, or they made great efforts to 
 strengthen their faith by theological discussions, which 
 again showed signs of learning. Richer, who was a pupil 
 of Silvester II., and a physician as well as a monk, wrote in 
 the Abbey of St. Remi a history of the tenth century, in 
 which he imitates Sallust, as Eginhard imitated Suetonius. 
 Abbo, a monk of St. Germain, sings in rather limping verse 
 the exploits of Count Eudes and the Parisians against the 
 Norsemen, while another monk, William, at the abbey of 
 Jumieges, wrote the history from the Norman point of view. 
 While some were writing others were teaching, and 
 scholars flocked from far and near. More than four thou- 
 sand gathered to listen to the Italian Lanfranc (1005- 
 1089) at St. Stephen's of Caen. He tried in vain to find a 
 refuge in the solitude of Bee from the reputation which 
 followed him even there ; in spite of himself he was raised 
 to the archbishopric of Canterbury. The intellectual 
 activity thus reviving sometimes turned aside from the 
 beaten track. The heresy which led thirteen unfortunate 
 beings to the stake in 1022 has already been mentioned. 
 Another heresy, stirred up by Berengar of Tours, troubled 
 the Church for more than thirty years (10501080). Beren- 
 gar, like Scotus Erigena, looked upon the Eucharist as a 
 symbol merely, and subjected the articles of his faith to a 
 process of reasoning. " You must, however, be resigned 
 not to understand," the Bishop of Liege, his friend, said to 
 him, •' for can you ever understand the mystery of God ? "
 
 228 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 But Berengar wished to account to himself for his belief 
 and boldly carried his reasoning powers into the midst of 
 the mysteries. He is one of the forerunners of Luther, 
 though Luther did not know any of his writings. Lan- 
 franc was his principal adversary. 
 
 St. Anselm, an Italian like Lanfranc, and his successor at 
 the Abbey of Bee and in the see of Canterbury, gave a fresh 
 impulse to dogmatic theology, which had been almost neg- 
 lected since the time of St. Augustine, that is, for six cen- 
 turies. He took his stand upon the dogmas of Christianity, 
 with an absolute faith in them, and employed all the force 
 of his powerful intellect and all the resources of dialectics, 
 that is to say, of the art of reasoning, to demonstrate their 
 truth. He has sometimes Descartes' power of close reason- 
 ing, and the famous proof of the existence of God, which 
 was given by the father of modern philosophy when, start- 
 ing from the sole fact of thought, he reached the absolute 
 being who is in himself the cause and origin of thought, is 
 in fact, one of St. Anselm's arguments. 
 
 Like Lanfranc, St. Anselm had to cope with bold inno- 
 vators who, with the aid of dialectics, so dangerous an ally 
 of theology, shook the foundations of the dogmas in their 
 desire to submit them to the tests of reasoning according 
 to the rules of Aristotle's logic. Berengar had attempted 
 to interpret the mystery of the Eucharist ; Roscelin, about 
 the year 1085, attacked the mystery of the Trinity, and the 
 growing scholasticism began with the quarrels between 
 Realists and Nominalists, those subtle discussions which 
 wasted the efforts of many hard-working minds. 
 
 While the human mind was being led back by scholasti- 
 cism to the exercises of its noble speculative functions, and 
 while the cool shades of the cloisters of Bee and of St. Vic- 
 tor resounded with the Latin argumentations 
 "^ifanguageY ^^ Christian philosophers, other voices, other 
 subjects, and another language roused the 
 echoes in the castles or mingled with the clashing of arms 
 on the field of battle. 
 
 The barbarian warriors loved the songs of their bards, 
 which stimulated their courage, and doubtless, also, opened 
 new fields to their imagination in the inevitable periods of 
 repose. The feudal warriors, who were equally eager for 
 battle and the adventures of war, but who were condemned 
 bometimes to shut themselves up for long seasons in their
 
 Chap. XVI.] CIVILIZATION: 229 
 
 dull castles, loved to hear tales of warlike deeds. They had 
 their bards, called in the north troiiveres, and in the south 
 troubadours, and also the'xx Jongleurs. The trouvere and the 
 troubadour, as their names indicate, invented and composed 
 the poem, the jongleur [joculator) recited it. Sometimes 
 the same man combined both functions. The jongleurs are 
 seen in very early times ; there were some attached to the 
 court of Charlemagne and to that of Louis the Pious ; a 
 capitulary of the year 789 forbade all bishops, abbots, and 
 abbesses to have them in their service. Later, their numbers 
 multiplied. They wandered from castle to castle with a 
 musical instrument on their back or attached to their saddle 
 bows, if they were able to afford a mount. The barons, 
 the chatelains, the squires and noble ladies all welcomed 
 the trouvere with joy ; he brought diversion with him and 
 romance, which shortened the long evenings when books 
 were rare things, and usually he went away again richly re- 
 warded. Such was the first noble use to which the popular 
 language came. 
 
 The trouveres drew their songs from many sources, and 
 their long epic poems, or chansons de gestes, of twenty, 
 thirty, or fifty thousand verses each, may be classified in 
 several cycles. First came the Carolingian cycle, of a 
 religious and at the same time feudal character. Here the 
 principal hero is Charlemagne, glorified in story. He is no 
 longer the energetic and skillful leader of the Austrasians, 
 who makes himself Emperor, fights the Saxons, and signs 
 capitularies ; he is a monarch for the fancy, like the figures 
 in a confused dream, which extend and expand until their out- 
 lines are lost in uncertainty. Charlemagne is the type con- 
 ceived of by the popular imagination ; other kings of earlier or 
 later times are rarely if ever mentioned; and their great deeds 
 are almost always imputed to him ; according to them he 
 gained the great victory at Tours. Hatred toward the 
 Saracens is the ruling religious feeling of the eleventh cen- 
 tury, the century which gave birth to the crusades. Ac- 
 cordingly the popular epic forgets Charlemagne's long-con- 
 tinued eft'orts to establish his markgrafen on the banks of 
 the Ebro, but makes him victorious over the Saracens 
 even as far as Asia, and leads him in triumph from Jerusa- 
 lem to Constantinople. Nevertheless this colossus who 
 bestrides the seas is at the same time a weak creature, 
 almost a nonentity, and much abused ; it is his twelve
 
 230 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 peers who do the work. It is a picture of the rebellious 
 feudal society of the eleventh century, a flattery of the lord 
 of the castle by the trouvere. Though the monotonous pro- 
 lixity of these poems is wearying, yet some of the passages 
 which breathe of heroism can thrill us, even to this day. 
 For instance, in the Chanson de Roland, to mention but 
 one, where the hero, taken by surprise in the valley of 
 Roncevaux and unable to make the sound of his olifant 
 reach the ears of Charlemagne, bids farewell to his good 
 sword Durandal, and lies down to die with his face toward 
 Spain. Such passages, when sung with spirit, incited the 
 warriors to great deeds. Thus at the battle of Hastings 
 (1066), the jongleur Taillefer went before the army of 
 William the Conqueror and 
 
 Sur un cheval ki tost alloit 
 Devant li Dues alloit cantant 
 De Karlemaine et de RoUant 
 Et d'Oliver e des vassals 
 Qui moururent en Renchevals. 
 
 (On a fleet-footed horse, 
 Before the Dukes he rode, and sang 
 Of Charlemagne and of Roland, 
 Of Oliver and of the vassals 
 Who died at Roncevals.) 
 
 Another poem of the same cycle, the Roman des Loh^- 
 rains, is remarkable for giving an energetic account of the 
 struggle which we have already described between the two 
 feudal races, namely, the Lorraine or German and the 
 Picard or French races. The second epic cycle was the 
 Armorican cycle, whose hero is Arthur, the famous de- 
 fender of British independence. Robert Wace, in the 
 twelfth century, collected the many legends scattered among 
 the people, in his Roman de Brut, which gave expression to 
 the sentiments and customs of the period. 
 
 A third cycle followed closely after, which took Alexan- 
 der for its hero, and influenced by the revival in the study 
 of the classics, transported the romance of chivalry over to 
 the field of antiquity. 
 
 The epic poets addressed their verses to the chivalrous 
 
 class of society. This class of men had been in existence 
 
 chivair '" '^'^ '''^ g'^fy cven as early as Philip I. 
 
 and the first crusade. Chivalry is one of 
 
 those facts which seem to belong rather to romance than
 
 Chap. XVI.] CIVILIZATION. 231 
 
 to real history. Nevertheless it really existed, in all its 
 phases. Even in the customs of the German tribes we 
 can trace its faint beginning, in that ceremony where the 
 young man publicly received his shield and javelin, and 
 became a warrior and a citizen by virtue of these insignia. 
 Since then the sword had always been the symbol of a sort 
 of investiture ; in 791, at Ratisbon, Charlemagne with great 
 solemnity girded his son Louis the Pious with the sword ; 
 in 838 Louis conferred the same honor on Charles the Bald, 
 adding : " In the name of the Father, the Son, and the 
 Holy Ghost." Here we see an element of religious con- 
 secration already added to the simple ceremony of arming. 
 
 Now it happened that the noble lords, who were cut off 
 from the rest of the world and yet had sovereign power in 
 their castles, took pleasure in forming little courts for 
 themselves and drawing around them their vassals, who 
 were expected to render personal services, which were not 
 considered humiliating but rather a mark of distinction. 
 These vassals formed a hierarchy, comprising constable, 
 marshal, seneschal, chamberlain, butler, cup-bearer, etc. 
 But the vassals did not come alone to the court of their 
 sovereigns, but were accompanied by their sons, who were 
 to receive there the education and accomplishments of the 
 great castles, and to render services of a certain kind, as, for 
 instance, those of a page, squire, etc. When a young man 
 seemed to be sufficiently accomplished in the art of setting 
 and serving a table and in that of clothing and arming the 
 knight, he was himself made a knight, by a sort of ordina- 
 tion which he received at the hands of his feudal lord, in a 
 solemn ceremonial. 
 
 First came a bath, the symbol of the purity which ought 
 to distinguish a knight ; a red robe, of the blood he ought 
 to spill ; a black robe, of the death that awaited him. A 
 fast of twenty-four hours followed, and after that a night 
 passed in prayer in the church. The next day, after the 
 rites of confession, communion, and a sermon, a conse- 
 crated sword was hung about the neck of the applicant, 
 who knelt down before his lord and begged for knightliood. 
 Then the knights, or sometimes the ladies, invested him 
 with spurs, and the hauberk or coat of mail, the cuirass, the 
 armlets, the gauntlets, and finally the sword, after which 
 the lord gave him the accolade, by striking him upon the 
 shoulders three times with the flat of the sw-ord and saving :
 
 232 FEUDALISM. [Book V. 
 
 " In the name of God, of St. Michael, and of St. George, I 
 make thee a knight." The next minute the young cavalier 
 sprang upon his courser, in the middle of the crowd assem- 
 bled in the court-yard of the castle. A knight's duties 
 were to pray, to avoid sin, to defend the church, the widow 
 and the orphan, to protect the people, to travel far and 
 wide, to make war loyally, to fight for his lady, to love his 
 lord, and to listen to good and true men ; " as of old King 
 Alexander, so ought a knight to conduct himself." 
 
 The society of that time, though lawless, had been able to 
 create an ideal of perfection for itself. The man of the 
 Middle Ages looked up to his patron saint as a model in 
 the religious life, and to the knight in civil and political life. 
 
 A new style of architecture had arisen by the side of 
 the new science of scholasticism, the new poetry of the 
 A I.-. . chansons de s:estes and the new military regime 
 
 of chivalry. " About three years after the 
 year looo," said Rodulf Glaber, " the churches were reno- 
 vated almost throughout the whole world, especially in 
 Italy and the Gauls, although the greater part were still 
 in good enough condition not to need repairing." The 
 public buildings, whose construction until then showed 
 signs of ignorance and haste, with no thought of the future, 
 were built more solidly and with grander proportions. 
 Societies of builders were formed about this time, and their 
 numbers included bishops and abbots ; in the church, 
 especially, the architectural art was cultivated, and the 
 monks above all others lent their assistance ; some artists 
 from Italy, where the arts had never been completely neg- 
 lected, took part, it is true, in the work and introduced the 
 methods of Byzantine artists. In the south, especially, the 
 Roman style of architecture, which had left many monu- 
 ments there, exercised a great influence upon the concep- 
 tions of the period. The modern Greek, the Roman, and 
 sometimes a mixture of the two, are the characteristic forms 
 of Romance architecture, also called Byzantine, Lombard, 
 Saxon, etc. Their buildings show the semicircular arch and 
 columns, also the steep roofs, due to the climate, and great 
 towers for the defense of the church. 
 
 Most of the cliurches of the eleventh and twelfth centuries 
 preserved the original arrangement of the Latin basilica. 
 After that time, however, a change took place which ushered 
 in a new period. Various new forms or combinations of
 
 Chap. XVI.] CIVILIZATION. 233 
 
 forms were introduced. At the head of the church rose 
 the bell tower, a marked characteristic of the western 
 churches, at first broad and low, later slender and pointing 
 heavenward. In the interior, the general system of vault- 
 ing was substituted for the ceilings and woodwork of the 
 old Christian basilicas ; the choir and galleries were extended 
 beyond the cross, the passage ran around the apse, and 
 accessory chapels came to be grouped about the sanc- 
 tuary. These successive modifications lead us little by 
 little to the arrangement of the so-called Gothic churches. 
 The state of society which we have been reviewing was 
 complete in itself and new, for it lacked none of the quali- 
 fications necessary to social existence, and in each of its 
 manifestations it showed an original character. Church 
 and feudalism, the scholastic philosophy and the songs of 
 the trouveres, chivalry and the Gothic churches all belong 
 exclusively to this state of society, have never been seen in 
 any other, and will never be seen again. It no longer 
 resembled the abortive attempts even of a Theodoric or a 
 Charlemagne ; the strange joining of barbarism and civili- 
 zation, the shafts of antique columns stolen from Ravenna 
 and badly patched together in the imperial palace of Aix-la- 
 Chapelle ; it was a creative society and an organic period 
 in the life of humanity.
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE PAPACY 
 AND THE EMPIRE (1059-1250). 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 THE QUARREL OVER INVESTITURES (1059-1122). 
 
 Complete supremacy of the Emperor Henry III. (1039-1056). — Hilde- 
 brand's effort to regenerate the Church and emancipate the Papacy ; 
 Regulation of 1059. — Gregory VII. (1073). His great Plans. — Bold- 
 ness of his first Acts. — Humiliation of the Emperor (1077). — Death 
 of Gregory VII. (1085), and of Henry IV. (1106). Henry V. (1106). 
 — The Concordat of Worms (1122) ; End of the quarrel over Investi- 
 tures. 
 
 Otto the Great had revived the empire of Charlemagne 
 and had resumed the rights attached to the imperial crown ; 
 among others those of using the ancient city 
 the^fi'^^'p^e'^r'o'r o{ Romc as Capital of the new empire, of con- 
 Henry III. firming the election of the sovereign pontiff, 
 (1039-1056). J ? • ■ ^ ■ a u 
 
 and of exercismg a great umuence over all 
 
 the affairs of the Church. Henry III., son of Conrad the 
 Salic ^^1039), ^vas the one of the German emperors who made 
 the most of his power, and who best succeeded in making 
 the imperial authority respected on both sides of the Alps. 
 He forced the Duke of Bohemia to acknowledge his supre- 
 macy and to pay him a sum of money ; he reinstated Peter, 
 the king of Hungary, in his kingdom and received his hom- 
 age for it. The two duchies of Lorraine had been united, 
 but he separated them ; and when the duchies of Bavaria, 
 Swabia, and Carinthia fell vacant, he felt sure enough of 
 his power to re-establish the ducal office in order to give 
 these provinces a m.ore direct government, and one more 
 capable of enforcing the truce of God, which was still only 
 an empty name. 
 
 235
 
 236 THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI. 
 
 In southern Italy, however, the Emperor came into colli- 
 sion with an enemy who seemed weak enough, but who was 
 able to defy him. Some Norman pilgrims, who had come 
 to Rome toward the year iot6, had been employed by the 
 Pope against the Greeks who were attacking Benevento ; 
 others, returning from Jerusalem, helped the inhabitants of 
 Salerno to drive away the Saracens, who were besieging 
 them. The fame of their success, and of the booty which 
 they had gained, brought many other Normans to join them. 
 So many came that they were soon strong enough to make 
 themselves masters of the country. William of the Iron 
 Arm, the oldest of the twelve sons of Tancred of Hauteville, 
 a gentleman of Coutances, was in 1043 elected chief of the 
 country, with the title of Count of Venossa and Apulia. 
 His brothers Drogo (1046), Humphrey (105 1), and Robert 
 Guiscard (1057) succeeded him. The Papacy was not slow 
 to repent having brought such warlike neighbors upon 
 itself. Leo IX. collected troops, obtaining some from 
 Henry III., and uniting his efforts with those of the Greek 
 Emperor Constantine Monomachus marched against the 
 Normans, who defeated him and made him prisoner. But 
 these wise people thought of Pippin and of Charlemagne ; 
 and said to themselves that the popes could give a legal 
 existence to what had before only existed by right of force. 
 They knelt before their prisoner, declared themselves his 
 vassals, and received all they had conquered as a fief from 
 his hands (1053).* The Pope left his captivity the suzerain 
 of a new state, of the duchy of Apulia, to which the Nor- 
 mans soon added Sicily, which was conquered by Roger, 
 another brother of Robert Guiscard ; these provinces were 
 all united finally into the kingdom of Sicily (made a king- 
 dom in 1 130), and a Norman dynasty reigned at Naples, 
 where the counts of Anjou have also reigned, and where 
 until recently the house of Bourbon was still sovereign. 
 
 So Henry IH. met with a check in that direction ; al- 
 though he did not attach any great importance to this war, 
 and though after all it appeared to terminate to his advan- 
 tage, as the suzerainty gained by the Pope came back to 
 the Emperor, on whom the Pope depended. No other 
 
 * The conqueror of the Pope knelt before him and bcf^ged his forgive- 
 ness and absolution, but the vassal relation was not established till 1059, 
 under Nicholas II. Both Leo IX. and Stephen IX. planned further war 
 against the Normans. — Eu.
 
 Chap. XVII.] GREGORY VII. 237 
 
 emperor made more use of his right of interfering in ecclesi- 
 astical elections, whether of the pope or of the bishops, and 
 no one used it more wisely. He deposed three popes who 
 were disputing the possession of the See at the same time, 
 and three times awarded the tiara to German priests, and 
 awarded it wisely to Clement II., Damasus II., and Leo. 
 IX. The council of Sutri had again acknowledged that no 
 pope could be elected without the consent of the emperor. 
 
 Nevertheless, since the time of Charlemagne, the Church 
 had not ceased to grow in power and in moral authority. 
 She possessed temporal authority, for she owned a large 
 part of the soil of Christian Europe ; she had moral 
 authority, for every one, great and small, accepted her 
 commands submissively, and by her weapon of excommu- 
 nication she could force even kings to obey her ; finally, 
 she had the advantage of unity, for the whole Church of 
 the West recognized the Roman pontiff as her head. Thus, 
 during the eleventh century there were two great powers 
 in existence, the Pope and the Emperor, the temporal 
 power and the spiritual power, both of them very ambi- 
 tious, as they could not fail to be considering the customs, 
 institutions, and beliefs of the epoch. It was at this time 
 that the great question came up as to who should be the 
 master of the world, the successor of St. Peter or the suc- 
 cessor of Augustus and Charlemagne. 
 
 The Church had never before had so lofty an ambition, 
 at least never in so clear and fixed a form. At the time of 
 Efforts made ^^^ Iconoclasts, and under the successors of 
 by Hiidebrand Charlemagne, the Church aspired to emerge 
 th*e c'hur "h a^nd from the trammels of the state so as to de- 
 to emancipate yclop her own life with freedom. Now she 
 
 the Papacy. .'^ 111 • , 
 
 Regulation of aspircd to control the lay society, and even 
 '°59- its rulers. 
 
 The Papacy was started on this new career by a monk 
 of humble origin, Hiidebrand, the son of a carpenter of 
 Soana, in Tuscany, who had resided in the monastery 
 of Cluny for some time, when Leo IX., stopping there on 
 his way to take possession of the Holy See, carried him 
 away with him.* 
 
 * Hildebrand"s family was of very humble position, but his father was 
 not a carpenter. He spent his youth in a monastery in Rome, which 
 was entirely under the control of the reform ideas of the monastery of 
 Cluny, but he was in Cluny itself only a few months. — Ed,
 
 238 THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI. 
 
 This was not the first time that a simple monk, by the 
 force of his character and genius, gained a supreme ascen- 
 dency over the whole Church. Just then a feeling of vio- 
 lent disapproval was felt in the convents of the ambition of 
 a certain number of bishops, of their intrigues, their vices, 
 and their worldly lives, of the traffic they made of ecclesias- 
 tical dignities — a traffic called "simony" — and of their 
 very worldly passions. At the festivities of Whitsuntide, 
 in the year 1063, the mitred abbot of Fulda and the bishop 
 of Hildesheim disputed with their daggers the right of 
 precedence in the middle of the church. The Emperor 
 just escaped being killed, and the altar was covered with 
 blood. 
 
 Many voices were lifted up against these disorders, and 
 among others that of Peter Damiani, the cardinal bishop 
 of Ostia, who demanded a radical reform in the Church, a 
 return to simplicity, to primitive poverty, and to the elec- 
 tions made by the priests and people. Hildebrand threw 
 himself into this reaction with all the ardor of an austere, 
 eager, and sincere character. He was not only impelled 
 by his interest for religion, but also by an interest for his 
 Italian fatherland. He hoped, by means of a papacy which 
 should be supreme over Italy and all Christendom, to 
 reform the Church and set Italy free. But the Church her- 
 self must first be set free. We have seen that the defeat of 
 Leo IX. at Civitella (1053) was worth more to him than a 
 brilliant success would have been ; for as the Normans had 
 declared themselves vassals of the Holy See, resolved to 
 defend it, the Pope henceforth had valiant warriors close 
 at hand who were at his disposal. 
 
 Henry III. died in 1056, leaving a son, Henry IV., whose 
 minority was very stormy, a fact which greatly assisted the 
 projects of the Court of Rome. In 1059, a new Pope, 
 Nicolas II., also under Hildebrand's influence, published 
 a decree which regulated the election of the popes in a 
 new manner. They were to be elected by the cardinal 
 bishops, priests, and deacons of the Roman territory ; the 
 people were to give their consent afterward ; the Em- 
 peror was to retain his right of confirmation ; and, finally, 
 the pope was to be chosen by preference from the Roman 
 clergy. Another decree forbade the clergy to receive the 
 investiture to any ecclesiastical fief from any temporal 
 lord.
 
 Chap. XVII.] GREGORY VII. 239 
 
 These decrees were of the highest importance, as they 
 withdrew the Pope from the Emperor's authority, and 
 placed the immense temporal power of the Church in the 
 now free hand of the pontiff. A number of bishops, chiefly 
 those of Lombardy, who disliked the authority of the Pope, 
 especially in its new severity, still more than that of the 
 Emperor, and who, besides, were troubled by the anathemas 
 pronounced against the simoniacal and married priests, 
 brought about a schism and obtained an anti-pope, Hono- 
 rius II., from the imperial court, which was also much irri- 
 tated by the decrees. Hildebrand had on his side all the 
 citizen class and the nobility also, except at Rome, where 
 the nobles feared lest his power should prove dangerous to 
 their independence. In the struggle that followed between 
 the two factions, Hildebrand was victorious, and his tri- 
 umph was complete, when he was chosen to the Holy See 
 under the name of Gregory VII. (1073). He is the last 
 Pope whose election was submitted to the Emperor's sanc- 
 tion.* 
 
 As Pope, Gregory now completed the work he had begun 
 
 as monk. His plans grew with his power. Charlemagne 
 
 and Otto the Great had made the Papacy 
 
 Gregory VII. subordinate to them, and had joined the 
 
 (1073) and his_, ,-,ir~.T-. i i 
 
 projects. Bold- Church With the State. But now the royal 
 ness of his first authority, the centralizing power, was declin- 
 ing throughout all Europe in proportion as 
 feudalism, or the local powers, those of the dukes, counts, 
 and barons, increased. The Church, on the other hand, had 
 seen the faith of her people growing even stronger in this 
 century. It seemed to her chief that the time had now 
 come for her to grasp the government of the bodies as well 
 as of the souls of men, or at least to draw closer the ties 
 that bound all Christendom to the Holy See, and to exer- 
 cise a constant surveillance and activity, in order to put 
 down the licentiousness of manners, violations of justice, 
 and all the causes that led to the destruction of the soul. 
 His aim was a lofty one, and his great ambition was natural 
 enough in a priest. It is fortunate, however, that he did 
 not succeed, and that the European nations preserved their 
 independence, which they would have lost under such an 
 absolute papal authority. 
 
 * This was probably not done in iiis case. — Ed.
 
 240 THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI. 
 
 Gregory aimed at four things : to emancipate the Pa- 
 pacy from German supremacy ; to reform the Church in her 
 customs and discipline ; to make her independent of any 
 temporal power ; and to rule the laity, both people and 
 princes, in the name and in the interest of their salvation. 
 
 The first point was gained by the decree of Nicholas II ; 
 the second by the many acts of Gregory VII. for the re- 
 formation of the clergy, which were especially directed 
 toward the celibacy of the priests and against simony ; 
 the third, by prohibiting the temporal princes from giving 
 and the clergy from receiving from them the investiture 
 of any ecclesiastical benefice ; the fourth, by the inter- 
 vention of the popes in the government of the kingdoms 
 of Europe. 
 
 The kings of Germany and of France, Henry IV. and 
 Philip I., openly carried on a trafific in ecclesiastical digni- 
 ties ; Gregory threatened to excommunicate them, and fur- 
 ther than that, to release their vassals from their oath of 
 fealty. In England he forced William the Conqueror to 
 pay him Peter's pence. He claimed the suzerainty over 
 kingdoms of Hungary, Denmark, and Spain, which had 
 been conquered from the pagans or infidels " by the grace 
 of God," and he made the Duke of Croatia king of the 
 Dalmatians, on the condition of his paying homage to the 
 Holy See. Nevertheless, the Pope, though supreme in 
 distant regions, was not so in Italy. In Rome, even, the 
 prefect Censius seized Gregory VII. in a church and kept 
 him prisoner for some time. In Milan the citizens drove 
 out Herlembald, who under the pretext of supporting the 
 reforms of Gregory VII. was exercising a genuine tyranny 
 in the city, and demanded an archbishop of Henry IV., who 
 sent them a noble of Castiglione. This was the beginning 
 of the struggle between the Papacy and the Empire, one of 
 the greatest dramas in history. 
 
 All the circumstances of the times were very favorable 
 
 to Gregory VII., and promised him support in Germany. 
 
 _. . ... Feudal rebellions had shaken that country 
 
 The humili- . i , r i r tt 
 
 at ion of the duruig the wholc of the muiority of Henry 
 Emperor (1077;. jy., who was Only six years old at the death 
 of his father in 1056. The bishops and nobles had wrested 
 the regency, and even the care of the young king, from the 
 Empress Agnes. On his majority, Henry IV. attempted to 
 repress the revolt of which Saxony was always the center.
 
 Chap. XVII.] GREGORY VII. 241 
 
 A great victory gained by him in Thuringia seemed to 
 insure his success, when suddenly he heard the voice of the 
 Pope resounding in his ears, who commanded him to sus- 
 pend the war, to leave the decision of his quarrel with the 
 Saxons to the Holy See, and to renounce his claims to all 
 his ecclesiastical investiture under pain of excommunica- 
 tion ; the legates added to this a summons to appear at 
 Rome and there to justify his private misconduct.* Henry 
 IV. was equally vigorous in his reply to this furious attack. 
 In the synod of Worms {1076), which was composed of 
 twenty-four bishops, partisans of his cause, the deposition 
 of Gregory VII. was solemnly pronounced. 
 
 Instead of being alarmed by this the Pope redoubled his 
 attacks. Though only just rescued by a popular movement 
 from his enemy Censius, he made use of all his weapons ; 
 he published against the Emperor a bull of excommunica- 
 tion which declared him deposed for rebelling against the 
 Holy See, and he released his subjects from their oath of 
 fealty. Agents, to execute this bull without mercy, were 
 easily found in the Saxons and the Swabians, who were 
 both hostile to the house of Franconia. They had at their 
 head Rudolf of Swabia, and Welf, an Italian, of the house 
 of Este, whom Henry himself had made Duke of Bavaria. 
 They convoked a diet at Tibur, suspended the Emperor 
 from the exercise of his functions, and threatened to de- 
 pose him if he did not get absolution from the anathemas 
 of Rome. Henry consented to the humiliation, and a 
 general diet was determined upon, to meet at Augsburg, 
 at which the Pope was to appear to decide upon his absolu- 
 tion. But as he felt the danger of letting his enemies 
 come together he resolved to anticipate the promised diet 
 and go himself to Rome to implore the pardon of the Pope. 
 
 Gregory VII. forced him to purchase his absolution at 
 the price of humiliations such as no other sovereign has 
 ever undergone. The Pope was then staying at the castle 
 of Canossa, on the lands of the celebrated Countess 
 Matilda, the most powerful suzerain in Italy, as the posses- 
 sor of the Marquisate of Tuscany and of many other im- 
 portant feudal possessions in Central Italy, and who was a 
 devoted adherent of the Holy See. Here Henry IV. came 
 
 * It is doubtful whether some of the points of the papal demand were 
 as here stated, but the spirit is indicated. — Ed.
 
 242 THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI, 
 
 to beg an audience, and waited during three days outside 
 the wall, standing barefooted in the snow. On the fourth 
 day he was admitted to the presence of the Pope, and his 
 ban of excommunication removed. But Gregory was too 
 wise to give up all his weapons at once, and made it a con- 
 dition of his absolution that Henry should come to an 
 agreement with his enemies in Germany. So that the Pope 
 still reserved some means of embarrassing Henry's move- 
 ments. It is not strange that Henry should have trembled 
 before a man who was recognized as the direct representa- 
 tive of the Deity, and who was so sure of the approval of 
 Heaven, that, as it was said after taking half the Host and 
 abjuring God to destroy him at once if he was guilty of the 
 crimes of which he was accused, he gave Henry the other 
 half and proposed that he should make the same declara- 
 tion ; the latter drew back and refused the test (1077). 
 
 By yielding, Henry had avoided the blow aimed at him 
 by the enemies who were allied against him. As soon as 
 this moment of danger had passed, he re- 
 G^e^gVr'y vu. tricvcd his losses. He certainly had no other 
 (1085) ; of Hen- alternative but that of again taking every risk, 
 ^^ ■ or else of renouncing his throne ; for the 
 
 German princes who were opposed to him had taken the 
 final and decisive step. They elected as their king Rudolf 
 of Swabia, who had bought the support of the legate by 
 promising to give up his claims to the appointment of 
 bishops (1077), but whose solemn recognition the Pope had 
 wisely delayed. Henry IV., gathering together all his par- 
 tisans, made war upon them with great success. A battle, 
 not far from Merseburg, where Rudolf was killed, it is 
 said, by Godfrey of Bouillon, afterwards duke of Lower 
 I^orraine, made him master of Germany [1080.] He wished 
 also to be supreme in Italy, and he met with varying suc- 
 cess there in different expeditions. He seemed at one time 
 about to destroy the power of the Countess Matilda ; he 
 took Rome and made the Archbishop of Ravenna Pope, 
 under the name of Clement III., and was crowned Emperor 
 by him. (Gregory himself would have fallen into the hands 
 of the man he had so insulted if Robert Guiscard and his 
 Normans, the faithful allies of the Holy See, had not 
 rescued him. He died among them (1085), saying : " I have 
 loved justice and hated iniquity, and therefore I die in 
 exile." He seemed to think, to his last moment, that the
 
 Chap. XVII.] GREGORY VII. 243 
 
 universal dominion of the Holy See was her strict right, an 
 idea which is certainly logical in many respects. 
 
 Gregory died too soon, for if he had lived a few years 
 longer he would have seen his enemy dying in even greater 
 misery than he had suffered at the gates of Canossa. Under 
 Urban II. who became Pope in 1088 the actual power of 
 the Papacy reached a very high point. He renewed the 
 decrees of Gregory VII. against the Emperor. After a 
 fleeting triumph, Henry IV. was successively attacked by 
 his two sons whom the Church had armed against him, was 
 taken prisoner by the younger and stripped of the imperial 
 insignia, and though he recovered his liberty and again 
 assumed the title of Emperor, he could not recover his 
 power. He vainly besought the aid of the King of France, 
 " the most faithful of his friends," who made no response. 
 But few of the German princes gave him their support, 
 and he died in 1106 at Liege, Emperor scarcely mo're than 
 in name, but forgiving his enemies and sending his ring and 
 his sword to his rebellious son. " His body remained five 
 years without a tomb, until finally the ban of the Church 
 was removed by the Pope. 
 
 Nevertheless, it was this parricide son, Henry V., who 
 
 brought the quarrel over investitures to a conclusion. The 
 
 final decision was somewhat retarded by the 
 
 (ii^ef. Vhecon- discussiou concerning the succession of the 
 
 cordat of great Couutcss Matilda, who had wishcd to bc- 
 
 vv orms C1122) * 
 
 endof thequar- queath her property to the Holv Scc. Henry 
 (u'res."*"""^'" claimed all she had left, the fiefs as head of 
 the empire, the allodial lands as the acknowl- 
 edged heir of the countess, and took possession of every- 
 thing. This became a cause of new quarrels in the future, 
 AS we shall see. When this point of the inheritance had been 
 settled for the time being, the two opposing parties, at last 
 vecognizing that the dispute over investitures served only 
 to weaken themselves, agreed to conclude it by a just 
 and nearly equal division of the disputed rights. The Con- 
 cordat of Worms was drawn up in the following words 
 (1122). From Pope Calistus II. to the Emperor : " I agree 
 that the elections of the bishops and the abbots, who hold 
 immediately from the kingdom, shall be made in your pres- 
 ence, but without violence or simony ; so that if any dis- 
 pute shall arise, you may give your assent and protection 
 to the better side, following the opinion of the metropolitan
 
 244 THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI. 
 
 and the bishops of that provhice. The one elected shall 
 receive from you through investiture with the sceptre, the 
 regalia, excepting those which belong to the Roman Church, 
 and shall render to you all the services which you have a 
 right to deriiand." The Emperor returns: "I leave to the 
 Pope all investiture by the ring and staff ; and I permit in 
 the churches of my kingdom and empire, canonical elections 
 and free consecrations." This wise compromise, assigning 
 the temporal authority to the temporal sovereign and the 
 spiritual to the spiritual sovereign, was accompanied by 
 words of reconciliation. But Gregory VII. 's full plan had 
 not been carried out. The vassal bond between the 
 prince and the clergy was not broken ; all the members of 
 the Church, if not her head, were still subject to the State.* 
 The house of Franconia became extinct with Henry V. 
 (1125), who died after having temporarily settled the con- 
 test between the papacy and the empire. The reign of his 
 successor, Lothar II. (11 25-1 137), seemed like an inter- 
 lude, during which the world's stage was being arranged 
 for a new era of struggle. 
 
 * The full importance of this investiture strife for the state cannot be 
 understood without noticing how vitally important it was that the govern- 
 ment should have some means of controlling and securing the fidelity of 
 those who had possession of such a large proportion of the area of the 
 State. While the plans of Gregory VII. are not accomplished in any 
 detail, still the age does see an enormous increase of the independence of 
 the Papacy and of its actual power throughout Europe. The days of 
 Otto I. and of Henry III. are no longer possible. Those of Innocent 
 III. are approaching. — Ed.
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN ITALY AND GERMANY (1152-1250). 
 
 Three Epochs in the struggle between the Papacy and the Empire. — 
 Strength of German Feudalism; Weakness of Lothar II. (1125); 
 the Hohenstaufen (113S). — Division of Italy ; Progress of the small 
 Nobles and of the Republics.— Arnold of Brescia (1144). — Frederick 
 I., Barbarossa (1152); Overthrow of Milan (1162); the Lombard 
 League (1164); Peace of Constance (1183). — Emperor Henry VI. 
 (1190) ; Innocent III. (1198) ; Guelfs and Ghibellines in Italy. — 
 Frederick II. (1212-1250). Second Lombard League (1226). — Inno- 
 cent IV. (1243) ; Fall of German Power in Italy (1250). 
 
 While the Pope and the Emperor were contending for 
 the mastery of the world, France, which had kept out of the 
 great debate, was carrying on the first crusade, 
 tween^th'e Pap- '-i-'here are, as it were, two parallel series of 
 acy and the important cveots taking place at this period 
 ™^"^^' of the world's history, both of which began at 
 
 the same time, toward the end of the eleventh century, and 
 ended in the middle of the thirteenth century. A chrono- 
 logical order of events would demand that the two histories 
 should be carried on together, while a good understanding 
 of them requires that they should be treated -separately. 
 We shall, accordingly, continue our description of the 
 struggle between Italy and Germany, up to the time of the 
 final solution of the difficulties, then we shall return to the 
 crusades. This method will disturb the sequence of time, 
 but it will be to the advantage of logical sequence. 
 
 The quarrel between the Papacy and the Empire is a 
 drama in three acts. In the first the Pope and the Emperor 
 dispute for the supremacy over Christian Europe ; the Con- 
 cordat of Worms (1122) requires mutual concessions and a 
 division which modern times have kept sacred though at 
 the same time seeking the solution of the problem in another 
 direction, namely, a free church within a free state. In the 
 second act of the great debate, the action centers around 
 
 245
 
 246 .. r., T'HE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI. 
 
 the struggle for independence in Italy, which the emperors 
 of the Svvabian house wish to make subject to their power, 
 and which is freed by the peace of Constance (1183); in 
 the third act, the independence of the Holy See is in peril, 
 the death of Frederic II. saves it (1250). The first struggle 
 has already been described, the second and third now 
 follow. 
 
 The Franconian dynasty had felt the power of German 
 
 feudalism growing under its sway and had made vain efforts 
 
 to arrest its progress. It was in vain that, in 
 
 GermarTfeud- ^^c midst of the duchies, a host of smaller 
 
 aiism; weak- immediate lordships and imperial cities were 
 
 ness of Lothar . i i i i ■ i • i r i -i-. 
 
 II. (,1125); the Created, holding directly of the Emperor; it 
 Hohenstaufen ^^^g j,-, yj2iA\\ that the right of heredity was 
 granted to the smaller nobles, a policy fol- 
 lowed in Italy, too, and embodied in the edict of 1037 ; the 
 great vassals, who had long had the right of hereditary suc- 
 cession, had preserved or recovered their advantage over 
 the elective royalty by continual revolts. Even the Empe- 
 ror's agents, the palatine counts, sent by him to the great fiefs 
 or to his own domains, there to represent his authority, even 
 the burggrafen holding the same trust in the cities, began 
 to imitate the royal officers of the time of the Carolingian 
 emperors, in making themselves independent and their 
 offices hereditary. The result of these continued efforts 
 was that feudalism, on the acsession of Lothar, was a very 
 formidable force, and became more so during his reign. 
 He was a weak prince and bowed his head low before the 
 Holy See. Innocent II. gave him the imperial crown, while 
 presuming to call himself master of it, to dispose of it at 
 will ; he went so far as to commemorate his claim in a pic- 
 ture wiiere the Emperor was represented on his knees in 
 the attitude of one doing homage to the pontiff. Under- 
 neath is written in Latin verse : " The King becomes the 
 man of the Pope, who bestows the crown upon him." 
 Lothar humbled himself again on a question fully as im- 
 portant ; he consented to hold in fief of the Holy See the 
 lands of the Countess Matilda. 
 
 Within the empire Lothar was hard pressed by two 
 powerful houses : the house of Swabia, which he fought, 
 but was not able to put down ; and that of Bavaria, whose 
 power he increased by marrying his daughter to the duke, 
 Henry the Proud, who, on the death of Lothar, inherited
 
 Chap. XVIII.] ITALY AND GERMANY. 247 
 
 all his domains, the duchy of Saxony in Germany, and in 
 Italy the fiefs of the great countess. The power of Henry 
 the Proud extended then from the Baltic to the Tiber, but 
 his fiefs were separated and the division was fatal to his 
 strength. The Hohenstaufen lands, on the other hand, 
 were more closely united ; they consisted of the duchy of 
 Swabia, and large possessions in Franconia. 
 
 When Lothar died in 1137, it was evident that the crown 
 would pass to one of these two great houses. Saxony 
 seemed sure of obtaining it, but many of the German 
 vassals began to think it unwise to put too strong a master 
 over them, and they elected, almost surreptitiously, in a 
 diet convoked at Coblenz, in the absence of the Saxon 
 and Bavarian princes, Conrad of Hohenstaufen, lord of 
 Waiblingen. Henry the Proud protested. He was the 
 head of the Welf house, and their respective partisans 
 adopted party cries from these names, which also crossed 
 the Alps and became fixed in Italy as Guelfs and Ghibel- 
 lines. As the house of Swabia was hostile to the Holy See, 
 the Ghibelline party was favorable to the Emperor, while 
 the Guelfs were friends of Italian independence and the 
 papacy. 
 
 Henry the Proud, who was placed by Conrad under the 
 ban of the empire, was despoiled of his duchies ; his son, 
 Henry the Lion, recovered Saxony it is true, but it was 
 Saxony curtailed of the mark of Brandenburg,* which was 
 converted into a fief direct of the empire, for the benefit of 
 Albert the Bear of the Ascanian house, while Bavaria was 
 given to the markgraf of Austria,f and kept by him until 
 1 156. It reverted then to Henry the Lion, with the excep- 
 tion of Austria, which was raised to the rank of an imme- 
 diate duchy. The brilliant dynasty of the Hohenstaufen 
 began with Conrad III. His reign in a manner was dedi- 
 cated to establishing his family upon the throne which they 
 held for more than a century with great glory ; accordingly 
 
 * The descendants of Albert I., the Bear, kept this great fief until 
 1320, when it passed to the house of Wittelsbach (Bavaria), and later to 
 that of Luxemburg. The Emperor Sigismund sold it, in 141 7, to the 
 house of HohenzoUern (Prussia), which still holds it. Albert the Bear 
 enlarged its territory by the annexation of lands lying between the Elbe 
 and the Oder. 
 
 f The East mark (Austria) passed into the hands of the house of Haps- 
 burg in 1282.
 
 248 THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI. 
 
 he was not able to visit Italy. But when, on the return of 
 the second crusade, his death gave the crown to his son, 
 Germany began to interest itself in Italy again, and the 
 struggle which had been suspended since 1122 broke out 
 more violently than ever. 
 
 Italy's aspect had entirelychanged. The edict of 1037 
 had borne its fruit. Dukes, margraves, counts, bishops, 
 ... and abbots, all had lost their sovereignty and 
 
 Italy. Progress their jurisdiction. The last representative of 
 an/^the repub^ ^'^^ great feudal nobles had disappeared, on 
 lies. Arnold of the Couutcss Matilda's death. Nothing but 
 rescia (1144). ^ mixture of little independent lords and 
 republican cities was to be seen from the Alps to Bene- 
 vento, where the Norman monarchy began, renowned not 
 only for the brilliancy of its victories but also for the poetry 
 which the troubadours, attracted from the south of France, 
 sang at the court of its kings. Just at that time the Italian 
 republics were taking shape and giving a new life to the 
 ruins of Roman municipal government. They had each 
 their consuls, varying in number : twelve at Milan, six at 
 Genoa, four at Florence, six at Pisa, etc., usually invested 
 with executive and judiciary powers. Generally, also, a 
 kind of senate {credetiza) assisted them. The general 
 assembly of free citizens, ox parliament, gathering by wards 
 at the sound of the bell from the belfry tower on the public 
 square, was the only sovereign power and judge in the last 
 resort. The nobles of the neighboring castles were ad- 
 mitted to it as citizens, though they continued to hold their 
 domains and their serfs outside the walls. 
 
 Rome had as yet been saved the revolution which had 
 changed the other Italian cities, by the influence of her 
 bisliop, the sovereign pontiff ; but her turn came in the 
 middle of the twelfth century. A monk named Arnold of 
 lirescia, a disciple of Abelard, the doctor who preached 
 the distinction between reason and faith, was the first to de- 
 mand the separation of church and state, the suppression 
 of government by priests and the re-establishment of the 
 Roman Republic. In 1143, a republican government was 
 organized for Rome in opposition to the Pope, Innocent II. 
 A senate of 56 members was formed, the four sacred letters, 
 S. P. Q. R., reappeared in the public documents, and the 
 date was reckoned " from the restoration of the sacred 
 senate." Lucius II., successor to Innocent, who tried to
 
 Chap. XVIII.] ITALY AND GERMANY. 249 
 
 use force in resistance, was thrown down from the steps of 
 the capitol, and the revolution triumphed. Throughout the 
 peninsula, except for the Kingdom of Naples, from Rome 
 to the least and smallest city, the republican form of gov- 
 ernment prevailed. The nobility considered themselves 
 fortunate if they were included within this organization, 
 Everything had worked together toward this end, the force 
 of arms, the prosperity born of commerce, affection for past 
 memories and the power of new ideas. St. Bernard re- 
 signed himself to the position accorded to the Pope, and 
 wrote to his disciple Eugenius to leave the Romans alone, 
 that stiff-necked generation, and to exchange Rome for the 
 world. ( Urbam pro orbe mutataui). 
 
 But Frederick I., called Barbarossa, was not disposed to 
 
 give up Italy so easily ; no emperor yet had shown such 
 
 energy of character joined to so much obsti- 
 
 Frederick I., nacy in his claims to the peninsula. It is 
 
 or Barbarossa -^ , , , . , • , i • 
 
 (1152). Fall of very hard to say what he did not claim. 
 The ^Lombard Royal rights ovcr all the towns,- imperial 
 League (1164): rights at Rome, the heritage of the Countess 
 stamTe "'(iiSs)"' Matilda, Naples, Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia. 
 He crossed the Alps ; Italy welcomed him 
 with a naive confidence which had more than once delivered 
 her into the hands of a stranger. But the sky was soon over- 
 cast. He burned Chieri and razed Tortona to the ground, 
 because the one refused to submit to the Marquis of Mont- 
 ferrat and the other to break its alliance with Milan, which 
 city was the head and front of Lombard independence. He 
 advanced toward Rome, whither Hadrian IV. called him ; 
 seized and delivered into the hands of the Pope, Arnold of 
 Brescia, who was burned at the stake; and on the same day on 
 which he received the imperial crown his soldiers killed 
 1000 men in defending him against the revolted city. He 
 showed such harshness in the exercise of his authority in 
 Italy, that soon the whole country rose in revolt. Hadrian, 
 whose power the Emperor had restored, quarreled with him 
 for the sake of reconciling himself with his subjects. 
 
 Nothing is more curious than the dialogues carried on by 
 those three great historical personages, the Emperor of 
 Germany, the Pope, and the Roman People, all three invok- 
 ing in their defense the mere memories of the past ; all 
 three reproaching each other and revealing only the decay of 
 their power to the world. The Romans had sent ambas-
 
 25° THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI. 
 
 sadors to Barbarossa to say that the empire belonged to 
 them, and that they would offer it to him provided he would 
 swear to respect their rights and customs and give them 
 5000 marks of silver. The Emperor replied : " You exalt 
 the ancient glory of your city, and I can well appreciate it ; 
 but, as one of your writers has said, ' Rome was,' ftiit. 
 
 Your Rome is ours Your senate, your consuls, your 
 
 knights, are now reckoned among the Germans. Charles 
 the Great and Otto have conquered your empire. . . . Your 
 
 duty is to obey " The Pope claimed the lands of 
 
 Matilda, and desired that no Imperial envoy should enter 
 Rome without his consent ; the Emperor wrote to him : 
 "What did the Church possess at the time of Constantine, 
 before the donations of the emperors ? The demon of 
 pride is stealing into the chair of St. Peter." And the Pope 
 replied : " The Emperor is pretending to equal power with 
 ourselves, as if we were restrained to a little corner of the 
 earth, like Germany, the smallest of kingdoms until the 
 moment when the popes raised her to eminence. Did not 
 the Prankish kings ride in carts drawn by oxen before 
 Charlemagne was consecrated by Zacharias ? Just as 
 Rome is superior to Aix-la-Chapelle, in the forests of 
 
 Gaul, so we are superior to this king " And he 
 
 promised him, if he would be obedient toward the Church, 
 that he would confer still greater benefits upon him. Those 
 words, majora beneficia, which might be understood as 
 meaning benefice in the technical sense, and seemed to in- 
 dicate that the imperial crown was held by a feudal tenure, 
 roused the indignation of the German diet where they 
 were pronounced. The legate, who was present, raised 
 their wrath to the highest pitch when he cried out, " From 
 whom then does the Emperor hold his crown if not from 
 the Pope ? " 
 
 The claim of the Roman people was the merest shadow ; 
 the other two were still living forces, powerful and ab- 
 solute. 
 
 Frederick came back in 1158. The reaction against him 
 was general, and he punished it with cruelty. Milan was 
 the chief victim. After raising up the rival of that city, 
 Lodi, which they had destroyed, he imposed upon them a 
 tribute of 9000 marks of silver. Then, in the diet of Ron- 
 calia, near Piacenza, he had his pretensions to absolute 
 power confirmed by the doctors of the Roman law, in the
 
 Chap. XVIII.] ITALY AND GERMANY. 251 
 
 school of Bologna : " Know that all power of the people to 
 enact laws," said their spokesman, the Archbishop of Mi- 
 lan, " has been accorded to you. Your will is law, accord- 
 ing to the words of the text : Everything that pleases the 
 prince has the force of law."* In virtue of those principles 
 of a former age, Frederick played the master, and tried to 
 place imperial podestas over the Italian towns. Milan, 
 Brescia, Piacenza, and Cremona rebelled. Hadrian IV. 
 was dead, and the cardinals were divided : there was an 
 imperialist pope Victor IV., and a patriot pope Alexander 
 III. The ensuing struggle, involving, as it did, all inter- 
 ests, was terrible, especially at Milan. That heroic city 
 held out against a two years' siege, and yielded only to 
 famine. The Milanese were forced to break their carroccio 
 which carried the standard of independence ; they were 
 scattered among four villages. All the neighboring cities, 
 who were filled with deadly hatred toward this town, were 
 allowed to exercise their vengeance upon it, and it was 
 totally destroyed (1162). Alexander III., driven from 
 Italy, took refuge in France, where he was recognized by 
 Louis VII. and by Henry II. of England. 
 
 After having learned by cruel experience that division is 
 fatal, Italy tried to unite while Frederick was away seeking 
 new forces in Germany. The Lombard league was formed, 
 and rapidly increased, gaining over to its cause the whole 
 valley of the Po, little by little, from Venice to Piedmont, 
 including even cities that had been hostile to Milan. 
 That city was restored ; Alexander III. took his place at 
 the head of Italy to resist the German domination which 
 was continually raising new rivals against him. A city 
 called by his name, Alexandria,! was built at the confluence 
 of the Tanaro and Bormida rivers, to threaten the Marquis 
 of Montferrat and the imperial town of Pavia. The 
 Ghibellines named it, in derision, Alexandria of Straw ; but 
 it proved the rock on which they split. In 11 74 Frederick 
 returned to Italy with only one-half of Germany's forces ; 
 Henry the Lion, chief of the Welfs, had refused to follow 
 the Emperor, who had thrown himself on his knees before 
 him in vain. From this moment the Welfs were beloved by 
 
 * Quod principi placuit, legis habet vigorem. Institutes, i., ii., vi. — Ed. 
 f This origin for the city of Alexandria is now questioned, but the 
 objections are not entirely conclusive. — Ed.
 
 252 THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI. 
 
 Italy, which was in fact their native country. Alexandria 
 of Straw stopped Frederick for four months ; during that 
 time the army of the confederates assembled. He attacked 
 it near Legnano to the northwest of Milan (1176). Two 
 Milanese corps, the battalion of the Great Flag and the 
 battalion of Death, led by the gigantic Albert Giussano, 
 gave the victory to the Italians. Frederick was thrown 
 from his horse and for many days he was reported as dead. 
 It was fortunate for him that he could obtain a truce by 
 recognizing Alexander III., whom he went to meet at 
 Venice.* 
 
 Six years after (1183), the treaty of Constance definitely 
 determined the quarrel between the empire and Italian 
 independence, as the concordat of Worms had decided that 
 between the empire and the papacy. The Pope practically 
 recovered the freehold lands of the Countess Matilda. The 
 cities preserved the regal rights which they had formerly 
 possessed : the right to raise armies, to fortify themselves 
 with walls, to administer civil as well as criminal jurisdic- 
 tion within their walls, and to form alliances among them- 
 selves. The Emperor kept only the right of confirming 
 their consuls by his legates, and of establishing a judge 
 of appeals in each town for certain cases. The imperial 
 authority had again lost ground as in the year 11 22, and 
 the spirit of Gregory VII. might rejoice in this two-fold 
 triumph. 
 
 Beyond the mountains, however, Frederick was all-power- 
 ful. Henry the Lion was put down, despoiled of his fiefs, 
 the duchies of Saxony, and Bavaria, and reduced to his 
 patrimonial lands of Luneburg and Brunswick, where he 
 founded a house which still reigns in England ; the kings 
 of Denmark and Poland acknowledged the sovereignty of 
 Frederick, and foreign ambassadors came to take part in 
 his diets. The most celebrated of these assemblies was 
 held at Mainz (1184) ; from 40,000 to 70,000 knights were 
 gathered together in an immense field bordering the Rhine 
 on a beautiful plain ; the feudal lords of Germany, Italy, and 
 the Slavic countries all repaired thither. The Emperor 
 himself broke a lance in a brilliant tournament in spite of 
 his sixty-three years. Soon after the glorious old man was 
 
 * This famous pope, who joined the cause of the Holy See to that of 
 Italy, died in 1181, after twenty-two years in the pontificate.
 
 Chap. XVIII.] ITALY AND GERMANY. 253 
 
 drowned in the Seleph (Calycadnus) while going to the 
 conquest of Jerusalem (1190). 
 
 The northern part of Italy had escaped the Emperor, but 
 he had got possession of the south. By marrying his son 
 to Constance, daughter of Roger II., king 
 H e rTr^y^ Vl of Sicily,* Barbarossa had gained for him a 
 (1190); i^nnoj:ent ^.jgj^j. ^.^ this Iciugdom. Henry VI. (1190- 
 Gueif and Ghi- 1197) spcnt his rcign in making good his 
 ta y. (,]^ij^5^ 2,VidL his efforts were crowned with suc- 
 cess. He conquered the Norman kingdom (1194), dis- 
 playing great cruelty, and he tried to exalt again through- 
 out Italy the feudalism which his predecessors had made a 
 point of lowering. His death, the minority of his son, 
 aged four years, and the accession of Innocent III. in 1198, 
 changed the aspect of affairs. 
 
 Innocent III. was of the family of the Counts of Segna, 
 and only thirty-seven years old when he was elected pope, 
 in spite of his resistance and even tears. But when the 
 power he had not sought was put into his hand, he 
 conducted himself from the first like another Gregory 
 VII. 
 
 The question, what should be the limits of the two powers, 
 spiritual and temporal, was a difficult one for the ardent 
 believers of those times. The head of the Church, who 
 held the keys of St. Peter, had jurisdiction over the actions 
 of the faithful, and could decide whether they were righteous 
 or sinful. But the question arises at once, what actions 
 performed by kings fall or do not fall under this juris- 
 diction ? What actions are those which do not lead to the 
 eternal safety or destruction of the princes themselves and 
 of their subjects? Thus it was not wrong ambition but the 
 force of doctrine and a sort of obligation imposed upon the 
 shepherd of all souls which led to the interference of the 
 popes in the state government of those times. 
 
 The new Pope, who was going to show such haughtiness 
 of spirit, was not even master of his own episcopal city. 
 He had to reduce the senate of the city to subjection, to 
 abolish its consulate, and to oblige the prefect of Rome to 
 acknowledge that he received his authority from the Pope 
 and not from the Emperor. In order to give back to the 
 Holy See the prestige of the time of Urban II., Innocent 
 
 * Roger I. as king. Roger II. as count. — Ed,
 
 254 THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI. 
 
 had a crusade preached, the fourth in number, which the 
 Venetians turned off upon Constantinople. Finally, on the 
 strength of his being entrusted with the moral direction of 
 the world, as he claimed that he was, he interfered in all the 
 quarrels of the sovereigns of his day, and hurled his thunder- 
 bolts upon the heads of all the kings, threatening some and 
 striking others. 
 
 By his anathemas he forced the King of France to take 
 back his wife, Ingeborg, and the kings of Castile and Portu- 
 gal to make peace, and unite against the Moors ; he excom- 
 municated a usurping king in Norway ; and in Aragon a king 
 who was guilty of false coinage. In England he humbled 
 John Lackland and exalted him by turns. The King of 
 Hungary detained one of the Pope's legates ; he was threat- 
 ened with seeing his son dispossessed of the throne. In 
 Germany two powerful princes were disputing the empire, 
 Philip, brother of Henry VI., and Otto of Brunswick, 
 son of Henry the Lion of the Guelf family ; he claimed 
 the decision of this question, having the right "to examine, 
 approve, anoint, consecrate, and crown, if he be found 
 worthy, the emperor elect ; to reject him if unworthy." It 
 is terrible to think what would have happened if such pre- 
 tensions as these had been made good, if all the kingdoms 
 of Europe had become fiefs of the Holy See, and Christ- 
 ianity a sacerdotal autocracy where all liberty would have 
 been dead and all life extinguished. 
 
 In the German conflict Innocent declared for Otto, who 
 had no possessions in Italy, and against Philip, a member 
 of that Hohenstaufen family which had tried to get the 
 mastery of the Peninsula and which was still in possession of 
 the kingdom of Sicily. It was then that the famous quar- 
 rel between the Guelfs (Welfs) and the Ghibellines (Waib- 
 linger) began. In the struggle which followed, and which 
 was first confined to the two German houses, but afterwards 
 included all Italy, the peninsula no longer retained the 
 unity which had been enjoyed for a brief space under Fred- 
 erick Barbarossa. The towns were divided among them- 
 selves and were each of them torn by factions. Inno- 
 cent III. had nothing on his side but his genius and the 
 great influence he had over Europe. The Guelf Emperor 
 chosen by him, and who since the assassination of Philip in 
 1208 had no rival in power, was not slow in showing him- 
 self as self-willed in his pretensions as the emperors of the
 
 Chap. XVIII.] ITALY AND GERMANY. 255 
 
 Swabian house. Though the name had changed, yet the 
 same crown brought the same ambition with it to all heads 
 aUke. Otto refused to give back the freehold lands of 
 Matilda which the popes had not ceased to claim, and he 
 clearly indicated his determination to maintain all imperial 
 rights. The danger grew on this side : Innocent excom- 
 municated his former favorite (12 10), and, raising the 
 Ghibelline family which he had before overthrown, he 
 presented young Frederick to the Germans as their future 
 emperor. Nevertheless he stipulated that Frederick should 
 abandon all claim to the two Sicilies so soon as he should 
 have the imperial crown, for he felt how great was the peril 
 for Italy, and especially for the Holy See, in allowing both 
 Germany and the southern part of the Peninsula to remain 
 in the same hands. 
 
 The third and last struggle between the empire and the 
 papacy and Italy began with the accession of Frederick II., 
 and assumed an entirely new character. 
 (iri2-il5on''sic- Frederick II., who was a Sicilian through 
 ond Lombard his mother and through the place of his 
 eague 122 ;. ^jfth, had been entrusted in his youth to the 
 care of Innocent III. He had, accordingly, an Italian 
 and ecclesiastical education. Otto of Brunswick called 
 him the priests' king, and he was, in fact, very different 
 from such men as Henry IV. and Barbarossa. He was as 
 active and energetic as they, but he had none of their Ger- 
 man roughness ; his mind was fastidious and cultivated, and 
 full of cunning, sharpness, and incredulity. He preferred 
 to gain his ends by diplomacy and was very skillful at it. 
 It was no longer the north but the south that threatened 
 the Holy See and Italian independence. Frederick had 
 indeed pledged himself to live in Germany and to give the 
 two Sicilies to his son ; but he very much preferred the 
 sky, the customs, and the poets of Italy, and very soon ap- 
 pointed his son regent of Germany in his place, while he 
 returned to dwell in Sicily or Naples, which latter place he 
 endowed with a university. The struggle was slow in be- 
 ginning, because Frederick was not really emperor until 
 1 218, after the death of his rival Otto, of Brunswick, who 
 had been conquered four years previously by Philip 
 Augustus at Bouvines. That same year Frederick renewed 
 his vow to go to the Holy Land, and in 1220 Pope Hono- 
 rius III. (1216-1227) crowned him emperor. His mar-
 
 256 THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI. 
 
 riage to Yolande, daughter of John of Brienne, the lately 
 dispossessed King of Jerusalem, was a new incentive to a 
 crusade. But Frederick found fresh excuses for remain- 
 ing at home whenever he was urged to set out. Instead of 
 proceeding to Jerusalem, he delivered Sicily from the 
 hands of a certain Mourad-bey who had stirred up the 
 Saracens on the island, and he transported 20,000 of the 
 infidels to the fortified town of Lucera, in Apulia, feeling 
 sure that the excommunications of the Church would not 
 unsettle their allegiance, which he had secured by means of 
 great benefits conferred. At the same time he, in con- 
 junction with the lawyer Peter of Vinea, was at work or- 
 ganizing his kingdom of Sicily, which had never yet been 
 well organized under Norman sway. 
 
 Honorius III. was succeeded in 1227 by an imperious 
 and inflexible old man, Gregory IX., who reached his hun- 
 dredth year while on the pontifical throne. He did not feel 
 satisfied with Frederick's excuses, and he obliged him to 
 embark in order to rid Italy. of his presence. The Emperor 
 departed, but returned a few days after, giving as his 
 excuse a serious illness, which had made it impossible 
 for him to go farther. Gregory anathematized him, and 
 Frederick thought it more prudent this time to make the 
 journey to Jerusalem (1228). When he arrived in the Holy 
 City, which had been offered and granted to him by a 
 treaty with the Sultan of Egypt, he took in his own hands 
 the crown which no priest dared to place upon his excom- 
 municated head. He soon found out why his absence had 
 been so much desired in Italy. 
 
 The second Lombard league, formed about the year 
 1226, was quietly gaining strength, and his father-in- 
 law, John of Brienne, a soldier in the employ of the Holy 
 See, was leading his forces into the kingdom of Sicily. 
 Frederick, on his return, gathered his Saracens together, 
 drove out John of Brienne, and held a diet at Ravenna, in 
 which he won over to his party Eccelino da Romano, lord 
 of Verona and the most dreaded of the nobles of the Mark 
 Treviso. He thought then that he had restored peace to 
 the north, and he caused it to be preached by the monk 
 John of Vicenza. All he asked for was the repose which 
 would allow him to dwell in his palaces at Naples, Mes- 
 sina, and the "trilingual" Palermo, in the midst of his 
 people, who were made up of Greeks, Germans, Normans,
 
 Chap. XVIII.] ITALY AND GERMANY. 257 
 
 and Saracens, and in the midst of his court of artists, poets, 
 astrologers, and lawyers. He was himself a poet, and 
 wrote verses in a new language, the so-called lingua cor- 
 tigiana, which was the language of his court. 
 
 He suddenly learned that his son Henry, King of the 
 Romans, had revolted against him at the instigation of the 
 Holy See. His indignation was roused, and he marched 
 toward Lombardy with his Saracens, defeated his son, and 
 gained the great victory of Cortenuova (1237), over the 
 Lombard league. Ten thousand Lombards were killed or 
 taken prisoners, and the carroccio was sent in derision to 
 the Pope and the people of Rome. Frederick was now 
 master of Italy, and he appointed his second son, Enzio, 
 King of Sardinia, drove out from Sicily the Dominicans 
 and Franciscans who had conspired against him, and was 
 pronounced by his lawyers the living law upon the earth 
 {lex animal a in lerris). 
 
 That the Emperor should make such a claim exasperated 
 the Pope, who spoke of him as the "beast full of names 
 and blasphemies," mentioned by St. John. Frederick, 
 replying, used the names of anti-Christ and of the great 
 dragon of the Apocalypse, and the struggle between the 
 Church and the Empire broke out again with the same vio- 
 lence that it had shown on two previous occasions — due 
 less to the passions of the two adversaries than to the irre- 
 concilable opposition of the great principles represented by 
 them. Gregory IX. proclaimed Frederick deposed, roused 
 up the towns of Tuscany and the Romagna against him, and 
 offered the imperial crown to Robert d'Artois, the brother 
 of St. Louis. The latter refused for his brother, and even 
 reproached the Pope for " wishing, in the person of the 
 Emperor, to trample all kings beneath his feet." The war 
 brought success to Frederick. He conquered the Tuscans 
 and the Romagna. The Pope aroused Genoa and Venice 
 in vain. Most of the towns tendered their submission. 
 Gregory IX. then built his hopes upon a council which he 
 convoked for the year 1241 at the Lateran. But Frederick 
 blockaded Rome, and ordered his ships, joined with those 
 of Pisa, to attack the Genoese fleet which bore the council. 
 The Genoese were conquered at Meloria, and lost twenty- 
 four ships ; two cardinals and a host of bishops, abbots, 
 and deputies from the Lombard towns fell into the hands
 
 258 THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. [Book VI. 
 
 of Frederick, who had the prelates bound with silver chains. 
 Gregory died of grief. 
 
 The Holy See was left vacant for two years. Finally the 
 Cardinals appointed in 1243, Sinibald Fieschi of Genoa, 
 
 under the name of Innocent IV. Frederick 
 (i243)°'^^Fai/ of '^^^ divined what he might expect of him ; 
 the German " Sinibald was my friend," he Said, " the Popc 
 (1250^! *" ^^ ^ will be my enemy." Innocent IV. did not try, 
 
 like Gregory, to convoke a council at Rome, 
 but made his escape from that city and sent out from Genoa 
 a demand to St. Louis, and then to the kings of England and 
 Aragon for a refuge in their states. The man, before whom 
 the whole world trembled, had not where to lay his head ; 
 one proof among many that his strength was neither in sol- 
 diers nor in fortresses. He decided to retreat to the town 
 of Lyons, which was at that time practically independent 
 under its archbishop. He charged the prelates to meet him 
 there. The council opened on the 26th of June, 1245. 
 Frederick had been condemned before, nevertheless he sent 
 his chancellor, Peter of Vinea, and Thaddeus of Suessa, to 
 present his justification. Peter maintained a silence that 
 looked very much like treason, and let his master be de- 
 posed.* Thaddeus, after a long and useless defense, vigor- 
 ously protested against the sentence. " I have done my 
 duty," said the Pope, " the rest is with God." 
 
 When Frederick heard that his crown had been disposed 
 of he took it in his hands and placed it more firmly on his 
 head, crying, " It shall not fall from my head until blood has 
 flowed in streams." He called upon the sovereigns of Europe 
 for assistance : " If I perish, you will all perish." He sent his 
 Saracens out into Italy, while Innocent IV. stirred up Lom- 
 bardy and Sicily through his monks, appointed a new King 
 of the Romans, and preached a new crusade against Fred- 
 erick II. St. Louis vainly interposed in the furious contest. 
 The event was at first uncertain ; but when Enzio, P'red- 
 erick's beloved son, was taken prisoner, betrayed in his 
 flight by a lock of his beautiful hair, and kept in confine- 
 ment by the Bolognese until he died, the Emperor's spirit 
 was broken. He saw all his friends falling around him, 
 
 * Peter does not become chancellor till 1247. The story here given is 
 doubtful, and all attempts to account for his sudden downfall are con- 
 jectures. — El).
 
 Chap. XVIII.] ITAL Y AND GERMANY. 259 
 
 like Thaddeus of Suessa and Enzio, or else becoming trait- 
 ors like Peter of Vinea, who tried to poison him, and who, 
 when his eyes were put out by the Emperor's order, dashed 
 his brains out against a wall. He thought of submitting, 
 and begged St. Louis to intercede for him with the Pope ; 
 he offered to abdicate, to go and die m the Holy Land ; he 
 consented to the division of Germany and Sicily provided 
 they should be given to his legitimate children. Innocent 
 did not swerve from his course of annihilating that " race of 
 vipers " and conquering Sicily ; he was inexorable. The 
 Emperor, broken in spirit and sick with rage, summoned 
 more Saracens from Africa to avenge himself on Rome ; 
 he almost called upon the Mongolians and Turks. Ec- 
 celino da Romano, tyrant of Padua, tried to force his way 
 through to Frederick with fearful carnage, but the sudden 
 death of the Emperor at Fiorentino, in Apulia (December 
 13, 1250), spared Italy a last struggle, which would have 
 reached a paroxysm of fury. It also brought about the 
 fall of the German power and imperial authority in Italy. 
 A new era began for the Peninsula, an era of independence.
 
 26o 
 
 THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY. 
 
 
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 BOOK VII. 
 THE CRUSADES (1095-1270). 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 THE FIRST CRUSADE TO JERUSALEM (1095-1099). 
 
 Condition of the World before the Crusades ; the Greek Empire. — Peter 
 the Hermit, the Council of Clermont (1095) and the first Crusaders. — 
 Departure of the great army of Crusaders (1096) ; Siege of Nicsea 
 and battle of Dorylseum. — Siege and taking of Antioch (1098) ; De- 
 feat of Kerboga ; Siege and taking of Jerusalem (1099). — Godfrey, 
 Baron of the Holy Sepulchre. Organization of the new Kingdom. 
 
 Within this world of the ISIiddle Ages, there were two 
 entirely distinct worlds : that of the Gospel and that of the 
 Koran. They had already come sometimes 
 the°wor°d be- ioto colUsion, but finding that thev werc nearly 
 ^re the first equal in strength, they had been content with 
 tacitly dividing the known world between 
 them. The Koran ruled from the Pyrenees to the mouth of 
 the Ganges ; the Gospels ruled the whole of Europe, with 
 the exception of Spain. Only the outer edges of these two 
 worlds had come into contact with each other in the fron- 
 tier wars, but the time had now come when they were to be 
 involved in a general war. 
 
 We have already seen what an important part the Ger- 
 manic society played in Christendom, of which it was the 
 leading spirit. Though complete unity could not be main- 
 tained, division had not proved fatal to it ; its life and 
 activity were immense, and it proved a fruitful soil for the 
 propagation of new ideas. 
 
 The Greek society, which made up the remainder of 
 Christendom, isolated as it was between the Germans and 
 the Arabs, like an island surrounded by the floods of inva- 
 sion, dragged out a barren and insignificant existence. 
 
 261
 
 262 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 Since the time of Justinian, the same story had been re- 
 peated over and over of court intrigues, interspersed with 
 acts of cruelty, theological disputes which excited the peo- 
 ple, wars against the masters of Asia and against the bar- 
 barians who sometimes appeared in the north, and occa- 
 sionally, among all these disturbances, some legislative 
 achievements. The separation between the Empire of the 
 East and the German peoples had become even wider, 
 since it had become a religious separation also. The 
 schism of the two churches, which began with the quarrel 
 of the Iconoclasts, continued through the two following cen- 
 turies, though the Greeks under Irene and Theodora (787 
 and 842) had returned to the orthodox worship of images. 
 The installation of Photius as Patriarch of Constantinople, 
 which was disapproved of by Pope Nicholas I., widened the 
 breach ; a point of dogma, the admission by the Latin 
 church of \\\*t filioque in that passage of the Nicene Creed 
 where it says that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father ; 
 some differences in matters of observance ; the use of leav- 
 ened instead of unleavened bread, the marriage of the priests, 
 the use of the vulgar tongue in the celebration of the church 
 services, baptism by immersion, the Saturday's fast, and 
 above all the rivalry of the two churches over the kmg of 
 Bulgaria, whom the patriarch finally succeeded in winning 
 to his communion, put the finishing stroke to the separa- 
 tion, which was complete in 1054 after the papal legates 
 had placed on the altar of Saint^Sophia an anathema which 
 branded " The seven mortal heresies of the Greeks." 
 
 Though separated from the rest of Christendom, it must 
 be acknowledged that the Empire of the East had resources 
 enough, besides sometimes possessing princes who were 
 able to guard their own frontiers and even to gain advan- 
 tages over her enemies and the neighboring peoples, espe- 
 cially over those of the north, the Russians and the Bulga- 
 rians. Attacks were first made by the Russians upon the 
 empire m 865. They descended the Borysthenes in their 
 vessels and reached Constantinople by the Black Sea. The 
 Greek fire drove them away both this first and many other 
 times. Toward the end of the tenth century they formed 
 another project and made an attempt to establish themselves 
 on the right bank of the Danube, but John Zimisces drove 
 them off (972). Discouraged by these fruitless efforts, the 
 Russians decided to have the Greeks for their friends, and
 
 Chap. XIX.] THE FIRST CRUSADE. 263 
 
 after the marriage of their chief Vladimir with the daugh- 
 ter of the Emperor Basil II. (980), peace reigned between 
 the two peoples. Vladimir became a convert to the religion 
 of his wife. 
 
 In their struggle with the Bulgarians, the Greeks were 
 even more successful. It is true that Constantinople was 
 besieged several times, and that the Empire was invaded 
 twenty-six times by the Bulgarian king, Samuel ; but in 
 10 1 9 Basil II. overthrew their kingdom, and the Empire was 
 again victorious. 
 
 After the first great attack of the Arabs, the Greek Em- 
 pire was able to repel them successfully. The Greek navy 
 recovered its old force in the ninth century, and took the 
 islands of the Archipelago and several points in the Morea, 
 which had been occupied by the infidels, dividing the latter 
 as far as the latitude of Sicily. In the tenth century, 
 Nicephorus Phocas led the Greek army again to Cilicia 
 and Syria, countries which had been lost to the empire long 
 before. John Zimisces went still farther and crossed the 
 Euphrates, striking terror into the heart of Bagdad. The 
 Greek Empire showed a singular vitality, and though always 
 on the point of dissolution survived the barbarians who had 
 so often overwhelmed it. 
 
 Since Heraclius, the throne of Byzantium had been oc- 
 cupied by three different dynasties, the Isaurian from 717 
 to 802, the Phrygian from 820 to 867, and the Macedonian 
 from 867 to 1056. The last of these, which produced the 
 three remarkable men, Nicephorus Phocas, Zimisces, and 
 Basil II., revived some of the ancient glory of the Empire. 
 We must remember however, that this family came to the 
 throne when the Bulgarians and the Abbasides were utterly 
 exhausted. The dynasty of the Comneni, on the contrary, 
 which came to the throne in 1057 with Isaac, had to con- 
 tend against new and formidable enemies, the Turks, who 
 had recently become the masters of Asia. Romanus 
 Diogenes, the only prince of any valor who sprung from 
 this family in the second half of the eleventh century, de- 
 feated the Seljuk Alp-Arslan,but was taken prisoner by him 
 in a second battle {1071). Alexis Comnenus (108 r), feeling 
 too weak to resist them alone, called the Germans to his aid 
 and thus contributed something to the first crusade. In 
 the crusades, the great events of the time, the Greek Em- 
 pire, which no longer possessed any real strength or vigor,
 
 264 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 let the Franks take the lead, and when the rough-hewn 
 civilization of the West was brought into contact with the 
 exhausted civilization of the East, it was easy to see to which 
 empire the future belonged. 
 
 Such was the Christian world. In reviewing the Mussul- 
 man world, it must be born in mind how greatly its powef 
 had declined. At one time there had been three great 
 empires : that of the Ommiades in Spain, of the Fatimites 
 in Africa, and of the Abbasides in Asia. Then the Ommi- 
 ades of Cordova, shaken by the double attack of the small 
 Christian states at the north, and of the Moorish people 
 from Africa at the south, had disappeared ; the dominion of 
 the Fatimites was reduced to the limits of Egypt by the 
 aggressions of the African dynasties on the west and the vic- 
 torious Seljuk Turks on the east ; and finally, in 1058, the 
 Abbasides of Bagdad had been almost overthrown by these 
 same Turks. Thus the Arab society had not had the good 
 fortune possessed by the Germanic society of being able to 
 set a definite limit to all later invasion of its territory, and 
 to organize itself during times of peace behind some mighty 
 barrier. 
 
 The Turks founded a great empire under Alp the Lion 
 (Arslan) (1063), and Malek-Shah (1075), successors of 
 Togrul-Beg. The first took the Greek Emperor, Romanus 
 Diogenes, prisoner in 107 1, and conquered Armenia. The 
 second sent troops to invade Syria, Palestine, and Jerusalem, 
 and even pushed his armies as far as Egypt ; while a mem- 
 ber of the Seljuk family conquered Asia Minor from the 
 Greeks, and founded the kingdom of Iconium, which ex- 
 tended from the Taurus to the Bosphorus, and which con- 
 tinued its growth under his son Kilij-Arslan, who took the 
 title of Sultan of Roum [Rome]. At the death of Malek- 
 Shah (1093), according to a Persian poet, "A cloud of 
 princes rose from the dust of his feet," by which is meant 
 that the power of his empire was broken. Persia, Syria, and 
 Kerman became distinct sultanates, sharing the fate of all 
 Asiatic conquests. Nevertheless, tlie whole of Asia was in 
 the hands of the Turks when the Christians arrived. 
 
 The Christian of Europe, confined in a limited space, 
 without any large horizon save that of his thoughts, and 
 with no food for thought except what he found in his 
 holy books and their stories, concentrated all his poetical 
 feelings on the localities continually mentioned in these
 
 Chap. XIX.] THE FIRST CRUSADE. 265 
 
 books, where his Saviour lived and died and accomplished 
 
 on the cross the great mystery of the redemption. His 
 
 ideal country — the place toward which he 
 
 Peterthe ■ 
 
 Hermit; the was impelled by all his most serious and 
 monuiML^and swectcst thoughts — was Jcrusalcm, where the 
 the first crusa- Holy Sepulchre was, and where the Empress 
 ^"^^^ Helena had devoutly collected the relics of 
 
 the Passion ; and next to Jerusalem, the Mount of Olives, 
 Golgotha, and Bethlehem. Happy would he be who might 
 see Jerusalem, and doubly happy he who should die there. 
 The common people did not even hope for such blessed- 
 ness. Palestine was so far away. A very few pilgrims 
 went there, and on their return their narratives were listened 
 to with the greatest eagerness. Cries of horror and hatred 
 were lifted up against the infidels when they described the 
 tyranny exercised in the Holy City by the Fatimite Caliph 
 Hakim, or later by the Sultan Malek-Shah. Even pilgrims 
 were not admitted except on the payment of a piece of 
 gold, and many, having exhausted all their means on the 
 journey, were obliged to wait at the gate of the Holy City 
 till the charity of some rich noble arriving from Europe 
 allowed them to enter. Nevertheless the numbers of the 
 travelers increased and gradually became quite consider- 
 able. During the eleventh century sometimes as many as 
 3000 started at once, sometimes even 7000. These were 
 still armies of peaceful men, but they prepared the way 
 for armies of a different kind. 
 
 The Greek Emperor Alexis Comnenus, alarmed by the 
 appearance of the Turks on the opposite bank of the Bos- 
 phorus, directly in front of Constantinople, sent forth a 
 cry for help, which was heard in all the courts of Europe. 
 But the western Christians were indifferent to the dangers 
 threatening this last remainder of the Roman Empire. Pope 
 Silvester H. had already written in vain an eloquent letter 
 to the princes in behalf of abandoned Jerusalem. Greg- 
 ory VH., whose soul was always filled with great thoughts, 
 wished to go himself with 50,000 knights to deliver the 
 Holy Selpulchre. Emperors and popes were powerless, 
 but what they were unable to perform was accomplished 
 by a poor monk. 
 
 Jerusalem had just fallen into the hands of a savage 
 horde of Turks, who, instead of treating the pilgrims with 
 the indulgence shown them by the Caliphs of Bagdad and
 
 266 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 Cairo, overwhelmed them with insults, and it was only by 
 running great risks that the pilgrims could approach the 
 holy places. Peter the Hermit made all France resound 
 with the melancholy accounts of their distress, and the 
 people were fired with a devout enthusiasrn and everywhere 
 took arms to rescue the tomb of Christ from the hands of 
 the infidels.* The Council of Clermont, which came to- 
 gether in 1095, with the French Pope Urban II. at its head, 
 proclaimed the crusade ; the number of those who in that 
 and the following year fixed upon their breasts the cross of 
 red cloth, the sign of their enlistment in the holy project, 
 was almost a million. The Church put them under the 
 protection of the Truce of God, and granted them various 
 privileges for their property, which were to last through 
 the whole time of the expedition. 
 
 Men came from the most distant countries. Guibert of 
 Nogent says : " Men landed at all the ports of France, who, 
 as they were unable to make themselves understood, placed 
 their fingers over each other in the form of a cross, to sig- 
 nify that they wished to take part in the holy war." The 
 most impatient were the poor, putting their trust in God 
 alone, and with the cry of " God wills it," {Dicii le veut) they 
 were the first to start, though without any preparation and 
 almost without weapons. Whole families went, men and 
 women, old and young together, and the little ones, who 
 were placed on carts drawn by oxen, could be heard to 
 exclaim whenever they saw a castle or a city, ** Is not that 
 Jerusalem?" A vanguard of 15,000 men, with only six 
 horses among them, were the first to take the road, led by a 
 poor Norman knight, Walter the Penniless. Peter the Her- 
 mit followed with 100,000 men. Another troop, led by a 
 German priest Gotteschalk, brought up the rear.f They 
 passed through Germany, slaying any Jews they met, living 
 by pillage and accustoming themselves to violence. In 
 Hungary they caused such disturbances that the popula- 
 
 * The stories of Peter the Hermit's sufferings and visions in the Holy 
 Land, which led him to preach the crusade, are now known to be the 
 inventions of later times. To the Pope belongs the credit of beginning 
 the movement. He roused Peter the Hermit, not Peter the Hermit 
 him. — En. 
 
 f There were several comjianies of this sort which preceded the crusade, 
 but they were without any common organization or connection with one 
 another. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XIX.j THE FIRST CRUSADE. 267 
 
 tion took to arms and, after having killed many of them, 
 drove them into Thrace. Only a very few of them got as 
 far as Constantinople. The Emperor Alexis, in haste to 
 get rid of such allies, sent them on into Asia as soon as 
 possible. There they fell under the sabre of the Turks, on 
 the plain of Nicsea, and their bones were said to have been 
 used by the Crusaders who followed them in fortifying their 
 camp. 
 
 While this reckless vanguard was marching to its death, 
 the knights were arming themselves and being organized. 
 They finally started with 100,000 horsemen 
 th? g^ea\"arrny ^"d 6oo,ooo foot soldicrs, as wc are told, going 
 ofcrusaders ^y different routes and under different lead- 
 Ni°caa' a^nd^ba°- crs.* The men from the North of France 
 ?'^ °^ r^r.ZX^' and from Lorraine passed through Germany 
 
 laeum (1097). t^ r^ -ic c 
 
 and Hungary. Among them was Godfrey of 
 Bouillon, Duke of Lower Lorraine, the bravest, strongest, 
 and most devout of the crusaders, and his two brothers, 
 Eustach of Boulogne, and Baldwin. Led by the Count of 
 Toulouse, the men of Southern France crossed the Alps 
 and passed through Dalmatia and Thrace. Adhemar, the 
 bishop of Puy and the legate of the Holy See, the spiritual 
 chief of the crusade was with this army. The Duke of 
 Normandy and the Counts of Blois, of Flanders, and of 
 Vermandois, went to join the Normans of Italy, who were 
 led by Bohemond, Prince of Tarentum, and his nephew, 
 Tancred, who, after Godfrey, was the most perfect knight of 
 the times ; and these together crossed the Adriatic and 
 passed through Greece and IMacedonia. 
 
 The place of general meeting was at Constantinople. 
 The Emperor was alarmed lest they should begin their 
 crusade there by taking possession of the great city. Some, 
 indeed, thought of doing so, in order to put an end to the 
 treacheries " of these Grecules, the meanest o^ men," but 
 Godfrey of Bouillon opposed it. He agreed beforehand to 
 do homage to the Emperor Alexis for all the lands of which 
 he might gain possession, f After he had done this no 
 one else dared refuse. 
 
 * These numbers are of course e.xaggerated. The number of armed 
 men may possibly have reached 300,000. — Ed. 
 
 f Godfrey, however, did not do this willingly, but only because he was 
 forced by the Emperor to do so, and some of the leaders did not take this 
 feudal oath at all. — Ed.
 
 268 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 Alexis, however, did not feel secure until the last of these 
 proud warriors had passed into Asia. The first place 
 reached by the Crusaders as they entered the Asiatic penin- 
 sula was the great city of Nicsea, and this they besieged. 
 Nothing could be more striking than the appearance of 
 their camp, where there were so many languages, so many 
 war-cries, and so many different styles of arms, but where, 
 nevertheless, all were inspired by one idea. At the sight 
 of people gathered together from all parts of western 
 Europe into one camp, the men of the time, who were 
 accustomed to the isolation of the feudal system, there felt 
 the force of new and broader ideas, and gained their first 
 conception of nationality and of patriotism. 
 
 " O France," wrote one of the chroniclers, " thou country 
 which shouldst rank higher than all others, how beautiful 
 were the tents of thy soldiers in the land of Rome ! " Nicaea 
 was about to surrender, after some violent attacks, when 
 the Greeks who were in the army of the crusaders persuaded 
 the inhabitants to raise the standard of Alexis, and having 
 raised the colors of the Greek Empire they could not be 
 attacked. The crusaders were outraged by this treachery, 
 and withdrew, passing on into Asia Minor. 
 
 They had found the road to Nicaea still covered with the 
 bodies of the soldiers of Peter the Hermit ; and it was now 
 their turn to strew the plains with dead and dying. Their 
 most terrible enemy was not the Turk ; for though Kilij-Ars- 
 lan, who had recently been beaten near Nicasa, attempted to 
 make good his defeat, he was overcome by them on the plains 
 of Doryloeum and his camp was taken (1097). But when the 
 crusaders came to the part of Phrygia called by the an- 
 cients Burning Phrygia, they were overcome by hunger and 
 thirst. Most of the horses died, many of the knights were 
 obliged to ride asses and oxen, and the luggage was carried 
 upon beasts of all sorts. These misfortunes were increased 
 by fatal discord within the army ; the different nations 
 quarreled with one another. Baldwin, brother of Godfrey, 
 and Tancred, the nephew of Bohemond, were contending 
 for the city of Tarsus. Nevertheless, in spite of all these 
 misfortunes, the march continued. Baldwin succeeded in 
 gaining an entrance into Edessa, on the Euphrates, and 
 became the prince of that city. This advanced position 
 gave protection to the crusaders and brought them into 
 communication with the Christians of Armenia.
 
 Chap. XIX.] THE FIRST CRUSADE. • 269 
 
 On October 18, 1097, they reached the great city of An- 
 tioch, with its 450 towers. The siege lasted a long time, 
 and while it was going on the crusaders be- 
 takinVof^Anti^ Came greatly weakened ; on the banks of the 
 f'^VfK^n ^^ Orontes and under the shade of the garden of 
 er oga. j^^pj^j^g^ g^ celebrated in antiquity, they for- 
 got their valor and gave themselves up to dissipation. 
 The winter rains deluged the camp, and famine forced 
 them to eat thistles and dead animals. Bohemond saved 
 them by throwing Antioch open to them, which he accom- 
 plished by means of a secret correspondence he kept up with 
 Firuz, an Armenian renegade, within the city. During a 
 stormy night, when the noise of the wind and thunder deaf- 
 ened the sentinels, the Christians scaled the walls by means 
 of rope ladders which were let down to them, and threw 
 themselves upon the city, crying: " God wills it !" Bohe- 
 mond's efforts to save the army were not entirely disinter- 
 ested ; he had stipulated that, if successful, he should be 
 the prince of Antioch. 
 
 The crusaders, reduced to half their original numbers, 
 underwent the same suffering inside the city that they had 
 had to bear outside the walls, for they were besieged by 
 200,000 Turks led by Kerboga,the lieutenant of the Caliph 
 of Bagdad. Godfrey had his last war-horse killed, and 
 despair had settled down upon them, when a Marseillais 
 priest, Peter Barthelemy, announced to the leaders of the 
 army that Saint Andrew had revealed to him in his sleep 
 that the spear which pierced the side of Christ was under 
 the high altar of the church, and that the possession of this 
 would give the victory to the Christians. They dug under 
 the altar, found the spear ; and the crusaders, filled with 
 enthusiasm, marched against the army of Kerboga and cut 
 it to pieces. 
 
 Instead of starting at once for Jerusalem they stayed six 
 months longer in Antioch, where great numbers died of the 
 plague. When they finally left the city, of the 600,000 who 
 had started, only 50,000 were left ; though it is true that a 
 number of them had settled down in the various cities 
 through which the crusade had passed. They followed 
 along the coast of the Mediterranean in order to keep in 
 communication with the fleets from Genoa and Pisa which 
 brought them supplies. Inadditiontothis, as they were pass- 
 ing through the rich valleys of the Lebanon range they soon
 
 2^0 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 recovered from their sufferings and regained their strength. 
 Their enthusiasm grew as they approached the Holy City, 
 and began to traverse places hallowed by the narratives of 
 the Gospels ; and in speaking of the moment when they 
 had finally crossed the last hill and Jerusalem lay before 
 their eyes, one of the monks in the army exclaimed, " O 
 blessed Jesus, when the Christians saw thy holy city, what 
 floods of tears flowed from all eyes !" Cries broke forth on 
 every side of " Jerusalem ; Jerusalem ! God wills it, God 
 wills it ! " They stretched out their arms, fell on their 
 knees, and kissed the ground. 
 
 The next thing was to take this city, the object of so 
 many vows. Jerusalem was defended by the soldiers of the 
 Fatimite Caliph of Cairo, who had lately 
 taki'ng^ol^ /eru- captured it from the Turks. When the 
 saiem (1099;. crusaders were in Antioch this caliph had 
 offered to let them enter Jerusalem if they would come in 
 unarmed, but the Christians had rejected this offer with 
 indignation. They wished to conquer Jerusalem with their 
 blood. They had to endure great sufferings under the 
 walls of the city. The earth was parched by the summer 
 suns, the brook of Cedron was dried up, and the cisterns 
 were either filled up or poisoned by the enemy ; only a 
 little stagnant water could be found, and this even the 
 horses refused to drink. To keep up the spirits of the 
 army, a solemn procession was made around the city. 
 All the crusaders stopped and prostrated themselves on the 
 Mount of Olives. On the fifteenth day of July, 1099, a 
 general assault was made at early dawn, and three great 
 rolling towers were pushed up against the walls of the city, 
 but they fought all day without gaining any advantage. 
 The next day, after new vicissitudes, the crusaders were 
 finally victorious. Tancred and Godfrey, at two different 
 points, were the first to enter the city. They had still to 
 fight their way through the streets and to get possession of 
 the Mosque of Omar where the Mohammedans took shelter. 
 Blood flowed in streams, and inside the mosque it came up 
 to the breasts of the horses. The massacre was suspended 
 for a while, in order that all might go barefooted and un- 
 armed and kneel down at the holy sepulchre ; but it began 
 again and lasted a whole week. 
 
 The crusaders lost no time in organizing their new con- 
 quest. Godfrey was unanimously elected King of Jeru-
 
 Chap. XIX.] THE FIRST CRUSADE. 271 
 
 salem, but he would only accept the title of Defender and 
 
 Baron of the Holy Sepulchre, refusing " to wear a crown 
 
 ^ j^r J of gold where Jesus Christ, the Son of God, 
 
 Godfrey made p , ^^ . -' , , . ' I 
 
 Baron of the and the King of kmgs, wore a crown or 
 cVre^. o^rga^nil thorns OH the day of his passion." The 
 zation of the victory of Ascalon, won by the crusaders a 
 new ing om. n^j-ig later, ovcr an Egyptian army which had 
 been sent to recapture Jerusalem, secured their conquest to 
 them. The Mussulman poets mourned : " How much 
 blood has been shed ; what blows have been inflicted on 
 the true believers. Their wives have been obliged to flee, 
 hiding their faces. Their children have fallen prey to the 
 sword of the victor. For our fathers, once masters of 
 Syria, there is now no refuge but the backs of their camels 
 and the entrails of the vultures." Islamism was indeed 
 paying for its ancient conquests. But the Christians were 
 already weary of so much hardship. Almost all the nobles 
 were in haste to return to their own firesides ; and, with 
 Godfrey and Tancred, hardly more than 300 knights re- 
 mained in Jerusalem. The ones who remained, with tears 
 in their eyes, begged those who departed never to forget 
 them, saying : " t)o not forget your brothers whom you 
 leave in exile. When you get back to Europe, arouse in 
 all Christians the desire to visit the holy places which we 
 have delivered, and exhort the warriors to come and fight 
 the infidel nations." But the enthusiasm of Europe was 
 chilled when so few returned from the enormous number 
 that started, and fifty years elapsed before another crusade 
 of any importance was undertaken to relieve the kingdom 
 founded at Jerusalem. 
 
 When left to its own resources the little kingdom was 
 organized for defense, and was regularly constituted on the 
 principles of feudalism transported, ready-made, into Asia. 
 It was regulated by a code, called the Assizes of Jerusalem, 
 which Godfrey of Bouillon had drawn up in French, and 
 which gives us a complete picture of the feudal system 
 which, until then, had not been embodied anywhere in 
 any great legislative monument.* Fiefs were established, 
 namely, the principalities of Edessa and of Antioch, in- 
 
 * The code called the Assizes of Jerusalem was drawn up in the thir- 
 teenth century, in the kingdom of Cyprus. If any account of the feudal 
 usages was written out under Godfrey, it has not been preserved. — Ed.
 
 272 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 creased later by the county of Tripoli and the marquisate 
 of Tyre and other smaller seignories* — a strange mixture of 
 biblical names and feudal institutions, which is very charac- 
 teristic of the Middle Ages, and which shows the close union 
 of religious faith with the military life of the times. 
 
 The country was put under three jurisdictions: the 
 court of the king, that of the Vicount of Jerusalem, and for 
 the natives, the Syrian tribunal. The country was defended 
 by two great military institutions : the order of the Hos- 
 pitalers of Saint John of Jerusalem, organized upon an 
 earlier institution, in iioo, and that of the Templars, 
 founded in 1118 by Hugh de Payens, institutions character- 
 istic both of the era and of the circumstances in which they 
 were founded. In them can be discerned both the chival- 
 rous and the monastic spirit. 
 
 The new state at first continued in search of conquest, as 
 if obedient to the original impulse it had received. Under 
 the two first successors of Godfrey, Baldwin I. (i loo-i 1 18), 
 and Baldwin H. (1118-1131}, Acre, Cesaraea, Ptolemais, 
 Beirut, Sidon, and Tyre were all taken. But after these 
 reigns dissensions broke out and the decline of the king- 
 dom began. The Atabeks, rulers of Mosul and Damascus, 
 took Edessa and massacred the inhabitants (i 144). This 
 bloody disaster, which left Palestine unprotected, impelled 
 Europe to renew the crusade. 
 
 * The feudal subdivisions of the kingdom of Jerusalem varied greatly 
 at different times, and the relation of the larger principalities to it was 
 always merely nominal. The kingdom was scarcely more than a name^ 
 —Ed.
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE LAST CRUSADES IN THE EAST ; THEIR RESULTS. 
 (1147-1270.] 
 
 Second Crusade (1147). — Jerusalem taken by Saladin ; Third Crusade 
 (11S9). — Fourth Crusade (1201-1204) — Foundation of an Empire at 
 Constantinople (1204-1261). — The last Four Crusades in the East ; 
 the Mongols of Jenghiz Khan. — Seventh and Eigh;:h Crusades 
 (1248 and 1270). — Effects of the Crusades. 
 
 The first crusade was very different from the other seven ; 
 it affected the whole of Europe, stirred the masses to their 
 Second Cru- depths, both commoners and lords, and indi- 
 sade CII47-; catcd a great movement in the field of senti- 
 ment and ideas. Those fought in the two following centu- 
 ries had no longer that character. They were almost all 
 led by kings who had stood aloof from the first, and 
 though faith was still an inspiring influence, yet it was often 
 overruled by motives of policy. The spirit of the second 
 crusade still bore a close resemblance to that which had 
 animated the first ; it was, however, no longer the work of 
 the people, but of princes, of the Emperor Conrad III., and 
 of the King of France, Louis VII., the last of whom took 
 the cross in spite of the prudent counsels of his minister, the 
 Abbot Suger. The crusade was preached in France and 
 Germany by St. Bernard ; but the zeal had already cooled. 
 Murmurs of discontent were heard when a general tax war. 
 levied on all the kingdom of France and on all conditions of 
 men, whether nobles, priests, or peasants ; * at Sens, the burg- 
 ers killed the abbot of St. Peter le Vif, the feudal lord of a 
 part of their city, because of a tax he wished to impose on 
 them. " The king," said a contemporary, " started out in 
 the midst of imprecations." The command of the expedition 
 was offered to St. Bernard ; but he remembered the fate of 
 
 * Feudal levies must be understood here rather than a tax in our sense 
 of the word. — Ed. 
 
 273
 
 274 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 Peter the Hermit, and refused. The Emperor was the first 
 to start with the Germans. The Greeks of Constantinople, 
 who hated the Latins as much as they did the Turks, had 
 deceived him in every way, even selling him flour mixed 
 with lime, and had urged him to go over into Asia. While 
 Louis was at a distance with his Franks, the Emperor 
 Manuel sent deputies to meet him. The feudal lords were 
 disgusted with the fulsome flattery of the Greeks, and in- 
 terrupted them by saying : " Do not tell us so often of the 
 glory, piety, and wisdom of the king. He knows himself 
 and we know him. State briefly what you wish." What 
 Manuel wished for in his fright, was that the crusaders 
 should swear an oath of allegiance to him. They con- 
 sented again, though, as in the first crusade, they let some 
 threatening words escape their lips. The Germans were 
 already in the middle of Asia Minor, but betrayed by their 
 Greek guides they strayed into the defiles of the Taurus 
 and there fell by the sword of the Turk. Conrad came 
 back almost alone to Constantinople. 
 
 Louis, who had been warned of the danger, followed a 
 course along the sea and secured his route by a victory on 
 the Meander. But near Laodicea the country grew moun- 
 tainous. There the folly of the chiefs and the lack of dis- 
 cipline among the soldiers brought on the first disaster. 
 The king just escaped being killed, and for a long time he 
 fought alone, as all the nobles who formed his body-guard 
 had been killed. " Noble flowers of France," said one of 
 the chroniclers, "who faded away before they could bear 
 fruit beneath the walls of Damascus." At Attalia it was 
 decided that it would be impossible to proceed. The king 
 and his chiefs embarked in Greek ships to accomplish their 
 pilgrimage by sea, leaving the multitude of pilgrims to 
 perish by the arrows of the Turks, or, accusing Christ of 
 having deceived them, to become Mohammedans. Three 
 thousand escaped death in this way. 
 
 When Louis arrived at Antioch he no longer thought of 
 fighting, but only of accomplishing his pilgrim's vow, of 
 praying at the Holy Sepulchre, and of ending the unlucky 
 expedition as soon as possible. He hurried his march to 
 Jerusalem, paying no heed to the prayers of the Prince of 
 Antioch and the Count of Tripoli, who wished to detain 
 him. The people, princes, and prelates went before him, 
 carrying olive branches and singing : " Blessed is he who
 
 Chap. XX.] THE LAST CRUSADES. 275 
 
 comes in the name of the Lord ! " He thought it necessar)', 
 however, to do something and to draw his sword once at least 
 in the Holy Land. It was proposed to attack Damascus. 
 Damascus is one of the holy cities of Islamism and the pearl 
 of the East. It stands surrounded by great gardens which 
 are watered by the different branches of the Barradi, and 
 which form a forest of orange and lemon trees, cedars, and 
 trees of delicious fruits. It is the capital of the desert, and 
 for Syria either a bulwark or a perpetual menace, according 
 as it is in friendly or in hostile hands. The attack seemed 
 at first to succeed ; they gained possession of the gardens, 
 but the Christian princes fell to fighting over the skin of 
 the bear before they had killed him, and they were finally 
 obliged to raise the siege and go back to Palestine. Conrad 
 and Louis had exhausted their patience ; they returned to 
 Europe, meeting with fresh misadventures on their way, for 
 the King of France fell into the hands of Greek pirates and 
 owed his deliverance to the Normans of Sicily. Europe 
 again welcomed very few of those who had started out. 
 The first crusade had at least attained its end, it had 
 delivered Jerusalem ; the second had spilt the blood of 
 Christians to no purpose. After that Palestine was weaker 
 and Islamism stronger, and the crusaders brought nothing 
 back from their expedition but shame, or, as in the case of 
 Louis VII., dishonor. 
 
 St. Bernard was deeply afflicted by the unsuccessful result 
 of the enterprise he had advised, and tried to start another ; 
 but when people have made one unfortunate expedition 
 they do not soon renew the attempt. Suger himself, by a 
 singular contradiction, tried to organize another crusade 
 afterwards, but he died in the midst of the preparations. 
 
 Nearly half a century passed before another expedition 
 
 set out for the Holy Land ; the pilgrims' zeal had grown 
 
 very cool. Moreover the advantage gained 
 
 taken by \aia^ by the first expedition had not as yet been 
 
 din ; third cru- entirely lost : Jerusalem was still in Christian 
 
 sadeCiiSg). ijt-,^- ^r i r 
 
 hands. But m 1171 a Mussulman of great 
 genius, named Saladin, took Egypt from the Fatimites, and 
 soon after obtained possession of the dominions of his former 
 sovereign Noureddin, in Syria. Under him a great Mussul- 
 man power grew up which covered all the country from the 
 Euphrates to the Nile and shut in the Christians of the 
 East on all sides. The latter were overwhelmed at the
 
 276 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 battle of Tiberias, where the King of Jerusalem, Guy de 
 Lusignan, was taken prisoner. Even the Holy City fell. 
 Great blows like this alone could rouse Europe. The Pope 
 begged for a crusade, and laid a tax, the Saladin tithe, on 
 all lands, even those belonging to the Church. The three 
 most powerful Christian monarchs set out : Frederick Bar- 
 barossa, Philip Augustus, and Richard Cceur de Lion 
 (1189). 
 
 Barbarossa entered Asia by way of Hungary and Con- 
 stantinople. His journey was similar in all respects to those 
 of the preceding crusaders. The troubles with the Greek 
 emperors were repeated, disguised as before by hypocritical 
 ceremonies. It seemed as if the German army, which was 
 well supplied with money and well equipped, would arrive 
 at the end of the journey in much better condition than had 
 been the fate of any previous army, in spite of meeting the 
 same difficulties in Asia Minor. But a most unlooked-for 
 event changed the course of affairs. While crossing the 
 mountains of Cilicia on a hot June day, the Emperor wished 
 to shorten the route and refresh himself by swimming 
 across a little river called the Selph or Calycadnus. The 
 ice-cold water was fatal to him. Mohammedans saw the 
 finger of God in his death. " Frederick was drowned," 
 they said, *' in a place where the water was only waist deep, 
 which proves that God wished to deliver us from his hands." 
 His army, crushed by this blow, broke up or perished, leav- 
 ing, out of the 100,000 Germans who had started, only 5000 
 to reach the Holy Land, where the kings of France and 
 of England, Philip Augustus and Richard, arrived the next 
 year. Richard had arranged to start out with Philip Aug- 
 ustus, whose fast friend he had been so long as his father 
 lived. They started by sea — a new route. Philip em- 
 barked at Genoa, Richard at Marseilles, and putting into 
 Sicily, they spent the winter there. They were friends 
 when they arrived on the island, enemies when they left. 
 A little more and they would have come to blows. Their 
 misunderstanding doomed the crusade to failure from the 
 first. 
 
 Philip was the first to arrive. He found Ptolemais be- 
 sieged by Guy de Lusignan and the remains of the German 
 army. He courteously refused to do anything before 
 Richard's arrival. The latter had been detained on his 
 way to seize and to bind, as it was said, with silver chains,
 
 Chap. XX.] THE LAST CRUSADES. 277 
 
 Isaac Comnenus, who had styled himself Emperor of Cyprus, 
 and who had had the audacity to shut his gates against the 
 crusaders. By the time he reached Palestine, Saladin had 
 been able to reassemble his forces. Ptolemais, valiantly de- 
 fended, resisted for more than two years ; nine battles were 
 fought before her walls. But it is remarkable to see what 
 changes the relations between the Christian and the Mussul- 
 mans had undergone since the first crusade. The frequent 
 intercourse between Christians and infidels had weakened 
 the force of fanaticism on both sides. " We are not without 
 religion," said the Mohammedans, begging for life on their 
 knees, " and we are descended from Abraham, and we call 
 ourselves Saracens after his wife Sara." The fierce hatred 
 of former days had given way to a sort of chivalrous cour- 
 tesy among the chieftains. Saladin sent fruits from Da- 
 mascus to the Christians and they sent him jewels from 
 Europe. The opposed camps began to entertain respect 
 for one another, but on the field of battle their desire for 
 blood returned, and great cruelty was still shown toward 
 the conquered. Richard is said on one day to have had 
 2700 prisoners put to death. 
 
 The want of harmony between the kings of France and 
 England had retarded the capture of Ptolemais (1191), and 
 finally caused the departure of Philip Augustus. Richard 
 remained in Palestine to wage a useless war. His pride 
 estranged the leading crusaders and many of them left 
 him on that account. He himself finally left Palestine, 
 having been warned that his brother John was plotting 
 against him. He had but seen the Holy City from afar, and 
 he sighed as he left it in the hands of the infidels. He was 
 able, however, to obtain an entrance into the city for pil- 
 grims, and to make amends to Guy de Lusignan, by 
 giving him the island of Cyprus for a kingdom. On his 
 return he was driven by storm upon the coasts of Dalmatia ; 
 Leopold, the duke of Austria, who was his personal enemv. 
 seized him and sold him to Emperor Henry VI., who did 
 not set him at liberty until he had secured an enormous 
 ransom.* 
 
 The fourth crusade was an enterprise of a peculiar char- 
 
 * Richard's imprisonment in Germany is to be accounted for on po- 
 litical grounds. He was brother-in-law of Henry the Liou, and in close 
 alliance with the Cuelfs, — Ed.
 
 i?7S THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 acter. After the unsuccessful result of the third, Jerusalem 
 
 was forgotten, and instead of pious expedi- 
 
 sade"(i2oi-i204")" tioHs, wc hear only of wars between Christian 
 
 Foundation ofa kings and peoples. England, Germany, and 
 
 Frank Empire -r^ '=' u ^ i .. i ,. a ■ \\, ■ a ■ 
 
 at constan- France, but lately united m their desire to 
 1261?^'°^"°'* deliver the Holy Sepulchre, were now taking 
 up arms against each other ; the Emperor 
 Otto IV. was excommunicated, Philip Augustus had been, 
 and John was soon to be, and they naturally thought little 
 about the Holy Land. The great Pope Innocent HI. wished 
 to recall it to their minds. He had a crusade preached, 
 promising remission of all their sins to those who would 
 serve God for a year. Fulk, a priest of Neuilly-sur-Marne, 
 was the one to preach this crusade. He went to a tourna- 
 ment held in Champagne, and his burning words inspired 
 all the princes and knights assembled there to take the 
 cross. The kings stood aloof, as they did the first time, 
 and the people did also. Chivalry alone entered the lists 
 more to indulge iu feats of arms than from ardent piety, as 
 was clearly shown by the character of this crusade. It was 
 a great piratical expedition and nothing else. Baldwin IX; 
 Count of Flanders, and Boniface II., Count of Montferrat, 
 were at its head. As it had been proved that the route by 
 sea was much to be preferred to that by land, the crusaders 
 went to Venice to demand ships. 
 
 Venice was then the Queen of the Adriatic. The in- 
 habitants had been driven by Attila's invasions from the 
 main land to the islands in the lagunes, and had found 
 safety and prosperity in that situation, which is alone of its 
 kind in the world. 
 
 Not one of the ruling powers which had passed over Italy 
 had been able to touch them. Their commerce was ex- 
 tensive ; the islands and coasts of Istria and Illyria had 
 recognized their supremacy. They seconded the crusades 
 partly from rehgious conviction, and partly from a spirit of 
 gain. The Mussulmans and the Greeks were their rivals 
 in the eastern part of the Mediterranean. They con- 
 sidered it a good opportunity to dispossess them. The 
 interested services which they rendered to the crusaders 
 procured for them in 1130 the privilege of establishing a 
 (juartcr exclusively to themselves in each town of the new 
 kingdom of Jerusalem. At the same time they took pos- 
 session of the Greek islands of Rhodes, Samos, Scio, Lesbos
 
 Chap. XX.] THE LAST CRUSADES. 279 
 
 and Andros. In Venice the interview between the Pope 
 Alexander III. and Frederick Barbarossa, in 1177, took place 
 after a victory gained by the doge over the imperial fleet. 
 A slab of red porphyry still marks the place in the vestibule 
 of St. Mark, to the right of the door of entrance, where the 
 reconciliation was effected, which restored peace to Italy. 
 In memory of that great event and of his last victory, 
 Alexander III., gave the chief of Venice that ring which the 
 doge threw into the sea as a token of marriage with the 
 Adriatic, and after that, he repeated this ambitious betrothal 
 every year with a pomp that exalted the pride and patriot- 
 ism of the Venetians. Four years before, Venice had made 
 the ofifice of doge elective, and with its great council had 
 organized the aristocratic government which created its 
 greatness. 
 
 Such was Venice when the crusaders appeared. God- 
 frey of Villehardouin, seneschal of the Count of Champagne, 
 himself gives an account of the embassy in which he took 
 part. It was a strange sight to see those feudal lords 
 obliged humbly to request a favor of the people. "We will 
 grant it, we will grant it," cried the sovereign people. The 
 mercantile and maritime city of Venice could not do other- 
 wise than make so great a service a matter of business, 
 and demanded eighty-five thousand marks of silver, which 
 would be worth to-day more than $800,000, but whose 
 purchasing power was even more at that day. Knights did 
 not handle such sums of money. The Venetians consented 
 to receive in payment, instead of money, a hostile town 
 which the crusaders should capture for them. They had 
 recently taken away from the Greeks the principal towns 
 on the Dalmatian coast, Spalato, Ragusa, and Sebenico. 
 In order to control these shores and the Adriatic, they 
 needed one more town, namely, Zara, which was held by 
 the King of Hungary. Innocent III. hurled his anathe- 
 mas at them for turning aside from the crusade in this 
 manner, but in vain ; the Venetians would have Zara ; 
 their doge, Dandolo, ninety years of age, had himself taken 
 the cross (1202). 
 
 Now that the first account had been settled they were 
 ready to start. But where should they go, was the ques- 
 tion. The experiences of the two last crusades had shown 
 that a point of support would be necessary in order suc- 
 cessfully to carry on their operations in Palestine ; and
 
 28o THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 that point of support ought to be either Egypt or the 
 Greelc Empire. The Venetians persuaded their allies that 
 Cairo or Constantinople was the key to Jerusalem. There 
 was some truth in this idea, but the main point with them 
 was commercial interest. The acquisition of Cairo would 
 put the route to Judea in the hands of the Venetian mer- 
 chants ; Con.stantinople would secure to them the commerce 
 of the Black Sea and all the Archipelago. They decided 
 on Constantinople, whither a young Greek prince, Alexis by 
 name, offered to conduct them, provided they would restore 
 his father, Isaac Angelus, to the throne from which he had 
 been driven (1203.*) 
 
 When the French came in sight of Constantinople and 
 saw the high walls, the innumerable churches whose gilded 
 domes glistened in the sunlight, and when their eyes had 
 traveled, said Villehardouin, " over the length and breadth 
 of that city which was sovereign over all others, you can 
 well imagine that there was no heart so bold that it did not 
 tremble, .... and each one looked at his weapons, which 
 he would need to use." A magnificent army of 60,000 men 
 was drawn up on the shore. The crusaders looked forward 
 to a terrible battle. They were landed, fully equipped, in 
 boats. Even before they touched the shore " the knights 
 left the ships and jumped into the sea up to their waists, 
 all armed, their helmets laced, sword in hand, and the brave 
 archers and the brave cross-bowmen with them. And the 
 Greeks made a great show of holding them back. But 
 when it came to lowering the lances, the Greeks turned 
 their backs and fled, leaving to them the shore. And never 
 more proudly was anything taken." On July 18 (1203) 
 the city was carried by assault, and the old Emperor was 
 drawn from his hiding-place and restored to the throne. 
 Alexis had made the crusaders the most splendid promises, 
 and, in order to keep his word, laid new taxes on the en- 
 feebled people, driving them to such a point of exaspera- 
 tion that they strangled the Emperor, put another man, 
 Murzuflus, in his place, and shut the gates of the town. 
 The crusaders attacked it immediately. Three days suf- 
 
 * There is somethinjj of an exaggeration here of the policy of the 
 Venetians. It is possible that they had intended to divert the crusade to 
 Constantinople before I'rince Alexis came to seek aid for his father in tbc 
 West, but there is nothing to show that they had. — Eu,
 
 Chap. XX.] THE LAST CRUSADES. 281 
 
 ficed them to force an entrance (March 12); and this time 
 they sacked the city. They burned one whole quarter, a 
 square league in extent. It is impossible to say how many 
 great works of art perished in the flames ; 400,000 marks 
 of silver were brought together into one church to be dis- 
 tributed. 
 
 A partition of the empire itself followed. Baldwin IX., 
 Count of Flanders, was chosen Emperor of Romania, as they 
 named it. He carried the election over the heads of his 
 competitors, Dandolo and Boniface of Montferrat. The 
 Venetians did not insist upon seeing their doge on the 
 imperial throne. They took what suited them better, one 
 of the quarters of Constantinople with the coasts of the 
 Bosphorus and the Propontis, and the greater part of the 
 islands, Crete, etc., styling themselves lords of a quarter 
 and a half of the Greek Empire. The Marquis of Mont- 
 ferrat was made King of Thessalonica, Villehardouin Mar- 
 shal of Romania, and his nephew Prince of Achaia. The 
 Count of Blois had the Asiatic provinces. There were 
 dukes of Athens and of Naxos, counts of Cephalonia, a 
 lord of Thebes and of Corinth. A new France sprang up, 
 with its feudal customs, at the extremity of Europe. INIem- 
 bers of the family of the Comneni, however, retained a few 
 fragments which they made into the principalities of Trebi- 
 zond, Napoli d'Argolide, Epirus, and Nicaea. The crusa- 
 ders were too few in number to be able to keep their 
 conquest long. In 1261 the Latin Empire was broken up. 
 Yet even till the end of the Middle Ages and until the 
 conquest by the Turks, in certain parts of Greece there 
 remained relics of those feudal principalities which had been 
 so strangely founded on the old ground of Miltiades and 
 Leonidas by the French of the thirteenth century. 
 
 But meantime there was always a body of Christians in 
 
 Palestine who did not cease to call upon their western 
 
 brethren for help. When the barons of the 
 
 The last four Holv Land wcre without a king, in i2i7,they 
 
 Crusades in the . ^ , ="''•' 
 
 East; theMon- oftcred the crowu, not to any powerful Euro- 
 ^°hanf ■^^"^^'^' pean sovereign who would pay them no atten- 
 tion, but to a knight who was as valiant as he 
 was poor, to John of Brienne, whose whole army of crusaders 
 numbered but three hundred knights. Germany had no 
 thought but for the struggle between Otto of Brunswick 
 and Philip of Swabia ; France, but for the war with the
 
 282 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 Albigenses. England was under an interdict. Andrew II., 
 King of Hungary, conducted the fifth crusade ; but it had 
 no lasting results. Nevertheless John of Brienne gained 
 enough strength from it to begin the conquest of Egypt 
 from Melik-el-Kamel, a nephew of Saladin, who was reign- 
 ing at Cairo. Damietta was about to fall when the Sultan 
 offered if the Christians would abandon it to give up to 
 them Jerusalem and all of Palestine ; the legate haughtily 
 rejected these advantageous propositions, believing that he 
 could conquer Egypt himself, and Damietta was soon 
 taken. But when the Nile overflowed and surrounded the 
 Christians they were glad to be able to withdraw and aban- 
 don Damietta (1221). 
 
 The sixth crusade was more successful than its predeces- 
 sors. The Emperor Frederick II., who had finally decided 
 to set out after many delays, accomplished with one stroke 
 of his pen what the sword of Coeur de Lion had not been 
 able to do. Profiting by the terror which the approach of 
 Tartar hordes from the east inspired in Melik-el-Kamel, he 
 obtained from him a truce for ten years, and the restitution 
 to the Christians of the Holy City, together with Bethle- 
 hem, Nazareth, and Sidon ; he then crowned himself King 
 of Jerusalem (1229). 
 
 An unsuspected enemy appeared at this stage of affairs, 
 inspiring terror both in Mussulman Asia and Christian Eu- 
 rope. An invasion of the Tartar Mongols, similar to the 
 Hunnic invasion of the fourth century which cast Barba- 
 rian Europe upon Roman Europe, and coming from the 
 same direction, suddenly burst forth in the thirteenth cen- 
 tury. The Mongol hordes were leading idle lives, scattered 
 about the steppes of Southern Asia, some of them even 
 tributary to the Chinese Empire, when Temudgin, chief of 
 one of the tribes, brought them all under his authority 
 (1203), and resolved to lead them to the conquest of the 
 world. Those nomad communities are easily put in motion ; 
 the horses, flocks, and houses can all be transported without 
 difficulty. Their houses were chariots or large cabins on 
 wheels, drawn by long lines of oxen. This comprised the 
 whole of the movable household of the Tartar ; he himself 
 was on horseback night and day, awake or asleep. His 
 food consisted of a small piece of meat made tender by 
 being carried between the saddle and the back of his horse, 
 or of milk and curds. He feared neither fatigue nur priva-
 
 Chap. XX.] THE LAST CRUSADES. 283 
 
 tion, and yielded to his chiefs with passive obedience. In 
 common with all the Mongolian race he scarcely had a 
 religion, but he was proud and inordinately ambitious for 
 his nation, counting on obtaining the empire of the world, 
 and looking upon his Khan as the king of the earth, a divine 
 being, as it were. As cavalry they were irresistible, full of 
 cunning as well as cruelty. 
 
 Temudgin, surnamed Jenghiz-Khan (chief of the chiefs), 
 led on his hordes to the east and the west. He subdued 
 China, the Huns of Kharesm, Khorasan, and Persia, and 
 sent his son, Tchutchi, to invade Europe. The latter gave 
 battle to the Russians at Kolka (1223), where six of their 
 princes perished. Jenghiz-Khan died in 1227 after creat- 
 ing an empire which stretched from the Crimea to Pekin. 
 His four sons continued to extend its limits. His grand- 
 son Batu marched against the Russians. He annihilated 
 their armies, took INIoscow (1237), and advanced as far as 
 Novgorod. The grand-duchy of Kief went out of exist- 
 ence (1239) ; that of Vladimir preserved its existence by 
 paying tribute. Leaving Russia, the Mongols attacked and 
 conquered Poland ; after Poland, Silesia and Moravia, 
 which they laid waste. Then they fell upon Hungary, sur- 
 prised and destroyed the army which opposed them, and 
 finally crossed the Danube, ravaging on every side. Eu- 
 rope was terrified and prayed God to remove the scourge, 
 fearing lest it should see its religion and civilization perish. 
 An embassy from the Pope to the pitiless conquerors brought 
 back for sole answer the order to pay tribute. It was time 
 for them to cross themselves ; no one took up arms ; the 
 Emperor Frederick II. alone took energetic steps to resist 
 them. He sent his two sons Conrad and Enzio with large 
 forces to meet the Mongols, one of whose divisions they cut 
 in pieces, and the barbarians withdrew, either out of discour- 
 agement or for some different reason ; Russia alone re- 
 mained in their power. 
 
 In western Asia Hulagu took possession of Bagdad 
 (1258), where he put to death the Caliph Motassem, who 
 had fallen into his hands, and conquered everything in his 
 path as far as the frontiers of Egypt. 
 
 The result of this invasion was the final loss of Jerusalem 
 to the Christians. The Turcomans of Kharesm, who were 
 flying before the Mongols, threw themselves upon Syria, 
 laid waste everything there with fire and with sword, and
 
 284 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 after the victory at Gaza, won from a last army of Frankish 
 crusaders (1239), they took possession of the Holy City and 
 handed it over to the Sultan of Egypt. 
 
 When the Pope heard of the cruelties committed by these 
 fierce hordes, he called the faithful once more to arms. 
 But Europe was no longer moved by the 
 e ?rh t h* Qxt spirit of the crusades. It could only find 
 sades (1248- response in the heart of a king who was full 
 " of piety, namely, St. Louis. During a sick- 
 
 ness in which he just escaped death, he made a vow to go 
 to the deliverance of Jerusalem, and in spite of the prayers 
 of all his court, even of his pious mother, Blanche of Castile, 
 he embarked at Aigues-Mortes, after four years spent \r>. 
 preparation, with a powerful and chivalrous army ; his wife, 
 Marguerite of Provence, wished to accompany him (1248). 
 The voyage was prosperous, and they wintered in Cyprus. 
 The Crusaders had conceived the remarkable idea of attack- 
 ing the Saracens at the heart of their empire, in Egypt : 
 they even intended to found a colony there, and had the 
 novel foresight to take with them a great quantity of agri- 
 cultural implements. 
 
 In the spring the fleet set sail, and was soon in sight of 
 Damietta. All the forces of the Sultan were drawn up on 
 the shore. St. Louis was one of the first to throw himself 
 into the sea, and was followed by his army, giving the 
 French cry, " Montjoie, Saint Denis ! " which had taken the 
 place of " Dieu le veut ! " After a hard fight the crusaders 
 conquered and entered the city, which the Mohammedans 
 fired before they abandoned it. 
 
 The Knights Templar and the Knights of St. John had 
 come to join them ; a magnificent prospect lay before them, 
 the Mohammedans were terrified. But they lost everything 
 by delay. The army felt the effects of the Eastern climate 
 and gave themselves up to debauchery ; there followed 
 sickness and the pest which is peculiar to the Delta. The 
 chiefs disputed over the booty which had escaped the flames 
 of Damietta. St. Louis could no longer quell the insubor- 
 dination of his barons : " You are no King at all," said the 
 liarl of Salisbury, who had been offended by Robert d'Artois, 
 "since you cannot enforce justice." When they put them- 
 selves in motion again, the army was no longer capable of 
 conquering. The canal of Aschmun stopped the crusaders 
 for a month. Finally they found a ford ; Robert d'Artois
 
 Chap. XX.] THE LAST CRUSADES. 285 
 
 was the first to cross it ; he was young and impetuous and 
 did not know the value of waiting. Instead of stopping to 
 give the whole army time to join him, he rushed in pursuit 
 of the Saracens who were flying before him, and dashed into 
 the village of Mansurah ; there he saw himself shut in and 
 in spite of a brave defense perished with all his troops. 
 The army avenged his death by taking the camp of the 
 enemy. But after this exploit they found it impossible to 
 go farther ; famine and the pest increased their ravages, 
 the king himself could not hold out. His patience and 
 courage could do no more than afford an admirable but 
 useless example. A retreat was necessary ; the sick were 
 embarked on the Nile. The crusaders suffered enormous 
 losses at the hands of the Saracens ; 30,000 perished. What 
 remained of them fell at last into the hands of the infidels, 
 including the king himself. The enemy were so moved by 
 his goodness that they spared his life ; but they exacted as 
 a ransom the restitution of Damietta, and a million pieces 
 of gold [about two miliion dollars]. This treaty, arranged 
 by Turan-shah, was signed by another sovereign ; the Mam- 
 elukes, who, since the time of Saladin, had formed the guard 
 of the sultans of Cairo, had killed him and put Eibek in his 
 place ; it was then that the domination of this race began, 
 and it lasted until Bonaparte's campaign in Egypt. 
 
 St. Louis departed sadly with 6000 men. But he wished 
 at least to touch the Holy Land. He accordingly stayed 
 there for four years, occupied in building fortresses, redeem- 
 ing captives, and negotiating with the Mongols and with the 
 Old Alan of the Mountain, chief of the terrible sect of the 
 Assassins (from haschisch, a liquor given them by their 
 chief to intoxicate them). The death of Queen Blanche 
 and the revolt of the " Pastoureaux" called him back to 
 France (1254). These distant expeditions were condemned 
 in decided language. "He is very foolish," wrote Join- 
 ville, " who, having some sin upon his soul, puts himself 
 into such danger." 
 
 Nevertheless St. Louis, indefatigable in his piety, tried 
 another crusade sixteen years later, the last of all. He 
 embarked again at Aigues-Mortes in 1270, but was not 
 bound for the Holy Land. His brother, Charles of Anjou, 
 who, in the interests of his kingdom of Sicily, desired an 
 expedition to go out against the King of Tunis, persuaded 
 him that he ought to attack the Mohammedans at that
 
 286 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 place. Disaster again followed them ; they found famine 
 and the pest lying in wait for them beneath the walls of 
 Tunis. St. Louis died, showing that Christian resignation 
 which had lent such beauty to his character. The princes 
 who had accompanied him were bribed to retreat ; Charles 
 of Anjou was paid the tribute due to him, and there the 
 crusades ended forever. 
 
 France was prominent at the beginning and at the end of 
 
 the series of great expeditions led by Europeans against 
 
 Asia. In the middle, too, and when they 
 
 Resuitsofthe turned aside from their pious object, France 
 
 Crusades. . ^ ^, ' . 
 
 was still conspicuous, for then a Fleming, or, 
 in other words, a Frenchman, was on the throne of Con- 
 stantinople. The country was a leading participant in all 
 but the less important expeditions. The name of Frank 
 had an ominous sound in the ears of the Orientals ; they 
 used it to designate all the West, and it inspired them with 
 terror. They could conceive of nothing greater than the 
 boldness and valor of that people. Even in our time they 
 say : " The Franks are demons who can do everything by 
 the power of God." 
 
 We cannot help lamenting that so much b'lood should 
 have been spilled. No other wars have ever caused such 
 loss of life. If all who perished in the Crusades could rise 
 from the grave they would be numerous enough to people 
 a large country. But since the cost of all progress is 
 measured by its importance, it will be granted that the 
 progress resulting from those great movements was not too 
 dearly bought. 
 
 Asia apparently triumphed. Palestine remained in the 
 hands of Mohammedans after they had completely con- 
 quered it in 1291, and their historian could say with pride : 
 " If it please God, things will remain as they are until the 
 last judgment." But the possession of Palestine was not 
 the greatest benefit which Europe could gain by the Cru- 
 sades. What was of real importance to her, as well as to 
 Asia, was the bringing together of these two parts of the 
 world, the contact and, up to a certain point, the mingling 
 of the two differing civilizations ; the enlargement of ideas, 
 the intercommunication of knowledge, the exchange of 
 products ; in one word, a great step was made toward 
 unity in the life of the world, the greatest step, most cer- 
 tainly, since the time of Alexander and the Roman Empire.
 
 Chap. XX.] THE LAST CRUSADES. 287 
 
 What changes took place even in the countries whence 
 the crusaders started, and in the minds of those men and 
 their contemporaries ! Before that time they had Hved 
 separated and hostile lives ; the Crusades did away with 
 isolation and division to a great extent. On the perilous 
 voyage, crossing the distant countries, and in the midst of 
 people of another religion, the Crusaders acknowledged 
 their brotherhood in Jesus Christ. The division of the 
 immense army into corps according to nations brought the 
 men of one country to consider themselves children of the 
 same fatherland. The Frenchman from the north drew 
 near to the Frenchman from the south. The feeling of 
 national fraternity, which had been lost to France since the 
 days of Rome, though felt for a short moment under Char- 
 lemagne, was found again on the road to Jerusalem ; and 
 the troubadours and trouveres began to sing, at least for the 
 barons and knights, the doux-pays of France ! * 
 
 At Clermont, Urban II. had not preached the crusade 
 solely for the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre, for it 
 was also his intention to put an end to the scourge of private 
 warfare. " There was a great silence," said Guibert of 
 Nogent, over all Christendom deep in meditation. A silence 
 of arms and of evil passions, which, unfortunately, did not 
 last long, but which gave the world some respite and 
 encouraged the growth of two new forces, both needing 
 peace for their development — namely, the royal power and 
 the middle class, of which we shall speak hereafter. 
 
 The great expeditions which renewed the ties between 
 Christian nations, and connected Europe with Asia, opened 
 once more the paths of commerce, closed since the time of 
 the invasions. The East was again accessible to the mer- 
 chants of the West, manufactures started up again to furnish 
 the arms, trappings, and clothes needed by so many men. 
 This movement, once begun, did not again die out. The 
 number of artisans multiplied like the merchants, and little 
 by little great sums of money accumulated in their hands. 
 A new element of power, which had passed out of knowl- 
 
 * De plusieurs choses a remembrer li prist. . . . 
 
 De dulce France, des humes de sun lign. 
 — Chanson de Roland, edited by Genin, canto iii., verse q4I. 
 
 He began to think of many things, 
 
 Of sweet France and of the men of his lineage.
 
 288 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 edge, was then revived ; namely, personal wealth, opposed 
 to wealth in land, which will show continued growth from 
 this time, and by the side of the nobles, the masters of the 
 soil, will appear the commoners grown to be masters of 
 gold through manual labor and intelligence. 
 
 Certain institutions or new customs were directly caused 
 by the crusades. In the confusion produced by the 
 great gatherings of men some distinguishing marks were 
 necessary. They invented or increased the use of coats 
 of arms, which consisted of various emblems upon the 
 shields of warriors of distinction, or their armor or banner, 
 and which passed from father to son after the thirteenth 
 century. These armorial bearings grew into a complicated 
 language, which formed the science of Heraldry. Family 
 names also began to make their appearance at this time. 
 To the baptismal names, almost the only ones used up to that 
 time, and which were few in number, many people having 
 the same, was now added a territorial name to distinguish 
 the different families. This name was hereditary and com- 
 mon to all the members of one and the same house, while 
 the baptismal name was personal and died with its bearer. 
 
 It has been already stated that the crusades brought 
 about the creation of the military orders of the Holy Land. 
 To the same cause, or rather to the religious movement of 
 which the crusades themselves were a consequence, is due 
 the creation of new religious orders in Europe, and the 
 mendicant monks may be placed side by side with the soldier 
 monks. The former carried on the same crusades at home 
 which the latter waged abroad. 
 
 The appearance of the mendicant orders was an important 
 innovation in the Church. About the year 520 St. Benedict 
 had promulgated a monastic rule which had been gradually 
 embraced by all the monks of the West ; the rule imposed 
 the duty of working with the hands and with the mind. 
 The Benedictines added agriculture to preaching, and copy- 
 ing manuscripts to prayer.* Schools were usually annexed 
 
 * The external history of the monastic orders may be brought under 
 the following heads : In the fourth and fifth centuries, the foundation of 
 the first monasteries ; in the sixth century, creation of the Benedictine 
 Order ; seventh century, reform of St- I5enedict of Aniaue ; tenth and 
 eleventh centuries, reform by Cluny, Citeau.x, and Clairvaux (St. Ber- 
 nard) ; thirteenth century, creation of the four mendicant orders ; seven- 
 teenth century, creation of the Jesuits.
 
 Chap. XX.] THE LAST CRUSADES. 289 
 
 to their convents, and contributed toward the saving of 
 letters from complete ruin. In the thirteenth century, how- 
 ever, the religious communities saw their influence declining 
 owing to the fact that they had grown rich and sometimes 
 corrupt. It was to guard against that enemy, riches, that 
 the new orders of Franciscans (12 15) and Dominicans 
 (12 16) took a formal vow of poverty. Removed as they 
 were from the jurisdiction of the bishops, they were the 
 devoted soldiers of the Holy See : they were obliged to 
 live in charity, to have no possessions, to go through the 
 world carrying the Gospel to all places no longer visited by 
 the over-rich clergy — to the poor, in the public places, and 
 on the roads. The two orders, though alike on this point, 
 differed in the spirit of their founders ; it was the austere 
 St. Dominic who founded the one, the tender and mystical 
 St. Francis who founded the other. 
 
 Those zealous preachers had immense influence on the 
 people and even on the Church. The Dominicans, whose 
 particular mission it was to convert heretics, were invested 
 with inquisitorial functions in 1229 ; but the tribunal of the 
 Inquisition, although born in France at the time of the 
 struggle with the Albigenses, fortunately failed to take root 
 there and to extend as it did in Spain and Italy. The 
 Dominicans in France went by the name of Jacobins, be- 
 cause their first convent was built in the street of St. Jacques. 
 The Franciscan order, or the Friars Minor, gave rise to the 
 Recollets, the Cordeliers, and the Capucins. The Carmelites 
 and the Augustinians belong to the same century, and to- 
 gether with those above mentioned form the four mendicant 
 orders. The austerity and exalted piety of the new monks, 
 and the learning of some of their doctors, roused a spirit of 
 emulation in the ancient orders and even in the secular 
 clergy, where a stricter ecclesiastical discipline began to 
 appear.. 
 
 Great opposition was roused, indeed, by the favor shown 
 by the Pope to the mendicant orders. The bishops, the 
 University of Paris, and especially the bold doctor of 
 the Sorbonne, William de St. Amour, contested the right of 
 the Pope to bestow upon mendicant monks the privilege 
 of preaching and performing the duties of a parish priest. 
 To which St. Thomas x\quinas replied, that if a bishop 
 could delegate his powers within his diocese, the Pope could 
 do as much within the limits of Christendom,
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 THE CRUSADES OF THE WEST. 
 
 The Crusades in Europe : the Teutonic Order (1230). Conquest and 
 conversion of Prussia, Livonia, and Esthonia. — Crusade against the 
 Albigenses (1208) ; union of Southern and Northern France. — The 
 Spanish Crusade. — Decline of the Caliphate of Cordova during the 
 Ninth Century ; its renewed strength during the Tenth Century, and 
 its dismemberment in the Eleventh Century. — Formation of the 
 kingdoms of Castile and Leon, of Navarre and of Aragon. — Taking 
 of Toledo (1085) ; founding of the County of Portugal (1095) ; the 
 Cid. — Incursions of the Almoravides (1086), and of the Almohades 
 (1146). — Victory of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212). The Moors 
 driven back upon Granada. Results of the Spanish Crusade. 
 
 The crusades in the east failed ; but those in the west 
 were successful. By the crusades in the west, we mean 
 the expeditions made by the Teutonic knights 
 in'filfropTT^he and the Brothers of the Sword into Prus- 
 Teutonic Order gia and the neighboring regions, where they 
 "^°'' founded a new state ; the war waged by Si- 
 
 mon de Montfort against the Albigenses, which destroyed 
 an ancient civilization ; and the struggle of the Spaniards 
 against the Moors, who were finally obliged to yield the 
 peninsula to Christendom and to European civilization. 
 These European crusades, as we have seen, took place at 
 the two extreme ends of the continent, at the mouth of the 
 Tagus and at the mouth of the Niemen, against the Moham- 
 medans of Spain and against the pagans of the Baltic. 
 
 In the interval between the first and second crusades, 
 certain merchants from Bremen and Liibeck who had come 
 Conquest and to the Holy Land founded there a hospital 
 Conversion of for their compatriots, in which all menial ser- 
 vonfll^'and ^o"f viccs wcrc performed by Germans. Every 
 Esthonia. bencvolcnt institution and place of refuge 
 
 founded in Palestine was forced to take the form of a mili- 
 tary in.stitution ; the hospitallers had become Knights of 
 
 290
 
 Chap. XXI.] THE CRUSADES OF THE WEST. 291 
 
 Saint John, and the servitors of the house of the temple of 
 Solomon the military order of the Templars. The Ger- 
 man hospitallers also transformed themselves into a reli- 
 gious and military organization, the Teutonic order. Like 
 the other two orders, the Teutonic order acquired numer- 
 ous lands in Europe, especially in Germany, and the Em- 
 peror Frederic II. raised their grand master to the rank of 
 a prince of the empire. In 1230 a Polish prince took 
 advantage of the zeal and strength which they could no 
 longer employ in the Holy Land, and commissioned them 
 to subjugate and convert the Prussians, a nation which has 
 either entirely disappeared or has been so completely ab- 
 sorbed by the Germans who settled in the country that 
 it is no longer distinguishable. It was an idolatrous 
 people, settled between the Niemen and the Vistula, 
 whose language, religion, and history are lost, but whose 
 name is borne by one of the great states of modern 
 Europe. 
 
 The order settled at first at Kulm, and conquered the 
 Prussians by the same means which Charlemagne had em- 
 ployed against the Saxons, that is, by destroying part of 
 the population and by building fortresses to keep the rest 
 in check. Koenigsburg and Marienburg served the latter 
 end. 
 
 A few years later, a bishop of Livonia had founded, with 
 the same end in view, the order of the Brothers of the 
 Sword, called also the Knights of Christ, who subdued Livo- 
 nia and Esthonia. Some difference with the bishops of 
 Riga obliged them in 1237 to unite with the Teutonic 
 knights, whose forces were in this way doubled. In 1309 
 Marienburg became the capital of the order and the resi- 
 dence of its grand masters, who ruled over Prussia, Estho- 
 nia, Livonia, and Courland, and who brought these countries 
 into the Christian Church and sowed there the seeds of 
 civilization. To this very day these provinces are the richest 
 and the most advanced of the Russian empire. Up to the 
 fifteenth century the Teutonic knights held the preponder- 
 ance of power in the north of Europe. All the country 
 between the lower part of the Vistula and Lake Peipus, with 
 the exception of a strip of Lithuanian territory, which sepa- 
 rated the original possessions of the two orders, was subject 
 to them. 
 
 The crusade led by Simon de Montfort against the pop-
 
 292 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 ulations in the South of France, on the contrary, had at 
 , first most disastrous results. 
 
 Crusade 
 
 against the Ai- At the vcry time when Christendom was 
 unfo"n o^f Nort^h- Sending its warriors to fight the infidels at 
 ern and South- the Other end of the Mediterranean, it had 
 
 ern France. it i- • • .1 1 . <• • 
 
 unbehevers hvmg m the very heart of its 
 Empire. We do not refer to the Jews, by whose massacre 
 the first crusaders had begun their crusade with a frenzy 
 abominable to us but natural enough to that time, but 
 to the peoples of Southern France. The beliefs held by 
 this population, which was a mixture of so many races, 
 of the Iberian, Gallic, Roman, Gothic and Moorish races, 
 were very far from orthodox. We hardly know how to 
 describe what they were ; the name of Manichaeism, which 
 was applied to them, is a commonplace of the Middle Ages. 
 By calling these heretics Albigenses (from the town Albi), the 
 men of that time showed that they themselves did not know 
 how to term their heresy. All that is known is that in 1167 
 a council was held near Toulouse, which was presided over 
 by a Greek from Constantinople, named Nicetas, and by 
 which certain Oriental ideas were adopted ; that in this 
 country the clergy were treated with contempt, and even 
 Saint Bernard had been received with insults. This church 
 sent missionaries everywhere, and offensive doctrines began 
 to appear in Germany, England, and even in Italy. Lately, 
 bands of men had come from the direction of Auvergne 
 and had sacked churches, taking pains to profane all sacred 
 objects. 
 
 The most prosperous of all the rich and brilliant cities of 
 the South was Toulouse, whose Count Raymond VI. was 
 one of the mightiest lords of that region. The other pow- 
 ers in the South were the house of Barcelona, now supreme 
 over Aragon, Rousillon, and Provence, and the petty lords 
 of the Pyrenees, proud, independent, adventurous, who 
 lived just as they chose, without the least respect for the pre- 
 cepts of the Church, or any concern for the King. 
 
 In reality the South of France had been separated from 
 the North for a long time. We have already seen the 
 efforts made by its inhabitants, under Dagobert, Charles 
 Martel, Pippin, Charlemagne, Charles the Bald, and Hugh 
 Capet, to form a separate nation. They had a different lan- 
 guage and different customs. Commerce had brought the 
 comforts of life to the middle classes, and luxury to the nobles;
 
 Chap. XXI.] THE CRUSADES OF THE WEST. 293 
 
 and these two classes, who, without hatred or jealousy, 
 shared between them the municipal governments of the 
 country, gave it an enduring peace. But in these rich 
 cities and brilliant courts which inspired the songs of the 
 troubadours, religious doctrines were handled as lightly as 
 morals, and heresy penetrated everywhere. 
 
 The all-powerful Innocent III. resolved to root out this 
 nest of heresies and impieties, for he feared that they would 
 become contagious. He began by organizing the Inquisi- 
 tion * against the sectarians, a tribunal charged with exam- 
 ining and judging heretics by means of torture ; and 
 which has immolated numberless human victims, without 
 succeeding in destroying heresy, for butchery is a poor 
 means to use in establishing truth. The Pope sent to Ray- 
 mond VI. his legate, the monk Peter de Castelnau, who 
 demanded the expulsion of all heretics ; but as all, or nearly 
 all, the inhabitants of the country were heretics, Castelnau 
 gained nothing. On being excommunicated (1207) and 
 threatened by the legate with " everlasting fire," Raymond 
 in his anger allowed a few such words to escape from him 
 as Henry II. had pronounced against Thomas a Becket : a 
 knight followed the legate and killed hmi when crossing the 
 Rhone (1208). " Anathemas be upon the head of the 
 Count of Toulouse," cried Innocent III. " All sins shall 
 be remitted to those who will take up arms against these 
 tainted Provengals ! Go forth, soldiers of Christ ! ]\Iay 
 all heretics disappear, and colonies of Catholics take their 
 place ! " The monks of Citeaux, organs of the Pope, 
 preached this crusade of extermination. The Duke of 
 Burgundy, the counts of Nevers, Auxerre, and Geneva, the 
 bishops of Rheims, Sens, Rouen and Autun, and many 
 others, with Germans and Lorrainers, gathered in crowds. 
 Three armies invaded the south : they were led by Simon 
 de Montfort, a petty lord from the neighborhood of Paris, 
 an ambitious, fanatical, and cruel man. 
 
 The first attack was not made on the Count of Toulouse, 
 as the Pope had held out hopes of pardon to him, with a 
 view of weakening his resistance, but on the Viscount of 
 Beziers. His city was taken, but the victors hesitated to 
 
 * The Inquisition takes on no definite form as a new institution under 
 Innocent III. It was of slow growth and does not become permanently 
 organized till towards the close of the Xlllth century. — Ep.
 
 294 THE CRUSADES. [Book VIL 
 
 strike the death-blow, as the}' could not tell the heretics 
 from the orthodox. " Kill them all ; for you may be sure 
 God will know his own," said the legate, and thirty thou- 
 sand were massacred. Carcassonne yielded next, and the 
 knights of the Isle of France divided the country between 
 them, while Simon de Montfort was made their suzerain. 
 After this frightful sacrifice on the altars of orthodoxy, Ray- 
 mond hoped to be spared, and even Innocent himself was 
 inclined to compassion ; but the legates were merciless and 
 opposed to all pity. They would only offer pardon to the 
 Count of Toulouse on the condition of his obliging all his 
 subjects to put on the dress of penitents, his nobles to 
 become villeins, of his sending away all his soldiers, destroy- 
 ing all his castles, and going himself to the Holy Land. 
 
 The count laughed at these propositions ; and the legates 
 started again to the attack. Simon de Montfort gathered 
 about him a multitude of men from the North who were 
 overjoyed to hear that the grand pillage of the South was 
 not yet ended. Raymond VI. was defeated at Castel- 
 naudary, and the victors divided up the fragments of his 
 territory, the bishops receiving the bishoprics and the 
 soldiers the fiefs. Raymond was forced to take refuge with 
 the king of Aragon, Peter II. He hastened thither, and 
 was joined by all the petty lords of the Pyrenees who con- 
 sidered the king of Aragon their chief. The battle of 
 Muret, in which Peter was killed, decided the fate of the 
 South of France (1213). Two years later the Council of 
 the Lateran ratified the dispossession of Raymond and of 
 most of the nobles of the South. The papal legate offered 
 their estates to the powerful barons who had made this 
 crusade, but the latter refused to accept these blood-stained 
 lands. Simon de Montfort accepted them. It was decreed 
 that the widows of heretics who had possessed noble fiefs 
 could marry none but Frenchmen for the next ten years.* 
 The civilization of the South perished under such rude 
 treatment. The " gay science," as the troubadours called 
 poetry, lost all inspiration among the bleeding ruins that 
 
 * France, properly speaking, comprised at that time only a part of the 
 country situated between the Somme and the Loire. This latter river 
 may be taken as the dividing line between the lands which used oyl Iot 
 yes and those which used oc; — called the lan^ue d\oyl and the langue 
 d'oc.
 
 Chap. XXL] THE CRUSADES OF THE WEST. 295 
 
 remained. Innocent III., however, finally became uneasy; 
 he did not feel sure that he had not committed a great 
 crime. When the Count de Foix said to him, " Give me 
 back my land ; or else at the day of judgment I will demand 
 it all of you, my land, my rights, and my heritage," — the 
 Pope replied : "I acknowledge that you have suffered great 
 wrongs, but they were not done you by my orders, and I 
 feel no gratitude toward those who did them." 
 
 In their misery, the people of Provence remembered the 
 King of France. The inhabitants of Montpellier put them- 
 selves under his protection, and Philip Augustus sent his 
 son Louis to show them the banner of France. After the 
 death of Simon de Montfort, who was killed near Toulouse, 
 which Raymond VII., son of the former count, had recov- 
 ered, Louis returned there ; and Amaury, Montfort's heir, 
 offered to give up to the king the conquests made by his 
 father, which he was no longer able to defend in the face of 
 the universal reprobation of his subjects. Philip, already 
 almost at the point of death, refused this offer, which was 
 accepted five years later. 
 
 At the very time of the great crusades which were being 
 made in the East by all the peoples of Europe, as well as 
 before and after them, a crusade was being 
 ^"^Crifsade'^*^ Carried on in the West in which fewer peoples 
 were involved, but which belonged peculiarly 
 to one people, whose leaders without leaving their own 
 country were on the very field of battle ; and which for 
 that reason made much less stir and noise than the others, 
 though it was pursued with a perseverance and obstinacy 
 that made it last eight centuries. When Charles Martel 
 and Pippin the Short expelled the Arabs from France, they 
 were content with driving them beyond the Pyrenees, and 
 apparently thought that this strong barrier of mountains 
 marked the limits of Europe and Christendom. Spain 
 seemed utterly sacrificed, and with Africa was given over 
 to the Saracens who had invaded it. Nevertheless Spain 
 had been Christian before its invasion ; and the mass of 
 the population, part of which was not entirely subdued, was 
 so still. There was still a point in the country which had 
 not been reached by conquest, a single point, but one which 
 gave shelter to the sacred flame of independence, and which 
 gradually became enlarged and formed the nucleus of the 
 Christian domination at its revival.
 
 296 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 The Pyrenees, which cross the broad, short isthmus that 
 connects Spain with the continent, extend toward the west 
 along the coast of Spain, leaving between them and the 
 ocean a strip of land from ten to fifteen leagues in width. 
 Here they are called the Cantabric Pyrenees. It was to 
 this corner, which was protected by mountains and out of 
 the reach of invasion, and with a vegetation quite different 
 from the almost African vegetation of the rest of Spain, 
 that the remains of the nations either subjugated or de- 
 stroyed by invasion had fled at different times ; Herman- 
 rich and the Suevi during the Visigoth invasion, and Pelayo 
 and his companions during the Arab invasion. Pelayo and 
 his companions had preferred to flee before the rapid and 
 irresistible stream of the Mohammedans rather than to be 
 subject to them ; but as soon as they had put the moun- 
 tains between them and their enemies, they stopped their 
 flight, and though they had only a hold on the very edge of 
 Spain, retained it with an unrelaxing firmness. Gijon, 
 situated on the coast, was their capital. With their backs 
 toward the ocean, they presented their front to the enemy, 
 and in what might be called the lists of Spain, shut in on all 
 sides by the ocean and mountains, stood prepared to engage 
 in a contest which was to last eight centuries. 
 
 They gained ground little by little, and moving their 
 capital as they advanced toward the south, they soon gave 
 up Gijon on the coast and made Oviedo, at the foot of the 
 mountains in Asturia, the residence of their king (760). 
 
 Here they found a powerful ally in Charlemagne, the great 
 protector of Christianity, who had extended the Frankish 
 dominion across the Pyrenees at two points, at Pampeluna 
 and at Barcelona. This helpful diversion enabled them to 
 repel several expeditions against them ; and under Alfonso 
 n., in 788, they destroyed a hostile army at Lodos, in 
 Galicia. 
 
 After Charlemagne, the Spanish Gascons founded the 
 little kingdom of Navarre toward the middle of the ninth 
 century, and the Frankish counts of Barcelona assumed 
 hereditary rights. When the lords of Aragon were able to 
 join hands with the counts of Barcelona and the kings of 
 Navarre, and when counts of Castile held the territory 
 between the kingdoms of Navarre and Leon, there was in 
 the north of Spain a continuous line of Christian princi- 
 palities extending toward the south from Cape Creux to
 
 GREATEST EXTENT 
 Wp. of the 
 
 ^^ SATIACENS DOMINIONS
 
 Chap. XXL] THE CRUSADES OF THE WEST, 297 
 
 the Corogae, and covered by the mountains as if by 
 fortresses. 
 
 The development of the Httle Christian states was greatly 
 
 aided by the shock given to the Caliphate of Cordova by 
 
 Decadence of the revolt of Ibn Hafson, and as a result 
 
 the Caliphate of Alfonso III., or the Great (862-910), was able 
 
 Cordova in the ' , ^ t- 4.U 4. • 
 
 ninth century, to make notablc progrcss. 1 o the countries 
 power "^ in ^the ^^ posscsscd on the coast, to Biscay, Astu- 
 tenth, and dis- ria, and Galicia, he was able to add Burgos, 
 in^he eleventh the country south of the Minho, with Toro 
 century. 2iVi(\. Zamora on the Douro, and even Sala- 
 
 manca and Coimbra, to the south of this latter river. The 
 Christian states were already entering into relations with 
 each other, and Alfonso now formed an alliance wnth the 
 king of Navarre. The zeal for the holy war was felt here 
 sooner than in the rest of Europe. Saint James, " Slayer 
 of the Moors" {San Jago Matamoros), became their na- 
 tional saint, and the Spanish Christians made pilgrimages 
 to his church at Compostella in crowds. Finally in 914 the 
 Asturians made another step in advance, crossed the moun- 
 tains, and leaving Oviedo, fixed their capital at Leon. 
 After this it was clear that the Moors could no longer hold 
 Spain, for the breach was open and the enemy on the alert. 
 Nevertheless, the tenth century was not so favorable to 
 the Christian states. For while some differences arose be- 
 tween them, the strength of the caliphate was greatly 
 revived by Abderrahman III. and by the skillful Almanzor 
 under Hescham II. The great defeat of Simancas suffered 
 in 940, the overthrow of the King Sancho the Great by the 
 Count of Castile, who made himself independent, and his 
 re-establishment by Abderrahman himself, show us the king- 
 dom of Leon in so weakly a condition that its enemy was 
 able to decide even over the disposal of the throne. Alman- 
 zor the Victorious bore even more heavily upon the Christ- 
 ians. He subdued the county of Castile, took possession 
 of Salamanca, Zamora, Astorga, and even Leon, w'hich latter 
 he razed to the ground (984). On another expedition he 
 took Coimbra, Lamego, Braga, and San Jago de Compos- 
 tella, the Holy City, from which he carried away the bells. 
 He had equal success in the east, where he took Barcelona, 
 and by 997 was master of all that the Christians had con- 
 quered south of the Douro and the Ebro. But the first 
 time he was defeated, after fifty actions, at Calatanazor,
 
 298 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 near the source of the Douro, he was so broken-hearted 
 that he starved himself to death ; and all the power of the 
 Caliphate died with him (1002). We have already seen 
 that the empire of the Arabs in Spain fell to pieces in the 
 eleventh century ; the Christian states, on the contrary, 
 drew nearer together and were united by marriages and by 
 other alliances. They were so much occupied by these 
 internal alliances and adjustments, and also by closing the 
 breaches in their armor made by Almanzor's sword, that 
 the holy war was suspended for nearly the whole century ; 
 Toward the end it was taken up again, however, and pur- 
 sued with even greater success than before. 
 
 Sancho the Great, King of Navarre in 1000, laid the 
 
 foundation of the greatness of his house by the marriage of 
 
 , his sister with the Count of Castile, which 
 
 Founding of ^ ..,,-- . ' , 
 
 Castile, Leon, county was jomcd to Navarrc in 1026 when 
 ^IZl^J^' ^^^ the Castilian family became extinct. A few 
 
 Aragon. -' . 
 
 years later, he gave this same county of 
 Castile, which he made into a kingdom (1033), to his son 
 Ferdinand, who was the son-in-law and heir of the king 
 of Leon. He also made the county of Aragon into a 
 kingdom for his third son Ramiro, and the Count of Barce- 
 lona acknowledged him as his suzerain. At the death of 
 Sancho (1035), his oldest son Garcias inherited the king- 
 dom of Navarre. 
 
 It is not alone on account of these alliances that Sancho 
 HI. merits his title of the Great. The only claims to great- 
 ness in Spain were gains made at the expense of the infidels. 
 The Moors suffered many times under his sword, and at 
 the same time that he was preparing throughout all the 
 Christian part of the country the substitution of the Basque 
 royal house of Aznar for that of Pelayo, he pushed his 
 conquests against the Arabs into the very heart of their 
 country, even up to the walls of Cordova. 
 
 After his death there were four kingdoms in Christian 
 Spain : three of them, Navarre, Castile, Aragon, belonged 
 to the sons of Sancho ; the fourth, Leon, belonged to Ber- 
 mudo. But at the death of the latter in 1037 the male line 
 of the descendants of Pelayo became extinct, and the coun- 
 cil of Asturiagave the crown to his brother-in-law, Ferdi- 
 nand, who thus joined Leon and Castile. Since the memor- 
 able year of 1037 we can consider Christian Spain, with the 
 exception of Portugal, as divided iuto the three kingdoms
 
 Chap. XXI.] THE CRUSADES OF THE WEST. 299 
 
 of Castile and Leon in the northwest and center, Navarre 
 at the north, and Aragon at the northeast. 
 
 Ferdinand I. had the unfortunate idea of dividing his 
 states between his children, according to the old German 
 custom ; but Alfonso VI. reunited them in 1073 and resumed 
 the holy war in Spain, just when the preparations for the 
 first crusade made such warfare popular throughout all 
 Europe. The news of the misfortunes at Jerusalem and the 
 growing influence of the Holy See was felt in Spain as well. 
 Gregory VII. wished to bring under his sway the Christian 
 kingdoms of this country, which until now had continued 
 more or less independent of the Holy See. Whether or not 
 they should put themselves under the Roman church was a 
 serious question ; if they did not there was fear that the 
 Pope might some time call all Christendom to arms against 
 them. With his unlimited pretensions Gregory VII. de- 
 manded homage from Alfonso VI. under the pretext that all 
 land conquered from the Infidels belonged to the Church. 
 Alfonso refused. Gregory then turned his efforts in another 
 direction, that of the adoption by the Christians in Spain of 
 the Roman ritual instead of the Gothic or Mozarabian ritual 
 used by them until then. He sent a legate to them, and the 
 question was seriously debated in the assembly of the 
 grandees and the bishops at Burgos in 1077. The king, 
 injured by the pretensions of the Pope, joined the laymen 
 in opposing the introduction of the Roman ritual, but the 
 queen, the archbishop, and all the clergy were in favor of 
 it. As the discussion led to no decision, they submitted the 
 question to " the judgment of God " in the ordeals of fire 
 and water, and the judicial combat. The Gothic ritual was 
 victorious in the lists, but Alfonso saw the danger of this 
 victory, and in 1079 declared himself for the Roman ritual. 
 From that year the Spanish people were admitted to full 
 communion with Rome, and they became the most Catholic 
 of people, though by no mean always the most submissive to 
 the Holy See. 
 
 Ferdinand I. had taken advantage of the differences 
 _, . . r„ between the small Arab kings, to encroach 
 
 Taking of To- . -r-r , , , t-r- 
 
 ledo (1085); upon their territory. He had taken v iseu, 
 the"cointy of Lamcgo, and Coimbra, and had made the 
 P^oj^i^gai (1095) : king of Toledo tributary to him. In 1085 
 Alfonso VI. did still better and took posses- 
 sion of the latter city. Toledo, the ancient capital and
 
 300 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 metropolis of the Visigoths, again became a capital and 
 metropolis, and this event, counting Gijon, Oviedo, and 
 Leon, made the fourth great step in the progress of the 
 Christians, who had started from Asturia but who were 
 henceforth established in the heart of Spain and protected 
 by the Tagus. 
 
 Five years later, the Capetian, Henry of Burgundy, a 
 great-grandson of Robert, the king of France, who had dis- 
 tinguished himself at the taking of Toledo, seized Portucale, 
 situated at the mouth of the Douro, and Alfonso converted 
 his conquest into the county of Portugal (1095). At the 
 same time Rodrigode Bivar, the famous Cid (lord), and the 
 hero of the Spanish romancers, who became the pattern of 
 chivalry, advanced along the coast of the Mediterranean, 
 crowning victory with victory, and took possession of 
 Valencia (1094). Finally, in 1118, Alfonso I., the king of 
 Aragon, like the king of Castile, won a new capital for him- 
 self by conquering Saragossa, where a Mussulman dynasty 
 had reigned with splendor for many years. In this way the 
 Christian invasion advanced like one army divided into 
 three columns, one at the east, one at the west, and one at 
 the center. 
 
 But this progress went no farther at the center, and 
 
 was soon arrested almost all along the line by obstacles 
 
 Invasions of which Were not surmounted by the Christians 
 
 the Aimoravi- for nearly a century. They saw two new 
 
 des (io36) and a ■< c -\ir \ • ■ i 
 
 the Aimohades fioods of Mussulman uivasion advancmg 
 ^"46). toward them, when they had supposed it 
 
 utterly exhausted long before. Successively two sects, 
 advancing from Africa, revived the worn-out Islamism of 
 these countries ; first came the Almoravides, and then 
 the Aimohades, both puritan sects who were trying to 
 restore simplicity to the religion of Mohammed. The 
 name of the former signifies a closer connection with the 
 true idixth {religious). The name of the latter signifies H?ii- 
 tarians. The one prayer of the founder of the Almohad 
 sect was : "O Lord, O Allah, thou most merciful of the 
 merciful, thou knowest our sins, wilt thou pardon them ; 
 thou knowest our needs, wilt thou satisfy them ; thou 
 knowest our enemies, wilt thou prevent the evil which they 
 could do us? It is enough that thou art our lord, our 
 creator, and our help." 
 
 The real leader of the Almoravides was Jussuf, who
 
 Chap. XXL] THE CRUSADES OF THE WEST. yiX 
 
 founded Morocco in 1062, and made it the seat of his politi- 
 cal and religious government in Magreb. When Alfonso 
 had conquered Toledo, Aben-Abed, the last Arab chief who 
 possessed any real power in Spain, feeling incapable of 
 resisting the Christians alone, called Jussuf to his aid. The 
 latter arrived with his terrible African bands, and (1086) 
 annihilated the Christian army at Zalaca. But Aben-Abed 
 did not gain anything from this victory. He was driven 
 from Seville, and left his country with that calm philosophy 
 which endows the character of the Arabs of Spain with so 
 much poetry. His companions wept on leaving their beau- 
 tiful home, but he consoled them by saying : " Friends, let 
 us learn to endure our fate. In this life we only gain things 
 to lose them again, and God only gives us the possessions of 
 the earth in order to take them away from us again. The 
 sweet and the bitter, pleasure and pain, are always near each 
 other — but a generous heart is untouched by the caprices of 
 fortune." The dominion of the Almoravides was strength- 
 ened and extended ; the)' recaptured Valencia at the death 
 of the Cid (1099), seized the Balearic Islands, and in 1108, 
 at Ucles, defeated Alfonso VI. in as bloody a battle as the 
 one at Zalaca. The Christians were in doubt whether all 
 they had gained in Spain would not be again wrested from 
 them. This was not the case, however. 
 
 Though besieged several times, Toledo was defended 
 with great energy and success, and in the west the little 
 county of Portugal not only resisted all invasion, but also 
 succeeded in taking some cities and in driving back the 
 infidels. The latter returned in great numbers to attack 
 Alfonso, the son of Henry of Burgund}'^, who advanced into 
 Ourique to meet them, almost to the southwest end of the 
 peninsula. The day before the battle he proclaimed to his 
 soldiers that Christ had appeared to him, had promised him 
 the victory, and told him to assume the title of king. To 
 win the favor of heaven, his soldiers bestowed the new title 
 upon him and gained a great victory (1139), which gave to 
 Portugal Cintra and Santarem on the Tagus, and Elvas 
 and Evora beyond that river. 
 
 The invasions of the Almohades had almost the same 
 results as those of the Almoravides, whom they supplanted. 
 Their leader, Abdalmumen, having taken Fez in 1146, sent 
 his forces the same year to Spain. This time all the blows 
 of the invaders were aimed at Castile, and Alfonso IX.
 
 302 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 was utterly defeated at the battle of Alarcos in 1195. Por- 
 tugal, on the other hand, retained its superiority, and 
 defeated them severely at Santarem (1184). In the mean 
 time Aragon, whose throne had been occupied since 1137 
 by the house of Barcelona, increased her power by adding 
 the counties of Cerdagne, Roussillon, Carcassonne, and 
 Forcalquier, and the signory of Montpellier to Catalonia. 
 For a while she also included Provence, which raised her 
 to a high rank as a maritime power, as she possessed a 
 great extent of coast upon the Mediterranean. 
 
 This progress made by Aragon and Portugal put Spain 
 in a position at the beginning of the thirteenth century to 
 renew gloriously the struggle with the infidel. Another 
 powerful aid to victory had been given her by the founding, 
 during the twelfth century, of four military orders which 
 were especially devoted to the Spanish crusade, without 
 mentioning the great European orders of the Holy Land, 
 which had also spread thither. These four orders were 
 those of Alcantara, of Calatrava, and of St. James in 
 Castile and Leon, and of Evora in Portugal. 
 
 In 1 2 10, the news spread throughout all Christendom 
 that 400,000 Almohades had just crossed the Straits of 
 Gibraltar. The Pope Innocent III., though 
 Las^'wavas de occupied at that time by the war with the Al- 
 Toiosa (1212). bigenses, could not contemplate this danger 
 driven back to without Urging Europc to comc to the aid of 
 to. the kingdom Spain. Public praycrs wcre commanded, and 
 Results of the indulgences were promised to all who would 
 Ldl."'^^ """' §0 ^° ^g^^t in the peninsula. The five Chris- 
 tian kings of the country (Castile and Leon 
 were for the moment separated) joined forces and marched 
 against Mohammed, the fanatical chief of the Almohades. 
 The two hostile armies met on the plateau of the Sierra 
 Morena, at Alacab according to the Arabs, at Las Navas 
 de Tolosa according to the Christians. A terrible battle 
 was fought, which was decided in favor of the Christians 
 by the flight of the Andalusians. Mohammed, who had 
 watched the battle from a hill, under a red pavilion, sur- 
 rounded by the thick ranks of his African guard, and with' 
 the Koran in one hand and his sword in the other, saw the 
 terrible defeat of his soldiers without even changing his 
 attitude, and saying " God alone is just and mighty, the 
 devil is false and treacherous." He was finally persuaded
 
 Chap. XXI.j THE CRUSADES OF THE WEST. 303 
 
 to take to flight. This battle decided the struggle of which 
 Spain had so long been the theater. After the Almoravides 
 and the Almohades no help came from Africa sufficient to 
 restore any strength to the dominion of the ISIohammedans. 
 
 During the whole of the thirteenth century the Christians 
 reaped the fruits of this victory, and their progress was 
 made even more easy by the fact that the government of 
 the Almohades had fallen in civil war and anarchy. Cor- 
 dova (1236), ]\Iurcia (1243), Seville (1248), and many other 
 places fell into the hands of the king of Castile, while 
 James I. the Conquistador, the king of Aragon, subdued the 
 Balearic Isles, and with the aid of an army of 80,000 Span- 
 iards and Frenchmen, conquered Valencia (1238). In 1270, 
 by the permanent annexation of Algarve, Portugal also 
 extended her territory, which since then has never been 
 increased. The Moors no longer possessed anything but 
 the little kingdom of Grenada, and this was shut in on 
 every side by the ocean or the possessions of the king of 
 Castile. But within these small limits, with their numbers 
 recruited by the people driven by the Christians from the 
 conquered villages, they held their own with an energy 
 which deferred their final ruin for two centuries. After 
 this, except for a few incursions of the Merinides of 
 Magreb, which were successfully repelled, the conquests of 
 the Christians were undisturbed, and we may say that the 
 Spanish crusade was almost entirely suspended till 1492. 
 
 Though the crusades to Jerusalem had undoubtedly 
 accomplished some good results for general civilization, 
 they did not accomplish the end for which they were 
 planned. They neither founded anything in the east, nor 
 did they even deliver the Holy Sepulchre, and millions of 
 men had perished on the journey thither. 
 
 The crusades in Spain, on the other hand, though utterly 
 without influence upon the social state of Europe during 
 the Middle Ages, completely changed the political geogra- 
 phy of Spain, and were not without results for the future of 
 modern Europe. They wrested the peninsula from the 
 Moors and gave it to the Christians ; they founded the 
 little kingdom of Portugal, which later pursued its crusade 
 across the ocean and discovered the Cape of Good Hope ; 
 they founded the important states of Castile and Aragon, 
 in whose chiefs their Spanish victories awakened a Euro- 
 pean ambition, and whose inhabitants had acquired by this
 
 3<54 THE CkUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 war of eight centuries the military mode of life which made 
 them the condottieri of Charles V. and Philip II. rather 
 than the peace-loving heirs of the industry, commerce, and 
 brilliant civilization of the Moors. 
 
 To the question why there was such a marked difference 
 in the results of the crusades in the East and West, we must 
 answer that it was due to the situations and surroundings 
 of the two objects of attack. Jerusalem, situated far from 
 the center of the Catholic sway, and surrounded by Mussul- 
 mans, remained Mussulman, just as Toledo, situated at the 
 extreme end of the Mussulman line of occupation, and sur- 
 rounded by Christians, fell into the hands of the Christians. 
 Palestine was near to the land of Mecca, and Spain almost 
 within sight of Rome. Geography exerts a great influence 
 even over the things which seem farthest removed from it, 
 as, for instance, the extent and authority of religious ideas.
 
 i- 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 PROGRESS OF THE CITIES. 
 
 Beginnings of the Communal movement : — Communes properly so 
 called. — Intervention of royalty ; decline of the Communes. — Cities 
 not communal. — Origin of the Third Estate. Advancement of city 
 populations in England and Germany. — Feudal rights and customary 
 rights opposed. 
 
 Since the fall of the Carolingian Empire, we have seen 
 
 feudalism taking possession of the greater part of Europe. 
 
 « • • r .1. ^Ve have seen the Pope and the Emperor dis- 
 
 Ongin of the -, , ^ . , , . S ^ , 
 
 Communal putuig over Italy and the dommion of the 
 movement. world, and, finally, the people hurrying in 
 
 vast numbers along the road to Jerusalem. In the midst of 
 these great events, a fourth fact of general importance was 
 evolved from the other three, and had, in its turn, grave 
 consequences. A part of the enslaved population raised 
 itself by manual labor and intelligence and took its place 
 below, though by the side of, the lord and the priest ; the 
 class of common free-men, in fact, whose almost complete 
 disappearance in the ninth century has been mentioned (see 
 above, p. 208), had formed again and had acquired political 
 existence. While studying the feudal system we saw what 
 a wide chasm lay between the warlike and the working por- 
 tions of society. The latter did not long remain resigned 
 to its subjection and complete inferiority to the upper classes. 
 Revolt broke out. As early as the year 987 the feudal vil- 
 leins of Normandy were rising in all parts of the country, 
 holding meetings and forming associations, bound by oath, 
 by means of deputies sent from ail parts. They swore to 
 free themselves from the dominion of the lords, in order 
 that they might govern themselves by their own laws and be 
 able to hunt freely in the woods, fish the streams, etc. That 
 revolt was cruelly suppressed by the duke. It was one of 
 the first indications revealing the nature of the people of 
 the Middle Ages. So soon as the feudal system was firmly 
 
 305
 
 3o6 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 established, it held down the people of the country districts 
 with a power that forbade all struggles. Then the cities 
 broke out in resistance. The movement began among the 
 little gatherings of men whose numbers were increased by 
 the first progress of industry, and whose very situation en- 
 abled them to offer resistance. In* 1067 the city of Mans 
 formed an association bound by oath and took arms against 
 its feudal lord. That was the beginning of the communal 
 movement, which showed itself in different phases and with 
 different results throughout Europe from the eleventh to 
 the fourteenth century. 
 
 In many places the beginnings of this movement dated 
 far back into the past, in other places they were of recent 
 origin. The greater number of the cities of Italy and in 
 Southern France, which had not received the full force of 
 the barbaric invasions, and where the feudal system, later, 
 had been less complete, had retained the municipal insti- 
 tutions of the Roman Empire, and though these were no 
 doubt often obstructed and suppressed they were always 
 ready to right themselves again on the first opportunity.* 
 In Italy, most of the towns of Lombardy, which were con- 
 trolled by their bishops, whose authority was something 
 between that of the old defenders of the Roman empire and 
 that of feudal lords, had even in the tenth century begun 
 to enjoy almost complete freedom, following the example 
 shown them by such towns as Genoa and Venice, favored, 
 as they were, by their peculiar geographical position. 
 Milan, Pavia,and Venice were in the front rank. With the 
 help of what remained of their free institutions, those cities 
 made a great advance in commerce and manufactures, and 
 when they became rich and powerful tried to free them- 
 selves from episcopal authority. When the contest between 
 the Papacy and the Empire broke out they were quick to 
 
 * The question of the continuance of Roman municipal institutions 
 over the period of the German cnntiuest has lonjj been earnestly debated. 
 Some declare very strong;iy against any continuance of importance even 
 in Italy, others maintain such a survival. The truth is probably to be 
 found here, as usually in such cases, in a middle position. 'I'lic cities 
 were eveiywhere thoroughly incorporated in the German syslem of gov- 
 ernment under the counts, bui, in special cases at least, they did pre- 
 serve the traihtions, the names, though often with a changed significance, 
 and even the practices of the Roman municipalities. In other cities the 
 governments of the later Middle Ages were from an entirely new be- 
 ginning. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXII.] PROGRESS OF THE CITIES. 307 
 
 turn it to their own advantage. They formed an alliance 
 between their citizens and the lesser nobility of the neigh- 
 borhood * and in freeing themselves not only from the great 
 nobles, but almost completely from dependence on the em- 
 peror, they transformed themselves into the Lombard 
 republics already mentioned. 
 
 Within certain limits the South of France fared in the 
 same way as Italy. Traces of the old Roman municipal 
 government are found in the cities of Marseilles, Aries, 
 Toulouse, Narbonne, Nimes, Perigueux, etc., from the eighth 
 to the twelfth century. They are also to be found in the 
 central and even in the northern parts, though more rarely ; 
 for example, at Bourges, Paris, Rheims, and Metz. The 
 Empire had once extended its system of uniform institu- 
 tions throughout these regions as well as farther south — 
 but as the German conquest had been more thorough there 
 than in other parts, only a very small number of towns 
 had been able to preserve even the ruins of municipal 
 organization. Those that had the advantage in this respect 
 possessed a middle-class aristocracy which seemed to be 
 derived from the old curials ; even in the South the Roman 
 names are to be met with, namely, the sejiate, consuls, decem- 
 virs, and ediles. Bourges had, in the seventh century, its 
 senatorial families. Elsewhere these terms were replaced by 
 others of like meaning, belonging to the Middle Ages, — 
 prud'hoinmes, boiihommes (boni Jwinincs^. Coins have been 
 found of the time of Charles the Bald, bearing the in- 
 scription, Biturices (the inhabitants of Bourges). We see 
 that in all these cities municipal life prevailed before the 
 epoch commonly assigned to the communal movement ; it 
 simply gained in activity and extent at that time. 
 
 In the North, on the contrary, most of the cities, whether 
 
 they were of ancient date and had lost their municipal 
 
 r^.v,,„„„„c institutions, or whether they were of recent 
 
 communes ' J 
 
 properly so foundation and had never possessed them, 
 
 called 
 
 were obliged to win by force the advantages 
 which had no precedent to authorize them, to present 
 claims that were new and offensive to the feudal lords, 
 and to introduce into the body politic principles that 
 were revolutionary for the time. Feudalism, which had 
 
 * This same union between the citizens and the lesser nobility was also 
 formed in at least some of the French cities, — Ed.
 
 3o8 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 expanded there with uniformity and with all its Ger- 
 man rudeness, fought desperately against the villeins 
 who dared dream of being no longer absolutely at the 
 command of their lords. And yet the lords were obliged to 
 yield almost everywhere where there were masses of men 
 crowded into a narrow space — energetic artisans accus- 
 tomed to handle the mallet and the axe, who, when it came to 
 a revolt, could very well buckle on the armor themselves that 
 they had been making the night before for their lord, and 
 who had their labyrinth of narrow and tortuous streets 
 to offset the impregnable castles of the nobles, streets 
 where the great battle-horse and long lance could hardly 
 find space to turn. Moreover, the growth of luxury accom- 
 panied the growth of chivalry, and of new and finer needs ; 
 and with it grew the number of laborers and the size and 
 strength of their towns. Accordingly we see later on, and 
 especially in the Netherlands, towns like Ghent, Bruges, 
 Ypres, etc., which were able to send out great armies from 
 within their walls. 
 
 This movement assumed a more energetic form in the 
 northeast than in any other part of France. We have 
 noticed that the first commune established was at Mans 
 (1067). It was abolished, however, two years later by 
 William. Closely following came Cambrai, which was or- 
 ganized in 1076, after more than a hundred years of open 
 war between the inhabitants and the bishop, their feudal 
 lord. This community went through many changes, and 
 was abolished and re-established many times. Those of 
 Noyon, Beauvais, and St. Quentin came next in order. The 
 most famous was at Laon, and started in the year 1 106. 
 This town had before that been nothing but a den of 
 thieves ; the nobles had carried on their robbery openly, 
 the citizens revenged themselves by imitating them ; to be 
 on the streets at night was out of the question. The bishop, 
 moreover, a Norman of very warlike spirit, and a great 
 hunter, but not much of a priest, overwhelmed the town 
 with his exorbitant demands, the fruits of which he divided 
 with the dignitaries of the cathedral and the noble families 
 of the town. Whoever cast reflection upon the least of his 
 acts, was given over to be tortured by a black slave that he 
 owned. The citizens held political meetings, united, 
 adopted a plan for a communal government, and l)Ought of 
 the bishop the right of enforcing it. But the bishop tried
 
 Chap. XXII.] FROGKESS OF THE CITIES. 309 
 
 to take back what he had sold ; thereupon there was a ter- 
 rible insurrection, in which he was killed. King Louis the 
 Fat interfered and allowed the town to keep its commune, 
 with certain modifications. In the two centuries that fol- 
 low, the history of this town is a long series of vicissitudes. 
 It finally lost its liberty under Philip the Fair. The com- 
 munes of Amiens, Soissons, Rheims, Sens, and Vezelay 
 were also established in the first half of the twelfth century, 
 and were often the occasion of no less obstinate struggles. 
 There was, we see, a kind of unity in this great movement, 
 and although the local sufferings caused each communal 
 insurrection, it cannot be denied that the example of 
 neighboring towns, which had already freed themselves, had 
 great influence in the other towns about them. It is proved 
 by the fact that they imitated each other ; the commune of 
 Laon was organized on the model of the communes of St. 
 Quentin and of Noyon, the charter of Laon served as a 
 pattern to Crespy and Montdidier. The charter of Sois- 
 sons was very famous, and was adopted in many places. 
 
 Let us now define the word commune more carefully. 
 One of the enemies and contemporaries of the communal 
 revolution, the Abbot Guibert of Nogent, said : " Com- 
 mune is a new and detestable word, and its meanmg is as 
 follows : the people who are liable to the taille pay the rent 
 which they owe to their lord only once a year. If they 
 commit a misdemeanor they are acquitted of it on the pay- 
 ment of a fine determined by law ; and as to the levying of 
 money, customarily inflicted on the serfs, from that they are 
 entirely exempt." These few lines give a sufficient!}' cor- 
 rect definition of the word commune, though they are far 
 from giving it as odious a character as their author desired.* 
 They show us the tenants requiring guarantees for their 
 persons and their possessions, and placing these guarantees 
 under the care of magistrates already existing, maires, 
 Jur^s, ^chevins^ possessing, in fact, through their principal 
 magistrates, and this is their distinguishing feature, a juris- 
 diction of their own, but not usually attempting to form 
 
 * In the strict sense a commune was a corporation regarded by the law 
 as a feudal person, and as such capable of exercising feudal rights and 
 performing feudal duties under such limits as its charter placed upon it. 
 
 The echevi)is were both administrative and judicial officers. In some 
 of the communes at least there seems to have been a double jurisdiction, 
 Xh&^chcvin representing the seigneur and they'?/;'/ the city. — Ed.
 
 3IO THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 political constitutions. There lies the difference between 
 the French communes and the Italian republics ; the former 
 limited, though they did not, like the latter, throw off the 
 dominion of their feudal lords. The commune of Cambrai 
 is quoted as one of those that put most restrictions on the 
 seignorial rights : " Neither the bishop nor the emperor," 
 said a contemporary, " can impose a tax there, no tribute 
 is exacted ; the soldiery cannot be called out, except for 
 the defense of the city, and, moreover, on the condition that 
 the citizens shall be able to return to their houses on the 
 same day." The citizens of Cambrai were on the same 
 basis as the most favored feudatory. 
 
 The reason that the communes of France were not able 
 to reach political independence and to form little republics 
 
 Intervention ^'^^' ^^^'- although they wcrc succcssful in 
 by the royal avoiding the domination of their immediate 
 cu^e'^'of ?he lord, they could not escape that of their 
 Communes. superior sovereign the king. The city of 
 
 Amiens had wrested a communal charter from their count ; 
 when the county of Amiens was joined to the crown of 
 France, the struggle was no longer against a petty lord, but 
 against the king himself. It- was the same case with many 
 other towns. Very often, in the heat of the fight with their 
 lords, they called upon the king of their own accord and 
 asked for assistance, which he hastened to grant in order 
 that he might not lose so good an occasion to strike a blow 
 at the seignioral power. They found in him a protector for 
 the time being, and one who was very useful during the 
 struggle, but who afterwards proved fatal to their develop- 
 ment, and stopped it before it reached political independ- 
 ence. The great number of royal ordinances relating to 
 the communes, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, show 
 how large a part royalty took in this revolutionary move- 
 ment ; there are 9 acts signed by Louis VI., the Fat, rela- 
 tive to communes; 23 of Louis VII.; 78 of Philip Augus- 
 tus ; 10 of Louis VIII.; 20 of St. Louis ; 15 of Philip III.; 
 46 of Philip the Fair; 6 of Louis X.; 12 of Philip V.; 19 
 of Charles IV. The principle that the communes belonged 
 to the king prevailed as early as the time of Louis VII., 
 and sixty years later Beaumanoir wrote, that " No one can 
 establish a commune without the consent of the king." At 
 the beginning of the fourteenth century the development of 
 the communes ceased and gave way to a movement in the
 
 Chap. XXII.] PROGRESS OF THE CITIES. 31 1 
 
 opposite direction.* Then we see some of the communes 
 suppressed by the authorities, others themselves demanding 
 their suppression in the hope of finding more security 
 under tlie authority of a lord or a king than they could in 
 the disturbed condition of free institutions. So the com- 
 munes, in France, did nothing to help on the growth of 
 universal liberty, and did not even know how to keep what 
 they had acquired ; they not only never thought of forming 
 a confederation among themselves, like the Lombard towns, 
 but they allowed themselves to be despoiled of their rights, 
 or else gave them up of their own accord. 
 
 Though the communes lost or failed to reach political 
 
 liberty, they at least preserved some guarantees, some 
 
 municipal privileges. They thus approached 
 
 comm^naf. Be- the enfranchisement of the people by an- 
 
 ginning of the other path, namely, by the formation of the 
 
 Third Estate. .. ^ ' i ii j ^u i 
 
 cities, more properly called the bourgeoisies 
 [villes de bourgeoisie^. \ We have already mentioned, in 
 connection with the seignioral castles, the agglomerations 
 of men and habitations which attached themselves, as it 
 were, to their great walls. It was to the interest of the 
 lord of the castle to enlarge these communities, thereby 
 increasing the number of his subjects and artisans, and 
 augmenting his revenues and even his military forces ; for 
 many a time the men (commonly called parishioners^^ 
 whether from the towns or from villages, were seen march- 
 ing, led by their priest, wherever their lord directed. He 
 also tried to attract the peasants from neighboring domains 
 by the advantages he offered on his land ; he granted a 
 charter in advance and had it published far and wide, like 
 the following : " Be it known to all men present and to 
 come, that I, Henry, Count of Troyes, have established the 
 customs set forth below for the inhabitants of my ville-neuve 
 (near Pont-sur-Seine) : every man living in said town shall 
 pay twelve deniers and a measure of oats yearly as the 
 price of his domicile ; and if he wishes to have a portion of 
 
 * The reaction against communal independence ought to be dated 
 from the reign of Louis IX. — Ed. 
 
 f Villes de bourgeoisie were cities which had obtained exemptions from 
 feudal dues and exactions, together with certain privileges, but which 
 had not gone so far as the communes in gaining for themselves in their 
 corporate capacity feudal rights. — Ed.
 
 312 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 land for meadows, he may pay four deniers rent per acre. 
 The houses, vineyards, and meadows may be sold or trans- 
 ferred at the pleasure of the purchaser. (Here we see the 
 peasant grown to be a proprietor.) The men residing in said 
 town shall not be made to join the army nor to go on any 
 expedition unless I myself am at their head. I grant them, 
 moreover, the right of having six e'chevins, who shall admin- 
 ister the common affairs of the town and shall assist my 
 provost when his courts are in session. I have secured 
 that no lord, whether knight or otherwise, shall be able to 
 take away from the town any of the new inhabitants, for 
 any reason whatever, unless the latter should be his serf, or 
 should owe him arrears of his taille. Enacted at Provins, 
 in the year of the Incarnation 1175." What the Count of 
 Troyes did was done by other lords, and often by the king 
 himself. The name of villeneuve, which occurs in many 
 localities (Villeneuve-de-Roi, Villeneuve-St. Georges, etc.), 
 is a relic of this general movement. 
 
 Some of the old cities also obtained privileges analogous 
 to those of the new cities, while remaining, like them, under 
 the provost of their lord or of the king. It was in the royal 
 domains that this usually took place. Orleans and Paris 
 were among such cities, for, in spite of their antiquity, it 
 appears that they had not kept their Roman municipal 
 government, but, on the contrary, owed all their franchises 
 and privileges to the Middle Ages and the kings, except at 
 Paris the corporation of the Nautes, which goes back to the 
 emperors and probably to the Gauls. In 1137, at Orleans, 
 Louis VII. forbade the provost and the sergeants of the 
 town to molest the citizens in any way, and fixed the impost 
 to be levied for the king on every measure of corn and of 
 wine ; ten years later he abolished the right of mortmain. 
 Still later he made regulations for the repression of abuses, 
 for the organization of the judicial system, and for the 
 encouragement of commerce. 
 
 Certain of these town charters served as models for many 
 others, as we have seen the communal charters doing. Such 
 were the customs of Loris in Gatinais accorded by the king 
 to seven bourgs or towns of his domains in the space of 
 fifty years (1163-1201). The great difference between the 
 communes and these towns is that the former gained by 
 force their privileges, which included that of jurisdiction, 
 or the right to administer justice, while the latter by peace-
 
 Chap. XXII.] PROGRESS OF THE CITIES. 313 
 
 ful measures obtained less extensive concessions in which 
 the right of jurisdiction was not included. 
 
 To sum up the whole matter, we see that, of the towns of 
 France, some were never enfranchised from royal authority, 
 while others, namely the communes and municipal cities, 
 reverted to that authority. In all the cities a middle class 
 was formed which grew richer day by day through com- 
 merce and industry, which formed powerful corporations 
 everywhere, filled the universities, and acquired knowledge, 
 especially legal knowledge, together with wealth. The 
 common people had two paths open to them by which they 
 could attain to political influence : as merchants and 
 manufacturers they were called by St. Louis into his coun- 
 cil ; as lawyers we shall see them reigning under the protec- 
 tion of Philip the Fair, and, admitted by this same Philip the 
 Fair to the general assemblies of the nation, they no longer 
 formed merely a class but a recognized order, an estate of 
 the realm, the Third Estate. 
 
 The revolution which raised the people in England and 
 introduced that element into the public life of the nation 
 was not of the same character as that in 
 of^ftlelinEng- Fraucc. In the first place the bloody strug- 
 1 and and in gies of the Frcnch communes were not seen 
 ermany. there. Many of the English towns before the 
 
 Norman conquest were already rich and populous and took 
 part in the affairs of the country. In the time of ^Ethelred 
 II., the inhabitants of Canterbury attended the court of 
 the earl and those of London took part several times in the 
 election of kings. Yet they do not appear to have sent 
 deputies to the Saxon Witenagemot, and their rights were 
 generally confined within their walls. The Norman con- 
 quest did them a great deal of harm ; in York the number 
 of houses fell from 1609 to 967 ; in Oxford, from 721 to 
 234 ; and many other towns had a like experience. As 
 they were less formidable, from that time they lost their 
 rights, and the lord, whether king or baron, of the domains 
 in which they were situated disposed of their possessions 
 and of their inhabitants with almost absolute power. 
 Henry I. restored their privileges and gave its first char- 
 ter to the city of London.* Under Henry II., the inhabi- 
 
 * That is, the first granting it political privileges. See Stubbs, Const. 
 Hist, of Eng., vol. i., pp. 403-426. — Ed.
 
 314 THE CRUSADES. [Book VIl. 
 
 tants of many towns acquired the right of ownership in the 
 land they occupied, and bought off, for a fixed charge, the 
 special and uncertain tributes which were arbitrarily de- 
 manded of them. Finally, under King John, the granting 
 of charters became a frequent occurrence. From that time 
 on the cities, grown rich and powerful, inspired respect in 
 their lords, whether kings or barons, who no longer exacted 
 but asked the cities and towns of their domains for assist- 
 ance ; they were then on the same basis as the possessors 
 of fiefs ; the foremost citizens of London and of the Cinque 
 Ports (Dover, Sandwich, Hythe, Hastings, and Romney), 
 even acquired the titles of nobles and barons. In 1264 the 
 above-mentioned towns, together with York and Lincoln and 
 all the other great cities of England, were authorized to 
 send deputies to parliament. This marks their first ap- 
 pearance in political life. One hundred and twenty towns 
 sent deputies to the parliament convoked by Edward in 
 1295, for it is just, said the preamble to the writs of elec- 
 tion, that what affects the interests of all should be 
 approved by all. 
 
 The towns had been assisted in their progress by the 
 small gentry, that is to say, the knights of the shires, and 
 the free tenants. Something of the same sort happened in 
 Italy. But in Italy the remoteness or the weakness of sove- 
 reign authority relieved these two classes from the necessity 
 of uniting : they became rivals, and their rivalry destroyed 
 the Italian republics. In England, on the contrary, the 
 necessity of union was enjoined by the permanence of royal 
 power and its continual presence in all parts of the kingdom; 
 and instead of little ephemeral republics a great system of 
 national representation was developed. While in England 
 the towns united with the nobility against the power of roy- 
 alty, in Germany as in France they allied themselves with 
 the sovereign against the feudal system, the only difference 
 being that the alliance was much less close and involved a 
 much smaller degree of dependence. The emperor raised 
 the towns to an immediate feudal connection with himself as 
 against the princes of the empire, — that is, the towns lying in 
 the territory of the princes were directly dependent not upon 
 the princes, but upon the emperor, who thus had his sup- 
 porters in the very heart of the great fiefs. The German 
 towns, which had before that been rich and commercial, now 
 increased their commerce and their wealth, thanks to their
 
 Chap. XXII.] PROGRESS OF THE CITIES. 31$ 
 
 new condition. Henry V.* lent great assistance to this 
 revolution by granting privileges to the lower class of citi- 
 zens, the artisans, who up to that time had been distinguished 
 •from the freemen and placed in a lower grade, according 
 to the spirit of the Roman law ; he released them from one 
 oppressive custom in particular, which gave their feudal 
 lord at their death a right to all their movable goods, or at 
 least the power to demand whatever was best in the inheri- 
 tance. In many of the towns he took away all temporal 
 authority from the bishops and divided the citizens into com- 
 panies according to the nature of their occupations ; an insti- 
 tution soon adopted by the other commercial countries. 
 The citizens thus organized were not slow in forming coun- 
 cils, which were chosen from their own number by election, 
 like a senate or a magistracy, and which, after first confin- 
 ing themselves to assisting the emperor's or the bishop's 
 officer, obtained the right of jurisdiction in the thirteenth 
 century. 
 
 In Germany the towns, to increase their population, used 
 means like those we have seen employed in France by the 
 kings and lords in the founding of their villeneuves ; the 
 feudal lord opened an asylum about his castle and the 
 towns opened one about their walls ; a host of strangers 
 hastened to establish themselves there, under the name of 
 Pfahlbiirger (citizens of the palisades ; hence faubourg). 
 The serfs of the neighboring lords often took refuge there, 
 and at the end of a year and a day they could not be 
 reclaimed. This gave rise to many complaints on the part 
 of the lords. 
 
 The towns in Germany which enjoyed the greatest pros- 
 perity were those lying on the Rhine and in Lorraine ; 
 Mainz, Cologne, Coblentz, Bonn, Aix-la-Chapelle, and in 
 Saxony, Magdeburg, Bremen, Liibeck, Hamburg; in Ba- 
 varia, Ratisbon ; in Swabia, Augsburg and Ulm ; in Fran- 
 conia, Nuremberg, Frankfort on the jMain, Spire, Worms, 
 etc. Their commerce extended far and wide ; they ex- 
 changed commodities from the north of Europe for those 
 of the East, and they were soon admitted to the diets of 
 
 * It must be remembered that here as in all other countries the acts of 
 the sovereign do not create the institutions, but only recognize and give a 
 legal existence to those which had grown up by a natural development 
 and through a long period of time. — Ed.
 
 3i6 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 the Emperor. But they did not succeed in founding a class 
 throughout the country, for they were not able to join with 
 the feudal nobility, as in England, nor, as in France, to 
 make common cause with the king, who was too weak and 
 often engaged with the very different interests created by 
 his imperial title. Accordingly they remained almost isolated 
 from the rest of the empire, and were obliged to provide 
 for their own defense on account of the weakness of the 
 supreme power and the bad condition of the imperial 
 police ; they formed leagues among themselves which were 
 of great importance, but which could not give rise to a real 
 body politic any more than that of the Lombard towns. 
 
 The advances made by the city population had an influ- 
 ence also upon the people of the country districts. Charters 
 of enfranchisement for the serfs increased in number. In 
 the twelfth century they had already been allowed to testify 
 in court ; and some of the popes, Hadrian IV., and especi- 
 ally Alexander III., who has left us a celebrated bull, had 
 demanded liberty for them. In the thirteenth century the 
 enfranchisements were very numerous ; for the lords began 
 to understand what was said by Beaumanoir and very dis- 
 tinctly by many charters, to the effect that they would gain 
 more in having free industrious men on their land than by 
 keeping the lazy serfs, "who neglect their work, saying that 
 they are working for some one else." 
 
 In this way the new class which was unknown to the 
 
 Bishop Adalbero in the time of King Robert had come into 
 
 ^ existence, and was animated by a totally differ- 
 
 Feudal and • ■ r ^1,1 1^1 1 i-i 
 
 customary cut spint froni that shown by the class which 
 right opposed, had SO loug impeded its progress. The feu- 
 dal order ruled by the right of privilege, made the eldest 
 born sole heir, and kept the inheritance permanently in the 
 same line, while the middle class inscribed in their charters 
 some of the principles of rational right, and the equal divi- 
 sion of property between all the children. 
 
 The new popular law, from its low and humble origin, 
 could not have entered into competition with the aristocratic 
 law if it had not found in the old law of the Roman Emper- 
 ors a potent auxiliary. This law, though long neglected, 
 had not been entirely forgotten, and it made a glorious re- 
 appearance in the eleventh and twelfth centuries in some of 
 the Italian towns, especially at Bologna, where numbers of 
 students, gathered together from all parts of Europe,
 
 Chap. XXII.] PROGRESS OF THE CITIES. 317 
 
 crowded into the lecture room of Irnerius, who had revived 
 the study of jurisprudence. The French were the first to 
 cross the mountains, the pilgrims of science, as their fathers 
 before them had been pilgrims of the cross, in order to lis- 
 ten to his learned lectures ; and soon Montpellier, Angers, 
 and Orleans had their chairs of Roman Law. In the time 
 of Philip Augustus, Justinian's compilation was translated 
 into French, and its study proved so attractive that some of 
 the popes and councils solemnly forbade the monks having 
 anything to do with it, lest they should be diverted by it 
 from meditation on the sacred books. 
 
 In the eyes of the men of that time, lost in the chaos of 
 feudal laws, the Roman code, an admirable collection of 
 logical deductions whose premises were natural equality and 
 general utility, seemed to be, in very truth, what they called 
 it, reason written out. The children of the wealthy among 
 the middle class were devoted by their parents to its study, 
 which they found a weapon of defense against the feudal 
 system ; by means of these laws, which were rendered 
 doubly respectable by their origin and by their antiquity, 
 the lawyers were able to work in a thousand different ways 
 toward the overthrow of the two great slaveries of the Mid- 
 dle Ages, — the slavery of man and the slavery of the land. 
 St. Louis had already authorized Languedoc to make the 
 Roman law their municipal law ; the same concession was 
 made to other provinces. In those that kept their own 
 special laws, the Roman law, held in reserve to be consulted 
 in all doubtful cases, insensibly pervaded the local customs 
 with its own spirit. Thus began, in the thirteenth century, 
 that war between rational law, whether Roman or custo- 
 mary, and the aristocratic law of the feudal order ; sustained 
 and directed by the legists, this contest did not end for 
 France until the great year of 1789, in the triumph of 
 equality over privilege. It has not yet come to an end in 
 those European countries which have not followed our path.
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 CIVILIZATION OF THE TWELFTH AND THIRTEENTH 
 
 CENTURIES. 
 
 Explorations in the East and the commerce of the Middle Ages. — New 
 departures in industry and agriculture. — Corporations. — Condition 
 of the country districts. — Lack of security. — The Jews and bills of 
 exchange. — Intellectual progress ; Universities, scholastics, astrol- 
 ogy, alchemy, magicians. — National literature. — Arts ; Ogival 
 architecture. 
 
 The progress made by the urban population was due to 
 the progress which had been made by commerce and by 
 the industrial arts, both of which had been 
 infh?Eastand developed by the crusades, 
 the commerce In the imagination of the people of the 
 Ages.^ ' ^ Middle Ages, the East, and particularly India, 
 were countries of fabulous wealth. There, 
 most exquisite wares, precious stones, and gold were to be 
 found in profusion. They knew no other way of reaching 
 these marvelous countries except by Asia ; either by pass- 
 ing to the north of the Caspian Sea, or through Syria and 
 Persia, or by the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. All these 
 three waters were used, but all commerce carried on by 
 them was pursued under many obstacles and with the 
 greatest risks. We can obtain some idea of this by the 
 narrative of a few intrepid travelers of the Middle Ages. 
 
 Towards 1172, the jew Benjamin of Tudela traveled 
 as far as Samarcand and Hindostan. In 1246, a Fran- 
 ciscan monk, John du Plan Carpin, [Carpini] was sent by 
 Innocent IV. to the Tartars, on whom he wrote a treatise 
 which has come down to us. In 1253, St. Louis, who was 
 then in Palestine, wishing to form an alliance with the Mon- 
 gols if possible, sent the Franciscan, Rubruquis (Ruybroecq) 
 thither and comuiissioned him to write him long letters 
 describing all that he saw. 
 
 During this same period, the adventurous Venetian 
 family of which Marco Polo was the youngest and most 
 
 318
 
 Chap. XXIII.] CIVILIZATION. 3l9 
 
 celebrated member, had already begun their travels. Marco 
 Polo lived with his father and uncle twenty-six years 
 among the Tartars in China. They rendered valuable ser- 
 vices to the Khan, and he was unwilling to have them leave 
 him. They succeeded, however, in returning to Europe, 
 after seeing the whole coast of China and India. When 
 they returned to Venice, their friends refused to recognize 
 them, as their heirs had declared that they were dead ; 
 and in fact they strongly resembled Tartars, both in 
 their looks and their language, and made a very poor appear- 
 ance on their arrival. They collected together all whom 
 they knew to be their former friends and relations, and 
 in their presence ripped up the coarse clothing they had 
 worn ; diamonds, emeralds, and sapphires fell from every 
 seam, and it was not long before all their friends and 
 relations were ready to acknowledge them. Marco Polo 
 took part in a war which his compatriots were carrying 
 on with the Genoese, and was taken prisoner by the 
 latter. During his captivity, in which he was treated 
 with great consideration, he wrote his most valuable 
 narrative. 
 
 Another narrative, curious in a different way, was written 
 by the English knight, Sir John Maundeville, who traveled 
 during the middle of the fourteenth century. This narra- 
 tive, it has been supposed, was written by him in three 
 languages, in English, French, and Latin, and copies of it 
 were greatly multiplied during the next century. It is re- 
 markable for certain cosmographical ideas of the roundness 
 of the earth, the possibility of making the passage of its 
 circumference, and the existence of the antipodes, all ques- 
 tions of the first importance as influencing the discovery of 
 a new route to India, which was made by Vasco de Gama 
 at the beginning of modern times. 
 
 The merchants did not venture quite as far as these bold 
 apostles of science. They hardly went out of sight of the 
 Mediterranean, the Black Sea, or the Baltic, but they kept 
 up a constant intercourse with the farthest countries of the 
 East by means of caravans. Arab money has been found 
 as far north as the shores of the Gulf of Finland, and the 
 merchants of Novgorod carried on a lively commerce with 
 the East, from whence the richest commodities have always 
 come — such as silken fabrics, perfumes, spices, precious 
 stones, ivory, gold-dust, the plumes of Africa, the woods
 
 326 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 used in dyeing, Damascus weapons, the tissues of Mosul 
 and India, and the sugar of Syria. 
 
 This commerce centered about two distinct regions dur- 
 ing the Middle Ages ; one the shores of the North Sea and 
 the Baltic, the other the shores of the Mediterranean. 
 
 The commerce on the Mediterranean flourished long be- 
 fore that of the North. Without mentioning the cities on the 
 African coast which were so prosperous during the tenth 
 and eleventh centuries, or the Arabs of Spain, who were so 
 industrious and so rich, there were Barcelona, the storehouse 
 and market of all Spain, Montpellier, Narbonne, Aries, Mar- 
 seilles, Nice, Genoa, Pisa, Florence, Amalfi, and Venice, 
 which were all struggling for the supremacy over the east- 
 ern commerce. The Italian cities gained the greater part 
 and scattered their counting-houses over the coasts of the 
 Archipelago and the Black Sea, where Venice and Genoa 
 ruled either simultaneously or by turns. 
 
 However, it cost them a great deal of trouble to bring 
 even a small part of this wealth from the depths of Asia, 
 through lands inhabited by hostile populations and often 
 convulsed by wars ; and it was also difficult to transport 
 these products across the Alps to the cities of the North to 
 exchange them for the products of that region. Marseilles, 
 Beaucaire, Lyons, and Troyes served France as intermediate 
 stations ; Constance, Basel, and Strassburg for the Rhine 
 country ; Innsbruck for the Alps ; Augsburg for the 
 great Bavarian plain ; Ulm, Ratisbon, and Vienna for 
 the Danube, and Nuremberg for Franconia. The pro- 
 ducts of northern commerce were also brought to these 
 cities. 
 
 In the low countries of the north of Germany and France, 
 which were often flooded by water and intersected by 
 rivers, the cities naturally were stronger than the feudal 
 nobility. From their situation on the ocean and at the 
 mouth of great rivers which could carry their ships in all 
 directions into the very heart of a vast continent, they nat- 
 urally devoted themselves to commerce ; but with this dif- 
 ference from the Italian cities, that whereas the latter always 
 looked upon each other as rivals, as there was no power- 
 ful feudal system in their midst to force them to unite 
 against a common foe, the German cities formed a confed- 
 eration in the interest of mutual protection. This confed- 
 eration, which was called the Hanseatic League, held the
 
 Chap. XXIII.] CIVILIZATION. 321 
 
 supreme power in the north of Europe and united all the 
 cities on the shores of the Baltic, the rich cities on the Rhine, 
 and the great communes of Flanders, by a common commer- 
 cial interest. 
 
 From London to Novgorod, on all the vessels of commerce 
 and above all counting-houses, floated one and the same 
 flag, that of the Hansa. The merchants of this League 
 were masters of the fisheries, the mines, the agriculture, 
 and the manufactures of Germany. \\\ their markets were 
 exchanged the furs, tallow, and hides from Russia, grain, 
 wax, and honey from Poland, amber from Prussia, metals 
 from Saxony and Bohemia, wines from the Rhine and from 
 France, wool and tin from England, linens from Holland 
 and Friesland, cloths from Flanders, and many other things. 
 And, last but not least, the Italians and Provencals sent the 
 products of the Orient to the great free port of Bruges. 
 In 1360, there were 52 cities in this confederation, and in 
 the fifteenth century 80 cities. They were divided into 
 four colleges with Liibeck, Cologne, Brunswick, and Dantzig, 
 at their head. Lubeck was the capital or rather the metro- 
 politan seat of the League. The branch offices were at Lon- 
 don, Bruges, Bergen and Novgorod ; also at Paris, Wisby, 
 on the island of Gothland, etc. 
 
 Flanders, situated in the very midst of this great com- 
 mercial association of Germany, and covered with cities 
 and workshops, was a zealous center of industry. Ghent, 
 with its 80,000 citizens able to bear arms, planted proudly 
 on its shield this device, which savors something of Rome : 
 S. P. Q. G. i^senatus populusque Gandavensiuni). Ypres 
 counted 200,000 weavers within her walls and suburbs ; 
 Bruges, the entrepot of all Flanders, was the meeting-place 
 of European merchants and had a chamber of insurance 
 (1310) two centuries before the rest of Europe. Matthew 
 of Westminster says : " The whole world was clothed in 
 English wool which had been manufactured in Flanders. 
 All the kingdoms in Christendom, and even the Turks, were 
 disturbed by the war that broke out between the cities and 
 the count in 1380." As to Holland, though still somewhat 
 obscure it already showed some signs of its future brilliant 
 fortune. An inundation of the ocean in the thirteenth cen- 
 tury joined the Zuyder Zee with the ocean, and made 
 Amsterdam a port secure from all tempests ; in the four- 
 teenth century the change of the herring fishery, which left
 
 32 2 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 the shores of Scania for the shores of England and Holland, 
 brought a great source of wealth to these countries. 
 
 In England both commerce and industry were still dor- 
 mant. Nevertheless, England had some commercial rela- 
 tions with Spain, sending her fine sheep thither and receiving 
 in exchange the Arab horses, from which the best English 
 herds of to-day have descended. 
 
 In France in the twelfth century, annual fairs, which were 
 famous throughout all Europe, were held at Troyes, in 
 Champagne, Beaucaire in Languedoc, and Saint Denis near 
 Paris. The merchants of Rouen, Orleans, Amiens, Rheims, 
 etc., kept up relations with the rich factories of Flanders 
 and the immense warehouses of Bruges. Those of Lyons, 
 Nimes, Avignon, and Marseilles went twice a year to Alex- 
 andria in search of the commodities of the East, which 
 reached France also through Venice and the German cities. 
 Bordeaux already exported wines to England and Flanders. 
 The cities of Languedoc bought fine weapons at Toledo and 
 hangings of leather worked with arabesques at Cordova. 
 Paris had a hanse or association for the merchandise which 
 came by water, and its privileges were confirmed by Philip 
 Augustus. Hence the vessel which is still to be seen on 
 the shield of the city. Saint Louis took the merchants un- 
 der his special protection. 
 
 They had their regulations, which formed, as it were, three 
 maritime codes. All the commerce of the South was regu- 
 lated by the Consolato del Mare. That of the North had 
 two ditferent codes, — the Lois d'Oleron, an imitation of the 
 Consolato del Mare, and the ordinances of Wisby, which 
 were drawn up after the Lois d'Oleron. 
 
 We must also mention a discovery which belongs to the 
 Middle Ages, though its full influence was not felt till the 
 beginning of modern times, and which is also due to the re- 
 lations between Europe and Asia — namely, the compass. 
 Its origin is not known with any certainty. Guiot de Pro- 
 vins, a Latin poet who lived in France toward the year 1200, 
 compares in his verse the lover to the needle, which proves 
 that it was known at that time, and that it is an error to attrib- 
 ute its discovery to an inhabitant of Amalfi during the four- 
 teenth century. It may have been derived from the Sara- 
 cens, who perhaps learned it from the Chinese. At all 
 events it was not until the fourteenth century that it was 
 really put into use by the Genoese and the other people
 
 Chap. XXIIL] CIVILIZATION. 323 
 
 living on the coasts of the Mediterranean, and that they put 
 sufficient faith in it to undertake voyages along the Atlantic 
 coasts guided only by the little instrument which was event- 
 ually to open all the paths of the ocean to the people of 
 Europe. 
 
 The crusaders brought some new industries back with 
 them from the East : the tissues of Damascus, which were 
 imitated at Parma and Milan ; glass from 
 tri^s'^and 'li^w Tyre, which was copied at Venice, where 
 plants. Cor- looking-glasscs were made to replace the 
 porations. metal mirrors ; the use of windmills, of flax, 
 
 of silk, and of a number of useful plants, such as the Damas- 
 cus plum tree, the sugar cane, which was to supersede 
 honey, the only sugar known to antiquity, but which at first 
 could only be cultivated in Sicily or Spain, whence it passed 
 later to Madeira and the Antilles, bringing great wealth 
 with it ; and finally the mulberry tree, w'hich enriched 
 first Italy and then France. Cotton fabrics began to be 
 known during this epoch.* Paper made from cotton had 
 been known for a long time ; linen paper was known by the 
 end of the thirteenth century, but it did not entirely replace 
 parchment until the sixteenth century. f Damaskeening 
 and the engraving of seals and coins were being perfected. 
 The art of enameling was learned, and the goldsmith's art 
 received a new impulse. 
 
 During the later times of the Roman Empire the work- 
 men of the same trade had begun to form associations 
 among themselves. The Germans also had formed certain 
 guilds whose members promised to support each other, and 
 celebrated their union by banquets, which were put under 
 the patronage of some god or hero, and which gained for 
 the members of a guild the name of Brothers of the Banqtiet 
 The corporations of the Middle Ages resulted from the 
 combination of these two institutions. J Charlemagne for- 
 
 * A cotton dress is mentioned in a will of 1220. The crusaders spread 
 the use of this fabric ; but no cotton industry' of any importance was 
 founded in France before the seventeenth century. 
 
 \ Recent investigations make it practically certain that linen paper was 
 known and in frequent use in Europe from the eighth century on. Under 
 the microscope the so-called cotton papers prove to be made from linen 
 rags. It was probably introduced from the East by the Arabs. — Ed. 
 
 X The guilds of the Middle Ages seem to have developed from an 
 independent beginning and not to be derived from similar organizations
 
 324 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 bade them, and the synod of Rouen in 1189 prohibited 
 them ; but they were too necessary in these times of violence 
 to be discouraged by mere interdictions. The communes 
 had guaranteed the liberty of persons ; the corporations 
 secured liberty for labor. The members of these corpora- 
 tions were of great assistance to each other, and took care 
 of the old men, and the widows and orphans of any mem- 
 bers. Each corporation had its patron saint, its festivals, 
 and its treasury. The chiefs, and the syndics or wardens, 
 prevented frauds and enforced the regulations. These 
 regulations required a long and hard apprenticeship, and 
 secured the monopoly of their industry to the members of 
 corporations, so that the number of master workmen was 
 fixed for each profession by the corporation itself. The 
 result was that there was no competition and the prices 
 were maintained at a very high point. This severe dis- 
 cipline was, however, necessary to the infancy of industry. 
 Later these corporations became impediments to industry, 
 but in the Middle Ages they were a necessity. The middle 
 class of the present day is an outcome of these associations. 
 We still possess the regulations drawn up in the time of 
 Saint Louis for the corporations of Paris. The master 
 workmen were charged with the government of their fellow- 
 workmen, the handling of certain moneys, and even pos- 
 sessed some judicial power ; but they were also responsible 
 to the magistrate for all disorders committed by members 
 of their corporations. 
 
 The corporations gave some security to the industries of 
 the cities, but did nothing for agriculture. Forests and waste 
 lands covered the greater part of the country 
 agrrcuUur°e. and well-cultivatcd land was only to be found 
 Lack of secur- \^ (-j^g wfAX neighborhood of the cities and en- 
 closed towns, and around the strong castles and 
 monasteries. The laborer did not dare venture beyond the 
 reach of a place of refuge. Crespy in Vallois is a good ex- 
 ample of the construction of most of the cities of the times. 
 It had an extensive faubourg, which was separated from the 
 city by a line of fortifications ; the faubourg itself was pro- 
 tected by a girdle of palisades. The burghers lived in the 
 
 found either among the Romans or the early Germans. They were 
 probably formed at first for religious or charitable purposes, and became 
 trade guilds only later. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXIII.] CIVILIZATION. 325 
 
 city, while the faubourg served the peasants as a shelter for 
 themselves, their animals and agricultural implements in 
 winter or in any time of danger. While they were working 
 in the fields they lived in huts such as our wood-cutters 
 still use in the forests. We have already noticed the same 
 arrangements in the German cities. 
 
 If it was necessary for the peasants to take such pre- 
 cautions, how many more must have been necessary for the 
 merchants. Besides the duties which were collected at the 
 gates of each city, they paid a right of escort to the lord 
 of each domain traversed by them, to insure them against all 
 robbery. Those who traveled by water were also subjected 
 to many exactions, and particularly to the odious right of 
 wreckage. When a shipwreck took place the lords who 
 owned the lands on the coast took possession of everything 
 that washed ashore. " I have here a stone which is more 
 valuable than the crown diamonds," said a lord of Leon in 
 Brittany, pointing out a rock which was famous for the 
 number of shipwrecks it had caused. And people even 
 went so far as to add to the dangers of the ocean by showing 
 false lights, and thus attracting vessels on to the reefs. 
 
 The kings tried to revive a capitulary of Charlemagne's 
 which obliged the lords who levied toll to keep the roads 
 in order and to guarantee the safety of travelers from the 
 rising to the setting of the sun. But in the JMiddle Ages 
 they were seldom able to enforce obedience. Another 
 great obstacle to commerce was the infinite diversity of the 
 money. Most of it was bad, and it had to be changed at 
 every fief, and always at a loss to the merchant. In France, 
 St. Louis decreed that the money issued by the eighty 
 lords who" had the right to coin money should only be 
 received on their own lands, while the money coined by the 
 crown should be a legal tender throughout the whole king- 
 dom. This was a step in the direction of the abolition of 
 seignioral money, and greatly benefited commerce.* 
 
 As the Church forbade loans at interest, the usurers mul- 
 tiplied greatly ; they were usually Jews, as this was the only 
 form of commerce allowed them, and it was one of the 
 
 * The same confusion prevailed in the system of weights and measures 
 of the times, the same terms, the pound for example, having widely 
 varying values in different localities. The school-boy in his struggles 
 with the English system of compound numbers gains a slight idea of 
 the difficulties of the mediaeval merchant. — Ed.
 
 326 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 causes of the general hatred of the race. To conceal their 
 wealth and to «nable it to circulate freely, they either invented 
 or borrowed the invention of the Italian bankers, of the 
 bill of exchange, which annihilated distance for capital just 
 as in our day steam has annihilated distance for people. 
 In the latter part of the Middle Ages, the Lombard and the 
 Caorsini [from Cahors] bankers (the latter came from the 
 South of France, which, like Italy, was much enriched by 
 commerce) competed with the Jews, with the advantage 
 that they were not, like the latter, subjected to constant ex- 
 tortions. The persecuting fanaticism of the Middle Ages 
 not only subjected this unhappy people to most terrible 
 sufferings, but it was also the cause of the many vices de- 
 veloped in them by the desire to avenge themselves on their 
 oppressors. The history of the Jews before and since 1789 
 gives a curious and significant example of the different 
 results that are obtained by oppression and by justice. 
 - As order became more established in the state, work 
 became plenty in the cities and the general standard of 
 comfort was raised. A new order of needs were 
 progress'f'^unl- f^'^ \ namely, those of the mind. The great 
 yersities, scho- things which had been accomplished and the 
 
 lasticism ; as- ^ , . i • i i i i i i ■ 
 
 troiogy, aiche- new things which had been seen had given a 
 ^rd's^"*^ ^'^' fresh impulse to the mind, as to commerce and 
 industry, and letters and the arts now took a 
 great step in advance. The number of schools increased and 
 the courses of study were extended. The national litera- 
 tures began at this time, and many great men made their 
 appearance, as Albert the Great, Saint Thomas Aquinas, 
 Roger Bacon, and Dante. If the fourteenth century had 
 not been desolated by terrible wars, we should be able to 
 date the Renaissance from the thirteenth century. 
 
 Almost all the abbeys of any importance had their schools, 
 and we have already seen, taking France as an example, 
 how numerous the abbeys were in Europe. But the desire 
 for instruction was so general that the monastic schools 
 were not sufficient to satisfy it. Other schools were opened 
 in the great cities. The high price of books and the pov- 
 erty of the times made it necessary for all instruction to be 
 given by lectures. As soon as a celebrated master opened 
 a course of lectures anywhere crowds of pupils flocked to 
 hear him. When Abelard, for instance, spoke in the open 
 air on the declivity of the mountain Saint Genevieve, which
 
 Chap. XXIII.] CIVILIZA TION. 327 
 
 is still covered with vineyards and flowers, thousands of 
 pupils gathered eagerly to hear his words. But in the 
 Middle Ages everything was inclined to take the form of a 
 corporation. The master and the pupils associated them- 
 selves together, like the artisans, and formed under the name 
 of universities bodies which had extensive privileges. The 
 most famous of these was the Stiidiuin of Paris (the name 
 of university was not used till about 1250), founded in 1200, 
 which received its statutes from the cardinal-legate Robert 
 de Courgon fifteen years later, and served many of the other 
 universities as a model. Its renown was so great that stu- 
 dents came thither from all countries, for the language used 
 in the schools, the Latin, was the universal language of the 
 Middle Ages. This university was divided into four facul- 
 ties, those of theology, of law, of medicine, and of the arts. 
 The latter faculty taught grammar, rhetoric and dialectics, 
 which course was called the trivium, and as a further course 
 arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy, called xSx^quad- 
 riviuni. The Roman law was studied especially at Orleans, 
 and medicine especially at Montpellier. The faculty of 
 the arts elected the rector, to whom, at an early date, the 
 faculties became subject. 
 
 After Paris the oldest and most famous universities were 
 those of Montpellier and Orleans in France, of Oxford and 
 Cambridge in England ; of Padua in Italy, and of Sala- 
 manca and Coimbra in Spain, all of which were founded in 
 the thirteenth century. The first German university, that 
 of Prague, was not founded until 1348.* The students at 
 these schools possessed many privileges. The fifteen or 
 twenty thousandf pupils at the University of Paris, who were 
 not subject to the authority of the magistrates of the city 
 and could not be arrested for debt, often disturbed the 
 peace of the city by their quarrels and disorders ; but out of 
 their number in the thirteenth century alone, there came 
 seven popes and a great number of cardinals, without count- 
 ing many of the illustrious men who had come to take their 
 
 * The University of Bologna, which celebrated its eighth centennial in 
 18S8 add was one of the most important universities of the Middle Ages, 
 should be added to this list. — Ed. 
 
 f These figures, though resting on contemporary statements, are exag- 
 gerations. It is doubtful if the number of students at any one time 
 at the most frequented university reached one tenth the numbers here 
 given. — Ed.
 
 328 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 seats among the pupils of the Rue du Fouare to ascend the 
 " holy mountain of science." Until this time, ever since 
 the fall of the Roman Empire, all learning had been entirely 
 in the hands of the clergy, and was only transmitted by them 
 to others of their own number ; the universities now secu- 
 larized learning. That of Paris, though surnamed " the 
 eldest daughter of the kings " and " the citadel of the Cath- 
 olic faith," soon was possessed throughout Christendom of 
 so great a moral authority that it more than once forced the 
 kings and popes to respect its opinions. 
 
 It was a long time before the people of the Middle Ages, 
 imbued as they were with the most profound faith, asked of 
 others than their theologians the solution of those great 
 problems concerning the nature of the soul and of God, 
 which have always occupied the human mind. A question- 
 ing spirit was, however, finally awakened, and from that mo- 
 ment philosophy, which had been dead for six centuries, 
 reappeared, but under a peculiar form, which procured it 
 the special name of Scholasticism. 
 
 In the eleventh century, at the request of the monks of 
 Bee, Saint Anselm wrote his Alonologium, in which he sup- 
 poses the existence of an ignorant man who has only the as- 
 sistance of the lights of nature in his search for the truth. In 
 this reason is only the humble servant of faith, for Anselm's 
 sole end in view, in using the processes of reasoning em- 
 ployed by Aristotle for the discovery of scientific truths, was 
 to prove religious truths. Later when translations appeared 
 from Arabic into Latin, of a great number of the works of 
 Aristotle which were unknown to the preceding age, which 
 had only possessed a fragment of the Organon, the thir- 
 teenth century was almost dazzled with these new riches, 
 and the Stagirite reigned supreme in all the philosophic 
 chairs.* Unfortunately the earlier persevering study of his 
 first books, which were little understood, had led the thought 
 of the Middle Ages into a path from which it was difficult 
 to return. All science was reduced to the art of reasoning, 
 and every regularly formed syllogism carried conviction with 
 it regardless of the premises on which it rested. Hence 
 scholasticism was not a definite system of philosophy, that is. 
 
 * It is interesting to notice that this new Aristotelian philosophy was 
 most vigorously opposed, at its first appearance, by the Church, which 
 thought it detected in it a dangerous enemy to the faith, — Eu.
 
 Chap. XXIII.] CIVILIZATION. 329 
 
 an organized body of doctrines on the great questions which 
 interest us all ; it was rather a certain method of discussing 
 all questions, starting from premises which were either 
 adopted ready-made or assumed without attempting first to 
 verify their truth. Hence no idea of any importance to 
 the world was gained from this system ; and it remained a 
 sort of intellectual gymnastics in which the reward was not 
 the discovery of any truth, but a victory gained in a combat 
 of words, aided by subtile and ridiculous distinctions and 
 by a barbarous language which was only comprehensible to 
 the initiated. Much time and energy was lost in these dis- 
 putes ; nevertheless, the mind was sharpened and strength- 
 ened by these struggles, and was prepared for more serious 
 studies. 
 
 The twelfth century had resounded with the great quar- 
 rels between the realists and the nominalists, between 
 Roscellinus and Saint Anselm, and between William of 
 Champeaux and his most famous disciple, Abelard, who 
 finally vanquished his master. Abelard, who is perhaps 
 more famous for his loves than for his knowledge, produced 
 in the quarrel between the realists and the nominalists a 
 new and conciliatory opinion which more nearly approaches 
 the truth : the opinion which denies to ideas in general 
 any existence outside of our minds, but concedes to them 
 an existence within us as conceptions of our minds. As he 
 had ventured to apply pure dialectics to matters of faith, 
 he was excommunicated by Saint Bernard, just as John 
 Scotus had been in the ninth century by Pope Nicholas 
 on the same ground. "Who are you, and what benefit do 
 you bring us?" cried the apostle of the twelfth century. 
 " What subtile discovery have you made ? Tell us what 
 revelation has been made to you, that has been made to no 
 
 one else before you As for me, I listen to the 
 
 prophets and the apostles. I obey the gospels. And even 
 if an angel should come from heaven to teach us what was 
 contrary to these laws, he should be accursed ! " The 
 struggle between reason and authority broke out with its 
 usual violence. The voices of the Breton philosopher and 
 the Burgundian orator resounded through the twelfth cen- 
 tury. The former, born in 1079, died in 1142 ; the latter, 
 born in 1091, died in 1153. 
 
 During the thirteenth century long debates were carried 
 on between the Scotchman Duns Scotus and the Italian
 
 330 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 Saint Thomas Aquinas, both of whom studied and taught 
 at Paris with the greatest success, dividing between them 
 the school, and all Christendom, and continuing to agitate 
 the fourteenth century by the disputes of their partisans, the 
 Scotists and the Thomists. St. Thomas Aquinas was the 
 most perfect expression of idealism in scholasticism. His 
 Summa Theologia, though left unfinished, is a great work, 
 in which he proposed to record all that was known of the 
 relations between God and man. These men had been pre- 
 ceded in the school of Paris by the German, Albert the 
 Great, who was afterwards bishop of Ratisbon, and whose 
 wisdom gave him the reputation of being a magician, and 
 by the Englishman Alexander of Hales, "the irrefragable 
 doctor," and the oracle of the Franciscans. 
 
 After these great men, we must at least mention Vincent 
 of Beauvais, chaplain of St. Louis, if not for his intellectual 
 power, at least for the interest afforded us by his encyclo- 
 pedia of the learning of his times, his Speculum }?tajus, 
 which recalls Pliny's work on the learning of antiquity. 
 We must, however, hasten to say that until the thirteenth 
 century, the Middle Ages had lived upon the remains of the 
 knowledge of antiquity without having added to it in any 
 way. Albert the Great was the first to return to the method 
 of observation in the study of physical nature, but no inven- 
 tion was made until the Englishman, Roger Bacon, a 
 Franciscan monk who also studied at Paris, discovered or 
 at least explained in his writings the composition of gun- 
 powder, and the construction of the magnifying glass and 
 of the air-pump. He perceived the necessity of making 
 over the calendar, and the changes he proposed are precisely 
 the same as those adopted under Gregory XHI. There was 
 something both of Kepler and of Descartes in the monk 
 who dared write : " We have three means of knowledge, — 
 first, authority, which by enforcing opinions on the mind 
 without enlightening it, induces belief but not compre- 
 hension ; second, reasoning, by which we cannot distinguish 
 a sophism from a demonstration except by verifying the 
 conclusion byexj^erienceand practice; and third, experience, 
 which is the end of all speculation and the queen of the 
 sciences, since it alone can verify and crown their results." 
 It is not surprising that, in spite of his sincere faith, this 
 pioneer suffered the same fate as all those who are in 
 ads'ance of their age. Bacon spent twenty-four years of
 
 Chap. XXIII.] CIV/LIZA TION. 331 
 
 his life either in the prisons of his order or under per- 
 secution ; he died about 1294.* 
 
 The Spaniard Raymond Lull also produced at Paris, in 
 the city of the philosophers, his Ars magna, a forcible but 
 vain attempt to draw up a classification of the sciences and 
 to construct a sort of thinking machine, which, if successful, 
 would have rendered the mind perfectly barren. 
 
 But, by one of those vicissitudes so often presented by 
 the history of the human mind, this great thirteenth century 
 had not passed before, tired of these interminable meta- 
 physical debates and these arguments which came to 
 nothing, some, with Simon of Tournay, had arrived at the 
 negation of all certainty, while others with St. Bonaventura 
 lost themselves in the clouds of mysticism. 
 
 One of the fancies of this age was astrology, and it con- 
 tinued to be studied until the sixteenth century, and did not 
 become entirely extinct until the seventeetath. The astro- 
 logers pretended to read the destinies of human life in the 
 stars. Another folly was that of the alchemist who sought 
 after the philosopher's stone, that is, the means of making 
 gold by the transmutation of metals. Though they had 
 such a fantastic end in view, these researches led to some 
 fortunate discoveries. f Some astrologers, by dint of gazing 
 
 * The ideas of Roger Bacon are of very great interest as a prediction, 
 a foreshadowing of what would some time be the path of science, but there 
 is no evidence that they had any influence upon his own times or that 
 they even aided to hasten the adoption of more scientific methods of study. 
 The tendency of his own time and of the following century was strongly 
 in the opposite direction. — Ed. 
 
 \ The alchemists believed that minerals were endowed with life in the 
 same way that vegetables are. and that they were continually developing 
 in the ground by means of new combinations of their constituent ele- 
 ments, and changing from the least perfect to the most perfect state, being 
 all converging toward gold, which was pre-eminently Mc' metal. From these 
 false premises they argued logically enough that this work of nature could 
 be helped on, and that science would be able to find a means for the 
 transmutation of metals, as soon as the substance necessarj' to accomplish 
 this phenomenon, the philosopher's stone, should have been found. The 
 great eli.xir which was going to bring its finder gold, diamonds, and even 
 the health and length of days of Methuselah, could never be found, but 
 we owe to the alchemists the first descriptions of our ordinary metals and 
 of the principal compositions in use in their laboratories and pharmacies : of 
 antimony, bismuth, volatile alkali, and many compositions into which mer- 
 cury enters ; o.Kvgen, phosphorus, zinc, the mineral and vegetable colors ; 
 the purification and testing of the precious metals, and the introduction 
 of metallic medicaments into the practice of medicine.
 
 332 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 at the sky, finally began to look there for the laws regu- 
 lating the movement of the stars ; the alchemists did not 
 find gold in their crucibles, but they found new substances, 
 or discovered some new property of the substances already 
 known. In this way the distillation of salts, the strong 
 acids, the art of enameling, and of making the convex 
 glasses from which spectacles are made, were all discovered. 
 We have already spoken of gunpowder, which was known 
 to the Arabs, and of the compass, which was, perhaps, 
 transmitted to us by them from China.* 
 
 As we have spoken of the aberrations of science, we must 
 also mention those of the intellect. Magicians were to be 
 found everywhere, and their numbers increased rapidly. 
 Many of these unhappy men believed firmly that they were 
 in communication with the devil, and many insane men who 
 should rather have been cured were sent to the executioner. 
 
 As the Middle Ages advanced, the individuality of the 
 
 different nations became more and more perceptible. All 
 
 intellectual life was for a longtime almost ex- 
 
 ^^^rat^urVs'*' clusivcly coufincd to the Church and found its 
 expression in Latin, the universal language. 
 Now secular society began in its turn to think, speak, and 
 write, and this in as many different idioms as there were na- 
 tions. Each nation had already its own language, which 
 was not only spoken by the mob, but in several cases had 
 been raised to some literary standing, and was dethroning 
 the Latin language, which until then had been set apart for 
 all the great objects of life. 
 
 At the beginning of the thirteenth century, however, only 
 three settled and active literatures were to be found, one in 
 Germany, and one in the north, and one in the south of 
 France. This last was the literature of the langue d'oc, or 
 the Proven9al. 
 
 The language was brilliant, harmonious, and elegantly 
 polished, but its subjects — almost confined to love and 
 strife — were treated with a conventionality which becomes 
 monotonous. Among the princes who patronized and even 
 themselves practiced Provencal poetry, Richard Coeur de 
 
 * There was some study during this period which had a more direct 
 scientific end in view. This was especially the case among the Arabs, to 
 whom we owe many of the discoveries here mentioned ; but it can hardly 
 be said to begin in Christian Europe before the end of the Middle 
 Ages. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXIII.] CIVILIZATION. ^^^ 
 
 Lion and William of Poitiers are the most familiar ; con- 
 spicuous among the troubadours are Amaut Daniel, famous 
 for his elaborate versification, Peire Vidal, Guiraut de Bor- 
 neil, and Raimon de Miraval, representing quite different 
 social classes and poetic temper. Bertran de Born, too, is 
 remembered for his sirventes, political satires which like 
 daggers both dazzle the eyes and drive a blow home. In 
 this literature some traces of Arab influence may also be 
 detected, and it has great skill in the dialectic of poet- 
 lovers. 
 
 But the growing power of northern France gave its 
 idiom the preponderance. The Normans carried it to Italy, 
 where it did not prevail, and to England, where it was in 
 constant use for three centuries ; the French crusaders car- 
 ried it everywhere. It became the legal language : it was 
 the language of the assizes or laws of the kingdom of 
 Jerusalem, and of the " Etablissements de Saint Louis." 
 In this language Villehardouin wrote his history of the 
 fourth crusade, and Joinville the biography of St. Louis, 
 works which can still be read by us. A Venetian translating 
 a chronicle of his country into French in 1275 excused him- 
 self for so doing, by saying that the French language " pre- 
 vails throughout the world and is more pleasing to the ear 
 than any other." Some ten years earlier, Brunette Latini, 
 the master of Dante, wrote his Tresor in French, " because 
 the French language is more common to all men and more 
 agreeable." 
 
 Thus during the same time that Paris was attracting all 
 the eminent minds from all Christendom, by the renown of 
 her schools, her vernacular, which was despised by the 
 learned doctors, was extending its empire far beyond the 
 French frontiers. We must also mention that the French 
 genius, which is so often accused of a sterility in epic 
 poetry, poured forth a flood of delightful poetry over all 
 the neighboring countries. The troubadours had been 
 checked, among other causes, by the crusade against the 
 Albigenses, which drowned the civilization of Languedoc 
 in blood, and their bolder strains were no longer to be 
 heard, nor the sweet canzones of the authors of Xhe. j'eux 
 partis* But at the north of the Loire, the trouveres were 
 
 * These Jeitx partis were the contests between troubadours or trou- 
 veres on different questions of gallantry. From these we have a glimpse
 
 334 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 still composing their chansons de gestes (poems of knightly 
 adventure), which were genuine epic poems, and which were 
 translated or imitated in Italy, England, and Germany. 
 So that we may say with justice that, in the thirteenth cen- 
 tury, France was incontestably the intellectual superior of 
 all the other European states. 
 
 Epic cycles, however, exhaust themselves ; the heroic 
 epic poem is a thing of the past. In the east, Robert 
 Wace, " Clerk at Caen," versified toward 1155 Geoffrey of 
 Monmouth's fabulous account of the Kings of England. 
 
 Christian of Troyes, died in 1 195, gave poetical distinc- 
 tion to several legends, one of them in the hands of his 
 continuators reaching nearly 50,000 verses of eight sylla- 
 bles, while by other authors the same fable was endowed 
 with a religious character in the story of the Holy Grail. 
 The spirit of the times is faithfully reflected in this combi- 
 nation of gallant chivalry and of piety. The inspiration and 
 simple power of the song of Roland is a thing of the past. 
 The time has come when refinement of style and novelty of 
 subject-matter are the things most sought for, and these 
 were nowhere so available as in the authors of antiquity. 
 The story of Ulysses and of the Argonauts borrowed from 
 Statins were narratives which could not fail to please the 
 many a Christian Ulysses who, in the crusades, also wan- 
 dered far in Asia. The Trojan War, the magician Medea, 
 and Alexander delighted the trouveres of this age. Their 
 style began to show an imitation of the ancients. In this 
 way the epic poetry changed its character and the transi- 
 tion was effected from the primitive type to the types 
 which belong to a more advanced civilization. The epic 
 poetry developed in two different directions ; the part de- 
 voted to the description of the passions gave rise to the 
 allegorical romance, while the narrative part gave rise to 
 prose narratives. Analysis and truth superseded spon- 
 taneous and poetic inspiration. 
 
 William de Lorris, who wrote before 1260, began the 
 famous Romance of the Rose, in which the actors are 
 abstractions such as Reason, Winning Address, Danger, 
 
 of the Court of Love, where, it is said, the most delicate suits and the 
 most refined causes were pleaded before a tribunal of noble ladies. 
 These courts of love were never more than an invention of the poets or 
 a plaything of a few noble ladies ; they were never a serious or lasting 
 institution.
 
 Chap. XXIIL] CIVILIZATION. 335 
 
 Meanness, Avarice, etc. Jean de Meung continued it 
 later, but with a new transformation which gave birth to 
 satire. The. fabliau was already in existence, which was a 
 modification of such romances as we have just spoken of, 
 though not differing greatly from them. In this the actors 
 were animals, who represented either some passion or 
 some social condition, and the romance of Renard, which 
 was later so much developed, made its first appearance 
 early in the thirteenth century. This was the comedy of 
 the times. By this time the poet had already ceased to be 
 a trouvere wandering from house to house ; he was now to 
 be found in the best school for comedy, that is, in a garret. 
 Rutebceuf gives us the first type of the poet by profession 
 who was not enriched by his trade, " who coughs with the 
 cold and yawns Avith hunger," and who nevertheless, in 
 spite of this poverty, is gay, daring, and sarcastic, and 
 writes on every subject with the bold and free style that is 
 a prophecy of Villon. On his lips the language is strong 
 and practical ; more soft and tender than the words of 
 William de Lorris, or the famous Thibaut de Champagne, 
 or in the lays (rhymed narratives) of Marie of France. 
 
 We will cite a few lines to give an idea of the boldness ol 
 this poetry. The authors of the Romaine of the Rose were 
 not afraid to say to the nobles : 
 
 Que leur corps ne vaut une pomme 
 Plus que le corps d'un charretier. 
 
 That their bodies were not worth an apple more than the 
 body of a plowman. 
 
 They also speak very irreverently of the beginnings of 
 the royal authority : 
 
 Un grand vilain entre eulx eslurent, 
 Le plus corsu de quant qu'ils furent, 
 Le plus ossu et le greigneur 
 Et le firent prince et seigneur. 
 Cil jura que droit leur tiendroit 
 Se chacun en droit soy luy livre 
 Des biens dont il se puisse vivre. . . . 
 
 They chose a big rustic from their own number, the 
 stoutest of them all, with largest frame and the hugest, 
 and him they made prince and lord. He swears that he 
 will look out for them if each contributes to his support. 
 
 These bold words were inspired by the great hatred 
 which brooded in the hearts of the peasants, and which
 
 33^ THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 broke out with such fury in the middle of the next century 
 in the fierce insurrection of the Jacquerie. 
 
 We must not, however, assume from the free words of 
 these poets, the existence of any real revolutionary feeling. 
 They were the press of those times, and we find in their 
 verses as it were an echo of all the noises of the day, and 
 of all the feelings of the people. But their main idea was 
 merely to mock and laugh. They even made sport of what 
 they most respected, the Church, and of what they most 
 dreaded, the torments of hell. We might give some curious 
 examples of this infamous rashness ; but we prefer to quote 
 the narrative of the Vilain qui conquist Paradis par plaid 
 (The villein who gained paradise by pleading), in which 
 are discernible the good sense and the rude feeling for jus- 
 tice which will raise up Jacques Bonhomme from his fall. 
 
 " A villein once died without either devil or angel feeling 
 any concern about him. However, his soul, on looking up 
 toward heaven, saw Saint Michael conducting one of the 
 elect, and followed him up to Paradise. 
 
 " Saint Peter, after having admitted the elect, refused ad- 
 mittance to the soul who had been recommended by no 
 
 one ' Good Sir Peter,' said the soul that had been 
 
 dismissed, ' God made a great mistake when he made you 
 his apostle and gatekeeper, you who denied him three times. 
 Give admittance to one who is much more loyal than you.* 
 Saint Peter, feeling very much ashamed, went to complain 
 to his colleague Saint Thomas, who in his turn tried to put 
 the insolent soul out of Paradise. The villein was ready 
 with a fresh sally, and said, ' Thomas, you are a fine one 
 to play the proud, when you would not believe in God until 
 after you had touched his wounds.' Saint Thomas ap- 
 pealed to Saint Paul, who, when he tried to straighten 
 things out, was greeted with this home truth : ' Was it not 
 you, Paul the Bald, who stoned Saint Stephen, and to whom 
 the good God gave a great box on the ear?' Peter, 
 Thomas, and Paul, having no reply to make, carried their 
 complaints to God himself, and the serf, freed by his word, 
 made his defense before him. . . . and the villein gained 
 his cause before divine justice.* 
 
 We shall see later how he gained it in the courts of 
 men. 
 
 * Le Clerc, Histoirc litWrairc de la France, vol, xxiii., p. 213.
 
 Chap. XXIII.j CIVILIZATION. 337 
 
 The general literary use of prose in romance begins in 
 the twelfth century, and soon after 1200 we find it em- 
 ployed in chronicles.] The first French chroniclers were, 
 however, not writers by profession, but two illustrious 
 nobles, who were both actors in the scenes they desqj'ibed. 
 Godfrey of Villehardouin, Marshal of Champagne, has 
 left us in the Conquest of Constantinople a history of the 
 fourth crusade, in which, as we have already seen, he took 
 part. He wrote like a true soldier, in a strong and concise 
 style, which is not without a certain military stiffness : he 
 does not spend any time in fine writing, but goes right 
 ahead from one assault to another, giving a sharp exclama- 
 tion whenever he comes to anything that surprises him. 
 The Sire de Joinville, also from Champagne, shows more 
 flexibility of style and more acuteness of mind in his 
 Memoires of the seventh crusade ; he notices everything, 
 gives his reflections on every subject, and is willing to talk 
 freely about it all ; about his own feelings as well as about 
 the events of the wars. He is an earlier Froissart, but one 
 who was worthy to be the counselor and friend of the 
 devout and excellent Louis IX. 
 
 Under the Hohenstaufen, German literature also shone 
 with a great brilliancy, which was, however, in part re- 
 flected from the French. These princes were poets them- 
 selves, and both loved and honored poetry. The taste for 
 poetry spread from their courts to those of their vassals, 
 and the Swabian poets, like the French trouveres, wandered 
 from castle to castle. Most of the poets came from the 
 province of Swabia, as Schiller did later, and the Swabian 
 idiom was the one first used in German poetry. These 
 poets occasionally met together for literary contests, such 
 as was held at the Wartburg in 1207, when Wolfram von 
 Eschenbach, the most famous of the poets of courtly 
 romance was present. Manesse of Zurich collected these 
 scattered works, at the beginning of the thirteenth century, 
 and they were more than one hundred and thirty in number. 
 
 The same characteristics that we have already noticed in 
 the French literature are to be found in the German litera- 
 ture of the times. The same two kinds of poetry flourished, 
 the epic and the lyric. In the former they took all their 
 inspirations from this side of the Rhine ; their epic poems 
 are either translations or imitations from the cycle of 
 Charlemagne and the Round Table, as for instance, Eschen-
 
 33^ THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 bach's Parsival, Gottfried von Strassburg's Tristan, and 
 Hartmann von der Aue's Iwein. 
 
 Yet these poets seldom confined themselves to French 
 originals, and in these they were by no means mere transla- 
 tors.. They compress or expand at pleasure, and their 
 genuine imaginative power is as manifest as their easy ver- 
 sification and the felicities of their diction. Nowhere else 
 in literature is the story of Tristram told with the inten- 
 sity and beauty of Gottfried's version ; and by common 
 consent. Wolfram is the greatest medieval poet before 
 Dante. 
 
 Of the heroic poems which are peculiar to Germany, and 
 of which great numbers were written, many have entirely 
 disappeared. Those which have been preserved are partly 
 founded on Lombard gothic traditions, like King Rother, 
 Otnit, Hugdietrich and Wolfdietrich, the flight of Dietrich, 
 the battle of Ravenna, the death of Alphart, the little Gar- 
 den of Roses, the giant Siegenot, and the combats of Die- 
 trich and his companions, and partly derived from the 
 French and Burgundian chronicles which are related to the 
 Gothic-Lombard chronicles ; among the latter are the noble 
 Song of the Niebelungen, which the Germans call their 
 Iliad, Gudrun, the great Garden of Roses, and Biterolf. 
 
 There was a marked difference between the two schools 
 of lyric poets, the minnesinger (singers of love) and their 
 successors and imitators the meistersinger (the master 
 singers). The delicate, poetical, and chivalrous spirit of 
 the minnesinger which was seen notably in their chief,, 
 Walther von der Vogelweide, and was originally caught, as we 
 may believe, from southern France was entirely wanting in 
 the meistersinger. This poetry first developed from pure 
 lyric into satire, and violently attacked the priests and 
 nobles : it then became moral, didactic, and allegorical, and 
 finally toward the end of the thirteenth century the fable 
 made its appearance. The Jewel of Boner, a collection of 
 a hundred fables, is dated about 1300. Of prose, which 
 is much slower than poetry in its development, we have only 
 three important examples of this period ; two of them are 
 works of legislation, the Saxon Mirror, composed about 
 1230 by the Saxon Eike von Repkow, and the Swabian 
 Mirror ; the third is a work of religious eloquence, the 
 sermons of a Franciscan monk named Bertold, which were 
 written during the second half of the thirteenth century.
 
 Chap. XXIII.] CIVILIZATION. 339 
 
 We have already noticed the attempts which had been 
 made to find a style of architecture which would better cor- 
 respond with the ardent faith of the people 
 ArVhft^cfu^r^^^' than that of Greece and Rome, and at 
 the same time meet the needs of a climate to 
 which the flat roofs of the East were not adapted, and the 
 needs of a religion which opened the sacred enclosure to 
 the whole people instead of excluding them as did the 
 pagan worship from its temples. 
 
 The thirteenth century is marked by the triumph of the 
 architecture which is so improperly called gothic. 
 
 The special characteristic of this style of architecture is 
 the pointed arch or ogive. This form, which was never 
 used anywhere with the same profusion as in Western Eu- 
 rope during the iNIiddle Ages, was at first attributed to the 
 Goths, from whom the name was derived, and then to the 
 Arabs, but with equal error. Undoubtedly the pilgrims, who 
 many of them belonged to the clergy, brought back with 
 them from the East some impressions and memories which 
 left their mark on the Christian edifices ; a number of 
 churches were built on the plan of the Church of the Holy 
 Sepulcher, and mosaics and the colors used alternately are 
 probably also an importation from the East. But as for 
 the pointed arch it is found in the Byzantine architecture 
 as well as in the Arabian ; it belongs to all ages and all 
 countries, from the tomb of Atreus and the gates of the 
 Pelasgic cities in Italy to the constructions of the Nubian 
 and American savages. It is merely an easy and simple 
 process of supplying the place of the semicircular arch, 
 which latter demanded much greater knowledge and pre- 
 cision. 
 
 The pointed arch was at first rough and irregular, and 
 did not attain its perfect form until by a gradual and nat- 
 ural process the lines had been purified and varied, and it 
 had been adorned by the small columns and nervures. This 
 form of arch was marvelously adapted to express the mys- 
 ticism of the Christian peoples and the passionate soaring 
 of their souls toward Heaven ; the sheaf of small Gothic 
 pillars, straight, bold, and almost alarmingly delicate, shot 
 upward and seemed even higher than they really were from 
 the narrow opening of the Gothic arch which crowned them. 
 The Gothic architecture did not reach its highest perfection 
 in the South, where the belief w'as more formal and more
 
 340 THE CRUSADES. [Book VII. 
 
 Roman, but in the North, where there was more of mysti- 
 cism and this fact, it seems to us, is another proof that the 
 Gothic architecture did not come from the Arabs, at least 
 from those of Spain, who would certainly have transmitted 
 it to the south of France before the north. 
 
 This new style which arose north of the Loire,* crossed 
 the Channel, the Rhine, and the Alps, and colonies of 
 French artists carried it to Canterbury, Utrecht, Milan, 
 Cologne, Strassburg, Ratisbon, and even to Sweden. A 
 rough but simple statuary decorated the doorways, the gal- 
 leries, and the cloisters, and stained glass producing magi- 
 cal effects by means of the windows was brought to a per- 
 fection which we have only just succeeded in once more 
 attaining. The painters in miniature who adorned the mis- 
 sals and the book of offices have also left us some charm- 
 ing works of art. 
 
 With the Italian, Cimabue, the master of Giotto, the 
 renaissance of painting was begun in Florence in this 
 century. But it was not until the fifteenth century that the 
 great Flemish masters prepared the way for a revolution in 
 this art. 
 
 * It is now almost universally admitted that this form of architecture 
 arose in the north central provinces of France about the middle of the 
 twelfth century, and spread from France to the other countries of Europe. 
 See Moore's Development and Character of Gothic Architecture. — Ed.
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 RIVALRY BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENG- 
 LAND. (1066-1453.) 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 FIRST PERIOD IN THE STRIFE ; THE ENGLISH KINGS 
 
 LOSE HALF OF THEIR FRENCH POSSESSIONS 
 
 (1066-1217.) 
 
 Louis the Fat (1108-1137) ; William II. and Henry I. (1087-1135). — 
 Louis VII. (1137-1180) in France ; Stephen and Henry II. (1135- 
 I189) in England. Abuse of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Thomas 
 a Becket (1170). — Conquest of Ireland (1171) ; the King of France 
 sustains the revolt of the sons of the English King (i 1 73). — New char- 
 acter shown by French royalty in the thirteenth century : Philip 
 Augustus (11 80) and Richard the Lion-hearted (11 89). — Quarrels 
 between Philip Augustus and John Lackland ; conquest of Nor- 
 mandy and of Poitou (1204). — Quarrel between John Lackland and 
 Innocent III. (1207). Magna Charta (1215). 
 
 In the history of the Middle Ages, there are, if we may 
 say so, questions which belong exclusively to that period, 
 questions which arose and were settled dur- 
 Fat°(ii'cl-ii37f ^"& ^^'^^ time. Such are those that have 
 William II. and been treated so far, the invasions and Charle- 
 1135)^^ ^" magne, feudalism, the struggles between the 
 
 popes and the German emperors, and the 
 contemporary state of society. 
 
 There are other questions on the contrary which, though 
 they arose far back in the Middle Ages, are yet distinctly 
 modern and have been the life of history up to our own 
 times. Among these we may mention the rivalry existing 
 between France and England ; the development of the 
 royal power in France, which shows us the predecessors of 
 LouLs XIV, and of all the absolute monarchs of Europe in 
 
 341
 
 342 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 Philip Augustus and Philip the Fair, and the opposite de- 
 velopment in England of the institutions which make the 
 great Charter of King John the immovable basis of the 
 English government and have prepared the way for the 
 diffusion of free institutions throughout Europe. 
 
 That is the reason why, when we have taken Germany 
 Italy, and Spain, where the Middle Ages lasted so long, 
 far into the thirteenth century, we have not yet passed the 
 end of the eleventh century in the history of France and 
 England, where modern times, that is to say the new 
 political and social ideas, made an early appearance. 
 
 Philip had watched with envy the success of his vassal, 
 the Duke of Normandy, lately become King of England, 
 though he had made no direct opposition ; and he gave 
 but a feeble support to the revolt of the Conqueror's son. 
 Louis the Fat, who succeeded his father in 1108, under- 
 stood better how much danger the French royal power 
 incurred through Normandy's greatness. He was an ener- 
 getic prince, and was first called the Wide-awake and the 
 Bruiser, but later, on account of his size, he gained the name 
 of Louis the Fat, without losing, it is true, any of his energy. 
 
 We have already seen how and to what extent he had 
 assisted the communal movement ; we shall, therefore, not 
 return to that point. In the soldiery of the communes he 
 found an ever-ready assistance in the exigencies of police 
 duty on the high roads of his domains. The lords of Mont- 
 morency, Montlhery, Puiset, Corbeil and Coucy, were in the 
 habit of descending from their donjons upon the great roads 
 to rob merchants and travelers. Philip, \^io had succeeded, 
 by means of a marriage, in taking Montlhery away from the 
 insignificant lord who was occupying it, charged his son, on 
 his death-bed, never to let that castle, which had caused him 
 so much trouble, escape him. Louis summoned Bouchard 
 of Montmorency before his court for having pillaged the 
 lands of the Abbey of St. Denis, and condemned him to re- 
 store what he had taken. He captured the castle of Puiset 
 and destroyed it after a war of three years. He attacked 
 another plunderer, Thomas de Marie, Lord of Coucy, who 
 fell wounded into his hands. Louis the Fat waged war in 
 every direction against the lawless and rapacious small 
 nobles of his domains. When he had gained mastery over 
 the roads, the sphere of his activity increased, and he ven- 
 tured to attack the most powerful of his vassals,
 
 Chap. XXIV.] FIRST PERIOD IN THE STRIFE. 343 
 
 On the death of the Conqueror (1087), he was succeeded 
 in England by WilHam II. (Rufus), his second son ; in Nor- 
 mandy by his eldest son, Robert. Robert at first attempted 
 to take England away from his younger brother ; he was 
 unsuccessful, and joined the crusade, after having given his 
 duchy of Normandy in pledge to this same brother for five 
 years. William II., a king red of hair and face, and brutal 
 in speech, was a persistent hunter in the vast forests which 
 he and his father had multiplied in England, and ruled his 
 subjects roughly, both priests and laymen ; they called him 
 the " guardian of the woods and the shepherd of the deer." 
 He died while hunting, shot accidentally or purposely by 
 one of his own followers. 
 
 William the Conqueror left a third son, Henry, called 
 Beauclerc, because he was a little less ignorant than the rest 
 of his family. Robert was at Jerusalem, and Henry profited 
 by his absence to take possession of his eldest brother's 
 crown.* He hoped to secure his possession of it by pub- 
 lishing a charter, the most complete and precise of any that 
 preceded the Magna Charta. In it he fixed limits to the 
 rights which as sovereign he possessed over his vassals in re- 
 gard to feudal dues. Robert came back in iioi, took Nor- 
 mandy again, and claimed England ; where he made an un- 
 successful attempt at invasion. Henry returned invasion for 
 invasion, and in 1106 won the battle of Tinchebray ; he 
 captured his brother, and sent him to Cardiff Castle in Wales, 
 where he was confined during the rest of his life. Louis 
 the Fat, fearing the too great power of his vassal, the king 
 of England, appeared as the supporter of William Clito, 
 Robert's son and consequently Henry's nephew. It was a 
 well-devised plan, and its success would have removed the 
 danger which always threatened the throne of France so 
 long as England was united with the duchy of Normandy. 
 
 The war took the form of extensive devastation, causing 
 great suffering among the Norman peasants ; the knights 
 of the two countries, on the other hand, spared each other's 
 lives, or, at least, could not do each other much harm on 
 account of their armor. Only three were killed in the fight 
 at Brenneville [Noyon] (11 19), the most important battle 
 
 * There was no opposition in England to the election of Henry. The 
 principle of hereditary succession was not yet recognized. His charter 
 was the first step toward the Magna Charta. — Ep,
 
 344 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 of the war, and one where Louis was overcome. The Pope, 
 who had come to France to take part hi the council of 
 Rheims, where the question of investitures was under de- 
 bate (it 19), reconciled the two enemies, but did not satisfy 
 the claims of William Clito. The struggle began again in 
 1 1 24, and was further complicated by a war with Germany. 
 Henry I. having persuaded the emperor, his son-in-law, to 
 attack Louis the Fat from his side, the war with Germany 
 seemed at that time to be popular in France. That circum- 
 stance, and also the progress recently made by the royal 
 power, explain the fact that Louis was able to collect a large 
 force of men at Rheims. Suger, abbot of St. Denis, the 
 prime minister and companion of the king, and later the 
 historian of his life, makes a pompous enumeration of them : 
 he admits, however, that the Count of Flanders, the Count 
 of Anjou, and the dukes of Brittany and Aquitaine did not 
 come ; fear of the king had not, as yet, spread far. Never- 
 theless, the Emperor Henry V. did not venture to enter 
 France, or, rather, desisted from some other motive. 
 
 Louis the Fat ventured to make an attack upon the 
 great vassals who had not answered his summons. An 
 excellent opportunity offered itself to unite his designs 
 against them with his usual zeal in defending the bishops 
 and the Church. The Bishop of Clermont, who was at war 
 with the Count of Auvergne, claimed that his church de- 
 pended directly on the crown, and appealed to the king. 
 Louis hastened to comply. He had to deal not only with the 
 count, but also with the count's sovereign, the Duke of 
 Aquitaine, William IX. But the royal army presented so 
 fine an appearance that, when William saw it, he came 
 humbly to the camp of the king, rendered homage, and 
 begged him to allow the Count of Auvergne to be judged 
 by the barons (1126). The king settled the affair amicably ; 
 he had gained what he wished, the formal acknowledgment 
 of his authority in that important part of the South. 
 
 He desired to accomplish the same in the North, and 
 remembered that Flanders had not furnished its contin- 
 gent in the year 11 24. Count Charles the Good was 
 assassinated in 1127 by a family, formerly serfs, who were 
 very powerful at Bruges, the Van der Straten family. The 
 lords of Manders took up arms to avenge his death ; but 
 Louis obliged them to come to Arms to elect a count " in 
 his presence." He brought William Clito forward, and was
 
 Chap. XXIV.] FIRST PERIOD IN THE STRIFE. 345 
 
 SO urgent in his entreaties that he made them elect him 
 count. But hardly had he departed when the Flemings 
 revolted against William, who perished at the siege of 
 Alost ; then, declaring that the king of France had not the 
 right to dispose of their government, they appointed Theo- 
 doric of Alsace. 
 
 Louis the Fat finally prepared the way, not merely for 
 the influence but for the direct dominion of the throne over 
 the South, by the marriage of his son Louis the Young to 
 Eleanor, the only daughter of William IX., Duke of Aqui- 
 taine : the duchy of Aquitaine included Poitou, Limousin, 
 Bordelais, and Agenois, the old duchy of Gascony, and gave 
 sovereignty over Auvergne, Perigord, La Marche, Saintonge, 
 Angoumois, etc. 
 
 The accession of Louis VIL to the throne gave him a 
 dominion extending from the north to the south of the 
 France of that date ; but he did not know how 
 (ii^7°-"iito)^Vn ^° keep it. A question of investiture involved 
 France; ste- him in that sccond crusade which was so fatal 
 Henry II. 0135^ in its rcsults to Fraucc. A dispute had arisen 
 1189.) in Eng- between Popc Innoccut IL and himsclf ou the 
 subject of the nomination of an archbishop of 
 Bourges. St. Bernard declared for the Pope, Suger for the 
 King. While waging war on the Count of Champagne, who 
 upheld the choice of the Pope, Louis burned the church of Vi- 
 try, and 1200 persons who had fled there for refuge perished 
 in the flames. His own remorse and the excommunication 
 that followed induced him to set out for the Holy Land, 
 where he lost his whole army without making a single con- 
 quest, as we have seen. On his return he divorced Eleanor 
 on the ground of consanguinity, and restored her dowry 
 (1152), which Henry the Count of Anjou, better advised, 
 quickly secured by marrying the offended wife. 
 
 As the King of England, Henry L, had lost his son by 
 shipwreck, he declared his daughter Matilda heir to the 
 throne. Matilda was the widow of the German Emperor 
 Henry V. ; she married again in 11 27, Geoffrey, Count of 
 Anjou, called Plantagenet because he was in the habit of 
 wearing, by way of plume, a piece of broom (genet) in 
 his helmet. Henry died in 1135 ; he had charged his 
 nephew Stephen of Blois, whom he had loaded with domains 
 in England, to protect the " Empress," as Matilda was 
 called. Stephen kept a wolf's watch, in feudal language ;,
 
 34<^ FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 that is, he took the crown of England for himself, which 
 was the beginning of great disorder. Matilda protested and 
 gained adherents among the Normans in England. Almost 
 from the very beginning Stephen's reign was a constant 
 warfare. In the west there were incursions of the Welsh \ 
 in the north invasions of David King of Scotland, who 
 came across the Tweed. The Normans and the Scotch met 
 in the great battle of the Standard, near Allerton, to the north 
 of York. The warriors of the claymore rushed on, shout- 
 ing " Albin, Albin ! " the old name for their country ; they 
 broke through the enemy's center" as through a cobweb," 
 but the Saxon archers and the Norman horsemen soon over- 
 powered them. " It was a beautiful sight, to see the sting- 
 ing flies dart humming from the quivers of the men of the 
 South, and fall as thick as rain." The Scotch withdrew, but 
 kept the provinces in the north of England. 
 
 Stephen then had to fight Matilda, who landed in the 
 south, and who supported the Norman barons of the north 
 and west. The war was again fought at the expense of the 
 poor Saxons. " The Normans," said a Saxon chronicler, 
 " seized all those who seemed to have any property in order 
 to wrest from them their silver and gold. Some were hung 
 over a column of smoke ; some hung up by their thumbs, 
 with fire under their feet ; some they tortured by tightening 
 a strap about their heads until it forced in the skull ; others 
 were put into the chamber of tortures. This was a kind of 
 short, narrow, and shallow chest lined with sharp stones, 
 where the victim was kept screwed up until his limbs were 
 dislocated." The Middle Ages were rich in tortures — 
 Meantime, Stephen was taken prisoner ; then Matilda in 
 her turn just escaped capture. Stephen's son had died ; 
 and finally a treaty was made. It was agreed that the King 
 should keep his crown until his death, and that then Henry 
 of Anjou, Matilda's son, should succeed him. He died in 
 the following year (i 154). 
 
 Henry held Normandy, Maine, and England, through 
 his mother ; Anjou and Touraine, through his father ; 
 through his wife, the duchy of Aquitaine, and its de- 
 pendencies. In a word, he possessed about forty-seven 
 of the present departments of France, and the King of 
 France had hardly twenty. Later, by marrying one of 
 his sons to the heiress of Brittany, he extended his power 
 also over that country. It is strange that so vast a power,
 
 Chap. XXIV.] FIRST PERIOD IN THE STRIFE, 347 
 
 the most important then in Europe, should not have se- 
 cured a lasting preponderance ; and that, especially, it 
 should not have absorbed the weak monarchy of France. 
 But that it did not, was due to the discord prevailing in 
 England for two centuries, first in the royal family, between 
 husband and wife and between father and children ; then 
 in the kingdom, between the king and the clergy, and later, 
 between the king and the barons. It was also due to the 
 feudal inferiority of the King of England on the continent ; 
 he would have needed very large forces, impossible for him 
 to collect on account of intestine wars, to break that bond 
 of sovereignty which, though weak and loose at first, grew 
 stronger and closer as time went on, and which enabled the 
 King of France in after years to bind all the French prov- 
 inces of England to his throne. 
 
 This was apparent as early as the reign of Henry II. He 
 tried to make good certain claims of his wife on Toulouse. 
 Louis VII. threw himself into the city, and the vassal did 
 not dare besiege his sovereign. He wished to limit the ex- 
 cessive independence of the clergy ; Thomas a Becket rose 
 against him, — Thomas a Becket himself at first, and later, 
 more terrible still, his murdered ghost. 
 
 The clergy had had the privilege of jurisdiction over its 
 own members from the time of the Roman Empire. When 
 Abuse of ec- ^ clergyman was concerned in a suit, the lay 
 ciesiasticai jur- tribunals wcrc incompetent to treat the case ; 
 T h o m a s a" it could be decided only by an ecclesiastical 
 Becket. court.* In England William the Conqueror 
 
 had greatly extended the field of this privilege, called the 
 "benefit of clergy"; his aim was to make powerful tools of 
 his bishops, who were always docile under his strong hand. 
 Great founders always go through the same experience : 
 they count too much on the strength of their power ; after 
 their death it declines, and that of which they had no fear 
 becomes in time a formidable force. We find also that the 
 clergy was in a state which had been very often seen on the 
 continent, for instance, under Charles Martel. The eccle- 
 siastical benefices of which the conquered had been despoiled 
 had been seized upon by the conquerors, and with them en- 
 
 * This is not trae as a universal rule. It was the case only at certain 
 places and for certain times. It was something for which the Church 
 was constantly striving, but which it had never fully attained. — Ed.
 
 34^ FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 tered a spirit of license which always follows conquerors 
 into the conquered country. So the Norman clergy, who 
 professed themselves sent to reform the Saxon clergy, fell 
 into the worst forms of vice : murders, acts of violence, and 
 scandals had become common events there ; during the first 
 years of the reign of Henry II. nearly a hundred homicides 
 were recorded, committed by priests still living. Besides 
 the fact of the natural inclination of the clergy to spare its 
 own members, the punishment inflicted by its tribunals was 
 comparatively light : it consisted of penance, at times severe, 
 but the penalty was never death. Abuses crept into what 
 had formerly been good institutions : the clergy was the 
 only asylum in the Middle Ages which feudal violence did 
 not dare to violate ; a refuge for the weak is an admirable 
 thing, but a refuge for crime is thrice odious. Henry II, 
 tried to remedy this evil ; but he came into collision with 
 one stronger than himself. 
 
 Gilbert Becket, one of the London middle class, and his 
 wife Rohesia or Matilda, both probably of Norman birth, 
 were the parents of Thomas a Becket. Given a careful 
 education by his father, the child became skillful in the ex- 
 ercises of body and of mind, was made archdeacon of Can- 
 terbury, and attracted the notice of Matilda's son, who 
 became much attached to him. First as tutor of the King's 
 eldest son, and then as chancellor, he was a conspicuous 
 figure in the first ranks of the kingdom, and displayed a 
 pomp and state far exceeding the most magnificent of the 
 nobles. Finally Henry appointed him to the see of Canter- 
 bury (1162), hoping that he would be of use to him in his 
 reforms. But the courtier vanished in the archbishop ; the 
 dogs and birds and costly raiment all disappeared ; Becket 
 became a strict and austere priest. Henry II. was irritated 
 by this. Nevertheless he broached his plans, and in a great 
 assembly of bishops, abbots, and barons held at Clarendon 
 (1164), he caused the Constitutions of Clarendon to be 
 adopted, which obliged every clerk, who was accused of 
 crime, to appear before the king's court of justice, forbade 
 any ecclesiastic to leave the kingdom without the royal 
 permission, and assigned to the king the guardianship and 
 revenues of any vacant bishopric or benefice. 
 
 Thomas a Becket rebelled against these statutes ; pur- 
 sued by the murmurs of the bishops who were partisans of 
 the king, he cried out : " I shall appeal to the sovereign
 
 Chap. XXIV.] FIRST PERIOD IN THE STRIFE. 349 
 
 pontiff, and shall summon you before him." And withdraw- 
 ing, he reached the coast of Sandwich in disguise, and 
 embarked for France. Louis VII., received him there with 
 favor, and after six years of fruitless effort he succeeded in 
 reconciling him with Henry II. (1170). But Becket had 
 not wavered in the slightest. On his return to Canterbury 
 he again excommunicated the Archbishop of York. At 
 this news Henry II., who was then in Normandy, was filled 
 with wrath. " What ! " he cried, " a wretch who came to 
 my court on a limping horse, who has eaten of my bread, 
 and dares to brave me thus ! Will no one rid me of him ? " 
 Four knights, who understood what he meant by those 
 words, crossed over to England, and five days later the 
 archbishop fell, assassinated by them, at the very foot of 
 the altar (Dec. 29, 11 70). The Saxons made a martyr of 
 him, and popular imagination, with that vigorous creative 
 power inherent in it, soon came to believe that at his tomb 
 the blind would recover their sight, the deaf their hearing, 
 and that even the dead would there be restored to life. 
 
 The crime came back upon Henry II., whose authority was 
 shaken for a long time. He did not obtain indulgence 
 from the Holy See until he had performed many acts of 
 submission and had annulled the constitutions of Clarendon. 
 Lastly he undertook, in the cause of the Church at Rome, 
 an important conquest, which was of no less importance to 
 him, ^nd for the success of which he used the same pontifi- 
 cal authority to which he had been obliged to submit. 
 
 Ireland had been a Christian country since the fourth 
 
 century ; it was even called the " Isle of the Saints." But 
 
 ^ , - shut off, as it was, at the extremity of Europe, 
 
 Conquest of ,,'. , '. ... .-'_, ^' 
 
 Ireland (1 1 71); and havmg kept itself free from European 
 France"fus- domination, even from that of the Romans, 
 tains the revolt the " grccn island of Erin " covered with pas- 
 the En^gns°h turc lands, the " Pearl of the Ocean" beaten 
 king(n73). by the tidcs, the " wooded island " given over 
 
 to savage customs in all their ferocity, to patriarchal gov- 
 ernment of the clans and annual division of the land, had pre- 
 served a certain independence even in the matter of its conver- 
 sion, and did not submit either to the supremacy of the Holy 
 See or to the strict methods of canonical discipline. But 
 in the Middle Ages it was very dangerous to differ from 
 the Roman communion. The Anglo-Saxons had dearly 
 paid for their arrears in St. Peter's tithe, at the time of Wil-
 
 35° FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 liam the Conqueror. Henry II. promised to establish it in 
 Ireland ; in 1156 Pope Adrian IV. authorized him to pro- 
 ceed. 
 
 An Irish chief, who had been banished by one of his 
 rivals, called a troop of Normans to his assistance ; the 
 cross-bows and light arms of the Irish were powerless 
 against the great iron-clad horses, and lances eight cubits 
 long. Richard Strongbow, the chieftain of the Norman 
 adventurers, by marrying the daughter of an Irish chieftain, 
 found himself master of the whole of Leinster. Henry II. 
 demanded homage of him and went himself to the island 
 (1171) ; all the chiefs in the south acknowledged him as 
 their sovereign ; at the same time a synod called at Cashel 
 put the Church of Ireland under the supremacy of the 
 primate of England. But the northern and western parts 
 of the island remained independent. 
 
 The end of the reign of Henry II. was taken up by quar- 
 rels with his sons ; Eleanor, who was annoyed by the favor 
 shown Fair Rosamond by the king, stirred them up to re- 
 volt, and the King of France held himself in readiness to 
 profit by the result. The eldest son Henry, in the mean 
 time, had received from his father in 1169 Maine and An- 
 jou ; the second, Richard the Lion-hearted, had Aquitaine ; 
 Geoffrey, the third son, became Duke of Brittany ; while 
 the youngest, John, had nothing ; he was called John Lack- 
 land. The eldest son desired Normandy, too. The two 
 younger brothers believed a revolt necessary for them- 
 selves ; so they all three took up arms and paid homage 
 to the King of France. Henry sent out against them, to 
 the continent, mercenaries trained to the trade of war. In 
 England, where the revolt might spread, he undertook to 
 win over the people, by appeasing the shades of Thomas 
 a Becket. Barefooted and clothed in a simple woolen 
 gown, he repaired to the tomb of his martyr, passed a day 
 and night there in pr^iyer, on his knees on the stone, with- 
 out eating or drinking, while his bishops scourged him. 
 After which, "he departed joyfully." It was all over ; the 
 penance was accomplished, the load of remorse removed, 
 and public opinion reconciled. From that time he was vic- 
 torious over the King of Scotland as well as the King of 
 France, with whom he signed the treaty of Montlouis (11 74). 
 But he could not settle matters with his sons, who had the 
 French provinces ready to support their cause. The south
 
 Chap. XXIV.] FlkST PERIOD IN THE STRIFE. 35 i 
 
 had seized with joy the opportunity to "drive away the 
 sceptre of the north." The troubadour knights, with Ber- 
 tram de Born at their head, inflamed the people with their 
 warlike poetry, briUiant and sonorous as a clarion. In 
 1 183 and in 1188 there were new revolts ; Henry even saw 
 his youngest and best beloved son, John, raising his hand 
 against him. He died, cursing them all (1189). 
 
 These quarrels saved Louis VH. from dangers which 
 otherwise he would assuredly have called down upon his 
 head, for he was much more of a monk than 
 gusVu's^utso) ^" active and resolute king. Yet he still en- 
 and Richard couragcd the communal movement. Twenty- 
 hearted U189). five charters are signed with his name. But, 
 ^f^French^roy- '^^e his father before him, he did not wish 
 ally in the thir- any of them on his own lands. At Orleans a 
 century. coQ-iQ-mnal movement was harshly suppressed. 
 Sometimes he even aided the feudal lords in doing on their 
 domains what he was doing on his own. 
 
 The figure of his minister is more pleasing to contem- 
 plate, — Suger, who advised him not to go on the crusade, 
 and continued to remind him of it from the time of his 
 departure, adjuring him " by the oath of his coronation," 
 no longer to abandon his flock to the ravening wolves. 
 Here we see the first indications of the new character 
 assumed by French royalty. From the ninth to the twelfth 
 century the king had lived, but royalty seemed dead, for 
 the public powers which ought to have remained in its hand 
 had been seized by all the great proprietors, and were used 
 by them as domain powers. This aristocratic revolution, 
 which had destroyed the unity of the country for three 
 centuries, was followed by another which endeavored to 
 unite the scattered members of the French community to 
 take away from the feudal lords the rights they had usurped, 
 in order to return them to the crown. The monarchical 
 revolution, making the king sole judge, sole administrator, 
 and sole legislator of the country, began with Louis the 
 Fat, Philip xVugustus, and St. Louis, and was not accom- 
 plished until the reign of Louis XIV., because of various 
 circumstances, such as, for instance, the hundred years' war 
 in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and the religious 
 wars in the sixteenth, which interrupted the progress of the 
 great interior development. 
 
 Philip Augustus (1180), son of Louis VII., retrieved his
 
 352 FRAUCE AMD ENGLAX^D. [Book VIII. 
 
 father's mistakes. It is noticeable that he was the last 
 king to be consecrated before his accession. This pre- 
 caution lost its usefulness when the Capetian royal family 
 had thoroughly established itself. 
 
 Philip Augustus was remarkable for the patience he 
 always showed in waiting for a favorable opportunity. 
 When fifteen years old and menaced by his vassals, he said : 
 " Whatever they may do now, it pleases me to endure their 
 villainies, violence, and outrageous conduct. If it is God's 
 will, they will grow feeble and old and I shall grow in 
 strength and wisdom ; then it will be my turn for revenge." 
 His first acts showed that he was a pious king ; he robbed 
 and banished the Jews, and in those days that was con- 
 sidered a pious duty. He allowed them to come back, it is 
 true, on the payment of a fine. The Jews were periodically 
 banished and called back in this way. They were like a 
 sponge, which was allowed to fill itself with the gold of the 
 middle classes and the nobility, and which was then squeezed 
 into the royal treasury ; at each reprieve the active tribe 
 began anew to work, and the pressure recommenced as soon 
 as they had repaired their fortunes. The most useful act 
 of the beginning of Philip's reign was the acquisition of 
 Vermandois, Valois, and Amiens, which were yielded to 
 him by the heiress in order to obtain his protection against 
 Philip of Alsace, Count of Flanders. When he had become 
 master of the county of Amiens, the bishop, who held 
 sovereign power there, demanded homage in virtue of his 
 new title ; '• The king pays no man homage," he replied. 
 It was a new and pregnant principle, and changed the nature 
 of the fiefs acquired by the crown. So when they passed out 
 of his hands again, in the form of appanages, it was under 
 very different conditions from the other feudal domains. 
 
 He formed a close alliance with the rebellious Richard, 
 and they were inseparable friends so long as Henry II. 
 lived : they ate at the same table, slept in the same bed. 
 They resisted the king of England and dictated their con- 
 ditions ; both also pledged themselves to set out together 
 on the third crusade. King Richard, who succeeded his 
 father in 1189, was a somewhat lawless knight, brilliant but 
 brutal, a hard fighter as we should now say, and as such in- 
 clined to rule his people with an iron hand : for the rest he 
 was a bold and caustic poet, imaginative even in his exac- 
 tions, as, for instance, when he conceived the idea of losing
 
 Chap. XXIV.] FIRST PERIOD IN THE STRIFE. 353 
 
 his ro3^al seal and of having another made, so that all those 
 who had charters were obliged to have them sealed anew — 
 for a consideration. He sold everything, offices, castles, 
 and villages, and departed for the crusade, where his hard 
 fighting won him the name of the Lion-hearted. 
 
 The third crusade, which has already been described, was 
 a complete failure, but it had no fatal results for France, 
 as had the preceding crusade. Though Richard proved 
 himself the bravest man there, yet Philip appeared as the 
 sovereign of the English king. He was the first to return, 
 and while his rival was fighting in Palestine and afterwards 
 was kept a prisoner in Austria, he made use of his time to 
 work the ruin of the too powerful house of England. He 
 came to an understanding with one of Richard's brothers, 
 who had been left at home, John Lackland, for they both 
 hoped to share the spoils. But Richard, escaping from the 
 prison where the German emperor had kept him, notwith- 
 standing his given word to the contrary, made haste to 
 avenge himself on his brother and his rival. The former 
 bought his pardon by killing a French garrison which he 
 had conveyed into one of the castles ; Philip Augustus pre- 
 ferred to go to war. It began in Normandy and was fought 
 with violence. Richard, both troubadour and king, waged 
 it and sang it at the same time. He defeated Philip near 
 Gisors, but derived little advantage from his victory. Pope 
 Innocent III. interposed and made them sign a truce of five 
 years (January, 1199). Two months later, Richard was 
 killed, struck by an arrow at the siege of the castle of 
 Chalus in Limousin, where he was trying to carry off a 
 treasure which had been found by the lord of the castle. 
 But though he had ruled his subjects badly and had con- 
 stantly plundered them, he was a lamented and popular 
 hero. " With him was interred, in the opinion of many, the 
 glory and the honor of chivalry." 
 
 The crown of England should go, by right, to Arthur, the 
 
 young son of Geoffrey, Duke of Brittany, and John's elder 
 
 brother ; but the latter usurped it. Anjou, 
 
 tweenVhiifp Poitou, and Tourainc, which were weary of 
 
 Augustus and English domination, surrendered to Arthur 
 
 John Lackland; f . , , , • ,„,.,. r^. 
 
 Conquest of and uivokcd the protection of Philip. The 
 
 PoitTuul.oJ"'* King of France undertook to defend Arthur 
 
 and then abandoned him (1200), as soon as 
 
 he had obtained from John the advantages desired in his
 
 354 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 selfish policy. He took up arms again, however, when he 
 saw the possibility of great benefits to himself in the revolt 
 of all his French possessions from the King of England. 
 To gain them at the least possible expense he left the bur- 
 den of the war to Arthur. The unfortunate young man 
 was conquered, captured, killed, and thrown, it was said, 
 into the Seine by John himself (1203). This murder gave 
 Philip Augustus the opportunity he desired ; as the avenger 
 of a crime which roused universal indignation, he sum- 
 moned John to appear at his court.* John demanded 
 sureties for his safe coming and going. " For coming, you 
 may have them," was the reply: "your return will depend 
 upon the decision of the peers." John did not go. Philip, 
 delighted with this forfeiture, seized all the fortresses in 
 Normandy and even entered Rouen : that rich province, 
 whence the conquerors of England had set out, was French 
 from that time, and Brittany, which was dependent on it, 
 became an immediate fief of the king (1204). Philip as- 
 sumed the guardianship of Alice, Arthur's sister, and later 
 gave both the heritage and the heiress to one of his rela- 
 tions, Peter Mauclerc. The occupation of Poitou, Tou- 
 raine, and Anjou followed this great conquest, so that the 
 royal domain was suddenly much increased and well pro- 
 tected toward the west. 
 
 John's baseness had given France those fair provinces : 
 his quarrel with the Holy See and with his barons secured 
 
 _. , . her possession of them. He had his father's 
 
 Quarrel b e - T . , , , 
 
 tweenjohn feclings ui regard to the clcrgy ; togamcon- 
 i^ifno^'enf \\\. ^rol ovcr them he appointed one of his tools to 
 (1207) ; Battle the archbishopric of Canterbury. The suf- 
 °i2i4°)"i'^T'h e fragan bishops protested, and Pope Innocent 
 \ll\l) ^'^^''*^'' HI., insisting upon a new election, had the 
 trust given to the English Cardinal Stephen 
 Langton (1207). John Lackland was exceedingly angry. 
 He drove the monks out of Canterbury, and when three 
 bishops came to see him in the name of the Pope he threat- 
 ened to have them beaten if they did not withdraw. He 
 swore, "by the teeth of God," that he would cut off the 
 nose of any Roman who should enter his kingdom, and 
 
 * Recent investigations make it altogether probable that John was not 
 condemned in 1204 for the murder of Arthur, but that his only condem- 
 nation by the King's court, not a court of the twelve peers, was in I20a 
 on complaint of his vassals in Poitou. — Eu,
 
 Chap. XXIV.] FIRST PERIOD LV THE STRIFE. 355 
 
 spoke of throwing all the English clergy into the sea. If 
 the reports of the day are to be believed, he went so far as 
 to intend becoming a Mussulman in order to obtain help 
 from the Emir Al-Moumenin of Morocco. The end of 
 all this senseless rage was his rushing to the other extremes 
 when excommunicated and threatened with an invasion 
 by Philip Augustus, who was authorized by Innocent III. to 
 conquer England. He groveled before the Holy See, and 
 promised tribute and acknowledged himself a vassal (1213). 
 
 He tried to avenge himself for his disgrace by forming a 
 vast coalition against Philip Augustus. He was to attack 
 France on the southwest while the German Emperor Otto 
 IV., the counts of Flanders and Boulogne, and all the 
 princes of the Netherlands were to make their attack on 
 the North. But France rose to repel the foreign invasion. 
 The king's son, Louis, went to oppose the English king in 
 Poitou ; and Philip, with the remainder of the chivalry, and 
 the communal soldiers of the North, marched toward the 
 enemy, met them near the bridge of Bouvines, on theMarq, 
 entered Lille and Tournai, and having incurred great dan- 
 gers, secured a complete victory (Aug. 29, 12 14).* 
 
 Philip seems not to have reaped all the advantages that 
 he might from his great success. He acquired no new 
 land ; Flanders remained in the possession of the wife of 
 Ferrand, the county of Boulogne in the hands of Renaud's 
 daughter, and John of England bought a truce which left 
 him Saintonge and Guienne. But he had repelled a 
 formidable invasion, had put an emperor and a king to 
 flight, had foiled the designs of several great vassals, 
 finally had given the Capetian dynasty the baptism of glory 
 which it had lacked till that time, and had revealed France 
 to herself. His triumph, in fact, roused something in his 
 country hitherto unknown there, the national spirit, patriot- 
 ism ; a weak feeling as yet, in spite of the explosion of 
 public joy, and several times it seemed to have been extin- 
 guished, but it always reappeared with victorious energy. 
 France had now a nation and a king. 
 
 The nobility of France again bore witness to their warlike 
 
 * This battle was one of the most important of all the Middle Ages. 
 In France it increased greatly the prestige of the crown ; in England it 
 was a decisive step leading to the Magna Charta ; in Germany it so 
 broke the power of Otto IV. that resistance was no longer possible to the 
 advance of the young Hohenstaufen Frederick II. — Eu,
 
 356 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 activity in two great enterprises : the fourth crusade, which 
 changed the Greek empire into a French empire, and the 
 war against the Albigenses, which secured the intractable 
 population of the South to the Frenph dominion. 
 N Ph'jlip took part in neither of these expeditions. He 
 allowed his nobles to consume their resources and their 
 energies in these wars, which were of twofold advantage to 
 France, both in the consequent establishment of order in 
 the kingdom, and in the glory shed on its name in distant 
 lands. He wrote to the Pope, who was urging him to en- 
 gage in a crusade against the Albigenses, " I am flanked by 
 two great and terrible lions, the Emperor Otto and King 
 John ; accordingly I cannot leave France." After their 
 experience at Bouvines, however, neither one nor the other 
 caused him much annoyance. 
 
 While his allies had been suffering defeat in Flanders, 
 John had been defeated in Poitou. Returning to his island 
 conquered and humiliated, he found his barons in insurrec- 
 tion. Stephen Langton, the primate, was at their head. 
 They did not feel secure while they were in the power of a 
 tyrant who had no respect for anything, and they wished to 
 place bounds to his caprice. They brought out again the 
 charter of Henry I., and when the King was holding his 
 court at Worcester, at Christmas time, they presented them- 
 selves well-armed before him and asked him to confirm the 
 privileges granted to them by that charter. John evaded 
 the question, asked for time, and at last declared that he 
 would grant nothing : " Why don't they ask me for my 
 kingdom? " he cried, livid with rage. But the barons were 
 determined not to yield : they proclaimed themselves the 
 "army of God and of His holy Church," entered London 
 amid the cheers of the multitude, and on the 15th of June, 
 1215, on the plain of Runnymede, near Windsor, they 
 forced the king to sign the Magna Charta, the fundamental 
 basis of English liberties. 
 
 When the charter had been signed and the barons had 
 separated, John, who was beside himself with rage, wished 
 to tear it to pieces : he, the cynic, heaped imprecations on 
 his own head for havingyielded, and swore to give England 
 over to plunder and pillage. He appealed to the Pope, 
 Innocent HI., who on his own authority declared the great 
 charter null and void and released the King from his oaths. 
 Then he called in his mercenaries from the continent,
 
 Chap. XXIV.] FIRST PERIOD IN THE STRIFE. 357 
 
 who laid the country waste in every direction, until the 
 barons, in wrath, offered the crown to Louis, son of Philip 
 Augustus and nephew of John through his wife, Blanche 
 of Castile. Innocent III. threatened Philip Augustus with 
 excommunication, and the King pretended that he would 
 like to stop his son. But I.ouis replied to him : " Sire, I 
 am your liege man for the lands which you have given me 
 in France ; but it does not belong to you to decide upon the 
 fate of England." So Louis proceeded in his enterprise, and 
 notwithstanding an excommunication from the Pope, he 
 landed in England, on May 30, 12 16. The effect of an 
 excommunication had grown weaker by the force of repeti- 
 tion, and would not have hindered the success of the French 
 prince in the least, had it not been that John died of an 
 attack of indigestion in 1216. He left a child, Henry III. 
 The barons knew that this child king would be worth more 
 to their cause than a foreign prince, who no doubt would be 
 little likely to respect their privileges after his victory was 
 gained, and who would have the assistance of French 
 forces in time of need. Louis's cause was gradually aban- 
 doned, and he was obliged to return to France in 1217. 
 
 The first period in the strife between France and England 
 ends with the death of John Lackland and Philip Augustus. 
 Beginning with the year 1217, the histories of the two 
 countries, which had run together so long, followed separate 
 courses for one hundred and twenty years. — Each one re- 
 turned to its own way of life ; France grew more and more 
 monarchical, England more and more constitutional, and 
 they met only at long intervals, in a few combats. We 
 must now take up as separate histories what we have studied 
 for a time as a united history.
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 PROGRESS OF THE ROYAL POWER IN FRANCE FROM 
 PHILIP AUGUSTUS TO PHILIP OF VALOIS. 
 
 Internal administration of Philip Augustus. — Louis VIII. (1223) and 
 the regency of Blanche of Castile. Saint Louis, his ascendancy in 
 Europe ; treaties with England (1259), and with Aragon (125S). — 
 Government of Saint Louis. Progress of the royal authority. — New 
 character of politics, PhiHp III. (1270), Philip IV. (12S5), new war 
 with England (1294). — A new struggle between the Papacy and the 
 State (1296-1304). The Papacy at Avignon (1309-1376). — Con- 
 demnation of the Templars (1307). — Administration of Philip IV.; 
 reign of his three sons (1314-1328). 
 
 Philip Augustus had reigned gloriously for forty-three 
 years ; he had doubled the royal domain by the acquisition 
 of Vermandois, Amiens, Artois, Normandy, Maine, Anjou, 
 Touraine, Poitou, and a part of Auvergne, which he divided 
 into 78 provostships, under the superintendence of bailiffs ; 
 he had attacked feudalism in its most odious right, the 
 right of waging private wars, by establishing the quaran- 
 taine-le-roy* and the asseurement ;\ he had adorned and 
 paved Paris, surrounded it with a wall, and given it mar- 
 kets and a better police ; the Louvre had been begun and 
 the University of Paris had been established with great 
 privileges, and the Archives had been started ; the author- 
 ity of the court of the peers had been established by a inem- 
 orable example, the condemnation of the king of England ;J 
 and, last of all, the royalty reappeared in the light of a legis- 
 lative power, and its ordinances were considered as apply- 
 
 * This was an enforced truce for forty days between a murder or other 
 acts of violence and the taking of vengeance by the party injured. In 
 the interval passions might be appeased, the king might interfere, and 
 justice be done. 
 
 f The asseurement was a guarantee of the royal protection to any one 
 who referred the decision of a private quarrel to the king's court instead 
 of appealing to arms himself. — Ed. 
 
 I See above, p. 354, note, — Ed. 
 
 358
 
 Chap. XXV.] THE FRENCH MONARCHY. 359 
 
 ing to the whole state, which had not been the case since 
 the capitularies of Charles the Simple. He had made the 
 royal power entirely independent, to the great advantage 
 of order, industry, and commerce, which he encouraged, that 
 is to the advantage both of the royal power and of the 
 people. 
 
 This prince had nevertheless incurred the censures of 
 Rome. He had married as his second wife Ingeborg of 
 Denmark (1193); but repudiated her the very day after the 
 marriage. A council of bishops pronounced this union null 
 and void, and Philip immediately married Agnes of Meran. 
 It naturally created a great scandal, that a man, because he 
 was king, should make sport of the honor of a woman, a 
 foreigner who was without help or protection. Philip 
 thought that the sentence of the bishops would end all dis- 
 cussion. But Ingeborg appealed to the Pope, and Inno- 
 cent III. took up, in behalf of outraged morality and 
 religion, the cause of the poor woman who had been 
 abandoned by every one else. Philip resisted his decrees, 
 and the Pope hurled an interdict against his kingdom. 
 All religious services ceased, and the people were left with- 
 out prayers and consolation. In vain did the King expel 
 from their sees all the bishops who observed the interdict ; 
 he was obliged to yield to the universal discontent, which 
 endangered his crown. He sent away Agnes of Meran, who 
 died of grief, and took back Ingeborg, in 1201. Another 
 great example had been given to the world, and one such 
 as Christianity alone was capable of giving. 
 
 Philip showed wisdom in yielding in this case ; another 
 time he showed equal wisdom in resisting. In 1203 he in- 
 vaded the fiefs which John had lost by his treachery. Inno- 
 cent III. threatened him with the anathemas of the Church 
 if he advanced a step farther ; but Philip, after assuring 
 himself of the co-operation of his great vassals, and having 
 received from them in writing their promise to uphold him 
 in this cause against every one else, even against the Pope, 
 went on with his undertaking. 
 
 In these two cases the Pope and the king appealed in 
 turn to public opinion and justice; the one by interesting 
 the people in the cause of morality, the other by interesting 
 the barons in the legitimate prerogatives of the crown. 
 This shows some progress, and that we are beginning to 
 leave behind us the times when force alone was of any avail.
 
 360 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 In his short reign the son of Philip Augustus completed 
 
 the work begun by his father. During the lifetime of his 
 
 father Louis VIII. had been proclaimed king, 
 
 Louis VIII. for a short time, by the revolted English 
 
 (i223)The •' " 
 
 regency of barous, and had also made two crusades 
 Ca^suTe'i'^^ °^ against the Albigenses. On becoming king 
 of France he continued these two wars. He 
 conquered from the English the part of Poitou which had 
 escaped Philip Augustus, Aunis, Rochelle, Limoges, and 
 Perigueux, and took Avignon in Languedoc. 
 
 The country extending from the Rhone to within four 
 leagues of Toulouse made submission to him, and he 
 stationed seneschals or bailiffs at Beaucaire, Carcassonne, 
 and Beziers. Thus all the country west of the Rhone, 
 with the exception of Guienne and Toulouse, recognized 
 the royal authority. France was no longer divided into 
 two countries, and the work of establishing territorial unity 
 was constantly advancing. But the south of France was 
 avenged by an epidemic which decimated the army and 
 carried off the king. 
 
 For the whole of the last century the sword of royalty, 
 that is, of France, had been valiantly worn ; but the son of 
 Louis VIII. was a child of only eleven years. The barons 
 claimed that the regency could not be entrusted to a woman, 
 and refused to make the queen mother, Blanche of Castile, 
 regent. They declared that the king should not be con- 
 secrated unless guarantees were given them against the 
 court of peers and against the recent encroachments of 
 the royal authority. Here was then already a strong feudal 
 reaction. Theobald, Count of Champagne, Peter of Dreux, 
 the Duke of Brittany, Hugh of Lusignan, Count of La 
 Marche, Richard, Duke of Aquitaine, and Raymond VII., 
 Count of Toulouse, formed a league, with Enguerrand, 
 Sire of Coucy, at its head. But the Capetian dynasty was 
 not yet to undergo the fate suffered by the Carolingians. 
 Their dynasty was founded firmly on its own domain, and 
 on the sympathies of the people, even in the states of its 
 vassals. It was also sustained by the great authority of the 
 Papacy, without which neither the usurpation of the Caro- 
 lingians or that of the Capetians would have succeeded. 
 The cardinal legate of Saint-Ange was in the service of 
 Blanche of Castile, and helped her with his advice ; while 
 she herself gained over to her cause the Count of Cham-
 
 Chap. XXV.] THE FRENCH AIONARCHY. 361 
 
 pagne, the famous trouvere whose heart she had touched. 
 Louis IX. was consecrated in 1227, and the treaty of Saint- 
 Aubin du Cormier in 1231 brought the war to an end, with 
 all the advantage on the side of the royal power. 
 
 Languedoc had revolted during these events, in which the 
 new Count of Toulouse, Raymond VII., was secretly con- 
 cerned. A last expedition, aided by the Inquisition, brought 
 about the treaty of Paris in 1229, by which the conquests 
 of the last few years were regulated. Raymond formally 
 abandoned to France all lower Languedoc, which was made 
 into the two divisions of Beaucaire and Carcassonne under 
 the jurisdiction of seneschals. He only retained half of the 
 diocese of Toulouse, Agenois, and Rouergue, and merely a 
 life interest in those, on the condition of their being the 
 dowry of his only daughter, who was betrothed to Alfonso, 
 the second brother of the king. 
 
 The more the royal power increased, the larger grew the 
 territory directly subject to it. In 1234 Theobald of Cham- 
 pagne, who had become King of Navarre by the death of 
 his wife's father, started off to conquer his inheritance, and 
 sold the counties of Blois, Chartres, and Sancerre to the 
 crown of France. 
 
 The majority of Saint Louis was proclaimed in 1236. 
 
 We have now come to the true hero of the IMiddle Ages, 
 
 a prince who was as devout as he was brave, who loved 
 
 _, . , ^ . feudalism and yet struck some telling blows 
 
 Saint Louis, . . -' 11/^1 1 i 1 
 
 his a s c e n- ag-auist it, who rcvcrcd the Church but knew 
 rope.^ '" when it was necessary to resist its head ; who 
 
 respected all rights, but yet pursued the 
 course of justice ; who had a gentle, loving, and sincere 
 heart, filled with Christian charity, and condemning the 
 method of torturing the body of a sinner in order to save 
 his soul ; a man who lived on earth as if heaven were always 
 before his eyes, and who made his royal office into a magis- 
 tracy of order and justice. Rome has canonized him, and 
 the people still think of him as sitting under the oak at Vin- 
 cennes administering justice to all who came to him. This 
 saint, this man of peace, in the simplicity of his heart did 
 more to extend the royal authority than the wisest coun- 
 sellors or than ten warlike kings could have done, because 
 after his time the king seemed to the people the incarnation 
 of order and justice. He found the royal authority all the 
 more firmly established from its having just made a trial of
 
 362 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIlI. 
 
 its strength. Another Philip Augustus would have used 
 the many forces which were ready to his hand to advance 
 still farther in the same direction, and, with great advantage 
 to the kingdom, would have driven the English from Gui- 
 enne which they still held in France ; Saint Louis, on the 
 contrary, checked the progress of the royal authority, but 
 also gave it a sacred character. The French royalty seemed 
 very admirable at this time, as wrapped in its robe of blue 
 sprinkled with fleur-de-lis, pure and upright, it took the part 
 of arbiter between the sovereigns of Europe, and yet was 
 brave and valiant in repelling any attack made upon it. In 
 the place of the old feudalism which was hostile to it, it was 
 surrounded by a new feudalism which was still easily con- 
 trolled because it had first sprung from the royal family 
 itself. 
 
 After having rooted out the old feudalism, the royal family 
 spread itself over all France. Robert, the oldest brother of 
 the king, had been made Count of Artois (1237), and had 
 succeeded in attaching the northern provinces to the king- 
 dom by the alliances which he formed. The royal house 
 gained the southern provinces in the same way. Alfonso, 
 Count of Poitou and Auvergne, was heir to the great county 
 of Toulouse, which extended as far as the Pyrenees. 
 Charles, who received Anjou and Maine in 1246, became 
 Count of Provence by his marriage with its heiress Beatrice, 
 and extended the French influence as far as the Mediter- 
 ranean. With the support of this family feudalism and of 
 his lawful rights, Saint Louis was invincible, at least within 
 his own provinces. 
 
 Until the time of his war with the English, he was not 
 very active, but he already showed the firmness of a prince 
 who never draws back because he never advanced further 
 than was just. In 1241, when the Emperor Frederick II. 
 detained the French prelates who were on their way to a 
 council at Rome, Saint Louis demanded that they should be 
 set at liberty, and wrote : " Since the prelates of our king- 
 dom in no way have deserved this detention, it is just that 
 your Highness should set them at liberty ; in that way you 
 will appease us, for we regard their detention as an injury, 
 and the royal majesty would lose its consideration if we 
 were silent under such circumstances. . . . May your im- 
 perial prudence not be content with pleading your power or 
 your will as an excuse, for the kingdom of France is not so
 
 Chap. XXV. J THE FRENCH iMONARCHY. l^Z 
 
 weak as to be resigned to being trodden under-foot by 
 you." The Emperor released his prisoners. Shortly be- 
 fore this Louis had refused to receive for himself or for one of 
 his brothers the imperial crown of Frederick II., which was 
 offered him by the Pope. He had also refused to allow the 
 bishops to use his royal authority in constraining excommu- 
 nicated persons to submit within a year and a day, unless he 
 himself were made judge of the causes of the excommuni- 
 cations. 
 
 Louis showed as much firmness in his actions when he 
 was forced to take up arms, as he had done in his words. 
 In 1 24 1 the lords of Aquitaine, who had always been hostile 
 to France, formed a coalition against her. The kings of 
 England, Aragon, and Navarre were included in it, and the 
 Count of Toulouse hoped to break the treaty of 1229. The 
 Count of LaMarche began the war by refusing to pay hom- 
 age to his suzerain Alfonso, Count of Poitiers. Louis IX. 
 demanded arms and supplies of the communes, and wisely 
 provided himself with tents, wagons, machines, and ammuni- 
 tion, and brought a fine army into the field. Henry III. of 
 England, who was ill-supported by his barons, came to 
 meet him with an army of French soldiers. Louis rapidly 
 entered Poitou and La Marche, forced a passage from 
 Charente to Taillebourg (1242), and gained a complete vic- 
 tory near Saintes, which he entered. Henry III. took to 
 flight and the French lords submitted to the king. Shortly 
 afterwards the English king asked for a truce, and the war 
 ended in 1243. The following year. Saint Louis made a 
 vow to go to the Holy Land, which vow he performed in 
 1248. This crusade has already been described. 
 
 This prince was as anxious to prevent quarrels between 
 states as between private individuals. As he amicably set- 
 tled the disputes of his subjects, under the oak at Vin- 
 cennes, so too he tried to prevent all wars, those disputes 
 which cost the people so dear, in blood and tears. With 
 this view he tried to introduce an exactness and frankness 
 into the relations of the States to each other, and even when 
 it was his own loss, to do away with all rival pretensions. 
 On his victory in 1242 he could have forced all the barons 
 to submit to him ; he preferred to leave them free, but told 
 them that they could not serve two masters, and that all those 
 who held fiefs both from him and from the king of England 
 must choose the one or the other. Later he carried this deli-
 
 364 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [BooK VIII. 
 
 cacy even farther, — much farther than is customary in 
 pontics, and even farther than was favorable to the legitimate 
 interests of France. He hardly knew what to think of the 
 conquests of his predecessors. Perhaps the lack of suc- 
 cess of his first crusade seemed to him a punishment sent 
 by God for some fault into which he must inquire and from 
 which he must purify himself. " His conscience pricked 
 him," on hearing the unceasing complaints of Henry HI. ; 
 and he consented in 1259 to sign a treaty by which he gave 
 up, or made over to the king of England, whom he had de- 
 feated in a just war, Limousin, Perigord, Quercy, Agenois, 
 a part of Saintonge, and the duchy of Guienne, on the 
 condition of receiving liege homage. In return, he was ac- 
 knowledged undisputed master of Normandy, Touraine, An- 
 jou, Poitou, and of Maine. He thus gained a right over the 
 provinces retained by him which was of more value in his 
 eyes than the simple right of conquest. 
 
 He followed the same principles in his negotiations with 
 the king of Aragon, yielding him irrevocably the full sove- 
 reignty of Catalonia and Rousillon, but obliging him to 
 abandon all suzerainty over the fiefs of Auvergne and Lan- 
 guedoc which had been held from him (1258). A depar- 
 ture was thus made from all the vague and concurrent 
 rights which had resulted from the confused origin of the 
 feudal system, and the states from this time were free in 
 their movements and less likely to embarrass and interfere 
 with each other. 
 
 The reputation for integrity possessed by Saint Louis 
 caused him to be chosen arbiter of the dispute between the 
 king of England and his barons, over the Provisions of 
 Oxford (1264). He pronounced in favor of the king, but 
 this time unsuccessfully, for the barons paid no heed to 
 this sentence and overthrew King Henry HL 
 
 He was fortunate elsewhere and settled a question of 
 succession in Flanders which was involving the country in 
 civil war. 
 
 In the south the French influence was extended even into 
 Italy by Charles of Anjou, the brother of the king, who by 
 his marriage had become master of Provence, and who had 
 taken advantage of the continual intercourse between his 
 new subjects and Italy to interfere in the affairs of that 
 country, where (as we saw in Chapter XVIII.) he finally 
 became king. We have also seen that this prince, after
 
 Chap. XXV.] THE FREh^CH MONARCHY. 365 
 
 mounting the throne of Sicily, directed, in his own interest 
 the second crusade of Saint Louis against Tunis. 
 
 In spite of the ill-success of his two crusades Saint Louis 
 
 continued the work of Philip Augustus : and under him the 
 
 power of France grew apace. His expe- 
 
 f <?°^f T'"^"* ditions beyond the sea showed him to be a 
 
 01 Saint L>ouis. ■' . . 
 
 Progress of the truly dcvout man; and he merited his name 
 royal author- ^£ Saint cvcn morc by the wisdom of his in- 
 ternal government, by his solicitude for the 
 welfare of his people, and by his beneficent reforms. He 
 felt that it was his mission to substitute peace and order for 
 this social confusion of his times, and to replace with a true, 
 impartial, and deliberate justice the mere forms of feudal 
 justice which hardly concealed the right of force. In 1245 
 he renewed the ordinance of Philip Augustus which pre- 
 scribed a truce between the accuser and the accused during 
 40 days {quarantaine-le-roy), and gave the weaker party the 
 right of making a requisition of the asseureme^it of the king. 
 He also made a marked distinction between the judgments 
 of the royal courts and the judgments of the feudal courts ; 
 he abolished throughout his domains the judicial duel, which 
 was one of the greatest evils of the age : " whoever would 
 prove his case by the combat shall prove it either by wit- 
 nesses or written documents " (1258). 
 
 The use of witnesses and written evidence instead of the 
 lists was the beginning of a revolution. The knights them- 
 selves, skilled only in the arts of war, had not sufficient 
 keenness, learning, or powers of application to find their 
 way through the subtleties of proofs and the confusion of 
 documents. They called the lawyers to their aid, who 
 belonged to a new profession versed in the laws, and 
 especially in Roman law. At first the barons made these 
 plebeians sit on little benches at their feet, but before long, 
 in this intercourse between ignorance and learning, the 
 latter took its rightful place, and the barons, whose words 
 were of no avail, were silent before their counsellors. The 
 whole direction of the trial, and the fate of the guilty, even 
 of the highest noble, was in the hands of the lawyers. 
 They were admitted to all the different degrees of jurisdic- 
 tion, to the parliament of the barons, which served the king 
 as a council, and to the feudal courts presided over by royal 
 bailiffs. They everywhere tried to enforce the observance 
 of the principles of Roman law, and to make the French
 
 3^^ FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 royalty the heir of the imperial maxims. The quod principi 
 placuit legis habet vigorem was soon exactly translated 
 into Whatever the king wills, the law wills, and, in spite 
 of his respect for established rights, Saint Louis did not 
 hesitate to make laws to be enforced even on the lands 
 of vassals: "Know ye (1257) that on the deliberation of 
 our council, we have prohibited all wars within our king- 
 dom, all destruction by fire, and all prevention of agricul- 
 ture." In the same way many suits were transferred from 
 the feudal courts to the court of the king. By straining a 
 little the right of faiissement de jugement,^ which was con- 
 tained in the feudal customs, and by carrying cases under 
 it to the suzerain, the lawyers were able to make these 
 appeals very frequent. They also enlarged the number of 
 royal cases, that is, the causes in which the jurisdiction was 
 reserved to the king. The establishment of the royal 
 enquesteurs, who were something like the 77iissi of Charle- 
 magne, the fixing of the standard of the king's money at 
 the definite figure of 79 grains to a silver sou, and its en- 
 forced circulation through the provinces, concurrent with the 
 feudal moneys, all were inspired by a spirit which wished to 
 extend the royal authority as far as possible, and at the same 
 time to have its intervention felt everywhere as a benefit. 
 
 Saint Louis was the first king to summon simple burghers 
 to his council, to consult with them "concerning questions 
 of finance," and consequently of commerce. He enfran- 
 chised many of the serfs on his domains, and remembered, 
 what feudalism had forgotten, that " in a Christian king- 
 dom, all men are brothers." He only founded one com- 
 mune, that of Aigues-Mortes, and he abolished those of 
 Rheims and Beauvais. He had no understanding of polit- 
 ical liberty, which was not even dreamed of by the men of 
 his times, and he was strongly impressed with the rights of 
 the royal authority, of which he certainly made a very good 
 use. This same conviction of the legitimacy of his rights 
 made him ready to defend them at every point. It is, how- 
 ever, an error to attribute to him, as was formerly done, a 
 pragmatic sanction, which would have fixed a limit to the 
 pretensions of the Pope, restored to the cathedral churches 
 
 * This was a rude form of appeal in which the person condemned 
 declared the judgment false, and offered to prove it by a duel with each 
 one of the judges. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXV.] THE FRENCH MONARCHY. 367 
 
 and abbeys the right of electing their preliites, repressed 
 the encroachments of the clergy upon the temporal author- 
 ity, and restricted the impositions that could be laid by the 
 papal court upon the churches of France, to times of most 
 urgent necessity. 
 
 The same principle on which all the virtues of Saint Louis 
 were founded forbade the possession of one virtue unknown 
 to the Middle Ages ; that of tolerance. Saint Louis was 
 without mercy for Jews and heretics. 
 
 Two great legislative monuments, which, however, are 
 only private collections without royal sanction, have been 
 attributed to him : 1 . Les Etablissetnents selon f usage de Paris 
 et d'Oi leafis, a kind of civil and criminal code which was 
 compiled in 1272-3, and divided into two books, the first 
 of which hardly did more than confirm the customary and 
 feudal rights, while the second constantly refers back to 
 the Roman law : 2. Les Etablissements des me'tiei- de Paris, 
 which contains the statutes of one hundred trades, revised 
 by the provost Stephen Boileau in 1258. 
 
 The age of sentiment breathed its last with Saint Louis. 
 The general council of Lyons (1274) decreed a crusade, 
 which no one performed ; a decree and a 
 cateraT PhuVp rcsult which Were often repeated. Dynastic 
 pV'- r' ^ W ' iriterests and struggles for political influence 
 C1285). New will henceforth govern the external relations 
 land 0(294) f"^" °^ ^^^ European states, and the crusades and 
 Jerusalem were forgotten in the endeavor to 
 organize these states in a more regular way. In this new 
 era France plays the principal role. For the next half cen- 
 tury she was possessed of that preponderance of power in 
 Europe, which had been formerly claimed by the emperor ; 
 and within her limits the work of organization went on 
 more vigorously and rapidly than anywhere else. At this 
 time the lead in revolution was taken by the king, as in 
 the time of Hugh Capet it had been by the aristocracy, and 
 as after Louis XIV. it was to be by the people. The 
 French royalty, which formerly had been limited to the four 
 or five counties possessed by Philip I., had already broken 
 down many barriers and was now marching with great 
 strides toward absolute power. It had already imposed 
 upon its turbulent vassals the king's peace, the king's jus- 
 tice, and the king's money, and had assumed the right of 
 making laws for all.
 
 3^^ FRANCE AMD ENGLAND. [Book Vlll. 
 
 Philip III., the son of Saint Louis, found himself the ar- 
 biter of the destiny of the whole South of Europe. By the 
 death of his brother Alfonso, whose body he brought back 
 from Africa, he inherited the county of Toulouse and 
 Rouergue, which were joined to the crown ; the county 
 Venaissin, a part of his inheritance, and half of Avignon, 
 he ceded to the Pope. 
 
 A defeat suffered by the Count of Foix, who, on being 
 made prisoner in his capital, was forced to promise faithful 
 obedience to the king and to give up part of his lands, served 
 as a lesson to the unruly lords of the Pyrenees ; the creation 
 of a parliament at Toulouse, though it had only a short 
 existence,* showed that the royal authority was not to be 
 excluded from the South. The sway of the king of France 
 extended to the Pyrenees, and even beyond them. Philip 
 married his son to the heiress of the kingdom of Navarre, 
 which thus came into the possession of the house of France ; 
 and though he failed in his attempts to have a prince who 
 was completely under his influence proclaimed king of 
 Castile, and to obtain the crown of Aragon for his second 
 son Charles, he at least carried his arms as far as Catalonia, 
 where he took the fortress of Girona. The Capetian royalty, 
 which had been steadily successful within the kingdom since 
 Louis VI., was already trying to extend its conquests with- 
 out. Such attempts were, however, premature, as there was 
 still much to be done within the kingdom before outside 
 conquest could really be begun. f This mistake of the 
 Capetians was repeated by the Valois when Charles VIII. 
 wished to conquer Naples instead of Flanders, and by the 
 Bourbons when Louis XIV. gave Spain to his grandson in- 
 stead of gaining the Netherlands for France. 
 
 *From 1280 to 1291, and composed of a commission from the Parlia- 
 ment of Paris. The Parliament of Toulouse, the oldest in the kingdom, 
 next to that of Paris, received its definite establishment in the fifteenth 
 century. — Ed. 
 
 f The expedition of Charles VIIL may be taken perhaps as marking 
 the date when international politics in our sense begins, when the vari- 
 ous states had become so far organized and consolidated internally that 
 they could attempt to extend their power externally by foreign conquest. 
 During the earlier period there are numerous foreign alliances and foreign 
 intrigues, but in almost every case the object sought was something to be 
 gained in the internal politics of the state rather than an increase of its 
 external influence, and mediaeval history knows no international politics 
 of the modern sort — Eu.
 
 Chap. XXV.] THE FRENCH MONARCHY. 369 
 
 This unsuccessful expedition to Catalonia was moreover 
 
 undertaken in pursuance of a merely family interest. 
 Philip wished to punish Don Pedro, king of Aragon, for 
 the support he had given to the Sicilians in their revolt 
 against Charles of Anjou. Philip died on his return from 
 this expedition. The new king, Philip the Fair (1285), was 
 the lawyer's king. All he accomplished was done through 
 them, and he seemed to think any usurpation permissible 
 which could be made by means of a judicial decree. Philip 
 IV. was at first obliged to continue the war in Spain, but he 
 brought it to an end as soon as possible. The treaty of ■ 
 Tarascon, which was signed in 1291, allowed France to with- 
 draw from the ambitious pretensions she had raised across 
 the Pyrenees, and also to retain Navarre. 
 
 Philip the Fair was wise enough to realize that these ex- 
 ternal wars were only injurious as long as internal warfare 
 was not put down, and that the king had still much to con- 
 quer inside his kingdom. He had received Quercy from 
 Edward I., king of England, in consideration of his paying 
 him three thousand livres rent, which, however, he did not 
 pay. This only tempted him to take more. A quarrel 
 broke out in 1292 between some sailors of Normandy and of 
 England, and there was soon war between the seamen of 
 the two countries. Instead of taking up arms, Philip began 
 proceedings in his capacity of suzerain by ordering his civil 
 officers pacifically to take possession of Guienne. The 
 English garrisons drove them out ; for this misdeed Philip 
 summoned the king of England before his court, and the 
 latter consented to a forty days' sequestration of his prov- 
 ince. When forty days passed and Philip did not give it 
 up, Edward indignantly took up arms against his suzerain, 
 a crime deserving the punishment of forfeiture. The law- 
 yers immediately decreed the confiscation of the fiefs of the 
 king of England. In the end the appeal had to be made to 
 arms, but Philip had. the advantage of having at least the 
 appearance of law on his side. 
 
 In this war, which can be considered as the prelude to those 
 of the next century, we must notice the alliance of Philip 
 with the Welsh and the Scotch, and that of Edward with 
 the Count of Flanders and Adolf of Nassau, king of the 
 Romans. This combination of allies continued for a long 
 time. 
 
 The events of this war resulted in favor of the French
 
 37° FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 king. He formed an alliance with the Duke of Brittany, 
 which closed that approach to France, which had become 
 very convenient and so often thrown open to the English. 
 He had nothing to fear from Adolf of Nassau, and even 
 concluded a remarkable treaty of alliance with the latter's 
 rival, Albert of Austria by which it was said France stip- 
 ulated for the recognition of the Rhine as her boundary. 
 If his party in Scotland fell with Balliol, it arose again with 
 Wallace. He himself invaded Flanders with complete 
 success (1297), while another French army held Guienne. 
 Edward was kept in England by the Scotch, and begged for 
 a truce, which was concluded under the mediation of Pope 
 Boniface VHI. on most favorable terms to France (1298). 
 The two kings delivered up their allies into each other's 
 hands ; and Edward defeated and killed Wallace, while 
 Philip sent Guy, the Count of Flanders, to the castle of the 
 Louvre, and took possession of all his country with the ex- 
 ception of Ghent. He promised to increase the liberties of 
 the burghers, but they were imprudent enough to reveal 
 their wealth by the magnificence of their dress. " I have 
 seen six hundred queens," said the queen of France with 
 displeasure. Flanders was in fact the richest country in 
 Europe, for it was the country where the most work was 
 done. In this fertile country population and wealth had 
 rapidly increased. There were many cities, containing an 
 active and industrious population, who were attached to 
 England from the fact that the wool used in their manufac- 
 tures was derived from there, as were the cities of Gui- 
 enne, especially Bordeaux, because England furnished them 
 with a steady market for their wines. The cloths of Flan- 
 ders were sold throughout all Christendom, even as far as 
 Constantinople, and the cities of the Netherlands were the 
 markets where the products of the North, brought thither 
 from the Baltic, were exchanged for those of the South, 
 which came from Venice and Italy by.the Rhine. 
 
 Philip appointed James Chatillon governor over them ; 
 he overwhelmed them with taxes, which incited them to 
 revolt. The French nobles hastened thither under Robert 
 of Artois, to restore order and to pillage these peasants. 
 With the imprudence which they have so often shown, they 
 plunged head first into a ditch with which the Flemings 
 had protected their front, and more than 6000 were mas- 
 sacred. This battle of Courtray (1302) was a terrible
 
 Chap. XXV.] THE FRENCH MONARCHY. 371 
 
 revelation to the French lords ; it showed them that villeins 
 could have as much courage as nobles, and, like them, knew 
 how to fight. Philip the Fair, who had lost his brother 
 Robert of Artois and his chancellor Peter Flotte in this 
 battle, marched upon Flanders with an army raised by 
 means of forced contributions. He was victorious at Mons- 
 en-Puelle (1304), but the Flemings still resisted. To put an 
 end to the war he restored Flanders to her count, and 
 only retained French Flanders, Lille, Douai, Orchies, and 
 Bethune. 
 
 Thus the French royalty was forced to draw back before 
 the Flemish democracy, but the German royalty almost at 
 same time was obliged to retreat before the Swiss de- 
 mocracy. The isolated communes of France succumbed ; 
 in Flanders and in Switzerland, they joined forces and were 
 triumphant. 
 
 Philip the Fair, in order to rule far and wide as he wished 
 
 to do, required a great deal of money. The expenses 
 
 of the administration, the army, the fleet, 
 
 gi^ b eTw^e e^ii ^"<^ the subsidics to foreigners became enor- 
 
 the Papacy and mous, while the rcsourccs remained iustwhat 
 
 the state (1295- ,, i .1 r i i .1 
 
 1304). they were under the feudal system, that is 
 
 they amounted to almost nothing. The 
 result was that the kings grew perfectly indifferent to the 
 means employed as long as money was raised. Philip pil- 
 laged the Jews, but in this he only followed the ancient 
 tradition. He also gradually lowered the standard of the 
 money, and imposed taxes upon the clergy. This latter 
 course raised a storm, which proved nothing less than the 
 renewal of the quarrel between the Papacy and the Empire.* 
 The quarrel between Pope and Emperor is too often 
 represented as a struggle between Italy and Germany, 
 
 * The struggle between the Empire and the Papacy was a contest for 
 supremacy between two world theories and two world powers — the Holy 
 Roman Empire and the Holy Catholic Church. It was the outgrowth 
 of purely medieval ideas. The contest between Philip and Boniface was 
 different in principle. It was a struggle of the mediccval Papacy, that is, 
 a real political power throughout Europe built up upon the ideas of 
 Gregory VII., with the new, modern nation, which had had no existence 
 in the time of Gregory but which was now coming into existence every- 
 where, and naturally with its growing sense of national unity and strength 
 was disposed to resist vigorously the old papal claims. This struggle in 
 France is to be likened to that in England between Henry II. and Thomas 
 4 Becket, rather than to that between the Papacy and the Empire. — Ed.
 
 372 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 while these two countries were merely the principal theater 
 of hostilities. It extended throughout the whole of Europe, 
 because it really was the struggle between the spiritual and 
 temporal powers, which has lasted almost to the present 
 day. In the time of Gregory VII. and Innocent IV. it was 
 carried on mainly by the Pope and the Emperor ; in the 
 time of Boniface VIII. the king of France was the oppo- 
 nent of the Holy See. 
 
 Boniface VIII., a native of Anagni, had been a canon at 
 Paris and at Lyons. When he was elected Pope, on the 
 abdication of Celestin V., the great family of the Colonna, 
 the Ghibellines of Rome, accused him of having forced the 
 abdication ; he immediately banished them. The world 
 had greatly changed since the time of the Innocents and 
 the Gregorys, but none the less did Boniface resume their 
 projects. The day of his installation his horse was led by 
 the kings of Sicily and of Hungary, and during the ban- 
 quet they waited upon him at table, with their crowns on 
 their heads. In the Bull Unam sa/ictatn his language even 
 surpasses that of Innocent III.; for instead of being content 
 with acknowledging the existence of two powers, the spir- 
 itual and the temporal, of which one was inferior to the 
 other, he seemed to attempt to absorb the latter and to com- 
 pletely subordinate the royal power to the tiara. 
 
 Great force was given to his pretensions by the fact that 
 as under Justinian the corpus Juris civilis had been drawn 
 up by collecting the edicts of the emperors and the opin- 
 ions of their jurisconsults, and in this way they had been 
 made imperishable, so since the time of Gregory IX., or 
 even earlier, the corpus juris canonici, or the canon law, 
 had been forming by writing the pontifical decretals and 
 rescripts in a collection which grew unceasingly. 
 
 This ecclesiastical law was interpreted by the canonists, 
 and as, in the interpretation of any law, the spirit of the 
 legislator is always what is sought for, the jurisconsults, in 
 studying this law, encountered first of all the spirit of papal 
 dominion which had inspired it ; for instance, the right of 
 deposing kings and emperors, which could be read in every 
 line of it. Therefore they tried to make this spirit prevail. 
 Thus the Papacy possessed in all the Christian states advo- 
 cates who maintained the cause of its ambition. 
 
 In right of these same principles of canonical law, the 
 Pope was able not only to impose religious laws, but also to
 
 Chap. XXV.] THE FRENCH MONARCHY. 373 
 
 exempt from them ; he possessed the right of granting dis- 
 pensations, a right which cost the Papacy very dear in later 
 times. He also claimed the right of disposing of ecclesias- 
 tical benefices, at first of a certain number. Honorius III. 
 only asked that each church should have two prebendaries 
 appointed by the Holy See, but later Clement IV., Boni- 
 face VIII., and Clement V. introduced the theory that to 
 the Pope, as universal patron, belonged the distribution of 
 all benefices. Under Henry III. England was in a manner 
 invaded by Italian priests. The pretension to the right of 
 disposing of the ecclesiastical revenues of all Christendom 
 followed as a natural consequence ; and from 1199 Innocent 
 III. levied from the whole Christian clergy a fortieth of 
 their income, which he had collected by his own agents. 
 Under various pretexts his successors renewed and multi- 
 plied orders of this kind, and we must not forget that 
 during the Middle Ages the clergy possessed about one- 
 third of Germany and a fifth each of France and England. 
 
 The princes were made uneasy by this great wealth of 
 the clergy, and some of them felt the danger of it and took 
 measures to restrict the increase of this wealth by limit- 
 ing by law the right of the clergy to acquire any landed 
 property which should come into mortmain, that is, where any 
 future change of ownership became impossible, and where 
 the land was exempt from public charges. This was a 
 right which, in a time when land was the only capital, 
 insured an enormous power to the united and disciplined 
 body into whose possession it came. Such was, among 
 others, the object of the law published in England in 1279 
 under the title of the Statute of Mortmain. 
 
 The ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the fortunate rival of the 
 civil jurisdictions, had made a like progress. It was not 
 the clergy alone who were removed from lay tribunals, but 
 many persons by means of a simple religious vow, or by a 
 promise to go on a crusade, acquired the same privilege, 
 and a great many suits were carried at once before the 
 ecclesiastical tribunals. At first the secular power was not 
 opposed to this, and several kings favored the progress of the 
 ecclesiastical jurisdiction, undoubtedly because the feudal 
 justice lost more than the royal justice by this progress. 
 In England, however, this extension of the jurisdiction of 
 the clerical tribunals had been in the twelfth century the 
 cause of a bloody conflict between the temporal power and
 
 374 FRANCE AND ENGLAND, {Book VIII. 
 
 the clergy. But Thomas a Becket, though dying, was 
 triumphant. Whatever the clergy and the bishop had ac- 
 quired in the matter of jurisdiction, the Holy See now tried 
 to obtain by means of appeals to the court of Rome, just as 
 it was trying to obtain, by levies of money, a part of the 
 wealth they had acquired. 
 
 Armed with the canons of the Church, which seemed to 
 put the law on his side, and sustained by the clergy and by 
 the great army of mendicant friars, how could Boniface 
 VIII. fail to think that the head of a Church which possessed 
 so much wealth, such a system of land, and so extended a 
 jurisdiction, was the superior of kings ? In 1300, he would 
 have smiled at any doubt on the subject, when at the great 
 jubilee appointed by him, he appeared, it was said, before 
 the numberless Christians who had gathered at Rome, in 
 the imperial ornaments and preceded by two swords,* and 
 when the treasures of Europe were poured out before the 
 altar of St. Peter. Three years later the whole scene had 
 changed, and the temporal power, after so many defeats, 
 had suddenly triumphed, and it was definitely decided that 
 Europe was not to become a theocracy. This blow to the 
 papal power was struck by France. 
 
 Nevertheless, since France existed, she had never been 
 unworthy of the title of eldest daughter of the Roman 
 Church. Under Clovis she had been the right arm of the 
 Church against the Arians, under the Carolingians against 
 the Lombards, the Greeks, and the idolators of Germany, 
 and later still against the Albigenses. France had sent 
 many men to the crusades, and had given shelter to fugitive 
 popes. She was covered with monasteries, and her Univer- 
 sity of Paris, her doctors, and her Saint Bernard, were 
 among the lights of Catholicism. It was with great reluct- 
 ance that the popes had excommunicated Philip I. and 
 Philip Augustus for flagrant sins against the moral law. 
 They had given to the house of France the kingdom of 
 Sicily, of which it had taken possession, and that of Aragon, 
 which it was unable to gain. Even Boniface praised 
 the family of the Capets on every occasion. But the 
 interests of the two powers, which had been united so long, 
 
 * In medieval theories the two swords represented, as suggested by 
 Luke xxii. 38, the delegated Divine authority, the one over temporal 
 affairs, the other over spiritual affairs. The Pope's act was a virtual claim 
 to exercise the authority of both. — Ed,
 
 Chap. XXV.] THE FRENCH MONARCHY. 375 
 
 now became opposed to each other, and war broke out 
 under a hard, merciless man, who allowed no considerations 
 to interfere with his projects. 
 
 The difference between Philip the Fair and Boniface 
 VIII. began in 1296, over the question of the taxes imposed 
 by the king on the churches of France for the needs of the 
 war. By the Bull Clericis la'icos* the Pope advanced the 
 pretension that no tax could be imposed upon ecclesiastics 
 without the consent of the Holy See. He excommunicated 
 every clergyman who paid a tax without the order of the 
 Pope, and all who should establish such taxes " whoever 
 they might be" (1296). This was to exempt the immense 
 land of the Church from the action of the local govern- 
 ments in behalf of the national needs ; it was to constitute a 
 separate State within the State. The French royalty, which 
 had been occupied for the last century in trying to re-estab- 
 lish the unity of authority which had been broken down by 
 the feudal system, could not permit one-fifth of the French 
 territory to be removed from its control. Philip replied in 
 his defense by forbidding by law all foreigners to sojourn 
 in France, v hich expelled all the Roman priests and the 
 bearers of the bull, and by not allowing any money to go 
 out of the country without his permission, which was 
 intended to intercept the revenue of the Holy See.f The 
 Pope was intimidated by the anger of the king, and took a 
 step backward. He incited him to be on his guard against 
 the treacherous counsellors who surrounded him, and be- 
 sought him to treat the Church mildly, who, whenever she 
 should see him in danger, would spare no means to help 
 him, ''not even the cross and the chalice." This, however, 
 was not enough for Philip ; he claimed that as the clergy 
 were citizens of the State as well as members of the Church 
 they should contribute to its defense, if not by taking up 
 arms at least by giving subsidies. The Pope authorized 
 the levying of certain tithes, recognizing the right of the 
 royal power to impose such taxes, and only reserving for him- 
 self the right of preventing extortions. Peace seemed to be 
 re-established, and Boniface VIII. sealed his reconciliation 
 
 * The papal bulls are designated by their first words. 
 
 f This prohibition, which also applied to horses, arms, and other 
 objects, was quite as much directed against the English and the Flemings 
 with whom Philip was at war.
 
 37^ FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 by pronouncing the canonization of Saint .Louis the fol- 
 lowing year. But in 1301 the quarrel was revived by the 
 supercilious interference of the Pope in the internal affairs of 
 the country. One of his legates, Bernard Saisset, the bishop 
 of Pamiers, defied the king to his face. The king had him 
 arrested on the pretext of a conspiracy against his authority, 
 and began a suit against him. However, he did not dare 
 strike a blow against a man who was clothed with an eccle- 
 siastical office, and asked the archbishop of Narbonne, his 
 metropolitan, to degrade him canonically. The archbishop 
 referred the matter to the Pope, who convoked a council at 
 Rome, and threatened the king with excommunication for 
 having dared lift his hand against a bishop. At the same 
 time he promulgated the Bull Ausculta fill, in which he 
 reproached the king with overwhelming his people, both the 
 clergy and the laity, with exactions, with disturbing them 
 by changing the value of their money, with encroaching on 
 the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, with annulling the effect of 
 episcopal sentences, and, finally, with swallowing up the 
 revenues of vacant churches under the abusive pretexts of 
 the right of regale!^ Moreover, the pretension of the Pope 
 that there was within the kingdom a power above that of 
 the king's, that of the Holy See, was discernible in his 
 words : " God has placed us, unworthy though we be, over 
 kings and kingdoms, in order that we shall root out, 
 destroy, disperse, edify, and plant in his name and by his 
 doctrine. Do not allow yourself to think that you have no 
 superior, and that you are not subject to the head of the 
 ecclesiastical hierarchy. Whoever thinks this is a mad- 
 man ; whoever supports him in this belief is a heretic." 
 
 The reproaches of the Pope on the subject of the bad 
 administration of Philip the Fair were well founded ; but, 
 as we have already seen, neither the king nor the Pope had 
 any very clear idea of the limits of the temporal authority 
 of the former or the spiritual authority of the latter. As 
 every evil deed was a sin, the pontiff thought that he had a 
 right to judge and punish the reprehensible acts of the 
 prince, and the prince on his side, guided by lawyers, who 
 followed the spirit of the Roman law and recognized the 
 
 * The recognized right of the king to collect the revenues of a church 
 of which he was the guardian during the time between the deatli of the 
 last incumbent and the consecration of his successor.
 
 Chap. XXV.] THE FRENCH MONARCHY. 377 
 
 absolute authority of the king, beHeved that he had a right 
 to interfere in the administration of the churches, and de- 
 sired that the bishops, like the rest of his subjects, should 
 be under the jurisdiction of his officers and his tribunals, 
 just as they were at the time of the Roman emperors and of 
 Charlemagne. These rival pretensions were the cause of a 
 bitter quarrel. Philip declared in full court that he would 
 disinherit his children if they condescended to recognize 
 any power above them, in temporal affairs, except that of 
 God. 
 
 As the pontifical bull contained certain home truths, 
 Philip had it publicly burned* (1302). His famous chan- 
 cellor, Peter Flotte, then composed and distributed to the 
 public what was supposed to be an extract from this bull, in 
 which the original terms of the Pope, in claiming the tem- 
 poral as well as the spiritual power, were exaggerated ; and 
 he also composed a reply to this false bull in the same style : 
 " Philip, King of the French, by the grace of God, to Boni- 
 face who calls himself Pope, little or no greeting. Let your 
 very great fatuity know that — etc." This was putting him- 
 self in the wrong as far as the outside appearances went, 
 though he was in the right as to the main matter. 
 
 The king must have felt entirely supported by the opinion 
 of the nation to dare advance so far in the direction of vio- 
 lence and outrage. This was in fact the case, and he 
 wished to prove it. On the loth of April, 1302, he assem- 
 bled in the Church of Notre Dame a parliament, to which 
 for the first time deputies from communes were admitted, 
 and which for this reason is considered as the first assem- 
 blage of the States General. Clergy, barons, and com- 
 moners all pronounced in favor of the king, and in an 
 address, which was supposed to come from the deputies of 
 the third estate, spoke thus to the king : " To you, most 
 noble prince, to you, our lord Philip, the people of your 
 kingdom present this entreaty and demand, that you shall 
 preserve the sovereign freedom of this state, which will not 
 permit you to recognize as your sovereign on earth, in 
 your temporal affairs, any other than God." Thus the first 
 word spoken by the people of France was a cry for national 
 independence. 
 
 * This public burning of the Bull A nscttlfa ^li by the king is now 
 regarded as extremely doubtful. — Ed.
 
 37^ FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 To this assembly of France Boniface VIII. opposed one 
 of the Church. Forty-five prelates left the kingdom to go 
 to a synod at Rome, in spite of the threats of Philip, who 
 seized their goods and commenced legal proceedings against 
 them. Boniface now promulgated the famous Bull Utiam 
 Sanctmn. In this he declared that the Church is a single 
 body and has but a single head ; that it possesses the two 
 swords, one spiritual, the other temporal ; the former should 
 be used by the Church, the latter for the Church ; the former 
 was in the hands of the priesthood, the latter in those of 
 the barons and kings, but was only to be used when and in 
 what manner the priesthood should permit. After this 
 declaration Boniface excommunicated Philip, who persisted 
 in his hostile measures. 
 
 Philip, however, had again assembled his States General 
 (1303), putting his trust in the firm support which he had 
 found in the representatives of his country. The lawyers 
 showed great feeling against the Pope. William of Nogaret, 
 professor of law at Toulouse, accused him of simony, 
 heresy, and of the most infamous vices. Another lawyer, 
 William of Plasian, proposed that the king should convoke 
 a general council and summon Boniface to appear before 
 it. Both these men were from the south, and undoubtedly 
 some old Albigensian leaven stirred them up against the 
 papal power, — the executioner of their country : the grand- 
 father of Nogaret had been burned as a heretic. One of 
 the counsellors who had the most influence with the King, 
 Peter Dubois, went even further and demanded the sup- 
 pression of the temporal power of the Pope ; the proposi- 
 tion of Plasian was adopted. It was necessary to seize the 
 person of the Pope in order to arraign him before the 
 tribunal by which he was to be condemned. William of 
 Nogaret went to Italy, where he came to an understanding 
 with Sciarra Colonna, a Roman noble, who was a mortal 
 enemy of the Pope. Boniface was then in his native city, 
 Anagni. By means of money Nogaret gained over the 
 chief of the soldiers of Anagni, and entered the place one 
 night with four hundred men at arms and several hundred 
 foot-soldiers. On hearing the noise they made in entering 
 the city, and their cries of " Death to the Pope ! Long live 
 the King of France ! " Boniface thought his last hour had 
 come. The active old man (he was eighty-six years old) 
 showed no weakness. He clothed himself in his pontifical
 
 Chap. XXV.] THE FRENCH MONARCHY. 379 
 
 garments, seated himself on his apostolic chair with the tiara 
 on his head, the cross in one hand and the keys of St. Peter 
 in the other, and thus awaited his murderers. They called 
 on him to abdicate, and Colonna cried : " Son of Satan, give 
 up the tiara you have usurped ! " He replied : " Here is 
 my head, here my neck ; betrayed like Jesus Christ, if I must 
 die like Him, at least I will die as Pope." Sciarra Colonna 
 dragged him from his throne, struck him with his iron 
 glove, and would have killed him, if Nogaret had not pre- 
 vented him. " O wretched Pope," said this grandson of 
 the Albigenses, '* consider and see the kindness of my lord 
 the King of France, who, in spite of the distance of his 
 kingdom, preserves and defends you through me." In this 
 way at least the scene was described. 
 
 Nevertheless Nogaret hesitated to drag the old man away 
 from Anagni. He allowed the people time to recover from 
 their stupor. The citizens armed themselves, and the 
 peasants collected and together they drove the French from 
 the city. The Pope, for fear that poison should be mixed 
 with his food, had remained three days without eating, and 
 shortly afterward died of shame and anger at the unworthy 
 insults he had endured. 
 
 With Boniface VHI. fell the haughty power of the 
 Roman pontiff, which two centuries before had kept the 
 emperor, the supreme representative of the 
 at Avignon temporal powcr. Standing barefoot in the snow 
 (1309-1376J. forthreedays. This vengeance, however, was 
 
 not taken by the emperor, but by the king of France, who 
 now held almost the same place in Europe that was form- 
 erly held by the emperor, and who. represented more than 
 any other sovereign the principle of the separation of nation- 
 alities, which the pontifical government had desired wholly 
 to eradicate, and also that of the independence of the tem- 
 poral govern-ment, which the Holy See had wished to sub- 
 ordinate to the ecclesiastical power. 
 
 Philip the Fair had failed in his attempts against the 
 Flemish soldiers, anew power, but he had succeeded against 
 the Papacy, a power of former days. He did not feel that 
 his success was complete until he had the Papacy completely 
 under his control. 
 
 The one thought of the successor of Boniface, Benedict 
 XI., in his short pontificate of seven months, was to recon- 
 cile the two ancient allies, the Papacy and France, and he
 
 380 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book Vlll. 
 
 revoked all the excommunications pronounced by Boniface 
 except those against Nogaret, Colonna and the authors of 
 the attack on Anagni. His death has sometimes been attri- 
 buted to poison, but that is improbable. Philip, however, 
 took measures to gain control of the election of the new 
 pontiff ; and Bertrand de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux, 
 was proclaimed pope, with the name of Clement V., after 
 having promised the king to follow all his wishes. 
 
 The Papacy, from the time when it became a power noto- 
 riously subordinate to the king of France, lost much of its 
 moral authority over the Christian world. Clement V. did 
 not dare appear at Rome ; he was crowned at Lyons (1305), 
 and took up his residence at Avignon, a possession of the 
 Holy See to the west of the Alps, where both by his manner 
 of life and his weak subserviency to the king of France, he 
 gave great cause for scandal. After him seven popes re- 
 sided in this city, and were completely under the influence 
 of France (1309-1376). This was the time of the Babylo- 
 nian captivity, which unsettled the Church and prepared the 
 way for the great schism of the West, which itself was the 
 precursor of the Reformation. 
 
 Philip was never content with half a vengeance. After 
 Boniface's death, he wished to have his memory condemned 
 and his bones burned like those of a heretic, in order to 
 give success to his cause and to remove the effects pro- 
 duced throughout Christendom by his violent deeds. In 
 vain did Clement V. use all his complaisance and his efforts 
 to escape from the false position in which he had placed 
 himself. He succeeded in avoiding pronouncing the sen- 
 tence himself, but was obliged to summon an oecumenical 
 council to judge a cause which was in reality that of the 
 Papacy itself. The council met at Vienne in 131 1, and de- 
 clared that Boniface VIII. had always been orthodox, but 
 that Philip had not committed any sin against the Church. 
 
 Villani describes a dark scene, the sinister interview 
 
 between the Pope and the king in the forest of St. Jean- 
 
 _ . ,. d'Angely, where the latter sold the tiara and 
 
 Condemnation , ,- , , . n-,i • • n 
 
 of the Templars the former bought It. 1 his interview really 
 '^*3°^^' never took place, but certain conditions were 
 
 undoubtedly made and accepted. One of these was no less 
 a thing tlian the destruction of the Order of the Templars. 
 This military order, the living reminder of the crusades, was 
 an obstacle and a danger in the path of the royal power by
 
 Chap. XXV. J THE FRENCH MONARCHY. 3^1 
 
 its devotion to the Holy See, its intimate connection with 
 all the nobility of Europe, especially with that of France, 
 from which it was mainly recruited, its popularity gained by 
 valor, its extension throughout Christendom, where it pos- 
 sessed more than 10,000 manors and a number of impregna- 
 ble castles, and finally its firm union in an organization 
 which placed the knights under the control of a grand mas- 
 ter. Besides all these considerations they were very rich ; 
 in the treasury of the order there were 150,000 gold florins, 
 without counting all the silver and the precious vessels. 
 
 Nothing was known of what happened in the houses of 
 the order. Everything w-as kept secret ; but vague rumors 
 spoke of orgies, scandals, and impieties. Philip could with 
 the same blow overthrow^ these men who were so much to 
 be feared, and gain possession of rich spoils. 
 
 On the morning of the thirteenth of October, 1307, the 
 Templars were arrested throughout all France. This was 
 an iniquitous deed, but it shows the power of the king, and 
 with what promptness he was obeyed. His influence was 
 so great that he caused all the sovereigns of Europe to 
 make the same arrests. In vain did Clement V. try to call 
 this formidable process before his own court ; Philip main- 
 tained that in this affair he was acting as the champion of 
 the Church. The. charges brought against the Templars 
 were of secret impiety and of a profound immorality, and 
 they did not succeed in clearing themselves entirely from 
 these accusations, to which some weight was given by their 
 constant intercourse with the East. Torture was used with 
 the usual result of extorting all sorts of avowals, both false 
 and true. Philip, by an assembly of the States General, 
 convoked at Tours, declared that the knights were worthy 
 of death (1308). Provincial councils were then assembled 
 to judge them ; that of Paris was presided over by Mari- 
 gney, the archbishop of Sens, and brother of the king's 
 first minister. Fifty-four Templars were here condemned 
 to die at the stake, and this frightful sentence was carried 
 out (1310). Two years later Clement V., in the Council 
 of Venice, pronounced the abolition of the order. After 
 this Philip the Fair assumed the cross and promised to 
 go in their place to the Holy Land. Finally, in 13 14, 
 James du Molay, the Grand Alaster of the Temple, and 
 several other dignitaries, were brought from prison, where 
 they had suffered fearful things from torture and from
 
 3^2 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book Vllt 
 
 the dampness of their cells. The Grand Master and 
 the Commander of Normandy, after having retracted 
 their previous avowals, were condemned to the flames ; they 
 died protesting" their innocence. A popular legend was 
 founded on their death : it was rumored that the Grand 
 Master had summoned the Pope and the king to appear 
 before the throne of God, the one at the end of forty days, 
 the other at the end of the year. Philip died on November 
 29, 1314. 
 
 During this reign two new elements of the government 
 either made their appearance or were organized, namely, 
 the States General and the Parliaments. An 
 The adminis- ordinance or~i7o^ decreed that twice a year 
 Philip IV. The the parliament should be held at Paris, the 
 threl sons. ^'^ eckiquier at Rouen, and the gratids Jours at 
 Troyes.* The parliament of Paris was per- 
 manently fixed in that city, where, indeed, it had always 
 been the custom to hold it. The institution of the minis- 
 tere public, or of magistrates who were charged to defend 
 the rights of the king, and later the rights of society in 
 general, in all suits, seems to date back to Philip the Fair. 
 
 Philip IV. often changed the value of the money, and he 
 made it so difficult for the lords to coin money that they 
 preferred to sell their right to do so to the king. As he 
 needed money at whatever price he had to pay for it, he 
 freed many of his serfs, disguising his interested motives 
 under fine words, concerning the " freedom of every human 
 creature." He imposed taxes on everything, even on the 
 hay sold in the market, which caused in 1304 a great rising 
 in Paris. Money became a power, and its increased rapid- 
 ity of circulation demanded the institution in 1305 of four- 
 teen bureaus of exchange in different parts of the kingdom 
 and of the creation in the parliament of a chamber of 
 
 * The Parliament of Paris, the supreme court of the kingdom, was a 
 gradual development from the earlier king's court, curia regis, by giving 
 to it greater deliniteness of composition and procedure, and fixed times and 
 places of meeting. The ordinance of 1303 recognized already estab- 
 lished customs. The courts mentioned in the text for Normandy and 
 Champagne, with that for Toulouse mentioned above, were commissions 
 from the Parliament of Paris, substituted by the kings for the supreme 
 courts of these great feudal dominions when they were annexed to the 
 crown. The system was afterwards extended still further and gave rise 
 in the fifteenth century to the permanent provincial parliaments. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXV.] THE FRENCH MONARCHY. 3^3 
 
 accounts. This indicated a great social change. War had 
 already lost its feudal character and began to be carried on 
 by mercenaries. Philip the Fair defeated the Flemish 
 fleets by Genoese galleys. 
 
 Three sons of Philip the Fair ruled after him. Under 
 the first, Louis X., the nobility were in active opposition to 
 the lawyers ; they formed confederations and demanded the 
 restoration of the " good customs of the time of Saint 
 Louis," and dragged the king with them in this reaction, of 
 which the victims were the ministers of Philip the Fair, 
 Enguerrand de Marigny and Raoul de Presle (1315). 
 Louis X. continued to give freedom to serfs, " because in 
 the country of the Francs no one should be a serf." But 
 he obliged them to buy their liberty, which greatly lessened 
 the boon, — firstly, because it must be paid for; and secondly, 
 because they were not free to refuse it. 
 
 At the death of Louis X. (1316), as he only left one 
 daughter, Jane, and as his wife was pregnant, the question 
 as to the succession of women came up for the first time. 
 The barons, especially the Duke of Burgundy, Jane's 
 uncle, wished that the crown should be given to the daugh- 
 ter of the king, in case the queen did not give birth to a 
 son. The queen gave birth to a son, but he only lived a 
 few days. At once Philip V., the brother of Louis X., who 
 was invested with the regency, was crowned at Rheims, and 
 he caused the clergy and the bourgeoisie of Paris, who were 
 assembled in the market-place, to declare that " a woman 
 never could succeed to the crown of France," — an entirely 
 new principle, and one nowhere to be found in the Salic 
 law, to which it has so often been referred. 
 
 The reign of Philip V. was a strange mixture of wise 
 ordinances for the administration of the rivers and forests, 
 and for the establishment of a unity of weights and mea- 
 sures throughout the kingdom, and at the same time of 
 persecutions of the Franciscans, lepers, and Jews, of accu- 
 sations of witchcraft, and of bloody massacres. When the 
 people saw Philip V. die, in his turn, without male issue, 
 they thought that a curse hung over the family of Philip 
 the Fair (1322). 
 
 The reign of Charles IV., called the Fair, was very much 
 like that of his brother. The persecutions and executions 
 continued ; the members of the parliament grew bolder and 
 bolder, and had a lord of the south, Jourdain de ITsle,
 
 384 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 who was famous for his cruelty, hung on " the common 
 gallows." 
 
 Besides this, he favored the revolution in England that 
 deposed Edward II., and received the homage of the latter's 
 son for Guienne and Ponthieu. He almost succeeded in 
 gaining the imperial crown of Germany. But a certain 
 fatality was attached to this house. These tall and hand- 
 some princes, who all seemed to have the promise of a long 
 career, died in the prime of life, — Philip the Fair at forty- 
 six, Louis X. at twenty-seven, Philip the Long at twenty- 
 eight, and Charles the Fair at thirty-four. The people 
 considered these early deaths as a sign of the vengeance of 
 Heaven on the family who had laid violent hands upon 
 Boniface VIII., who perhaps had poisoned Benedict XL, 
 and who had burned the Templars. 
 
 The Middle Ages are now drawing to their close, espe- 
 cially in France, for all that had most flourished in them, 
 the crusades, chivalry, and feudalism, had either come 
 to an end or were very near it. The Papacy, baffled in 
 Boniface VIIL, was a prisoner in Avignon ; the successor 
 of Hugh Capet was a despot, and the sons of villeins sat in 
 the States General along with the nobles and the clergy.
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 PROGRESS OF ENGLISH INSTITUTIONS FROM THE 
 
 GRANTING OF THE MAGNA CHARTA UNTIL 
 
 THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR (1217-1328). 
 
 Pledges made by the Magna Charta (1215). Henry HI. (1216). — The 
 League of the Barons ; Provisions of Oxford ; the Parliament (1258). 
 Edward I. (1272). Conquest of Wales (1274-1284). — War with 
 Scotland (1297-1307) ; Balliol, Wallace and Bruce. — Edward II. 
 (1307) ; Progress of Parliament. 
 
 We have seen that the Magna Charta dated back to the 
 
 time of John Lackland. The English monarchy, which 
 
 from the first had been strong enough to 
 
 Pledges made niakc itsclf feared by the barons and the 
 
 by the Magna •' 
 
 Charter C1215). middle classcs, and even by the clergy, found 
 (i2i6).'^^ ^^^" these three classes in league against it. It 
 will now be ■ shown how liberty for all re- 
 sulted from their common efforts, the barons having made 
 stipulations for the middle classes at the same time as for 
 themselves, because they had need of their support. 
 
 In this memorable document the king promised the clergy 
 that he would respect the liberty of the Church, particularly 
 in the matter of elections ; he promised the lords to ob- 
 serve the limits laid down, in the time of Henry I., to his 
 feudal rights of relief, guardianship, and marriage ; he 
 promised the middle classes not to lay any tax on the 
 kingdom without the consent of the common council ; and 
 he granted to all the famous law of Habeas Corpus,* and of 
 the jury, the foundations of the liberty and individual se- 
 curity which have ever since been England's noblest attri- 
 
 * The Habeas Corpus rests upon the clause in the Magna Charta which 
 says; " No freeman shall betaken or imprisoned .... unless by the 
 legal judgment of his peers or unless by the laws of the land." Its 
 great development as a check on the crown is in the seventeenth century. 
 It does not become a statute till 1679. — Ed. 
 
 38$
 
 386 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 butes. Finally, he gave to the Court of Common Pleas a 
 fixed residence. Another charter, called the Forest Charter,* 
 joined with the former, moderated the extreme severity of 
 the punishments inflicted for violations of the hunting laws 
 in the king's forests, and gave the liberties acquired greater 
 security by the establishment of a commission of twenty- 
 five barons charged with seeing it carried into effect and 
 with obliging the king by every means in their power to 
 reform abuses. 
 
 When John died, the barons abandoned his rival, Louis 
 of France, and turned to his son, Henry III. As he was 
 still a child he was placed under the guardianship of the 
 Earl of Pembroke, and was made to confirm the Magna 
 Charta (1216). Thus from his infancy he was in the habit 
 of protesting his respect for the fundamental compact of 
 English liberty, though it was repugnant to all the English 
 kings, and he himself repudiated it on more than one occa- 
 sion. 
 
 During almost the whole of his reign, which began with 
 a minority, the royal power was eclipsed by the private in- 
 fluences which struggled for mastery at the court : first, the 
 Earl of Pembroke, then Hubert de Burgh, who succeeded 
 him, and Peter des Roches, his rival and a native of Poitou, 
 bishop of Winchester. The last-mentioned drew great 
 numbers of his fellow-countrymen to the court, who took 
 possession of all ofifices to the great discontent of the Nor- 
 man barons. Later (1236), Henry HL having married 
 Eleanor of Provence, the court was crowded with Provencals, 
 while one of the Queen's uncles, Peter of Savoy, brought 
 from his mountains a bevy of poor young girls whom the 
 king obliged his barons to marry. Another uncle of Ele- 
 anor was made primate archbishop of Canterbury. Finally, 
 the court of Rome took possession in a way of England, 
 owing to the numbers of Roman clergymen to whom Eng- 
 lish benefices were given. They fell upon the country in a 
 crowd, and possessed at that time as much as 70,000 marks 
 of revenue. 
 
 No glory was shed about the English name at that time 
 to compensate for the ravages of those foreign leeches. 
 St. Louis defeated Henry IH. at Taillebourg and at Saintes, 
 
 * There was no separate Forest Charter. These provisions are a part 
 of the Magna Charta. — Eu,
 
 Chap. XXVI.] ENGLISH INSTITUTIONS. 387 
 
 and only left him his French provinces through an excess 
 of honesty. His second son Edmund, to whom the Pope 
 Alexander IV. had offered the throne of Sicily, then occu- 
 pied by Manfred, was not able to hold it. His brother 
 Richard of Cornwall, who was elected emperor by the 
 enemies of the Swabian house, saw them turn against him 
 when his purse was empty. 
 
 Thus England's money was frittered away while she 
 derived no profit from it. Henry HI. tried by every possi- 
 ble means to raise money. Naturally he did not spare the 
 miserable Jews : they were accused of frightful crimes, as, 
 for instance, of having subjected a child to flagellation and 
 crucifixion. The Jews could not defend themselves. But 
 when the king undertook to fleece the Christians too, that 
 was a very different matter, and the barons then made a 
 stand. 
 
 Although Henry IH. had sworn four different times, and 
 with great solemnity, to respect the Magna Charta, he did 
 not scruple to violate it in what concerned 
 League of the the imposts, and all the more because the 
 visions' of Ox- Popc had released him from his oaths. The 
 men't 0258)'.*^" barons showed great forbearance. But when 
 in 1258 an envoy from Alexander IV. arrived 
 at London to demand 40,000 marks, besides interest, on 
 account of Edmund's affair in Italy, the indignant barons 
 resolved to tie the king down by a public constitution, and 
 no longer trust to an oath, a weak support when dependent 
 on a conscience such as his. On the eleventh of June, 
 1258, in the great national council at Oxford, the first 
 assembly which had officially received the name of parlia- 
 ment,* they forced the king to confide the work of reform 
 to twenty-four barons, twelve of them only to be appointed 
 by him. The twenty-four delegates published the famous 
 Statutes or Provisions of Oxford ; the king confirmed the 
 Magna Charta ; the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, 
 the judges and other public officers, including the gover- 
 nors of the castles, were to be responsible to the twenty- 
 four. Finally, parliament was to be convoked three times 
 a year. 
 
 Henry III. protested, and appealed to St. Louis to arbi- 
 
 * The first recorded use of the word for a national assembly is in 
 1246. — Ep,
 
 388 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIIL 
 
 trate between them. The king of France decided in his 
 favor in the assembly at Amiens. But the barons did not 
 accept his decision, took up arms against Henry under the 
 lead of Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, and son of 
 the conqueror of the Albigenses, and took the king prisoner, 
 together with his son Edward, at the battle of Lewes (1264). 
 Leicester then governed in the name of the king, whom he 
 held captive. It was he who organized the first complete 
 representation of the English nation by writs issued in 
 December, 1264, which directed the election of two knights 
 from every county, and of two citizens or burgesses from 
 each one of the large or important towns of England. 
 
 Thus an alliance, fruitful for English liberty, was sealed 
 between the nobles and the commons by the admis- 
 sion of the lesser nobility and the middle class together to 
 the country's great council. Leicester, who was not cor- 
 dially supported by the great nobles, did not long keep the 
 power in his hands. The Earl of Gloucester brought about 
 a division ; Prince Edward escaped. They both collected 
 an army and fought the Earl of Leicester at Evesham, 
 where he was defeated and killed (August, 1265). Henry 
 in. again became king in reality, but did not dare undo 
 the work of Leicester. 
 
 Edward I., son of Henry III., was in the Holy Land 
 when his father died (1272). On hearing the news he 
 returned and was crowned. His reign was 
 (i2 72)^'^Conl an important one for England, and brought 
 quest of Wales her much glory ! for, on the one hand, the 
 (1274-1284). 1 • • c lu ,. ^- r^u 
 
 admission of the representatives of the 
 
 commons to parliament was established as a recognized 
 rule in 1295, thus making the representative system a fixed 
 institution in England ;* and, on the other hand, the king- 
 
 * A vitally important fact at this point in the development of repre- 
 sentative institutions in England, was the union into a single body of the 
 representatives of the lesser nobility and of the towns. Upon this 
 depended, in great part at least, whether England should follow out the 
 same line which the continental states were to follow, of division and 
 separation of class interests, and the consequent weakness and ultimate 
 overthrow of the elements of liberty, or whether it should pursue an inde- 
 pendent course, in which a close union of people and nobles in a common 
 cause against the power of the crown should make the triumph of liberty 
 secure, however slow. Very important in deciding this question were the 
 existence and influence of the shire moots or county courts in which that 
 union had long existed, and in which the formal election of both knights 
 of the shires and representatives of the towns took place. — Ed,
 
 Chap. XXVI.] ENGLISH INSTITUTIONS. 389 
 
 dom was enlarged by the acquisition of Wales, and for a 
 time had Scotland under its sway. 
 
 The Celtic race had maintained its independence in the 
 mountains of Wales, while a succession of powers had 
 held the country about them. Besides her independence, 
 Wales had kept her bards, who promised that one day 
 a Welsh prince should sit upon the throne of England, 
 and she offered a refuge to all enemies of the Norman 
 power. Nevertheless a Welsh chieftain had been forced to 
 render homage to Henry III.; but Llewelyn refused it to 
 Edward I., who thereupon marched into his country. After 
 a desperate struggle Llewelyn was killed ; his head, crowned 
 with ivy, was exposed on the Tower of London. His 
 brother David took his place. He was made prisoner, and 
 the four quarters of his body distributed through the coun- 
 try, "because he had conspired in different places for the 
 death of the king, his lord." England inflicted this horri- 
 ble punishment, even until the eighteenth century, on all 
 who were condemned of high treason. The citizens of 
 Winchester and York disputed for the right shoulder of 
 the unhappy man, as if it were an honored relic. Edward 
 organized Wales on the same plan as England, bade the 
 bards be silent, and to change the hopes which their predic- 
 tions inspired in the Welsh, gave his son the title of Prince 
 of Wales, which has always been held by the heir apparent 
 since that time (1284). 
 
 Scotland, like Wales, had retained its independence, 
 
 although certain of its kings had rendered a passing homage 
 
 War with ^^ ^hc king of England. When Edward be- 
 
 Scotiand (1297- came king, the throne of Scotland belonged 
 
 1307); Balliol, ^ '"t. T • • 111*. 
 
 Wallace, and to a young Norwegian princess, who had not 
 ^'■"'=^- taken possession. He succeeded in betroth- 
 
 ing her to his son, believing that he was preparing for the 
 happy union of the two countries in this manner. But 
 when "the Maid of Norway" came to seek her throne and 
 her husband, she was not able to accomplish her journey, 
 but died of fatigue at the Orkney Islands. The most im- 
 portant among the many claimants who offered themselves 
 for the throne of Scotland were John Balliol and Robert 
 Bruce. The Scotch referred the decision of the question 
 to Edward. He chose Balliol (1292), with the formal stipu- 
 lation that Scotland should henceforth own his sovereignty. 
 Balliol soon tried to free himself from that humiliating posi-
 
 39° FRANCE AND ENGLAND. [Book VIII. 
 
 tion. He was defeated at Dunbar (1296), taken prisoner, 
 and sent to die at Andelys, in Normandy. Edward gave 
 the offices and fortified places of Scotland into the hands of 
 the English, and took away the great stone of Scone, on 
 which the kings of Scotland were crowned, and which is 
 still used for the same purpose in England. 
 
 Scotland was too proud to allow herself to be treated like 
 a conquered country without resistance. William Wallace, 
 a simple gentleman, led the movement. No one could 
 more valiantly handle tha claymore. He fell upon the van- 
 guard of the English army, which had just crossed the 
 Forth by a narrow bridge, near Stirling, and drove it into 
 the river (1297). These brave but ferocious bands were 
 laying waste the north of England when Edward came to 
 the rescue. He conquered at Falkirk (1298), and Wallace, 
 given up by a traitor, was beheaded and quartered. 
 
 The third act in this glorious drama of resistance belongs 
 to Robert Bruce, Balliol's rival. When Balliol revolted 
 against Edward, Bruce hoped to be put in his place, and 
 fled to the English camp, and from that time had served in 
 their ranks. One day, after a skirmish with the Scotch, he 
 took his place at table, his hands covered with blood. 
 "See," said some of the English in low tones, — "see this 
 Scotchman feeding upon his own blood." He heard them, 
 and from very shame made a vow to liberate his country.* 
 He assembled the Scottish barons, who proclaimed him 
 king, and were at first defeated. Scotland would perhaps 
 have fallen under the English yoke forever if Edward I. 
 had not died (1307). 
 
 Edward H., a weak and despicable prince, seemed all 
 the more so because he succeeded a sovereign who was 
 energetic and brave. He wished to continue 
 (i307)^^'^Pariia- the war with Robert Bruce, and at Bannock- 
 gres"^'^ ^ '^°" burn (1314), he suffered the most complete 
 defeat that is recorded in the annals of Eng- 
 land. Scotland's independence was assured. Robert Bruce 
 retained his seat upon the throne. 
 
 The plague of this reign was again the influence of 
 favorites and foreigners. Gaveston, a Gascon, later the two 
 Despencers, successively enjoyed the favor of the king and 
 
 * This explanation of Bruce's change of sides is of course legendary.—' 
 Ed.
 
 Chap. XXVI.] ENGLISH INSTITUTIONS. 391 
 
 incurred the hatred of the barons. The latter were joined 
 [at the end of the reign] by Isabel, daughter of the king of 
 France, Philip the Fair, who had married Edward 11. in 
 1308, and whose cruelty equaled her charms. In 131 2 the 
 barons seized Gaveston and beheaded him. In 1326, Isabel 
 herself raised an army on the continent, and, assisted by the 
 nobles, sent the two Despencers to execution and her hus- 
 band to prison, where he was forced to abdicate in favor of 
 his son, Edward III., and where he was soon assassinated 
 by the orders of that terrible woman. 
 
 Liberty took a step in advance, however, under this weak 
 king. Parliament had already voted on the question of 
 taxation. Now, in the second year of Edward II. 's reign, 
 the members added conditions to their vote, and exacted 
 from the king that he should take their advice and redress 
 their grievances. To recapitulate the steps already taken : 
 
 In 1 2 15, all England, united against the odious John 
 Lackland, obliged him to grant the Magna Charta, a 
 declaration of national liberty. 
 
 In 1258, the Provisions of Oxford, under Henry III., 
 established, for the moment, the stated recurrence of the 
 great national council or Parliament. 
 
 In 1265, under the same prince, the Earl of Leicester 
 admitted to Parliament the knights of the shire and the 
 representatives of the townspeople, who formed later the 
 Lower House, or House of Commons, while those person- 
 ally summoned to attend by the king from the great nobles 
 formed the Upper House, or the House of Lords. 
 
 Beginning with the year 1295, in the reign of Edward I., 
 the attendance of the county and town members became 
 regular, making Parliament a real representative of the 
 country. 
 
 In 1309, in the reign of Edward II., Parliament revealed 
 its possible strength by putting conditions on its vote of 
 taxes. 
 
 We see, then, that the foundations of the English Con- 
 stitution were laid in the thirteenth century ; the fourteenth 
 century confirmed and extended them. It was on this 
 ancient foundation that the power and freedom of England 
 arose in the eighteenth century.
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 
 
 Preliminaries of the Hundred Years War (1328-1337).— Battle of Sluys 
 (1340) ; state of affairs in Brittany. — Crecy (1346), and Calais (1347). — 
 John (1350) ; Battle of Poitiers ; States General ; The Jacquerie ; 
 Treaty of Bretigny (1360). — Charles Y. (1364) ; Du Guesclin ; the 
 great Companies in Spain. — The war with the English renewed 
 (1369) ; New method of warfare. — Wycliffe. — Wat Tyler and the 
 English King Richard 11.(1377). — Deposition of Richard II. and 
 accession of Henry IV. of Lancaster (1399). — Henry V. (1413)- — 
 France under Charles VI. (1380-1422) ; Popular insurrections. — 
 Insanity of Charles VI. (1392) ; Assassination of the Duke of Or- 
 leans (1407) ; The Armagnacs and the Burgundians. — Henry V. 
 reopens the war with the French (1415). Battle of Agincourt. — 
 Henry VI. and Charles VII. kings of France (1422) ; Joan of Arc 
 (1421-1431). — Treaty of Arras (1435) ; CharleSjVII. at Paris (1436) ; 
 End of the Hundred Years War. 
 
 At last two countries, both of which had attained a very 
 high degree of power, were going to meet in one of the 
 longest wars known to history ; one of these 
 o/tifi*Hind7ld countries, France, was now almost entirely 
 Years War. united Under her king ; while the other, Eng- 
 (132 -1337- land, had become a nation by the alliance of 
 
 the Norman barons with the Saxon people and also retained 
 a large domain on the continent, namely, Guienne. There 
 was much more of orderly discipline in the feudalism of 
 England than in that of France, because from its very 
 origin it had been organized and held in check by powerful 
 kings, and because it later undertook certain designs against 
 these kings which it steadfastly pursued and in which it 
 did not scorn to receive the assistance of the people. 
 There was less in the feudalism of France, because it was 
 more frivolous in manners and more contemptuous of the 
 people, both from its natural character and from the circum- 
 stances in which it was placed. The court of France was 
 the meeting-place of these feudal nobles of a second age — 
 
 392
 
 Chap. XXVIL] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 393 
 
 a chivalrous and brilliant nobility, but better adapted to the 
 splendor of tournaments and passages of arms than to a 
 great war. It formed a bold cavalry, and the finest in 
 Europe, but it was a cavalry unsupported by any infantry, 
 for the footmen of the communes were kept too much in the 
 background and held in too great contempt to be able to 
 take any important part in war : and the foreign infantry, 
 which was hired, fought poorly, as it was ill-treated and 
 little respected. The armies of France were therefore 
 brilliant in their attack, but did not have the endurance 
 necessary to win the final victory. In England, on the 
 contrary, the Saxon archers, who were drilled in the use of 
 the bow from the age of seven years, formed a formidable 
 and respected infantry. They were placed in the front line 
 in battle, and it was through them that the English gained 
 their victories. The nobility of France, which was so vain 
 and so confident in its strength, became much more so after 
 a few advantages gained over the infantry of the communes, 
 when the victory of Mons-en-Puelle, under Philip IV., had 
 effaced the melancholy memory of Courtray. The victory 
 of Cassel, at the beginning of the reign of Philip of Valois, 
 increased this unfortunate confidence of the nobility, which 
 resulted in its ruin and almost in that of France. 
 
 We have already spoken of the wealth of Flanders, 
 but we must also mention another characteristic of this 
 country. On this low and moist soil, to drain which a 
 thousand canals had been cut, and among so many cities 
 defended by walls and, still better, by a population accus- 
 tomed to work at the hardest, and proud of its numbers, 
 strength, and wealth, chivalry had not had a fair field, 
 and there was very little of feudalism in Flanders. Every 
 city had its privileges and it was not prudent to interfere 
 with them, but their Count, Louis of Nevers, belonged to one 
 of the feudal families of France that had little respect for 
 the burgher class. He took it especially ill that these peas- 
 ants should be so rich, while he, their Count, had not 
 enough for the foolish expenditures to which the nobles 
 had already accustomed themselves. When his exactions 
 brought on a revolt, he asked aid from the new king of 
 France, Philip VI., of Valois, a cousin of Charles IV., who 
 had just succeeded to the throne by virtue of the Salic 
 law. Philip led a fine army into Flanders, and was accom- 
 panied by the king of Bohemia, and several foreign princes.
 
 394 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 The soldiers of Flanders were utterly defeated near Cassel, 
 and Louis of Nevers was established as count (1328.) 
 
 Thus the French nobles thought themselves almost 
 invincible ; while the king of France on his side was power- 
 ful, and seemed by wise measures to have removed all 
 possible opposition to his succession. In the first place, he 
 had indemnified one of the pretenders to the throne, Jane 
 of Evreux, by yielding her Navarre * and the counties of 
 Angouleme and Mortain, in exchange for which Cham- 
 pagne and Brie were definitively joined to the crown. In 
 the second place he had demanded and received from Ed- 
 ward III., king of England, feudal homage for Guienne. 
 This same Edward, however, was to enter claim to be the 
 rightful heir of the Capetians, as grandson of Philip IV. by 
 his mother, and to find in France, and even among the 
 royal family, allies who would open the way for him to the 
 throne. 
 
 Robert III. of Artois, one of the royal family of France, 
 claimed the county from which he had his name, which 
 was, however, retained by his aunt Mahaut (Matilda or 
 Maud), and by her daughters after her. He was said to 
 have poisoned his aunt and manufactured and used false 
 title deeds against his cousins. When summoned to appear 
 before the court of peers he fled into Brabant and laid the 
 blame on the king himself. To reach a man so well de- 
 fended as was the king of France by his men of law, he 
 addressed himself to the powers of the other world, to those 
 who, according to the superstitions of the times, received 
 criminal vows, and from whom fortune, worldly success, 
 the pleasures of revenge and the death of an enemy could 
 be obtained — that is, to the Evil One. The art of magic had 
 laid down rules by which to gain the aid of the evil spirits 
 whose legions peopled the lower world ; one of these meth- 
 ods was the making of a wax image resembling the person 
 whose death was desired, which was then baptized, and 
 during a mass said for this purpose a needle was thrust into 
 its heart, and this inevitably resulted in the death of the 
 victim if the operation was correctly performed. Robert 
 was accused of using this means against Philip VI., and 
 then fled to England to avoid a punishment which might 
 
 * That is, female succession was recognized in Navarre. She was the 
 daughter of Louis X., and the wife of Philip, Count of Evreux. — Eu.
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 395 
 
 have rendered the magical ceremony of no effect ; once 
 there, he persuaded Edward III. to advance his claims to 
 the crown of France. 
 
 Before attacking Philip VI. in France, Edward III. 
 attacked him in England. We have already noticed that 
 Scotland, hostile to England on account of its neighbor- 
 hood, had been the natural ally of France ever since a 
 Norman prince had reigned at London : just as Flanders 
 was the ally of England because she furnished the latter 
 with the most important market for her wools, which the 
 Flemings employed in their principal industry. Edward 
 
 III. sent Edward Balliol to Scotland against David Bruce, 
 which latter received aid from Philip. Philip ordered Louis 
 of Nevers, who owed to him his power in Flanders, to drive 
 all English merchants from his States. Edward replied to 
 this by a measure which was well adapted to weigh heavily 
 on the Flemings and which indirectly became the source of 
 one of the great industries of England. He forbade the 
 exportation to Flanders of English wools and the use in his 
 kingdom of cloths made in any but the English workshops 
 (1336) ; immediately the Flemish workshops stood Still for 
 want of work and the Flemish workmen crossed the Channel 
 in crowds. This was a final blow to the prosperity of Flan- 
 ders ; and England would have fallen heir to it if James 
 van Artevelde, a weaver of Ghent, had not assembled the 
 deputies of Ghent, Bruges, and Ypres, the three principal 
 centers of Flemish industry, in the first of which alone there 
 were 40,000 workshops, and shown them that " they could 
 not live without the King of England : for the whole pros- 
 perity of Flanders was founded on the cloth manufacturing, 
 and without wool no cloth could be made." The Flemings 
 were convinced, and drove out their count and formed an 
 alliance with England, without, however, renouncing the 
 obedience due to their suzerain, a matter still serious in 
 those times. The neighboring princes to Flanders, who 
 were both interested in her prosperity and hostile to France, 
 whose power endangered their independence, declared 
 themselves for the king of England. The Emperor Lewis 
 
 IV. did the same. The alliance between the Papacy and 
 France still continued, and this was reason enough for the 
 Emperor to declare himself in favor of Edward : indeed 
 there was a good deal of justice in his conduct, for since 
 the Papacy had been under the king of France, the head of
 
 39^ ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 Christendom had been subservient to one of its members ; 
 and therefore, very naturally, papal authority seemed a 
 thing of the past, and the Emperor, who had so long con- 
 tested with the Holy See for the supremacy of Europe, 
 seemed now to be alone worthy of exercising such a power. 
 Lewis IV. assembled a diet at Coblentz, at which the king 
 of England and 1700 knights or barons were present, and 
 there promulgated a decree which declared the imperial 
 dignity independent of the Papacy, and the Emperor the 
 chief of the Christian world. He listened to Edward's 
 complaints and appointed him his vicar in the Netherlands. 
 The Pope in turn issued bulls against this imperial de- 
 cree, and these two fallen powers hurled their thunder- 
 bolts at each other without in the least altering the course 
 of events, thus showing that their weight was of small con- 
 sequence in the political balance, and that the real prepon- 
 derance had passed into the hands of France and England. 
 Open war began in 1339. Edward, entering France near 
 Cambray, penetrated as far as the Oise. This was the time 
 T, ... V when he first made known his pretended rights 
 
 Battleof , ._, i-T -111 
 
 siuys C1340); to the crown of France, which until then he 
 ?a^n'"y ;°crecy.' sccmcd to havc laid aside. The first result 
 (1346') and obtained by him was his recognition asking 
 aisci347)- Qf France by the Flemings, who thus suc- 
 ceeded in changing their suzerain without changing the 
 suzeraint3^ The first great battle was fought at sea (1340). 
 France did not yet possess a navy, but she had gathered 
 from various sources a fleet of 200 vessels. This fleet was 
 poorly commanded and was destroyed by that of Edward at 
 Sluys. Nevertheless the war languished, and after a victory 
 gained by the French at Saint Omer and the failure of Ed- 
 ward to capture Tournay, it was suspended by a truce ( 1 340). 
 In 1341 the hostilities revived in Brittany, where the two 
 kings each sustained a different candidate for the ducal 
 throne. The duke, John III., had just died, leaving no 
 children, and it was now a question to whom the duchy 
 should descend. There were two candidates, one the daugh- 
 ter of the older of John's brothers, who had died before him, 
 Jane of Penthievre, who had married Charles of Blois, a 
 nephew of Philip VI., the other his younger brother, John 
 of Montfort. According to strict hereditary right, the 
 Countess of Blois should succeed him, but Montfort 
 invoked the Salic law, that recent invention which had
 
 Chap. XXVIL] THE HUNDRED YEARS IP'AR. 397 
 
 thrown all feudal succession into confusion. The parlia- 
 ment, the nobility, and even Philip of Valois himself, who 
 now opposed the principle by which he had risen to the 
 throne, pronounced in favor of Jane ; Montfort, relying on 
 the burgher class and on the Celtic element in Brittany, 
 claimed the support of England. He recognized Edward 
 as king of France and did him homage. A war now broke 
 out in Brittany between the austere and pious Charles of 
 Blois on the one side and on the other Montfort at first, 
 and after he was taken prisoner his wife Jane of Flanders, a 
 dauntless heroine ; a war which lasted twenty-four years, 
 was difficult and profitless, with no events except the sieges of 
 different cities and fortresses, and small actions by which the 
 great numbers of nobles who were attracted there by the mil- 
 itary renown of Jane of Montfort distinguished themselves. 
 
 One thing that bitterly excited Brittany against the Count 
 of Blois and against France was the cruel execution of 
 fifteen Breton lords who had gone to see the superb festivi- 
 ties which were continually given by the king of France, at 
 the expense of the people whom he taxed heavily, and of the 
 coinage whose standard he altered unceasingly. They had 
 entered into relations with England, a fact which Philip 
 considered reason enough for their execution (1344). 
 Among the victims was one Oliver of Clisson, whose widow 
 took up arms and whose son joined the army of Montfort. 
 
 Edward found this a favorable occasion for attack. With 
 Brittany in arms at the west and Flanders at the east, 
 France was flanked by two formidable enemies, and two 
 passages were opened to him into that country without 
 counting that of Guienne. The situation of affairs deter- 
 mined the campaign for 1345. One English army disem- 
 barked in Guienne and gained a victory at Auberoche ; 
 another joined Montfort in Brittany, while a third, com- 
 manded by Edward himself, turned toward Flanders. Van 
 Artevelde still ruled this country ; but not content with 
 having made the Flemings subjects of the English king, he 
 wished to give them another count, the Prince of Wales. 
 An assembly of the deputies of the c"ities, displeased by the 
 ascendancy of a man who had risen from their midst, excited 
 the people against him, and he died the victim of an insur- 
 rection. His enemies, however, cared less for a change in 
 his political system than for the satisfaction of their personal 
 jealousy, and after his death they sent ambassadors to the
 
 39^ ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book Vlll. 
 
 king of England to renew and strengthen the alliance that 
 had been concluded. 
 
 Edward prepared a great armament for the year 1346. 
 A French exile, Godfrey of Harcourt, advised him to make 
 his landing in Normandy, which he devastated. He ascend- 
 ed the Seine with the purpose of menacing Paris, when a 
 lack of supplies obliged him to change his direction, to march 
 toward Flanders, whose soldiers, he learned, were com- 
 ing to meet him. His army might have been destroyed 
 when crossing the Somme, but he was allowed to establish 
 himself strongly at Crecy, where the skill of the English 
 archers and the rashness of the French nobles made a 
 complete victory easy for him. On the French side there 
 was a loss of n princes, 2 archbishops, 80 barons, 1200 
 knights, and 30,000 soldiers (1346). This victory did not 
 open the whole of France to the English, but it placed 
 Calais, the key to the country, in their hands. It was 
 taken after a long siege, which was made famous by the 
 devotion of Eustace of St. Pierre. 
 
 France was defeated at every point. In Scotland David 
 Bruce had been taken prisoner at Neville's Cross (1346) ; in 
 Brittany, Charles of Blois met the same fate at Roche-Darrien 
 (1347), and last but not least a great natural calamity was 
 added to these other reverses : namely, the Black Death or 
 FIorentineplague,"fromwhichathird part of the world died." 
 In the midst of so many misfortunes, however, the crown 
 still continued to gain power. In 1349, Philip VI. bought 
 the seignory of Montpellier from the King of Majorca, 
 and in the same year he gained the dauphine of Viennois, 
 which was ceded to him by the dauphin Humbert II. 
 Since then it has been the custom to attribute this sove- 
 reignty, with the title of Dauphin, to the oldest son of the 
 king of France. 
 
 Philip VI. was succeeded by John (1350), who began his 
 wretched reign by committing many acts of violence ; he 
 
 , . , ^ had the constable of Eu, whom he accused 
 
 John ri35o) ; r • , ■ ^ , r \.i r .. i 
 
 battle of Poi- of wishuig to deliver over the fortress under 
 
 s'tatls-G^^n*! '''i^ chargc to the king of England, executed 
 
 rai;thejac- without a trial. Charlcs the Bad, king of 
 
 oT'^'^Bretfgny Navarre, who through his mother Jane had 
 
 ^'3^°^- some pretensions to the throne of France, 
 
 followed the royal example. He had the constable of 
 Cerda assassinated, to whom John had given Angouleme,
 
 Chap. XXVIL] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 399 
 
 to which he laid claim, and then took refuge with Edward, 
 who made in 1355 a campaign in Artois, while the Prince of 
 Wales was ravaging the provinces bounding on Guienne. 
 
 When the States-General were convoked to ward off 
 these dangers they raised pretensions such as were unheard 
 of until then. They granted 36,000 men-at-arms (about 
 100,000 men) and five millions of livres, proving that they 
 were actuated by patriotic motives, but they demanded, in 
 return, concessions which recall the Magna Charta of Eng- 
 land : the right of administering by receivers, appointed by 
 and answerable to the Assembly, the five millions which 
 they granted ; the establishment of a tax on all three 
 orders alike ; the abolition of the droit de prise,''' and 
 the right of resisting by force all who attempted to exer- 
 cise that right ; the necessary intervention of the States- 
 General in matters of war and peace ; and finally a date 
 was fixed for the meeting of the Estates in the following 
 year. The nobles did not easily resign themselves to 
 these encroachments on their privileges, and especially to 
 the extension of the tax to their order. Several of the 
 barons, with Charles of Navarre at their head, opposed the 
 levying of this tax on their lands. One day when the Dau- 
 phin Charles, then Duke of Normandy, had invited the king 
 of Navarre and his friends to a banquet, John having learned 
 the hour, came to Rouen and surprised and arrested them 
 himself at the table of his son. In spite of the prayers and 
 tears of the young prince, who seemed to have deliberately 
 enticed the victims into a trap, John had the king of Na- 
 varre thrown into prison and had the Count of Harcourt 
 and several others executed. 
 
 This act of violence seemed to Edward to give him a 
 favorable opportunity for action. He sent into Normandy 
 an army commanded by the Duke of Lancaster, which was 
 repulsed. In Guienne, the Prince of Wales, or the Black 
 Prince (called so from the color of his armor), penetrated 
 by the Limousin " into the good and fertile country of 
 Berry," advanced as far as Vierzon, and then turned to- 
 ward Poitiers. He had only 2000 knights, 4000 archers, 
 and 2000 foot- soldiers with him, and King John was there 
 with an army of 50,000 men ; but the battle was fought with 
 
 * The droit de prise was the right of the lord to take in special cases 
 certain articles belonging to his vassal for his own use, — Ed.
 
 400 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 the same result as at Crecy. The king fought better, but 
 was taken prisoner, a good part of the nobles who were 
 with him fell like him into the hands of the English, and 
 eleven thousand men were slain on the field of battle, "a 
 loss by which the noble kingdom was severely weakened." 
 
 With the king a captive, and the nobles either prisoners 
 or killed, the salvation of France depended on the people, 
 and this younger son, an outcast from the political family 
 of the Middle Ages, now took in hand the government of 
 the kingdom, which had been thrown into confusion by the 
 incapacity of his elder brothers. It was not the people who 
 had been beaten at Crecy and Poitiers. These reverses, on 
 the contrary, had raised their position, for it was evident 
 that they would not have done worse than the nobles, not- 
 withstanding the contempt in which they were held, and 
 that perhaps they would have encountered the English 
 archers with better success than did the knights. It was a 
 new and extraordinary thing for the people to rule. Never- 
 theless they, or at least their leaders, were not entirely inex- 
 perienced in the direction of affairs. Their previous pro- 
 gress had prepared them in some sort. The commoners 
 had been admitted to the Parliament, the Church, and the 
 Universities ; they controlled all commerce and formed 
 great industrial corporations. The lawyers and the mer- 
 chant class, who were soon to become the aristocracy of 
 the third estate, each supplied a leader to the people after 
 the battle of Poitiers : Robert le Coq, bishop of Laon, and 
 president of the parliament ; and Etienne Marcel, provost 
 of the merchants of Paris. 
 
 On the arrival of the news of the disaster, the first care 
 of Marcel was to complete the fortifications of the city, to 
 provide them with cannon, and to barricade the streets. 
 The young Dauphin Charles soon arrived, but little reli- 
 ance was placed on him ; his conduct at Poitiers had been 
 very equivocal, and he had been one of the first to retreat. 
 Charles convoked the States General for the langue d'oil 
 at Paris, for the langue d'oc at Toulouse ; 800 deputies, of 
 which 400 came from the cities, assembled at Paris. Mar- 
 cel presided over the third estate, Robert le Coq over the 
 clergy. The nobility had but a small representation, and 
 was led by John of Pecquigny, lord of Vermandois and 
 friend of the king of Navarre. The three orders deliber- 
 ated separately ; but in order to attain more unity of action
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 4°! 
 
 they appointed a mixed commission of eighty members. 
 This commission formulated the will of the Estates and 
 demanded the reform of the kingdom ; the dismissal, and 
 trial before judges named by the Estates, of the king's prin- 
 cipal officers of finance and justice, who were accused of 
 committing malversation and of selling their sentences ; the 
 release of the king of Navarre ; and the establishment of a 
 council of four prelates, twelve lords and twelve commoners 
 to be elected by the States, without which the Dauphin 
 could do nothing and which should control the whole gov- 
 ernment. On this condition they granted the Dauphin for 
 a year one-tenth and a half of the revenues of the three 
 orders. By these revolutionary claims the people were in 
 reality taking their place on the throne and assuming the 
 direction of public affairs and the public weal. The Estates 
 of the langue d'oc showed themselves less inclined to inno- 
 vation, and merely voted 15,000 men and the money neces- 
 sary to support them. 
 
 The Dauphin was by no means willing to agree to such 
 conditions. He skillfully outwitted the deputies of the third 
 estate by persuading them to consult their constituents 
 again, while he himself went to seek aid of his uncle the 
 German emperor, Charles IV., who was at that time pub- 
 lishing his famous Golden Bull in the diet of Nuremberg. 
 The Dauphin went as far as Metz, hoping on his return 
 to find the deputies discouraged and dispersed. On the 
 contrary the provincial estates had assembled and approved 
 the measures of the States General, and the whole country 
 indorsed them to the full (1357). On March 3, the Dau- 
 phin was obliged to convoke a general assembly at the pal- 
 ace. The bishop of Laon was the spokesman. He asked 
 the prince to remove from his service twenty-two of his 
 councillors or servitors and to authorize the formation of a 
 council of thirty-six members,* elected by the Estates, " to 
 regulate the needs of the kingdom, and whom all the world 
 should be required to obey." Commissioners were to be 
 sent into all the provinces ; and finally the Estates obtained 
 the power of watching over this government created by 
 them, by procuring the right to assemble twice in the year, 
 
 * Such a council as this seems never to have been appointed, though 
 some persons selected by the Estates had a place in the kins's council 
 for a short time. — Ed.
 
 4° 2 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 without convocation. As to the reforms, which mainly re- 
 lated to the finances and to the administration of justice, the 
 Dauphin provided for them by the " Great Ordinance of 
 Reform." In this memorable charter he promised never to 
 establish a tax unless voted by the Estates, to divert noth- 
 ing from the treasury, to leave the raising and the use of 
 the taxes to the delegates of the Estates, to administer jus- 
 tice promptly and impartially, no longer to sell the judicial 
 offices, and not to change the standard of the coinage, for 
 which the provost of the merchants was to furnish a model. 
 The ordinance also reformed the following abuses : the droit 
 de prise, forced loans, judgment by commission, and the 
 alienation of the crown domains ; and also declared all the 
 members of the Estates inviolable and authorized armed 
 resistance to any illegal encroachment. 
 
 The popular government of 1357 had unfortunately nei- 
 ther the strength, harmony, nor experience to preserve the im- 
 portant gains which the people had just made. At all events, 
 its situation was exceedingly unfavorable ; its credit was 
 shaken by King John, who, from his prison, forbade the 
 Estates to assemble and the people to pay the taxes voted 
 by them. The country was in the most deplorable state. 
 The peasants were overwhelmed with taxes and with heavy 
 ransoms for their captive lords, which were exacted from 
 them with torture, and were no longer able to cultivate the 
 ground, which had moreover been ravaged by the previous 
 military expeditions. They relapsed into a state of vaga- 
 bondism, and preferred to be the accomplices rather than 
 the victims of the disbanded soldiers of all countries who 
 had been left in France by the end of the war. The Dau- 
 phin felt strong enough to declare that he would no longer 
 have any guardians. This was a complete rupture with the 
 Estates, and a resumption of absolute power by the crown. 
 
 The people of Paris summoned Charles of Navarre, 
 who had been released from prison, against the Dauphin. 
 This ambitious, clever, and eloquent prince made himself 
 the orator of the populace, and solemnly harangued or 
 " preached " to a large concourse of people, promising to 
 defend the country, and mentioning the fact that he had 
 some claim to the crown of France himself. The Dauphin 
 hoped to counterbalance this new influence by the same 
 means. And as if by a stroke of magic, Paris was sud- 
 denly, in the midst of the Middle Ages, adorned with two
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 4^3 
 
 forums. The Dauphin, however, lost all he might have 
 gained, by his unfortunate changes in the coinage, though, to 
 be sure, it was the only possible means of procuring any 
 money without convoking the estates. Marcel at once 
 armed the citizens, and gave them, as a sort of uniform, 
 caps which were half red and half blue. At the head of a 
 company of these men he penetrated into the palace of 
 the Dauphin, had his two principal officers, the marshals 
 of Champagne and of Normandy, killed, and placing a 
 Parisian cap upon the prince's head to insure his safety, 
 said to him, while the two bodies were thrown out to the 
 crowd : " I require you, on the part of the people, to ratify 
 the death of these traitors, for they died by the will of the 
 people ! " He should have said, by the will of a small part 
 of the people, by the will of the Paris bourgeoisie (1358). 
 
 In fact, the farther it advanced, the more did this revo- 
 lution lose its general character ; the ardor of the deputies 
 from the provinces, far removed from their constituents, 
 became chilled, while the commune of Paris, always in the 
 midst of things, without even leaving its own hearth, re- 
 tained its numbers, its zeal, and its popularity. The Estates, 
 Jealous of the influence of the connnune, consented to be 
 removed to Compiegne by the Dauphin. The nobles rallied 
 around the prince. He had 700 lances, and with these he 
 lived at his pleasure off the country between the Seine and 
 the Marne, ravaging it as far as Paris, which latter suffered 
 greatly from want of food. A more frightful spectacle had 
 never been seen : the peasants, ruined by the English, by 
 the freebooters, and by their own lords whose ransoms they 
 were obliged to pay, assembled and marched about in 
 bands, under the name of Jacques,* and led by a king of 
 their own making, William Callet by name. In Cham- 
 pagne, in Picardy there were more than 100,000 of them. 
 They were animated with a bitter hatred of the nobles, and 
 considered themselves called upon to destroy them utterly. 
 They pillaged the castles, killed the nobles, and outraged 
 ladies of the highest rank. They were finally attacked on 
 all sides, and 7000 were killed at Meaux. This great peas- 
 ant insurrection was drowned in blood. This acted like a 
 
 * Jacques Bonhomme was the ndme contemptuously applied to the 
 French peasant class. From it comes the name " Jacquerie " for the 
 insurrection. — Ed.
 
 404 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 blow aimed at Marcel, and discord began to appear in the 
 commune. The provost of the merchants, obliged to seek 
 help elsewhere, summoned the king of Navarre, promising 
 to help him to the throne of France. However, many of 
 the Parisians were tired of the revolutionary rule and would 
 not take up arms against the Dauphin. During the night 
 of July 13, 1358, while Marcel was changing the watch 
 at the gate of Saint Denis,* through which Charles of 
 Navarre was to enter, he was massacred with those who 
 were with him, by the sheriff Maillard who had discovered 
 the conspiracy. The Dauphin returned to Paris with an 
 army, and had the principal supporters of Marcel either be- 
 headed or exiled. 
 
 France was none the better for this turn of affairs. How- 
 ever, peace began to be talked of. The Dauphin first suc- 
 ceeded in calming Charles of Navarre by the treaty of Pon- 
 toise, and John, tired of captivity, consented to enter into 
 negotiations with Edward ; but under very unfavorable 
 conditions. He was to cede the half, and the better half, of 
 his kingdom, including the mouths of all the rivers ; besides 
 this he was to pay a ransom of four million gold crowns. 
 The Dauphin saw that this meant utter ruin to France, and 
 to meet this great danger, consented to assemble the Estates. 
 Very few deputies, came but those who came were full of 
 patriotism. " After the letters from the king had been read 
 and re-read, listened to with attention and well understood, 
 and considered and examined point by point, they decided 
 that the terms of the treaty were too severe, and replied 
 with one voice to the messengers that they would rather bear 
 and endure the great misfortunes from which they were 
 then suffering than allow the noble kingdom of France to 
 be diminished and defrauded : that the King John should 
 still remain in England, and when it pleased God he would 
 provide the remedy for their troubles." Edward HI. imme- 
 diately took up arms again and landed at Calais with a large 
 army, followed by an enormous train. He hoped to have 
 a chance to fight, but none was given him. A new system 
 of defense was adopted in France : it was to avoid all open 
 
 * This account of the death of Marcel is no longer accepted. His 
 death probably occurred in full day, and had no connection with the oc- 
 cupation of any of the city gates, but was the result of a royalist con- 
 spiracy. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 405 
 
 battles, and to let the invasion wear itself out. The Dau- 
 phin stayed at Paris, and after six months of marches and 
 of fruitless provocations Edward arrived at Chartres with an 
 army which was decimated by famine. A violent storm 
 made their plight even worse, and the King of England, 
 stretching out his arms toward the cathedral, vowed to God 
 and to the Holy Virgin that he would no longer oppose a 
 peace. The treaty of Bretigny was concluded (1360), the 
 terms of which were disastrous enough to France, but accept- 
 able considering her utter poverty and the reverses she had 
 sustained. Edward renounced all claim to the crown of 
 France, and received in direct sovereignty Poitou, Aunis, 
 the Angoumois, Saintonge, the Limousin, Perigord, Quercy, 
 Rouergue, the Agenois and Bigorre in the south, and Pon- 
 thieu, Calais, and Guines in the north. The ransom of the 
 king was fixed at three millions of gold crowns payable in 
 six years (that is, nearly fifty million dollars). 
 
 An occasion soon offered to make good part of these 
 losses. The first ducal house of Burgundy became extinct 
 in 1 36 1, and this great fief fell to the crown. John showed 
 as little wisdom in his peace as in his war policy, and imme- 
 diately bestowed Burgundy on his fourth son, Philip the 
 Bold, who had fought bravely at Poitiers. This Philip was 
 the founder of the second house of Burgundy, which twice 
 almost ruined France. 
 
 John died in 1364, a prisoner again, but this time by his 
 own will and through a chivalrous loyalty, which was made 
 much more easy than the self-sacrifice of Regulus by the 
 gay life and festivities of the English court. 
 
 The reign of Charles V. was one of reparation and, as it 
 
 were, a season of convalescence for the sick and ruined 
 
 Charles V. kingdom of France. Three great evils, which 
 
 fi354); DuGues- were left untouched by the treaties, and were 
 
 clin * tn6 2frc3t 
 
 companies in established in the heart of the country, still 
 ^P^'"- remained to be cured. 
 
 The king of Navarre and the free companies were 
 together one of these evils. Charles the Bad had gained 
 control of some of those heterogeneous bands of adven- 
 turers, which had recently destroyed a feudal army at Brig- 
 nais, and appointed over them the Captal de Buch, a Gascon 
 adventurer. 
 
 Charles V. found an adversary jvorthy of these men and 
 their leader, an adventurer as bold and even more clever, a
 
 4o6 ENGLAND AND FRANCE, [Book VIII. 
 
 Breton gentleman, who as a child had been the despair of 
 his parents on account of his ugliness, his deformity, and his 
 evil disposition, and who had continually come to blows with 
 his brothers, comrades, and masters, and who had conse- 
 quently always been covered with bruises and wounds. 
 His mother said : " His father and I would gladly have 
 seen him buried." This quarrelsome little boy became at 
 fifteen a bold tilter, lance in hand, and it was not long 
 before he made the name of Du Guesclin, later so famous, 
 feared throughout his country. With other brave com- 
 panions at Cocherel, he defeated the adventurers of the 
 Captal de Buch, and took the latter prisoner (1364). The 
 following year the king of Navarre was obliged to sign a 
 treaty by which he gave up his strong places in the basin 
 of the Seine, Mantes, Meulan, and Longueville, which in his 
 hands had proved too dangerous to the peace of France, 
 and received in exchange the seignory of Montpellier. 
 There he was at least out of reach of the English. 
 
 The war still continued in Brittany, and Charles sent Du 
 Guesclin thither to crush the English party. But the 
 Breton was less fortunate in his own country, as there he 
 was not supreme in command. Charles of Blois, the head 
 of the French party, would not follow his advice, and was 
 killed at Auray, where Du Guesclin was taken prisoner. 
 Charles at once opened negotiations, and consented to the 
 treaty of Guerande, by which Jane of Blois had the county 
 of Penthievre and John IV. of Montfort the duchy for 
 which he paid homage to the king. 
 
 The battle of Cocherel, however, had not entirely done 
 away with the free companies : there was still much bad 
 blood to be let in France, and a good opportunity was now 
 offered in Spain. Charles V. wished to sustain Henry of 
 Transtamara against Peter the Cruel in his claims to the 
 throne of Castile. Du Guesclin, who had been ransomed by 
 Charles V., pointed out to these brigands the beauty of the 
 country beyond the Pyrenees and of Avignon, the rich pon- 
 tifical city on the way thither. Thirty thousand Basques, 
 Bretons, Lorrainers, Brabangons, Provencals, French and 
 English, arrived at the city of the Pope, calling themselves, 
 " Pilgrims of God, who had devoutly undertaken to go to 
 Grenada to avenge Our Lord," and who for this pious pro- 
 ject demanded 200,000 livre« and absolution from their sins. 
 The Pope granted their requests, glad enough to see them
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 407 
 
 pass by Avignon, which he had feared would be sacked. 
 Du Guesclin brought victory to the cause of Henry of Transt- 
 amara; but as soon as all the booty had been collected, his 
 men, whom he had until then succeeded in retaining, dis- 
 banded and recrossed the Alps, only two thousand remain- 
 ing with him. The Prince of Wales, who kept up a splen- 
 did court at Bordeaux, could not allow a revolution to take 
 place which would make Castile with her fleet an ally of 
 France. He collected an army in which were many of the 
 adventurers who had just returned from Spain, and forcing 
 an engagement on Henry of Transtamara defeated him in 
 the battle of Najara or Navarette (1367), and took Du 
 Guesclin prisoner. But the Prince of Wales soon returned 
 to France, Du Guesclin was ransomed, went back to Spain, 
 and speedily gained the battle of Montiel, and Henry and 
 the French party were re-established in Castile. 
 
 The establishment of a dynasty favorable to France in 
 Castile was a great advantage, but a still greater one was 
 the removal of the free companies from the country. After 
 their departure precautions had been taken to prevent the 
 formation of any other such companies ; the forts were put 
 in order, and patrols were organized by the peasants with 
 authorization of the king. Order was restored in the king- 
 dom ; the salt tax [gabelle) was diminished one half and the 
 aids one quarter on condition that the money so obtained 
 should be used by the citizens in fortifying their cities. 
 Charles V. had given the government of the two provinces 
 Languedoc and Auvergne to his brothers the dukes of 
 Anjou and Berry (not in fiefs as formerly), so that these 
 two countries, which adjoined the English possessions, were 
 no longer subject to continual incitements to revolt, and 
 "the king of France had friends on every side." He renewed 
 the old and valuable alliance with Scotland, arranged a 
 marriage between his brother and the heiress of Flanders, 
 and gained the friendship of the king of Navarre as he 
 already had done of the king of Castile. At the same time 
 he was raising new troops. The man who was to lead them 
 to victory had been released from his prison. He is said 
 to have spoken thus to the Prince of Wales : " My lord, 
 it is said throughout the kingdom of France and elsewhere 
 that you are so afraid of me that you dare not release me 
 from prison." The Black Prince was piqued by this, and 
 allowed him to fix his own ransom. " I will fix it at loo.opo
 
 4o8 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 florins, my lord, and do not be surprised at the amount, 
 There is not a woman in my country who would not be 
 willing to join in raising my ransom, and at all events 
 my ransom will be paid by one who does not expect to 
 do so." Everything in France was now ready for war. 
 The Prince of Wales, on the contrary, had been ill ever since 
 his expedition into Spain, and, disliked by the Aquitanians 
 on account of his melancholy and cruelty, was unable to 
 procure any subsidy from them. Charles thought that the 
 moment for action had come at last. He complained that 
 the treaty of Bretigny had been violated, which was indeed 
 the case, as on his return from Spain the Black Prince, 
 unable to pay his adventurers, had sent them to pay them- 
 selves off the territory of France ; he also complained of 
 the oppression of Aquitaine and Gascony, from which prov- 
 inces many of the nobles had come to demand justice of 
 him. He finally summoned the English prince to appear 
 before his court of peers. The Black Prince replied : " I 
 will come, but with my helmet on my head and 60,000 men 
 in my company." 
 
 The English landed at Calais, and a great army under 
 
 the Duke of Burgundy went to meet them, but refused 
 
 all encounter with them and withdrew as they 
 
 »i,I*l?r,^f;^ci?'i.l^ advanced. The cities were well fortified and 
 
 the tnglisn re- 
 
 newedri369); defended, and the English were unable to 
 of warfare^.*^'" take a single one. Their expedition only 
 resulted in their ravaging the country with- 
 out gaining any advantage. They returned in 1370 ; and 
 the same system of defense was used against them, and 
 though they went as far as Rheims and Paris no action 
 took place. From his palace of Saint-Pol the king could 
 see the villages as they were set on fire ; but the wise 
 Clisson said : " Sire, there is no need of your employing your 
 people against these madmen ; leave them to tire themselves 
 out. With all this smoke they will not drive you from 
 your inheritance." 
 
 " There never was a king of France who fought less, and 
 there never was a king who gave me so much to do," said 
 Edward HI. The Black Prince himself took the field, but 
 was not more successful. He sacked Limoges, but this was 
 his last exploit (1370). He languished a few years longer, 
 and then returned to England to die (1376). 
 
 The P'rench were wise enough to avoid all battles with
 
 I
 
 Chap. XXVIL] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 4^9 
 
 great armies ; but between these English expeditions, 
 Charles willingly allowed his knights to strike a few blows 
 with their spears, especially his brave Du Guesclin, whom he 
 had recalled from Spain to make him his constable. The 
 pjvre chevalier wished to refuse this high office, but the king 
 replied : " Messire Bertrand, do not refuse, for I have 
 neither brother, cousin, nephew, count, or baron in my king- 
 dom who shall not obey you, and if any one should not do 
 so he will soon know how angry he has made me." Does 
 not this sound a little like Louis XL? Du Guesclin began by 
 defeating" the men of Robert Knoll, an adventurer in the ser- 
 vice of the English, and pursued them into Brittany, where 
 the duke was an ally of Edward's and for that reason dis- 
 liked by the Bretons. The Bretons, indeed, since Du Gues- 
 clin and Clisson had been held in such favor at court, and, 
 thanks to the skillful maneuvers of the king, who never lost 
 an occasion to flatter them, had become French at heart. 
 They closed their fortresses against the English and opened 
 them to Du Guesclin. In a very short time John of j^lont- 
 fort was deposed, and only Brest was left in Edward's hands. 
 During the same time the Castilian admiral Boccanegra cap- 
 tured an English fleet off Rochelle. This city, which was 
 French at heart, and the commercial rival of the English 
 city of Bordeaux, also freed itself from the foreign yoke 
 (1372). The clergy and the citizens everywhere called the 
 French to their aid. Poitiers, Angouleme, and Saintes drove 
 out their English garrisons, and Du Guesclin utterly de- 
 stroyed the remnants of these garrisons at Chizey in Poitou 
 (1373). After that time no territory north of the Gironde 
 was left in the possession of the English. 
 
 Nevertheless these stubborn foes reappeared in 1373. The 
 Duke of Lancaster landed at Calais with 30,000 men and 
 expected to conquer France ; he only succeeded in march- 
 ing across it. His journey was comfortable as long as he 
 stayed in the rich provinces of the north ; as soon as he 
 reached the poor and barren country at the center his army 
 began to suffer from privations and disease. In Auvergne 
 he had not a single horse left ; at Bordeaux he had only 
 6000 men, and knights and soldiers alike begged their 
 bread from door to door. 
 
 The English were at last disgusted with this kind of war. 
 They did not return the following year, and in 1375 de- 
 manded a truce, which lasted till the death of Edward HI,
 
 4^0 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Cook VIII. 
 
 in 1377. Charles then broke the truce and struck blow 
 after blow. He brought five armies into the field and con- 
 quered the whole of Guienne, while a Castilian fleet, manned 
 by French troops, devastated the coasts of Kent and Sussex. 
 By 1380 the English only possessed Bayonne, Bordeaux, 
 Brest, Cherbourg, and Calais on the continent. 
 
 This was a propitious moment for France to have done 
 with Charles the Bad and his intrigues. Under the pretext 
 of a conspiracy against the lives of the royal family of 
 France, Charles V. had two of his ministers executed and 
 his two sons arrested. The Duke of Anjou conquered 
 the seignory of Montpellier, Du Guesclin the county of 
 Evreux, and the king of Castile the kingdom of Navarre. 
 He did not recover his kingdom till 1379, when he delivered 
 up twenty of his strong places as a pledge of peace. 
 
 Charles tried to accomplish the same work in Brittany 
 as in Guienne. He summoned the duke, John, to appear 
 on June 20, 1378, before the court of peers, and when the 
 duke did not appear his fief was declared to have fallen to 
 the royal domain. The Gascons had already given them- 
 selves to France. The Bretons, however, would not allow 
 themselves to be conquered. Barons, knights, and squires 
 signed at Rennes on April 26, 1379, an act of confedera- 
 tion, which was subscribed also by the burghers, and John 
 of Montfort, whom they had driven from the country, was 
 recalled. All the Bretons in the service of the king of 
 France, and there were a great many, threw up their places. 
 Even those who had first promised him to second his pro- 
 jects now turned against him. Du Guesclin, now an old 
 man, sent him back his constable's sword, and on March i, 
 1380,3 treaty of alliance was signed at Westminster between 
 England and Brittany. An English army landed again at 
 Calais, led by the Earl of Buckingham, and traversed the 
 whole of the north of France with impunity. He had not 
 reached Brittany, where he was aiming, when Charles V. 
 died at Vincennes on September 16, 1380. Du Guesclin 
 had preceded him to the grave by two months. A new 
 truce, concluded soon after, put an end to the first period 
 of the Hundred Years AVar. 
 
 The first period of the Hundred Years War came to an 
 end with the death of Charles V. The scene now shifted. 
 France, which had been a partly conquered country, was 
 again mistress of herself, and each of the two belligerent
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 4** 
 
 nations returned into its natural sphere of activity. The 
 principal actors had disappeared : Philip VI., John and 
 Charles V. in France, and Edward III. and 
 wYtTyilranci ^^e Black Princc, in England. Richard II., 
 the English son of the Blaclc Prince, came to the English 
 
 king Richard ^, . , , r j 
 
 II- (1377;- throne in 1377 at eleven years or age, and 
 
 Charles VI. in 1380 to the French throne at 
 twelve years of age. During the minorities of these princes, 
 France and England both fell a prey to internal disturb- 
 ances. They were both stirred up by a sort of effervescence 
 which brought out the ideas produced by the general pro- 
 gress of civilization. The emancipation of thought and the 
 emancipation of the people, the characteristics we have 
 already noticed of the age, continued to be advanced at the 
 end of the fourteenth century, though by tumultuous and 
 violent means. 
 
 In England an organized parliament, the condition of 
 industry stimulated by the introduction of the Flemish 
 workmen, and the frequent disregard of the authority of the 
 Holy See, all prepared the way for some popular movement, 
 and gave it both a political and a religious character. In 
 1366 there were thirty-three years of arrears due of the an- 
 nual tribute of 1000 marks which John Lackland had prom- 
 ised to pay to the Holy See. When Urban V. demanded 
 payment, a public act of the king, lords, and commons 
 declared that no one had a right to make the kingdom sub- 
 ject to any foreign power. Fifteen years before, other 
 statutes had been passed which reserved exclusively to the 
 king the gift of certain benefices and impaired the jurisdic- 
 tion of Rome. 
 
 In this resistance to the Holy See, an English monk, 
 John Wycliffe, was especially prominent and defended the 
 rights of the crown against the pontifical pretensions. After 
 once attacking the Papacy in behalf of national independ- 
 ence, he attacked it also in behalf of evangelical equality, 
 and wished to undermine the whole Catholic hierarchy by 
 recognizing neither Pope, archbishop, or bishop, as superior 
 to the simple priests. He wished to forbid all temporal 
 possessions to the clergy, and even to make the spiritual 
 power of the priests dependent on their good or bad con- 
 duct ; and finally he even dared to attack the dogmas of the 
 Church and denied transubstantiation in the Eucharist, the 
 necessity of confession and baptism, and the value of a reli-
 
 412 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book Vlll. 
 
 gious ceremony in marriage, etc. One of his acts which 
 bore the most important consequences was the translation 
 of the Bible into English, and by this means the admission 
 of all to the reading and interpretation of the holy books. 
 A certain Lollard, who was burned at Cologne by the inqui- 
 sition in 1322, had already preceded Wycliffe on this path, 
 and it was by his name that the people who adopted these 
 ideas, and who mainly lived in the country, were called.* 
 Some of Wycliffe's disciples extended his ideas into the 
 region of politics and one of the most famous of these was 
 John Ball.f A foolish priest in Kent, named John Ball, had 
 preached to the peasants that at the beginning of the world 
 there were no slaves, and that therefore no one could be 
 reduced to slavery unless he had betrayed his lord as Luci- 
 fer betrayed God. They were neither angels nor demons, 
 but men created in the image of their Lord. Why then 
 should they be treated like beasts ? Why, if they worked, 
 should they not be paid for it ? 
 
 " When Adam delved and Eve span, 
 Who was then the gentleman ? " 
 
 The explosion of these ferments was finally provoked by 
 one of those violent acts which have stirred up so many 
 revolutions. A collector of taxes insulted the daughter of 
 a blacksmith, Wat Tyler, J who stretched him at his feet with 
 a blow from his hammer. All the villeins of Suffolk, Nor- 
 folk, Essex, Sussex, and other counties rallied at the call of 
 the men of Kent and declared that they would no longer be 
 slaves. Sixty thousand assembled at the gates of London 
 on Blackheath (1381), entered the city, took the tower and 
 put to death the chancellor, the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 as an oppressor of the people. Their demands were, however, 
 moderate ; they required the abolition of serfdom, the liberty 
 to buy and sell in the fairs and markets, a general amnesty, 
 and, what was less reasonable, the reduction of rents to a 
 uniform rate. The king had an interview with Wat Tyler at 
 
 * The origin of the word Lollard is not known. Another and perhaps 
 more probable derivation would make it mean "an idle babbler." — Ed. 
 
 f Ball was an agitator before Wycliffe began his teaching. W^ycliffe 
 had personally no connection with the peasant revolt. — Ed. 
 
 X There were many different Tylers connected apparently wilh this re- 
 volt. The incident narrated of Wat Tyler has no real connection with its 
 outbreak.— Ed.
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 4^3 
 
 Smithfield. The blacksmith seems to have played with his 
 dagger rather proudly and to have been about to seize the 
 bridle of the king's horse, when the lord mayor, fearing a 
 hostile design, plunged his sword into his breast. This 
 death disconcerted the rebels momentarily. The young 
 King Richard II. seized this opportunity and urging his 
 horse into the midst of them, said : " IMy friends, now that 
 Wat Tyler is dead you have no longer any leader but me." 
 These words from a king of fifteen years filled the people 
 with enthusiasm, and they cried out, " Long live King Rich- 
 ard ! " and received charters of emancipation sealed with 
 the royal seal. They had hardly dispersed, however, before 
 the promises were disregarded. John Ball and 1500 of his 
 followers were executed, and Wycliffe was summoned before 
 a council and forced to retract his previous statements. 
 But this work was not wholly in vain, and was later of assis- 
 tance to the reformation.* 
 
 After an unsuccessful military expedition against the 
 Scotch in 1385, who were sustained by the French, new 
 
 troubles of a different character broke out in 
 
 Deposition of England. Richard demanded from Parlia- 
 
 a c'c e s s i o n"of mcnt subsidics to resist a projected invasion 
 
 Ll"n^cilte°r ^^ ^'^^ French : it was replied to him that he 
 
 (1399J. had only to make his favorites disgorge, and 
 
 he would have money enough to raise an 
 army. He threatened and inveighed, and said he would 
 seek a reconciliation with the king of France and arrange 
 with him to punish his rebellious subjects ; but the parlia- 
 ment was firm, for it was supported by the uncles of the 
 king and all the nobility of the kingdom. John of Gaunt, 
 Duke of Lancaster, was then in Spain trying vainly to en- 
 force his claims to the crown of Castile, to which he pre- 
 tended to have a right : the other two, the dukes of York 
 and Gloucester, and especially the latter, who was very pop- 
 ular, put themselves at the head of the formidable oppo- 
 sition formed against the two favorites of the king, Robert 
 de Vere, Duke of Ireland, and Michael de la Pole, the 
 chancellor. The latter was impeached by the lords and 
 condemned to the loss of his office. The parliament of 
 1386 went even farther, and instituted a commission of 
 
 * Wycliffe made no retraction, and he was not seriously molested. — 
 Ed.
 
 414 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 government composed of creatures of the Duke of Glou- 
 cester, and when the kuig tried to get rid of them the duke 
 took up arms, defeated the royal troops, and had the 
 ministers of the kmg condemned to death, and two of them 
 were executed (1388). 
 
 An energetic step seems to have saved the king a second 
 time. In 1389 he dismissed his council, declaring that he no 
 longer needed any guardians, and by flattering the Duke of 
 Lancaster was able to restrain the turbulent Duke of Glouces- 
 ter, But his foolish prodigalities and his violence revived 
 the spirit of faction and the legitimate fears of England. 
 He could no longer borrow any money. The city of Lon- 
 don had refused him a loan of a thousand pounds sterling. 
 He obtained the money he used for his pleasures from gra- 
 tuitous or really forced gifts. A contemporary says of him : 
 " There was not a single lord, prelate, gentleman, or rich 
 citizen who had not been forced to lend the king some 
 money, which they well knew he would neither wish nor be 
 able to repay." Surrounded by a guard of 10,000 archers, 
 he ruled without a thought of the laws of the kingdom. 
 
 For several years matters went on in this way, and in 
 1397 Richard thought himself strong enough to get rid of 
 Gloucester. He sought him out on one of his estates, 
 invited him to accompany him to London on some pressing 
 business, and had him kidnapped on the way thither, thrown 
 into a vessel and carried to Calais, where one night he was 
 smothered between two mattresses. It was given out that 
 he had died suddenly. The Earl of Arundel was executed, 
 the Earl of Warwick exiled to the Isle of Man, and the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury condemned to banishment. 
 
 Richard believed that he had now avenged his long years 
 of humiliation, and had succeeded in assuming his power. 
 One man, however, still caused him some anxiety ; Henry 
 of Bolingbroke, son of the Duke of Lancaster, and him he 
 banished. On the death of his father (1399) he did not 
 allow the son to receive his inheritance, and appropriated 
 the lands of this wealthy house. 
 
 But Henry, on being banished and despoiled, did not 
 remain inactive. He formed a conspiracy at Paris, and 
 acted in concert with the principal peers of England. 
 Three frail vessels carried him and his men to Ravenspur, 
 near the mouth of the Humber. Here he was joined by his 
 uncle, the Duke of York, and by the earls of Westmoreland
 
 Chap. XXVII. ] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 4^5 
 
 and Northumberland, and succeeded in entering London 
 and occupying almost the whole country before Richard, 
 who was then suppressing a rebellion in Ireland, had even 
 heard of his arrival. When the wretched king arrived in 
 England every one had abandoned him. He fell into the 
 hands of Lancaster, and a deputation of the lords and com- 
 mons forced him to read the following declaration in a loud 
 voice : " I confess and acknowledge, according to my inmost 
 thoughts, and declare in conscience that I consider myself 
 to have been and still to be incapable of governing this 
 kingdom, and that my notorious faults make me worthy of 
 deposition." The parliament drew up a bill of impeach- 
 ment in thirty- three articles, in which he was accused of 
 unjust revenge and of violation of the laws and privileges 
 of the nation, and his deposition was pronounced. Then 
 Henry of Lancaster rose and said : '* In the name of 
 Father, Son and Holy Ghost, I, Henry of Lancaster, chal- 
 lenge this realm of England and the crown with all the 
 members and the appurtenances, as that I am descended 
 by right line of the blood from the good King Henry III., 
 and through that right that God by his grace hath sent me, 
 with the help of kin and of my friends to recover it, the which 
 realm was in point to be undone by default of governance 
 and undoing of good laws." Henry of Lancaster thus 
 established his right on the double foundation of heredity 
 and of public weal. He was recognized as king under the 
 name of Henry IV. (1399). 
 
 When Henry IV. usurped the crown he not only passed 
 over Richard II. but also over the descendants of Lionel, 
 Duke of Clarence, the third son of Edward III., to whom 
 the throne should legitimately have fallen. The wars of 
 the Roses were the result of this usurpation. The head of 
 the house of Lancaster spent all his reign in strengthening 
 his dynasty, and to do this he recognized the rights of Par- 
 liament, that he might put his reliance upon it. In spite of 
 this wise policy of the first Lancaster, who contributed 
 greatly to the establishment of the parliamentary rule in 
 England, he had to contend against various revolts. The 
 first of these, which was in behalf of the deposed king, 
 Richard II., was successfully quelled and he died, as it 
 was believed, assassinated in his prison (1400) ; but an- 
 other more formidable one was carried on by the Welsh. 
 A lord of Wales, Owen Glendower, in consequence of a
 
 41 6 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 decision against him by the English parliament in a lawsuit, 
 forcibly kidnapped the Anglo-Norman lord with whom he 
 was at law. This was the signal for an insurrection, which 
 was stirred up by the bards, who had been persecuted for a 
 long time. The Welsh found allies in the two Percys, the 
 sons of the Earl of Northumberland, who had been 
 offended by Henry IV. This formidable insurrection was 
 ended in the king's favor by the victory of Shrewsbury 
 (1403), but the country of Wales was only gradually sub- 
 dued. Nevertheless the victor, after a very disturbed reign, 
 realized that great foreign expeditions would be the only 
 means of assuaging the spirit of revolt of the barons, and 
 that great victories alone could command their respect. 
 Shakespeare represents him on his death-bed as advising 
 his son, in noble words, to resume the war with France in 
 order to renew the laurels of Crecy and Poitiers to the 
 glory of the house of Lancaster. He was worthy of this 
 homage of the king of English poets, from his own and his 
 father's friendship for the first great poet of England, 
 Geoffrey Chaucer. 
 
 The son to whom Henry IV. bequeathed the task of 
 making these conquests was a singular kind of prince. At 
 
 twenty-five years of age he was no better than 
 " ^("4130 ^ ^^^ worst subject of the kingdom he was 
 
 going to govern. His intimate friends were 
 a few dissipated nobles who were deeply in debt, — Falstaff 
 is a remarkable type of them, — and he even associated with 
 highway robbers and passed his life in debauchery and 
 brigandage. Not that his character was naturally disposed 
 to these coarse vices, but he plunged into them out of Eng- 
 lish eccentricity and for a pastime. When his father died 
 he changed completely ; the frequenter of taverns and the 
 breaker of doors became a wise, grave, severe, and devout 
 king. He heaped favors upon William Gascoigne, a judge 
 who had once sent him to prison ; * he showed great clem- 
 ency and paid fitting honors to the remains of Richard II., 
 and after having made peace with the public opinion by this 
 good beginning, he declared that he would cross over to 
 
 •*The stories of the youthful dissipations of Henry V. are pure legend. 
 The one concerning Gascoigne appears to be based on a fact in the life 
 of the eldest son of Edward I , which later legends attached to sons both 
 of Henry IV. and of Henry VII. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUNDRED YEARS ITAR. 417 
 
 France as soon as an opportunity offered for an English 
 attack. 
 
 France had had a minor as king at the same time with 
 England. But in England this minority ended when 
 
 Richard II. grew up, while in France the 
 chaTfes"v^/ king had passed from one childhood into 
 (1380-1422); pop- another. Of all eras of the history of France 
 uons. '"^"'■'■^''" this one is the saddest and most wretched. 
 
 At other times there has been as much and 
 more bloodshed, but never this extraordinary and memor- 
 able spectacle of a madman upon the throne. There was 
 discord in the religious orders, for the Babylonian captivity 
 had only ended by giving rise to the great schism of the 
 West, and while Urban VI. had restored the Papacy to 
 Rome, France recognized Clement VII. as Pope at Avignon. 
 In the civil orders there were a thousand elements of dread, 
 which had been held in check by the weak but skillful hand 
 of Charles V., but which now were fermenting and appear- 
 ing everywhere from the seat of the government to the very 
 heart of the country. The four selfish and greedy uncles 
 of the king, the dukes of Anjou, Berry, Burgundy, and 
 Bourbon (the latter a maternal uncle), wrangled over the 
 public treasury and the taxes, not in order to use them for 
 the good of the state but for their own personal ambitions. 
 The Duke of Berry wished to retain the government of 
 Languedoc in spite of the hatred which had been kindled 
 there by his exactions ; the Duke of Anjou seized the royal 
 treasure almost before Charles V. had closed his eyes for 
 the last time, and soon after being invested with the king- 
 dom of Sicily by the Pope at Avignon, went thither to die 
 in the kingdom which he was unable to conquer. During 
 this time the peasants rose in Poitou, the Limousin, and 
 Auvergne, and the great communes of Flanders and of the 
 north of France revolted. In 1382 the people at Paris, irri- 
 tated by the double taxes imposed by the Duke of Anjou on 
 commerce, armed themselves with mallets and massacred 
 the collectors of the impost. Rouen followed in the steps 
 of Paris, and repeated the action of the Jacquerie by 
 creating themselves a king ; a merchant draper became 
 king of Rouen. 
 
 These popular movements were no longer isolated as at 
 the beginning of the communal revolution ; they were in 
 close correspondence and were supported by each other.
 
 41 8 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 Ghent was the center of the movement. "All was settled 
 and arranged after the manner of the citizens of Ghent ; 
 and the communes throughout the entire world declared 
 that the citizens of Ghent were worthy people, and that they 
 valiantly sustained their liberties, wherefore they should be 
 loved and honored by all men." Ghent with its 400,000 in- 
 habitants was led by Philip van Artevelde, who was no less 
 celebrated than his father James. The city rose against 
 her Count Louis de Male, who governed the country with 
 cruelty. With 5000 chosen men, Philip defeated the 40,000 
 men of the count near Bruges, and the latter just escaped 
 being taken prisoner. This success made Philip master of 
 the whole of Flanders, and the fame of it spread far and 
 wide. The nobility were alarmed by the victory of the 
 great commune, and felt the need of combining and strik- 
 ing a blow at the heart of the movement to preserve them- 
 selves from general destruction. The king of France 
 started for the country, followed by all the knights and 
 gentlemen of his kingdom. The English nobility, sacri- 
 ficing their national interests to their class interests, de- 
 cided not to help the faithful allies of England, and Arte- 
 velde was not able to make a successful defense. He set 
 out with 50,000 men. The war was so terrible that no life 
 was to be spared but that of the king, and he was a child 
 and should be forgiven. These poor people of Flanders 
 wished " to teach him to speak and be Flemish." But this 
 time the nobles were able to take their revenge at Roose- 
 bek. The unwise disposition of the Flemish infantry 
 caused its overthrow ; it was an enormously thick mass 
 and perfectly unwieldy ; 26,000 men fell, most of whom 
 were crushed to death. Artevelde and the whole battalion 
 of Ghent were left on the field (1382). Flanders was, how- 
 ever, not entirely crushed, and a new insurrection now 
 broke out, this time with the assistance of the English, 
 which brought the king of France back to the country. 
 The death of the Count Louis de Male changed the situa- 
 tion of affairs. In the name of his wife, Philip the Bold, 
 Duke of Burgundy, inherited the counties of Flanders, 
 Artois, Burgundy,* Nevers, and Rethel (1384). He re- 
 ceived the oath of fealty of the Flemings, and promised in 
 
 * The county of Burgundy, FrancheComte, joined the duchy on the 
 east and was a fief of the empire. — Ed,
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUAWRED YEARS WAR. 419 
 
 return to respect their liberties. This was an event of great 
 importance, for after this time the Duke of Burgundy, 
 though prince of the blood, was involved by his new sub- 
 jects in a course hostile to France, and in an alliance 
 with the English. 
 
 The battle of Roosebek had struck a blow not at the 
 Flemings alone, but also at all the rebellious communes of 
 France. The French nobility returned to Paris highly elated 
 by their victory. Thirty thousand Parisians advanced under 
 arms, not to fight them, but to act as a cortege to Charles 
 VI. This act of submission did not disarm the young king, 
 and bloody executions, confiscations, and the abolition of 
 the municipal offices and the corporations signalized the 
 re-establishment of the government of the king. The same 
 course was pursued at Rouen, Chalons, Rheims, Troyes, 
 and Orleans: for this great movement had extended through- 
 out the whole kingdom. Even Toulouse had taken part in 
 it. " If the king of France had been defeated in Flanders, 
 we can well believe that the whole nobility and gentry would 
 have been destroyed in France and in the other countries as 
 well ; the Jacquerie was never so great or so terrible as this 
 insurrection." Thus Froissart, the historian of the Middle 
 Ages and the great partisan of the feudal nobility, consid- 
 ered the battle of Roosebek to have saved the social order 
 of his times. 
 
 This social order was especially distinguished by the 
 absence in its leaders of all national sentiment, by their per- 
 sonal views, their spirit of adventure, their vain and rash 
 expenditure of the public strength, or, in one word, the 
 wasting of the resources of France by a few princes of the 
 blood, who were covetous of foreign kingdoms and cared 
 little or nothing for the prosperity of their own country. 
 In 1386 a great expedition was planned against England, 
 and taxes were laid upon the people which were so heavy 
 that many of the inhabitants were driven from the country. 
 Finally preparations were made on a gigantic scale : 1400 
 vessels were brought together from all directions, and 20,000 
 knights, 20,000 cross-bowmen, 20,000 foot-soldiers, and a 
 crowd of adventurers were collected. A city of wood, 3000 
 feet in diameter, was loaded on 72 vessels piece by piece, 
 and was to be erected on landing on the coast of England. 
 When this was all ready, the Duke of Berry did not appear 
 &nd the season passed ; the expedition did not start, and the
 
 420 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 army which was to have conquered England ravaged the 
 provinces of the north of France. The same enterprise was 
 undertaken the following year, and with the same result. 
 After this an expedition to Germany was planned against 
 the Duke of Gueldres, an enemy of the new Count of Flan- 
 ders. The king conducted it himself, and though it con- 
 sisted of 80,000 men, it all came to nothing. A little later 
 Louis II. of Anjou found his ruin in the kingdom of Naples 
 instead of conquering it ; and almost at the same time the 
 French nobility, not content with their defeats at Crecy and 
 Poitiers, went to seek another at Nicopolis, on the banks of 
 the Danube (1396). (See Chapter XXXI.) 
 
 To account for this confusion and disorder in the affairs of 
 
 the kingdom one would naturally assume that the king must 
 
 have been mad, and this was the case. In 
 
 chTrT/s v/. 1392, Charles VI. was marching into Brittany 
 
 C1392) ; assass- ^q avcngc the attempted assassination of his 
 
 ination of the '^ ^ 1 1 r /-. 1 
 
 DukeofOrieans constablc Clisson, by the lord of Craon, who 
 mSicf" an d ^ad taken refuge with the Duke John IV. 
 the Burgun- When crossing the forest of Mans under a 
 hot sun, and heavily dressed, that is, under 
 all the conditions conducive to cerebral congestion for a 
 head which was already weak, he saw a beggar dash at the 
 head of his horse, crying, " Return, you are betrayed ! " 
 The clashing of an iron spear behind him made him think 
 that he was about to be assassinated, and turning he killed four 
 of his suite. He had lost his reason, and during thirty years 
 had only rare intervals of lucidity. The government was 
 disputed by two parties : one was led by the brother of the 
 king, Louis Duke of Orleans, a young and brilliant prince, 
 generous but dissipated, of light morals and contemptuous 
 of the people, though in other respects he was a good 
 Frenchman, a bitter enemy of the English, and an enemy 
 also of the University, the great democratic body, both wise 
 and disputatious, whose sharp and sombre humor could not 
 accord with his character. Opposing him was the Duke of 
 Burgundy, a severe and gloomy man, who was accustomed 
 to flatter the people of Flanders, as he needed them for his 
 financial necessities, and who was impelled by them to sus- 
 tain the democratic cause everywhere, and was in conse- 
 quence allied with the citizens of Paris and the University, 
 and by reason of his Flemish interests allied also with the 
 English. The Duke of Orleans had no resources save in
 
 Chap. XXVIL] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 421 
 
 the taxes which he imposed upon the people of Paris, in the 
 name of the royal government. The Duke of Burgundy, on 
 the other hand, was rich from his own States, and asked 
 nothing from the Parisians, and would even willingly have 
 forbade their paying anything. This antagonism did not 
 come to open violence until after 1404, when John the Fear- 
 •less succeeded Philip the Bold. The rivalry then threat- 
 ened to turn into a civil war in the heart of Paris. Each 
 one assembled his men-at-arms and fortified his hotel with 
 the intention of fighting, but peace was made between them. 
 The hatred, however, was too bitter for this to endure, at 
 least on the part of John the Fearless, who had a less com- 
 pliant disposition than his cousin. He was at the table 
 with Louis and hypocritically received the sacrament with 
 him, and three days later had him assassinated as he was 
 leaving the king's palace at eight o'clock in the evening 
 (1407). The citizens of Paris and of Flanders approved of 
 this murder ; John the Fearless owned to it proudly, and 
 found a theologian, John Petit, to write his apology. The 
 king was made to declare that his brother had been justly 
 put out of the world, and Valentine of Milan, who had de- 
 manded vengeance for the murder of her husband, died 
 without obtaining it. The power of John the Fearless was 
 confirmed by the bloody victory of Hasbain, where 25,000 
 citizens of Liege were killed. 
 
 This power, however, provoked a reaction. Charles the 
 new Duke of Orleans, and the dukes of Berry, of Bourbon, 
 and of Brittany formed a league together with Bernard VII. 
 Count of Armagnac, the most powerful lord in the South. 
 The young Duke of Orleans married the daughter of Ber- 
 nard, and the latter by his talents and power became the 
 chief of the party of the Armagnacs (1410). This lord 
 of the Pyrenees was joined by Gascon adventurers who 
 were in search of fortune, and who were filled with 
 hatred of the men of the North, and contempt for the mad 
 king who was revered and pitied by the latter. John 
 opposed these Southerners with a force of Picards, Braban- 
 90ns and Lorrainers. The king was in the power of the 
 Burgundian faction which controlled Paris ; the other, the 
 real French party, already found its support, as it did later, 
 in the country to the south of the Loire. John the Fear- 
 less ruled Paris only by giving it over to demagogy and to 
 the party of the butchers. The head of the faction was the
 
 42 2 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 flayer Caboche, its orator the surgeon John of Troyes. 
 These men assumed the cross of Burgundy and dictated 
 their will to the council of the king. Paris recovered her 
 ancient privileges which she had lost in 1382. The Arma- 
 gnacs were everywhere driven out, pursued and killed like 
 wild beasts. The people of Paris were drawn on to cruel- 
 ties which the Duke of Burgundy did not dare restrain. 
 He renewed his alliance with the people of Ghent, and 
 showed his intention of extending democracy everywhere. 
 We must also mention as an act of great importance, the 
 Cabochian Ordinance, due mainly to the University, by 
 which, with as much wisdom as boldness, happy reforms 
 were decreed for all departments of the administration of 
 the kingdom. It is needless to say that this ordinance of 
 reformation was abolished almost as soon as it was de- 
 creed. 
 
 But the excesses of the Cabochian party and the revolu- 
 tionary state of the city wearied its inhabitants. Nine of 
 the twelve quarters declared for a compromise with the Ar- 
 magnacs, who re-entered the city (1413), while the butchers 
 were put to flight. This was a change from one tyranny to 
 another. The Armagnacs, with their aristocratic spirit and 
 their contempt for the people, treated Paris like a con- 
 quered city, silenced the University, re-established the old 
 regime, and revived the hatred of the English, which for 
 them was at the same time the hatred of the spirit of lib- 
 erty by which England was already being inspired. Thus 
 when Richard II. was deposed the Duke of Orleans refused 
 to recognize Henry IV. The interests of liberty and the 
 interests of the nation were opposed in France at this time. 
 The latter interests were the most urgent, in order that the 
 country might acquire force and unity. It is this question 
 which was to be debated in the new period of the Hundred 
 Years War, and which was decided by the triumph of the 
 French nationality. 
 
 To strengthen his power Henry V. needed a war with 
 France, which country, moreover, was now governed by 
 the party which had refused to recognize 
 opensThe war the legitimacy of his father Henry IV. He 
 ^415?. The^ba'^t- demanded the fulfillment of the treaty of 
 tie of Agin- Bretigny and the hand of Catharine, the 
 '^°"'^*' daughter of Charles VI. When these were 
 
 refused him he landed at the mouth of the Seine and
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 423 
 
 took Harfleur. An epidemic forced him to change his route 
 and to turn toward Calais as Edward III. had done before 
 him. Instead of taking- the measures necessary to check 
 his progress the court of France sent after him one of those 
 great feudal armies such as it had so often collected during 
 the century. The army consisted of about 80,000 men. 
 Henry V. had only 20,000. A battle was fought at Agin- 
 court, under conditions as unfavorable to the French as 
 those at Crecy. The feet of their horses stuck fast in the 
 deep and heavy mud. Disorder, lack of discipline, and 
 tumult reigned in the French army, order and piety in the 
 English. Henry V. pretended to be sent by God to punish 
 " the disorders, excesses, sins and vices which were visible 
 in the kingdom of France." He was closely allied with 
 the Church and found a great assistance in this alliance. 
 France was still schismatic, and sustained the pope of 
 Avignon against the pope of Rome. Their belief in the 
 mission of their king added to the ordinary coolness of 
 the English. Henry V. went about on foot without any 
 state, and ordered everything with calmness. He placed 
 his archers in the front ranks of his army. The Saxon 
 arrows again had a fine field in the masses of horses which 
 could hardly move. When the confusion was sufficient the 
 archers advanced, knife in hand, and set to work to kill the 
 horsemen who had been unhorsed and were encumbered by 
 their armor : 10,000 Frenchmen perished, most of them 
 gentlemen, among them 120 great nobles and 7 princes. 
 The English lost only about 1600 dead. The nobility had 
 never before been weakened by such a terrible wound. 
 This was a third and decisive condemnation of the feudal 
 armies, which were good in a former age, but which hence- 
 forth were powerless (1415). 
 
 The disaster of Agincourt discredited the government 
 of the Armagnacs, who were only able to maintain them- 
 selves in Paris by violent means. In 1418 a conspiracy 
 opened the gates of Paris to the Burgundians ; with them 
 the butchers returned, and with the butchers, massacres. 
 The slaughter of the Armagnacs deluged Paris in blood. 
 During twenty-eight hours a butchery of from 1600 to 3000 
 victims went on in the prisons. The count of Armagnac 
 was among this number, and as Charles of Orleans had been 
 taken prisoner at Agincourt, the Orleans party was left 
 with no other leader than the Dauphin Charles, who separ-
 
 424 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 ated himself from his father, the king, who had fallen into 
 the hands of the Burgundians. These governed no better 
 than the Armagnacs. If the Armagnacs lost the battle of 
 Agincourt, the Burgundians were to lose Rouen, which, 
 however, did not open its gates till one third of its popu- 
 lation had perished. Its leader, Alain Blanchard, was less 
 fortunate than Eustace of Saint Pierre, for his patriotism 
 cost him his head (141 9). Thus, through the equal impo- 
 tence of both the parties which governed her, France was 
 about to fall into the hands of foreigners. 
 
 This disaster was precipitated by another assassination. 
 John the Fearless was enticed to an interview on the bridge 
 of Montereau, and was killed there by Tanneguy-Duchatel 
 at the instigation of the dauphin. This indolent young- 
 prince, plunged in the pursuit of pleasure, thought by this 
 treacherous crime to become sole master of the government, 
 but exactly the reverse took place. He aroused a feelmg 
 of pity for his victim and horror for himself in the minds of 
 the people. The alliance of the Burgundians with the 
 English astonished no one. The Parisians, decimated by 
 a terrible famine, found a pretext for going over to the 
 English party, which alone could rescue them from misery. 
 " Rather the English, than the Armagnacs," said they. A 
 century later a Carthusian friar of Dijon showed Francis I. 
 the tomb of John the Fearless, saying, " This great wound 
 by means of which the English entered France." Soon 
 afterwards the treaty of Troyes (1420) was signed, by which 
 Henry V. was recognized as heir of Charles VI., and the 
 dauphin was excluded from the succession. The queen. 
 Isabel of Bavaria, for a pension of 2000 francs a month 
 consented to this treaty, which was hardly a reproach to 
 Philip the Good, who was avenging his father, or to Charles 
 VI., who did not know what he was doing, but doubly so 
 to her, the unnatural mother who could write the following 
 words: "The so-called dauphin of Viennois," and "our 
 son the king Henry." At any rate, except for the country 
 on the banks of the Loire and a few cities in Burgundy, 
 almost the whole of France did the same. The States 
 General recognized Henry V. as heir ; and the parlia- 
 ment proceeded judicially against Charles of Valois, the 
 dauphin of Viennois, and declared him banished from 
 the kingdom and unworthy of succeeding to any seignory. 
 The great lords, both temporal and spiritual, gave their
 
 Chap. XXVIL] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 425 
 
 oath of fidelity to the new heir without any conscientious 
 scruples. 
 
 Henry V. married Catherine, the daughter of Charles VI. 
 But his troubles were already beginning ; he was attacked 
 by disease, and foresaw the future fate of his conquest 
 when he should be no more. When the birth of his son 
 was announced to him he said, " Henry of Monmouth," 
 speaking of himself, " will have reigned but few years and 
 conquered much ; Henry of Windsor will reign long and 
 lose all : may God's will be done!" He died August 31, 
 1422, leaving the regency in the hands of his brother 
 Bedford, whom he commanded never to enter into any 
 negotiations with the dauphin, and to preserve peace with 
 the Duke of Burgundy. On the 21st of October Charles VI. 
 followed him to the tomb. 
 
 Two kings were proclaimed in France at the same time ; 
 
 one an Englishman, Henry VI., at Paris, the other the 
 
 Frenchman, Charles VII., in Berry, at the 
 
 H c n r V VI \ 
 
 and Charles church of Mchun-sur-Ycvres. 
 FJance'''"J4«? ^^^ situation of Charlcs VII. was very 
 
 Joan of Arc critical. His rcccnt defeat at Mons-cn-Vimeu 
 (1429-1431)- 1^^^ driven his troops from Picardy, where, 
 
 liowever, Xaintrailles was still fighting for his cause, and he 
 had almost been driven back upon the Loire. He did not 
 lack skillful captains and valiant knights, but all his brave 
 warriors were demoralized by the court, which was a scene 
 of indolence, intrigues and of the most insane extravagance. 
 The English under the lead of the wise Duke of Bedford 
 showed much more order and regard in their plans. They 
 had undoubtedly wearied the French by their pride and 
 insolence, and the Duke of Burgundy, their indispensable 
 ally, had already been on the point of fighting with the 
 Duke of Gloucester over Jacqueline of Hainault and her 
 inheritance, but Bedford had made peace between them and 
 had smoothed away all feelings of resentment. For years 
 the Duke of Burgundy had looked with longing eyes on the 
 valuable succession of Hainault, Holland, Zealand, and 
 Friesland, of which Jacqueline had acknowledged him her 
 heir ; desirous of adding to his possessions in the direction 
 of the Netherlands, he bought the county of Namur and 
 the seignory of Bethune ; and in order that he might be 
 allowed to do this in peace and quietness by the English, 
 he allowed them to pursue the conquest of France undis-
 
 426 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 turbed. The battles of Crevant-sur-Yonne (1423) and 
 Verneuil (1424) expelled the soldiers of Charles VII. from 
 Burgundy and Normandy, and Chartres and Mans were 
 taken. Finally in September, 1428, after all the approaches 
 to the Loire had been conquered, the Earl of Salisbury 
 laid siege to Orleans. This is the time when the fortunes 
 of Charles VII. and of France were at their lowest ebb. 
 The treasury of the poor king contained hardly four crowns ; 
 his table was wretched, and one day when La Hire and 
 Xaintrailles came to see him he could offer them nothing 
 but " two chickens and a sheep's tail." The nobles were 
 jealous of his Scotch guard. They quarreled and fought 
 with each other even at the meetings of his council. The 
 constable of Richemond had vainly tried to restore order by 
 energetic measures and by the execution of several of the 
 most baneful of the king's favorites ; one of them, La 
 Tremouille, succeeded in having him banished, and then 
 there was no longer any one at court who was capable of 
 restoring order and prosperity. Charles listened only to 
 the most unworthy counsels ; after the disastrous " day of 
 the Herrings" (1429), he was persuaded to take refuge in 
 the South and to abandon Orleans, the key to the Loire, 
 and the gate to southern France. France was on the 
 point of falling entirely into the hands of the English, 
 when she was saved by one of those sudden changes of 
 fortune which seem so impossible when we see them on 
 the stage. 
 
 In Domremy, a little hamlet belonging to the diocese of 
 Toul, but detached from it, there lived a poor family of 
 peasants. The father was called Jacques d'Arc and the 
 mother Isabelle Romee.* They had three sons and two 
 daughters. One of the daughters (Jeanne d'Arc), Joan of 
 Arc, was a gentle, docile child, industrious and so timid 
 that a single word was enough to disconcert her. In spite 
 of the raillery of the other young girls, her piety increased 
 with her years. As soon as she had finished her work she 
 would hasten to church to say her prayers, of which she 
 only knew the Pater, the Ave, and the Credo, or would go to 
 the fields and sit dreaming and listening to the sound of the 
 
 * It has been recently shown that the family of Jeanne d'Arc occupied 
 a position of more importance and consideration locally than was formerly 
 supposed. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 4^7 
 
 bells. At that time the war, both foreign and civil, had 
 penetrated everywhere. Joan knew its consequences, for 
 its ravages had extended even to her own hamlet. The 
 political feeling was so strong there that the children of 
 Domremy, which was Armagnac in its sympathies, often 
 fought battles with those of a neighboring village which 
 sympathized with the Burgundians. Possibly Joan may 
 have seen her brothers return bleeding more than once from 
 these combats. With a temperament prone to enthusiasm, 
 and with weak health, a political exaltation was soon joined 
 to her religious exaltation, as is often the case with women. 
 After the battles of Crevant and Verneuil she fell into that 
 strange state, well known to us to-day from thousands of 
 examples, in which the conceptions of an excited imagina- 
 tion appear to it as outward realities. She saw visions and 
 heard voices which said, " Joan, be always a devout, good 
 and true child, and God will help you." When Orleans 
 was besieged the Archangel Michael appeared to her and 
 told her to go to the aid of the king. She was much alarmed 
 and protested that she was only a poor country girl ; but 
 the angel repeated his command, and appeared displeased 
 with her. After that she had three visions a week, and 
 kept seeing Saint Margaret and Saint Catherine, and acted 
 entirely according to their words. To fulfill the commands 
 from heaven, she planned to leave home with some soldiers. 
 Her father heard of this, and said to his sons, " If I thought 
 that such a thing would happen, I should wish you to drown 
 her ; and if you would not do it, I should drown her myself." 
 He tried to arrange a marriage for her. Hearing this Joan 
 fled from her father's house to that of an uncle nearby. 
 She then approached Baudricourt, a French captain of 
 Charles VII., who was stationed at Vaucouleurs, and after 
 much hesitation he directed Joan toward the banks of the 
 Loire with an escort of six men. 
 
 She accomplished this difficult journey successfully, 
 through a country almost in the hands of the enemy, and 
 arrived at Chinon where the king had his headquarters, 
 and hid herself among the courtiers. It was a hard task 
 to convince this frivolous court of the reality of her mission, 
 but she succeeded in doing so. When sent to Poitiers, she 
 was questioned by the doctors, for some of them thought 
 she was possessed of the devil ; she foiled the subtlety of 
 their questions by the simplicity of her answers. Her
 
 428 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 purity and piety inspired the people with enthusiasm, and 
 public opinioh triumphed over the hesitation of the court. 
 Charles VII. consented to give her arms, a banner, a page 
 and a squire, and to send her to Orleans accompanied by 
 his wisest captains. She restored decency to the camp, and 
 even reformed the oaths of the old La Hire, the hardened 
 Gascon captain who used to pray in these words : " Lord 
 God, do unto La Hire as you would have La Hire do unto 
 you, if you were La Hire and La Hire were God." On 
 Friday, the twenty-ninth of April, 1429, Joan of Arc en- 
 tered Orleans. On Sunday, the eighth of May, the English 
 raised the siege. The first part of her mission was accom- 
 plished ; it now remained for her to have Charles conse- 
 crated at Rheims. 
 
 She carried with her the French army, and, what was more 
 difficult, the king also. Her courage and piety inspired 
 the French soldiers, while the English believed her to be a 
 sorceress and fled at her approach. She took Jargeau and 
 made Suffolk prisoner. She tried to reconcile the king 
 with Richemond, and she gained the battle of Patay, where 
 the brave Talbot was taken prisoner. She had an assault 
 made on Troyes, against the decision of the council of the 
 king, and Troyes fell. Finally she entered Rheims with the 
 king, and was present at his consecration (July). 
 
 Joan now believed that she had accomplished the main 
 part of her mission, and would gladly have returned to 
 Domremy. When asked where she expected to die, she re- 
 plied : "Where it pleases God, for I am no more sure of 
 the time and place than you are, and would to God, my 
 Creator, that I might go home, giving up my arms, and 
 help my father and mother by taking care of their sheep 
 with my sister and my brothers, who will greatly rejoice at 
 seeing me." She was not allowed to go, however, and 
 served in the following campaign, taking part in the unsuc- 
 cessful siege of Paris, where she was wounded. She was 
 betrayed. Having shut herself into Compiegne to save it 
 from the attacks of the Duke of Burgundy, she attempted, 
 after a sortie, to cover the retreat ; but the governor had 
 the gates shut before she could re-enter the city, and she 
 fell into the hands of the bastard of Vendome (May, 
 1430), and she was at last sold to the English for 10,000 
 francs. 
 
 In the eyes of the French Joan was a messenger from
 
 Chap. XXVII.] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 429 
 
 God ; in those of the English she was sent by the devil, and 
 they wished to prove this by a trial for witchcraft. The 
 University of Paris demanded that the trial should be held 
 in that city ; but Bedford wished it to take place at Rouen, 
 the most English as well as the most secure of the cities, 
 and he put the direction of this shameful process in the 
 hands of Peter Cauchon, the Bishop of Beauvais. It is hard 
 to decide whether Ihis monstrous affair was more odious 
 or more contemptible. Every form of justice was violated. 
 Calm, serene, and deep through her very simplicity, she 
 escaped all the traps that were set for her without an 
 effort and through the uprightness of her soul. Her replies 
 were brief, spirited, and heroic. When asked if she believed 
 herself in a state of grace, she wisely replied, " If I am not 
 in such a state, may God help me." Another time she said, 
 " I carried a banner instead of a spear in order to avoid 
 killing any one. I have never killed a single person. I 
 said, ' Go boldly among the English,' and I went among them 
 myself." Was the hope of victory in this banner? "It was 
 founded on God and on nothing else." Why did you carry 
 the banner up to the altar at the consecration of Charles ? 
 " It had been present through all the trouble, which was rea- 
 son enough that it should share in the honor." Does God 
 hate the English ? " Whether God loves or hates the English, 
 I know not ; but I well know that they will be driven from 
 France." They had at first wished to treat her as a witch, 
 but they had no grounds on which to do so. Only two of 
 the articles of accusation could be maintained, her wearing 
 man's apparel and her refusal to submit to the Church. 
 She had been persuaded that to submit to the Church was 
 to recognize the legitimacy of the tribunal which was judg- 
 ing her, which she did not do ; as to the man's apparel she 
 gave it up for a while, but was obliged to resume it on 
 account of the brutality of her jailers. Cauchon imme- 
 diately declared her a relapsed heretic, and delivered her 
 over to the secular arm to be burned. " Alas ! " cried she 
 at this terrible news, " I appeal to God from the cruelties 
 done me." Truly there was no one on earth for her to 
 appeal to. The Pope would not hear her cries ; the King 
 of France forgot her on the throne which he had ascended 
 through her help. The poor girl was burned on an enor- 
 mous pile placed in the market-place at Rouen, and bore this 
 torture with heroic courage (May 30, 1431).
 
 43° ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 Joan of Arc, who had saved France during her Hfe, was 
 still useful to her country by her death. The English party 
 became odious and almost accursed to the 
 Alras^ii^ss) pcoplc, bccausc they had put to death a 
 Charles VII. at vvomau, E virgin, and a saint ! The crime 
 End'^o/'fh'*e committed on the market-place of Rouen far 
 wTr^?'^ "^^^'■^ surpassed the crime of the bridge of Monte- 
 reau, and the memory of the latter had, more- 
 over, grown somewhat dim with time. The Duke of Bur- 
 gundy began to feel ill at ease in the anti-national party. 
 Joan of Arc had rallied the whole nation about Charles VII. 
 In 1431 Philip concluded a two years' truce with the king. 
 The war turned to his advantage. Richemond, who had 
 driven Tremouille from the court and had regained his 
 influence, conducted it with energy. It was in vain that 
 Bedford brought young Henry VI. to Paris and had him 
 solemnly crowned there (1431). This ceremony was melan- 
 choly and boded no good. The capital was dying of hunger, 
 commerce was paralyzed, the houses were falling to ruins, 
 and bands of " flayers " scoured the neighboring country. 
 Paris, whose sufferings had only increased under the Eng- 
 lish rule, began to think of returning to the legitimate king. 
 
 Preparations were now made for peace, and a congress 
 was held at Arras (1435). This is the first great assembly 
 of the kind, and was almost European in its character. 
 Two cardinals presided over it, and besides the French 
 and English ambassadors, ambassadors were sent by the 
 emperor, the kings of Castile, Aragon, Portugal, Navarre, 
 Naples, Sicily, Cyprus, Poland, and Denmark, and by the 
 dukes of Brittany and Milan. Ten thousand foreigners 
 were present at the congress. After long discussions, the 
 French consented to yield Aquitaine and Normandy to 
 Henry VI. as a fief. This did not satisfy the ambition of 
 the English. They stood firmly on the treaty of Troyes 
 and demanded the crown of France. As they could not 
 gain this, the congress broke up without accomplishing any- 
 thing. It had, however, one important result : the Duke 
 of Burgundy, seeing that the war was to be continued 
 through fault of the English, abandoned them and con- 
 cluded the treaty of Arras with Charles VII. (1435). "^^''^^ 
 treaty was very advantageous to him, as he gained Auxerre, 
 Macon, Peronne, Roye, and Montdidier, with the cities of 
 the Somme, and was released for his whole lifetime from
 
 Chap. XXVI I.] THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 4:it 
 
 all homage to the crown of France. Charles VII. judged 
 wisely when he decided that even in this way the end of the 
 civil war was not too dearly bought. 
 
 The reconciliation of the Burgundians with Charles pre- 
 pared the way for that of Paris. In spite of the efforts of 
 the English, the constable of Richemond entered the city 
 through a gate which was opened to him by Michel Lallier, 
 a rich merchant of the city. He promised the Parisians 
 peace, amnesty, and harmony with both the king and the 
 duke (1436). Charles VIL visited his capital the following 
 year, and from that time he could be called the veritable 
 king of France, while until then the English had called him, 
 and with some justice, the king of Bourges. 
 
 From this time Charles was no longer the same man. 
 The indolence of his younger years gave way to activity, 
 prudence, and to boldness in enterprise. While he finished 
 reconquering France, he also v/as busy in healing her other 
 ills. Some attribute the honor of this change to Agnes 
 Sorel,* but more weight should be given to the influence of 
 the constable of Richemond, of the count of Dunois, of the 
 seneschal of Normandy, Jean de Breze, of the chancellor 
 Jouvenel, of Jacques Coeur, the minister of finance, of 
 Chevalier, of Cousinot, secretary of the -:ing, and of the 
 brothers J;ure;.u, who by grea'dy improving the French 
 artillery procured a decided advantage for France on the 
 field of battle and in the sieges of cities. By the Pragmatic 
 Sanction Charles applied a remedy to the religious disorders ; 
 and by the ordinance of Orleans, to the military disorders. 
 The establishment of a standing army, which was fatal to 
 the feudal regime, stirred up the whOiC nobility in a resist- 
 ance which came to a head in the " Praguerie." He was 
 victorious over them, at the same time continuing to drive 
 the English from the cities they still retained. A party in 
 Englanc'j at the head of which was the cardinal of Win- 
 chester, demanded peace. Thror.gh his influence a truce 
 of two years was concluded with France (1444), and was 
 sealed by tho marriage of Margaret of Anjou with Henry VI. 
 
 Charles seizec'. this interval to imitate Charles V. by get- 
 ting rid of tho roving bands that infested France. He 
 started with 25,000 of these freebooters on the pretext of 
 
 * It is now certain that this was not the case. Agnes Sorel does not 
 appear at the court before 1443. — Ed.
 
 43^ ENGLAND AND FRANCE. ^BooK VIIL 
 
 going to help sustain the rights of Rene of Anjou to the 
 duchy of Lorraine, and sent his son, the Dauphin Louis, 
 with a like army to fight the Swiss in a war with the house 
 of Austria. Charles failed in his siege of Metz, and con- 
 tented himself with exacting money for himself and his 
 ally. As to the Dauphin he defeated in the battle at Saint 
 Jacques 1600 Swiss, losing 8000 men himself. This loss 
 was of little importance, as his aim was to "draw the bad 
 blood of France." The Dauphin was struck by the valor of 
 the Swiss mountaineers, and made a treaty with them by 
 which they engaged to help him with 4000 men whenever 
 he should need their help. 
 
 When the truce with the English had expired, Charles VH. 
 hastened to renew the war with great energy and success. 
 Normandy was reconquered by Dunois and Richemond, who 
 gained the battle of Formigny (1450). Guienne shared the 
 same fate in spite of the friendship of the Gascons for the 
 English. The victory of Castillon, in which Talbot was 
 killed, and which was due to the French artillery, per- 
 manently restored this province to France. The English 
 retained only Calais on the continent. This was the end 
 of the Hundred Years War, a war which, by giving rise to 
 the lasting antagonism between France and England, made 
 their separate nationalities much more distinct. France 
 especially gained unity from it, and the south and north 
 drew closer together, while her people, who are only moved 
 by violent and continuous action, were initiated into a 
 national life and acquired a sentiment for it. They now 
 saw in their king not only their protector, but the hereditary 
 defender of France, and they loved him with a kind of 
 adoration. It was this spirit which had in a way found its 
 personification in Joan of Arc, a daughter of the people, 
 both saint and warrior, the liberator of her country, inspired 
 with the worship of royalty.
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 INTERNAL HISTORY OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND DUR- 
 ING THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR. 
 
 Parliament's increasing power in England. — The English Constitution 
 in the middle of the Fifteenth Century. — France : Progress of royal 
 authority. — Formation of a princely feudalism by appanages. — 
 Development of the old and new institutions. 
 
 During the Hundred Years War, France and England 
 tended in opposite directions. The French royal power, 
 though weak at first, had kept up a con- 
 progress in tinuous growth, while the English, which had 
 England. been very strong under the first Norman 
 
 kings, declined under their successors. The Hundred 
 Years War favored both these movements. In order to 
 carry on the war, the kings of England were constantly 
 obliged to ask parliament for subsidies, which by this means 
 held the crown in a sort of dependent position, while France, 
 which was thrown into confusion by the foreign war, was 
 incapable of a steady development of the germs of free 
 institutions, which had sprung up under Philip the Fair, and 
 had only explosions, so to speak, of liberty, as transient as 
 they were violent. 
 
 It was precisely at this time, the time of the Hundred 
 Years War, that England gradually reached the parliamen- 
 tary form of government, the organic form of liberty. In 
 the reign of Edward III., who was the most victorious of 
 England's kings, but who was obliged by the need of money 
 to convoke parliament every year and even several times a 
 year, three essential principles of constitutional right were 
 established : first, the illegality of taxes imposed without 
 the consent of parliament ; second, the necessity of the con- 
 currence of both houses for a change in the law ; third, the 
 recognized right of the commons to inquire into abuses and 
 to impeach the councillors of the king. In the same reign, 
 
 433
 
 <^34 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 the crime of high treason was defined and limited to seven 
 very grave cases, while before that the king had applied 
 that name according to his pleasure ; finally, a well-sustained 
 resistance was brought to bear on at-bitrary increase of tax- 
 ation, and on the levying of men, horses, and provisions. 
 
 In like manner, we begin, about the time of the reign of 
 Edward III., to have some definite information concerning 
 the constitutive elements of parliament and its separation 
 into two houses — namely, the Upper, or House of Lords, 
 which comprised the great barons who possessed their seats 
 by hereditary right, though by virtue of an individual sum- 
 mons from the king, which even took the place of hereditary 
 right at times, and ilso the great clerical dignitaries, arch- 
 bishops and bishops, who held their seats by virtue of a 
 personal title ; secondly, the Lower House, or House of 
 Commons, whose members obtained their seats by election 
 only and were divided into two classes, the knights of the 
 shire, representatives of the smaller county nobility, elected 
 by the freeholders ; and the commoners, elected, first, by 
 all boroughs created by charter, whether they held their 
 privileges from the crown or from a feudal lord, as, for in- 
 stance, many boroughs in Cornwall, which held their rights 
 from Richard, king of the Romans ; secondly, by all the 
 towns which were included in the former or present crown 
 lands ; thirdly, by all those towns which, though not con- 
 verted into municipal communities, could afford to support 
 representatives.* The order for the meeting of parliament 
 was sent to the sheriff, and enjoined upon him the duty of 
 having two knights elected to represent the county, two 
 citizens for each city, and two burghers for each borough. 
 But in practice the organization of parliament did not 
 always correspond with its theory ; the sheriffs often pur- 
 posely omitted some of the boroughs, and sometimes the 
 boroughs tried to evade their obligation of electing deputies, 
 in order that they might not have to furnish them with the 
 compensation determined by law, thus voluntarily condemn- 
 ing themselves to political nullity. The county members 
 received from their constituents four shillings per day, worth 
 to-day about si,\ dollars ; the city members received some- 
 what less. At first, perhaps, all the inhabitants of a bor- 
 
 * The writs for the election of borough members were addressed in gen- 
 eral terms to the sheriffs, and under tliciii tlie sheiiffs made selection, often 
 arbitrarily enough, of the towns to be represented. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXVIIL] INTERNAL HISTORY. 435 
 
 ough took part in the election, but later it was seized, in 
 many cases, by the corporation or municipal council. As 
 for the number of members from cities and boroughs, there 
 were on an average i8o in the time of Edward III., that is 
 to say, about ninety towns were represented.* The num- 
 ber of knights was at the rate of two for every county. In 
 spite of their smaller number, they possessed the greater 
 influence in the Lower House, because they represented an 
 aristocratic element. 
 
 During the troubled reign of Richard II. parliament con- 
 tinued to increase in power. In the trial of the Chancellor 
 INIichael de la Pole, the right to prosecute public officers 
 before the House of Lords, for acts which could not be 
 reached by ordinary laws, was enforced for the first time in 
 an important case. We can only mention here the formid- 
 able opposition led by the uncles of the King, the nomina- 
 tion of eleven commissioners, and the deposition, by judicial 
 proceedings, of Richard II. That was the first instance of 
 a king being tried by his people, and it had a ver}'^ different 
 import from a murder or an outrage of any kind on the 
 royal person. Richard II. was the forerunner of Charles I. 
 
 The reign of Henry IV. was for different reasons favora- 
 ble to the growth of public liberty. The house of Lancas- 
 ter, which had gained the crown with the assistance of the 
 House of Commons, showed a popular and parliamentary 
 spirit and made it its principle of government. No com- 
 plaint was heard at that time of the right of parliament 
 alone to make taxation legal. Under Henry IV. redress 
 of grievances was made a preliminary condition to the 
 voting of subsidies, and the right to direct their use, which 
 had already been introduced, was exercised without 
 obstruction. But parliament showed great moderation in 
 claiming its rights. By forbidding the barons to fill the 
 country with their dependents in livery, they succeeded in 
 diminishing the number of quarrels between the noble fami- 
 lies. By prohibiting appeals of treason in full parliament, 
 it suppressed one source of disorder and real danger to the 
 public. 
 
 Under Henry V. an English king again became all-con- 
 quering and victorious ; but, as in the reign of Edward III., 
 
 * The number of representatives from the towns fluctuates very greatly. 
 It was probably at a minimum under Edward III. Who were electors 
 in the early elections is very uncertain. — Ed.
 
 43^ ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 the necessity for money to carry on his expedition on the 
 continent held him in dependence upon parliament, which 
 body gained two important concessions : first, that no act 
 was valid which did not have the consent of the Commons ; 
 secondly, that the changes made in the wording of their 
 petitions, when the matter was converted into laws, should 
 not be of such a nature as to alter the sense. 
 
 Thus the English liberties and their securities gradually 
 
 accumulated, and thus England's glorious constitutional 
 
 edifice took shape and substance. In the 
 
 The English middle of the fifteenth century the English 
 
 Constitution in iii i ^ • ri-'i -i 
 
 the middle of pcoplc had a declaration of their rights in the 
 century.^ ^"*^ Magna Charta, in the jury a guarantee of 
 their individual safety, and in parliament a 
 guarantee of the public safety. The national securities 
 may be classified under five heads, as follows : 
 
 Firsts the right to vote the taxes, to determine their 
 nature, to fix the rate of assessment, and to supervise the 
 outlay ; while the king could levy no tax which had not 
 been passed by vote. 
 
 Second, the right of parliament to settle questions con- 
 cerning succession to the throne and the regency. 
 
 Third, the right to present grievances and demand their 
 redress before voting on subsidies. 
 
 Fourth, the necessity for the concurrence of both houses 
 to change the law. 
 
 Fifth, the right of the House of Commons to impeach 
 the royal officers. 
 
 The two principal guarantees of individual liberty were 
 as follows : 
 
 First, no one could be arrested except by order of a 
 magistrate. 
 
 Second, no one could be judged except by his peers, 
 twelve jurors, sitting in public court in the county where 
 the crime had been committed, and from whose decision 
 there could be no appeal. 
 
 The national spirit ought to be placed above all these 
 guarantees, for the best institutions are worth nothing unless 
 they are sustained and defended by public opinion. As a 
 consequence of the old alliance between the nobles and the 
 people, a liberal spirit animated the English aristocracy, a 
 spirit acquired during its struggle with the royal power, and 
 which has continued to animate it for the most part since
 
 Chap. XXVIII.] INTERNAL HISTORY. 437 
 
 that time. It accepted the doctrine of equality in the eye 
 of the law, reserving for itself a few purely honorary privi- 
 leges, and even at that time it opened its ranks to those 
 who raised themselves from obscurity by their talents or 
 their services, while the younger sons of the greatest houses 
 were not nobles but formed a part of the gentry, who 
 came into close contact with the middle classes, in the 
 House of Commons. The latter, on their side, felt none of 
 that hatred of the aristocracy, their old and faithful ally, 
 which filled the heart of the masses in other countries. 
 Therefore, says an eminent English historian, there was 
 nowhere to be found a democracy more aristocratic nor an 
 aristocracy more democratic than the people and the nobil- 
 ity of England. 
 
 But then the War of the Roses broke out, and English 
 liberty, drowned in blood, disappeared for a century and a 
 half. The country restored it in the seventeenth century 
 and did not lose it again. 
 
 The royal power of France, unlike that of England, 
 
 which stood alone against the combined forces of the 
 
 nobility and the people, had joined with the 
 
 gress""ade^b°y pcoplc against the feudal nobility, their com- 
 
 royai authori- mou enemy.* It had encouraged the com- 
 
 ty. Formation , ^ , , •, . t ■ , 
 
 of a princely munal- movement at its start. Later it admit- 
 Ippa'^nages."' ^^ ted the growing Third Estate to a share of 
 political rights. This alliance lasted as long 
 as did the necessity which caused it. But the royal 
 power, in the moment of victory, forgot those who had 
 given it their assistance, and, at the end of the thirteenth 
 century, it tried to become absolute in power. Neither the 
 States-general, convoked by Philip the Fair, nor those con- 
 sulted by Philip VI. in 1328 and 1345 on the question of 
 currency and taxation, exerted any influence on the gen- 
 eral government of the kingdom. It was otherwise during 
 the calamitous period of the Hundred Years War. Then 
 the great need of money made it necessary to convoke the 
 Estates, and the Estates, united during the time when the 
 
 * No systematic and continued policy on the part of the king must be 
 understood here, but rather something occasional merely. The crown 
 made use of the cities when anything was to be gained by it, and turned 
 against them when that seemed better policy — aiding one to-day and 
 opposing another to-morrow, and using them in every way possible, as 
 it did everything else within its reach, to build up its own power. — Ed.
 
 438 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 masters of France were working her ruin, constituted them- 
 selves her masters in order to save her. But they squan- 
 dered and exhausted their strength ; lassitude followed, and 
 the Estates of 1359, greatly differing from those of 1356 and 
 1357, re-established the royal authority upon its old foun- 
 dations. The king profited by this tendency on their part 
 to dispense with the States-general, which the ruling power 
 sometimes found a useful assistant, though formidable and 
 hard to manage. Charles V., while Dauphin, had learned 
 that lesson by bad experience ; he called the Estates 
 together once more to break the disastrous treaty signed at 
 London by King John, then ceased to convoke them and 
 had recourse only to assemblies of notables, chosen by his 
 own officers, or to provincial assemblies, which were more 
 compliant in the matter of taxation, like those in Lan-, 
 guedoc, Normandy, Auvergne, etc. It was much the same 
 in the reigns of Charles VI. and Charles VII. Although 
 the latter assembled the representatives of the whole coun- 
 try many times, it is certain that, from the accession of 
 Charles V. until the meeting of the Estates in 1448, the 
 royal power maintained its victory over the States-general 
 and had nothing to fear from them. 
 
 The royal power had also triumphed over feudalism. 
 The growth of the royal domains, which had not stopped 
 even during the Hundred Years War, had put the king 
 as a landholder in a position far above all the feudal 
 lords. But feudalism died only to be born again in 
 a less dangerous form, in some respects, though in others 
 more dangerous. The greater part of the time, in 
 fact, the crown, instead of keeping the direct possession 
 of its newly acquired fiefs, gave them as appanages to 
 some prince of the blood, founding in this way a new 
 feudal power which, emanating from the will of the head 
 of the State and attached to him by family ties, might 
 be considered as the representative of the king's authority 
 in the provinces, though at times it aspired to a higher 
 and almost royal power. There was, moreover, an im- 
 portant difference between fiefs and appanages. The lat- 
 ter did not pass to the daughters, but reverted to the 
 crown on the extinction of the male line. Tiiis custom of 
 conferring appanages on the " sires of the fleurs de lis " 
 arose in the reign of St. Louis. 'I'he Valois continued the 
 habit. The most celebrated example of this period is the
 
 Chap. XXVIII.] INTERNAL HISTORY. 439 
 
 investiture of Philip the Bold, son of King John, with the 
 duchy of Burgundy on the death of Philip of Rouvres, the 
 last heir of the first Capetian house of Burgundy. 
 
 The king's most useful instruments were his parliament 
 
 at the center of affairs, and his royal officers in the provinces. 
 
 ^ , ^ The lawyers had waged war for the royal 
 
 Development i • u • i i i 
 
 of old and new authority on all questions that arose, but they 
 institutions. were not ready to fight the crown itself as was 
 the case later ; under the first of the Valois, parliament con- 
 fined itself to its judicial functions. In the performance of 
 these, it gained an authority and influence over public 
 opinion which gave it a certain boldness under Charles V.; 
 it was with that prince, in fact, that it first remonstrated on 
 the abuses in the administration of justice, and on two other 
 occasions it remonstrated with Charles VI. on non-political 
 subjects. In the absence of the States-general this body, 
 already respected for its learning and its character, seems to 
 have been designed by nature to control the government. In 
 137 1, the nobility of Languedoc appealed to parliament from 
 a tax imposed by the king. Charles V. set the appeal aside. 
 One very simple but necessary function, the registration 
 of the royal ordinances, grew to be of great importance. 
 To apply the law it was necessary for the judges to know 
 •it, and as the art of printing did not exist, it was necessary 
 to make and preserve a copy ; in other words, to register 
 the law. But the laws of one day often differed from those 
 of the day before. When the question came up, which 
 should be obeyed, parliament pointed out {remontrait^ to 
 the king its embarrassment, and asked for advice. Thence 
 arose two rights of great importance and great elasticity, 
 which gave parliament, the simple judiciary power, the 
 chance, later, of entering into the affairs of the State and 
 of claiming to be a political power. By refusing or by 
 delaying the registration, it succeeded in arresting or sus- 
 pending the promulgation and the effects of the royal ordi- 
 nances. By means of the custom of " remonstrances," 
 which it developed into a right, it presumed to modify the 
 law itself. Examples of this were seen as early as 1418 
 and 1443, ^"^' many others since that time. Charles V. 
 made a great concession to parliament when he permitted 
 them to make their own appointments to the vacant places 
 within their body. Charles VII., on the other hand, re- 
 sumed the right to dispose of those places.
 
 44° ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book VIII. 
 
 The University possessed considerable authority on ac- 
 count of its learning, its renown, and its 20,000 students,* 
 and more than once it had played an important part in 
 public affairs. It sustained the kings in their efforts toward 
 Galilean independence of the Papal power. In the midst 
 of the civil disturbances which prevailed at Paris it exerted 
 a great influence on passing events, and feeling that, with 
 the parliament, it formed the thinking head of the country, 
 it urged that body to join in seizing the government when 
 the king went mad and the different factions were contend- 
 ing for control. Their audacity was well justified by the 
 extraordinary merit of the Cabochian ordinance, their work. 
 But, like everything else, the University finally gave way to 
 royal authority. 
 
 The Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges (1438) was one of the 
 important acts of the administration of Charles VII. It 
 recognized the superiority of a general council to the 
 authority of the Pope, reserved the right of election to the 
 bishoprics and the great benefices to the churches and 
 chapters of France, and withdrew from the court of Rome 
 the reservations, provisions, and annates, which drew a 
 great deal of money out of the kingdom. This act put 
 great influence over the elections into the hands of the 
 patrons of the Church, consequently into those of the king, 
 and of the other lords on whose lands the churches and 
 abbeys were built. The last- mentioned circumstance in- 
 duced Louis XI. to abolish later the Pragmatic Sanction of 
 Bourges, and Francis I. established in its place the Con- 
 cordat of 15 16, which was followed, as a natural conse- 
 quence, by that of 1802. 
 
 Another measure struck a heavy blow at the feudal 
 system. It was the formation of a standing army, and it 
 took the military monopoly, which they had enjoyed till that 
 time, away from the nobility. The employment of mer- 
 cenary soldiers, an old custom, had prepared the way for 
 the change. But Charles VII. desired that his standing 
 army should be really a national army and not a collection 
 of men from all nations, having no feeling of patriotism. 
 The P^states held at Orleans in 1439 published an ordinance 
 to that effect, which was executed in 1445 ; it instituted 15 
 
 * This number, like those given for other mediaeval universities, is of 
 course an exaggeration. One tenth the number would be much nearer 
 the actual attendance. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXVIII.] INTERNAL HISTORY. \\l 
 
 companies furnished with loo lances each, t^iat is to say, 
 with loo men-at-arms, each one followed by three archers, 
 a swordsman, and a page, and each wearing a jacket in the 
 livery of their captain. That was the first appearance of 
 uniform. A perpetual tax of 1,200,000 livres annually was 
 appropriated for the special purpose of the support of the 
 troops. In 1448, the creation of free archers (made free 
 from nearly all taxes) completed the military organization 
 which paved the way for the national infantry of our times. 
 " In every parish of our kingdom there shall be an archer 
 who shall be and maintain himself continually in proper 
 equipment, and armed with a- helmet, dagger, a sword, with 
 
 a quiver and jacks, or coats of mail It shall be their 
 
 duty to practice on feast days and on days which are not 
 work days. We shall pay them four francs a month while 
 in our service." 
 
 To these efforts toward establishing political unity there 
 must be added a premature attempt at unity of laws ; 
 namely, the ordinance of Montils-les-Tours (1453), which 
 prescribed that all the customs of the kingdom should be 
 written down and made to accord with each other. 
 
 Thus Lords and Commons, the nobility and the clergy, 
 the States-general, parliament, the University, and an who 
 at different times had given offense to the royal power, or 
 who had tried to arrest its progress later, were at least 
 made powerless, if they were not entirely overthrown. 
 Most of the great seignorial titles had disappeared, the rest 
 were to fall with Louis XL, Charles VIII. , and Francis I. 
 Moreover, the king had kept all the government of the 
 country in his grasp, in spite of the efforts of the States- 
 general to seize some parts of it, especially those relating to 
 finance, and in spite of numberless commissions appointed to 
 watch over such and such a branch of the administration. 
 The four great bodies holding the positive administration 
 of the kingdom between them were : the great council 
 assisting the king, for matters of general policy ; parliament 
 for the judiciary department ; and the chamber of accounts, 
 with the court of excise created after the battle of Poitiers, 
 for the financial department. It should be noticed that we 
 have in this separation of functions an attempt at an anal}'- 
 sis of government, though it is true that under these higher 
 departments the bailiffs united in themselves the judiciary, 
 financial, administrative, and military functions.
 
 44^ ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [Book Vllt 
 
 It is evident that England's organization tended toward 
 the noble end of political liberty, while France tended 
 in the direction of a great and strong monarchy, where the 
 king was to rise alone to a position high above all others. 
 It might have been predicted with truth even at that early 
 date, that the strongest sentiment of the one people would 
 be for liberty ; of the other, for equality.
 
 BOOK IX. 
 
 ITALY, GERMANY AND THE OTHER EURO- 
 
 FEAN STATES TO THE MIDDLE OF 
 
 THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 ITALY, FROM 1250 to 1453. 
 
 Italy after the Investiture Strife ; Complete ruin of all central power 
 (1250). — Manfred and Charles of Anjou. — The Principalities in 
 Lombardy ; Roraagna and the Marshes. — The Republics : Venice, 
 Florence, Genoa, and Pisa. — Reappearance of the German Emper- 
 ors in Italy and the return of the Popes to Rome. — Anarchy ; the 
 Condottiere. — Splendor of Literature and the Arts. — Dante, Pe- 
 trarch, Boccaccio. 
 
 In the midst of the mighty combat between the two 
 supreme powers of Christendom, the Empire and the Holy 
 See, over the investiture and over the pos- 
 it aiy after session of universal dominion, Italy, at once 
 ture strife; ruin the sccnc and the victim of this struggle, had 
 p o w" r (1 2 s'cf/. ^^^ succeeded in attaining independence. 
 Manfred and When the powcr of the Emperor and that of 
 jou^'^ es o n- ^j^^ Pope declined, it might have been 
 expected that she would at last become the 
 mistress of her own destiny ; but this was not the case. 
 She had formed the habit of intestine warfare and that of 
 summoning foreign aid in her party quarrels. Neverthe- 
 less, although in the midst of most bloody conflicts, inspired 
 by the rare boon of local political liberty, she shone with a 
 wonderful brilliancy in civilization, literature, and the arts, 
 and in these respects was far in advance of all the other 
 countries of Europe. , 
 
 The death of Frederic II. prepared the way for the 
 downfall of German dominion in Italy, although it did not 
 
 443
 
 444 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 actually complete it. He left behind him sons worthy of 
 succeeding him — Conrad IV. in Germany and Manfred in 
 Southern Italy. It is true that Conrad died very soon, and 
 his heir, Conradin, was only a child (1254). Manfred, 
 however, by his talents, by his politic alliances in the north 
 of Italy, and finally by the formidable assistance of the 
 Saracens of Lucera, was a redoubtable enemy. Innocent 
 IV., who had been triumphantly received by almost the 
 whole of Italy on his return from the council of Lyons, had 
 not time to overthrow his power. 
 
 Innocent's successor, Alexander IV. (1254), made a vig- 
 orous attack on the enemies of the Holy See. In the north 
 he profited by the cruelties of Eccelino of Padua, which 
 were so great that they provoked a general league against 
 him. When defeated at Cassano Eccelino killed himself by 
 tearing open his wounds. But in the south Alexander's 
 attempts failed, and Manfred had himself crowned king of 
 Sicily (1258). At Rome the senator Brancaleone, on whom 
 the people had bestowed a dictatorial power for three 
 years, treated the Pope with the greatest harshness and 
 even drove him from the city. 
 
 Thus Innocent IV. had triumphed over Frederick II., 
 but not over Manfred, and his successor, Urban IV., was 
 not more fortunate. He resolved to resort to the great 
 remedy of applying for foreign assistance. He offered the 
 throne of Naples to Saint Louis, who refused it, and then 
 to his brother, the Duke of Anjou, who accepted it eagerly. 
 On condition of paying homage and an annual tribute of 
 8000 ounces of gold, the latter received as a fief from the 
 Holy See for himself and his direct descendants the king- 
 dom on both sides of the strait, with the exception of 
 Benevento and the territory ceded by that city to the Pope. 
 He promised to support 300 horsemen in the service of the 
 Church, never to unite the imperial crown, or Lombardy or 
 Tuscany, with Naples, and to continue all the immunities 
 of the clergy ; he consented to his dethronement in case 
 he violated any one of these conditions (1263). Clement 
 IV., who had succeeded Urban IV., gave his expedition 
 the color of a crusade by excommunicating Manfred, and 
 thus attracted many of the Italians of Lombardy to the 
 standard of the Angevin. The son of Frederic II. and the 
 brother of Saint Louis met in the plains of Grandella, near 
 Benevento (1266). The Germans and the Saracens had
 
 Chap. XXIX.] ITAL V FROM 1250 TO 1453. 445 
 
 the advantage at first, but Charles of Anjou, as he was 
 fighting with the excommunicated and infidels, gave the 
 order to strike at the horses, which in that age was con- 
 sidered unfair, and the tide of battle turned. The Apu- 
 leians, who were of doubtful loyalty, took to flight. At 
 this sight Manfred was overcome by despair, and when a 
 silver eagle which he wore on his helmet fell from it he 
 cried, " It is a sign from God ! " and dashing into the midst 
 of the enemy, was killed on the field of battle. 
 
 After Manfred's death Charles still had to conquer Con- 
 radin, who was on his way with an army from Germany. 
 The Italians already felt a strong repulsion for the gloomy 
 Charles, and received this last scion of the house of Swabia 
 with great affection. But what could this child, who had 
 just left his mother's arms, accomplish in the face of the 
 man of iron who had just triumphed over Manfred ? " He 
 is a lamb sent to the slaughter," said the Pope. He was 
 defeated at Tagliacozzo by a ruse and was made prisoner 
 with his friend Frederic of Austria, who was almost as 
 young as he. They were summoned before a court of jus- 
 tice, composed of Provencal barons and jurisconsults and 
 presided over by the conqueror himself, a derisive tribunal 
 which accused them of revolt against the king of Sicily ! 
 They were playing chess in their prison when they were 
 told that they must die. " What terrible news for my 
 mother ! " cried Conradin, and went on with his game. The 
 next day this heroic child ascended the scaffold, which was 
 placed in sight of the bay of Naples, over which he had 
 hoped to rule as his fathers had done before him. After 
 having protested in a loud voice, and, according to a later 
 legend, thrown his glove to the crowd as if to call for ven- 
 geance, he embraced Frederic, and was the first to lay his 
 head upon the block, a favor which he had asked that he 
 might not see his friend die. When his head fell from the 
 body Frederic uttered a loud groan, picked it up and kissed 
 it, and then placed his own head upon the block. The peo- 
 ple asserted that they saw the eagle of the house of Swabia 
 hovering over the scaffold and then descending when the 
 head fell, to dip its wing in the blood of the emperors, when 
 it soared aloft and was lost to sight in the heavens (1268). 
 
 To make his victory secure Charles of Anjou followed it 
 up by many executions. A great number of Neapolitan 
 and Sicilian barons were beheaded, and the chiefs of the
 
 44^ OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 Saracens of Lucera met the same fate. In Rome, a hun- 
 dred and thirty nobles, who were accused of felony, were 
 shut up in a wooden hut and burned alive. Charles had 
 himself called Imperial Vicar and Pacificator, and under 
 various titles dominated the whole of the Italian peninsula. 
 He was one of the most powerful of sovereigns. His family 
 alliances extended his mfluence far and near, and, elated by 
 his rapid success, he dreamed of a still greater power. The 
 Latin empire had just fallen, and a Paleologus had reas- 
 cended the throne of the East ; now it was not far from 
 Brindisi to Constantinople. To restore the empire of Con- 
 stantinople for his own profit, with Italy as a dependency, 
 under the specious pretext of putting an end to the schism, 
 which would have assured him the support of the Church, — 
 this was the favorite dream of Charles of Anjou. 
 
 The execution of these plans was delayed some time by 
 various circumstances, by the crusade of Saint Louis to 
 Tunis (1270), and by the reigns of Gregory X. and Nicholas 
 III. These two Popes felt that the new power which had 
 been established by the Holy See was becoming danger- 
 ously strong. Gregory X. put an end to the great interreg- 
 num in Germany, and named Rudolf of Hapsburg Emperor, 
 in order to counterbalance in the north the preponderance 
 of Charles of Anjou in the south. With the same end in 
 view, he removed the principal pretext for the expedition 
 planned by the ambitious Angevin, by bringing about by 
 peaceful means a temporary reconciliation of the churches 
 of the East and West. Following the same policy, the one 
 desire of Nicholas HI. was to oppose the emperor to the 
 king of Sicily, to strengthen the power of the Papacy be- 
 tween the two, and finally to reconcile the Guelfs and the 
 Ghibelines throughout all the peninsula, in order to destroy 
 the influence of foreigners in the affairs of Italy ; he even 
 favored the Ghibelines because Charles of Anjou, the leader 
 of the Guelfs, was more dangerous than the emperor. His 
 reign, however, was short, and his successor, Martin IV. 
 (1281), was wholly devoted to the cause of Charles, who had 
 brought about his election. The latter prepared to start 
 for Constantinople with a regular army of 15,000 men. 
 
 At this moment the Sicilian Vespers occurred, the explo- 
 sion of a discontent which had long been brooding in the 
 hearts of the conquered people. For several years a 
 Sicilian physician, John of Procida, had been wandering.
 
 Chap. XXIX.] ITAL V FROM 1250 TO 1453. 447 
 
 disguised as a Franciscan, through Spain, Italy, Sicily, and 
 Greece. He had formed the plan of a great league between 
 the Pope, the King of Aragon, Peter 111., and the Emperor 
 Paleologus, and Peter III. was already cruising in the 
 waters of the kingdom of Naples, when on Easter Tuesday, 
 March 31, 1282, during the service of this solemn feast, 
 some insolent actions of the French caused them to be 
 attacked by the population of Palermo. The cry of " Death 
 to the French " soon rang through the entire city and the 
 whole of Sicily. They were massacred almost everywhere.* 
 Charles of Anjou, thirsting for vengeance, sent a fleet 
 against Messina, which was heroically defended even by 
 its women, and this fleet on its return was surprised and 
 burned by the admiral Roger of Loria. Charles watched 
 it flaming out at sea and gnawed his scepter with rage. 
 Soon afterwards his son, Charles the Lame, was defeated in 
 another naval battle and was taken prisoner, while the king 
 of France, Philip III., was driven from Aragon. Charles 
 himself died, ruined by his overweening ambition (1285). 
 The treaty of 1288 gave southern Italy to Charles the 
 Lame, and Sicily [this was the origin of the two Sicilies] to 
 Tames the son of Peter III., a separation which lasted a 
 long time, and, though it does not now exist in name, still 
 exists at least in .the feelings and in the very different 
 characters of the two peoples of Naples and Sicily. The 
 acquisition of Naples by the house of Aragon laid Italy 
 open to Spanish dominion, another evil for this country. 
 
 As the main activity of political affairs in the south of 
 
 Italy centered upon the house of Anjou, and as the emperors 
 
 resided in Germany, northern Italy was much 
 
 The princi- morc independent in this era, and was able 
 
 palitiesin .^ ' 
 
 Lombardy, the to Settle its coustitution, or rather Its various 
 fh°e"Mlrchet!"* Constitutions. As the multitude of little 
 states into which it was divided makes its 
 history singularly complicated, we must notice that in Lom- 
 bardy a system of principalities, the Tyrannies (in the Greek 
 sense), prevailed, of which Milan is a good type, while in 
 Tuscany we find a system of democracies, or of free repub- 
 lics, of which Florence is the most striking example. The 
 Romagna was divided almost equally between the two sys- 
 
 * The massacre was a popular outburst not connected with the plans 
 attributed to Procida. — Ed.
 
 44^ OTHER Elf Rope AN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 terns. Besides these two categories, we must mention still 
 anotlier form, that of the aristocratic republics, like Venice. 
 
 In earlier times, when the Macedonian dominion was 
 withdrawn from Greece, it left tyrants behind it like a foul 
 sediment. The same thing happened when the German 
 dominion was withdrawn from Italy. Podestas and cap- 
 tains of the people the chiefs of the adventurers who had 
 made their fortunes by the wars, and the very citizens who 
 had led their cities to victory over the Germans, had seized 
 upon or kept the power. " Italy," said Dante, "is full of 
 tyrants, and every peasant who joins in any enterprise is 
 taken for a hero." At Milan the Delia Torre, the Guelf 
 podestas of the city, rose to power and became successively 
 lords of Lodi, Novaro, Como, Vercelli, and Bergamo, until 
 1277, when having changed from popular chiefs to hateful 
 tyrants, they were overthrown by the Ghibeline archbishop 
 of Milan, Otho Visconti, whose nephew Matteo the Great 
 was proclaimed perpetual lord of Milan and imperial vicar 
 of Italy (1295). The dominion of his house extended from 
 the Sesia to the Oglio, and often even further, until 1447. 
 
 Verona fell under the dominion of the Delia Scala 
 family, whose most illustrious member, Cane Grande, con- 
 quered Padua and Treviso, which lay to the right of the 
 future duchy of Milan, and obtained for the house of Delia 
 Scala a power which extended from the Mincio to the 
 lagoons of Venice. He died in 1329, and his house perished 
 miserably at the end of the century. 
 
 To the left of Milan the house of Savoy, which was in 
 possession of the territory on both sides of the Alps (Savoy 
 and Piedmont), was holding aloof from the revolutions in 
 Italy. The marquisate of Saluzzo was hemmed in by their 
 domains, while they also bordered on the marquisate of 
 Montferrat, which passed over to the Greek house of Paleo- 
 logus in 1305 as a marriage portion. One of the last mar- 
 quises of Montferrat, William VI., a true condottiere, had 
 been shut up by the inhabitants at Vercelli for seventeen; 
 months in a cage of iron and had died in this terrible! 
 prison. 
 
 The Gonzagas seized Mantua in 1328 and reigned therej 
 until 1708 ; the house of Est ruled over Ferrara, Modena, j 
 and Reggio. 
 
 In the Campagna of Rome, the Orsini ruled toward the- 
 Tiber and the Colonnas toward Prseneste. At Rome a legate
 
 Chap. XXIX.] ITALY FROM 1250 TO 1453. 449 
 
 represented the authority of the Pope of Avignon, but 
 wielded no power. 
 
 A number of cities struggled to remain 
 iics:%en?c*e' free in the midst of these principalities, and 
 Florence Ge- gomc of them succecdcd in doing so. By the 
 
 noa, and Pisa. . . . , , , °. , •' 
 
 14th century four cities had obtained a great 
 power : Venice, Genoa, Pisa and Florence. 
 
 In 1297, the aristocratic constitution of Venice was es- 
 tablished by limiting the eligibility for the grand council 
 to the members of the noble families of the councillors then 
 in office : a measure which was later completed by the in- 
 scription in the Golden Book and by the establishment of 
 the Council of the Ten. At this time Venice had no terri- 
 tority on the mainland of Italy, but possessed, besides 
 Dalmatia, Negrepont, and Candia, many islands in the Archi- 
 pelago and was supreme over the Adriatic. Even since 
 the downfall of the Latin Empire in Constantinople, (1261) 
 Genoa and Venice had contended for the supremacy in the 
 East. 
 
 A few years earlier than Venice, Florence had undergone 
 revolution in the opposite direction. Her citizen popula- 
 tion had been divided into two classes : the Major Arts com- 
 prising the higher professions, the judges, notaries, bankers, 
 physicians, mercers, furriers, and drapers ; and the Minor 
 Arts the dyers, carders, washers, smiths, and stone-cutters.* 
 They formed the great and small, the citizen nobles and 
 the artisans, the rich people and the poor people, [pcypulus 
 crassus, populus fninutus.) In 1282, a nearly complete polit- 
 ical equality was established between these two peoples of 
 the same city by a measure which constituted the Priors of 
 the Arts, that is, the chief men of each profession, an execu- 
 tive council or Signory — which was renewed every two 
 months and possessed the sole authority in the city. The 
 true nobility were excluded from this political equality, as 
 they had often disturbed the peace of the city and caused 
 much bloodshed by their family quarrels. The nobles were 
 declared ineligible for any public ofifice unless they had 
 renounced their rank by having their names inscribed on 
 
 * The number of arts covered by the names of Major and Minor, 
 at this time, was twenty-one. The Major Arts here mentioned were the 
 first organized and the wealthiest. Later, fourteen others were organized, 
 of which five, called sometimes the Middle Arts, were associated with the 
 Major Arts in electing the Priors. — Ed.
 
 45° OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 the registry of one of the trades. Somewhat later Giano 
 della Bella made this proscription of the nobles even more 
 severe and completed the organization of Florence by 
 dividing all the citizens of the city into twenty companies, 
 each of which had a gonfalonier at its head, and' all of which 
 were united under the direction of one supreme gonfalonier. 
 This curious organization of Florence was imitated with 
 little change by most of the cities of Tuscany, Lucca, Pis- 
 toia, Pisa, Arezzo, and even by Genoa. 
 
 This similarity of political organization did not bring 
 with it any good understanding between the rival cities. 
 Genoa, which was contending with Venice for supremacy in 
 the East, and with Pisa over Corsica and Sardinia, destroyed 
 the military force of the Pisans in the great naval battle of 
 Meloria (1284) as they almost succeeded in doing to the 
 forces of the Venetians a century latter at Chioggia. All 
 Tuscany immediately threw itself upon the conquered city, 
 and Florence, Lucca, Sienna, Pistoia and Volterra disputed 
 over the spoils. Pisa resisted for a while by giving all her 
 power to the too famous Ugolino,* that odious man who met 
 so terrible a death. When he with his sons and grandsons 
 had perished in the tower of hunger, Pisa was only able 
 to save herself from utter ruin by renouncing all her power. 
 
 Florence then ruled over Tuscany, but she did not enjoy 
 her triumph peacefully but turned her arms against herself. 
 Though already divided into Guelfs and Ghibelines, names 
 which now had no other significance than to designate the 
 bitterness of parties, she borrowed from Pistoia the terms of 
 the " ^Vhites " and the " Blacks," as if desirous of enriching 
 still farther the vocabulary of discord. 
 
 There never was an epoch where party spirit was so 
 
 bitter, when man was more precipitate in his action either 
 
 _ good or evil, or when the human soul vi- 
 
 Rcappearance , , ' , .,..,. 
 
 oftheGerman bratcd morc tcnscly and carried its feelings, 
 na?y''a^nd°return whether noblc or depraved, to greater lengths, 
 of the Popes to On reading the history of the Italy of those 
 °^^' times we are astounded by the variety and 
 
 the atrocity of the punishments. Was not this the very in- 
 ferno that Dante (1265-1321) tried to describe in his Di- 
 vine Comedy ? He only needed to observe, not to imagine. 
 He himself was persecuted, banished from his country, 
 
 * See Dante's Inferno, Canto xxxiii. — Ed,
 
 Chap. XXIX.] ITALY FROM 1250 TO 1453. 451 
 
 Florence, for being a Ghibeline, and when wandering with 
 his thin and gloomy face over the land of exile, he pre- 
 sented himself at the gate of a monastery, and a monk, al- 
 most terrified by his silence and his appearance, asked, 
 "What are you looking for?" he replied : "I am looking 
 for peace." 
 
 He sought peace not for himself alone but for Italy. 
 But from whom should he demand it after so many unsuc- 
 cessful attempts, after so many powers had collapsed in this 
 land which was as unstable as the sides of her own Vesuvius. 
 He, and with him many others, turned for help to the 
 Emperor, whose authority had formerly been so fatal to 
 the Italians. Henry VII., summoned by the Visconti and 
 the Ghibelines, crossed the Alps in person, but brought but 
 little authority with him (1310). He busied himself with 
 re-establishing the fallen authority of Matteo in the Milanais 
 and in ransoming its cities. When excommunicated by 
 Clement V. and his progress checked by the army of the 
 king of Naples and the Guelfs, he was about to re-cross the 
 Alps, leaving as much anarchy behind him as he had found 
 on his arrival, he died either of malaria or poisoned by the 
 host given him by a Dominican friar (13 13). 
 
 Dante died without having seen peace (1321). Another 
 Emperor, Lewis of Bavaria, the successor of Henry VII., 
 appeared in Italy, and like him was excommunicated. He 
 crossed the Alps in 1327 to go to Rome to seek the useless 
 crown of the Roman Empire. He made an even poorer ap- 
 pearance in Italy than did Henry, and, when he left it, was 
 almost deserted by his followers. 
 
 The arrival of the chivalrous John of Luxemburg, king 
 of Bohemia and imperial vicar in Italy (1330), gave the 
 Italians a moment's hope that they were going to find the 
 pacificator of their country, the podesta of their longings. 
 But this royal knight fared no better than the others, and 
 after a few months he was detested. It is a curious specta- 
 cle to see Italy rushing with artless enthusiasm to welcome 
 all the strangers who crossed her threshold and becoming as 
 quickly disgusted with them as she had been infatuated. 
 But we must not cast it up against her. She, like Dante, 
 was also searching for peace ; she asked it of all, and the 
 only response they made to her confidence was to continue 
 the pursuit of their own selfish and ambitious designs. 
 
 Passing from one illusion to another, she finally came tQ
 
 452 OTHER EUROPEAN -STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 the most extraordinary one of the whole century, the illu- 
 sion of which Nicolas Gabrini, or Cola di Rienzo,* was 
 both the author and the object. This Roman, the son of a 
 tavern-keeper, a pupil of Petrarch, and well versed in 
 ancient history, thought to awaken in the people of Rome 
 memories which had never entirely passed away, and which 
 the renaissance of the study of the classics was then renew- 
 ing. On the steps of the capitol, in sight of some of the 
 monuments of former ages, he spoke to the Roman people 
 of the glory of their fathers as witnessed by these same 
 buildings ; he evoked past times and ancient Rome, the 
 republic and the mistress of the world. With Livy in his 
 hand, he wished to make a new Rome on the model of the 
 ancient city and to establish what he called the " good 
 state" {buono stato). On May 19, 1347, he ascended the 
 capitol, where the people were assembled, and was pro- 
 claimed tribune for the establishment of the buono stato. 
 He immediately instituted a prompt and impartial justice 
 by organizing an urban militia and a naval force upon the 
 coasts. He caused the refractory nobles to return to their 
 allegiance and had the brigands hung ; he established pub- 
 lic granaries in the city and many charities for the poor and 
 the widows and orphans of those who should die for their 
 country. The republics of Tuscany and Romagna ap- 
 plauded his course with enthusiasm, and several of the 
 Lombard princes consented to receive the deputies of the 
 Tribune. Petrarch called him " the knight who does honor 
 to the whole of Italy." There was a season of great 
 enthusiasm. The " holy Roman Republic " proclaimed the 
 freedom of all the cities in Italy. Rienzo was elated with 
 this glory and mixed a sort of Christian mysticism with this 
 evocation of pagan antiquity. One day, arrayed in the 
 ancient imperial ornaments, and at the same time conse- 
 crated a knight of the Christian Cross, he pointed to the 
 four points of the compass and cried, " All this belongs to 
 me, and even more than this." 
 
 It was only a dream, for soon the prosaic difficulties of 
 the government unsettled the authority of the poet-tribune. 
 The people grew tired of him and deserted him when the 
 legate of the Pope declared him a traitor and a heretic. 
 
 * This is the form of the name given by his contemporary, the author 
 of the Fita di Cola di Rienzo.
 
 Chap. XXIX.] ITALY FROM 1250 TO 1453. 453 
 
 Italy awakened from her glorious dream to the terrible 
 plague of 1348, which carried off three of every five inhabi- 
 tants and which so greatly debased public morals, as is wit- 
 nessed by the Decameron of Boccaccio. Rienzo, whose life 
 had been spared, and who had withdrawn from the city, 
 was called back by the cardinal legate, Albornoz, in order 
 to make use of his authority in restoring the people to obe- 
 dience to the Pope at Avignon. But the people would not 
 recognize their favorite of 1347 in the agent of the Pope, 
 and Rienzo perished by the same hands that had so often 
 applauded him. This was the beginning of the restoration 
 of the papal authority at Rome, and in 1378 the Pope, 
 Urban VI., restored the pontifical seat to Rome and put an 
 end to the Babylonian captivity, though this gave rise to 
 the great schism of the West. 
 
 Petrarch died like Dante, disappointed and disheartened, 
 
 " Liberty," cried he, "that precious and greatly desired 
 boon, is never appreciated until lost ! " 
 
 The papacy which returned to Rome in 1378 was no 
 longer the great papacy of former times. Without temporal 
 power and with little moral influence over the peninsula, in 
 consequence of its long exile, it could no longer accomplish 
 any good for Italy. A free field was open for the quarrels 
 of the republic of the north. In this same year 1378 
 Florence was shaken by a great popular movement, and 
 Venice and Genoa were carrying on a quarrel which ex- 
 hausted the strength of both. " 
 
 The Albizzi and the Guelf party held the power in 
 Florence. The Guelfs were led by Silvestro de Medici, a 
 A h • th ^^^^ plebeian, and relying on the Minor Arts 
 Condottieri'. who Were jealous of the ]\Iajor Arts, and on 
 the Ciompi or the inferior trades, which were 
 not organized into regular corporations, they provoked a 
 revolution which soon went further than they intended. 
 The Minor Artsand the Ciompi demanded tobe admitted to 
 government on the same footing as the Major Arts. Medici 
 was willing to sustain the demands of the Minor Arts, of 
 which he was a member, but not those of the Ciompi, who, 
 displeased by this partiality, spread through the city and 
 burned the houses of the Albizzi. They put Michael Lando, 
 a wool carder, at their head, and he seized the signory and 
 founded a government of nine members, three from the 
 Major Arts, three from the Minor Arts, and three from the
 
 454 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 common people. The Ciompi were not content with this, 
 and they still demanded certain financial measures favorable 
 to the plebeian debtors. Lando felt unable to satisfy their 
 demands, and showed as much firmness in refusing them as 
 he had shown in his measures against the nobles. This 
 equivocal position discredited his authority. The three 
 priors of the Ciompi were driven from power, and a new 
 government was formed of nine members, five of whom 
 were from the Minor Arts. 
 
 While Florence was a prey to this fruitless agitation, the 
 rivalry of the two great maritime and commercial powers of 
 Italy broke out in the war of Chioggia. The Venetian ad- 
 miral Victor Pisani attacked and defeated a Genoese fleet 
 in 1370. The following year the Genoese admiral Lucien 
 Doria entered the Adriatic and avenged this defeat by a 
 victory which forced the Venetians to take refuge in their 
 lagoons. Doria, to keep them imprisoned there, established 
 himself at Chioggia, at their very gates, and declared that he 
 would not withdraw until he had bridled the bronze horses 
 of Saint Mark. Venice seemed lost, and the signory wished 
 to change the seat of government to Candia. But the 
 people opposed this move, and released Pisani from the 
 prison where he had been thrown as a punishment for this 
 defeat. The Genoans were besieged at Chioggia and 
 obliged to surrender at discretion. The only result of this 
 war was to weaken both the republics. Venice regained 
 her strength, but Genoa continued to be torn by the quarrels 
 of the Adorni and the Fregosi, who had succeeded to the 
 Doria and the Fieschi. 
 
 In their quarrels the republics of the north showed at 
 least some fine feelings and heroic traits ; but after the 
 wise reign of Robert I. the monarchy in the south of Italy 
 exhibited only crimes and intrigues, unrelieved by higher 
 motives or aspirations. This Robert (1309-1343), the 
 grandson of Charles of Anjou, was a lover of peace and of 
 the arts. The Pope of Avignon, Clement V., appointed 
 him vicar of the empire in Italy, but he made nothing of 
 this title. The king of Aragon ceded to him Sicily, which 
 was being governed by his brother Frederick, and the Pope 
 commanded the Aragon prince to give up the island to the 
 king of Naples. Robert, however, left it in Frederick's 
 possession, and to make sure of peace gave him his sister in 
 marriage. He was the friend of Petrarch, and wished the
 
 Chap. XXIX.] ITALY FROM 1250 TO 1453. 455 
 
 nomad poet to make his home at Naples. His nephew, 
 Charles Robert, became king of Hungary in his mother's 
 right, and founded on the banks of the Danube the short 
 Angevine dynasty which temporarily raised the country of 
 the Magyars to so high a position. All this was changed 
 at the accession of Robert's granddaughter, Jane I. She 
 married her cousin x\ndrew of Hungary and had him assas- 
 sinated at the end of two years. After a life of debauchery 
 and crime, and after many vicissitudes of fortune, she 
 adopted her cousin Charles of Durazzo, son of the king of 
 Hungary, as her heir, and then, a little later, Louis of the 
 second house of Anjou, whom we already know, the brother 
 of Charles V. of France. Durazzo defended his rights 
 with force. He got control of Naples and of Jane, and had 
 her smothered under a mattress at the approach of his rival 
 (1382). For some time he exercised a great influence in 
 Italy, and overthrew the popular government in Florence in 
 order to re-establish the power of the aristocracy. But 
 when he died in Hungary, in 1386, the kingdom of Naples 
 was plunged for a long time into complete anarchy, under 
 the government of Ladislaus (1386-1414), and of a second 
 Jane (1414-1435), who was as wicked and dissolute as the 
 first. She also chose two successors to her throne, Alfonso 
 V. of Aragon, and Louis IH., Duke of Anjou, and later 
 still Rene, his brother. This double choice gave rise to the 
 prolonged struggle between the French and the Aragonese 
 parties in the kingdom of Naples and to the Italian wars 
 which broke out at the beginning of modern times. 
 
 This decline of the kingdom of Naples marks the begin- 
 ning of the disappearance of the last great power in Italy, 
 of that power which after the Emperor and the Pope might 
 have exercised a real influence over the peninsula. Another 
 power was, however, arising in the north. Gian Galeazzo 
 Visconti, the great-grandson of ISIatteo the Great, became 
 sole master of Milan in 1385, and dreamed of founding a 
 kingdom of Italy. At first the enemy of Venice, but later 
 her ally, he seized Padua and Treviso, subdued the greater 
 part of Lombardy, and from there tried to enter Romagna. 
 When Florence checked his progress in that direction by 
 means of her famous condottieri, the Count of Armagnac 
 and the Englishman John Hawkwood, he still succeeded 
 in insinuating his influence everywhere, and in 1395 he 
 bought from the Emperor Wenzel a charter of investi-
 
 456 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 ture which conferred upon him the titles of Duke of Milan 
 and Count of Pavia. He was then supreme over twenty-six 
 cities in Lombardy together with their territories. When 
 he was carried off by the plague in 1402 the Milanese 
 power almost passed out of existence. Venice and Flor- 
 ence regained their prestige, but used it ungenerously. 
 Venice subjected Padua, Verona, and Vicenza to her 
 tyranny, while Florence utterly destroyed Pisa. 
 
 For the rest, the real power was in the hands of the mer- 
 cenary adventurers, the condottieri, who were then wander- 
 ing through Italy letting themselves out to the highest 
 bidder, and who proved a new scourge for the peninsula. 
 Two of these were especially famous and wandered all over 
 Italy, fighting over every province, and even over Rome 
 herself. These were Braccio da Montone and Sforza 
 Attendolo, the latter a peasant soldier, whose family was 
 destined to become so powerful. These condottieri, who 
 fought only for money, kept up an understanding with each 
 other and were on good terms, though in opposing armies. 
 At the battle of Anghiari, one of the most important of 
 this epoch, only one man was killed after an engagement 
 that lasted ten hours. This was undoubtedly a very humane 
 method of warfare, but disastrous to the national character. 
 
 Philippo Maria, the son of Gian Galeazzo, restored the 
 Milanese power, thanks to the talents of Carmagnola, who 
 later went over to the Venetians and met a tragic death 
 among them. 
 
 The most fortunate and most successful of the condot- 
 tieri was Francesco Sforza, who, having become the cap- 
 tain and son-in-law of Philippo Maria, seized his kingdom 
 at his death, triumphed over the long resistance of Milan, 
 and assumed there the ducal crown, scepter, and sword. 
 
 Venice protested in vain against the restoration of the 
 Milanese power under a mighty prince, and allied herself 
 against them with Alfonso V., the king of Aragon and 
 Sicily, and the heir of Naples. A like revolution was going 
 on in Florence. Cosmo de Medici was busied in estab- 
 lishing his power there, and hoped to make the city into a 
 principality. Liberty was everywhere disappearing, and the 
 attempt of Porcaro at Rome (1453) was but a feeble echo 
 of the bolder projects of Arnold of Breccia and of Rienzo. 
 Republican Italy had overcome the Germans, but had not 
 been able to conquer herself, because liberty had been un-
 
 Chap. XXIX.] ITALY FJiOM n^O TO \A5Z. 457 
 
 willing to subject herself to law. The Italy of the princi- 
 palities was to lay herself open to outside influences and 
 continually to summon foreigners into her midst, and in 
 this way to inaugurate a new era of calamities. 
 
 Though, during this period we have just been reviewing, 
 
 Italy was in a very disturbed state, and though she missed 
 
 „ . ^ , the goal of happiness toward which the 
 
 Splendor o f . " , ^ ^ , , 
 
 Italy in litera- actious of men are wont to tend, she was m- 
 arts^ D^a^nt'l^ demuified for it by the splendor and glory 
 Petrarch, Boc- with which shc was then adorned ; and does 
 not this in itself form a great part of happi- 
 ness? Her language, which was already half formed, was, 
 under the pen of the great Florentine poet, Dante Alighieri 
 (1265 to 1321), the first of the European languages to 
 receive its modern form. Energetic and sonorous, even 
 when most graceful, it furnished the poet with the means 
 of writing his immortal poem, the Divine Comedy. This 
 poem is an epitome of the Middle Ages, and passing from 
 the ecstatic contemplation of the beauty of Beatrice when 
 transported to the heavens, to the tortures and the cries of 
 the damned, from the serene splendors of Paradise to the 
 fiercest fires of the infernal regions, we can discern, as it 
 were, the whole religious and theological conception of the 
 age. This language was less harsh and more tender and 
 perfect on the lips of Petrarch, the author of those sonnets 
 and canzones in which his constant and invincible love for 
 Laura in spite of her absence, even of her death, will live 
 forever, and also his no less faithful love for his unhappy 
 country, for Italy, whose fate he mourns in wonderful lines. 
 After Dante, whose poems were interpreted by professors 
 especially appointed to that end, and after Petrarch, who, 
 crowned with laurels, ascended the steps of the Capitol fol- 
 lowed by the applause of a whole people, there came a 
 decadence in letters as far as the subjects, sentiments, and 
 conceptions were concerned. Boccaccio was born in Paris 
 in 1313 and died at Florence in 1375. His Decameron 
 shows him as the greatest of the prose writers, but not of 
 the moralists of his country. After him literature was 
 silent and slumbered, not to reawaken until the second 
 Italian renaissance with Tasso. Learning now took the 
 place of letters. Petrarch himself was deeply versed in 
 antiquity. John of Ravenna, Chrysoloras, Bracciolini, and 
 Leonardo Bruni, or Aretino, were the famous scholars
 
 4S8 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX, 
 
 of the times. They began that eager research for the ancient 
 manuscripts which brought literature back to the pursuit of 
 the true and the beautiful. Bartolus had lectured on 
 Roman law with great renown at Pisa and Perugia (died in 
 1356), and Villani, on beholding the spectacle of the great 
 jubilee of 1300, had conceived the idea which he executed 
 by writing a history " for the glory of his country, Florence, 
 which is still increasing in power, while Rome is declining." 
 
 The arts had already attained a point that foreshadowed 
 the splendors of the age of Leo X. Venice and Pisa were 
 the first to distinguish themselves in this line. In 107 1 the 
 wholly Byzantine church of St. Mark's arose at the head of 
 the Adriatic. In 1063, on the banks of the Arno, the 
 famous dome of Pisa was begun; in 1152 the wonderful 
 baptistry, in which the Byzantine cupola, the Roman arcade, 
 the Greek column, and gothic ornamentation were all united; 
 in ii74the leaning tower, and in 1278 the gallery of the 
 Campo Santo, a cemetery of consecrated ground destined 
 to receive the bodies of the great men of Pisa. Florence 
 somewhat later, at the end of the thirteenth century, 
 began to build the churches of Santa Croce and of Santa 
 Maria del Fiore, in which Arnolfo di Cambio combined the 
 pointed arch and the rose window in the Tuscan style ; 
 next came Brunelleschi, whose dome placed on the latter 
 church was the admiration of Michel Angelo. In 1386 
 Gian Galeazzo had begun the cathedral of Milan, a moun- 
 tain of marble which carries a world of statues, and is 
 hardly finished to this day. By the side of architecture, 
 painting was already freeing itself from its trammels with 
 Cimabue, Giotto, and Masaccio. 
 
 The same activity was apparent in commerce and indus- 
 try. Gold was abundant in all the thousand cities and 
 paid for all these works. Amalfi had been the first to send 
 vessels to the East. Pisa had supplanted her, and after the 
 battle of Meloria had been obliged to yield the empire of 
 the seas to Venice and Genoa. The former was mistress 
 of the Adriatic, of a part of her islands, of the coasts of 
 Greece, of Candia, and, through Alexandria, of almost all 
 the commerce with the extreme East ; the latter, which 
 traded with the coasts of Spain and France, had the suburb 
 Pera at Constantinople, and at the head of the Black Sea 
 the flourishing colony of Caffa, which took the name of the 
 Queen of the Crimea.
 
 Chap. XXIX.] /TJLV FA'OM 12o0 TO U5d. 459 
 
 In the interior of Italy industry was flourishing at Milan, 
 which contained 200,000 inhabitants and numberless manu- 
 factories of armor, trappings, saddles, and fine cloths ; at 
 Verona, which manufactured 20,000 pieces of cloth a year; 
 and at Florence, which had 80,000 inhabitants within, and 
 almost as many outside, her walls, 30,000 workers in wool 
 and workshops which wove 80,000 pieces of cloth each year. 
 
 A skillful system of irrigation, which made Lombardy into 
 an immense garden, added to the natural fertility of the 
 soil, from which the Tuscans, Lombards, and Romagnols 
 were able to produce an enormous quantity of products. 
 Money circulated as freely as the commodities, thanks to 
 the monti or state banks established at Venice perhaps as 
 early as the middle of the twelfth century, and later on a 
 broader foundation at Genoa and at Florence. The men 
 of Lombardy, Florence, Genoa, and Lucca were not only 
 the great merchants but also the great bankers of the age, 
 and their commercial operations extended over the length 
 and breadth of Europe. Even sovereigns were inscribed 
 upon their books. 
 
 Such was the Italy of the Middle Ages, the European 
 country which was farthest advanced in the path of civiliza- 
 tion. This advancement is explained by the persistence of 
 the traditions of the ancient civilization and by the great 
 ability of this remarkable Italian population. But though 
 they had attained a high degree of civilization their standard 
 of morals was very low. Another evil in the midst of this 
 splendor, and one which was long incurable, was the loss 
 of all national spirit, the ruin of patriotism. Each man, 
 whether prince or common man, lived entirely for himself, 
 not understanding that the surest means of obtaining the 
 well-being of the individual is to establish public prosperity, 
 and that it is necessary to sacrifice some personal inde- 
 pendence to insure general liberty, with all the benefits 
 that follow in its train.
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 GERMANY FROM 1250 to 1453. 
 
 The Great Interregnum (1250-1273). Usurpation of imperial property and 
 rights. — Anarchy and violence ; leagues of the Lords and of the 
 Cities. — Rudolf of Hapsburg (1273). Founding of the House of 
 Austria (1282). Adolf of Nassau (1291) and Albert of Austria 
 (1298). Liberation of Switzerland (1308). — Henry VH. (1308) and 
 Lewis of Bavaria (1314). The House of Luxemburg (1347-1438); 
 the Golden Bull. — The House of Austria recovers the imperial crown, 
 but not its power (1438)- 
 
 The imperial authority had worn itself out in Italy 
 under the different dynasties which had occupied the throne 
 of Otto the Great, especially under the Ho- 
 terregnum (1250- henstaufen. After the death of Frederick II. 
 ti'o"'*ofimpSi (1250), which maybe considered as putting 
 property and an end to the Swabian house, a general eman- 
 nghts. cipation of the two countries which had 
 
 owned his sway took place. Italy, left to herself, was ex- 
 hausted by the old quarrel between the Empire and the 
 Holy See, and was incapable of attaining political unity. 
 Germany had a like experience. There, in the twenty- 
 three years known as " the great Interregnum " (1250-1273), 
 the lords and towns threw off all dependence and, ad- 
 vanced by industry and commerce, raised themselves to 
 political power by the same movement that lifted up the 
 middle classes of France, the commons of England, and the 
 Italian republics. Nothing but the great strength of the 
 feudal system in Germany kept them from going as far as 
 the others in that direction. 
 
 The Great Interregnum was a period of disturbance and 
 anarchy. Emperors there were, but more in show and 
 name than in reality. Thus William of Holland, whom the 
 Pope Innocent IV. had set up in opposition to Frederick, 
 bore the title till 1256. Then the electors sold the imperial 
 crown with no feeling of shame, putting it up, like the 
 Roman Pretorians, to public auction. To drive a better 
 
 460
 
 Chap. XXX.] GERMANY FROM 1250 TO 1453. 461 
 
 bargain, they chose two emperors instead of one, both 
 foreigners, Richard of Cornwall, brother of Henry 111., king 
 of England, and Alfonso X., king of Castile.* The latter 
 never made his appearance in Germany ; the reign of the 
 other was entirely taken up with voyages to England, 
 whither he went to fill his purse, which was immediately 
 emptied again by the German lords, who robbed him and 
 laughed at him. 
 
 This period was justly called the Interregnum, for it was 
 really an eclipse of the imperial authority, whose rights and 
 property were everywhere usurped by the princes, the lords, 
 and the towns. The four electors of the Rhine, that is, the 
 three archbishops of Treves, Cologne, and Mainz, and 
 the Count Palatine,! divided among themselves the great 
 imperial domain, which lay for the most part on both sides 
 of that river. In the duchies and counties the dukes and 
 counts seized whatever of the royal domain lay within their 
 borders, and the bishops followed the example set them. 
 The towns stopped paying their dues and the clergy fur- 
 nishing the sums they owed to the imperial treasury, and 
 the regalian rights, which had brought a large revenue to 
 the emperors, were everywhere seized and used to the profit 
 of the princes and the towns. Under Frederick I. the 
 revenues had annually exceeded six million crowns; under 
 Rudolf, who recovered some of them, they did not reach a 
 third of that amount. 
 
 The number of immediate lords, that is, of those who 
 were directly dependent on the Emperor, and consequently 
 independent when there was no Emperor, or, what amounted 
 to the same, when there was a weak Emperor, had greatly 
 increased. It had been the policy of the Hohenstaufen 
 emperors to multiply the number of these smaller imme- 
 diate lords whenever opportunity offered, by subdividing 
 the larger states. The domains of the house of Saxony 
 had, in former days, undergone this experience when Henry 
 the Lion was despoiled (i 180) of his property, so that many of 
 
 * As in theory' the Holy Roman Empire embraced the whole of Europe, 
 it was possible for any prince, however remote from Germany, to be 
 elected Emperor. — Ed. 
 
 t This Count Palatine was the most important of all those established 
 by Otto I., and the only one able to make himself independent. His 
 domains on the two banks of the Rhine formed the Lower Palatinate, 
 his possessions between Bavaria and Bohemia the Upper Palatinate.
 
 4^2 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 the most powerful German sovereignties were now minutely 
 divided. Everything in the neighborhood of Germany that 
 was subject to the Emperor broke away. The vassals of 
 the kingdom of Burgundy freed themselves from the im- 
 perial sovereignty ; the kings of Denmark, Poland, and 
 Hungary did the same. Ottocar II., king of Bohemia and 
 duke of Moravia, seized Austria, Styria, Carniola, and 
 Carinthia, and was invested with full power over them. 
 
 The imperial authority was able to do nothing in its own 
 
 defense, and far less able to act in defense of others. So 
 
 Germany was racked with private warfare, 
 
 Anarchy, highway robbcry, and the reign of brute 
 lence ; leagues forcc. The nobility on the banks of the 
 and^tife towns^ Rhine and in Swabia was conspicuous for 
 exploits of that nature. Every little emi- 
 nence was surmounted by a castle, especially in Alsace and 
 the Black Forest, and from each of them rapacious noble- 
 men, who did not refrain from murder in pursuit of their 
 booty, were ready to descend upon the roads. A social 
 and moral transformation was taking place at the same 
 time with the political changes. The power of maney was 
 growing day by day, and the feudal lords, who scorned to 
 acquire wealth by commerce or industrial pursuits, pro- 
 cured it by plundering. The thirst for gold drove away all 
 sentiments of a chivalrous nature in Germany as well as 
 elsewhere, in spite of the sense of honor in their national 
 character. Contemporary writers deplored the fact. "For- 
 merly," said one of them, " I used to see tournaments and 
 armed men ; now it is thought a creditable thing to steal 
 oxen and sheep." " It is with unmixed grief," said another, 
 "that we regard the present time, and with regret, the 
 past. How can a nobleman fall so low as to bring dis- 
 honor on his family by a miserable desire for money ? The 
 evil is spreading from the noble to the lower classes, so that 
 there is no honor or confidence anywhere." 
 
 As the supreme authority no longer checked disorders, it 
 devolved upon the subjects themselves to attend to it. 
 Defensive leagues were formed in every part of the em- 
 pire. Most of them had come into existence in the reign 
 of Frederick II., for anarchy was already rife in Germany 
 in the time of that prince, on account of his long sojourn 
 in Italy. Some were formed by the nobles ; such were the 
 Gafierbscha/ten, in which the lesser nobility joined for the
 
 Chap. XXX.] GERMANY FROM 1250 TO 1453. 463 
 
 twofold purpose of regulating by family compact the trans- 
 mission of estates in case the direct line died out, and 
 of fortifying at the common expense the castles held 
 for refuge and defense. Other leagues comprised cities 
 whose commerce would have perished if it had not been 
 energetically protected. In the middle of the thirteenth 
 century the archbishops of Mainz, Treves, and Cologne 
 entered into a league with sixty cities that bordered on the 
 Rhine. This confederation, called the League of the 
 Rhine, sanctioned by William in 1255, had a definite or- 
 ganization : the allies were to come together every three 
 months in assemblies whose place of meeting was agreed 
 upon, and the towns pledged themselves to equip 600 ves- 
 sels for use on the river. The most important of these 
 confederations, the Hanseatic League, has already been 
 described. 
 
 These federations and the importance of the cities bear 
 witness to considerable progress made in city populations. 
 This progress had been encouraged by some of the emper- 
 ors, particularly those of the Franconian house, who, to 
 gain the support of the middle classes, had declared the 
 tradesmen of Spire, Strassburg, etc., free. In all the 
 cities the guilds, self-governing trades-unions, increased in 
 numbers and importance and influenced greatly both the 
 development of manufactures and of commerce and the 
 government of the cities. It was, of course, the advantage 
 to be gained that induced the emperors to favor the towns ; 
 the authority of the emperor in judicial matters and in the 
 care of the fortifications and the collection of the revenue 
 was represented in the imperial cities by vogts or burg- 
 grafen of the emperor's appointment. The bishops or 
 dukes appointed similar officers to represent them in the 
 cities w^iich were dependent upon them. The townspeo- 
 ple naturally wished to carry their independence farther, 
 and free themselves from the authority of the emperor as 
 well as the lords : Frederick tried to resist the movement, 
 but did not have time to accomplish his object, and in the 
 most of the cities these offices finally pass into the control 
 of the cities themselves. 
 
 The country districts followed the cities in the path of 
 progress. There was a decrease in serfdom. In North 
 Germany, which had been almost depopulated by the cru- 
 sades and the wars against the Slavs, numerous colonies
 
 4^4 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Booit IX. 
 
 of Brabanters, Flemings, Dutch, and Frisians had settled 
 down as free cultivators of the soil. The custom of eman- 
 cipation spread from low to high Germany. The cities 
 welcomed the serfs and gave the freedom of the city to 
 those who settled in their suburbs, so that the nobles were 
 forced either to treat their serfs better or to free them if 
 they wished to keep them. 
 
 Such was the condition of Germany in the middle of the 
 thirteenth century. The Great Interregnum only added 
 new force to the tendency toward dislocation and isolation. 
 Under Frederick II. it was still uncertain whether Germany 
 would be a monarchy with a parliamentary constitution or 
 a confederation, each member of which would have a share 
 of the power. In the former case, the Germans would have 
 remained a nation, in the full acceptation of the word, as 
 all public life would have centered about the constitution 
 of the empire. But the long period of disturbances which 
 followed the death of Frederic II. strengthened the desire 
 for local independence, and it was the latter system which 
 finally prevailed. 
 
 Richard of Cornwall died in 1272. At that moment 
 
 anarchy had reached its highest point, and though the 
 
 „ . ,^ , strong, who caused it, suffered little from its 
 
 Rudolfof „ 1 1 re 1 I rr-ii 
 
 Hapsburg eiiects, the weak suffered much. Ihere was 
 [ng'of the°Aus- a general feeling in favor of having a man 
 trian house who would at least keep order in the empire, 
 
 *'^ guard the safety of the roads, and maintain the 
 
 public peace, without interfering with the independence 
 which the people wished to retain. " Everybody desires a 
 good and wise Emperor," wrote the Bishop of Olmutz to 
 Pope Gregory X. ; " but no one is anxious for a strong Em- 
 peror." At the end of a year Rudolf of Hapsburg was 
 elected, a knight full of courage, but one of the lesser no- 
 bility, whose few domains were scattered through Alsace, 
 Swabia, and Switzerland, and who did not belong to the 
 princely families. Although, apparently, he was not formid- 
 able, yet on the day of his coronation the nobles sought to 
 evade the oath of fealty which they owed him, and the scep- 
 ter which was employed for this purpose could not be found; 
 they had hidden it. Rudolf seized the cross from the altar : 
 " Here," he said, " is the symbol of our salvation ; we shall 
 use it as a scepter." 
 
 Rudolf was an able iMiiperor. In the first place he was
 
 Chap. XXX.] GERMANY FROM 1250 TO 1453. 465 
 
 wise enough to distinguish the possible from the impossible, 
 his unquestionable rights from those that were out of date, 
 and the vindication of which would have been fatal to him. 
 Thus he resolutely sacrificed Italy, the " cave of the Lion," 
 as he justly called it. " The footsteps leading to it are 
 many, there are none that return." He sold to Florence, 
 Lucca, Genoa, and Bologna the right to govern themselves 
 by their own laws, and he solemnly confirmed the Pope in 
 the possession of the Exarchate and the Pentapolis, dispos- 
 ing of the imperial domain in Italy as one does in a country 
 he is about to leave forever. Nevertheless he always kept 
 an imperial vicar in Lombardy to collect the revenues still 
 remaining to him there. 
 
 He decided that he would have enough to do in trying 
 to re-establish the law in Germany, and in regulating the 
 relations between the local powers and the imperial au- 
 thority. Ottocar II. king of Bohemia, refused to do him 
 feudal homage (1275). He was a powerful prince who had 
 built up a great Slavonic monarchy flanking the German 
 possessions, from Saxony to the Italian Alps. Germany 
 was troubled by this dangerous neighbor and willingly fol- 
 lowed the new Emperor when he went to attack him. Ru- 
 dolf forced him to submit. The story goes that Ottocar 
 would only consent to do homage behind closed doors in 
 a tent ; but that while he was taking the oath, the tent fell 
 down, and all the camp saw Ottocar, in magnificent apparel, 
 on his knees before their Emperor with his thin face, 
 aquiline nose, dressed in a wretched-looking overgarment, a 
 kind of German Louis XI. minus the cruelty. There is 
 some doubt about the fact, but for one reason or another, 
 Ottocar took up arms again, and this time was conquered 
 and killed on the Marchfield, a great plain opposite Vienna, 
 on the left bank of the Danube (1278). In the treaty which 
 followed, Rudolf left Bohemia in the hands of young Wen- 
 zel, but at the same time he married him to his daughter 
 and detached Moravia for many years from his kingdom in 
 order to indemnify himself for the expenses of the war. 
 
 When he had accomplished that great work, he turned to 
 the German lords of the interior. He annulled all grants 
 made by the successors of Frederick II., and demanded, 
 though he did not succeed in obtaining, restitution of the 
 rights and property which had been usurped from the im- 
 perial crown. He forbade private warfare, made the states
 
 466 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX, 
 
 of Franconia, Swabia, Bavaria, and Alsace swear to keep 
 
 the public peace, and destroyed many castles, the dens of 
 noble bandits, one of whom, the Count of Wiirtemberg, had 
 inscribed upon his banner the words : " A friend to God, 
 a foe to man." In the province of Thuringia alone, he 
 razed seventy fortresses to the ground. 
 
 Another feature of Rudolf's policy, besides the relinquish- 
 ment of Italy and the pacification of Germany, was the 
 founding of the dominion of his house. He granted 
 Carinthia to the Count of Tyrol, who had lent him great 
 assistance in his war with Ottocar, but in 1282 he put his 
 sons in possession of the duchies of Austria, Styria, and 
 Carniola, the provinces, in fact, which are still the founda- 
 tion on which the great structure of the Hapsburg power 
 rests ; in the following year Albert, the eldest, is given sole 
 possession of them. It was also his desire that the title of 
 King of the Romans should be conferred upon his son. But 
 the electors already found that the new house of Austria 
 was becoming too powerful, and they refused. 
 
 On his death, in fact, in 1291, a prince from another fam- 
 ily, poor and obscure, Adolf of Nassau, was elected after 
 an interregnum of ten months. His reign 
 sau (1290 ami o^ six years is marked by two events ; he 
 Albert of Aus- sold hiuisclf to Edward I. in 1204, against 
 
 tria (1298^. T-,u-i- ^u T- • r ? \. i- 
 
 Liberation of rhilip the tair, for 100,000 pounds sterhng, 
 (1308)^^^'^^^"'^ and used the money in an attempt to obtain 
 in Thuringia a principality for his family as 
 Rudolf had done in Austria. The electors were displeased 
 and chose Albert of Austria to succeed him, who conquered 
 and killed his adversary at Gollheim, near Worms (1298). 
 
 The ten years' reign of the new king of the Romans* 
 showed that he was very ambitious for his family, which he 
 wished to establish on the throne of Bohemia, where the 
 Slavonic dynasty had lately died out, and also in Thuringia 
 and Meissen, where he lost a battle. He was also bent upon 
 extending his rights, even unjustly — in Alsace and Switz- 
 erland — and it proved an unfortunate venture for him. 
 For, on the one hand, he roused the three Swiss cantons of 
 Uri, Schweitz, and Unterwalden to revolt; on the other hand, 
 he roused the wrath of his nephew John of Swabia, whom 
 
 * The prince chosen by the electors bore the name of King of the 
 Romans after Henry II. until he had received at Rome the title of 
 Emperor with his imperial crown.
 
 Chap. XXX.] GERMANY FROM 12.30 TO 1453. 4^7 
 
 he defrauded of his inheritance (domains in Switzerland, 
 Svvabia, and Alsace). As he was crossing the Reuss, John 
 thrust him through with his sword (1308). The assassin 
 escaped. One of Albert's daughters, Agnes, dowager queen 
 of Hungary, had more than a thousand innocent people 
 killed to avenge the death of her father. The greater part 
 of the present Switzerland had been originally included in 
 the kingdom of Burgundy, and was ceded to the empire, 
 together with that kingdom, in 1033. A feudal nobility, 
 lay and ecclesiastic, had gained a firm footing there. Nev- 
 ertheless, by the twelfth century the cities had risen to some 
 importance. Zurich, Basel, Bern, and Freiburg had an 
 extensive commerce and obtained municipal privileges. 
 Three little cantons, far in the heart of the Swiss mountains, 
 preserved more than all the others their indomitable spirit 
 of independence. When Albert of Austria became Empe- 
 ror he arrogantly tried to encroach upon their independ- 
 ence. Three heroic mountaineers, Werner Stauffacher, 
 Arnold of Melchthal, and Walter Fiirst, each with ten chosen 
 friends, conspired together at Riitli, to throw off the yoke. 
 The tyranny of the Austrian bailiff Gessler, and William 
 Tell's well-aimed arrow, if tradition is to be believed,* gave 
 the signal for the insurrection. Albert's violent death left 
 to Leopold, his successor in the duchy of Austria, the care 
 of repressing the rebellion. He failed and was completely 
 defeated at Mortgarten (1315). That was Switzerland's 
 field of Marathon. The confederation of the three first 
 cantons was increased by the admission of Lucerne in 1332, 
 of Zurich in 135 1, of Zug and Claris in 1352, and of the 
 great city of Bern in 1353. Those are the eight original 
 cantons of Switzerland. Their number was not increased 
 till 125 years later. The battle of Sempach (1386) contin- 
 ued what had been begun at Mortgarten. Another Duke 
 Leopold was killed there with 676 counts and lords. A 
 third defeat sustained by the Austrians at Nafels (1388) 
 made them decide to leave the rude mountaineers alone. 
 
 When Rudolf of Hapsburg was chosen by the electors, 
 it was because of his poverty and weakness. At his death 
 accordingly they did not give their votes for his son Albert, 
 master of Austria, but for a knight of an unimportant family 
 
 * The stories regarding William Tell are now considered pure legend. 
 The Riitli oath is also unhistorical. — Ed.
 
 468 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 and of small fortunes, Adolf of Nassau. Albert, however, 
 
 succeeded in overthrowing his rival. But on his death they 
 
 „ ,,„ were firm in their decision not to give the 
 
 Henry VII. ^ .... , °, , . 
 
 (1308). Lewis of crown for a third time to the new and ambi- 
 Bavaria (1314)- tious housc of Hapsburg. They likewise re- 
 fused, for similar reasons, to accept Charles of Valois, brother 
 of Philip the Fair, whom the latter tried to place on the 
 imperial throne in order that he might indirectly rule over 
 Germany. They supported the Count of Luxemburg, who 
 became Henry VII. 
 
 By choosing emperors who were poor, the electors placed 
 them under the temptation of enriching themselves at the 
 expense of the empire. Adolf failed, it is true, in Thuringia, 
 but Rudolf gained Austria by victory ; Henry succeeded 
 in Bohemia by means of marriage, and Bohemia was worth 
 more than Austria at that time because, besides Moravia, it 
 was made to cover Silesia and a part of Lusatia (Oberlausitz). 
 Henry's son, John of Luxemburg, married the heiress to 
 that royal crown. As for Henry himself he remained as 
 poor as before. He had a vigorous, restless spirit, and went 
 to try his fortunes on his own account beyond the Alps, but 
 could persuade no more than 2000 cavaliers to follow him 
 (13 10). It was an escort, not an army. He proclaimed 
 that he would recognize neither Guelf nor Ghibelines, 
 hoping to overpower them all. Robert, king of Naples, 
 took up arms against him, Clement V. excommunicated him, 
 the Guelfs declared themselves his enemies. He was obliged 
 to pronounce openly in favor of the Ghibelines, and he 
 found himself involved in all the Italian broils like the 
 emperors of former days. He appointed Matteo Visconti 
 imperial vice-regent in Italy ; he put Florence as well as 
 the king of Naples under the ban of the empire. Things 
 went no better. Yet, with the aid of the fleets of Pisa, 
 of Genoa, and of the Aragonese king of Sicily, he was 
 seriously threatening Naples, when he died either from some 
 sickness or from being poisoned by a Dominican in par- 
 taking of the host (1313). 
 
 A year's interregnum followed ; then two emperors at 
 once : Lewis of Bavaria and Frederick the Fair, son of the 
 Emperor Albert. After eight years of war, Lewis gained 
 his point by the victory of Miihldorf (1322), which delivered 
 Frederick into his hands. He kept him in captivity for 
 three years, and at the end of that time became reconciled
 
 Chap. XXX.] GERMANY FROM 1250 TO 1453. 469 
 
 with him and, they were on such good terms that both bore 
 the title of King and governed in common. The fear in- 
 spired in Lewis by France and the Holy See dictated this 
 singular agreement. 
 
 Henry VII. had revived the policy of interference by the 
 German emperors in the affairs of Italy, and had kindled 
 again the quarrel with the Papacy which had long appeared 
 extinguished. Lewis IV. did the same. But the question 
 of investitures and the domination of the world was no 
 longer agitated by these two enfeebled powers. The Em- 
 peror now saw that his true enemy was the king of France, 
 the strongest sovereign in Europe and the one most to be 
 feared. While Boniface VIII. was making war on Philip 
 the Fair, Albert allied himself with him ; when, on the 
 other hand, the Papacy was reduced to the state of a servile 
 auxiliary to France, the Emperor returned to his former 
 hostility. When excommunicated by Pope John XXII. , 
 who wished to give the empire to the king of France, 
 Charles IV., Lewis IV. made use of the same weapons ; he 
 declared him a heretic and unworthy of the pontificate, 
 turned his lawyers loose upon him, allied himself with the 
 Ghibeline condottieri, and went to be crowned at Rome, by 
 the hands of the prefect of the city, Sciara Colonna (1328). 
 He immediately deposed John XXII. and appointed an 
 antipope Nicolas. 
 
 Nevertheless pontifical excommunication was still a for- 
 midable affair ; Lewis weakened, and begged, even humbly, 
 for absolution. John was inflexible and exacted the relin- 
 quishment of his crown. Benedict XII., made Pope in 1334, 
 was at bottom better disposed toward him, but he was not his 
 own master ; the king of France forbade him to absolve the 
 Emperor, and set up in opposition to the latter one of his 
 relatives, John of Bohemia. 
 
 Lewis IV. then resolved to attack the king of France 
 himself; he assisted Edward III. in rousing the Flemings 
 against Philip of Valois, proclaimed the English king 
 viceregent of the empire in the Netherlands, and awarded 
 him the kingdom of France. These measures had little 
 effect, because there was no strength to back them. Tired 
 of a crown loaded with anxieties, Lewis of Bavaria was 
 finally about to submit to the Pope and abdicate, when the 
 electors perceived the necessity of supporting their Empe- 
 ror and of formally releasing the supreme power from
 
 47° OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 foreign dependency which brought the whole nation to 
 shame. That was the object of the Pragmatic Sanction of 
 Frankfort, pronounced in 1338 by the Diet, on the report 
 of the electors. This fundamental law of the German em- 
 pire establishes first the principle that the imperial majesty 
 and authority are held from God alone ; that they are con- 
 ferred by the sole election of the prince electors ; that a 
 prince elected by the majority of their votes must be con- 
 sidered as the king and emperor ; that the Holy See has 
 no superiority over the empire, and that it has neither the 
 right to approve nor to reject the choice of the electors ; 
 finally that all persons, whether ecclesiastic or secular, who 
 should dare to violate these statutes, should be accounted 
 guilty of high treason and punished as such. Thus the 
 question, so long disputed, of the relations ef the Holy See 
 to the empire was decided in favor of Germany's absolute 
 independence. The State refused to allow the Church to 
 meddle in any way in political affairs. Even the ceremony 
 of the year 800, the pontifical coronation, was soon dropped, 
 and after Frederick HI. it went entirely out of use. In 
 this act the German nationality shone forth victorious. 
 
 The king of France and Pope Clement VI., whose claims 
 were directly affected by this declaration, set up against 
 Lewis IV. Charles of Luxemburg, son of John the Blind, 
 who became king of Bohemia in 1346, when his father had 
 been killed fighting on the French side at the battle of 
 Crecy. Lewis died the following year, He had gained 
 possession of Brandenburg and the Tyrol for his house, 
 but it was unable to retain possession of them. The latter 
 county reverted to the house of Austria in 1363. 
 
 The electors most hostile to the French party tried to 
 
 put up, as a rival candidate to Charles of Luxemburg, 
 
 Edward III., king of England, who refused 
 
 The House of ., x? ■ ^i »t cc i .. 4. \ 
 
 Luxemburg the Empire; then they offered it to a brave 
 (1347 1438); The knight, (iunther of Schwarzburg, who died 
 
 Golden Bull. ^ . "' 
 
 perhaps poisoned, after a few months (1349). 
 The king of Bohemia then became Emperor as Charles 
 IV. by a second election. He was a very able man, and 
 yet no other emperor ever cut such a sorry figure. His 
 Initcher stopped him in the streets of Worms to demand 
 payment ; he was detained at an inn where he had not been 
 able to settle his bill. 
 
 A man who had not wherewithal to pay for his dinner
 
 Chap. XXX.] GERMANY FROM 1250 TO 1453. 471 
 
 might well have concerned himself little about keeping 
 Italy. Charles IV., nevertheless, looked upon it as a legacy 
 of the ancient German Roman Empire, and thought he could 
 make something out of it. He went there himself to see, 
 and found that, in fact, he could sell regalian rights to 
 aome, titles to others, and to Venice her neighbors Padua, 
 Verona and Vicenza. He thus went through the whole of 
 Italy two several times (1355 and 1368), a veritable market- 
 man plucking and selling the imperial eagle, as the electors 
 reproachfully told him. Little respect was shown so gro- 
 tesque a majesty. Galeazzo Visconti kept him under lock 
 and key until he had been appointed perpetual vicar of the 
 empire in Lombardy. He stayed only a day at Rome 
 because the Pope had forbidden him to stay longer. On 
 his return the Pisans set fire to his house. The prefect 
 of Cremona made him wait two hours at the gates. Other 
 cities did not have time to receive him, and begged him to 
 pass them by. 
 
 This much-abused Emperor had nevertheless the glory 
 of concluding and promulgating the electoral code of Ger- 
 many, a prime necessity in an elective system — namely, the 
 famous Golden Bull, published in 1356 at the Diet of Nur- 
 emberg, and deriving its name from the golden seal attached 
 by the Emperor to all authentic copies. Its contents are as 
 follows : 
 
 First. The number of electors remained fixed at seven, in 
 honor of the seven candlesticks of the Apocalypse ; three 
 of them were always to be ecclesiastics, the electors of 
 Mainz, Cologne, and Treves ; four of them laymen, the 
 King of Bohemia, the Count Palatine, the Duke of Saxony, 
 and the Margrave of Brandenburg. 
 
 Second. The three ecclesiastical electors were to retain 
 the title of arch-chancellor, which belonged formerly to their 
 churches, and were to exercise the functions belonging to 
 this office in their respective departments ; the elector for 
 Mainz was to keep the title of the arch-chancellor of the 
 kingdom of Germany, the elector of Cologne that of the 
 archchancellor of the kingdom of Italy, and the elector of 
 Treves that of the arch-chancellor of the kingdom of Bur- 
 gundy. 
 
 Third. The four great offices connected with the crown 
 were irrevocably attached to the four secular electorates : 
 the ofifice of arch-cupbearer went with the kingdom of
 
 472 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 Bohemia, the office of arch-steward with the electorate 
 of the Count Palatine, the office of arch-marshal with 
 the duchy of Saxony, and the office of arch-chamberlain 
 with the margraviate of Brandenburg. 
 
 Fourth. The election of the King of the Romans, the fu- 
 ture Emperor, should be held at Frankfort and should be 
 carried by a majority of votes : he should be crowned at 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, by the archbishop elector of Cologne, and 
 should always hold his first diet at Nuremberg. 
 
 Fifth. The electoral dignity was to remain attached to 
 the soil of the provinces which bore the title. Those prov- 
 inces could never be divided or dismembered. . . .* 
 
 Germany was thenceforth saved those electoral dissen- 
 sions which had troubled her before, and had two firm sup- 
 ports of her public rights in the Pragmatic Sanction of 1338 
 and in the Golden Bull. A little law and order was obtained 
 at the price of much disorder : the permanence and au- 
 thority of the electors was determined, but not so the power 
 of the Emperor ; the Golden Bull, on the contrary, conse- 
 crated its forfeiture. Charles IV., however, was not dis- 
 turbed by that, busy as he was in extending his own state 
 of Bohemia to cover the lower Lusatia and all Silesia and 
 Brandenburg. If he served the empire ill, he had at least 
 done great service to his own house. 
 
 He was succeeded in 1378 by his son Wenzel, whom he 
 had had elected King of the Romans, with the assistance of 
 Italian gold. Wenzel spent most of his time in Bohemia, 
 and, like his father, increased his private domains by selling 
 the imperial domains. It was a melancholy reign : Ger- 
 many was distracted with private wars; the lords formed 
 leagues to escape paying their debts and to resist prosecu- 
 tion by their creditors among the burghers, who, in their 
 turn, joined together to enforce payment. The diet of 
 Nuremberg, with a view to restoring the public peace, di- 
 vided Germany into four great divisions [Parteien], which 
 may be considered as the origin of the later divisions into 
 circles (13S3) ; but it had no effect, the war continued. 
 The general discontent finally broke out in rebellion against 
 a despicable sovereign who was drunk from morning to 
 night ; and he was deposed (1400). 
 
 * Certain royal rights were also granted to the electors, such as coining 
 money, working mines, and taxing Jews, and there was to be no appeal 
 from their courts. — Ep.
 
 Chap. XXX.] GERMANY FROM 1250 TO 1453. 473 
 
 The unimportant reign of Rupert of Bavaria brings us, 
 after ten years, to Sigismund, brother of Wenzel, king of 
 Hungary and elector of Brandenburg in his own right. 
 Two events of considerable importance mark this period, 
 the Council of Constance (1414) and the Hussite war. We 
 pass over an expedition to Italy (1431), which once more 
 proved the impotence of the German emperors in that 
 country ; we shall take up later the great schism of the 
 West, the Council of Constance, and Sigismund's efforts to 
 restore peace to the Church ; one of the acts of the Council 
 of Constance was of great moment to Germany, namely, the 
 execution of John Huss. 
 
 He was a Bohemian and a man of great learning, who, 
 having become acquainted with the doctrines which Wycliffe 
 had preached in England a few years earlier, adopted them, 
 a fact which did not keep him from becoming rector of the 
 University of Prague, confessor to the queen, and a very- 
 popular man throughout the country. When excommuni- 
 cated by the Pope for one of his writings, he appealed to 
 the Council of Constance, repaired thither with an impe'/ial 
 safe-conduct which was not regarded, and he was con- 
 demned to the stake (1415) ; his disciple, Jerome of Prague, 
 underwent the same punishment. 
 
 All Bohemia rose in rebellion on hearing the news. One 
 of the nobles, John Ziska, led the insurrection. He never 
 suffered defeat. He took Prague, threw the senators of 
 the city out of the palace windows, ex more majoriim, and 
 went through Bohemia, burning the churches and slaying 
 the monks. The funeral pile of John Huss had kindled a 
 terrible war. Sigismund sent forth all the forces of the 
 empire in vain against the Hussites, and in vain the Pope 
 caused a crusade to be preached. Armies of 80,000 men 
 fled before them without daring to await their approach. 
 Though Ziska became blind he was none the less terrible 
 on that account. The features of the country and the posi- 
 tion of the enemy were explained to him, he then gave the 
 necessary orders, and victory followed. The Council of 
 Basel put an end to the savage strife by granting the 
 Hussites some of the religious privileges that they de- 
 manded ; among others the privilege of receiving the sac- 
 rament in both kinds ; thence the name of Utraquist which 
 is used to distinguish them. 
 
 The house of Luxemburg became extinct on the death
 
 474 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 of Sigismund, and his son-in-law Albert then established 
 
 the house of Austria upon the imperial throne, where it 
 
 , remained until the throne was destroyed. 
 
 The House of .n ^ j- i • • ,^i 
 
 Austria regains Albert died m 1439, 1" a war agamst the 
 c^r^o*w"rf ^ Vut I'-ii'ks, and his posthumous son Ladislaw in- 
 with no powers heritcd Only Bohemia and Hungary. But an 
 attached (1438;. Austrian prince, Frederick III., of the Styrian 
 branch of the family, succeeded him a year later on the 
 imperial throne, the last Emperor who went to Rome to be 
 crowned (1452). 
 
 The reason why the electors were willing to do, in 1438 
 and 1440, what they had refused to do in 1308, was that 
 now they had nothing to fear from the Emperor on the sub- 
 ject of the usurpations which they had made ; and that 
 while they saw that there was no longer any danger for 
 them in giving Charlemagne's crown to the house of Aus- 
 tria, they felt that it would be more to the advantage of 
 Germany, threatened as it was by the Turks, that the head 
 of the empire should reside at Vienna, where the Ottomans' 
 arrival was expected, rather than at the other end of the 
 German territory ; in fact, what they gave now in bestowing 
 the crown, was nothing but a title. To judge by appear- 
 ances the empire of Germany was the most powerful of the 
 European states, as well as the largest in extent. The 
 Emperor proudly assumed his superiority over all other 
 sovereigns, and claimed to be the only one invested with 
 the right of conferring the royal title. An immense popula- 
 tion recognized his title, and the pompous language of his 
 government recalled the antique forms of the monarchy of 
 Diocletian and Theodosius. But in reality there was 'no 
 imperial authority, and the empire, in spite of its extent 
 and the number of its inhabitants, was incapable of exerting 
 any serious influence outside of its own limits. 
 
 The head of the Empire, as emperor, had neither revenues, 
 military forces, nor judiciary power, except in certain cases, 
 and his right of veto on the decisions of the diet was too 
 often illusory. This assembly consisted of all the chiefs 
 or representatives of the states of Germany, and was divided 
 into three colleges according to the rank of the various 
 members : first, the college of electors ; second, the college 
 of princes ; third, the college of cities. It deliberated and 
 decided upon questions of peace and war, whether domestic 
 or foreign, made regulations, statutes, or laws applicable
 
 Chap. XXX.] GERMANY FROM 1250 TO 1493. 475 
 
 to the whole empire, and left the Emperor the sole duty of 
 having them executed, the means to accomplish which were 
 never given him. He had, virtually, but one useful pre- 
 rogative, that of disposing of the vacant fiefs. 
 
 Thus the authority of the prince was almost canceled in 
 the empire by the authority of the diet, and in each state 
 taken separately, by the particular prerogatives of the elec- 
 tors, the princes, or the towns, who had possessed them- 
 selves of the regalian rights. The imperial domain no 
 longer existed ; everywhere it had been invaded and occu- 
 pied by the nobility. Finally, as the crown was elective, 
 each new sovereign was obliged to give a new sanction to 
 these aristocratic privileges. 
 
 Not only was there no central power in Germany, but 
 there was also great difference in the constitutions of the 
 five or six hundred states which composed the empire. 
 Thus the three ecclesiastical electorates of Mainz, Treves, 
 and Cologne, and the four lay electorates of Bohemia, the 
 Palatinate, Saxony, and Brandenburg were veritable king- 
 doms ; the principalities were little monarchies ; the towns, 
 small republics. The result was that all the different forms 
 of government jostled one another, so to speak, in the chaos 
 which styled itself the Holy Roman Empire of the German 
 Nation. 
 
 Germany was as much divided as Italy, and as devoid of 
 common life ; consequently she was also as weak, and, like 
 the transalpine peninsula, she became in modern times the 
 battlefield of Europe^ the booty or the prey of the ambi- 
 tious.
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 THE SPANISH, SCANDINAVIAN, AND SLAVIC STATES. 
 
 Spain from 1252 to 1453. — The crusade suspended. — The Scandinavian 
 States, Denmark, Sweden and Norway : their secondary role after 
 the time of the Norsemen. — Slavic States : power of Poland ; weak- 
 ness of Russia. — Peoples of the Danube Valley : the Hungarians. — 
 The Greek Empire. — The Ottoman Turks and the Mongols of 
 Timour. 
 
 We have brought the Spanish crusade down to the time of 
 the great victories won by Aragon, Portugal and Castile, in 
 middle of the thirteenth century, when the 
 1252^1453. cru^ two former reached a point which they never 
 sade suspend- surpassed and the latter hemmed in the rem- 
 nant of the Mussulmanic power in its last 
 refuge, the kingdom of Grenada. It seemed then as if only 
 a feeble effort were needed to drive the humiliated conquer- 
 ors back to the sea and to Africa. But bracing themselves 
 against the Alpujarras, they kept a firm hold for two can- 
 turies and a half longer ; another fact in their favor was 
 that only one kingdom, Castile, remained interested in their 
 fall, because it alone now bordered on their straitened fron- 
 tiers and because that kingdom had ceased to have chiefs 
 who were worthy of their trust. 
 
 In 1252, Alfonso X. was reigning in Castile. Instead of 
 looking in Grenada for a new crown, which would have been 
 a valuable addition to the one he already wore, he sought 
 one from Germany, which could be nothing but a useless 
 burden to him. The results to which this foolish claim 
 led were the same as in the case of the king of England, 
 Henry III., whose brother also wished to be emperor, 
 namely, enormous expenditures and discontent among his 
 subjects. Nothing could be more untractable than the 
 Castilian aristocracy ; at its head were the rival houses of 
 Castro, Lara, and Haro, who, in their mutual hatred, often 
 went so far as to seek assistance from the Moors. When 
 
 476
 
 Chap. XXXI. j SPANlStt. 477 
 
 threatened by an insurrection, the king did the same and 
 called upon the Merinides for help ; the nation proclaimed 
 him deposed and put his second son in his place, Don 
 Sancho, a good soldier (1282). Alfonso X. nevertheless 
 bore the name of the Wise ; he had a considerable knowl- 
 edge of astronomy and published the code of laws called 
 Las Siete Partidas (in six parts). He had introduced there 
 the right of succession, which was in force in the feudal 
 States but not in Spain. In virtue of this right the throne 
 reverted to the son of Ferdinand de la Cerda, eldest son of 
 Alfonso X., who died before his father ; Don Sancho availed 
 himself of the old law and claimed succession to the throne. 
 He succeeded in carrying his point, with the aid of the 
 nation, in 1284. This gave rise to some hostilities with the 
 king of France, Philip IH., the uncle of the young deposed 
 princes. 
 
 The stormy minorities of Ferdinand IV. and Alfonso 
 XI. brought fresh trouble upon Castile. The latter, how- 
 ever, is celebrated for his great victory at Rio Salado over 
 a Merinide invasion (1340), and for the capture of Algiers. 
 He was succeeded by Peter the Cruel, whose bloody reign 
 came to a fitting end in a fratricidal quarrel : Henry II., of 
 Transtamara, his natural brother, disputed the throne with 
 him and asked for help from the king of France. Charles 
 V. granted it, on the pretext of avenging the death of a 
 French princess, Blanche of Bourbon, who, on the day after 
 her marriage with Peter, had been thrown into prison and 
 then assassinated. It is well known that the real object of 
 the King of France was to send Du Guesclin's adventurers, 
 who were in his way, off somewhere to meet their death. 
 This assistance gave the advantage to Transtamara, who 
 was crowned ; but Peter, drawing from the same arsenal a 
 like army, called in the aid of the Black Prince with other 
 highwaymen. Du Guesclin was conquered and taken at 
 Najara. When set at liberty again he gathered another 
 army and brought victory again to Transtamara at Montiel. 
 Peter entered the tent of the French general to negotiate 
 with him and with his brother. But Henry, when he saw 
 him, struck him in the face ; then followed a hand-to-hand 
 fight, and the two brothers, the two crowned heads, rolled 
 on the ground together. Peter was above. Du Guesclin 
 pulled him by the leg and gave Transtamara a chance to draw 
 his dagger and stab him. Frightful affairs went on in
 
 47^ OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 Spain in 1369. A little earlier (1360), Portugal had been 
 appalled by the tragic end of Inez de Castro, the rage of 
 Dom Pedro, his revenge, the sad obsequies related by 
 Camoens ; the king exhuming, after five years in the tomb, 
 the body of her whom he called his wife, and proclaiming 
 her queen, placing upon her head the royal crown and 
 forcing the court to come and kiss the hand of the corpse, 
 A fruitless war with Portugal filled the reign of John I., 
 son and successor of Henry II. 
 
 Henry III., who followed, was a sickly prince and a 
 minor, but firm and resolute in character (1390). He was 
 much struck by the abasement of the royal authority. One 
 day his steward informed him that he had nothing to give 
 him for dinner and that the merchants would give no more 
 credit ; he sent his cloak to be sold, dined on a bit of goat's 
 fiesh, and went to a sumptuous feast given by the arch- 
 bishop of Toledo to all the grandees ; he saw them, and 
 heard them boasting of their wealth. The next day he 
 called them together in his palace and appeared in their 
 midst, sword in hand ; he seated himself, leaving them 
 standing, and asked, with a terrible frown : " How many 
 kings of Castile have you known ? " One replied that he 
 had seen three, another four, another five, according to 
 their ages. " Three, four, five kings? Why do you tell me 
 that ? I, young as I am, I have seen, in fact I see twenty 
 kings. Yes, indeed, you are all kings, to the misfortune 0/ 
 the kingdom and to my shame ! But you shall be so na 
 
 longer " And soldiers rushed into the room. The 
 
 nobles begged for mercy ; he pardoned them, but in the 
 cortes he had it decided that grants of land made by his 
 predecessors at the expense of the royal domains were 
 revoked, and that the nobles should be taxed. 
 
 Henry III. died too young to have time to arrest the 
 downward progress of the royal power, and it continued to 
 decline through the reign of John II., who loaded his 
 favorite, Alvaro de Luna, with misplaced powers, and was 
 soon obliged, by rebellion among his subjects, to have him 
 executed (1453)- The royal power fell still lower under 
 his successor, Henry IV. But then, as if it had finally 
 touched bottom, it suddenly rose again and began a new 
 era under Isabella and Ferdinand the Catholic. 
 
 Aragon had been less disturbed by domestic difficulties 
 and more by foreign affairs. As early as 1213 Peter II.
 
 Chap. XXXI.] SPANISfT. 479 
 
 had interfered in the war with the Albigenses ; with how 
 little success we already know. At the end of the century 
 Peter IIT. accepted Sicily's offer of her throne after the 
 Sicilian Vespers. James II. relinquished his claims to it in 
 the treaty of Anagni, but the Sicilians insisted upon giving 
 it in 1297 to a prince of his family. Aragon spent most of 
 the fourteenth century in the acquisition of Sardinia, which 
 the Pope had ceded to her, and in interminable wars with the 
 Genoese on that account. Aragon was finally victorious 
 and her domination over the western part of the Mediter- 
 ranean was assured. 
 
 In 1410 the glorious house of Barcelona became extinct ; 
 all the crowns that had belonged to her passed over to a 
 prince of Castile, Ferdinand, called the Just, who had lately 
 refused a throne offered him which he thought should be- 
 long to his nephew. He left two sons, Alfonso V. and 
 John II.; the former was adopted by Jane, queen of Naples, 
 and successfully disputed that kingdom with the second 
 house of Anjou ; the younger son, by his marriage, united 
 Navarre and Aragon, and, in order to maintain the union to 
 his own advantage, he poisoned his son, Don Carlos de 
 Viane. The union, however, proved merely temporary ; 
 Navarre, on his death, passed to the house of Foix, later to 
 that of Albret, whose heiress married a Bourbon. It was 
 another son of that despicable man, namely Ferdinand the 
 Catholic, who, by his marriage with Isabella of Castile, in 
 1469, brought about the union of Spain and the most glori- 
 ous period of its history. 
 
 Before leaving Castile and Aragon a few words must be 
 said about the remarkable institutions of those two countries. 
 The feudal system did not have the strength there that it 
 had on the continent. Nevertheless, Aragon was much 
 more feudal than Castile, doubtless because the Carolingian 
 domination had extended over the Marches of Barcelona. 
 
 The constitution of Castile was a result of its own history, 
 which was a continual warfare with the Moors. When the 
 enemy drew near, everybody was allowed the honor of 
 defending his religion and his country. That resulted in a 
 sort of equality between the highest and lowest classes, 
 which latter were never lowered to the condition of villein- 
 age as in feudal countries. They disputed the ground 
 foot by foot, valley by valley : and it was necessary that 
 each step in advance should be maintained by a permanent
 
 480 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 settlement. As they advanced, the nobles covered the 
 country with castles {castiile), and colonies were transported 
 to the conquered cities with the charge of defending them. 
 The lords in their castles and the citizens in their towns 
 were almost independent and left to themselves ; there was 
 some inconvenience in this liberty, but it also had its advan- 
 tages. In the year 1020 Alfonso V., confirmed the fran- 
 chises of the town of Leon and gave it a code, intended 
 to regulate the administration of its magistrates. Other 
 charters were distributed in the same century, among many 
 other towns ; generally the charters gave the towns a large 
 extent of territory with the right of choosing their judges and 
 their municipal magistrates. The king had but one officer 
 (regidor) in the communes, charged with the general over- 
 sight, but who, in fact, in the time of Alfonso XL, assumed 
 a much greater power. There were three classes in Castile ; 
 the ricos hombres, an aristocracy of great proprietors ; the 
 cahalleros or hidalgos, the smaller nobility exempted from 
 payment of taxes on condition of cavalry service, and the 
 pecheros or taxpayers, forming the population of the cities. 
 From 1169 on, deputies from cities were admitted to the 
 cartes, the parliament of the nation ; in. 13 15, at the cortes 
 of Burgos, there were 192 deputies, representing more 
 than 90 towns ; but later the number of such towns fell to 
 18. The cortes had extended powers and showed that they 
 possessed the traditional Spanish pride. In 1393, ^^ter 
 voting a tax in favor of Henry III., they added that, if he 
 should give orders to raise another tax without their author- 
 ization, " his orders should be obeyed but not executed," 
 which gives a vivid impression of the Castilian character, 
 respectful but inflexible. We see that the cortes were neces- 
 sary to the levying of taxes ; it is hard to determine what 
 part they had in the legislative power. The liermatidades 
 (fraternities), leagues formed by and among the towns, 
 were another means of holding the royal authority in check. 
 In Aragon, the ricos hombres were real feudal lords ; they 
 received baronies or " honors " from the king, which in- 
 volved military services and which they were to divide by 
 subinfeudation. Below them were the mesnadaires, also 
 immediate vassals, but whose fiefs had not the title of 
 baronies ; then the infanzones, simple knights or gentlemen ; 
 then the common people, citizens in the towns, villeins in 
 the country. The villeins had at first been treated with
 
 Chap. XXXI.] SPANISH. 48 1 
 
 extreme severity, but later their life was easier. The cortes 
 of Aragon comprised four orders called hrazos (arms) : the 
 prelates and commanders of military orders, the barons or 
 ricos hofubres, the equestrian order or ijifanzones, and the 
 deputies of the towns. But the kingdom of Aragon lacked 
 unity : Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia had all their sepa- 
 rate cortes. The " privilege of union " wrested from 
 Alfonso III. in 1287 declared : First, that the cortes should 
 be called together every year at Saragossa ; Second, that if 
 the king used violence toward any member of the union with- 
 out being authorized by the sentence of the justiciary, the 
 others should be released from their obedience. The great 
 justiciary ox justiza, to which the king himself was amenable, 
 and which kept a firm and respected guard over the liberty 
 of the country, was the most remarkable of the Aragonese 
 institutions. The audacity of the formula of their oath to 
 the King is well known : " We, who individually are worth 
 as much as thou, and who together are worth more than 
 thou, we will obey thee, if thou art faithful to the conditions 
 imposed upon thee ; if not, not." 
 
 Barcelona, alone among all the Spanish towns, had early 
 attained to great prosperity through its maritime commerce. 
 
 While Castile and Aragon entered more or less into the 
 European spirit, Portugal, far off in the remote parts of 
 Europe, opened up new paths for herself. John I., a bastard 
 of the house of Burgundy, which had just died out in the 
 direct line (1383), assured Portugal's independence of the 
 claims of Castile, by the great victory of Aljubarotta (1385) ; 
 to commemorate the event, he built on the battlefield the 
 convent of Batalha, one of the most magnificent edifices in 
 Portugal. A crusade was no longer possible for them on 
 the Peninsula, as Castile barred the way to the Moors, so 
 he conceived the idea of turning the attention of his subjects 
 to Africa. In 1415, he took Ceuta. His youngest son 
 Henry, Duke of Viseu, imbibed a love of travel from that 
 expedition. On his return, he settled in the village of 
 Sagres, in Cape St. Vincent, called mariners about him, 
 skillful geographers of foreign lands and founded a naval 
 academy. For his motto he adopted the French phrase : 
 Taletit de Men /aire [will to do good, as it then meant], and 
 put it gloriously into practice. As grand-master of the order 
 of Christ, he appropriated its revenues for his maritime 
 enterprises. In 14 19, two of his navigators were thrown by
 
 4S2 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 a tempest on the island of Porto Santo, one of the Madeira 
 islands ; soon after, Zarco re-discovered another one, 
 covered with wood, and called Madeira, on that account. 
 The woods were set on fire and burned continuously for 
 nine years. In the soil thus fertilized, Prince Henry had 
 vines from Cyprus, or Crete, planted, and sugar-canes 
 from Sicily. Pope Martin V., to encourage such discoveries, 
 granted to Henry the right of conquest and sovereignty 
 from the Canaries to the Indies, with plenary indulgence for 
 all who perished on the expeditions. The zeal redoubled 
 and was further encouraged by the success of Gil Eannes 
 who crossed in 1434 Cape Bojador, famous for its fierce 
 currents. An African company was formed at Lagos and 
 obtained a franchise. Cape Blanco and Cape Verd (1445) 
 were rounded, and the Azores discovered ; gold-dust from 
 Africa and negroes, in which there began to be a trade, 
 roused on the continent the powerful springs of human 
 activity, namely, curiosity and cupidity. The Portuguese 
 were already on the way to the Cape of Good Hope ; be- 
 fore the end of the century, the route to India by sea was 
 discovered, and a new world added to the old. 
 
 France, England, Spain, Italy, and Germany, that is to 
 
 say, the center, the west, and the south of Europe, did not 
 
 make up the whole world of the Middle Ages. 
 
 sfatel'^Den" There were states in the north and the east, 
 
 mark, Sweden, already important and determined to become 
 
 and Norway: i , i , • . i 
 
 of minor im- morc SO, but whosc Separate existence and 
 Fifl^w'^^L^'r.?^ slower development kept them almost outside 
 
 the Norsemen. i i 
 
 the course of events and ideas of the times. 
 In those remote regions, on the other side of the then known 
 world, the light of Christianity and civilization faded away, 
 and the line was reached where the barbarians, pagans, and 
 Mohammedans began to make their appearance on the bor- 
 ders between Europe and Asia. 
 
 That great belt of land, as much surpassing Europe in 
 extent as it was surpassed by Europe in civilization, included 
 various groups of peoples. To the north were the Scandi- 
 navian states (Denmark, Sweden, and Norway) ; to the east, 
 the Slav states (Poland and Russia), which bordered on the 
 Tartar-Mongols, situated still more to the east and reaching 
 down into the heart of Asia ; to the south, the Hungarians, 
 or Magyars, and the Roumanians ; and to the southwest, 
 the Ottoman-Turks, forming one group with the Greek
 
 Chap. XXXI.] SCAYDTXA VIAN. 483 
 
 empire, their natural enemy and future prey, just as two 
 men wrestling are locked together and seem like a single 
 body. 
 
 During the first part of the Middle Ages, the outside 
 world knew nothing of the two Scandinavian peninsulas ex- 
 cept through the pirates, whom they sent out to the east 
 and west on the two seas that washed their shores. By 
 crossing the North Sea, the Norsemen had reached France, 
 England, Iceland, Greenland, and even America ; by the 
 Baltic, they had reached Russia. When the Scandinavians 
 had been shut off from distant conquest by the settlements 
 there, they begun to live in their own country and to become 
 civilized. The conversion of Denmark to Christianity, 
 begun in the ninth century, consummated and sanctioned 
 in the eleventh century by Cnut the Great, who also reigned 
 over England, and the conversion of Norway accomplished 
 in the tenth century, and of Sweden, at the beginning of the 
 eleventh, made those countries members of the great Catho- 
 lic unity. Scandinavian warriors took part in the crusades. 
 
 The glory of Denmark was revived by the two brothers, 
 Cnut VI. (1182) and Waldemar the Victorious (1202), who, 
 by the subjection of the Wends, on the right bank of the 
 Elbe, gained the title of King of the Wends in addition to 
 those of King of the Danes, Duke of Jutland, and Lord of 
 Nordalbingia ; Hamburg, Liibeck, Mecklenburg, Esthonia, 
 and Holstein were subject to Waldemar for the moment. 
 He is also known as a legislator ; many of his ordinances 
 can be found in the Code of Scania. He also had the Code 
 of Jutland drawn up in 1240. There began to be a taste 
 for letters in the country and a desire for culture, and the 
 University of Paris drew many students from Denmark. 
 
 A century of strife followed Waldemar's great reign. 
 Denmark, under Waldemar III., lost Esthonia, which was 
 conquered by the Teutonic Knights ; and it lost the com- 
 merce of the Baltic, which was seized by the Hanseatic 
 League and exclusively reserved to it by the treaty of Stral- 
 sund (1370). During that period, however, the country 
 had increased in prosperity, the cities had acquired impor- 
 tance and had gained admittance to the national representa 
 tion, which from that time comprised three orders (1250). 
 Margaret, the famous daughter of Waldemar III., united 
 Denmark with the two other Scandinavian states. 
 
 Sweden led a troubled existence due to the election sys-
 
 484 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 tem which was often employed in the choice of a king, and 
 to the rivahy between the Gota or Goths, and the Svea or 
 Swedes. Under Swerker, Christianity had made sufficient 
 progress to receive the beginning of an organization from 
 the cardinal legate, Nicholas Breakspear. Eric the Saint, 
 his successor, introduced Christianity into Finland, which 
 he conquered, founding thus the town of Abo. 
 
 The family of St. Eric died out in 1250. Birger, the 
 jarl, head of the Folkungar family, was made regent for his 
 son Waldemar, to whom the nobles awarded the crown. 
 Birger was a remarkable ruler ; he founded or greatly 
 strengthened Stockholm, to take the place of the old capi- 
 tal, Sigtuna, suppressed private warfare and judicial con- 
 tests, encouraged commerce, and raised the position of 
 women. " The old men and the young wept for him," says 
 the chronicle, " and the women, whose rights he had re- 
 stored and confirmed, prayed for his soul." 
 
 Magnus Ladulas, or the Barnlock, was implacable toward 
 bandits ; thence his surname. He found support in the 
 clergy, who authorized him to levy taxes on ecclesiastical 
 property, and who, in the parliament at Stockholm (1282), 
 gave the crown ownership in the lakes, rivers, mines, and 
 forests. He put these revenues to a noble use, and called 
 the architect Stephen Bonneuil from France, to build a 
 cathedral at Upsal, on the model of that at Paris. 
 
 But his successors allowed the royal authority to decline 
 and let the different parties get the upper hand. Magnus 
 II., the Effeminate, however, united Sweden and Norway, 
 by right of succession ; but he was not capable of keeping 
 the two kingdoms, and the senate gave them to his sons 
 Eric and Hakon, Sweden to the former, Norway to the lat- 
 ter. When Eric died, the Swedes proclaimed Albert of 
 Mecklenburg king. But the Swedes were annoyed by the 
 crowd of Germans whom he attracted to his court, and by 
 his surrender of the island of Gotland to the king of Den- 
 mark ; they appealed to the daughter of the king of Den- 
 mark, the wife of the king of Norway. 
 
 Norway had led a more troubled existence, even, than 
 Sweden. The royal office, elective at first, did not become 
 hereditary until 1263, under Magnus VI. He and his pre- 
 decessor Hakon IV. gave the royal authority a short period 
 of strength. Their reigns are marked by the encourage- 
 ment they gave to commerce, the seaports they deepened,
 
 Chap. XXXI.] SCANDIXA VIAN. 485 
 
 and the wise laws they established. After them their dy- 
 nasty continued to decline in power until Swedish princes 
 came to reign in Norway, Magnus VII. and Hakon VI., 
 who married Margaret of Denmark, and had by her a son 
 named Olaf. When Waldemar III., Margaret's father, died, 
 the Danes elected Olaf to be their king, under the guardian- 
 ship of his mother. When Hakon VI. died, the Norwegians 
 made the same election, and Margaret, as regent, ruled the 
 two kingdoms with great ability, supported by the clergy. 
 The Swedes, who were discontented with Albert of Mecklen- 
 burg, called upon her for help ; she defeated Albert at 
 Falkoeping (1389,) and extended her authority over the three 
 kingdoms, and this happy termination was confirmed by the 
 Union of Calmar {1397). It was stipulated that the three 
 kingdoms of the north should form a permanent union, 
 should be governed by the same sovereign, and should con- 
 clude a defensive alliance, each, however, retaining its own 
 laws, constitution, and legislature. The succession to the 
 common throne was determined in detail. 
 
 Though this act seemed to augur great power to the Scan- 
 dinavian states, it had but a temporary effect. After Mar- 
 garet's death (141 2), and under Eric the Pomeranian, the 
 union was first broken by the rebellion of Schleswig and 
 Holstein, and later was entirely dissolved on the death of 
 his successor Christopher the Bavarian (1448). The Swedes 
 then seceded and made Charles Cnutson their king, under 
 the name of Charles VIII. Denmark and Norway, which 
 had kept together, chose Christian I. from the house of 
 Oldenburg, who in 1459 brought Schleswig and Holstein 
 back under the dominion of Denmark. 
 
 The history of the Slavic states, lying between the Bal- 
 tic and the North Sea, is a closed book to us until the ninth 
 century. The Poles were then to be found 
 pfiani's power! On the bauks of the Vistula. Piast, their le- 
 Russia's weak- gendary first duke, founded the dynasty 
 which has born his name and which reigneci 
 in Poland until 1370, and in Silesia until 1675. The Poleip 
 were converted to Christianity in the tenth century ; the 
 Emperor Otto I. of Germany sent a bishop to Posen. Otto 
 HI. later installed an archbishop at Gnesen, and gave him 
 for suffragans the bishops of Cracow, Kolberg, and Breslau. 
 As Poland owned, at that time, the sovereignty of the Ger- 
 man emperor, she was often implicated in the affairs of
 
 486 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 Germany, and generally supported the emperors in their 
 wars. But Boleslav I., Chrobry or the Intrepid (992) as- 
 sumed the title of king, and from that moment Poland 
 aspired to complete independence. 
 
 She was a powerful nation under Boleslav III., the Victo- 
 rious (1102-1138), who conquered the Pomeranians and 
 forced them to embrace Christianity. The division of his 
 states between his sons brought back the old strife. Sile- 
 sia severed her connection with Poland and became an inde- 
 pendent duchy. The Knights of the German Order, called 
 to assist Poland against the Prussians, were not slow in 
 showing themselves her enemies ; they took away all chance 
 of growth on the shores of the Baltic, and wrested from her, 
 in 1343, the final cession of Pomerelia and the rich city of 
 Dantzig. Nevertheless, even then she retrieved herself. 
 Vladislav IV. (I) Loketek, by uniting the duchies of Posen 
 and Kalisck, and by definitely taking the title of king, 
 which was borne by all his successors, gave the country and 
 the government the unity and strength which they lacked. 
 Casimir III., the Great, (1333) diverted Polish activity from 
 the north and the west where it did not seem to be success- 
 ful, toward the east, where he took away from the Rus- 
 sians, Red Russia, Podolia, and Wolhynia ; the Polish fron- 
 tier then reached the Dnieper. 
 
 The success and the wise laws of Casimir opened an era 
 of prosperity to Poland ; but Casimir had no children and 
 the direct line of the Piasts ended with him : In order to 
 elect his nephew Lewis of Hungary he was obliged to allow 
 the Polish nobilijty to impose conditions on the new king, 
 by which they arrogated many prerogatives, among them 
 exemption from taxation. That was the origin of the Pacta 
 conventa. Lewis also left no children and though he had 
 named his son-in-law, Sigismund of Luxemburg, his suc- 
 cessor, the nobles refused to recognize him, in order that, 
 by frequent use, they might confirm their right of election. 
 They offered the crown to the Grand Duke of Lithuania, 
 Jagello, on condition of his marrying Hedwig, the daughter 
 of the late king, and becoming Christian, both he and his 
 whole nation (1386). From a territorial point of view, it 
 was a good choice, as Poland's extent was thereby doubled, 
 and, in fact, from that time her supremacy over surround- 
 ing nations was undisjiuted. The Teutonic Knights had 
 conquered Samogitia, bought Esthonia and now reigned
 
 Chap. XXXT.] SLAVIC. 4^7 
 
 over all the country from the Oder to the Gulf of Fuiland. 
 The situation changed when Poland and Lithuania came 
 under the control of one master, Jagello defeated them at 
 Tannenberg in 1410 ; and in 1436 the)'^ were obliged to 
 surrender Samogitia and Sudavia ; thirty years later, by 
 the treaty of Thorn (1466) that great Teutonic power was 
 shut up within the narrow limits of eastern Prussia. 
 
 But however victorious the founder of the glorious 
 dynasty of the Jagellos might be, he was none the less 
 dependent on the Polish nobility even by the very fact of 
 his accession. He was obliged to consult with them in 
 order to secure the throne to his son and to levy taxes : it 
 w^as, in fact, during his reign that the fiuncios, deputies of 
 the nobility, came into being, and the dietines, which were 
 continually intruding upon the government, a band of brave 
 but ungovernable factions and turbulent nobles who were 
 always in arms, and bore too close a resemblance, even in 
 their deliberative assemblies, to a Tartar horde from the 
 steppes of Asia. 
 
 We pass now to Russia : its humble beginnings we have 
 already described, — how a troop of Norse pirates, led by 
 Rurik, put themselves in 862 at the service of the powerful 
 commercial republic of Novgorod, on the shores of Lake 
 Ilmen, and seized the town they were meant to defend. If 
 Rurik's descendants did not keep the city in their posses- 
 sion, they at least founded principalities which were the 
 cornerstone of Russia's greatness. Spreading from one 
 place to another, these bold pirates descended the Dnieper 
 in their boats and went to Constantinople in search of 
 lucrative service or adventure. 
 
 On the road they took Kieff, a stronghold on the Dnieper, 
 and made it their capital. In the following century their 
 relations with Constantinople, which were at times friendly 
 and at times hostile, led to their conversion to Christianity. 
 Under Vladimir I. (9S0-1015) and under Yaroslaff I. (1019- 
 105 1), the grand duchy of Kieff had considerable power. 
 But Yaroslaff divided it between his sons and caused a 
 decline in its influence. In the twelfth century, the supre- 
 macy passed from the grand duchy of Kieff to the grand 
 duchy of Vladimir, without raising Russia from the weak 
 condition into which she had been brought by division. As 
 the law of primogeniture did not e.xist in Russia, and was 
 not introduced into the family of the Czars until the six-
 
 488 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 teenth century, the principalities were continually being 
 divided. 
 
 Another great calamity befell them, namely, the Mongol 
 invasion in the thirteenth century, and it threatened the 
 complete overthrow of their power, which for four centuries 
 had been unsuccessfully struggling to gain a firm footing. 
 We have seen that the Mongols took Moscow in 1237, 
 overthrew the grand duchy of Kieff, and made Vladimir 
 tributary, and that from Russia they turned to the conquest 
 of Poland, Silesia, Moravia, and Hungary, of which coun- 
 tries they did not take possession, while Russia remained 
 for two centuries under the yoke of the Tartars of the Golden 
 Horde. They were obliged to pay tribute, and the least 
 infraction of this rule cost the grand dukes their lives, who, 
 on their accession, were made to seek confirmation of their 
 title from the Khan. One of them, however, attempted 
 resistance, and profiting by the discord prevailing in the 
 Golden Horde, he conquered the Tartars on the Don and 
 received therefrom the surname of Donskoi (1380) ; but his 
 success was of a transient nature ; Russia again fell under 
 the yoke and did not obtain release until comparatively 
 recent times, at the hands of Ivan HI. (1462-1505). After 
 1328 the capital of Russia was at Moscow, the real heart of 
 the country. Novgorod, Kieff, and Vladimir had succes- 
 sively been used as the residence of the great princes. 
 
 As the basin of the beautiful river Danube had been the 
 high road for the invasions passing from the east to the 
 Peopiesofthe wcst, the different armies had come into col- 
 Danube valley ; Hsion there, and there the different nationali- 
 unganans. ^j^^ j^^^ mingled, froui the Black Sea to the 
 mountains of Austria. Men of every race were to be seen 
 there. A succession of races had followed the Gallic emi- 
 grants found there by Alexander, and the Dacians fought 
 by Trajan, first Roman colonists, from all the provinces 
 and especially from Italy, then Goths, Asiatic barbarians, 
 Huns, Avars, Ikilgarians, Petchenegs, Khazares, Cumans, 
 Hungarians and Magyars, and finally the Slavs. 
 
 It has already been seen how the Hungarians established 
 themselves in the valley of the middle Danube, and advanced 
 as far as the Atlantic ; how the defeat they sustained at 
 yVugsburg in 956 shut them up in the country which has 
 remained their inheritance. In the year 1000 the title of 
 king was assumed by Duke Vaik, who afterwards became
 
 Chap. XXXI.] ITUXGARIAN: 4^9 
 
 famous under the name of St. Stephen, and the Pope, Sil- 
 vester II., sent him the angelical crown. The history of 
 this crown is long and much disputed. The Hungarians 
 made it an object of almost superstitious worship, very 
 much as they, more than any other people, made the coro- 
 nation of their king an act indispensable to the legality of 
 his power. Some of them believe that it was a crown of the 
 Greek Emperor Heraclius, which fell into the hands of the 
 Avars in 619 ; that Pippin, the son of Charlemagne, by 
 conquest gained possession of it together with the treasures 
 of the Avars, and gave it to the Pope as his part of the 
 booty ; that Silvester II. but gave it back to the new heir 
 of the Avars. Others, seeing on it the heads of Byzantine 
 emperors and Greek inscriptions, suppose that it was 
 made at Constantinople for St. Stephen. It is the palla- 
 dium and the talisman, as it were, of Hungary. A king 
 who has not worn it on the occasion of his coronation is not 
 in reality a king of the Magyars.* 
 
 St. Stephen made palatinates or counties take the place 
 of the former division into eight tribes. Justice was admin- 
 istered in these by the tspans, who also exercised military 
 power, under the superintendence of the Nandor-Ispan or 
 Palatine of Hungary, a kind of mayor of the palace, who 
 had a widespread authority. Each county sent two or three 
 deputies to the assembly of estates. The towns were not 
 represented because they were few in number and not 
 occupied by the conquerors. One hundred and eight fami- 
 lies had followed Arpad into Hungary. Each one had 
 received a share of the spoils which remained free of taxa- 
 tion — the descendants of those families formed the nobility. 
 Below them in rank were the greater and the lesser vassals 
 of the king, bound to render military service in return for 
 their fiefs ; below them were the German colonists, forming 
 privileged communes ; lower still the free peasants ; finally 
 the serfs and the slaves. 
 
 The code of laws of St. Stephen shows us the manner of 
 life among this people : its foundation is the %vergeld or 
 coftiposiiio, and the price of blood was paid in what was and 
 still is the great wealth of the country, in cows. — The pen- 
 
 * Von Giesebrecht (Deutsche Kaiserzeit, vol. i., p. 740, note) says that 
 this crown is composed of two parts — the upper probably that sent by 
 Pope Silvester to Stephen, the lower of Byzantine origin, apparently sent 
 in the year 1075 by the Emperor Michael Ducas to King Geisa. — Ed.
 
 490 OTHER EUROPEAN STATED. [Book IX. 
 
 alty for wife murder was five cows ; ten, if the accused was 
 of noble blood, fifty, if he was a count. The murder of a 
 free man cost a serf one hundred and ten cows ; a first 
 offense in theft cost him his nose or five cows ; a second 
 offense, his ears ; a third, his life. 
 
 In the middle of the eleventh century the powerful em- 
 peror of Germany, Henry III., after a victory, restored to 
 the throne a king they had banished, Peter, whom the Hun- 
 garians branded with the nickname of the German. Henry 
 recovered for Germany the territory to the west of the 
 Leitha and annexed it to the Eastmark (Austria), and 
 obliged Peter to hold his kingdom in fief of the empire. 
 But the nation rebelled at such an act of treason. Peter's 
 eyes were put out, he was thrown into prison, where he died, 
 and the hated bond of vassalage was broken. 
 
 Ladislaw I., the St. Louis of Hungary, extended the lim- 
 its of his country in two directions : to the east he con- 
 quered the Cumans who had come out from Wallachia and 
 established them on the banks of the Theiss ; moreover, he 
 forced the Petchenegs of Transylvania to acknowledge the 
 sovereignty of the Magyar kings ; to the southwest, he con- 
 quered a great state. After the overthrow of Avar domina- 
 tion by the Carolingian Franks, certain Bohemian Slavs, 
 called Croats, that is to say, mountaineers, had invaded that 
 part of ancient Pannonia lying on the banks of the Save, 
 and Liburnia, on the shores of the Adriatic, countries which 
 derived from them their names of Croatia and Slavonia. 
 In those ages Croatia was a powerful kingdom, which ruled 
 from the Drave to Ragusa, and in the time of Gregory 
 VII. owned itself a vassal and a tributary of the Holy See. 
 
 This was the kingdom conquered by Ladislaw in 1088. 
 The claim still advanced by the Hungarians to this country 
 on the ground of its being an integral part of the kingdom 
 of Hungary, dates from that conquest which gave the 
 Magyar chief the right of adding to their title, the title of 
 king of Croatia and of Dalmatia. 
 
 Under Geisa II., who reigned from 1141 to 1161, Tran- 
 sylvania, which had been laid waste by many incursions, was 
 repopulated by Saxon and Frisian colonists, whom he 
 induced to settle there by granting them great privileges. 
 They built seven towns on as many hills ; thence Tran- 
 sylvania's German name of Siebenbiirgen, the seven towns. 
 Hermanstadt, named for an inhabitant of Nuremberg, was
 
 Chap. XXXI.] HUN'GARIAN: 491 
 
 their capital. Even in our times the Saxon villages of 
 Transylvania may be known by the cleanliness of their 
 houses and streets, by the fine condition of their cultivated 
 fields, and by the moral or pious sentiments which they 
 often inscribe above their doors. 
 
 Andrew II. (i 205-1 235), the leader of a fifth and fruitless 
 crusade, is the author of part of the many evils which 
 Hungary has had to undergo. He gave his people a con- 
 stitution which organized a state of anarchy by decreeing in 
 his Golden Bull (1222) that if the king should violate the 
 privileges of the nobility, they should be permitted to resist 
 him by force, and such resistance should not be treated as 
 rebellion. 
 
 In 1301, the race of Arpad in the male line died out. 
 Boniface VIII., considering Hungary a fief of the Holy 
 See, declared that the crown ought to pass to a prince of 
 the House of Anjou at Naples, to Charles Robert, who 
 was a descendant of Arpad in the female line. A French 
 dynasty took its place upon the throne of St. Stephen. 
 The most illustrious and almost the sole repiesentative of 
 this line was Louis the Great (1342-1382), who twice con- 
 quered Naples, but only to revenge his brother, and not 
 with the intention of retaining the kingdom ; gained many 
 victories over the princes of Servia, Bosnia, INIoldavia, and 
 Bulgaria, who acknowledged his sovereignty ; was chosen 
 king of Poland on the death of Casimir the Great, and finally, 
 to close the list with an act which is still of great importance, 
 while all his conquests were of short duration, he planted 
 the famous vineyards of Tokai. 
 
 Louis's rule extended from the mouths of the Cattaro to 
 the mouth of the Vistula, and from Austria to the Black 
 Sea. It was a great dominion, but he had no son ; and it 
 fell to pieces after his death. His daughter Mary had mar- 
 ried a German prince, Sigismund by name, and they together 
 occupied the throne of Hungary. It was this prince who 
 led the disastrous crusade of Nicopoli against the Turks 
 in 1396, and was elected Emperor of Germany in 1410. 
 Unfortunately, like Louis, Sigismund had no son, and by the 
 marriage of his daughter to Albert of Austria, Hungary was 
 for the first time, in 1437, put into the possession of the house 
 of Hapsburg. Albert reigned but two years. The queen, 
 after his death, gave birth to a son, Ladislaus (Ladislaw) 
 the Posthumous, who was recognized as king by all the na-
 
 492 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 tion. But ambassadors had already gone to offer the hand 
 of the royal widow to Vladislav, king of Poland. That 
 prince, proclaimed king by one faction and by the other 
 regarded as regent for the young king, perished at the dis- 
 astrous battle of Varna in 1444. We have now come into 
 the very thick of the Ottoman invasions and the exploits of 
 John Hunyadi, who was made regent for young Ladislaus ; 
 what we have further to say of Hungary will be in connec- 
 tion with the history of the Turks. 
 
 The Latin Empire which the fourth crusade had set up 
 
 at Constantinople had not lasted more than half a century. 
 
 Founded in 1204, it was overthrown in 1261 
 
 •^ "" ^^K ^'"" by the fifth emperor of Nicea, Michae2 Paleolo- 
 
 pire. Ottoman •' '^ . ' 
 
 Turks, and gus, whose dynasty remamed upon the throne 
 Mongols of Ti- yj^^jj ^j^g yg^^^ j^^^ g^j. j,_^g restoration of 
 
 the Greek princes did not give new life to the 
 empire. The Hungarians were masters of the left banks of 
 the Danube, the Servians and Bulgarians of the right ; the 
 Turks held nine-tenths of Asia Minor ; and Charles of An- 
 jou, from his kingdom of Naples, threatened to raise again 
 the Latin standard in the capital. Michael in his terror 
 tried to avert the storm by winning the Pope over to his 
 cause. His deputies went to the council of Lyons and made 
 a profession of orthodox faith which deceived nobody. 
 The Sicilian Vespers and the death of Charles of Anjou 
 relieved him from the danger he most feared. His 
 successor, Andronicus IL, saw a much more formidable 
 danger before him, namely, the advance of the Otto- 
 man Turks. He called for the assistance of Catalan 
 mercenaries, who conquered the Mussulmans, but made 
 Constantinople tremble for her safety. Andronicus got 
 rid of their chieftain by having him assassinated ; he was 
 not able to restrain 1500 of those adventurers from seizing 
 Gallipolis, and proclaiming themselves "the army of the 
 Franks reigning in Thrace and Macedonia." For five 
 years the empire was incapable of defending itself against 
 such enemies as these. Then came civil war ; Andronicus 
 II. was imprisoned in a convent by his grandson, Andro- 
 nicus III. (1332), who, in spite of that bold beginning, 
 showed himself to be indolent by nature and much more 
 interested in theological quarrels than in resisting the 
 Turks and Bulgarians, who were forcing their way into the 
 empire ; he left the care of fighting them to John Canta-
 
 Chap. XXXI.] GREEK AND OTTOMAN. 493 
 
 cuzenus. When he died his wife wished to banish the suc- 
 cessful and formidable general. Cantacuzenus assumed 
 the purple, made an alliance with the Turks, and a civil 
 war followed, which exhausted the last remaining forces of 
 the empire. Cantacuzenus, assisted to victory by the 
 Osmanlis, at first divided his authority with his ward John 
 Paleologus, son of Andronicus III. Then he confined him 
 in a monastery ; but he soon saw his allies taking up their 
 abode in Gallipoli, a position which gave them the entrance 
 to Europe. Later the Genevans brought Paleologus back 
 to Constantinople, and sent Cantacuzenus, in his turn, into 
 a convent (1357). The further history of the empire is but 
 a century's slow agony. This pause before its final dis- 
 solution was not caused by a vigorous struggle for existence 
 on the part of the empire, but by the fact that the Turks had 
 forgotten Constantinople in their eagerness to reach the 
 banks of the Danube. 
 
 A short account of the Turks is necessary here. 
 
 Osman, a Turcoman chief of Kharism, appeared, toward 
 the year 1269, in Asia Minor, where the destruction of the 
 Seldjuk kingdom enabled him peacefully to extend his 
 power. He was one of the emirs who had revolted and 
 had overthrown, in 1294, the last sultan of Iconium. In 
 1325 he took Broussa in Bythinia, but there were no indica- 
 tions that this little tribe was to become a formidable force. 
 When Osman died in the following year, his estate was 
 found to consist of a spoon, a salt-cellar, a ceremonial robe, - 
 a new turban, some horses, a few yokes of oxen, and a herd 
 of sheep : it was a fair example of the heritage left by a 
 Turcoman chieftain. 
 
 His son Orkhan captured Nicomedia and Nicia ; all 
 Bythinia and soon after Mysia with its capital, Pergamus, 
 were subject to him. The Osmanlis then stretched along 
 the beautiful shores which were washed by the Bosphorus, 
 the Propontis and the Hellespont. On the opposite bank 
 they saw the splendor of the many towns ruled by the cross 
 of Constantine and their eyes continually brooded upon the 
 great and rich city of Constantinople. One night, say the 
 Turkish historians, Soliman, son of Orkhan, was seated in 
 the midst of the ruins of Cyzicus watching by the light of 
 the moon the sparkling waters of the sea of Marmora, which 
 led to the object of their great desire. It seemed to him 
 that the shadows thrown by the colossal ruins of the de-
 
 ,494 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 stroyed city lengthened out before him, like a bridge across 
 the sea, and at the same time mysterious voices reminded 
 him that the empire of the world had been promised to his 
 race. " This is a sign from God," he said. When day 
 broke, he caused two rafts to be built, on which he embarked 
 with 39 men. One of the Greek emperors had recently 
 asked his assistance in opposing a rival, and Soliman, at 
 the head of 10,000 horsemen, had gone through all Thrace 
 and Bulgaria ravaging as he went. On his return he had 
 noticed how poorly guarded were the Greek fortresses on 
 the straits. He surprised one of them with his 39 men. 
 Shortly after an earthquake put into his hands the best 
 fortification of the region, Gallipoli, whence the frightened 
 inhabitants made their escape, flying what they believed to 
 be the wrath of heaven. The wrath of heaven did indeed 
 visit their city, but it came in the guise of the Turks. From 
 that day they had gained a footing in Europe (1356). 
 
 Orkhan was then 70 years old, and could not take advan- 
 tage of the deplorable divisions of a people who seemed 
 ready to deliver themselves into his hands. Soliman pre- 
 ceded him to the tomb, killed by a fall from his horse, but 
 he bequeathed his ambition and ardor to his brother Amurath 
 (Murad). Orkhan had begun the creation of the formi- 
 dable body of Janizaries and the political and judiciary 
 organization of his provinces. In each he had placed a 
 governor or pacha, on whom the power of the cadis estab- 
 lished in the towns depended. 
 
 Amurath completed the organization of the Janizaries. 
 This formidable body of infantry was recruited, for the 
 most part, from robust Christian children, who had been 
 taken prisoners or stolen from their parents, and who were 
 instructed in the Mussulmanic law in a way to inspire them 
 with ardent fanaticism, and who were then subjected to the 
 most severe discipline. Amurath, no doubt, had in mind, 
 when he was organizing them, the military orders of the 
 Christians, for he associated his new soldiers with a religious 
 brotherhood founded by Hadji-Begtasch and sent them to 
 that holy personage to receive a name. When they appeared 
 before him, the saint put the sleeve of his garment upon 
 one of their chiefs and cried : " Let them be called Yeni 
 cheri {\\q.\s soldiers) ; let their bearing be always steadfast, 
 their hands always victorious, their sword always sharp, and 
 their lance always over the heads of their enemies, and
 
 Chap. XXXI.] GREEK AND OTTOMAN. 495 
 
 wherever they may go, may they always return with happi- 
 ness in their faces." The sheikh or chief of the Begtaschi 
 was a colonel in a regiment of the Janizaries, and eight 
 dervishes lived in their barracks, praying night and day for 
 the safety of the Ottoman Porte and for the success of the 
 arms of the warrior family of Hadji-Begtasch. In order to 
 convince them of the Sultan's solicitude for their well-being, 
 their officers called themselves inspector of the soup, chief 
 cook, etc., and their council held its meetings around the 
 cauldron of the regiment. When the inhabitants of Con- 
 stantinople saw the Janizaries bringing their saucepans to 
 the squares, they knew it to be the signal for some great 
 event ; the death of a vizier or a sultan was near at hand, 
 or a great war against the Christians was to commence. 
 
 The Janizaries formed the infantry, the spahis the regular 
 cavalry, of the Ottoman army. To all were consigned 
 grants of land, a kind of military fiefs. They did not, how- 
 ever, constitute a feudal system, as they were never heredi- 
 tary. Some Christians, the Woinak, in consideration of 
 exemption from all tribute, were charged with the duty of 
 taking care of the horses and transports in time of war. 
 A multitude of irregular troops were added to the regular 
 troops, called the Asab or foot-soldiers, the Akindji or 
 horsemen. This strong military organization promised 
 success, and the promise was fulfilled. 
 
 Soliman had opened the gates of Europe to the Turks. 
 Under Amurath, they rushed in, but before they attacked 
 Constantinople directly, they turned to her surroundings. 
 Amurath took Adrianople (1360) and made it his residence, 
 though he had in the same year taken Ancyra, in the heart 
 of Asia Minor. But when he pitched his tent in the midst 
 of implacable enemies, he made it necessary for the exist- 
 ence of his people that they should continue the conquest 
 of the country, and by taking his stand in the second town 
 of importance in Thrace he forced them sooner or later to 
 capture the first in rank. 
 
 John Paleologus, Emperor of Constantinople, to avert the 
 danger, returned to his allegiance to the Holy See. He 
 himself went to Rome, and the union of the two churches 
 was solemnly proclaimed (1369). Fine promises had been 
 made him there. The Pope could not keep them, and 
 the unfortunate emperor exhausted his last resources upon 
 this journey. When he tried to return to the East, he was
 
 49^ Other European states. [BookIX. 
 
 retained at Venice by his creditors, and his son, Manuel, 
 was obliged to sell all he possessed in order to gain the 
 release of his father. Meantime a hermit of Savoy had 
 brought over a few crusaders in Venetian ships, and had 
 recaptured Gallipoli for a brief space (1366) ; others, with 
 the king of Cyprus, had devastated Alexandria. These 
 were merely the doings of filibusters and not a serious 
 war. The Turkish authority was not shaken for an instant, 
 and Paleologus decided to pay tribute to the Sultan, to be- 
 come his vassal, and follow him in his wars ; he followed 
 him, at least, in those which Amurath waged with the Seld- 
 juk emirs of Asia Minor, most of whom were obliged to 
 submit to him. 
 
 Beyond the Balkans, in the great valley of the Danube, 
 dwelt a number of brave Christian peoples who found much 
 more to fear in their new neighbors than they had in the 
 decrepit Greeks of Constantinople, Many of them united 
 with each other as early as the year 1363, to crush the 
 Turks, and went in search of them to the banks of the 
 Maritza, not far from Adrianople. Their defeat secured 
 the establishment of the Ottomans in Thrace. Amurath 
 returned war with war. Froissart relates that he sent 
 ambassadors to the Prince of Servia, leading a mule loaded 
 with a bag of millet. " As many grains of corn as are in 
 this bag," said they, "so many are the warriors of our Sul- 
 tan." The prince did not reply, but opened the bag, spread 
 the corn on the ground, and let the birds in the lower court 
 eat it. At the end of a few minutes, nothing remained. 
 " Thus," said he, " thus will your people disappear, and 
 you see that there is not enough." If the chronicler, or 
 rather the king of Armenia, who told him this story, is to 
 be believed, a Turkish army of 60,000 men was almost an- 
 nihilated by the Servians. 
 
 Amurath, however, took Sophia, the principal town of Bul- 
 garia (1382), and in 1389 he fought the famous battle of the 
 Field of the Blackbirds, with the princes of Servia and 
 Bosnia, on the great plain of Kassovia, which is watered by 
 the upper Drina. He was victorious, but a Servian named 
 Milosch Kobilovich, who had been accused of treason, 
 wished to avenge his people and himself ; he made his way 
 to the Sultan's presence, by representing himself as a de- 
 serter, and plunged a dagger into his breast. The prince 
 of Servia, taken prisoner during the action, and all his
 
 Chap. XXXI.] GREEK AND OTTOnfAN: 497 
 
 principal officers, were killed before the eyes of the expiring 
 padischah. The Turks have called Amurath Khodoven- 
 dikar — the laborer of God. He was succeeded by his son 
 Bajazet Ilderiin, or the Thunderbolt. 
 
 The new Sultan's first act was the murder of his brother, 
 and his first combats were expeditions into Asia INIinor, to 
 complete the subjugation of the lesser Turkish princes and 
 the conquest of the last Greek towns of that region. He 
 was called back in 1396 by great danger threatened on the 
 Danube. This time it was in very truth, a crusade. Sigis- 
 mund, king of Hungary, was its leader; a host of French 
 knights took part ; at their head was John the Fearless, son 
 of the Duke of Burgundy. This brilliant body of chivalry 
 showed the same presumptuous rashness at Nicopoli that 
 they had shown at Crecy and Poitiers. They were all 
 killed. The conquerors penetrated as far as the Save, and 
 entered Thessaly and the Morea, where they captured Argos 
 (1397). Fear of them began to spread in the mountains of 
 Austria and beyond the Adriatic. 
 
 While the Turks were gaining these victories, Constanti- 
 nople lived in constant fear and tried to avert the wrath of 
 the Sultan by abject submission. John Paleologus paid 
 him a tribute of 30,000 gold crowns and with a body of 
 12,000 men assisted him in conquering the Greek towns of 
 Asia Minor. In 1391, he built two towers near one of the 
 city gates. Bajazet ordered him to demolish them if he did 
 not wish his son Manuel, who was then in his service, to have 
 his eyes put out. He obeyed. This same Manuel, when 
 his father died, escaped from the court of the Sultan, to 
 return to Constantinople. Bajazet immediately blockaded 
 the city and the blockade lasted seven years, until the Turks 
 were allowed to have a mosque and a cadi in the very city. 
 In 1400, Manuel besought Europe to make another effort. 
 He went to Paris and to London, displaying all the miseries 
 nf the great title he bore, even begging money to support 
 his life. He counted himself happy to obtain a pension 
 of 30,000 crowns from France. The last moment of the 
 Greek empire seemed to have come, when more efficient 
 help arrived from an unsuspected quarter. 
 
 Tamerlain (Timur, surnamed Lenk or the Lame) was 
 descended from Jenghiz-Khan in a female line ; his father, 
 the chief of the tribe, owned a little province near Samar- 
 cand. The empire of Jenghiz had been broken up into a
 
 198 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 multitude of little principalities, whose chiefs were constantly 
 at war with one another. Timur joined in these quarrels, 
 showed great valor and gained great renown. In 1370, he 
 was strong enough to overthrow the Khan of Samarcand. 
 Two years later, he began his conquests. He first conquered 
 Kharism (or western Turkestan, to the south of Lake Aral) 
 and the kingdom of Kashgar (Chinese Turkestan or lesser 
 Bokhara) ; then the neighboring provinces of Persia ; in 
 1385 he went around the Caspian Sea at the south, took 
 Tauris, Kars, and Tiflis, and conquered some of the moun- 
 taineers of the Caucasus and of Armenia. In 1387 he 
 entered Ispahan, where he put 70,000 persons to the sword. 
 At Sebsvar in Khorassan he had already massacred the 
 whole population, except 2000 men, who were later piled 
 one upon the other with mortar and brick to serve as foun- 
 dation for several towers which he wished to build. Later, 
 before he arrived at Delhi, being embarrassed by the exist- 
 ence of 100,000 captives, he had them put to death. He 
 amused himself in building at the city gates pyramids of 
 twenty or thirty thousand heads. Attila and his Huns were 
 left far behind. 
 
 In 1390, he undertook to overthrow the empire of the 
 Golden Horde in southern Russia. He gained at least one 
 great battle near the Volga ; two years later, he conquered 
 what remained of Persia, entered Bagdad, Bassora and Mo- 
 sul, and being again provoked by the Khan of Kiptchak, 
 he crossed the Caucasus by the defile of Derbent, leading 
 400,000 warriors, and made a victorious passage through 
 the country as far as the neighborhood of Moscow. A lack 
 of forage and the severity of the climate forced him to re- 
 treat. He had not overthrown the dominion of the Golden 
 Horde, but he had weakened it and so had prepared the 
 way for the liberation of the Russian nation. 
 
 In 1398 he was to be found at the other extremity of his em- 
 pire and of Asia. He was then sixty-two years old ; neither 
 age nor fatigue had any power over him ; he dreamed of the 
 conquest of the Indies. His tired emirs asked for rest ; he 
 read them the Koran, which imposes an eternal combat with 
 idolators, and he rushed down upon the banks of the Indus 
 and the Ganges, at the head of 92,000 horsemen and in- 
 numerable infantry, spreading terror on every side. Delhi 
 was sacked in a horrible manner, and the princes of Hindo- 
 stan were overcome. One year later, this terrible traveler,
 
 Chap. XXXI.] GREEK AND OTTOMAN. 499 
 
 who might be said to wear out victory and death in their 
 attempts to follow him, was in Georgia at the foot of the 
 Caucasus. There the trembling deputies from the Greek 
 Emperor and certain Seldjuk princes despoiled by Bajazet, 
 came to find him. The two powerful monarchs who made 
 all Europe and Asia tremble before them, exchanged a few 
 haughty letters, preludes to a terrible war. Before the war 
 broke out, Timur had time to conquer the Sultan of Egypt, 
 and to burn Aleppo, Damascus, and Bagdad. After taking 
 this last city, he built, for a trophy as it were, an obelisk 
 of the heads of 90,000 men (1401). At Aleppo he built of 
 the same material towers 10 cubits in height and 20 cubits 
 in circumference. 
 
 On the sixteenth of June in the following year, Bajazet 
 and Timur met with 400,000 Turks and 800,000 Mongols, 
 on the plains of Ancyra ; two barbarous nations, two powers 
 for evil which brought nothing but destruction in their train. 
 The Ottomans were defeated, their sultan taken, and Asia 
 Minor fell into the hands of the conquerors, who pushed 
 their way as far as Smyrna, carried it by assault, and did not 
 stop until they came to the deep waters of the Archipelago. 
 The land was theirs, but infidels held the seas. They went 
 in search of other lands to conquer. Taking a survey of 
 Asia from one end to the other, Timur could find but one 
 empire still standing and worthy of his efforts, and that was 
 China. He was leading his countless hordes against that 
 country, when finally, March 19, 1405, death stopped the 
 indefatigable old man who has come down to us as the 
 most terrible personification in history of the evil spirit of 
 conquest. After his death his empire was divided and dis- 
 appeared. 
 
 Bajazet had survived his defeat by only a year, notwith- 
 standing the consideration shown him by Timur ; but his 
 empire did not follow him in his fall. Ten years, only, were 
 passed in agitation and confusion, during which period 
 Bajazet's sons were disputing his heritage ; in 1413 Moham- 
 med I. was secured in sole possession of his father's power. 
 
 In 142 1, his son Amurath II. succeeded him ; he had tc 
 contest the throne with an impostor or pretender whom the 
 Greek emperor brought forward as Bajazet's eldest son, 
 who had disappeared at the battle of Ancyra. The pre- 
 tender was defeated, taken, and hung on one of the towers 
 of Adrianople. To revenge himself upon the Greeks Amu-
 
 500 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 rath besieged their capital ; they defended themselves with 
 the weapons to which weakness resorts, perfidy and cun- 
 ning. Amurath was called away to Asia, by the revolt of 
 his brother Mustapha. It was not necessary for him to 
 fight. Mustapha, sold by the traitor who had urged him to 
 revolt, was hung on a fig-tree, in the neighborhood of Nicea. 
 But once again Constantinople was saved. Amurath seemed 
 to forget it. He attacked the Venetians, the masters of 
 Thessalonica, of Negropont and Candia, and the lesser 
 princes who had divided Greece among themselves. In 
 1430 he took Thessalonica by assault, and the following 
 year he caused his authority to be recognized at Janina and 
 at Croia, the capital of Albania, whose prince, John Cas- 
 triot, gave his son George as hostage for his fidelity. 
 
 After many combats in Dalmatia, in Servia, in Wallachia, 
 and even in Transylvania, the Hungarians felt the necessity 
 of making a great effort to repulse the Ottoman domina- 
 tion which was coming upon them from three sides at once, 
 along the Adriatic, by the Danube, and across the Carpa- 
 thian mountains. A Transylvanian nobleman named John 
 Hunyadi was the hero of this war. The White Knight of 
 Wallachia, as he is called by Commines, destroyed, in the 
 year 1442, 20,000 Turks near Hermanstadt, and some time 
 after he defeated with 15,000 men an army ten times as 
 numerous. He was again victorious at Nissa in Servia, 
 captured Sophia in Bulgaria, and paying the ravages of the 
 Turks in kind, he laid waste the right bank of the Danube. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Greek emperor, in order to gain the sup- 
 port of Catholic Europe, had again offered to subscribe to 
 the union of the two churches. But, said a Byzantine his- 
 torian, if at the moment when the Turks were masters of a 
 half of Constantinople, an angel coming down from heaven 
 had said to the rest of the inhabitants, " Agree to the union 
 and I will drive out your enemies," they would have replied : 
 " Rather Mohammed than the Pope." The union accepted 
 by the emperor was accordingly refused by the bishops. It 
 had the effect, however, of instigating a new crusade, which 
 Ladislaw, king of Poland and regent of Hungary, accom- 
 panied by a papal legate, conducted as far as Bulgaria. 
 
 Amurath became uneasy and asked for peace. It was 
 concluded for ten years. He took his oath upon the Koran 
 and Ladislaw upon the Gospels. But the legate was indig- 
 nant that a treaty should be made with an infidel, and it
 
 Chap. XXXI.] GREEK AND OTTOMAN. ^o\ 
 
 was broken, notwithstanding Hunyadi's efforts to the con- 
 trary. The crusaders marched upon Varna, across Bul- 
 garia, counting upon a Christian fleet in the Hellespont to 
 keep Amurath from summoning his forces from Asia. The 
 Genoans were bribed to lend him their vessels. Before the 
 action began, Amurath caused the treaty which the Chris- 
 tians were violating to be carried through the ranks on the 
 point of a spear. Ladislaw was killed, the legate perished in 
 the flight, and Hunyadi saved but a small remnant of the 
 army. 
 
 Amurath did not pursue the fugitives. He did not try 
 to attack the great mass of all the Christian nations, whose 
 weight he felt, even though he had been victorious over 
 them. Following a policy which does him credit, he turned 
 his attention to the little powers which were in his way to 
 the south of the Danube ; in 1446 he conquered almost the 
 whole of the Morea and invaded Epirus. There, in those 
 inaccessible mountains, he found an indomitable race and 
 a man worthy of such a race, George Castriot, whose 
 exploits gained for him the name of the Bey Alexander, 
 Scanderbeg, from the Turks. Amurath had brought him 
 up and had made him his favorite. But he had not been 
 able to erase from the heart of the Christian boy, whom he 
 had made a Mussulman, the memory of his fatherland, of 
 the faith of his ancestors, and of independence. After a 
 victory gained by Hunyadi over the Turks in 1443, Scan- 
 derbeg had forced the sultan's secretary, at the dagger's 
 point, to sign him an order obliging the governor of Croia 
 to deliver that place into his hands. From that day he 
 threw off the friendship of the Turks and became their 
 most terrible enemy. In vain did Amurath overrun Albania 
 with his troops ; Scanderbeg was always at hand, on their 
 flanks, on their rear, above their heads ; always there, and 
 always striking, but always out of reach. 
 
 Hunyadi, when proclaimed regent of Hungary, wished to 
 repair the disaster at Varna, and in 1448 marched into 
 Servia. The memory of the same event brought the two 
 armies of the Christians and the Mussulmans together in 
 the valley of Kassovia, where the Turks had been victorious, 
 but where the first Amurath had perished. The second 
 Amurath awaited there the approach of the Christians with 
 his army of 150,00a men. The Hungarian army was almost 
 entirely destroyed ; Hunyadi escaped with the greatest
 
 502 OTHER EUROPEAN STATES. [Book IX. 
 
 difficulty. The two following years were spent by the 
 sultan in reducing Albania to submission, but he could not 
 take Croia nor crush Scanderbeg. Early in the year 145 1 
 he died at Adrianople. He had abdicated twice, and twice 
 the confusion and revolts that immediately followed had 
 forced him to resume his authority. 
 
 Mohammed II., who was more impetuous, more impatient 
 of delay, ascended the throne with the resolution of taking 
 Constantinople, and of sacrificing everything to this end. 
 It was his constant thought by day and by night. One 
 morning he called his vizier and said to him : " Look at my 
 couch, look at this disorder ; Constantinople keeps me 
 from closing my eyes. Give me Constantinople." Bajazet 
 had built a fortress on the coast of Asia, where the Bos- 
 phorus entered Thrace ; in a few weeks Mohammed built 
 another castle opposite, on the European coast, and the 
 passage was closed to all vessels. A cannon foundry, esta- 
 blished at Adrianople under the direction of a Hungarian, 
 manufactured formidable pieces of artillery, amongst others 
 an enormous cannon, which hurled balls of 1200 pounds 
 weight. Two hundred and sixty thousand men surrounded 
 Constantinople, and a fleet was stationed at the entrance to 
 the port, which the besieged had closed with a chain. 
 
 The defense of the city consisted of but 7000 men, includ- 
 ing 2000 Venetians and Genoans, who were commanded 
 by an able leader, a Genoan, named Justiniani. The 
 Emperor Constantine offered up prayers in a church where 
 a bishop of the Roman communion was officiating ; his 
 court prayed in the others, according to the Greek rites, 
 and a mortal hatred on both sides separated the two parties. 
 The city, however, was still so strong that Mohammed had 
 made little progress, when he bethought himself of an 
 expedient which destroyed the defenses. Constantinople is 
 separated from its two suburbs, Pera and Galata, by its 
 port, the Golden Horn, a little gulf, long and narrow, which 
 runs up into the country beyond Galata. Mohammed built 
 behind that suburb a plank road, which he then had greased. 
 One end of it reached the Bosphorus, the other the head of 
 the gulf. By main strength they hoisted the ships upon 
 this novel road, and the Greeks suddenly were stupefied to 
 see the Ottoman fleet in their very harbor, in the midst of 
 their works of defense. On the 29th of May, at one o'clock 
 in the night, a furious assault began ; at eight o'clock in
 
 Chap. XXXI.] GREEK AND OTTOMAN. 503 
 
 the morning half of Constantinople was taken. Justiniani 
 was mortally wounded ; Constantine was dead ; by his 
 sacrifice he had ennobled the last hours of the Roman 
 empire. The other quarters, having their own separate 
 fortifications, capitulated. The cross was thrown down 
 from St. Sophia and the crescent took its place.
 
 BOOK X. 
 
 CIVILIZATION IN THE LAST CENTURIES 
 OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 THE CHURCH FROM 1270 to 1453. 
 
 Foreshadowings of a new civilization. — The Papacy from Gregory VII. 
 to Boniface VIII. — The Popes at Avignon (1:309-1376); Great 
 Schism of the West (137S-1448). — Wycliffe, John Huss, Gerson ; 
 Councils of Pisa (1409), of Constance (1414) and of Basel (1431); 
 Gallican doctrines. 
 
 In following the history of the Middle Ages we have seen 
 
 how they prepared the way for a political and a social 
 
 revolution. By means of the former cen- 
 
 A new era i- ■ r i • i r i 
 
 in civilization tralization of powcr was substituted for the 
 foreshadowed. Jq^^^j powcrs, and the will of the king was 
 made supreme over the nobles ; by the latter, the serfs were 
 enfranchised, the middle classes were raised, and a beginning- 
 was made in the fortunes of the Third Estate. 
 
 But modern nations are not only removed from the Middle 
 Ages in their political and social organization, but they are 
 animated by a different spirit, and even at the time we have 
 now reached their religion, literature, and ideas show signs 
 of a coming change of great importance and significance. 
 
 A baron clothed in his Milanese armor, and seated upon 
 his Spanish charger, was invincible and invulnerable ; now, 
 a little charcoal, saltpetre, and sulphur, mixed together, 
 makes the poorest and the weakest peasant the equal, on 
 the battlefield, of the wealthiest noble or the most hardy 
 horseman. Force and power were leaving their ancient 
 places of abode, and thought was no longer monopolized 
 by the religious orders. In the flourishing period of the 
 Middle Ages, intellectual life was only found among the 
 
 505
 
 $o6 THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 clergy ; now it was awakening among the laity. And just 
 as the clergy occupied themselves exclusively with questions 
 relating to heaven, the laity occupied themselves with ques- 
 tions of purely earthly importance. The consequence of 
 this simple change was the subsequent creation of the 
 physical, natural, and economical sciences, which in turn led 
 to new ideas on social matters ; and the man of modern 
 times finally began the true conquest of the earth, his 
 domain, and the conquest of his conscience, which, in most 
 cases, had long been smothered under the weight of igno- 
 rance and superstition. 
 
 The Church, like everything else in this world, has its 
 
 history, that is to say, the constant movement and develop- 
 
 , ment inseparable from life, for the absence 
 
 Papacy from . , T c r , , 
 
 Gregory VII. to of chaugc IS a proof of death. 
 
 Boniface VIII. pj-^,.^ ji^g ^jj^g ^f Gregory VII. at the end 
 
 of the eleventh century until the time of Boniface VIII. at 
 the beginning of the fourteenth, the Papacy continually 
 grew in pretensions and in power, both without and within 
 the pale of the Church ; after that period, its power declined. 
 The doctrines of Gregory VII. in regard to pontifical 
 supremacy bore their fruit after his time, and the extreme 
 boldness of his conduct in his relation with sovereigns be- 
 came a fundamental doctrine, if we may say so, of the 
 Papacy. Adrian IV. forced the greatest of the German 
 Caesars, Frederick Barbarossa, to hold his stirrup, and Inno- 
 cent III. formulated the pontifical doctrines in language 
 that was magnificent but very extraordinary : "As the sun 
 and the moon are hung in the heavens, the greater of these 
 stars to preside over the day, the lesser to preside over the 
 night ; so there are also two powers in the community of 
 the faithful, — the pontifical power, which is first in impor- 
 tance, because it has charge of souls ; the royal power, 
 second in importance, because its charge is merely the body." 
 On the strength of this moral oversight committed to him 
 he interfered in all the contentions between the sovereigns 
 of his time, and hurled his thunderbolts at the heads of all 
 the kings, threatening some of them, striking others. Philip 
 Augustus, John Lackland, Sverri of Norway, who had 
 usurped his crown, and the king of Leon, who had married 
 his cousin, were all excommunicated. The king of Hun- 
 gary, who had detained a papal legate, was threatened with 
 seeing his son dispossessed of the throne. To escape all
 
 Chap. XXXII.] THE CHURCH FROM 1270—1453. 5^7 
 
 fear of so formidable a power, Peter II., king of Aragon, 
 had himself consecrated a knight by the Pope and acknowl- 
 edged himself his vassal and tributary. In the quarrel be- 
 tween Philip of Swabiaand Otto IV. in Germany, Innocent 
 claimed to have the right to " examine, approve, anoint, con- 
 secrate, and crown the emperor elect, if he be worthy ; to 
 reject him, if unworthy." This was answered a century 
 later by the Pragmatic Sanction of Frankfort. If preten- 
 sions such as these had prevailed, all the kingdoms of Eu- 
 rope would have become fiefs of the Holy See. 
 
 In the thirteenth century, the condemnation and deposi- 
 tion of the emperor Frederick II. at the council of Lyons, 
 the release of the Aragonese from their oath to their king 
 Peter, the taking of the kingdom of Naples away from Man- 
 fred and the giving it to Charles of Anjou, all bore witness 
 to papal omnipotence. 
 
 Boniface VIII. finally, in his bull Unam sanctam, sur- 
 passed even the language of Innocent III.; for, instead of 
 limiting himself to the recognition of two powers, one of 
 them inferior to the other, he seemed to wish to absorb the 
 former and make it entirely subordinate to the latter. " To 
 the Church belong the two swords, spiritual and temporal ; 
 the latter working for the Church, the former through the 
 Church ; the one controlled by the priesthood, the other by 
 the kings and barons, but following the will and waiting 
 the permission of the priesthood. The sword must be 
 ruled by the sword, and temporal authority must yield to 
 spiritual power." 
 
 These great popes, indeed, had prepared the way for 
 their boundless pretensions ; they took care to inscribe 
 them beforehand in the law, and to make them popular with 
 the masses. The collection of decretals published in the 
 time of Gregory IX. in 1234, by Raymond of Pennafort, 
 who brought together the rescripts of the last popes, Alexan- 
 der III., Innocent III., Honorius III., and which was con- 
 tinued later under Boniface VIII., Clement V., and John 
 XXII., opened a more fertile field in the study of the canon 
 law which was interpreted and commented upon by the can- 
 onists ; and as, in the interpretation of a law, it is always 
 the sense of the legislator which is sought, the jurisconsults, 
 in the law which they studied and then put in force were 
 most impressed with the spirit of domination of the pontiffs 
 who had dictated it. The right of deposing kings and empe-
 
 5o8 THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 rors was written down at full length in the canonical code. 
 In every Christian state the Papacy had advocates to plead 
 the cause of its ambition. It also had its preachers among 
 the mendicant monks, orders which arose at that time. 
 
 In virtue of the same principles, the Pope had the power 
 not only of imposing religious laws but also of exempting 
 from them ; he held the power of dispensation in his hand. 
 He also claimed the right of disposing of ecclesiastical bene- 
 fices, at first of a few ; Honorius III. only demanded that 
 each church should reserve two prebendaries for the Holy 
 See ; later he claimed them all ; and Clement IV., Boniface 
 VIII., and Clement V. introduced the theory that to the 
 Pope, the universal patron, belonged the distribution of all 
 benefices. It will be remembered that England, under 
 Henry III., was, in a way, invaded by Italian priests. The 
 right of disposing of ecclesiastical revenues throughout 
 Christendom followed as a necessary consequence, and, as 
 early as the year 1199 Innocent III. levied a fortieth part 
 of the revenues from the Christian clergy, which he caused 
 to be collected by special agents. His successors renewed 
 and multiplied, on various pretexts, orders of this nature, 
 and it must be borne in mind that in the Middle Ages the 
 clergy possessed a third, perhaps, of Germany and a fifth of 
 England and of France. 
 
 The princes were disturbed by the great wealth of the 
 clergy ; many of them felt the danger and took measures to 
 arrest its progress by means of laws which put restrictions 
 on the acquisition by the clergy of landed property, which 
 in their hands became mortmain, that is to say, were with- 
 drawn from circulation and were exempted from public 
 taxes. That was one object, among others, against which 
 the law published in England in 1279, under the title of 
 the Statute of Mortmain, was directed. 
 
 Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the successful rival of civil 
 jurisdiction, had made the same progress ; not only had the 
 clergy been secured from the action of lay tribunals, but a 
 host of persons had acquired the same privilege by a simple 
 religious vow or by promising to join a crusade, and a host 
 of cases were brought directly before the ecclesiastical 
 courts. The secular power was too indifferent in the mat- 
 ter : St. Louis, Frederick II., Alfonso X. all favored the 
 increasing power of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, doubtless 
 because feudal justice lost more by it than royal justice ;
 
 Chap. XXXII.J THE CHURCH FROM 1270—145^. 5°9 
 
 in England, however, it had been in the twelfth century the 
 object of a bloody conflict between the two powers, but 
 Thomas a Becket had triumphed in death. Now whatever 
 jurisdiction the local clergy and the bishops had obtained 
 the Holy See endeavored to take to itself by means of 
 appeals to the cpurt of Rome, just as it endeavored, by 
 means of the tithes and the fortieths, to absorb a part of the 
 wealth they had acquired. 
 
 Accordingly two questions of superlative importance 
 arose at the beginning of the fourteenth century : Was 
 Europe to become a theocracy by the triumph of the spiritual 
 over the temporal power ? Was the Church to be an aris- 
 tocratic hierarchy or an absolute monarchy ? In the year 
 1300, Boniface VIII. would have smiled at the idea of there 
 being a doubt on this point, when, on the great jubilee 
 which he had appointed, he appeared invested with the 
 imperial robes and preceded by the two swords, in the 
 sight of innumerable Christians gathered at Rome, and when 
 all the wealth of Europe was heaped up on the altar of St. 
 Peter. Three years later, however, the face of things had 
 undergone a complete change the temporal power, so often 
 defeated, suddenly triumphed, and it became evident that 
 Europe was not to be a theocracy. 
 
 The second question waited two centuries and a half for 
 its solution. 
 
 The Papacy, which had soared high above all Europe, fell 
 shattered to earth at Avignon. While trying to invade 
 foreign kingdoms, it was taken prisoner and 
 Avignon* ^c^isog- lost its own kingdom. The Babylonian Cap- 
 sV^ism*1)ft^h e tivity, which began in 1309 by the establish- 
 west C1378-1448). ment of Clement V. at Avignon, lasted nearly 
 seventy years and included seven successive pontificates. 
 The lofty ambition of preceding centuries was now followed 
 by a worldly, indolent, and effeminate mode of life. Those 
 French popes, the servants of the king of France, as others, 
 later, were servants of the House of Austria, had no will 
 but his and no authority but in his service. Benedict XII. 
 with tears in his eyes replied to the ambassadors of the 
 excommunicated Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, that in his heart 
 he was much inclined to absolve him, but that, if he pro- 
 nounced the absolution, the king of France would depose him. 
 Wealth took the place of power as the object of their ambi- 
 tion ; the Avignon Papacy began to heap up treasure and
 
 5l^ THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 to levy from the clergy, in concert with the king of France, 
 tithes and taxes which they mutually authorized each other 
 to collect. The reservations and the provisions had already 
 been created ; John XXII. conceived the idea of the annates 
 (the first year's revenues of vacant benefices). The people 
 were irritated by this spectacle ; the greatest discontent 
 was found at Rome, whose people were deserted by their 
 sovereign and now only saw his legates. Public opinion 
 pronounced strongly for the return of the pontiffs to the 
 ancient capital of the Christian world. Gregory XI. was 
 then in possession of the tiara. St. Catherine of Sienna, 
 renowned throughout Italy for her inspired revelations, pre- 
 vailed upon him to return to Rome, and he went there in 
 1376. He died in 1378. The sixteen cardinals present in 
 Rome, four Italians, eleven Frenchmen, and one Spaniard, 
 endeavored to find a successor. Doubtless a Frenchman 
 would have been elected, if the people of Rome had not be- 
 sieged the doors of the conclave in an uproar, crying to the 
 cardinals that they would have a Roman Pope, " or they 
 would make their heads redder than their hats." They 
 elected an Italian, the Archbishop of Bari, under the name 
 of Urban VI. 
 
 Hardly were they at liberty again, when the Frenchmen 
 and three of the Italians protested against the forced elec- 
 tion and appointed a French Pope, the Cardinal of Geneva, 
 under the name of Clement VII. There were then two 
 Popes, and the Great Schism of the West began, the most 
 deadly wound which the Church had received. Europe 
 divided on the question : England, Germany, Hungary, 
 Bohemia, Holland, and nearly all of Italy owned the author- 
 ity of Urban ; France, Spain, Scotland, Savoy and Lorraine 
 supported the cause of Clement VII. 
 
 The division in the Church, the two rival tiaras, the hos- 
 tility between Avignon and Rome was a most affecting 
 spectacle to Christian eyes. All the foremost men of Christen- 
 dom were alarmed by an event which struck a fatal blow at 
 the faith of the people. All tried to put an end to the 
 schism ; the University of Paris was distinguished for its 
 zeal aiTd activity in the cause. It held a solemn meeting in 
 1394 and found three methods for restoring the lost unity. 
 First, that the two competitors should make a voluntary sur- 
 render ; second, that arbitrators agreed upon by the two par- 
 ties should decide the (jucstion ; or, third, that there should
 
 CiiAP. XXXII.] THE CHURCH FROM 1370—1453. S^I 
 
 be a general council. Nicolas of Clemangis, a celebrated 
 theologian, who made a searching inquiry into the troubles 
 of the Church and of Avignon, presented these conclusions 
 to Charles VI., king of France, who received them favor- 
 ably in one of his lucid moments ; but his madness returned 
 upon him, and the princes, who again became supreme, for- 
 bade the University to interfere in the affairs of the schism. 
 The latter showed a very energetic spirit, closing its courses 
 and discontinuing its public lessons. 
 
 Of the three proposed remedies, the first was found, by 
 experience, to be impracticable. Clement VII. died ; his 
 cardinals, in order not to forfeit their claims, hastened to 
 prepare for a new election and chose the Spaniard, Peter 
 of Luna, who assumed the name of Benedict XIII. (1394), 
 and opposed every attempt at conciliation. Twice did France 
 withdraw her obedience, but in vain : " What matters it to 
 me," he coldly said, "St. Peter did not count that kingdom 
 among his provinces." It was in vain that they beseiged 
 him in Avignon ; he remained Pope, though confined in the 
 citadel, and later succeeded in escaping. The pontiffs who 
 successively held the See at Rome, Boniface IX., Innocent 
 VI., and Gregory XII., showed the same disposition, and 
 the two adversaries hurled at each other their anathemas. 
 
 Their proceedings were extremely imprudent. There 
 
 had already been many anti- popes, and the Church had not 
 
 been shaken by them, because at that time 
 
 wyciiffejohn {he Spirit of obcdicnce was universal ; at the 
 
 Huss, Gerson ; , r i /• ^ . j-rr 
 
 Council of Pisa end of the fourteenth century, a dirierent 
 stance °\mw' Spirit made its appearance, and something 
 and of Basel like a wiud of rcvolution swept over Europe, 
 can'doctrfnes'." There wcrc many indications of the formida- 
 ble agitation at work in the heart of society ; 
 in France, the Jacquerie, Marcel, and the Cabochines ; in 
 Flanders, the two Van Arteveldes ; in England, Wat Tyler ; 
 in Italy, Rienzo and the republics. It was certainly fair to 
 suppose that the general movement might reach the Church. 
 The word reformation, which was to rouse so many echoes 
 and fill Europe with its sound a century later, had already 
 begun to be heard. The heretic Wycliffe did not stand 
 alone, nor the fierce Nicolas of Clemangis ; Gerson himself, 
 a most pious doctor, much respected in the Church, who has 
 been supposed by some to be the author of the hnitation 
 of Christ, wrote in very strong language on that subject :
 
 Si^ THE LAST CEl^TUklES. [Book X. 
 
 " The court of Rome has created a thousand offices by 
 which to make money, but hardly one for the propagation of 
 virtue. From morning till night there is talk of nothing 
 but armies, lands, towns, and money ; rarely, or rather never, 
 do thev speak of chastity, charity, justice, fidelity, and a pure 
 life." ' 
 
 As unity could not be restored by the voluntary yielding 
 of either of the rival popes, the charge of effecting, at the 
 same time, the reunion and the reformation of the Church 
 was put into the hands of a council. It was convoked by 
 the cardinals at Pisa in 1409. The council deposed Bene- 
 dict and Gregory, and chose Alexander V. But as the two 
 former refused to submit, there were three popes instead of 
 two ; the remedy had increased the evil. 
 
 The first question to be solved was, in fact, whether the 
 Pope or the council possessed the superior power. For, if 
 the authority of the Pope was higher than that of the coun- 
 cil, what right had the latter to depose the former ? Bene- 
 dict, Gregory, and afterward Alexander, supported that 
 view of the case, and claimed that the Church was with and 
 of the Pope, and that a council obtained its oecumenical 
 character, not by the number of its members, but by the 
 presence of the pontiff. Gerson replied to that monarchi- 
 cal theory : " The Church universal is the assemblage of all 
 Christians, whether Greeks or barbarians, men or women, 
 nobles or peasants, rich or poor. This Church it is which, 
 according to tradition, can neither err nor offend ; her only 
 head is Jesus Christ, the popes, cardinals, prelates, ecclesias- 
 tics, kings, and the people are its members, although of 
 
 different degrees There is another Church, called 
 
 Apostolic, which is apart and enclosed within the Church 
 universal, to wit, the Pope and the clergy ; it is that which 
 is usually called the Roman Church, it is the Church of 
 whom the Pope is regarded as the head, and the other 
 ecclesiastics as members. This Church can err and offend, 
 it can deceive and be deceived and can fall into schism and 
 heresy ; it is but the instrument and the organ of the Church 
 universal, and has no more authority than is given by the 
 Church universal to wield the power which resides in it alone. 
 . . . The Church has the right to depose the popes if they show 
 themselves unworthy of their office or if they are incapable 
 of exercising its functions ; for if, for the public good, a 
 king may be deposed, who holds the kingdom of his ances-
 
 Chap. XXXII.] THE CHURCH FROM 1270—1453. 513 
 
 tors by the right of succession, how much more may a Pope 
 be deposed, who holds his title only through the election of 
 the cardinals ?.,.." Those are the doctrines of the 
 Galilean church, which Gerson was among the first to for- 
 mulate, and which were later defended and modified by 
 Bossuet. 
 
 But a few minds at once audacious and logical, who were 
 not afraid to overstep the limits of orthodoxy, went even 
 farther than these bold doctrines. It will be remembered 
 that Wycliffe wished, as it were, to overthrow the whole 
 Catholic Church, even attacked its dogmas when he denied 
 the doctrine of the real presence (transubstantiation). John 
 Huss, who did not go so far as that, nevertheless insisted 
 upon three points of vital importance : the appeal to Scrip- 
 ture as the only infallible authority ; the necessity of bring- 
 ing the clergy back to a life of discipline and purity, whether 
 by depriving them of all interference in temporal affairs, or 
 by taking from them the property of which they made a bad 
 use ; and finally, the dispensation of spiritual power to the 
 priests by the Holy Spirit, by reason of their inner purity 
 and only in so far as they were qualified to receive it and 
 worthy to use it. These doctrines led straight to Protes- 
 tantism. John Huss also attacked certain ceremonies : 
 auricular confession, the worship of images, and fasting. 
 Finally, the monks and the Pope with his court were the 
 objects of his most violent diatribes ; he wrote two books, 
 the one entitled. The Abomination of Monks ; the other. 
 The Metnbers of Antichrist. The titles give an idea of their 
 contents. 
 
 Alexander V. had hastily dissolved the council of Pisa ; 
 his successor John XXHL, forced by public opinion and by 
 the Emperor Sigismund, who came to Italy expressly to 
 confer with him on that important subject, convoked an- 
 other. He wished it to assemble in one of the Lombard 
 cities. Sigismund insisted upon the selection of a German 
 town ; Constance was the appointed place (1414). 
 
 This great council was attended not only by the bishops, 
 as had always before been the usage, but by abbots, ambas- 
 sadors of the Christian princes, deputies from the universi- 
 ties, a host of theologians of inferior rank, and even doctors 
 of jurisprudence. The Emperor Sigismund, by his presence, 
 upheld those who were resolved to put an end to the schism, 
 and promised them, in case of need, the support of his
 
 514 THE LAST CENTURIES [Book X. 
 
 favor and his imperial authority. He presided several times 
 at the sessions. 
 
 A host of Italian bishops had assembled there, resolved 
 to secure the victory of the ultramontane ideas. The eccle- 
 siastics from other countries, in order to counteract their 
 advantage in numbers, decided that the vote should not be 
 taken by heads, but by nations, and the council was divided 
 into four nations, each having one vote : Italians, Germans, 
 French, and English. This arrangement gave an advan- 
 tage to the moderate party. The council was animated by 
 the Galilean spirit and condemned the two extremes ; on 
 the one hand, the absolutism of the Pope and the corruption 
 of the Church ; on the other hand, the puritan reform of 
 John Huss. 
 
 The immediate object of the convocation of the council 
 was attained, though it was by long and weary efforts. The 
 fathers appointed Martin V. as true Pope. Of the three 
 false pontiffs, one, Gregory XII., abdicated ; the other two, 
 Benedict XIII. and John XXIII., were removed from office. 
 There was an end to the schism (1417) for a few years. 
 
 In the matter of reforms, the council drew a bloody line 
 at the point where it thought they ought to stop. It sent 
 radical reform to the stake with John Huss and Jerome of 
 Prague, the reform which triumphed with Luther a little 
 later, and it attempted to formulate a moderate reform of 
 its own, through the medium of a committee which, how- 
 ever, failed to accomplish anything. Various projects of 
 reform were submitted to the council which, if they could 
 have been carried out, would have seriously limited the papal 
 power and made the local churches more independent. 
 But the different interests represented in the council could 
 not come to an agreement, and it finally dissolved, having 
 decreed only a few measures of reform. The most important 
 of thftse was that general councils should be summoned 
 hereafter at regular intervals. This would have given the 
 Church a fixed legislative assembly had the popes not known 
 how to avoid compliance with the decree and so to escape 
 this danger to their power. The council also attempted 
 some reforms in the discipline and life of the clergy. But 
 these moderate reforms, which might have led to more 
 thorough ones, were never accomplished. Martin V., on his 
 side, drew up an act, in which he treated the question of 
 reform as he understood it, — that is, he evaded it completely.
 
 Chap. XXXII.] THE CHURCH FROM 1370—1453. 515 
 
 and, by sowing discord between the different nations of the 
 council, only too easy a task in the case of France and Eng- 
 land, he declared the assembly dissolved, before any real 
 result had been reached (1418). 
 
 A short time afterward the same questions of reform 
 made it necessary for Pope Eugenius IV. to convoke 
 another council at Basel (1431). He repented this action 
 and declared it dissolved. The fathers obstinately con- 
 tinued in session and brought forward again all the pro- 
 positions advanced at Constance, relating to the superior 
 authority of the general councils ; they decreed that they 
 vi^ere to be convoked periodically, that they could be dis- 
 solved only on the consent of two thirds of their members, 
 and that the Pope should be held to appear in person or 
 through his legates. Eugenius IV. transferred the council 
 to Ferrara and then to Florence, where only a portion of 
 the fathers assembled. Those at Basel deposed him and 
 elected the Duke of Savoy Pope under the name of Felix V. 
 Division again appeared in the Church : the council remained 
 in session until 1443 ; in 1438 Charles VII. brought before 
 them the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, where the very 
 principles of the councils of Constance and Basel and the 
 liberty of the Galilean church were established. The new 
 schism prevailed until the abdication of Felix V. in 1448. 
 
 Thus the great authority of the Church, which had ruled 
 all the Europe of the Middle Ages, continued to exist in the 
 midst of convulsion and discord. " This I well know," said 
 Froissart, at the beginning of these deplorable troubles, 
 "that some day people will be astonished at such things, 
 that the Church should become involved in such difficulties 
 and so long be unable to free herself from them. But it 
 was a plague sent by God to warn the clergy and make 
 them consider what a great estate and superfluity they held 
 and managed. But many did not take it into consideration ; 
 for they were so blinded by overweening pride that each one 
 wished to be like every one else ; and because of that things 
 went badly, and if our faith had not been confirmed by the 
 hand and by the grace of the Holy Spirit, it would have 
 wavered or given way. For those great landed noblemen 
 .... did nothing but laugh and play at the time of the 
 chronicles I chronicle, the year of grace 1390, whom many 
 of the people wondered at, that such great lords provided 
 neither a remedy nor a plan,"
 
 5l6 THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 They did try to provide a remedy and a plan of action, 
 but they did not succeed in changing anything. Abuses in 
 the discipUne and mode of hfe increased on the contrary, 
 and as a consequence of having avoided a reform in the 
 fifteenth century, they brought on a revolution in the six- 
 teenth.
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 THE NATIONAL LITERATURES.— THE INVENTIONS OF 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 The Italian and French literatures. — The literatures of the North. — 
 English, German, and Scandinavian. — Spanish and Portuguese lite- 
 ratures. Renaissance of classical learning. — Printing, oil painting, 
 engraving, and gunpowder. 
 
 As the Middle Ages advanced to their close, the indi- 
 viduality of the different nations became more and more 
 marked. At first all intellectual life was 
 a if d^ F r^'e n c^h ^^^lost e.xclusivcly Confined to the religious 
 literatures: orders and found its expression in Latin, the 
 
 language of the Church, and also the univer- 
 sal language. Now thought became secularized and the 
 laity began to think, speak, and write in as many languages 
 as there were nations. Each nation had already its own 
 idiom, which was not only spoken by the masses, but in 
 several cases had been raised to some literary power and 
 dethroned the Latin tongue, which was until then alone 
 reserved for the great object, of the human life. 
 
 After the troubadours had been silenced, the Italian 
 language was the one which developed the most rapidly. 
 With an unexampled precocity it had attained its perfection 
 in the midst of the Middle Ages. It owed this privilege to 
 the commerce, industry, and political life which had been 
 developed in Italy much sooner than elsewhere, and which 
 demanded not a learned and dead language, but a living 
 language, adapted to all the details of political life. The 
 The Italian language had in this way been developed and 
 enriched ; it was the instrument of the lofty and terrible 
 and tender poetry of Dante ; Petrarch used it in his grace- 
 ful verse, and Boccaccio not only in verse but in admirable 
 prose. When it had shown its power in works of such ex- 
 tent and variety it might well be considered as a finished 
 
 517
 
 5l8 THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 language. We will not repeat what we have already said in 
 Chapter XXIX., but will return to France, whose literature 
 held the next place to that of Italy, 
 
 The French literature did not at first soar as high as the 
 Italian, nor did it immediately attain perfection, but it was 
 the more spontaneous of the two. Dante and Petrarch were 
 inspired by Virgil and acknowledged themselves to be his 
 disciples. But who were the predecessors of Joinville and 
 Froissart ? In what way were they influenced by the lite- 
 rature of antiquity ? 
 
 Joinville left behind him a French prose which was clear, 
 simple, keen, and flexible, and wonderfully adapted to nar- 
 rative. Froissart employed it in the same way and made it 
 even more perfect. We still admire the graceful style of 
 this narrator and the charming pictures he has left us of the 
 chivalrous society of his times. His coloring is fresh, strong, 
 and natural ; his sentiments, delicate, moderate, and as 
 elevated as his style. Froissart's aim in writing the history 
 of his times was to divert rather than to instruct. He only 
 asked for readers from the same rank of society that he de- 
 scribed and in the midst of which he passed his life. Not 
 that he was himself a noble, like Joinville and Villehardouin. 
 These latter wrote real memoirs in which they described 
 actions and events in which they themselves had played an 
 important part. Jehan Froissart, born at Valenciennes to- 
 ward 1337, was only a clerk, the canon and treasurer of 
 the church of Chimay, who from choice spent his life in 
 wandering from castle to castle — pen, not sword, in hand, 
 and in describing actions and events of which he was only a 
 spectator. He was a kind of trouvere, who wrote in prose 
 about things that had really happened, and for the rest he 
 was well supplied with subjects by the epoch in which he 
 lived. It was the time of the wars of the English in France. 
 The chivalry of these two countries, the most brilliant 
 in the world, were rivals in valor, luxury, and courtesy. 
 When feats of war were suspended for a time they were im- 
 mediately succeeded by the feats of the tourney. An ex- 
 treme activity ruled this society both in peace and war, and 
 they needed an active historian, who should follow them to 
 the field of battle to gaze from afar at the fine blows given 
 and taken, or to the various castles to collect and repeat 
 with embellishments the accounts of all that was going on. 
 Froissart has left us a brilliant and truthful picture of his
 
 Chap. XXXIII.] LITER A TURES AND INVENTIONS. 519 
 
 times rather than a serious, reflective, and critical, history 
 for which we must wait until the time of Commines. 
 
 We must, however, mention the remarkable change which 
 took place before Commines. Before the Chronicle of 
 Froissart was actually finished (it extends from 1326 to 
 1400) learned history had begun to be written. Christine 
 de Pisan, who wrote the history of Charles V., and Alain 
 Chartier, who wrote the history of Charles VII. and Le 
 Quadrilogue-Invectif, were both learned writers and as well 
 versed in antiquity as was then possible in France, often 
 referring to Seneca, Cicero, Virgil, Orpheus, Musaeus, and 
 Homer and much less anxious to describe contemporary 
 affairs with simplicity than to adorn their narrations with 
 imitations of the ancients. With them unconscious humor 
 was superseded by a labored style which lost the charm of 
 naturalness, but which was trying to become settled and to 
 acquire more gravity, symmetry, and elevation. Alain Char- 
 tier astonished his contemporaries by his harmonious and 
 well-rounded periods, and he had the same success which was 
 later won by Balzac : a queen of France wished to kiss the 
 lips "from which so many golden words had fallen." Per- 
 haps more stress should be laid on the revolution in French 
 prose, which was inaugurated by Alain Chartier, because 
 this same new character of dignity and seriousness which 
 he was the first to impress upon prose was that which 
 marked it in its golden age of the seventeenth century. 
 
 The fine prose of Froissart and Alain Chartier was not 
 generally read. The nobles and the scholars constituted 
 their public. When the fabliaux with their ill-natured tales 
 had superseded the warlike epics, they circulated among 
 the rich and cultivated bourgeoisie, but beyond a few vague 
 legends there was no popular literature at all. The appear- 
 ance of the Mysteries, which collected the people in the new 
 position of spectator and judge around the small plat- 
 form, the origin of our theatre, was an important event. 
 The first subjects represented on this rough stage were 
 borrowed from religion. The Bible had begun to be trans- 
 lated into the vulgar tongue ; it was also translated to the 
 people by scenic action. The Church herself had opened 
 this path by certain dialogues m the Latin and Romance 
 languages, which were recited by pupils in the gallery of a 
 church, even in the middle of the service. Somewhat later 
 she had substituted regular scenic plays for these dialogues,
 
 520 THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 plays which were represented in the choir and in which there 
 were grotesque and profane elements, inherited, perhaps, 
 from the follies of paganism. For instance, in the repre- 
 sentation of the Passion, or of the flight of the Virgin, 
 Barabbas and the Wandering Jew would appear, or even 
 Balaam's Ass, which was made to bray underneath the 
 nave. There were elements of terror as well as of laughter 
 in these plays. Among the mysteries that have come 
 down to us the one representing the story of the Foolish 
 Virgins is both striking and impressive : when on waking 
 up they are conscious of their irreparable error they cry in 
 despair, " Unhappy wretches that we are, we have slept 
 too long " ; and this melancholy cry full of agony resounds 
 eleven times, when suddenly the infernal regions are opened 
 and Christ appears and throws them down into them, saying : 
 " Go, miserable beings ! go, accursed ones f you are con- 
 demned to everlasting punishment and to dwell in the 
 infernal regions." 
 
 The clergy allowed the laity to assume the privilege of 
 representing the sacred events : and at first saw nothing at 
 all unsuitable in it, though it was one of the symptoms 
 of the emancipation of the lay society. Fraternities were 
 formed for this objectby the bourgeoisie, by master masons, 
 joiners, and locksmiths. The Confrerie de la Passion which 
 was authorized in 1402 by letters patent from Charles VI. 
 was installed outside the Saint-Denis gate, in the hospital 
 of the Trinity. This fraternity was to a certain extent dedi- 
 cated to representing the dramatic cycle of the Passion of 
 Christ, and obtained a great success ; an indefatigable 
 crowd was never weary of coming every Sunday to see and 
 hear and did not go back until nightfall. They saw God 
 himself, the Trinity, the mysteries and the miracles^ sacred 
 things upon which it would seem that no Christian should 
 have been willing to look. 
 
 Profane comedy was also developing at the same time 
 with this religious drama, and its critical and satirical 
 character was well designated by its name, Morality. The 
 authors of this kind of comedy were the clerks of the 
 Palace of Justice, who were formed into a corporation by 
 Philip the Fair. The Moralities followed the satirical 
 school of the fabliaux, and of the Romance of the Rose. 
 They made a great use of allegory, as is shown by the 
 names of their characters, such as IVell-advised and Ill-advised,
 
 Chap. XXXIII.] LITER A TURES AND INVENTIONS. 52 1 
 
 Afraid-to-co7ifess-his-sins, Grand-revels, Thirst and Without- 
 water, etc. These subtleties were, however, less attractive 
 to the crowd than the mysteries, and farces which were 
 more provocative of laughter took their place. About the 
 middle of the fifteenth century the French comic stage 
 possessed its first great work in the celebrated farce of 
 L'Avocat Patelin. 
 
 Aside from the mysteries, where there was occasionally 
 some poetical expression and much poetical feeling, poetry 
 produced no great works in the French language during 
 the century of social revolution and moral decadence which 
 marks the end of the Middle Ages. Charles of Orleans, 
 however, the captive of Agincourt, has left us some grace- 
 ful verses, full of delicacy and freshness, which breathe a 
 tender melancholy. There was no inspiration in the com- 
 bats of this epoch, and the epic poem was replaced by 
 history. The poetry of the age was to be found rather in 
 the mysticism of the human soul, already distressed by the 
 sufferings of doubt ; it is found in the echo of the soul's 
 suffering, in the De Imitatione Christi, the work of an un- 
 known author, but probably by Thomas a Kempis. The 
 great and immediate popularity of this book shows that it 
 filled a need that was felt by devout souls of being sus- 
 tained and of renewing their strength by a direct communi- 
 cation with God, avoiding all unworthy intermediaries. 
 
 In speaking of the last century of the Middle Ages it is 
 
 as impossible to separate the history of the languages of 
 
 „. ,.^ France and England as that of their wars, 
 
 Tiic liter 3— 
 
 ture of the for they constantly intermingled. In con- 
 Englfsh', sTan^ scquencc of the many conquests suffered by 
 dinavian, and England shc was One of the last countries to 
 erman. form an idiom. In France the last invasion 
 
 took place under Clovis, or at the very latest at the battle 
 of Testry. In England the last did not take place until 
 under William the Conqueror at the end of the eleventh 
 century. The Saxons, the Danes, and the Norman-Franks, 
 each in turn brought their language to England like so 
 many currents, leaving each a different alluvium on the 
 same soil. The original language was the Saxon intro- 
 duced by the German invaders who conquered the Roman- 
 ized Celts, after the fall of the Roman domination. It 
 absorbed a few new words as a result of the Danish inva- 
 sion, and after the establishment of the Normans in Eng-
 
 522 THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 land was gradually modified under the influence of the 
 Norman-French which they spoke. The Celtic had now 
 almost entirely disappeared ; the Saxon formed the body of 
 the language, while there was a strong French element in it, 
 which was the means of combining the Roman with the Ger- 
 man element. But this last combination was as slow in 
 coming as was that of the two peoples, and resulted in the 
 supremacy of the langiiage of the conquered. William's 
 successors, their courts and their barons all used the French ; 
 and this became the official language and was taught in the 
 schools. The conquerors may have wished their language 
 to be used in order that the last traces of Saxon indepen- 
 dence might be effaced, just as the Germans did in Posen, 
 the Russians at Warsaw, and the Austrians at Lemberg. 
 But the Saxons intrenched themselves in their ancient lan- 
 guage as they did in their forests : they would not give it 
 up, and the Norman barons suffered from the cutting lines 
 of their ballads as well as from the arrows of Robin Hood 
 and his men.* The wars of the wood were sung in a 
 poetry which breathes forth the freshness of the thickets 
 and the love of independence. 
 
 When shawes beene sheene and shradds full fayn 
 
 And leeves both large and longe, 
 
 Itt is merry, walking in the fayre forrest, 
 
 To heare the small birds songe. 
 In this way begins a ballad which tells us of a meeting be- 
 tween Robin Hood and a Norman baron who did not know 
 him ; they challenge each other to a shooting match, and 
 Robin pierces the goal with his arrow. 
 
 " Gods blessing on thy heart," sayes Guye, 
 
 " Goode fellow, thy shooting is goode, 
 For an thy hart has good as thy hands, 
 
 Thou were better than Robin Hood." 
 
 " Tell me thy name, good fellow," quoth Guy, 
 
 Vnder the leaves of lyne, 
 " Nay, by my faith," quoth good Robin, 
 
 " Till thou haue told me thine." 
 
 " I dwell by dale and downe," quoth Guye. 
 
 " And I haue done many a curst turne ; 
 And he that calls me by my right name 
 Calles me Guye of good Gysborne. " 
 
 *There is no evidence of any attempt on the part of the Normans to 
 induce the English to abandon the use of their national language. On 
 Robin Hood see above, p. 184, note. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXXIII.] LITERA TURES AND INVENTIONS. 523 
 
 " My dwelling is in the wood," sayes Robin, 
 
 " By thee I set right nought ; 
 My name is Robin Hood of Barnesdale, 
 A fellow thou has long sought." 
 
 He that had neither beene a kithe nor kin 
 
 Might haue seene a full fayre sight : 
 To see how together these yeomen went, 
 With blades both browne and bright. 
 
 To have seene how these yeomen together fought 
 
 Two howers of a summer day ; 
 Itt was neither Guy nor Robin Hood 
 
 That fittled them to flye away. 
 
 Such were the subjects sung in the Saxon language, and 
 which could be sung in no other. 
 
 This antagonism between the two peoples finally be- 
 gan to pass away. At first the Norman barons, in their 
 struggle against the royal power, and later the whole Nor- 
 man nation, in the struggle with Philip Augustus after the 
 loss of Normandy and still more after the beginning of the 
 Hundred Years' War, drew nearer to the Saxons, treated 
 them better, and gave them a place in the army and the parlia- 
 ments. The two languages then became intimately con- 
 nected and formed insensibly a mixed language, the English 
 language, in which the ancient Anglo-Saxon was largely 
 retained. This revolution is curiously noticed by a contem- 
 porary writer : 
 
 " For two hundred years children in school against the 
 usage and manner of all other nations are compelled for 
 to leave their own language and for to construe in French. 
 Gentlemen's children are taught to speak French from the 
 time that they are rocked in their cradles, and uplandish 
 men wish to liken themselves to gentlemen and take de- 
 light with great business for to speak French. This man- 
 ner was much used before the great pestilence, and is since 
 somewhat changed. For John Cornwal, a master of gram- 
 mar, changed the lore in grammar-school, and construction 
 of French into English ; and Richard Pencrych learned 
 that manner teaching of him, and other men of Pencrych ; 
 so that now, the year of our Lord a thousand three hundred 
 fourscore and five, of the second King Richard after the 
 conquest nine, in all the grammar-schools of England 
 children leave French and construe and learn in English." 
 
 This English language was to be the national tongue of
 
 524 THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 Albion, and though an irregular and composite language, it 
 is as proud and powerful as the spirit of those who use it. 
 
 A very important act of Edward III., was the statute in 
 which he decreed in 1362 that every suit preferred before a 
 court of justice should be pleaded, discussed, and the judg- 
 ment given, in English. This was in a way the official 
 rehabilitation of the proscribed language. It had already 
 produced some literary monuments : as early as the reign 
 of Edward I., Robert, a monk of Gloucester, had composed 
 a chronicle in verse on the story of Geoffroy of Monmouth, 
 and thirty years later another monk, Robert Mannyng, 
 translated another from the French. There had also been 
 numerous translations into verse of French romances versi- 
 fied religious treatises, scriptural paraphrases, and some 
 interesting general and political lyrics, during the first half 
 of the fourteenth century. But the first English writer 
 who can be read with any pleasure is William Langland, the 
 author of the Vision concerning Piers the Ploughman, a bit- 
 ing satire on the clergy in which alliteration takes the place 
 of rhyme. He closely preceded one of the most glorious 
 of English poets, Geoffrey Chaucer, the author of Troilus 
 and Cressida, the House of Fame, and the Canterbury Tales. 
 Chaucer, who was born in London about 1328, or, as many 
 believe, about 1340, and was first a page in the family of 
 Prince Lionel then a friend of the Duke of Lancaster, is 
 held to have given a fixed form to the national idiom and to 
 have introduced the best measure for English verse. He 
 translated the Consolations of Boethius and the Romance 
 of the Rose. He also drew from Boccaccio, and other 
 sources, thus borrowing from the treasury of the literatures 
 which were already formed wealth for that of his own country. 
 Chaucer described his era with much truth and with a lively 
 satirical imagination. In politics and religion he sympa- 
 thized in many respects with the new doctrines. 
 
 About this same time English prose also arose. Wycliffe 
 made use of it in his translation of the Bible, and the 
 English translation of Sir John Maundeville's diverting 
 book of Eastern travels came soon after. 
 
 Germany is one of the countries whose language under- 
 went the least change during the Middle Ages. It remained 
 purely Germanic because no invasion ever introduced any 
 new element into it. It is surprising that, on that account, 
 it was not the first to produce a literature. This resulted
 
 Chap. XXXIIL] LITER A TURKS AND INVENTIONS. 525 
 
 from the fact that Germany had not the inspiration which 
 comes from internal activity, because her culture did not 
 begin until long after that of other countries, and because 
 she was continually in close contact with peoples who were 
 the last to awaken to European civilization. The Gothic 
 Bible of Ulfilas (360-380), later a fragment of a translation 
 in High German of the treatise of Isidore, " De Nativitate 
 Domini," the translation of the Rules of St. Benedict (720), 
 and so forth, are the only monuments of this language before 
 Charlemagne, and these are hardly literary monuments. 
 This emperor gave a great impulse to study. We have seen 
 that he ordered a collection to be made of the national 
 songs of the Germans. Among them was undoubtedly the 
 famous fragment of the song of Hildebrand, which is 
 anterior to the end of the eighth century. It is written in 
 alliteration, a form of initial rhyme which is still occa- 
 sionally used. Under the successors of Charlemagne we 
 find among others the song of Louis (Louis III. of France) 
 in which the poet celebrates his victories over the Norse- 
 men in rhymed strophes. Besides this warlike poetry, 
 under Louis the Pious, and by his orders, the religious 
 poetry produced in alliterative Low German a work entitled 
 " The Harmonies of the Gospels." There was more or less 
 literary activity under Otto the Great and his successors, 
 but the disorders which broke out under Henry IV. checked 
 its progress, and it was not resumed until after the accession 
 of the Hohenstauffen. 
 
 We have previously seen how high a point poetry attained 
 under this brilliant dynasty. In the following period, how- 
 ever (the 14th and 15th centuries), prose began to flourish, 
 while poetry declined. In the midst of the disturbances 
 due to internal discord, the minnesinger were unable to 
 find any secure protection either with the emperors or 
 with the nobles. The cities, which were then very pros- 
 perous and enriched by commerce, tried, at least those of 
 the south, to encourage them, but without any great success. 
 Poetry exchanged its lively simplicity for a cold allegory, 
 and was not even able to find any poetical subject ; as an 
 example we may take the rhymed chronicle of the Council 
 of Constance. We can hardly discern more than one work 
 of note, namely, the "Ship of Fools," by Sebastian Brand. 
 While the meistersinger were making a cold imitation of 
 the poetry of the preceding age and weighing it down with
 
 526 THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 burdensome rules, the people were preparing a renaissance 
 under the form, since then so popular in Germany, of 
 ballads and chansons which were collected together and 
 printed at the beginning of the sixteenth century. But 
 truly poetical verses, both lofty and noble in their sentiment, 
 were then only to be found in Switzerland, which country 
 was thrilling from its struggle with Austria, and repeated 
 with enthusiasm the fine lines of Veit Weber and of Jean 
 Viol, who sang the battles they had fought. Halb Suter, 
 of Lucerne, also celebrated the victory of Sempach (1386). 
 
 The first attempts at German prose took the form of 
 novels and romances, which were still borrowed from the 
 Carolingian cycle and the French romances. It was further 
 developed in the collections of laws which were drawn up 
 to suit the needs of the age, and in the preaching called 
 forth by the movement in religious ideas — particularly in 
 the sermons of the mystic John Tauler, a Dominican and a 
 predecessor worthy of Luther in his skillful use of the 
 German language. The prose language already showed 
 great adaptability to philosophical argumentation, through 
 the possible combinations of words and creation of new 
 words, a dangerous gift and one which has often been 
 abused, which has enriched its vocabulary at the expense of 
 its clearness, the first essential of every language. A few 
 chronicles were written out in the fourteenth century those 
 of Limburg and Alsace, and in the fifteenth century, that 
 of Thuringia, etc. On the whole, German literature in the 
 Middle Ages did not produce anything of marked excel- 
 lence, if we except the curious Song of the Niebelungen, 
 which ranks, however, far below the Iliad, and which owes 
 its present reputation less to the deliberate judgment of a 
 critical taste than to the interested prejudice of an easily 
 satisfied patriotism.* 
 
 The Scandinavian literature, like their language, is an 
 offshoot of the same Germanic stock. The Eddas, a collec- 
 tion of the old songs of the Northern countries and the pur- 
 est source of German mythology, are the first monuments 
 of the language, before the introduction of Christianity. 
 Among other things we find there a part of the deeds of the 
 German Niebelungen poem. When Christianity was intro- 
 
 * This estimate of medioeval German literature would hardly be ac- 
 cepted by the few who are best qualified to judge. — Eu.
 
 Chap. XXXIII.] LITERA TURES AND INVENTIONS. 527 
 
 duced, the South gained an influence over the Northern 
 mind and spread there the chivalrous ideas of France ; the 
 new movement inspired the poem of Ragnar Lodbrog, the 
 last song of Hialmar the Vanquished, and the funeral 
 dirge of Eyvied-Skaidaspiiler on Hakon, king of Norway. 
 These were followed by a series of popular songs, Folkvisor, 
 which make use of rhyme. " The Victim of the Convent," 
 the " Bloody Nuptials," " St. George," etc., are still read 
 with pleasure in Sweden. 
 
 The Bczmpeviser of Denmark correspond to the Folkvisor 
 of Sweden. They are war songs, or rather historical nar- 
 rations, borrowed from the memories of the olden time and 
 written in the national language. The greater part, no 
 doubt, were committed to writing a little after the establish- 
 ment of Christianity in Denmark. A large number were 
 borrowed from France, England, and Germany. Euphemia, 
 queen of Norway (1299-1312), introduced into her country 
 the romances of the cycles of the Round Table and of 
 Charlemagne, and had those passages translated in which 
 any national episodes were involved. One of the most 
 touching passages relates to Queen Aurora (Dagmar), the 
 wife of the king of Denmark, Waldemar the Victorious. The 
 primitive traditions of Denmark still live in the works of an 
 author who, however, wrote in Latin, Saxo Grainmaticus; 
 he composed, at the end of the twelfth century, a remarka- 
 ble history of Denmark where he gathered together the old 
 legends. From this source, though indirectly, Shakspere 
 derived the story of Hamlet. 
 
 As Spain remained apart from the course of European 
 
 progress, and as her existence had a character of its own, 
 
 _ . . . the sketch of her literature may well be de- 
 
 Spamshand . , , , , , , ^ -' , 
 
 Portuguese ferrcd to the last, although from the pomt 
 Literatures. ^^ vicw of its Origin, it should rank among 
 the first, among the branches of the Latin stock. The 
 Latin language, established in the peninsula by the Romans 
 and maintained and fixed there by the Christian clergy 
 under the Visigoths, has been its model, almost without 
 exception. Neither the ancient Celtic or Iberian and Punic 
 idioms of the peoples conquered by Rome, nor the language 
 of the conquering Arabs, have modified it to any great 
 extent. The latter neither imposed their religion on the 
 conquered country nor their language. The Arabic tongue 
 spread somewhat, it is true, and Spanish Christians made
 
 528 THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 use of it in their writings ; the petty kings of the northern 
 part of the peninsula made it the language of their courts ; 
 but it did not take root, and later it was pushed aside with 
 Mohammedanism. The basis of the language of the Span- 
 ish Christians was, accordingly, Roman, modified in differ- 
 ent ways according to the various localities, and bearing in 
 Catalonia, Navarre, and the island of Majorca a resemblance 
 to the language of Provence, which was not the case with the 
 Castilian form. 
 
 The first important prose monument of the Castilian 
 dialect is the Code of the Siete Partidas, published in the 
 thirteenth century by Alfonso el Sabio, the Wise, where the 
 dignity of the Spanish language is already apparent. Al- 
 fonso, who endeavored, without success, to establish politi- 
 cal unity in his kingdom, tried to prepare the way for it 
 by unity of language ; Spain also owes to his encourage- 
 ment scientific and historical works of large influence. 
 
 Castilian poetry was different from that of other coun- 
 tries. The people were engaged in incessant combats with 
 the Moors and later in obstinate civil wars, and had not 
 time, as in France, to compose great poems, and interminable 
 romances, on half-fabulous heroes interesting only for their 
 presentation of the national characteristics. But they had 
 their romances, their poems, short, popular, and entirely 
 national, which treated of the Christian heroes of the 
 country, or rather of the hero, for the Cid is in himself the 
 type of the Spanish cavalier, fighting against the Moors. 
 The Romancero is a collection of these romances, incoherent 
 enough, which relate without sequence episodes in the life 
 of the Cid, and which belong to different periods. 
 
 The oldest among them show a simplicity and roughness 
 which is modified in the later parts ; in these we find not 
 only perfection of style but even refinement of ideas and 
 mythology. Nevertheless they all show the qualities native 
 to the Spanish mind, a harsh and sonorous accent, a martial 
 and enthusiastic spirit, an impetuous and trenchant form of 
 hyperbole, warmth of color, expression emphatic but always 
 noble, sentiments of honor and love, combined with a certain 
 indescribable hardness and sometimes even ferocity. 
 
 The Romancero of the Cid is a very curious monument of 
 the human mind ; it is the work of a large number of 
 authors, writing on the same theme without concert of action, 
 and whose names, though worthy, are not known to fame. It
 
 Chap. XXXIIL] LITERA TURKS AND INVENTIONS. 5^9 
 
 is a Spanish Iliad which assuredly, we can speak with 
 certainty in this case, did not have a Homer. The hero 
 alone gives it unity. His first appearance is in a duel with 
 the Count, a fine episode which has been admirably rendered 
 by Corneille : " The Cid remained absorbed in thought, 
 knowing himself to be full young in years to avenge his 
 father, by killing the Count of Lozano. He looked at the 
 formidable band of his powerful enemy, who had a thousand 
 Asturians, partisans of his cause, in the mountains ; he con- 
 sidered how, in the cortes of Ferdinand, King of Leon, the 
 Count's vote was the first, his arm the strongest in battle. 
 All that seemed small to him in the presence of so great an 
 injury, the first that had been suffered by the blood of Lain 
 the Bald. From heaven he demanded justice ; from earth, 
 he demanded a field ; from his aged father, liberty to fight ; 
 from honor, courage and a strong arm. He is not disturbed 
 by his youth, fof from a child the valiant hidalgo is ac- 
 customed to the idea of dying in an affair of honor. . . . He 
 takes the old sword of one of his ancestors: 'You have 
 found a second master,' said he, ' as brave as the first. — 
 Come, let us go to the field, for it is time to give Count 
 Lozano the punishment merited by his infamous words and 
 his hand.' " The Cid avenges his father by killing the father 
 of Ximena, who first entreats the king for his death, then, 
 won by the splendor of his valor, herself asks his hand. 
 " His fidelity to the King Don Sancho ; the death of that 
 king assassinated beneath the walls of Zamora ; the ac- 
 cession of Don Sancho's brother, Don Alfonso ; the Cid's 
 haughty refusal to take the oath of allegiance, so long as the 
 king will not declare himself a stranger to the death of the 
 brotb'ir whose crown he takes ; the docility of the king, 
 forced to obey so powerful a subject, and to swear, per- 
 haps, to a falsehood in order to obtain in return the oath of 
 the Cid ; the persecutions stirred up by that hero ; his 
 exile ; his victories ; his place of retreat among the Moors ; 
 his marriage to a second Ximena ; his new exploits ; the 
 marriage of his daughters and the affront offered them ; his 
 vengeance ; the glory of his old age ; the kings of the East 
 who sent him ambassadors and presents ; his death ; his 
 body placed in full armor upon his famous horse Babiega, 
 and this lifeless body gaining a last victory, and putting the 
 enemy to flight ; such is the course of events in the epic 
 of the Cid."— (Villemain.)
 
 53° THE LAST CENTURIES. [BOOK X. 
 
 While Castile, the Asturias, and Valencia were singing 
 the glories of the Cid in poems purely national, Aragon and 
 Catalonia, which were more nearly connected with Europe 
 and especially with the South of France, came under the 
 influence of Provence. The gay science had taken the place 
 of arms and tournaments in the affections of the princes and 
 nobles : " all seemed to be jugglers " {jongleurs). Professors 
 in the art came from Provence, and a solemn embassy was 
 sent to the king of France on the subject. The day of 
 Provenfale poetry was as short-lived on the south of the 
 Pyrenees as on the north ; it perished in Aragon, and it 
 was the Castilian school which sent forth the great Spanish 
 poets of later days. 
 
 The dramatic genius of the Lope de Vegas and the Cal- 
 derons, so strange and so bold, already had its forerunner 
 in the well-known Spanish Jew of the fourteenth century, 
 with his odd name, Don Santo Rabby, who in a piece called 
 TJie Universal Dance introduces Death on the scene, who 
 speaks these words : " I am Death, and come inevitably to 
 all who are or are to be in the world. I call each one and 
 I say : ' Alas ! why are you so anxious for this life so short, 
 which tarries but an instant, since there is no giant so 
 strong that he can guard against my bow ? It is right for 
 you to die when I hit you with my cruel arrow.' " The 
 dance begins : and Death points out two beautiful young 
 girls : " Neither their flowers, nor their roses, nor their finery 
 can protect them. If they could, they would be glad to part 
 from me ; but that is not possible, they are my betrothed." 
 
 There were many fine monuments of Spanish prose pro- 
 duced in the fourteenth century. El Conde Lucanor, a col- 
 lection of stories related to a sovereign by his minister, to 
 teach him what to do on any difficult occasion, and where 
 we see both the Spanish dignity and the allegorical tendency 
 of the Arabs ; also the chronicle of Ayala, who has given a 
 severely simple and forcible history of a period attended 
 by great bloodshed, the period when two kings of the name 
 of Peter the Cruel reigned in Castile and in Aragon, 
 and when France and England, represented by Du Gues- 
 clin and the Black Prince, interfered in the affairs of the 
 Peninsula. 
 
 Aragon also had a curious historical monument in the 
 chronicle of Ramon Muntaner, an aged Catalonian who had 
 waged an adventurous warfare in nearly every European
 
 Chap. XXXIII. ] LITERA TURES AND INVENTIONS. 531 
 
 country, as was customary among his compatriots in the 
 thirteenth century, and who, when he had retired to his 
 castle, bethought himself of writing his memoirs, like Ville- 
 hardouin and Joinville. 
 
 The Portuguese language, like the Spanish, is closely re- 
 lated to the Latin language, and it, too, is to a certain ex- 
 tent but a Latin dialect. Doubtless if the whole peninsula had 
 made one state, the Portuguese would have been absorbed 
 and have counted only as di patois. Political circumstances, 
 which made Portugal a kingdom, made her language also a 
 separate language. Her poetry, like that of Aragon, owed 
 its origin to the troubadours ; Henry of Burgundy, on whom 
 Alfonso VL bestowed the country of Portugal, brought many 
 of them in his train. , The Portuguese spirit already differed 
 from the Spanish spirit in its greater refinement and greater 
 sweetness. The Cid is the national subject of the Spaniards ; 
 one might almost say that Inez de Castro holds the same 
 place among the Portuguese ; they delighted in developing, 
 until the day when Camoens forever consecrated it in his 
 verses, the touching story of a lover's fidelity even beyond 
 the tomb. Revery, that delicate flower, opened its petals 
 on the shores of that beautiful country when nightly the sun 
 disappeared in the vast ocean, so full of mystery. Bernard 
 de Ribeiro, a poet of the fifteenth century, tells us of a 
 young girl, dreaming in this way, on a lonely mountain, 
 whence she saw " how the earth vanishes into the waters 
 and how the sea stretches out from shore, to end where no 
 eye shall see it," that sea already plowed by the Portuguese 
 vessels. 
 
 The national languages, found on all sides, showed the 
 existence of nations and had already produced distinct lit- 
 eratures; but the intellectual movement of 
 ^!car\\udlis^^' modern times was saved from being isolated 
 by the study of the works of antiquity. It 
 not only overflowed our different literatures with the treas- 
 ures of the art and science of the ancients, but it gave them 
 a common ground of ideas and inspiration. It paved the 
 way for the intellectual unity of modern times. 
 
 The last moment of the Middle Ages is precisely the mo- 
 ment when the ancients were born again, so to speak, and 
 became the object of an impassioned and wisely conducted 
 study. Two great writers, Petrarch and Boccaccio, were 
 very instrumental in this revival. Petrarch gave the word
 
 532 THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 for the vigorous research for the remains of classic times, 
 which made the discovery of a manuscript of almost equal 
 importance with the conquest of a city. Poggio Bracciolini, 
 in 1414, discovered in an abandoned tower of the monastery 
 of St. Gall a copy of Quintilian, together with a part of the 
 works of Valerius Flaccus, also Silius Italicus, twelve come- 
 dies of Plautus, Lucretius, Columella, TertuUian, Ammianus 
 Marcellinus, etc. A bishop of Lodi discovered Cicero's trea- 
 tises on Rhetoric. Among the indefatigable seekers for 
 buried treasure, we may also mention Filelfo, Laurentius 
 Valla, Nicolo Nicoli, Leonardo Aretino, etc. 
 
 At the same time, professors of Greek came across from 
 Greece herself. Petrarch had studied this language. Boc- 
 caccio induced Leontius Pilatus to leave Thessalonica and 
 open a public course of lectures on Homer in Florence. 
 At the end of the fourteenth century, Emmanuel Chrysoloras 
 went to Florence to lecture on Greek literature. He was 
 followed by Bessario, Theodore of Gaza, George of Tre- 
 bizond, and Gemistius Pletho. Constantinople, even after 
 her capture, sent Lascaris and Musurus to the West. The 
 popes, the kings of Naples, and the Medicis all opened their 
 arms to the learned foreigners. 
 
 This zeal was greatest in Italy, but it soon gained pos- 
 session of the other countries. Charles V. of France had 
 the classics translated, and in 1456 Tifernas went to Paris 
 to give lessons in Greek. 
 
 The German universities, founded in the fourteenth cen- 
 tury at Prague (1348), at Vienna* (13S6), at Erfurt (1392), 
 and after 1400, at Wurtzburg, Leipzig, Ingolstadt, and Ros- 
 tock, entered eagerly into the movement of classical study 
 under the lead of learned men such as Rudolf Agricola, 
 Conrad Weissel, and John Reuchlin. England kept alive 
 the flame of classical learning in the great schools of Win- 
 chester and Eton, founded, the first about 1387, the second 
 in 1440, and there is proof of the fact that, toward the mid- 
 dle of the fifteenth century, Latin versification was already 
 taught there. In Spain, Ayala translated Livy, and John 
 de Mena studied the art of poetry in the works of Ovid, 
 Propertius, Tibullus, and Juvenal. 
 
 * The date of Vienna is doubtful. Denifle, Universitaten, i, p. 624, 
 concludes tliat it was founded in 1365 and reorganized in 1384. Heidel- 
 berg (1386) and Cologne (1389) should be added. — Ed.
 
 Chap. XXXIIL] LITERATURES AND INVENTIONS. S33 
 
 The libraries of the Middle Ages were very limited. 
 Charles V. increased St. Louis's library to the number of 900 
 volumes. The University of Oxford received 
 pffJuin^g, en- ^oo volumcs from the Duke of Gloucester, 
 graving, g'un- brother of the king, in 1440 ; 120 of their num- 
 pow er. ^^^ were estimated to be worth looo pounds 
 
 sterling. In 142 1, the Elector Palatine bequeathed to the 
 University of Heidelberg his collection comprising 152 vol- 
 umes. Those were the most important libraries owned by 
 universities and princes, a poor supply indeed. But sud- 
 denly three men of ISIainz, Furst, Schaeffer, and Gut- 
 enberg, invented a mechanical method of endlessly and 
 rapidly reproducing the works which had taken the hand 
 of the copyist a vast amount of time to reproduce one 
 single time. The first idea of this great invention was 
 gained, it has been said, from playing cards. From 
 playing cards advance had been made to vignettes, re- 
 representing the saints and accompanied by a few ex- 
 planatory words. A block of wood was used, on which 
 the figures or the letters were cut. The Dutch insist that 
 Coster, of Harlem, was the first to use movable characters ; 
 the merit of which has been bestowed upon Gutenberg and 
 his companions by common consent.* Between 1450 and 
 1455, they printed at Mainz an edition of the Vulgate called 
 the Bible of forty-two lines [called also the Mazarin Bible.] 
 Before the end of the fifteenth century, almost all the 
 classics which had survived destruction had been printed. 
 In 1452, a Florentine goldsmith, named Finiguerra, in- 
 vented the art of reproducing pictures by engraving upon 
 metal ; the discovery of engraving by means of acids soon 
 followed. A little earlier, in 141 r, Van Eyck employed, on 
 great pictures upon which he was engaged in Ghent, a sicca- 
 tive oil which had been known as early as the year 1328, and 
 which, consequently, he did not invent, but which, when it 
 came into general use, revolutionized the art of painting. 
 Before that time they had painted in distemper, in fresco, 
 in gum, in glue, or in the white of eggs ; the use of oil in 
 grinding colors was well known, but they did not resort to 
 that process, because they did not know how to dry the 
 
 * Consult the article " Typography " in vol. xxiii. of the Encyclopaedia 
 Britannica, by J. H. Hessels. His conclusion in favor of the claims of 
 Coster has not been universally accepted. — Ed.
 
 534 THE LAST CENTURIES. [Book X. 
 
 paints. After Van Eyck, the world was ready for great 
 painters ; the instrument for their genius was ready to their 
 hand. 
 
 The art of war also suffered a complete change by the 
 introduction of gunpowder. It is nearly certain that this 
 discovery was given to Europe by the Saracens. An 
 Arabian author relates, about the year 1249, that powder 
 was used in the machines of war. At the beginning of the 
 fourteenth century cannon, or rather mortars, were invented. 
 Edward III. possibly used them at Crecy ; though they 
 are not mentioned by Froissart, the testimony of Villani, 
 who wrote two years later, appears to be decisive. He 
 attributes the most extraordinary effects to the ''bombards " 
 of Edward III.: " It seemed," said he, " as if God thundered 
 with a great destruction of men and horses." They did 
 not know, as yet, how to make practical use of it on the 
 battle-field, and they used it more in sieges and naval 
 battles ; it was used at Chioggia. The French made great 
 improvements in their artillery, which gained them a supe- 
 riority confirmed by the success of Charles VII. over the 
 English. The invention of the arquebus or " hand cannon " 
 dates from the beginning of the fifteenth century. 
 
 Infantry, or the plebeian part of the army, by the use of the 
 pike regained an importance which it had not enjoyed since 
 the time of the Roman. It was owing to their deep ranks 
 of foot-soldiers, armed with pikes, that the Swiss had been 
 enabled to conquer the Austrians and had begun to make 
 themselves formidable enemies. While the pike joined to 
 the arquebus, forming the modern musket, made all men 
 equal on the field of battle, and the effect of the absolute 
 monarchy was to reduce all to equality before the law, the 
 invention of printing prepared the way for general intel- 
 lectual equality. These were all signs of the new age about 
 to appear. 
 
 THE END.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Aachen, 192 
 
 Aarhus, foundation of bishopric of, 193 
 
 Abbas family, 92 
 
 Abbassides, the, 91-93, 97 ; exhaustion, 
 of, 263 ; empire of, m Asia, 264 
 
 Abbo, 227 
 
 Abdallah, 77, 93, 94 
 
 Abdalmumen, 301 
 
 Abd-el-Melek, 88 
 
 Abd-el-Muttalib, grandfather of Mo- 
 hammed, 77 
 
 Abderrahman I., escape from massacre 
 of Ommiads, 93; rule of, 98; builds 
 mosque at Cordova, and palace of 
 Al-Tehra, 103 
 
 Abderrahman II., 98 
 
 Abderrahman III., 98, 297; invades 
 Aquitania, 108; revolt of wali of 
 Barcelona against, 128 
 
 Abelard, 248, 326, 329 
 
 Aben-Abed, 301 
 
 Ablution, 84 
 
 Abo, founding of the town, 484 
 
 Abodriti, 126, 130 
 
 " Abomination of Monks, The," 513 
 
 Abraha-el-Djadan, 74 
 
 Abraham, 73; prophet of God, 82; Mo- 
 hammedan descent from, 277 
 
 Abu Bekr, friend of Mohammed, 77, 81, 
 84,85 
 
 Abu-Giaffar Almanssur, 94 
 
 Abul-Abbas, 93 
 
 Abulfeda, 102 
 
 Abu-Obeidah, takes Damascus, 85 
 
 Abu-Talib, 77-70 
 
 Abyssinia, 72 ; night of Mohammed's 
 followers to, 78 
 
 Abyssians, invade Yemen, 74; defeat of, 
 by Chosroes, 74 
 
 Achaia, Prince of, 281 
 
 Achilles of the Cambrians, the, 41 
 
 Acids, art of engraving by, 533 
 
 Acre, capture of, 27a 
 
 Adalbero, 175 (note), 176, 316 
 
 Adalbert, 194 
 
 Adam, prophet of God, 82 
 
 Adelgis, 124 
 
 Adelheid, 194-196 
 
 Adelwald, 115 
 
 Aden, 73 
 
 Adhemar, 267 
 
 Adolf, brother of Alaric, 21 
 
 Adolf of Nassau, 369, 370, 466, 468 
 
 Adrian, vallum of, 40 
 
 Adrian IV., 350; humiliates Frederick 
 Barbarossa, 506 
 
 Adrianople, battle of, 17; taken by Am- 
 urath, 495; battle between Christians 
 and Turks near, 496; e.xecution of pre- 
 tender at, 499; cannon foundry estab- 
 lished at, 502; Amurath II. dies at, 
 502 
 
 Adriatic Sea, the, 14, 17, 219, 221, 267, 
 278, 449, 454, 458, 490, 497, 500; Alaric's 
 position on, 19; marriage of the, 279 
 
 Advocatus, office of, 193, 207 
 
 yEgean Sea, harassed by Gaiseric, 23 
 
 ^gidius, 28, 2q; exiled, 58 
 
 ^land, 221 
 
 ^thelberht, favors St. Augustine, 115; 
 conversion of, 159 
 
 jEthelred, 180 
 
 ^thelred II., 163, 313 
 
 .iEthelstan, 162 
 
 ^tius, 22, 23, 41; defeats Attila, 24, 25; 
 marches against Attila, 25; defeats 
 Clodion, 28 
 
 Africa, 52, 54, 166, 221 ; pillage of, 13; 
 Roman Empire in, 17; Alaric's plans 
 against, 20; attempted invasion by 
 Walia, 21; invaded by Vandals, 22; 
 abandoned by the Romans, 23; rescued 
 from Vandals, 43 ; taken by Belisarius, 
 47; under the Tobbas, 74; Arabs dom- 
 inate northern coast, 88; the bound- 
 ary of Arab empire, 91; under Abbas- 
 sides, 93; revolt from Arab yoke, 95, 
 96; Fatimite rule over, 97, 264; fate 
 of Arabian empire in, 99; given over 
 to Saracens, 295; fresh invasion of 
 Spain from, 300; commerce of Nov- 
 gorod with, 319; death of Alfonso in, 
 368; Portugal's interest in, 481 
 
 Agde, council of, 113 
 
 Agenois, 345; Raymond VII.'s interest 
 in, 361; ceded to England, 364, 405 
 
 Agila, 48 
 
 Agiloliings, the, 127 
 
 Agilulf, 39, 114 
 
 Agincourt, battle of, 423 
 
 535
 
 536 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Aglabites, the, 96, 97, 166 
 
 Agnani, seizure of Boniface VIII. at, 
 
 378 
 Agnes, dowager queen of Hungary, 467 
 Agnes, Empress, 240 
 Agnes of Meran, 359 
 Agora, the, zo6 
 Agricola, 165 
 Ahkaf, 73 
 Aids, 203 
 Aigues-Mortes, St. Louis embarks for 
 
 Palestine at, 284, 285; commune of, 
 
 366 
 Air-pump, discovery of, 330 
 Aisne, River, 59, 174 
 Aistulf, 120 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, 132, 174, 175, 192, 233, 
 
 250, 472: Charlemagne's residence, 
 
 133; prosperity of, 315 
 Alznadin, battle of, 85 
 Akaba, Gulf of, 72 
 Akbah, advance to the Atlantic, 88 
 Akindji, the, 495 
 Alacab, battle of. 302 
 Al-Almin,name of honor of Mohammed, 
 
 Alamannians, amendment of laws of, 
 61 
 
 Alani, the, 16 
 
 Alans, 29; attack on Western Empire, 
 18; southern march of, 19; wars in 
 Spain, 21 
 
 Alarcos, battle of, 302 
 
 Alaric, 19, 35, 40; attack on Empire of 
 the West, 18; position on the Adriatic, 
 19; third attack on Rome, 20; head of 
 Roman armies, 20; crosses the Alps, 
 20; death of, 20; burial of, 20, 21; 
 havoc wrought by, 28 
 
 Alaric 11., 35; alliance with Clovis, 29 
 
 Albania, recognizes Amurath II., 500; 
 overrun by Amurath II., 501 
 
 Albert I. of Austria, 370, 466-468 
 
 Albert II. of Austria, 474, 491 
 
 Albert of Mecklenburg, becomes king 
 of Sweden, 484; defeated by Margaret 
 of Denmark, 485 
 
 Albert the Bear, 247 and note. 
 
 Albert the Great, 326, 330 
 
 Albi, 292 
 
 Albigenses, war with the, 281, 282, 289, 
 290, 292, 302, 333, 356, 360, 374, 479 
 
 Albizzi, the, 453 
 
 Alboin, career of, 38 
 
 Albornoz, 453 
 
 Albret, house of, Navarre passes to, 479 
 
 Alcantara, military order of, 302 
 
 Alchemy, 331 and note 
 
 Alcohol, discovery of, 102 
 
 Alcuin, 136, 137, 223 
 
 Aleinanni, 107, 189; movements of, 11; 
 possessions of, 29; conquered by 
 Clovis, 30; influence of Theodoric 
 over, 35; tendency towards inde- 
 pendence, 106; expeditions against, 
 119; stop Widukind, 125; preserve 
 their laws, 139; boast of subjection to 
 Franks, 140 
 
 Alemannia, 189, 218; appropriated to 
 King Charles, 143 
 
 Alemannians, law of, 62 
 
 Alemannic federation, 189 
 
 Aleppo, surrender of, to Arabs, 86; 
 burned by Timur, ^99; towers built of 
 human heads by Timur, 499 
 
 Alexander the Great, 88, 230, 232, 334, 
 488 
 
 Alexander Bey. See Scanderberg 
 
 Alexander II., Pope, 183 
 
 Alexander III., Pope, 251; meeting with 
 Frederick I., 252, 279; action towards 
 emancipation of serfs, 316; decretals 
 of, 507 
 
 Alexander IV., Pope, 387, 444 
 
 Alexander V., Pope, elected, 512; dis- 
 solves Council of Pisa, 513 
 
 Alexander of Hales, 330 
 
 Alexandria, 458; capture of, 53; siege 
 of, 87; an apostolic see, no; commerce 
 of, 322; devastated by king of Cyprus, 
 496 
 
 Alexandria (Italy), built, 251 and note; 
 stops Frederick I.'s progress, 252 
 
 Alexandrian school, 100 
 
 Alexius, Emperor, 221 
 
 Alexius (Comnenus), crusader allies 
 of, 267; dread of the crusaders, 267, 
 268; guides crusaders to Constanti- 
 nople, 280 
 
 Al-Farabi, 100 
 
 Alfonso I. (of Aragon), conquers Sara- 
 gossa, 300 
 
 Alfonso I. of Portugal, victory over 
 Mussulmans, 301 
 
 Alfonso II., 296 
 
 Alfonso III., reign of, 297; forms alli- 
 ance with Navarre, 297; grants privi- 
 lege of union, 481 
 
 Alfonso v., 479; gives code to Leon, 480 
 
 Alfonso V. (of Aragon), 455 
 
 Alfonso VI., 529; homage demanded by 
 Gregory VII., 299; erects county of 
 Portugal, 300; conquers Toledo, 301; 
 defeated at Ucles, 301 
 
 Alfonso X., 461, 528; defeated at Alarcos, 
 301, 302; reign of, 476, 477 ; favors eccle- 
 siastical jurisdiction, 508 
 
 Alfonso XI., 477, 480 
 
 Alfonso of Poitiers, 363 
 
 Alfonso of Poitou, 361-363 
 
 Alfred the Great, rule of, 159-162 
 
 Algarve, annexed to Portugal, 303 
 
 Algebra, loi 
 
 Algeziras, independence of, 99 
 
 Algiers, capture of, 477 
 
 Al-Hakam II.. 98 
 
 Alhambra, the, 103 
 
 Al-Husein, 93 
 
 All, 77, 78, 85, 87, 97 
 
 Alice, daughter of Geoffrey, 354 
 
 Alides, the, 92. 97 
 
 Alienation, right of, 203 
 
 Alighieri. See Danth. 
 
 Aljubarotta, battle of, 481 
 
 Al-Kindi, 100 
 
 Al-Koran. See Koran. 
 
 k
 
 INDEX. 
 
 537 
 
 Allah, worship of, 75 
 
 Allegory, 525 
 
 Allerton, battle of the Standard, 346 
 
 Alliteration, 524, 525 
 
 Allodial lands, 208 and note. 
 
 Al-Mamun, 95, loi 
 
 Almanssur,94, 95; advances education, 
 
 lOI 
 
 Almanzor, 98, 297, 298 
 
 Almohades, the, loi, 300, 301, 302, 303 
 
 Almoravids, the, 300, 303 
 
 Al-Moumenin. Emir, 355 
 
 Alost, siege of, 345 
 
 Alp-Arslan (Alp the Lion), 263, 264 
 
 Alphart, 338 
 
 Alps, the, 19, 20, 31, 38, 113,' 120, 124, 
 146, 150, 167, 168, 180, 188, 195, 197, 
 218, 219, 247-249, 267, 320, 340, 380, 407, 
 448, 451, 465, 468; Burgundian bound- 
 ary, 29; Theodoric's movements in, 
 34; ravaged by Saracens, 149 
 
 Alpujarras, the, 476 
 
 Alsace, 143, 218, 462, 464, 467; in hands 
 of Allemanni, 29; incursions of Hun- 
 garians, 168; Philip of, 352; chronicles 
 of, 526 
 
 Al-Sirat, bridge of, 82 
 
 Al-Tehra, palace of, 103 
 
 Altheim, Diet of, 190 
 
 Alvaro de Luna, 478 
 
 Amalaric, 33, 35 
 
 Amalasuntha, 38, 48 
 
 Amal family, 34 
 
 Amalfi, 39, 194, 322; threatened by Sar- 
 acens, 166; commerce of, 320, 458 
 
 Amaury, 295 
 
 Ambrosian chant, the, 116 
 
 Ambrosius, 41 
 
 America, 166; discovery of, 164, 165; in- 
 vaded by Norsemen, 483 
 
 Amiens, county of, 216; commune of, 
 309, 310; commerce of, 322; acquired 
 by Philip Augustus, 352, 358 ; assembly 
 at, 388 
 
 Ammianus, 532 
 
 Ammianus Marcellinus, 14 
 
 Amru, action in Egypt, 86, 87 
 
 Amsterdam, creation of port, 321 
 
 Amurath L, 494-496 
 
 Amurath IL, rule of, 499-502 
 
 Anagni, treaty of, 479 
 
 Anarchy, 211, 215 
 
 Anastasius, 32, 36, 44, 45; recognizes 
 Theodoric, 35; rebuilding of wall of, 
 50 
 
 Anatolia, 53 
 
 Anbar, kingdom of, 73 
 
 Anchorites, iii 
 
 Ancient history, end of, i 
 
 Ancyra, taken by Amurath, 495; battle 
 of, 499 
 
 Andelle, the, 158 
 
 Andelot, treaty of, 58, 60, 69 
 
 Andelys, death of Balliol at, 390 
 
 " Andover Review," 200 (note). 
 
 Andrew IL, 491 ; conducts fifth crusade, 
 282 
 
 Andrew of Hungary, 455 
 
 Andrews, , " Institutes of General 
 
 History," 200, note. 
 
 Andronicus II. , reign of, 492 
 
 Andronicus III., 492, 493 
 
 Andros, taken by Venetians, 279 
 
 Angelical crown, the, 489 
 
 Angelo, Michel, 458 
 
 Angelus, Isaac, 280 
 
 Angers, study of law in, 317 
 
 Angevin, 444, 446 
 
 Angevine dynasty, 455 
 
 Anghiari, battle of, 456 
 
 Angles, the, 11; invade Great Britain, 
 40, 42; summoned against Picts, 41 
 
 Angilbert, 136, 137 
 
 Anglo-Sa.xons, 62; missions to, 58; law 
 of. 62 
 
 Anglo-Saxon heptarchy, 40 
 
 Anglo-Saxon language, tenacity of, 523 
 
 Anglo-Saxon monarchy, 162 
 
 Angouleme, ceded to Jane of Evreux, 
 394; claimed by Charles the Bad, 398, 
 399; expels English garrison, 409 
 
 Angoumois, 345,405 
 
 Angrians, the, 124 
 
 Aniane, St. Benedict of, 112; 288, note. 
 
 Anicia family, the, 114 
 
 Anjou, 350; Henry II. 's claim on, 346; 
 surrenders to Arthur, 353; occupied 
 by Philip Augustus, 354; acquired by 
 Philip Augustus, 358; acquired by 
 Charles of Provence, 362; Louis IX. 's 
 rights in, 364; acquires Languedoc, 
 407 
 
 Anjou, Charles of. See Charles of 
 Anjou. 
 
 Anjou, Count of, 178, 179, 216, 236, 344, 
 345; acknowledges Hugh Capet, 176. 
 
 Anjou, county of, 217 
 
 Anjou, Duke of, 417, 455; conquers 
 Montpelier, 410; mounts throne of 
 Naples, 444 
 
 Anjou, House of, 447; receives crown of 
 Hungary, 491; dispute the kingdom 
 of Naples with Alfonso V., 479 
 
 Anjou, Margaret of. See Margaret of 
 Anjou. 
 
 Anjou, Ren^ of. See R^nS of Anjou. 
 
 Annates, creation of, 510 
 
 Antar, Arabian poet, 76 
 
 Anthemius, 26 
 
 Antilles, the, 323 
 
 Antioch, 44; taken by Chosroes, 46 
 surrender of, 85; an apostolic see, no 
 plague in, 269; second siege of, 269 
 principality of, 271; Louis VII. ar^ 
 rives at, 274; Prince of, 274 
 
 Antonines, the, 51 
 
 Apennines, 20, 48 
 
 Appanages, distinguished from fiefs, 43S 
 
 Appeal, right of, 205 
 
 Apulia, 256, 259; duchy of, 220; under 
 suzerainty of Leo IX., 236; Count of, 
 236 
 
 Aquileia, 34; destruction of, 25; mon- 
 astery of, 112 
 
 Aquitaine, 35, 60, 172; granted to thq 
 Goths, 22; partition of, 32; Duke of.
 
 538 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 90, 217, 344, 345; conquered by Pippin, 
 120; subjugation of, 121; Louis king 
 of, 128; Louis crowned king, 133; 
 erection of kingdom of, 141; taken 
 from Pippin, and given to Charles, 
 143; handed over to Charles, 144; in- 
 dependence of, 149; fickleness of, 
 149 ; formation of kingdom, 155 ; 
 asylum for Louis IV., 173; given 
 to Duke of France. 173; supports 
 Hugh Capet, 176; division of, 217; 
 duchy of, 345 ; Henry H.'s claim 
 on, 546; acquired by Richard L, 350; 
 hostility to France, 363; Duke Rich- 
 ard of, 360; oppression of, 408; yielded 
 to England, 430 
 
 Aquitanians, the, 107, iiS; tendency 
 towards independence, 106; alliance 
 with Neustrians, 106, 107; expedition 
 against, 119; Charlemagne's campaign 
 against, 123; subjugation of, 130; 
 boast of subjection to Franks, 140; 
 at battle of Fontenay, 145 
 
 Arabesques, 102 
 
 Arabia, 8, 53, 72, 73, 96; unity of, 80, 85 
 
 Arabia Deserta, 72 
 
 Arabia Felix, 72 
 
 Arabian empire, weakness of, 92; fate 
 of, 99 
 
 Arabian Gulf, 73 
 
 Arabia Petraea, 72 
 
 Arabic numbers, loi 
 
 Arabs, 129, 130; menace to Rome, lo; 
 overthrow Visigoths, 22; attack the 
 Greek Empire, 43: characteristics of, 
 71; attack on the Empire of the East, 
 72; power of, 73 j poetry among, 76; 
 religious and civil institutions of, 76; 
 law of, 83; acquire maritime power, 
 88 ; dominate northern coast of Africa, 
 88; poetical literature of, 99; foreign 
 influence on, 100; skill as artisans, 103; 
 divisions among, 123; action against 
 Charlemagne, 127; influence in Italy, 
 194; harass Italy, 220; attack Sicily, 
 220; menace Roman Empire, 221; 
 science among, 225; success of Greeks 
 against, 263; expelled from France, 
 29s; invasion of Spain, 296; fall of 
 empire in Spain, 298; language of, 
 527. 528 
 
 Aragon, 98, 220, 299, 369, 507; false coin- 
 age in, 254; Innocent IV. asks asy- 
 lum in, 258; rule of House of Barce- 
 lona, 292; junction with Barcelona 
 and Navarre, 296; given to Ramiro, 
 298; increase of^ power of, 302; foun- 
 dation of, 303; rn coalition against 
 France, 363; cession of Catalonia and 
 Rousillon to, 364; Philip IIL's aspi- 
 rations concerning, 368; given to 
 France, 374; represented at Congress 
 of Arras, 430; Philip III. driven from, 
 447; victories of, 476; disturbances 
 in^ 478; institutions of, 479, 480; united 
 with Navarre, 479; acquires Sardinia, 
 479; remarkable oath in, 481; cortes 
 in, 481; lack of unity in, 481; peo- 
 
 ple released from oath of allegiance, 
 507; reign of Peter the Cruel, 530; 
 influence of Provence on, 530; poetry 
 of. S3I 
 
 Aragon, House of, acquires Naples, 447 
 
 Aragon, king of, 447, 456; cedes Sicily 
 to Robert, 454 
 
 Aral, Lake, 498 
 
 Aramea, 73 
 
 Arbogast, 7 
 
 Arbrissel, Robert d', 214 
 
 Arc, Jacques d', 426 
 
 Arc, Jeanne d\ See Joan of Arc. 
 
 Arcadia, 18 
 
 Arcadius, 17, iB, 22, 43 
 
 Arch-chamberlain, office of, 472 
 
 Arch-cupbearer, office of, 471 
 
 Archery in England, 393 
 
 Archipelago, the, 221, 280,449; commerce 
 of, 320; limit of Timur's ravages, 499 
 
 Architecture, 232, 233, 458; Arabian, 
 102; Arabian, 103; rise of Gothic, 339, 
 340 
 
 Arch-marshal, office of, 472 
 
 Arch-steward, office of, 472 
 
 Ardeche, 146 
 
 Ardennes, 146, 150 
 
 Arduin, proclaimed king of Italy, 197; 
 overthrown, 197 
 
 Aretino, 457 
 
 Aretino, Leonardo, 532 
 
 Arezzo, 450 
 
 Argonauts, the, 334 
 
 Argonne, mountains of, 146 
 
 Argos, captured by Turks, 497 
 
 Arians, 30, 31; persecution of, 37; op- 
 position of Clovis to, 374 
 
 Ariba, the, 73 
 
 Aribert, 198 
 
 Aristotle, 100, 136, 228, 328 
 
 Aries, 35, 116, 178, 198; province of, 
 113; icing of, 154; pillaged by Sara- 
 cens, 167; in Holy Roman Empire, 
 218; separated from empire, 218; 
 boundaries of, 219; municipal institu- 
 tions in, 307; commerce of, 320 
 
 Armagnac, Count of, 421, 455 
 
 Armagnacs, the, 422-424 
 
 Armenia, 46; acquisitions of Theodosius 
 II. in, 44; alliance with Heraclius, 52; 
 conquered by Turks, 264; crusaders 
 unite with Cnristians of, 268: king of, 
 496; Timur's conquests in, 498 
 
 Armenian soldiers, 3 
 
 Armorial bearings, rise of, 288 
 
 Armorica, independence of, 29 
 
 Armorican cycle of epics, 230 
 
 Armoricans, 31 
 
 Army, Roman, 7 
 
 Arno River, 458 
 
 Arnold of Brescia, 248, 456; burned, 249 
 
 Arnold of Mclchthal, 467 
 
 Arnolfo di Cambio, 458 
 
 Arnulf, 60, 68, 155, 188: attacks Slavs, 
 168; favors Charles III., 172; alliance 
 with Swabians, 190 
 
 Arpad, 168, 489; male line extinct, 491 
 
 Arquebus, influence of the, 534
 
 INDEX. 
 
 539 
 
 Arras, 34^4; congress of, 430; treaty of ,430 
 
 Arrifere-hefs, 217 
 
 Arsaces, 44 
 
 Arsacides, successors of, 86, note. 
 
 " Ars Magna," 331 
 
 Art, under Roman Empire, 8 
 
 Artevelde, James van, 395, 397 
 
 Artevelde, Philip van, 418 
 
 Arthur of England, 353, 354 
 
 Arthur, Xing', 41, 230 
 
 Artois, acquired by Philip Augustus, 
 358; Count of, 362; Robert III., of, 
 394; Edward III.'s campaign in, 399; 
 inherited by Philip the Bold, 418 
 
 Arts, Arab influence on, gg 
 
 Arundel, Earl of, executed, 414 
 
 Asab, the, 495 
 
 Ascalon, battle of, 271 
 
 Aschmun, canal of, 284 
 
 Asia, 49, 262; under Roman empire, i; 
 proconsulate of, 3; vicarship of, 3; 
 menace to Rome, 10; central, 16; pro- 
 tection to Christians in, 43; under the 
 Tobbas, 74; under Abbassides, 93; 
 fate of Arabian empire in, 99; con- 
 templated expeditions against, 196; 
 empire of the Abbassides, 264; in 
 hands of Turks, 264; Christian in- 
 vasion of, 264; entered by the cru- 
 saders, 268; feudalism carried into, 
 271; entered by Frederick I., 276; 
 Castle of, built, 502 
 
 Asia Minor, 17, 52, 53, 221; invaded by 
 Persians, 52; crossed by IVIussulmans, 
 88; Arab advances towards, 88; 
 boundary of Arab invasion, go; con- 
 quered by Turks, 264; entered by 
 crusaders, 268; difficulties of Ger- 
 man army in, 276; mostly in posses- 
 sion of Turks, 492; appearance of 
 Osman in, 493; Bajazet's expedi- 
 tions into, 497; Turkish capture of 
 Greek towns, 497; falls into hands 
 of Tartars, 499 
 
 Asiatics, activity of, n 
 
 Assassins, the, 213, 285 
 
 Assemblies of Estates, 191, 489 
 
 Asseuretnent^ the, 358 and note, 365 
 
 Assizes, under Charlemagne, 135 
 
 Assizes of Jerusalem, 271 and note. 
 
 Asti, 18 
 
 Astorga, taken by Almanzor, 297 
 
 Astrology, 331 
 
 Astronomy, Arabian, loi 
 
 Asturians, 529; advance to Leon, 297 
 
 Asturias, 132, 296, 297, 300; Suevian king- 
 dom in, 21; Arab advance to, 8g; 
 Christians in, g8; Council of, 298; 
 literature of, 530 
 
 Atabeks, capture Edessa, 272 
 
 Athalaric, 38, 48 
 
 Athanagild, 48, 55 
 
 Athaulf, 21 
 
 Athens, spared by Visigoths, 18; Duke 
 of, 281 
 
 Atlantic Ocean, 74, 323; Akbah ad- 
 vances to, 88; boundary of Arab em- 
 pire, 91 ; Hungarian advance to, 488 
 
 Atlas, 47 
 
 Atreus, tomb of, 339 
 
 Attalia, crusaders turn back at, 274 
 
 Attains, 20 
 
 Attendolo, Sforza, 456 
 
 Attica, devastated by Visigoths, 18 
 
 Attigny, assembly at, 142 
 
 Attila, 12, 34, 44, 113, 128, 167, 4g8; at- 
 tack on Western Empire, 18; invasion 
 of, 23-25; attempted assassination of, 
 24; boast of, 24; defeat of, 24, 25; es- 
 cape of, at M^ry-sur-Seine, 25; retreat 
 and death of, 25; havoc wrought by, 
 28; influence on Venice, 278 
 
 Auberoche, battle of, 397 
 
 Aue, Hartmann von der, 338 
 
 Augsburg, battle near, 189; battle of, 
 193, 488; Diet of, 241; presperity in, 
 315; commerce of, 320 
 
 Augustine, sent to England, 115 
 
 Augustinians, the, 289 
 
 Aunis, taken by Louis VIIL, 360; 
 ceded to Edward IIL, 405; battle 
 of, 406 
 
 Aurillac, 225 
 
 Aurora, Queen, 527 
 
 Auruvi coronariutn, s 
 
 Auscjilta Jili, bull, 376, 377 and note 
 
 Austrasia, 55, 57, 58, 106, 107; kingdom 
 taken by Theodoric, 33; war with 
 Neustria, 56; visited by Dagobert, 60; 
 reign of Sigibert, 66; persecution of 
 nobles in, 68; under Karlmann, 118; 
 Charlemagne on throne of, 123 
 
 Austrasian federation, 189 
 
 Austrasians, 32; victories of, 33; stop 
 Widukind, 125; advocates of unity, 
 140; at battle of Fontenay, 145 
 
 Austria, 218, 466, 488, 490, 491; organiza- 
 tion of, 169; foundation of, 193; mark- 
 graf of, obtains Bavaria, 247; made a 
 duchy, 247; passes to House of Haps- 
 burg, 247 (note); imprisonment of 
 Richard L in, 353; war with Swiss, 
 432; seized by Ottocar IL, 462; House 
 of, 470, 474; fear of Turks in, 497; 
 struggles with Switzerland, 526 
 
 Austria, Duke of , captures Richard I., 
 277 
 
 Austrians, cause of loss of Switzerland 
 to, 534 
 Autodidactus," the, loi 
 
 Autun, bishop of, 67; invades southern 
 France, 293 
 
 Auvergne, 345, 438; revolt and pillage 
 of, 33; sends out spoilers of churches, 
 292; acquisition by Philip Augustus, 
 35S; rights of Louis IX. in, 364; given 
 to Duke of Berry, 407; privations of 
 Duke of Lancaster in, 409; rising in, 
 417 
 
 Auvergne, Count of, 344, 362 
 
 Auxerre, 145; acquired by Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, 430 
 
 Auxerre, Count of, invades southern 
 France, 293 
 
 Avars, the, 15, 129,130, 167, 488, 489; allies 
 of Lombards, 38; driven beyond Dan-
 
 540 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ube,43; in Dacia,49; repulsed by Justin, 
 51 ; ravages of, 51 ; defeat in attack on 
 Constantinople, 52; alliance with the 
 Persians, 52; northern invasion of, 52; 
 defeated by Sigibert, 55; overthrown 
 by the Wends, 60; threaten Charle- 
 magne, 122; weakened condition of, 
 123; action againit Charlemagne, 127; 
 Charlemagne's campaigns against, 
 127, 128; internal discords, 128; Char- 
 lemagne's campaign against, 128; re- 
 bellion of,i42; overthrown by Franks, 
 490 
 
 Averroes, loi, 102 
 
 Aversa, principality of, 220 
 
 Avicenna, 100, 102 
 
 Avignon, 406, 449, 453; commerce of, 
 322; taken by Louis VIII., 360; ces- 
 sion to the Pope, 368; Clement V. 
 takes up residence at, 380; the Popes 
 in, 384, 509; recognition of Clement 
 VII. at, 417; Pope supported by 
 France, 423; hostility to Rome, 510; 
 siege of Benedict XIII. in, 511 
 
 Avitus, 26 
 
 " Avocat Patelin, 1'," 521 
 
 Avou^s, 207 
 
 Avranches, monastery at, 227 
 
 Ayala, 532; Chronicle of, 530 
 
 Azerbiyan, 52 
 
 Aznar, House of, 298 
 
 Azores, discovered, 482 
 
 Bab-el-Mandeb, 72 
 
 Babie9a, 529 
 
 Babylon, 20 
 
 Babylonia, 87, 92 
 
 Babylonian Captivity, the, 380, 417, 453, 
 509 
 
 Bacon, Roger, 326, 330, 331 and note 
 
 Badajoz, independence of, 99 
 
 Badon Hill, battle of, 41 
 
 Baetica, 21, 48 
 
 Bagdad, 94; downfall of the caliphate 
 of, 95; Fatimite rule over, 97; an in- 
 tellectual center, 99; astronomers of, 
 loi; empire of, 129; Zimisces' expedi- 
 tion against, 263; overthrow of the 
 Abbasides, 264; Caliph of, 265, 269; 
 taken by Hulagu, 283; entered by 
 Timur, 498; burnt by Timur, 499; ob- 
 elisk of human heads built by Timur, 
 
 „499 
 
 Bahrein, 73 
 
 Baian, 51, 127 
 
 Bajazet, holds Paleologus in subjection, 
 497; battle with Timur, 499; death, 
 4^9; builds Castle of Asia, 502 
 
 Baiazet Ilderim, rule of, 497-499 
 
 Balaam's Ass, represented in the Mys- 
 teries, 520 
 
 Baldwin, 267, 272; takes Edessa, 268; 
 contends with Tancred for Tarsus, 
 268 
 
 Baldwin II., 272 
 
 Baldwin IV., leads fourth crusade, 278; 
 made Emperor of Romania, 281 
 
 {ialearic Islands, 91, 129; seized by Gais- 
 
 eric, 23; taken by Belisarius, 47; in 
 possession of Saracens, 166; taken by 
 the Almoravides, 301 ; subdued by 
 James I., 303 
 
 Balkan Mountains, 17, 496 
 
 Ball, John, 412 and note, 413 
 
 Ballads, 526 
 
 Balliol, Edward, sent against David 
 Bruce, 395 
 
 Balliol, John, 370, 389, 390 
 
 Balthi, the, i8 
 
 Baltic Sea, 14, 17, 218, 221, 247, 290, 319- 
 321, 370, 483, 485, 486; explored by 
 Wulfstan, 165; commerce seized by 
 Hanseatic League, 483 
 
 Balzac, 519 
 
 Bamborough, 220 
 
 Ban, the, 65 
 
 Banal, the term, 204 (note) 
 
 Bandits, in Aragon, 98 
 
 Banks, 459 
 
 Bannockburn, battle of, 390 
 
 Baptism, 411; compulsory, 119; disputes 
 over, 262 
 
 Barabbas, in the Mysteries, 520 
 
 Barbarian world at end of fourth cen- 
 tury, 1-15 
 
 Barbarossa, Frederick, rule of, 249-253; 
 contrasted with Barbarossa, 255; hu- 
 miliated by Adrian IV., 506 
 
 Barcah, 93 
 
 Barcelona, 98, 131, 220; death of Ath- 
 aulf, 21; capture of, 128; wali of, 128; 
 Count of, 142, 296, 298; county of, 
 217; Frankish acquirements at, 296; 
 junction with Aragon and Navarre, 
 296; taken by Almanzor, 297; com- 
 merce of, 320; marches of, 479; pros- 
 perity of, 481 
 
 Barcelona, House of, 292, 302; becomes 
 extinct, 479 
 
 Bards, Welsh, 389 
 
 Barein, adhesion to Mohammed, 80 
 
 Bari, expulsion of Saracens from, 150; 
 taken by Saracens, 166; archbishop 
 of, elected Pope, 510 
 
 Barmecides, the, loi 
 
 Barnlock, the, 484 
 
 Baronies, 217 
 
 Barradi, River, 275 
 
 Barthelemy, Peter, 269 
 
 Bartolus, 458 
 
 Basel, 467; treaty of, 198; commerce of, 
 320; Council of, 473, 515 
 
 Basil II., 263 
 
 Basileus, title of, 132 
 
 Basilicas, rebuilding of, 224 
 
 Basques, invasion of Spain by, 406 
 
 Basse justice, court of, 205 
 
 Bassora, entered by Timur, 498 
 
 Batalha, convent of, 481 
 
 Batu, conquers Russia, 283 
 
 Baudricourt, 427 
 
 Bavaria, 144, 150, 189, 320, 461 (note), 
 466; delivered from Bulgarians, 60; 
 St. Rupert's mission to, 115; St. Bo- 
 niface in, 117; division into counties, 
 127; erection of kingdom, 141; attacked
 
 INDEX. 
 
 541 
 
 by Hungarians, 168; transferred to 
 Henry, 192; boundaries of, 218; under 
 Henry III., 235; given to the mark- 
 graf of Austria, 247; taken from Henry 
 the Lion, 252; prosperity in, 315 
 
 Bavaria, Duke of, 241; resists Otto, 192 
 
 Bavaria, House of, opposes Lothar, 246 
 
 Bavaria, Isabel of, 424 
 
 Bavaria, Lewis of, 451, 468, 469 
 
 Bavaria, Rupert of, 473 
 
 Bavarians, 107, 118; movements of, 11; 
 pay tribute to Theodoric, 35; amend- 
 ment of laws of ,61; law of, 62; Charles 
 Martel's campaigns against, 107; ex- 
 peditions against, 119; threaten Char- 
 lemagne, 122; subdued by Charle- 
 magne, 127; subjugation of, 127; 
 preserve their laws, 139; boast of sub- 
 jection to Franks, 140 
 
 Bayeux, Saxon occupation, 29; monas- 
 tery at, 227 
 
 Bayonne, in English possession, 410 
 
 Beaucaire, 360, 361; commerce of, 320; 
 fairs in, 322 
 
 Beauclerc, 343 
 
 Beaumanoir, 208, 209, 310, 316 
 
 Beatrice of Provence, 362 
 
 Beauvais, 29; bishop-count of, 217; 
 commune of, 308; Vincent of, 330; 
 abolition of commune, 366; Bishop 
 of, 42^ 
 
 Beauvaisis, 216 
 
 Bee, abbey of, 227, 228 
 
 Becket, Gilbert, 348 
 
 Becket, Matilda, 348 
 
 Becket, Rohesia, 348 
 
 Becket, Thomas S,, 347, 348, 371 (note), 
 
 374 
 
 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, 162 
 
 Bedford, Duke of, regency of, 425; 
 appoints Joan of Arc's trial, 429; 
 crowns Henry VI. at Paris, 430 
 
 Bedouins, give asylum to Abderrah- 
 man, 93 
 
 Bedr, battle of, 79 
 
 Begtaschi, the, 495 
 
 Beirut, capture of, 272 
 
 Belgium, ravaged by Attila, 24; Saxons 
 transported to, 125 
 
 Belgrade, 51 
 
 Belisarius, 26, 46; expedition to Africa, 
 47; career of, 47-51; conquers Sicily, 
 48; shut up in Rome, 48; expels Bul- 
 garians from Constantinople, 49; sub- 
 dues rebellion in Constantinople, 50; 
 downfall of, 51 
 
 Benedict XL, 379, 384 
 
 Benedict XII., 469; a tool of the French 
 king, 509 
 
 Benedict XIIL, 511; deposed, 512; re- 
 moved by Council of Constance, 
 
 514 
 
 Benedictine Order, creation of, 288; ex- 
 act a peculiar fine, 211; occupations 
 of, 288; influence on letters, 289 
 
 Benefices, 63; heredity of, 152; right of 
 disposition of, 373, 508 
 
 Benefit of clergy, 347, 373 
 
 Beneventins, capture Louis II., 150 
 Benevento, 2^8, 444; Dukes of, 220; at- 
 tacked by Greeks, 236 
 Beneventum, 39, 130, 142, 218; duchy of, 
 
 146 
 Beneventum, Duke of, 124, 127, 194; 
 
 struggle with Lothaire, 149 
 Benjamin of Tudela, 318 
 Berbers, in Arab armies,|93; bandits, 
 
 98 
 Berengar I., 188, 194 
 Berengar II., 194, 195 
 Berengar of Tours, 227, 228 
 Bergamo, 448 
 Berghem, branch office of Hanseatic 
 
 League at, 321 
 Bermudo, acquires Leon, 298 
 Bern, 467 
 
 Bernard, 143; favorite of Judith, 142 
 Bernard VII., forms alliance, 421 
 Bernard de Ribeiro, 531 
 Bernhard, 133, 141 
 Berry, invaded by the Black Prince, 399; 
 
 proclamation of Charles VII. in, 425 
 Berry, Duke of, 417, 419; acquires Au- 
 
 vergne, 407; alliance with Bernard 
 
 VII., 421 
 Bertha, 177 
 Bertold, 338 
 Bertrade, 179 
 Bertran de Born, 333, 351 
 Bertrand de Goth proclaimed Pope, 
 
 380. See also Clement V. 
 Berytus, schools of, 49 
 Bessario, 532 
 
 Betau, seized by Norsemen, 157 
 Bethlehem, 265; restored to Christians, 
 
 282 
 Bethune, 371; purchased by Duke of 
 
 Burgundy, 426 
 Beziers, 360; massacre of, 294; Viscount 
 
 of, 2p3 
 Biarmia, 165 
 
 Bible, translation by Ulfilas, 10; trans- 
 lation of, 519; Wycliife's translation 
 
 of, 412, 524 
 Bible of forty-two lines, 533 
 Bigorre, ceded to Edward III., 405 
 Bills of exchange, 326 
 Birger, 484 
 Biscay, 297 
 Biscay, Bay of, 129 
 Bishops, arrogance of, 153 
 Biterolf, 338 
 Biturices, the, 307 
 Bivar, Rodrigo de, 300 
 Black art, the, 394 
 Black Death, the, 398 
 Black Forest, the, 462 
 Blackheath, Wat Tyler's assemblage 
 
 on, 412 
 Black Prince, 411, 477, s3o; campaign 
 
 in France, 395; court at Bordeaux, 
 
 407; lands at Calais, 408; death of, 408 
 Blacks, the, 450 
 Black Sea, the, 14, 16, 51, 221, 262, 280, 
 
 319,458, 488, 491; boundary of Arab 
 
 empire, 91; commerce of, 320
 
 542 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Blanchard, Alain, 424 
 
 Blanche of Bourbon, 477 
 
 Blanche of Castile, 284, 285, 357, 360 
 
 Blanco, Cape, rounded, 4.82 
 
 Bleda, 24 
 
 Blois, county of, sold to France, 361; 
 possessions of, 406 
 
 Blois, Charles of, 396-398 
 
 Blois, Count of, 178, 216, 267, 281 
 
 " Bloody Nuptials," the, 527 
 
 Boccaccio, 453, 457, 517, 524, 531, 532 
 
 Boccanegra, captures English fleet, 409 
 
 Bodilo, 67 
 
 BcevipeviscTy the, 527 
 
 Boethius, 37, 136, 524; "Consolations of 
 Philosophy," 162 
 
 Bohemia, 129, 168, 192, 193, 218, 221; 
 461 (note), 466, 468, 472, 474, 475; 
 Frankish power extended to, 33; 
 ravaged, 130; taken from the Poles, 
 1Q7; Duke of, pays tribute to Henry 
 III., 235; commerce of, 321; left to 
 Wenzel, 465; rebellion in, 473; sup- 
 ports Urban VI., 510 
 
 Bohemia, John of, 469 
 
 Bohemia, king of, 451, 462, 465, 470, 471; 
 invades Flanders, 3^3 
 
 Bohemians, 14; incursions of, 126; Otto's 
 policy with, 193 
 
 Bohemond, 267, 268, 269 
 
 Boii, 189 
 
 Boileau, Stephen, 367 
 
 Bojador, Cape, 482 
 
 Bokhara, civilization at, 88 
 
 Bokhara, Lesser, conquered by Timur, 
 498 
 
 Boleslav I., 193, 486 
 
 Boleslav III., 486 
 
 Bolingbroke, Henry of, banished, 414; 
 conspiracy at Paris, 414; invades Eng- 
 land, 414, 415 
 
 Bologna, peculiar fine in, 211; confirma- 
 tion of^ Frederick I. at, 251; law 
 studies in, 316, 317; university of, 327 
 (note); buys right of self-government, 
 46s 
 
 Bolognese, capture Enzio, 258 
 
 Bona, siege of, 23 
 
 Boner, 338 
 
 Bonhommes, 307 
 
 Boniface, 22, 23 
 
 Boniface II., Count of Montferrat, 
 leads fourth crusade, 278 
 
 Boniface VIII., Pope, no, 384, 469, 506; 
 mediates between England and 
 France, 370; opposition between 
 church and empire, 372; claim as to 
 benefices, 373; conception of power 
 of church, 374; quarrel with Philip 
 the Fair, 375; calls synod at Rome, 
 378; excommunicates Philip the Fair, 
 378; seizure of, 378; death, 379; trans- 
 fers Hungary to House of Anjou, 491; 
 decretals of, 507; issues bull " Unam 
 Sanctam," 507; claims right of dis- 
 tribution of ecclesiastical benefices, 
 508; jubilee of, 509 
 
 Boniface IX., Pope, 511 
 
 Boniface of Montferrat, defeated in 
 
 election by Baldwin IV., 281 
 Boni ho7nines, 307 
 Bonn, prosperity of, 315 
 Bonneuil, Stephen, builds cathedral at 
 
 Upsal, 484 
 Bordeaux, captured by Abderrahman, 
 
 108: pillaged by Norsemen, 157; wine 
 
 trade of, 322, 370; archbishop of, 380; 
 
 Prince of Wales's court at, 407; pri- 
 vations of Duke of Lancaster in, 409; 
 
 rivalry with Rochelle, 409; in English 
 
 possession, 410 
 Bordelais, 345 
 Bormida, River, 251 
 Born, Bertran de, 333, 351 
 Borneil, Guiraut de, 333 
 Boroughs, 434 
 Borysthenes, River, 14, 262 
 Bosna, River, 129 
 Bosnia, conquered by Louis the Great, 
 
 491; war with Amurath, 496 
 Bosnians, the, 14 
 Boso, 154, 188 
 Bosphorus, 2, 221, 264, 493, 502; coasts 
 
 seized by Venice, 281; fortifications 
 
 on, 502 
 Bossuet, 513 
 
 Bostra, 77; Arab capture of, 85 
 Bouchard of Montmorency, 342 
 Bouillon, Godfrey of. See Godfrey of 
 
 Bouillon 
 Boulogne, Count of, 180; joins coalition 
 
 against Philip Augustus, 355 
 Boulogne, county of, 355 
 Boulogne, Eustace of, 267 
 Bourbon, Duke of, 417; alliance with 
 
 Bernard VII., 421 
 Bourbon, House of, 368 
 Bourbon dynasty at Naples, 236 
 Bozirgeoisies^ 311 and note. 
 Bourges, municipal institutions in, 307; 
 
 bishopric of, 345; Pragmatic Sanction 
 
 of, 440, 515 
 Bouvines, battle of, 212, 255, 355 and 
 
 note, 356 
 Brabanfons, 421; invasion of Spain by, 
 
 406 
 Brabant, 394 
 Brabanters, settle in North Germany, 
 
 464 
 Braccio de Mentone, -^56 
 Bracciolini, Poggio, discoveries of, 457, 
 
 532 
 Braga. taken by Almanzor, 297 
 Brancaleone, 444 
 Brand, Sebastian, 525 
 Brandenburg, 470-472, 475; foundation 
 
 of bishopric of, 193; made a fief of the 
 
 empire, 247; elector of, 473 
 Brazos, 481 
 
 Breakspear, Nicholas, 584 
 Bremen, foundation of bishopric, 126; 
 
 merchants found hospital in the Holy 
 
 Land. 200; prosperity of, 315 
 Brennevilie, battle of, 212, 343 
 Brescia, rebels against Frederick I., 251 
 Breslau, suffragan bishop of, 485
 
 INDEX. 
 
 543 
 
 Bresle, the, 216 
 
 Brest, in English possession, 409, 410 
 
 Bretigny, treaty of, 405, 408, 422 
 
 Bretons, 131, 145; ravages of, 60; Char- 
 lemagne's campaigns against, 123; 
 invade Neustria, 142; expedition 
 against, 143; independence of, 149; 
 invasion of Spain by, 406 •, opposition 
 to English, 409 
 
 Breze, Jean de, 431 
 
 Brie, joined to French crown, 394 
 
 Brienne, John of, 256 
 
 Brigandage, 213, 225 
 
 Brindisi, 446; taken by Saracens, 166 
 
 Brissarthe, cattle at, 158 
 
 Britain, 109; vice-prefect of, 3, 4 
 
 British Channel, pirates of, 41 
 
 Britons, tendency towards indepen- 
 dence, 106 
 
 Brittany, 217, 420; old name of, 29; 
 ravaged, 130; independence of, 149; 
 formation of kingdom, 155 ; inde- 
 pendence of Hugh Capet, 176; wrecks 
 in, 325; Henry II. 's claim to, 346; 
 acquired by Geoffrey, 350; becomes 
 fief of Philip Augustus, 354 ; re- 
 vival of hostilities in, 396; succession 
 in, 396, 397 ; exasperated against 
 Charles of Blois, 397; war in, 406; 
 alliance with England, 410; confis- 
 cated by Charles v., 410; represented 
 at Congress of Arras, 430 
 
 Brittany, Duke of, 202 (note), 344, 360; 
 alliance of Philip the Fair with, 370; 
 alliance with Edward III., 409; alli- 
 ance with Bernard VII., 421 
 
 Brothers of the Banquet, 323 
 
 Brothers of the Sword, the, 290, 291 
 
 Broussa, captured by Osman, 493 
 
 Bruanburh, battle of, 162 
 
 Bruce, David, Edward Balliol sent 
 against, 395; taken prisoner, 398 
 
 Bruce, Robert, 389, 390 
 
 Bructeri, 11 
 
 Bruges, 3^4, 395; election of bishops at, 
 109; military strength of, 308; branch 
 offices of Hanseatic League at, 321; 
 commerce of, 321, 322; battle near, 
 418 
 
 Bruiser, Louis the, 342 
 
 Brunelleschi, 458 
 
 Brunetto Latini, 333 
 
 Brunhilda, 55-60, 69, 115 
 
 Bruno, 192, 457 
 
 Brunswick, 252; college of the Hanse- 
 atic League, 321 
 
 Bruttii, 20, 37, -y) 
 
 Buccelin, expedition into Italy, 33 
 
 Buch, Captal de, 405, 406 
 
 Buckholz, battle of, 125 
 
 Buckingham, Earl of, lands at Calais, 
 410 
 
 Budic, 31 
 
 Bulgaria, 500; attacks Empire of the 
 East, 262; king of, won to Constanti- 
 nople church, 262; conquered by 
 Louis the Great, 491; ravaged by 
 
 Soliman, 494 ; crusaders' march 
 through, 501 
 
 Bulgarians, the, 15, 167, 4S8; driven be- 
 yond Danube, 43; war with Justinian, 
 45; attack Constantinople, 49; de- 
 feated in Bavaria, 60; besiege Con- 
 stantinople, 263 ; struggles of Greeks 
 with, 263; exhaustion of, 263; pos- 
 sess right bank of Danube, 492 
 
 Bulls, Papal, 375 (note) 
 
 Buono siato, 452 
 
 Burchard, bishop of Wirzburg, 120 
 
 Bureau, brothers, 431 
 
 Burgh, Hubert de, 386 
 
 Burgos, 297; assembly at, 299; cortes of, 
 480 
 
 Burgundians, the, 11, 12 (note), 158, 169; 
 conversion of, 10; southern march of, 
 19; downfall of, 22; allied with Ro- 
 mans against Attila, 25; rule in 
 Gaul, 29; hatred of, 30: alliance with 
 Franks against Visigoths, 30 (note); 
 threatened by ambition of Clovis, 31; 
 expeditions of Franks against, 32; con- 
 quest of, 32; Theodoric's hostilities 
 with, 35; law of, 62; boast of subjec- 
 tion to Franks, 140; at battle of Fon- 
 tenay, 145; slaughter the Armagnacs, 
 423; alliance with English, 424; rec- 
 onciliation with Charles VII., 430 
 
 Burgundy, 54, 55, 57, 58, 219, 424, 467; 
 foundation of kingdom of, 22; impov- 
 erished, 30; expeditions against, 33; 
 visited by Dagobert, 60; reign of 
 Clovis II., 66; under King Charles, 
 143; incursions of Hungarians, i6S; 
 given to Duke of France, 173; customs 
 in, 177; Duke of Swabia's attempts 
 on, 198; duchy of, 217; Henry of, 301; 
 extinction of ducal house, 405; in- 
 herited by Philip the Bold, 418 and 
 note; severs relations with (jermany, 
 462; arch-chancellor of, 471; Charles 
 VII. driven from, 426; House of, be- 
 comes extinct, 4S1 
 
 Burgundy, Duchy of, 439 
 
 Burgundy, Duke of, 178, 217, 417, 418, 
 420-422, 425, 430, 497; invades South- 
 ern France, 293; favors Jane's claim 
 to crown, 383; retires before the 
 Black Prince, 408; quarrel with Duke 
 of Gloucester, 425; attacks Compi- 
 fegne, 428; makes treaty with Charles 
 VIL. 430 
 
 Burning Phrygia, 268 
 
 Bury. , author, 16 (note) 
 
 Busento, River, burial of Alaric be- 
 neath, 21 
 
 Bussorah, colonized by Mussulmans, 86 
 
 Butler, office of, 231 
 
 Bythinia, 493 
 
 Byzantine architecture, 102, 232 
 
 Byzantium, dynasties on throne of, 263 
 
 Caballeros, 480 
 
 Caboche, 422 
 
 Cabochian Ordinance, the, 422, 440
 
 544 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cabochines, the, 511 
 
 Caen, monastery at, 227 
 
 Caerleon, prince of, 41 
 
 Caesar, 13 
 
 Caesariani, 2 
 
 Caesars, canal projects of, 87 
 
 Caffa, 458 
 
 Cahors, 326 
 
 Cairo, building of, 97; an intellectual 
 center, 99; Caliphs of, 265, 266, 270; 
 the key to Jerusalem, 2S0; Melik-el- 
 Kamel reigns at, 282; guard of sul- 
 tans of, 285 
 
 Caithness, 165 
 
 Calabria, 39; defeat of Otto II., 196; 
 duchy of, 220 
 
 Calais, taken by England, 398; landing 
 of English at, 404, 408-410; ceded to 
 Edward III., 405; in English posses- 
 sion, 410; killing of Duke of Glouces- 
 ter at, 414; Henry V.'s advance on, 
 423; sole possession of England in 
 France, 432 
 
 Calatanazor, battle of, 297 
 
 Calatrava. military order of, 302 
 
 Calderons, the, 530 
 
 Caledonians, the, 40 
 
 Calendar, changing, 330 
 
 Caliph, disappearance of the title, 99 
 
 Caliphate of the West, 93, 98 
 
 Calistus II., 243 
 
 Callet, William, 403 
 
 Callinicum, battle of, 46 
 
 Calmar, Union of, 485 
 
 Calycadnus, River, 253, 276 
 
 Cambio, Arnolfo di, 458 
 
 Cambray, 29, 31, 396; commune of, 308, 
 310 
 
 Cambrians, the, 40; war with Saxons, 
 41 ; quarrels with Loegrians, 41 
 
 Cambridge, school founded at, 162; 
 university of, 327 
 
 Camoens, 478, 531 
 
 Campagna, 220, 448 
 
 Camphor, use of, 102 
 
 Campo Santo, 458 
 
 Canaries, the, 482 
 
 Canche, the, 216 
 
 Candia, 449, 500; owned by Venice, 458 
 
 Cane Grande, 448 
 
 Canon law, 507, 508 
 
 Canossa, castle of, 194; humiliation of 
 Henry IV. at, 241, 242 
 
 Cantabric Pyrenees, the, 296 
 
 Cantacuzenus, John, reign of, 493 
 
 Canterbury, 313; Henghist's capital, 41; 
 preaching of St. Augustine at, 115; 
 Norman change in see of, 183; Lan- 
 franc made archbishop, 227; St. An- 
 selm archbishop, 228; introduction of 
 Gothic architecture, 340; Thomas h. 
 Becket at, 348; monks expelled from, 
 by John, 354 
 
 Canterbury, archbishop of, 386; killed 
 by. Wat Tyler, 412; banished, 414 
 "Canterbury Tales," 524 
 
 Cantiie, Norse occupation of, 165 
 
 Cantons, 12, 64 
 
 Caorsini, the, 326 
 
 Cape St. Vincent, 481 
 
 Capet, Hugh, 367 
 
 Capetian dynasty, 158, 355, 360, 374 
 
 Capitation, 5 
 
 Capitularies, the, 133, 134, 153, 206, 222, 
 
 229 
 Capitulary of Kiersy-sur-Oise, 153 
 Cappadocia, 91 
 Captal de Buch, 405, 406 
 Capua, 33; principality of, 220; duke of, 
 
 194 
 
 Capucins, the, 289 
 
 Carcassonne, 294, 302, 360, 361 
 
 Cardiff, confinement of Robert of Nor- 
 mandy in, 343 
 
 Carinthia, 218; ravages of Hungarians, 
 i68; under Henry III., 235; seized by 
 Ottocar II., 462; granted to Count of 
 Tyrol, 466 
 
 Carlisle, 220 
 
 Carmagnola, 456 
 
 Carmelites, the, 289 
 
 Carmona, independence of, 99 
 
 Carniola, 466; seized by Ottocar II., 462 
 
 Carolingian cycle of epics, 229 
 
 Carolingian dynasty, 107, 360 
 
 Carolingian Empire, greatness of, 132; 
 dismemberment of, 139, 146, 148; fall 
 of, 169, 170 
 
 Carolingians, the, 118; alliance with 
 pontiffs, 130; oppose the Lombards, 
 374 
 
 Carpathian Mountains, 14, 129, 168, 500 
 
 Carpin, John du Plan, 318 
 
 Carpini, 318 
 
 Carroccio, the, 251, 257 
 
 Carthage, 52, 88, 166; under Roman 
 Empire, i, conquests of, 23, 88; naval 
 preparations at, 26; an apostolic see, 
 110 
 
 Cashel, synod at, 350 
 
 Cashmir, boundary of Arab empire, 91 
 
 Casimir the Great, 486; death of, 491 
 
 Caspian Sea, 16, 318, 498; boundary of 
 Arab empire, 91 
 
 Cassano, battle of, 444 
 
 Cassel, battle of, 393, 394 
 
 Cassiodorus, 37, 112 
 
 Castelnaudary, battle of, 294 
 
 Castlgllone, 240 
 
 Castile, 299; king treated by Arab 
 physicians, 102; makes peace with 
 Portugal, 254; union with Leon, 298; 
 subjugation of, 297; transferred to 
 Ferdinand, 298; union with Navarre, 
 298; Mussulman operations against, 
 301; military orders in, 302; founda- 
 tion of, 303; Philip III.'s aspirations 
 concerning, 368; Peter the Cruel's 
 claims to, 406; fortification of, 407; 
 re-eslablishment of French party in, 
 407; relations of Charles V. with, 407; 
 conquers Navarre, 410; claims of John 
 of Gaunt to, 413; represented at Con- 
 gress of Arras, 430; victories of, 476;
 
 INDEX. 
 
 545 
 
 untractableness of the aristocracy, 476 ; 
 troubles in, 477; institutions of, 479; 
 warfare with Moors, 479; charters in, 
 480; language in, 528; reign of Peter 
 the Cruel, 530; literature of, 530 
 
 Castile, Blanche of, 357, 360 
 
 Castile, Count of, 296; becomes inde- 
 pendent, 297; marries Sancho's sister, 
 298 
 
 Castillon, battle of, 432 
 
 Castles, 206 
 
 Castriot, George, s°°-, 5oi- See also 
 
 SCANDERBEG 
 
 Castriot, John, recognizes Amurath II., 
 
 500 
 Castro, House of, 476 
 Castro, Inez de, tragic end of, 478 
 Catalan mercenaries, hired by Andron- 
 
 icus II., 492 
 Catalonia, 220, 372; additions to, 302; 
 
 ceded to Aragon, 364; invaded by 
 
 Philip III., 368, 369; cortes of, 481; 
 
 language in, 528 
 Catherine, daughter of Charles VI., 
 
 422; marries Henry V., 425 
 Catholics, restrictions on, 37; immuni- 
 ties under Theodoric, 37 
 Cattaro, River, 491 
 Caucasus,499 ; Heraclius's recruits from, 
 
 52; boundary of Arab empire, 91; 
 
 Timur's conquests in, 498 
 CauchoD, Peter, 429 
 Cavalry of France, 393 
 Cave of the Lion, the, 465 
 Cedron, Brook, 270 
 Celestin V., 372 
 
 Celibacy of clergy, 239, 240, 263 
 Celtic language, 522, 527 
 Celtic race, 42, 389 
 Celts, conquest of, 521 
 Cenobites, iii 
 Censius, imprisons Gregory VII., 240; 
 
 enemy of Gregory VII., 241 
 Censive tenures, 209 
 Census, in Roman Empire, 5 
 Centena, the, 134 
 Centralization of power, 505 
 Cephalonia, Duke of, 281 
 Cerda, Constable of, 398 
 Cerda, Ferdinand de la, 477 
 Cerdagne, added to Catalonia, 302 
 Cerdic, 41 
 Cesarea, an apostolic see, no; capture 
 
 of, 272 
 Cettina, River, 129 
 Ceuta, 89 and note; Julian governor of, 
 
 89; capture of, by Portugal, 481 
 Cevennes, the, 146; boundary of Arab 
 
 empire, 91 
 Chalcedon, Persian occupation of, 52; 
 
 (Ecumenical council of, 113 
 Chalons, 419; battle of, 28; election of 
 
 bishops at, 109; bishop-count of, 217 
 Chalus, siege of, 353 
 Chamavi, n 
 
 Chamberlain, the great, 2 
 Chamber of accounts, 382, 383 
 
 Champagne, 192; remnants of Roman 
 power in, 29; county of, 217; the 
 crusade preached in, 278; fairs in, 
 322; marshal of, 337, 403; count of, 
 178, 217, 279, 345; Thibaut de, 335, 360, 
 361; courts for, 382 (note); joined to 
 French crown, 394; pillage of peasants 
 in, 403 
 
 Champ de Mai, 64 
 
 Champ de Mars, 64 
 
 Champeaux, William of, 329 
 
 " Chanson de Roland," 230, 287 (note) 
 
 Chansons, 526 
 
 Chansons de gestes, 229, 232, 334 
 
 Charente, 363 
 
 Charibert, 55, 60 
 
 Charlemagne, 16, note; 40, 91, 94, 107, 
 121, 162, 163, 167, 195, 196,206,215,229, 
 233, 236, 239, 250, 337, 341, 377, 489, 525, 
 527; amends Salic law, 6i; southern 
 advance of, 98; career of, 122-142; em- 
 pire of, 129; restores peace in Ger- 
 many, 156: threatened by Norsemen 
 157; repels Sarcens, 166; heirs of, 187 
 188; influence on civilization, 222 
 girds sword on Louis the Pious, 231 
 method of subjugating Saxons, 291 
 assists Spaniards against Arabs, 296 
 
 Charleroi, 119 
 
 Charles I. (of^England), 435 
 
 Charles II. (the Bald), 15, 142, 153, 158, 
 223, 292, 307; acquires Aquitaine, 143; 
 new kingdom for, 144; resists Lo- 
 thaire, 145; alliance with Louis the 
 German, 145; at battle of Fontenay, 
 145; territory given to, 146; attempts 
 seizure of Lotharingia, 150; territory 
 of, 150; made emperor, 150; death, 150 
 
 Charles III. (of France), 158, 172, 173; 
 capitularies of, 206, 359 
 
 Charles III., Emperor, 150, 154, 172, 188, 
 200 
 
 Charles IV. (of France, the Fair), 393, 
 469; ordinances of, 310; reign of, 383, 
 384; death, 384 
 
 Charles IV. (Emperor), 470-472; pub- 
 lishes Golden Bull, 401 
 
 Charles V. (of France), 304, 399, 411, 
 417, 431, 455, 532, 553; seeks aid from 
 Charles IV., 399; distrusted at Paris, 
 400; reign of, 405-410; alliance with 
 Scotland, 407; relations with Castile, 
 407; relations with Flanders, 407; re- 
 lations with Navarre, 407; breaks 
 truce, 410; conquers Guienne, 410; 
 death, 410; aids Transtamara, 477: 
 history of, 519 
 
 Charles VI. (of France). 422, 438. 439; 
 accession of, 411; reception in Paris, 
 419; insanity of, 420; succession to, 
 424; death, 425; action in the Schism 
 of the West, 511, 520 
 
 Charles VII. (of France), 423. 424, 438, 
 439, 468, 515, 519, 534; banishment of, 
 424; proclaimed king of France, 425; 
 poverty of, 426; driven from Nor- 
 mandy and Burgundy, 426; encour-
 
 546 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ages Joan of Arc, 428; consecration at 
 Rheims, 428; centre of national feel- 
 ing, 430; concludes treaty with Duke 
 of Burgundy, 430; enters Paris, 431; 
 resumes attack on English, 432; the 
 Pragmatic Sanction, 440 
 
 Charles VIII. (of France), 368, 441 
 
 Charles VIII. (of Sweden), 485 
 
 Charles Martel, 40, 90, gi, 106, 107, iig, 
 292, 347; defeat of, 106; defeats Neus- 
 trians at Vincy, 106; defeats the 
 Saracens, 108; invoked by mission- 
 aries to Germany, 118; expels Arabs 
 from France, 295 
 
 Charles (second son of Philip III.), 368 
 
 Charles, Duke of Lorraine, opposes 
 Hugh Capet, 176 
 
 Charles, Duke of Orleans, 521; alliance 
 with Bernard VII., 421; taken pris- 
 oner at Agincourt, 423 
 
 Charles of Anjou, 285, 286; action in 
 Italy, 364, 365; revolt of Sicilians 
 against, 369; in battle of Grandella, 
 445; tyranny of, 445; ambition of, 446; 
 defeat of, 447; death, 447, 492; threat- 
 ens Constantinople, 492; kingdom of 
 Naples given to, 507 
 
 Charles of Blois, 396, 397; taken pris- 
 oner, 398; killed, 406 
 
 Charles of Durazzo, 455 
 
 Charles of Lu,xemburg. See Charles 
 
 IV. (Emperor). 
 
 Charles of Navarre, 398, 405, 410; resists 
 taxes, 399; summoned against the 
 Dauphin, 402; summoned to Paris, 
 404 
 
 Charles of Normandy. See Charles 
 
 V. (of France). 
 Charles of Provence, 362 
 
 Charles of Valois. See Charles VII- 
 
 (of France). 
 Charles Robert, 455; receives crown of 
 
 Hungary, 491 
 Charles the Bad. See Charles of 
 
 Navarre. 
 Charles the Bald. See Charles II. 
 Charles the Fair. See Charles IV. 
 
 (of France). 
 Charles the Fat. See Charles III. 
 
 (Empf.ror). 
 Charles the Good, Count, 344 
 Charles the Great. See Charlemagne. 
 Charles the Lame, 447 
 Charles the Simple. See Charles III. 
 
 (of Francf.). 
 Charters, 311, 312; granted by King 
 
 John, 314 
 Chartier, Alain, 519 
 Chartier, William le, 182 
 Chartres, 154; Count of, 216; county 
 
 of, sold to France, 361 ; Edward III.'s 
 
 plight at, 405; capture of, 426 
 Cliatillon, James, 370 
 Chatti, II 
 
 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 416, 524 
 Chaumont, 58 
 Chelles, forest of, 67 
 Cherbourg, in English possession, 410 
 
 Chester, 160 
 
 Chevalier, 431 
 
 Chichester, 41 
 
 Chieri, burning of, 249 
 
 Childebert I.,kingof Paris,32; conquers 
 Burgundians, 32 ; murders by, 32 ; 
 successor of, 33; defeats Amalaric, 33; 
 defeated by Theudis, 33 ; alliance 
 with Gunthram, 58; amends Sadie law, 
 61; constitution of, 115 
 
 Childebert II., 56, 58 
 
 Childeric, 107 
 
 Childeric I., 28 
 
 Childeric II., 67, 68 
 
 Childeric III., 119, 120 
 
 Children of the Bays, 156 
 
 Chilperic, 55, 56; death of, 57; taxation 
 by, 65, 69; complains of power of 
 bishops, no 
 
 Chilperic II., king of Neustrians, 106, 
 107 
 
 Chimay, 518 
 
 China, importation of sikworms from, 
 50; Persians seek aid from, 86; con- 
 quered by Jenghiz-Khan, 283; Marco 
 Polo in, 319; knowledge of gunpow- 
 der, 332; Timur's expedition against. 
 
 ^499 
 
 Chinese, destroy the Avars, 49; inven- 
 tions of the, 102; probability of know- 
 ledge of compass, 322 
 
 Chinese Turkestan, conquered by 
 Timur, 498 
 
 Chinon. 427 
 
 Chioggia, battle of, 450, 454 ; use of 
 gunpowder at, 534 
 
 Chivalry, 230-232, 384, 518 
 
 Chizey, battle of, 409 
 
 Chlodobald, 32 
 
 Chlodomer, king of Orleans, 32; death 
 of, 32 
 
 Chlodoweg, 29 
 
 Chlothacher. See Lothaire. 
 
 Chosroes I., defeats Abyssinians, 74 
 
 Chosroes II., 51, 52; contempt for Mo- 
 hammed, 80 
 
 Chosroes Nushirvan, 46 
 
 Christ, image of, in the Kaaba, 75; 
 prophet of God, 82 ; Order of, 481 ; 
 represented in the Mysteries, 520 
 
 Christian I., king of Denmark and Nor- 
 way, 485 
 
 Christian of Troyes, 334 
 
 Christian invasion of Asia, 264 
 
 Christianity, 7, 9; literature under, 9; 
 preached by Constantine's envoy, 74; 
 in Hedjaz, 75; preserved by Charles 
 Martel, 108; spread of, 109, 115; the 
 stories of, in; propagation under 
 Gregory the Great, 115; Charle- 
 magne's propagation of, 12,' influence 
 of, 526, 527 
 Christians protected in Asia, 43- free- 
 dom of worship accorded by Omar, 
 86; in Spain, 97; defeats in Asturia, 
 98 
 Christine de Pisan, 519 
 Christopher the Bavarian, 485
 
 INDEX. 
 
 S47 
 
 Chrysargyron, the, s, 6, 44 
 
 Chrysoloras, 457, 532 
 
 Chronicle of Froissart, 519 
 
 Chronicles, 526 
 
 Church, struggle with Empire, 199, 443; 
 temporal power of, 207; influence of, 
 225 ; influence on architecture, 232 ; 
 increase of power, 237, 239; union of 
 State with, 239 ; subjection to the 
 State, 244; position according to Ger- 
 son, 512 
 
 Church of Ireland, 42 
 
 Church of the West, 237 
 
 Cicero, 519, 532 
 
 Cid, the, 300, 301, 528, 531 
 
 Cilicia, Heraclius lands in, 52; Arab 
 conc}uest of, 88 ; Greek expedition 
 against, 263; death of Frederic I. in 
 276 
 
 Cimabue, 340, 458 
 
 Cimbric peninsula, 193 
 
 Cinque Ports', send deputies to Parlia- 
 ment, 314 
 
 Cintra, 301 
 
 Ciompi, the, 453, 454 
 
 Circumcision, 84 
 
 Circus, last games in, 19; combats for- 
 bidden, 44 
 
 Cisalpine region, conquest of, 34 
 
 Cisjurane Burgundy, 154, 219 
 
 Citeaux, 288, note; 293 
 
 Cities, growth of, 206; college of, 474 
 
 City of the Prophet, 79 
 
 Civil and military hierarchy, 2 
 
 Civilization, Mussulman, 90; progress 
 of, 213 
 
 Civita-Vecchia, burned by Saracens, 
 i66 
 
 Civitella, battle of, 238 
 
 Clairvaux, reform by, 288 
 
 Clarence, Duke of, 415 
 
 Clarendon, constitutions of, 348, 349 
 
 Clarissimi^ 6 
 
 Classics, study of the, 531 
 
 Claudian, 8 
 
 Clement II., 237 
 
 Clement III., 242 
 
 Clement IV., claims as to benefices, 
 373; excommunicates Manfred, 444; 
 claims right of distribution of ecclesi- 
 astical benelices, 508 
 
 Clement V., 454; claim as to benefices, 
 373; alleged interview with Philip the 
 Fair, 380; proclamation of, 380; ex- 
 communicates Henry VII., 451, 468; 
 decretals of, 507; claims right of dis- 
 tribution of ecclesiastical benefices, 
 508; established at Avignon, 509 
 
 Clement VI., 470 
 
 Clement VII., 417, 510, 511 
 
 Clergy, under feudalism, 207; celibacy 
 of, 262; benefit of, 347, 373; vices of, 
 348; taxed by Philip the Fair, 371; 
 wealth of, 373, 508; intellectual life 
 confined to, 505, 506; exempt from 
 civil jurisdiction, 508; attempted re- 
 forms for, 514 
 
 Clericii laicos, bull, 375 
 
 "Clerk at Caen," 334 
 
 Clermont, Council of, 179, 266; county 
 of, 216; crusade preached at, 287; 
 bishop of, 344 
 
 Clichy, 61 
 
 Clisson, 408, 420 
 
 Clisson, Oliver of, 397 
 
 Clito, William, 343, 344 
 
 Clock, the first pendulum, 225 
 
 Clodion the Hairy, 28 
 
 Cloth trade of Flanders, 395 
 
 Clotilda, 29, 30, 33 
 
 Clovis, 35, 54, 55, 106, 176, 521; succeeds 
 Childeric I., 29; defeats Syagrius, 29; 
 alliance with Alaric II., 29; married 
 to Clotilda, 29; conquers AUemanni, 
 30; conquers Thuringians, 30; be- 
 comes a Christian, 30; attacks Bur- 
 gundy, 30; war with the Visigoths, 
 31; cruelties of, 31; death, 32; amends 
 the Salic law, 61; support of the 
 church, 374 
 
 Clovis II., 66, 67 
 
 Cluny, 237 and note, 288 (note) 
 
 Cnut VI., 483 
 
 Cnut the Great, 163, 164, 180, 197, 483 
 
 Cnutson, Charles, 485 
 
 Coblentz, Widukind's advance to, 125; 
 Diet at, 247, 396; prosperity of, 315 
 
 Cocherel, battle of, 406 
 
 Code of Justinian, 49 
 
 Cceur, Jacques, 431 
 
 Cceur de Lion. See Richard I. 
 
 Coimbra, 297; taken by Almanzor, 297; 
 taken by Ferdinand I., 299; univer- 
 sity of, 327 
 
 Coinage, 472 (note); right of, 206; diver- 
 sity of, 212 (note); regulated by St. 
 Louis, 325; changes in French, 403 
 
 Colchis, 45, 46 
 
 Collectors, 4 
 
 College of cities, 474 
 
 College of electors, 474 
 
 College of princes, 474 
 
 Colmar, 143 
 
 Cologne, 29, 412, 475; bishop of, 60; 
 archbishopric of, 192; prosperity in, 
 315; college of the Hanseatic League, 
 321; introduction of Gothic architec- 
 ture, 340; archbishop of, 461, 463, 472; 
 University of, 532 (note); elector of, 
 571 
 
 Coloni, 17 
 
 Colonna, Sciarra, 378, 469; seizes Boni- 
 face VIII., 379; excommunicated, 380 
 
 Colonnas, the, 372, 448 
 
 Colonus, 63 
 
 Columella, 532 
 
 Combat, the judicial, 64 
 
 Comedy, development of, 520, 531 
 
 Cotnes domesticorunt eguitum, 3 
 
 Comes domesticorufn peditutn, 3 
 
 Comes rei priz'atcB, 2 
 
 Comes sacrarutn largitiorum, 2 
 
 Comes sacricubiculi, 2 
 
 Comitatenses, 8 
 
 Comitatus, the, 11, 134, 202 
 
 Commentiolus, 51
 
 548 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Commerce, 463; decay of, 212; hin- 
 drances to, 325 
 Commines, 500, 519 
 Commoners, 434 
 Common Pleas, Court of, 386 
 Commons, House of, 391 
 Commune, form of government, 307- 
 
 313 
 Comneni, dynasty of, 263; possessions 
 
 of, 281 
 Comnenus, Alexius, 263; appeals for 
 
 aid against Turks, 265 
 Comnenus, Isaac, taken prisoner by 
 
 Richard I., 276, 277 
 Como, 448 
 
 Compass, discovery of, 322 
 Compifegne, estates removed to, 403; 
 
 capture of Joan of Arc at, 428: Louis 
 
 the Pious confined at, 143 
 Compositio, 65, 4S9 
 Compostella, 297 
 Concilia mixta, iii (note) 
 Concordat of 1516, 440 
 "Conde Lucanor, El," 530 
 Condottieri, the, 455, 456 
 Confession, 411; Huss's attacks on 
 
 auricular, 513 
 Confiscation, right of, 203 
 Confrerie de la Passion, 520 
 Conjurators, 64 
 
 " Conquest of Constantinople," 337 
 Conquistador, the, 303 
 Conrad, 177; repulses Tartars, 283 
 Conrad I., 190 
 Conrad II., 164, 197-199, 219 
 Conrad III., 247; reign of, 247; organ- 
 izes crusade, 273; escapes Turks, 274; 
 
 heads crusade, 274; returns to Europe, 
 
 27s 
 
 Conrad IV., 444 
 
 Conradin, 444, 445 
 
 Conrad the Salic, 235 
 
 "Consolations" of Boethius, 524 
 
 "Consolations of Philosophy, The," 37 
 
 Consolato del Mare, the, 322 
 
 Constable, office of, 231 
 
 Constance, married to Henry VI., 253 
 
 Constance (daughter of Count of Tou- 
 louse), 177 
 
 Constance, peace of, 246; treaty of, 252; 
 commerce of, 320; Council of, 473, 513, 
 514, 525 
 
 Constance, Lake of, 11 
 
 Constans II., 53 
 
 Constantine IV., 53 
 
 Constantine V., 120 
 
 Constantine Monomachus, 236 
 
 Constantine P;'leologus, defence of 
 Constantinople, 502; death, 503 
 
 Constantine the Great, i, 8, 250; estab- 
 lishes periods of indiction, 5, 21; 
 sends envoy to preach Christianity, 
 74; defence of Constantinople, 502; 
 death of, 503 
 
 Constantine, usurper, 40 (note) 
 
 Constantinople, 23, 27, 34, 52, 57, 74, 100, 
 129, 167, 229, 370, 446, 449, 458; govern- 
 ment at, 2; officers of the court, 3; 
 
 diocese of, 4; decoration, 8; capital 
 of the Roman Empire, 17; impreg- 
 nability, 24; attack of Ostrogoths 
 diverted, 34; fortitications, 44; mis- 
 fortunes, 44; vices, 4s; departure of 
 Belisarius from, 47; schools of, 49; at- 
 tacked by Bulgarians, 49, 263; devas- 
 tated, 50; Avar attack on, 52; between 
 two attacks, 72; Arab attacks on, 88; 
 an apostolic see, no; council at, 113; 
 Gregory the Great's legation to, 116; 
 menaced byAvars, 127; empire of, 129; 
 influence in Italy, 194; court of, sup- 
 ports Cresentius, 196; Russian attacks 
 on, 221, 262; the fourth crusade, 254; 
 Photius, patriarch of, 262; threatened 
 by Turks, 265, 492, 495; rendezvous 
 of crusaders at, 267 ; Conrad III.'s 
 reception in, 274; passage through, 
 of Frederick I., 276; captured by the 
 fourth crusade, 280; the key to Jeru- 
 salem, 280; sack of, 281; a French- 
 man on the throne of, 286; visited by 
 Norse pirates, 487; coveted by Os- 
 manlis, 493; dread of Turks in, 497; 
 respite of, 500; Mohammed II. 's reso- 
 lution to take, 502; siege of, by Mo- 
 hammed II., 502; assault on, 502, 503; 
 fall of the cross, and rise of the cres- 
 cent, 503; influence on literature, 532 
 
 Constantius, 22 
 
 Constitution, foundation of the Eng- 
 lish, 391 
 
 "Constitutional History of England," 
 185, note 
 
 Constitutions of Clarendon, 348, 349 
 
 Consulars, 4 
 
 Consuls, 307 
 
 Copronymus, 120 
 
 Copts, hatred towards Greeks, 86, 87 
 
 Corbeil, 216; pillage by lord of, 342 
 
 Cordeliers, the, 289 
 
 Cordova, 97, 132; caliphate of, 93, 97; an 
 intellectual centre, 99 ; mosque at, 
 103; population of, 103; reputation 
 for manufactures, 103; revolt against 
 caliphate of, 128, 207; empire of, 129; 
 disappearance of tne Ommiades, 264; 
 Sancho at the walls of, 298; taken by 
 Castile, 303; commerce of, 322 
 
 Corinth, Lord of, 281 
 
 Corneille, 529 
 
 Cornwal, John, 523 
 
 Cornwall, 434 
 
 Cornwall, Richard of, 461 
 
 Corogne, the, 297 
 
 Corporations, 323 
 
 Cor/ius juris canonici, 372 
 
 Corpus juris civilis, 372 
 
 Correctors, 4 
 
 Corsica, 219, 450 ; conquered by Gai- 
 seric, 23 ; the Aglabites in, 96; taken 
 by Franks, 129 ; pillaged by Saracens, 
 142, 166 ; Frederick f.'s claim on, 249 
 
 Cortcnuova, battle of, 257 
 
 Cortes of Castile, 480 
 
 Corvces, 209, 210 
 
 Cossai, 75
 
 INDEX. 
 
 549 
 
 Coster, claim of invention of printing, 
 
 533 and note 
 Cotton, 323 and note 
 Coucy, Lord of, 342, 360 
 Couesnon, the, 216 
 Council in Trullo, 117 
 Council of Orleans, 32 
 Council of Paris, 59 
 Council of Soissons, 119 
 Council of the Ten, 449 
 Council of Toledo, 62, 6^, 89 (note) 
 Counties, 64, 217, 219; division of Eng- 
 land into, 161 
 Count of the domestic cavalry, 3 
 Count of the domestic infantry, 3 
 Count of the private estate, 2 
 Count of the sacred chamber, 2 
 Count of the sacred largesses, a 
 Count Palatine, 461 and note, 471, 472 
 Counts of the Frontiers, 130 
 Courland, under rule of Teutonic 
 
 Knights, 291 
 Court of Common Pleas, 386 
 Court of Love, 334 (note) 
 Courtray, 106 ; battle of, 370, 393 
 Cousinot, 431 
 Coutances, 236 
 
 Cows, wealth of Hungary, 489 
 Cozenza, death of Alaric at, 20 
 Cracow, suffragan bishop of, 485 
 Craon, lord of, 420 
 Cre5y, 497 ; battle of, 398, 416, 420, 423, 
 
 470 ; use of cannon at, 534 
 Credenza, the, 248 
 Cremona, 471; bishop of, 198; rebels 
 
 against Frederick L, 251 
 Cresentius, rebellion of, 196, 197 
 Crespy, 309, 32^ 
 Crete, seized by Venice, 281 ; vmes 
 
 from, transplanted to Madeira, 482 
 Creux, Cape, 296 
 
 Crdvant-sur-Yonne, battle of, 426, 427 
 Crida, 42 
 
 Crimea, 167, 283, 458 
 Croatia, 221, 490 
 Croatia, Duke of, made king of Dal- 
 
 matia, 240; Hungarian claim to, 490 
 Croats, the, 14; achieve independence, 
 
 142 ; invade Liburnia, 490 ; invade 
 
 Pannonia, 490 
 Croia, recognizes Amurath H., 5c>o ; 
 
 ordered to be delivered to Scander- 
 
 beg, 501; Amurath IL's attempts to 
 
 take, 502 
 Cross, ordeal of the, 64 
 Crusades, 179, 229, 384; the first, 179, 
 
 245, 263; the third, 353; the fourth, 254, 
 
 356; beginning of the, 266; influence 
 
 of, 286-288; Scandinavians in the, 483 
 Crusaders, disasters to, 47 
 Ctesiphon, 52, 86 
 Cuenga, reputation for manufactures, 
 
 103 
 Cumans, 488, 490 
 Cumberland, 220 
 Cunibert, 60 
 Cunimund, 38 
 Cup-bearer, office of, 331 
 
 Curators, 4 
 
 Curia, the, 4 
 
 Curials, i, 4, 5, 6, 7 
 
 Curia regis, 382 (note) 
 
 Curiosi, 2 
 
 Currency, 437 
 
 Cyprus, 271 (note); Arab occupation of, 
 91; emperor of, 277; given to Guy 
 de Lusignan, 277; seventh crusade 
 winters at, 284 ; represented at Con- 
 gress of Arras, 430; vines from, trans- 
 planted to Madeira, 482 ; king of, 
 devastates Alexandria, 496 
 
 Cyrenaica, invaded by Persians, 52 
 
 Cyrill,i89 
 
 Cyzicus, scene of Soliman's vision, 493 
 
 Czechs, the, 14 
 
 Dacia, 10; vice-prefect of, 3; settlement 
 of Bulgarians in, 49 ; fortresses in, 50; 
 seized by Avars, 127 
 
 Dacians, 488 
 
 Dagmar, Queen, 527 
 
 Dagobert, 69, 202 ; rule of, 60, 61 ; tax- 
 ation by, 65 
 
 Dagobert I., amends Salic law, 61 
 
 Dagobert H., 68 
 
 Dalmatia, 219, 449 ; iron mines of, 37 ; 
 Duke of Croatia made king, 240; 
 passage of crusaders through, 267 ; 
 Richard L, wrecked on coast of, 277 ; 
 Venetian capture of ports of, 279 ; 
 considered part of Hungary, 490; 
 wars in, 500 
 
 Dalmatians, the, 14 
 
 Damascus, 92, 93, 272 ; Arab siege of, 
 85 ; capital of Mussulman Empire, 87 ; 
 royal legion of, 93 ; an intellectual 
 centre, 99 ; Louis VH.'s attack on, 
 275 ; commerce of Novgorod with, 
 320 ; industries of, 323 ; burned by 
 Timur, 499 
 
 Damaskeening, 323 
 
 Damasus IL, 237 
 
 Damiani, Peter, 238 
 
 Damietta, capture of, 282 ; abandoned 
 by Christians, 282 ; captured by cru- 
 saders, 284 ; restored to Saracens, 
 285 
 
 Dammartin, 216 
 
 Dandolo, doge of Venice, 279 ; defeated 
 in election by Baldwin IV., 281 
 
 Danes, the, ii, 191 ; threaten Charle- 
 magne, 122 ; settlements in Ireland, 
 42 ; give asylum to Saxons, 126; give 
 refuge to Widukind, 126; incursions 
 of, 127; invasions of England, 152, 159; 
 at Bruanburh, 162 ; renewed attacks 
 on, 163; proclaim Harold king of Eng- 
 land, 180 ; Otto's policy with, 193 ; in- 
 fluence on English language, 521 
 
 Daniel, Arnaut, 333 
 
 Danish Isles, 221 
 
 Dante, 226, 326, 333, 338, 4^0 (note), 453, 
 457. 517 ; on the state of Italy, 448, 451 
 
 Dantzig, college of the Hanseatic 
 League, 321 ; wrested from the Poles,
 
 550 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Danube, River, 8, ii, 14, 17, 125, 38, 
 43. 49t 52, 127, 129, 167-169, 221, 320. 
 420, 455, 465, 497, 500 ; crossed by At- 
 tila, 24 ; crossed by Bulgarians, 49 ; 
 fortresses on, 50 ; projected canal to 
 the Rhine, 137 ; Russian attempt on, 
 262 ; crossed by the Tartars, 283; 
 a highway of invasion, 488 ; Hungari- 
 ans possess left bank of, 492 ; Servi- 
 ans and Bulgarians possess the right 
 bank, 492 ; eagerness of the Turks 
 for, 493 ; Christians in valley of, 496 
 
 Daphne, Garden of, 269 
 
 Dara, 46 
 
 Dauphin, origin of title, 398 
 
 Dauphin^, 167, 219 
 
 David, j. L., 51 (note) 
 
 David, Charlemagne's school name, 136 
 
 David, King of Scotland, 346 
 
 David, brother of Llewellyn, 389 
 
 Day of the Herrings, 426 
 
 Death, defiance of, by Germans, 13 ; 
 battalion of, 252 ; Rabby's creation 
 of, 530 
 
 Debtors, punishment of, under Justin- 
 ian II., 53 
 
 " Decameron, the," 453, 457 
 
 Decemvirs, 4, 307 
 
 Default of justice, 205 
 
 Defensors, 4 
 
 " De Imitalione Christi," 521 
 
 Delhi, conquest of, 96 ; massacre by 
 Timur at, 498 ; pyramids of human 
 heads built by Timur, 498; sacked by 
 Timur, 498 
 
 Delia Scala, family, 448 
 
 Delia Torre, the, 448 
 
 Delta, the, 284 
 
 " De Nativitate Domini," 525 
 
 Denmark, 11, 180, 218, 482; Cnut's visit 
 10,164; Otto's expedition to, i93(note); 
 acquires Schleswig, 197; political 
 geography of, 221 ; Gregory VII. 's 
 claim of suzerainty over, 240 ; ac- 
 knowledges sovereignty of Frederick 
 I., 252 ; represented at Conjjress of 
 Arras, 430; severs relations with Ger- 
 many, 462 ; loses Estlionia, 483 ; unit- 
 ed with Sweden and Norway, 483 ; 
 converted to Christianity, 483 ; choos- 
 es Christian I., 485 ; traditions of, 527; 
 history of, 527 ; establishment of 
 Christianity in, 527 
 
 Derbcnt, pass of, 498 
 
 Descartes, 228, 330 
 
 Desiderius, 57, 123, 124 
 
 Despencers, the, 391 
 
 " Destruction of the Philosophers," loi 
 
 Delmold, battle of, 126 
 
 " Deutsche Kaiserzeit," 489 (note) 
 
 " Development and Character of (jothic 
 Architecture," 340 (note) 
 
 Dcvcntcr, massacre at, 125 
 
 De Villis, Capitulary, 134 
 
 Diana, fanatic action towards statue qf, 
 112 
 
 " Dictionary of National Biography," 
 41 (note) 
 
 Dietines, the, 487 
 
 Diet of Worms. See Worms, Diet of 
 
 Dietrich, 338 
 
 Digest of Justinian, 49 
 
 Dijon, 30, 424 
 
 Dioceses, under Roman Empire, 3; 
 division into, no 
 
 Diocletian, i, 3, 474 
 
 Diogenes, Romanus. 263 
 
 Discipline, abhorred by Germans, ii 
 
 Discoveries, Arab influence on, 99 
 
 Dispensations, 373, 508 
 
 Distillation, discovery of process, 102 
 
 " Diversions of a Man Desirous of 
 Becoming Thoroughly Acquainted 
 with the World," 102 
 
 " Divine Comedy, the," 450, 457 
 
 Djafar, courage of, 80 
 
 Djafna, princes of, 74 
 
 Djebel-Tarik, 89 
 
 Djidda, 73 
 
 Dnieper, River, 17, 167, 486, 487 
 
 Domesday Book, 185 
 
 Dominicans, expelled from Sicily, 257; 
 establishment of order, 289 
 
 Dom Pedro, revenges Inez de Castro, 
 478 
 
 Domrdmy, 426-428 
 
 Don, River, 127, 167, 488; crossed by 
 the Huns, 16 
 
 Donar, 12 
 
 Donskoi, 488 
 
 Doria, Lucia, 454 
 
 Dormtflles, battle of, 58 
 
 Dorylteum, battle of, 268 
 
 Douai, 371 
 
 Douro, River, 98, 297, 298, 300 
 
 Dover, 160 ; sends deputies to Parlia- 
 ment, 314 
 
 Drave, River, 218, 490 
 
 Dreux, Peter of, 360 
 
 Drina, River, 496 
 
 Drinus, River, 17 
 
 Drogo, 236 
 
 Droit d'azibaine^ 212 (note) 
 
 Droit de prise, 399 and note, 402 
 
 Druses, the, 97 
 
 Dubois, Peter, 378 
 
 Ducas, Michael, 489 (note) 
 
 Dvccnarii, 6 
 
 Duels, 205 
 
 Du Guesclin, career of, 406, 407, 409, 
 410; taken prisoner at Najara, 477; 
 aids in killing I'eter the Cruel, 477 
 
 Dunbar, battle of, 390 
 
 Dunois, Count, 431 ; reconquers Nor- 
 mandy, 432 
 
 Durance, the, Burgundian boundary, 
 29 
 
 Durandal, the sword, 230 
 
 Dutch, settle in North Germany, 464 
 
 Dwina, River, 165 
 
 Dyle, River, expulsion of Norse pirates 
 from, 188 
 
 RAOfiAK, 183 
 
 Eadgyfa, 162 
 Eadmund II., 163
 
 INDEX. 
 
 551 
 
 itadward the Confessor, 180, i8i 
 
 fiadward the Elder, 162 
 
 Ealdorman, office of, 161 
 
 Eannes, Gil, explorations of, 483 
 
 Eardvvulf, 132 
 
 East Anglia, kingdom of, 42; occupied 
 by Danes, 159; conquered by Ead- 
 ward the Elder, 162 
 
 East, vice-prefect of the, 3: prefect of 
 the, 3 ; fabled wealth of, 318 ; Em- 
 pire of, the, 17, 43 (note) 88, 156, 221, 
 262 
 
 Eastern Empire. See Empire of the 
 East. 
 
 Eastern Goths, 17 
 
 East Mark, 218, 490; passes to House 
 of Hapsburg, 247 (note) 
 
 Eastphalians, the, 124 
 
 Ebro, River, 98, 128, 129, 229,297 
 
 Ebroin, 67, 69, 70, 105, 106 
 
 Ecbatana, victory of, 86 
 
 Eccelino da Romano, 256, 259 
 
 Eccelino of Padua, 444 
 
 Ecclesiastes, 47 
 
 Ecclesiastical benefices, right of dispo- 
 sition of, 373, 508 
 
 Ecclesiastical courts, 508 
 
 Ecclesiastical government, iog-121 
 
 Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 347 and note, 
 373. 508 
 
 Ecclesiastical reforms, 119 
 
 Eclesiastical revenues, right of dispo- 
 sition of, 373, 508 
 
 Ecgberht the Great, 132, 159; stone of, 
 i6o 
 
 Echevins, 309 and note, 312 
 
 Echiquier, held at Rouen, 382 
 
 " Eclogues" of Virgil, 223 
 
 Eddas, the, 526 
 
 Edecon, 24 
 
 Edessa, siege of, 46; entered by Bald- 
 win, 268; principality of, 271 ; cap- 
 tured by Atabeks, 272 
 
 Edict of 1037, 198, 219, 246 
 
 Edict of Union, Zeno's, 44 
 
 Ediles, 4, 307 
 
 Edith, 162 
 
 Edith of the Swan's Neck, 182 
 
 Edmund, son of St. Louis, offered 
 crown of Sicily, 387 
 
 Edrisi, 102 
 
 Edrissiles, the, 97 
 
 Education, 326 ; under Roman Empire, 
 8 ; Charlemagne's efforts for, 222 ; 
 steps to further, 223 
 
 Edward I., 314, 416 (note), 466, 524; cedes 
 Quercy, 369; war with France, 369, 
 370; warwith Scotland, 370; crowned, 
 388 ; taken prisoner by Simon de 
 Montfort, 388; escape of, 388 
 
 Edward 11., deposition of, 384 ; reign 
 of, 390. 391 
 
 Edward III., 186, 411,415, 423, 469, 470; 
 does homage for Guienne and Pon- 
 thieu, 384 ; commencement of reign, 
 391 ; claims in France, 394 ; does 
 homage for Guienne, 394 ; claims to 
 crown of France, 395, 396 ; iavades 
 
 France, 396, 404; negotiates with 
 John, 404 ; constitutional rights es- 
 tablished, 433 ; members of Parlia- 
 ment in time of, 435 ; death, 409 ; es- 
 tablishes the English language, 524 ; 
 use of cannon by, 534 
 
 Edwina, 162 
 
 Eginhard, 128, 132, 137, 227 
 
 Egregii, 6 
 
 Egypt. 52, 53, 72,221, 280; under Ro- 
 man Empire, i ; vice-prefect of, 3; 
 invaded by Persians, 52 ; Arabian 
 subjugation of, 86 ; the Fatimites in, 
 97; monasticism in, in; sultan of, 
 treaty with Frederick II., 256; expedi- 
 tion of Malek-Shah to, 264 ; remnants 
 of the Fatimites in, 264 ; captured by 
 Saladin, 275 ; conquered by John of 
 Brienne, 282 ; Tartar hordes reach, 
 283 ; attacked by seventh crusade, 
 2S4 ; sultan obtains Jerusalem, 284; 
 conquered by Timur, 499 
 
 Egyptians, in Arab armies, 93 ; influ- 
 ence on Arabs, 100; defeated at As- 
 calon, 271 
 
 Eibek, 285 
 
 Eider, River, n, 127, 129, 218 
 
 Eike von Repkow, 338 
 
 Elamites, fear of Charlemagne, 132 
 
 Elbe, River, n, 14, 38, 40, 47, 124-126, 
 129, 142, 175, 193, 198, 220, 247 (note), 
 483 
 
 Eleanor, 345; foments revolt, 350 
 
 Eleanor of Provence, married to Henry 
 III., 386 
 
 Election bv tribe, 192 
 
 Electors, College of, 474 
 
 El-Haddj, pilgrimage of, 81 
 
 Eligius, 60 
 
 Ella, 41 
 
 El Mandeb, Strait of, 72 
 
 El Saffah, 93 
 
 Elvas, 301 
 
 Ely, island of, 184 
 
 Emerton, , author, 16 (note); au- 
 thor of " Middle Ages," 65 (note); 
 " Introduction to the Middle Ages," 
 200 (note) 
 
 Emirel-Moumenin, 93 
 
 Emma, 163, 180 
 
 Emperors, quarrel with Popes, 131 
 
 Empire, struggle with Church, 199, 371 
 (note), 443 ; declaration of independ- 
 ence of Papacy, 396 
 
 Empire of the East, 17, 43 (note), 262; 
 acquires new lease of life, 88; inva- 
 sion of, 156; political geography of, 
 in the eleventh century, 221 
 
 Empire of the West, 16-18, 43 (note); 
 attack of Radagaisus on, 18; Alaric's 
 attack on, 18; invasion of, 156 
 
 Ems, River, n 
 
 Enameling, 323, 332 
 
 " Encyclopaedia Britannica," 533 (note) 
 
 Engern, the, 124 
 
 England, iSo ; the assembly in, 64 ; pa- 
 ganism in, 115; Norse invasion of, 
 157, 483 ; beset by pirates, 159 ; loses
 
 552 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 independence, 159 ; division into 
 counties and hundreds, 160, 161 Nor- 
 man invasion of, 180 ; feudal system 
 of, 185 and note, 220, 302 ; survey of, 
 185 ; political geography in eleventh 
 century, 220 ; Innocent III.'s power 
 in, 254 ; Innocent IV. asks asylum in, 
 25^ ; wars of, 278 ; interdicted, 282 ; 
 offensive doctrines in, 292 ; elevation 
 of people of, 313; commerce of, 321, 
 322 ; prosperity of fisheries, 322 ; wine 
 trade with Bordeaux, 322 ; French 
 language in, 333 ; epic poetry in, 334; 
 Henry II. 's claim on, 346 ; in coali- 
 tion against France, 363 ; possessions 
 of clergy in, 373 ; foundations of the 
 Constitution, 391 ; preliminaries of 
 the Hundred Years' War, 392 ; allies 
 of, 395 ; fostering the woolen trade 
 of, 395 ; treaty with Brittany, 410 ; in- 
 ternal disturbances, 411 ; demands on 
 France, 440 ; truce with France, 431 ; 
 constitutional rights estabJished, 433; 
 progress of power of Parliament, 433; 
 national spirit of, 436 ; rise of the 
 Constitution, 436; conflict between 
 ecclesiastical and civil jurisdictions, 
 508, 509; invasion of, by Italian priests, 
 508 ; supports Urban VI., 510 ; revo- 
 lutionary forces in, 511 ; literature of, 
 527 ; classical learning in, 532 
 English, Philip the Fair's decrees 
 against, 375 (note); invasion of Spain 
 by, 406 ; hatred of, in Paris, 422 ; al- 
 liance with Burgundians, 424 ; vote 
 in Council of Constance, 514 
 English Channel, 180, 186, 220, 340 
 English language, the, 521 ; formation 
 of , 523 ; established by Edward III., 
 
 524 
 Engraving, 323. 533 
 Enguerrand, 360 
 Enguerrand de Marigny, 383 
 Ennodius, 37 
 Enquesteurs, 366 
 Enus, River, 193 
 Enzio, 259 ; made king of Sardinia, 257; 
 
 capture and death of, 258 ; repulses 
 
 Tartars, 283 
 Ephthalites, the, i6 
 Epic poetry, 229, 230, 333, 334 
 Epirus, fortresses in, 5c ; principality 
 
 of, 281 ; invaded by Amurath II., 501 
 Episcopal counties, 217 
 Episcopi, 109 
 Equality, 442 
 Equites, 6 
 Erchinoald, 67 
 Eresburg, captured by Charlemagne, 
 
 125 ; battle of, 190 
 Erfurt, Diet of, 192 ; University of, 532 
 Eric, becomes king of Sweden, 484 
 Eric the Pomeranian, 485 
 Eric the Saint, 484 
 Erigcna, John Scotus, 223, 227 
 B"n> 349. 350 
 Escheat, right of, 203 
 Eschenbach, Wolfram von, 337, 338 
 
 Essex, kingdom of, 42 ; Wat Tyler's 
 insurrection in, 412 
 
 Estates, assemblage of, 404 
 
 Este, house of, 241, 448 
 
 Esthonia, subdued by Brothers of the 
 Sword, 291 ; subject to Waldemar, 
 483 ; lost to Denmark, 483 ; bought 
 by Teutonic Knights, 486 
 
 Esthonians, the, 14 
 
 " Etablissements des Metiers de Pa- 
 ris," 367 
 
 " Etablissements de St. Louis," 333 
 
 " Etablissements selon I'Usage de Paris 
 et d'Orleans," 367 
 
 Etampes, battle of, 58 ; county of, 216 
 
 Ethandune, battle of, 160 
 
 Ethiopia, boundary of Arab empire, 91 
 
 Eton, school at, 532 
 
 Eu, Constable of, 398 
 
 Eucharist, discussions on, 227, 228 ; 
 transubstantiation, 411 
 
 Euclid, commentary on, loi 
 
 Eudes of Aquitaine, 107, 108 
 
 Eudes of Champagne, 178, 217 
 
 Eudes of France, 154, 155, 172, 188, 227 
 
 Eudoxia, 26 
 
 Eugenius, 249 
 
 Eugenius IV., papacy of , 515 
 
 Euphemia, queen of Norway, 527 
 
 Euphrates, River, 8, 43, 52, 72, 73, 86 
 (note), 109, 268, 275 ; fortification of, 
 50; Arab expeditions towards, 85 ; 
 Arab successes on the, 86 ; crossed by 
 John Ximisces, 263 
 
 Euric, 62 
 
 Europe, fate of Arabian empire in, 99 ; 
 in eleventh century, 207 ; quarrel be- 
 tween State and Church for suprem- 
 acy in, 245 ; under Gospel influence, 
 261 ; effect of the first crusade on, 
 273 ; Tartar invasion of, 282, 283 ; ter- 
 rorized by Tartars, 283 ; castle of, 
 built, 502 ; division of, on the Schism 
 of the West, 510 
 
 Eustace, Count of Boulogne, 180 
 
 Eustace of St. Pierre, 398, 424 
 
 Eustace of Boulogne, 267 
 
 Eutyches, 44 
 
 Euxine Sea, 13, 44 
 
 Evesham, battle of, 388 
 
 Evora, 301 ; military order of, 302 
 
 Evreux, conquered by Du Guesclin, 
 410 
 
 Evreux, Jane of, acquisitions of, 394 
 
 Evreux, Philip, Count of, 394 (note) 
 
 Evroin, 68 
 
 Exarchate, the, 219, 465 
 
 Exchange, bureaus of, 382 
 
 Excommunication, the weapon of the 
 Church, 207, 237 
 
 Exeter, captured by William the Con- 
 queror, 183 
 
 Eyvicd-Skaldaspiller, 527 
 
 Faiu.iaux, the, 335, 519 
 Faenza, Gothic victory at, 48 
 Fair Rosamond, 350 
 Falkirk, battle of, 390
 
 INDEX. 
 
 553 
 
 Falkoeping, battle of, 485 
 
 Falstaff, 416 
 
 Family relations, 214 
 
 Famine, 213, 224 
 
 Faroe Islands, 165, 221 
 
 Fasting, disputes over, 262 ; Huss's at- 
 tacks on, 513 
 
 Fatima, 79, 85, 97 
 
 Fatimites, the, 85, 91 ; power in Africa, 
 97 ; empire of, 264 ; lose Eg'ypt, 275 
 
 Faubourg, origin of the name, 315 
 
 Faussement de jugement, 366 and note 
 
 Faustus, condemned as unjust judge, 
 36 
 
 Fecamp, monastery at, 227 
 
 Fehde, 205 
 
 Felix of Urgel, 136 
 
 Felix v., 515 
 
 Ferdinand I., of Castile and Leon, re- 
 ceives Castile, 298; encroaches on 
 Arab territory, 299; king of Leon, 529 
 
 Ferdinand IV., of Castile, 477 
 
 Ferdinand the Catholic, 478, 479 
 
 Ferdinand the Just, 479 
 
 Ferrand, 355 
 
 Ferrara, 448 ; Council of, 515 
 
 Ferriferes, schools in, 137 
 
 Feudalism, 384 ; tendencies to, 137 ; 
 tendency towards, 151 (note), 152 ; 
 in Normandy, 159 ; rise and growth 
 of, 200 et seq. ; attempts to foster in 
 Italy, 253 ; carried into Asia, 271 ; 
 power of, 305, 306 ; struggles of, 307, 
 308 ; change in France, 361 ; of 
 France and England compared, 392 ; 
 death of, 438 
 
 Fez, 97 ; an intellectual centre, 99 ; 
 capture of, 301 
 
 Fiefs, 204 ; distinguished from appa- 
 nages, 438 
 
 Field of Lies, 144 
 
 Field of May, 191 
 
 Field of the Blackbirds, battle of, 496 
 
 Fieschi, Sinibald, 258 
 
 Fiesole, fate of barbarians at, 19 
 
 FileUo, 532 
 
 Filioque, dispute over the word, 262 
 
 Fines, 211 
 
 Finiguerna, inventor of reproduction 
 by engraving, 533 
 
 Finland, 221; introduction of Christi- 
 anity, 484 
 
 Finland, Gulf of, 486 ; extent of Arab 
 commerce, 319 
 
 Finnic race, 95 (note) 
 
 Finns, the, 14, 95 (note) 
 
 Fiorentino, death of Frederick II. at, 
 
 259 
 
 Fire, ordeal by, 64, 299 
 
 Firuz, betrays Antioch, 269 
 
 Flaccus, 136 
 
 Flanders, 179, 344, 368; sustains Hugh 
 Capet, 176 : county of, 216 ; com- 
 merce of, 321, 322 ; defeat of John's 
 coalition in, 356 ; invaded by Philip 
 the Fair, 370, 371; wealth of, 370; 
 restored by Philip the Fair, 371 ; 
 strength of democracy in, 371 ; inva- 
 
 sion of, by Philip VI., 393 ; weak 
 hold of feudalism in, 393 ; ally of 
 England, 395 ; exportation of English 
 wools to, forbidden, 395; relations 
 with Charles V.. 407 ; revolts in, 417 ; 
 inherited by Philip the Bold, Duke of 
 Burgundy, 418 ; under Philip van Ar. 
 tevelde, 418; revolutionary forces in, 
 5" 
 
 Flanders, Count of, 217, 267, 278, 281, 
 3447 3525 3701 420; joins coalition 
 against Philip Augustus, 355 ; alli- 
 ance of Edward I. with, 369 
 
 Flax, 323 
 
 Flemings, 469 ; Pippin's wars against, 
 106 ; Philip the Fair's decrees against 
 375 note ; defeated by Genoese gal- 
 leys, 383 ; swear allegiance to Philip 
 the Bold, 418 ; settle in North Ger- 
 many, 464 
 
 Flevo, Lake, 11 
 
 Florence, 19, 447, 450, 457, 45S, 468, 532 ; 
 Italian republican consuls at, 248 ; 
 commerce of, 320, 459 ; Renaissance 
 in, 340 ; power of, 449 ; banishment 
 of Dante from, 451 ; popular move- 
 ment in, 453, 454 ; overthrow of popu- 
 lar government in, 455 ; destroys Pisa, 
 456 ; revolution in, 456 ; improved po- 
 sition of, 456; architecture in, 45S ; 
 banks in, 459 ; industry of, 459 ; buys 
 right of self-government, 465 ; Coun- 
 cil of, 515 ; birthplace of art of repro 
 duction by engraving, 533 
 
 Florentine plague, the, 398 
 
 Florus, 146 
 
 Flotte, Peter, 371, 377 
 
 Flowers, palace of, 103 
 
 Foix, Count de, 295, 368 
 
 Foix, house of, Navarre passes to, 479 
 
 Folkungar, 484 
 
 PolkTzsor, 527 
 
 Follis senatorijts, 5 
 
 Fontenay, battle of, 145, 146 
 
 Fontenelle, monastery of, 120 ; schools 
 in, 137 ; abbey of, 226 
 
 Fontevrault, abbey of, 214 
 
 Food donations, 6 
 
 Foolish Virgins, represented in the 
 Mysteries, 520 
 
 Forcalquier, added to Catalonia, 302 
 
 Forest Charter, the, 386 and note 
 
 Forismarita^iu}>i, 209 
 
 Formariage, 209 
 
 Formigny, battle of, 432 
 
 Forth, River, 390 
 
 Fortieths, levy of, 508, 509 
 
 Forum, the, 206 
 
 Forum Jiidiciun, 62 
 
 France, 131 and note. 368 ; assembly in, 
 64 ; first marking off from Germany, 
 146 ; loses natural limits, 146 ; forma- 
 tion of kingdom, 154; union with 
 Germany and Italy, 154 ; separation 
 from Germany, 155 ; pillaged by 
 Norsemen, 157, 159, 166 ; pillaged by 
 Saracens, 167; invaded by Norsemen, 
 483; House of, 174; customs in, 177;
 
 554 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 effects of Norman conquest of Eng- 
 land on, i86; claim to the imperial 
 crown, 187; Duke of, 192, 216; expe- 
 dition against, by Otto II., 196; eccle- 
 siastical power in, 207 ; disturbances 
 in, 213 ; monasteries in, 224 ; tirst cru- 
 sade, 245 ; fired by Peter the Hermit, 
 266 ; army in the crusades, 267 ; 
 preaching the crusade in, 273 ; wars 
 of, 278 ; a leader in expeditions against 
 Asia, 286 ; struggle with Albigenses, 
 289 ; divisions in, 292 ; bounds in 
 early part of thirteenth century, 294 
 (note) ; expulsion of Arabs from, 
 295 ; Roman municipal institutions 
 in, 306 and note, 307 ; cornmerce of, 
 321; fairs in, 322; cultivation of mul- 
 berries in, 323 ; literature of, 332, 
 517-52'. 527 ; language of, 333 ; poetry 
 in, 333 ; Marie of, 335 ; rise of Gothic 
 architecture in, 340 (note); Henry 
 II. 's possessions in, 346 ; defeated by 
 Henry II., 350 ; rousing of national 
 spirit, 355 ; steps towards unity in, 
 360 ; hostility of Aquitaine to, 363 ; 
 development of law in, 365-367 ; im- 
 provement of the coinage, 366 ; pre- 
 ponderance of power in Europe, 367 ; 
 possessions of clergy in, 373 ; ac- 
 quires Sicily and Aragon, 374 ; strikes 
 blow at papal power, 374 ; expulsion 
 of foreigners from, 375 ; provincial 
 parliaments in, 382 (note); rule of suc- 
 cession in, 383; feudalism in, 392; 
 preliminaries of the Hundred Years' 
 War, 392; Edward III.'s claims to 
 crown of, 396 ; invaded by Edward 
 III., 396 ; outflanked, 397 ; total de- 
 feat of, 398 ; reform demanded in, 
 401 ; taxation in, 402, 437 ; renuncia- 
 tion of claim to crown by Edward 
 III., 405; internal disturbances, 411, 
 417 ; opposition to Rome, 42^ ; des- 
 perate plight of, 426 ; English de- 
 mands on, 430; truce with England, 
 431 ; currency in, 437 ; the royal 
 power in, 437; commerce of Genoa 
 with, 458 ; supports Clement VII., 
 510; revolutionary forces in, 511; 
 English wars in, 518 ; chivalry of, 
 527; improvements in artillery, 534 
 
 Franche-Comte, 22, 219 ; annexed by 
 Conrad II., 198 
 
 Franc homage, 202 (note) 
 
 Francis I., 424, 441 ; establishes Con- 
 cordat of 1516, 440 
 
 Franciscans, expelled from Sicily, 257 ; 
 establishment of order, 289 ; persecu- 
 tions of, 383 
 
 Franconia, 189, 218, 247, 466 ; elects 
 Conrad I., 190 ; boundaries of, 218 ; 
 Hohenstaufen possessions in, 247 ; 
 prosperity in, 315 ; commerce of, 320 
 
 Franconia, Duke of, resists Otto, 192 
 
 Franconia, House of, 463; enmity to, 
 241 ; extinction, 244 
 
 Frankfort, prosperity of, 315,472; Prag- 
 matic Sanction of, 470, 507 
 
 Frankish Empire, decline of, 180 
 Franks, 54, 57, 62, 118, 158, i6g; confed- 
 eration of, II ; expel GothsJ from 
 Spain, 22; allied with Romans against 
 Attila, 25; Salian, 28; union with 
 Saxons, 28, 29; dominion in Gaul, 29; 
 conversion of, 30; alliance with Bur- 
 gundians against Visigoths, 30 (note); 
 expeditions of, 32; history of, 32; in 
 possession of most of Gaul, 32; split 
 in, 32; driven out of Italy, 33; unity 
 of, 33, 34; defeated by Theodoric, 35; 
 attack Lombards, 39; neutrality of, 48; 
 preponderance of, in Western Eu- 
 rope, 60; taxation of, 65 (note); new 
 era in history, 107; reorganized king- 
 dom of, 121; extent of dominion, 
 129 
 Fraxinet, Saracens at, 167 
 Fredegonda, 56-58 
 
 Frederick I. (Barbarossa), rule of, 249- 
 253; embarks on the third crusade, 276; 
 break-up of his army, 276; interview 
 with Alexander III. at Venice, 279; 
 revenues of, 461 
 Frederick II., 355 (note), 444, 460, 462, 
 464; death of, 246, 443; reign of, 255- 
 259; invokes aid of Saracens, 259; 
 leads sixth crusade, 282; truce with 
 Melik-el-Kamel, 282; crowned king of 
 Jerusalem, 282; opposes Tartars, 283; 
 exalts the Teutonic Knights, 291; 
 detains French prelates, 362; deposed, 
 507; favors ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 
 508 
 Frederick III. (the Fair), 468, 470, 474 
 Frederick, King of Sicily, 454 
 Frederick of Austria, taken prisoner, 
 
 445 
 
 Fredzim, the, 65 
 
 Freeman, E. A., article by, 22 (note); 
 " Norman Conquest," 184 (note) 
 
 Freemen, 63; under Roman Empire, 6; 
 disappearance of, 208 and note 
 
 Freiburg, 467 
 
 Freising, Otto of, 202 
 
 French, invasion of Spain by, 406; vote 
 in Council of Constance, 514 
 
 French Flanders, 371 
 
 French language, in composition of 
 English language, 522; earliest 
 monument of, 145; the court lan- 
 guage in England, 186 and note; prev- 
 alence of, 523 
 
 Freya, 12 
 
 Friars Minor, 289 
 
 Friedensgeld, the, 65 
 
 Friesland, 189,218,219 (note); mission to, 
 116; death of St. Boniface in, 117; 
 commerce of, 321; coveted by Duke 
 of Burgundy, 425 
 
 Frisians, the, 11; alliance with Neustri- 
 ans, 106; tendency towards independ- 
 ence, 106; Charles Martel's cam- 
 paigns against, 107; settle in North 
 Germany, 464; settlers in Transylva- 
 nia, 490 
 
 Frisingen, diocese established, 117
 
 INDEX. 
 
 555 
 
 Friuli, ravages of Hungarians, i68; 
 
 Duke of, 124, 188, 194 
 Froissart, 419, 496, 518, 519, 534; on 
 
 Church troubles, 515 
 Front du Bceuf, 182 
 Fuero Juzgo, 62 
 Fulda, schools, 136; abbot of, fight 
 
 with bishop of Hildesheim, 238 
 Fulk, preaches the crusade, 278 
 Fulk Rechin, 179 
 Fulk Nerra, 178 
 Fulrad, abbot of St. Denis, 120 
 Furst, Walter, 467 
 Furst, 467, 533; invention of printing, 
 
 533 
 
 Gabelle, the, 407 
 
 Gabriel, 82; Mohammed's pretended 
 revelation from, 78 
 
 Gabrini, Nicolas, 452 
 
 Gaels, at Bruanburh, 162 
 
 Gaeta, 39, 129, 194; threatened by Sara- 
 cens, 166 
 
 Gaileswintha, 56 
 
 Gaiseric, 28, 166; attack on Western 
 Empire, 18; invades Africa, 22, 23; 
 conquests of, 23; opposed by Theodo- 
 sius II., 24; attacks Rome, 26; rule 
 and death of, 26 
 
 Galata, 502 
 
 Galatia, 47 
 
 Galeazzo, Gian, begins Milan cathe- 
 dral, 458 
 
 Galen, 102 
 
 Galicia, 296, 297 
 
 Gal'.aecia, Suevian kingdom in, 21 
 
 Gallican Church, doctrines of, 513; es- 
 tablishment of liberty of, 515 
 
 Gallipolis, seized by Catalan mercenar- 
 ies, 492: occupied by the Turks, 493; 
 captured by Soliman, 494; recap- 
 tured by crusaders, 496 
 
 Gallo-Romans, demand independence, 
 139; language of, 139 
 
 Gama, Vasco de, 319 
 
 Gambling, among the Germans, 13 
 
 Ganerbschaften, the, 462 
 
 Ganges, River, 96, 261; Tamerlain's 
 descent upon, 498 
 
 Garcias, inherits Navarre, 298 
 
 Garden of Roses, 338 
 
 Garigliano, River, 129, 166 
 
 Garonne River, 217 
 
 Gascoigne, William, 416 
 
 Gascons, 68, 145; submit to Dagobert, 
 60; tendency towards independence, 
 106; fight Charlemagne, 128: revolt of, 
 1.J2; found kingdom of Navarre, 296; 
 give allegiance to France, 410; English 
 sy pathies of, 432 
 
 Gascony, 131, 345, duchy of, 217; oppres- 
 sion of, 408 
 
 Gascaldus, 39 (note) 
 
 Gate of Tears, 72 
 
 Gatinais, the, ceded to Philip I., 179; 
 customs in, 312 
 
 Gaul, 54; under Roman Empire, i; pre- 
 fect 01,3; vice-prefect of ,3, 4; attack of 
 
 barbarians on, 19; usurpers in, 21; ex- 
 pulsion of Goths from, by Franks, 22; 
 spread of the Goths over, 22; Attila's 
 ravages in, 24; partition of, 29; under 
 Barbarian rule, 29; Franks in posses- 
 sion of, 32; Gothic occupation of, 35; 
 diocese of, 36; taking of, by Constan- 
 tine, 40 (note); under Dagobert, 60; 
 Burgundian occupation of, 62; Visi- 
 goth occupation of, 62; Visigoth su- 
 premacy in, 89 (note); Arab invasion 
 of, 89, 90; remnants of paganism in, 
 lis; anarchy in, 151 
 
 Gauls, boast of subjection to Franks, 
 140; adventurous spirit of, 180 
 
 Gaunt, John of, claims crown of Castile, 
 
 Gaveston, Piers, 390, 391 
 
 Gaza, battle of, 284 
 
 Gazali, 100 
 
 Gazna, 96 
 
 Gaznevides, dynasty of, 96 
 
 Gefolge, the, 11 
 
 Geisa, 489 (note), 490 
 
 Gelimer, assassinates Hilderic, 47 
 
 Gemistius Pletho, 532 
 
 Geneva, ceded to Godigisel, 30 
 
 Geneva, cardinal of, elected Pope, 510 
 
 Geneva, Count of, invades southern 
 France, 293 
 
 Genin, edition of " Chanson de Ro- 
 land," 287 (note) 
 
 Genoa, 194, 219, 258, 450, 468; under the 
 Emperor of the East, 114; Italian re- 
 publican consuls at, 248 ; roused 
 against Frederick II., 257; fleet at- 
 tacked by Pisan ships, 257; fleet sup- 
 plies crusaders, 269; embarkation of 
 Philip Augustus at, 276 ; freedom in, 
 306 ; war with Venice, 319; commerce 
 of, 320,458, 459; lends fleet to Philip the 
 Fair, 383; power of, 449; quarrel with 
 Venice, 453; banks at, 459; buys right 
 of self-government, 465; wars with 
 Aragon, 479 ; crusaders hire vessels 
 from, 501 
 
 Genoese, put compass to use, 322, 323; 
 in defence of Constantinople, 502 
 
 Gens petestatis, 208 
 
 Geoffrey, son of Henry II., 350 
 
 Geoffrey of Anjou, 178, 345 
 
 Geoffrey of Monmouth, 334, 524 
 
 Geography, Arian influence on, 102 ; 
 influence of, 304 
 
 George of Trebizond, 532 
 
 Georgia, tribute levied on, 96 ; Timur's 
 descent upon, 499 
 
 Gepida;, the, 17, 23; overwhelmed by 
 Theodoric, 34; kingdom destroyed, 38 
 
 Gerbert, 175 (note), 225 
 
 Germanic ideas of law, 65 (note) 
 
 Germanic invasion, i, 70 
 
 Germanic race, union of, 129 
 
 German influence in Italy, 194 
 
 German race, union of, 139 
 
 Germans, menace to Rome, 10, 11 ; traits 
 of, 11; social status of, 64; attack on 
 the Empire of the West, 71 ; language
 
 556 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 of 1 i39i 524 ; support Louis the Pious, 
 143; the " arm of Christianity," 196; 
 massacred in the Taurus, 274; invade 
 southern France, 293; vote in Council 
 of Constance, 514 
 
 German States, threatened by Arabs, 
 90 
 
 Germany, Tacitus's book on, 11 ; bards 
 of, 13; land cultivation in, 13; rise of , 
 132 ; rebellion against Louis the 
 Pious, 144 ; first marking oil from 
 France, 146; military organization 
 of, 149; formation of kingdom, 154; 
 united with Italy, 154 ; fortresses in, 
 169 ; claim to the imperial crown, 
 187 ; Slav invasions of, 188 ; separa- 
 tion from France, 155 ; Arnulf 's power 
 in, t88 ; divisions of, 189 ; claims on 
 Italy, 194 ; insurrection in, 196 ; east- 
 ern policy of, 197 ; ecclesiastical jjower 
 in, 207 ; boundaries of, 218 ; in Holy 
 Roman Empire, 218 ; language in, 
 226; Henry IV., master of, 242; strug- 
 gle with Italy, 245, 248 ; feudalism in, 
 246; Frederick II.'s consent to divi- 
 sion of, 259 ; passage of crusaders 
 through, 266, 267 ; preaching of cru- 
 sades in, 273; Richard I.'s imprison- 
 ment in, *77 and note ; wars of, 278 ; 
 offensive doctrines in, 292 ; commerce 
 of, 321 ; literature of, 332, 526, 527 ; 
 epic poetry in, 334; war with Louis the 
 Fat, 344 ; possessions of clergy in, 373 ; 
 the great interregnum, 460, 461, 464 ; 
 private warfare in, 462, 472 ; settlers in 
 North, 463, 464 ; Rudolf's policy to- 
 ward, 466; arch-chancellor of, 471; 
 diversity of constitutions in, 475 ; Sig- 
 ismund elected emperor, 491 ; sup- 
 ports Urban VI., 510 ; classical study 
 
 _in, 532 
 
 Gerontius, 21 
 
 Gerson, 511-513 
 
 Gessler, 467 
 
 Ghassan, kingdom of, 73, 74 
 
 Ghent, 395, 418, 422; military strength 
 of, 308; wealth of, 370; motto of, 321 
 
 Ghibellines, the, 247, 446, 450, 451, 468; 
 deride Alexandria, 251; quarrel with 
 the Guelfs, 254 ; banishment of, 372 
 
 Giaffar, 94 
 
 Giano della Bella, 450 
 
 Gibraltar, origin of name, 89 
 
 Gibraltar, Straits of, 21; crossed by 
 Almohades, 60, 302 
 
 Gijon, 296, 300 
 
 Giotto, 340, 458 
 
 Girona, capture of, 368 
 
 Gironde, 409 
 
 Gisborne, Guy of, 522, 523 
 
 Gisela, 120 
 
 Gisors, battle of, 353 
 
 Giussano, Albert, 252 
 
 Glaber, Rodulfus, 177, 232 
 
 Glaris, 467 
 
 Glass, 323 
 
 Glendower, Owen, 415 
 
 Gloucester, Duke of, opposes Richard 
 
 II., 413, 414; killed by Richard II., 
 414 ; quarrel with Duke of Burgundy, 
 425 ; contributions to Oxford Univer- 
 sity library, 533 
 
 Gloucester, Earl of, 388 
 
 Glycerius, 26 
 
 Gnesen, archbishop of, 485 
 
 God, truce of, 212, 225, 235, 266 
 
 Godfrey of Bouillon, 267, 268, 269; kills 
 Rudolf, 242 ; enters Jerusalem, 270 ; 
 chosen king of Jerusalem, 270; com- 
 piles Assizes of Jerusalem, 271 and 
 note 
 
 Godfrey of Harcourt, 398, 399 
 
 Godfrey of Villehardouin, 279, 337 
 
 Godfried, 127 
 
 Godigisel, killed by Gundobad, 30 
 
 Godwine, 180, 181 
 
 Gold dust, imported from Africa, 482 
 
 Golden Book, the, 449 
 
 Golden Bull, the, 40T, 471, 472, 491 
 
 Golden Horde, Timur's attack on, 498 
 
 Golden Horn, the, 502 
 
 Goldsmithing, 323 
 
 Golgotha, 265 
 
 Gollheim, 466 
 
 Gonzagas, the, 448 
 
 Good Hope, Cape of, 303, 482 
 
 Gospel, spread of, 109 ; influence of, 
 261 
 
 Gospels, revision by Charlemagne, 136 
 
 Gota, 484 
 
 Goth, Bertrand de, 380 
 
 Gothic architecture, 38, 233, 339 
 
 Gothic Empire, the, 17 
 
 Gothic ritual used in Spain, 299; tri- 
 umph in the ordeals, 299 
 
 Gothland, branch office of Hanseatic 
 League at, 321 
 
 Goths, 7, 10, II, 17, 44, 158, 169, 488 ; ad- 
 mission to the Empire, 17; in Rome, 
 20 ; check the Suevi in Spain, 21 ; lack 
 of seamanship among, 21 ; expulsion 
 from Gaul, 22 ; Theodoric's return 
 for aid, 35 ; land taxes among, 36 ; re- 
 lations with Romans under Theo- 
 doric, 36 ; move against Belisarius, 
 48 ; of Septimania, 145 ; rivalry with 
 Swedes, 484 
 
 Gotland, 221 ; surrendered to Denmark, 
 484 
 
 Gotteschalk, 266 
 
 Gottfried von Strassburg, 338 
 
 Goitschalk, 223 
 
 Gozlin, 154 
 
 Grafen, 59, 64 
 
 Granada, reputation for silks, 103 
 
 Grandella, battle of, 444, 445 
 
 Grands Jours, held at Troves, 382 
 
 Great Britain, elements of population, 
 40; invasions of, 40 ; St. Augustine 
 appointed primate, 115 
 
 Great Flag, battalion of the, 252 
 
 Great Land, the, i66 
 
 Great Ordinance of Reform, the, 402 
 
 Grecules, 267 
 
 Greece, 447 ; pillage of, 13 ; under 
 Roman Empire, x ; Gregory the
 
 INDEX. 
 
 557 
 
 Great's interest in, ii6 ; ravaged by 
 Otto, 195 ; menaced by Normans, 221 ; 
 peace with Russia, 262, 263 ; passage 
 of crusaders through, 367 ; feudal 
 relics in, 281 ; withdrawal of Mace- 
 donian dominion from, 448; Venetian 
 possessions in, 458 
 
 Greek, study of, in Paris, 532 
 
 Greek architecture, 232 
 
 Greek civilization, 261 
 
 Greek Empire, 43, 482 
 
 Greek fire, 88, 262 
 
 Greek influence in Italy, 194 
 
 Greek pirates, capture Otto II., 196 ; 
 capture Louis VII., 275 
 
 Greeks, struggles in Italy, 33 ; dominion 
 in Italy, 38 ; attack Lombards, 39 ; 
 war w^ith Mohammed, 80 ; Arab con- 
 quests from, 85 ; expulsion from Spain 
 by Visigoths, 89 (note); influence on 
 Arabs, 100 ; skill in medicine, T02 ; 
 Charlemagne's campaigns against, 
 123; attack Benevento, 236; struggles 
 with Bulgarians, 263 ; success against 
 Arabs, 263 ; lose Asia Minor, 264; re- 
 vival of navy, 263; take the Archi- 
 pelago and the Morea, 263; deceive 
 Conrad III., 274; rivals of Venetians, 
 278; opposition of Carolingians to, 
 374 
 
 Green, J. R., works of, 40 (note); " His- 
 tory of England," 160 (note) 
 
 Greenland, 165 ; invaded by Norsemen, 
 483 
 
 Gregentius, 74 
 
 Gregorian chant, the, 116 
 
 Gregorian Code, 44 
 
 Gregory of Tours, 28, 31 
 
 Gregory the Great, 59 ; career of, 114- 
 116; dialogues of, 162 
 
 Gregory II., 117, 118 
 
 Gregory III., ii8' institutes policy of 
 independence of the Holy See, 40 
 
 Gregory IV., 143 
 
 Gregory V., 196 
 
 Gregory VII., 108, 117, 215, 239, 252, 253, 
 299, 371 (note), 372, 490, 506; quarrel 
 with Henry IV., 179 ; career of, 239- 
 243 ; contemplates crusade, 265 
 
 Gregory IX., 256, 372 ; convokes coun- 
 cil at the Lateran, 257 • deposes Fred- 
 erick II., 257 ; decLtb 01, 25S ; decretals 
 of, 507 
 
 Gregory X., 446, 464. 
 
 Gregory XL, 510 
 
 Gregory XIL, 511 ; deposed, 512 ; ab- 
 dication of, 514 
 
 Gregory XIII., 330 
 
 Grenada, 103 ; independence of, 99 ; 
 an intellectual centre, 99 ; e.xpedition 
 against, 406 ; the last refuge of the 
 Mussulmans, 476 
 
 Grimoald, 39, 66 
 
 Gripho, 118 
 
 Guad-al-Lete, River, 89 
 
 Guadalquivir, River, 89, 103 
 
 Gudrun, 338 
 
 Gueldres, Duke of, 420 
 
 Guelfs, the, 247, 254, 277 (note), 446, 450, 
 45I1 453. 468; quarrel with the Ghibel- 
 lines, 254 
 
 Guerande, treaty of, 406 
 
 Guesclin, Du, 530. See also Du Guksc- 
 
 LIN. 
 
 Guibert of Nogent, 213, 266, 287, 309 
 
 Guido, Duke of Spoleto, 188 
 
 Guienne, 360, 361 ; left in John's hands, 
 355; ceded to England, 364; attempted 
 seizure by Philip the Fair, 369 ; at- 
 tached to England, 370; held by 
 Philip the Fair, 370 ; Edward III., 
 does homage for, 384, 394 ; English 
 possession of, 392, 397; Black Prince's 
 campaign in, 399; conquered by 
 Charles V., 410; reconquered by 
 France, 432 
 
 Guilds, 323 and note, 463 
 
 Guines, ceded to Edward III., 405 
 
 Guiot de Provins, 322 
 
 Guiraut de Borneil, 333 
 
 Guiscard, Robert, 236 ; rescues Greg- 
 ory VII., 242 
 
 Gundicar, cessions to, 22, 28 
 
 Gundobad, 32 ; murders his brothers, 
 29; kills Godigisel, 30; defeated by 
 Clovis, 30 ; publishes law of Bur- 
 gundians, 62 
 
 Gundovald, 57 
 
 Gunpowder, 102 ; discovery of, 330; in- 
 fluence of, 505, 534 
 
 Gunther of Schwartzburg, 470 
 
 Gunthramn, 55, 56, 69 ; alliance with 
 Childebert, 58 ; death, 58 
 
 Gunthramn-Bozo, 57 
 
 Gutenberg, invention of printing, 533 
 
 Guthrum, invasions of England, 159, 
 160 ; defeat of, 160 
 
 Guy, Count of Flanders, 370 
 
 Guy de Lusignan, besieges Ptolemais, 
 276 ; taken prisoner by Saladin, 276 ; 
 obtains Cyprus, 277 
 
 Guy of Gysborne, 522, 523 
 
 Habeas Corpus, 385 and note 
 
 Hafa, 73 
 
 Hadji-Begtasch, names the Janizaries, 
 494, 495 
 
 Hadramaut, 73 ; adhesion to Moham- 
 med, 80 
 
 Hadrian I., 124 
 
 Hadrian IV., 215; calls Frederick I., to 
 Rome, 249 ; quarrels with Frederick 
 I., 249; death of, 251; action towards 
 emancipation of serfs, 316 
 
 Hainault, coveted by Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, 425 ; Jacqueline of, 425 
 
 Hakim, 97, 265 
 
 Hakon, 527 ; becomes king of Norway, 
 484 
 
 Hakon IV., 484 
 
 Hakon VI., 485 
 
 Halberstadt, foundation of bishopric, 
 126 
 
 Hales, Ale.xander of, 330 
 
 Hall of Columns, 192 
 
 Ham, 73
 
 558 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Hamburg, rebuilt, 198; prosperity of, 
 
 315 ; subject to Waldemar, 483 
 " Hamlet," 527 
 Hammad, memory of, 100 
 
 Hanbar, taken by Khalid, 86 
 
 Hannibal, 20 
 
 Hansa, the, 321 
 
 Hanseatic League, 320, 321, 463; seizes 
 commerce of the Baltic, 483 
 
 Hapsburg-, Albert of, 466 
 
 Hapsburg, House of, 468; acquires Aus- 
 tria, 247 (note) ; acquires Hungary, 491 
 
 Hapsburg, Rudolf of, 446; election of, 
 464 
 
 Harcourt, Godfrey of, 398, 399 
 
 Harfleur, English capture of, 423 
 
 Harlem, so-called birth-place of print- 
 ing, 533 
 
 *' Harmonies of the Gospels, The," 525 
 
 Haro, house of, 476 
 
 Harold, proclaimed king of England, 
 180; ascends English throne, 181; war 
 with Tostig, 181; death of, 182 
 
 Haroun-al-Rashid, 94,95; relations with 
 Charlemagne, 132 
 
 Harthacnut, 180 
 
 Hartmann von der Aue, 338 
 
 Hasbain, battle of, 421 
 
 Haschim, great-grandfather of Moham- 
 nied, 77 
 
 Hashimites, movement against, 87 
 
 Hassan, conquers Carthage, 88 
 
 Hastings, 154, 157 and note; driven 
 from England, 162 
 
 Hastings, battle of, 181, 182, 230; sends 
 deputies to Parliament, 314 
 
 Haute justice, court of, 205 
 
 Haute-Marne, 58 
 
 Havelborg,bishopric of, 193 
 
 Hawkweed, John, 455 
 
 Hebrides, Norse occupation of, 165 
 
 Hedjaz, 73, 75; rivalry with Yemen, 74; 
 dialect in, 99 
 
 Hedwig, 486 
 
 Heerban, the, 191 
 
 Heidelberg, University of, 532, note; 
 bequest to library, 533 
 
 Helena, Empress, 265 
 
 Hellespont, 493, 501; crossed by Mus- 
 sulmans, 88 
 
 Helmichis, assassinates Alboin, 58 
 
 Helvetia, St. Columban's mission to, 
 115; transportation of Saxons to, 125 
 
 Henghist, 41 
 
 Henoticon, the, 44 
 
 Henry, Count of Anjou, 345 
 
 Henry, Count of Troycs, 311 
 
 Henry, Duke of Burgundy, 178 
 
 Henry, Duke of Viscu, 481 
 
 Henry, king of the Romans, revolt of, 
 257 
 
 Henry, son of Henry H., 350 
 
 Henry I., of England, 385; grants 
 charter to London, 313; rule of, 343; 
 arranges succession, 345; death, 345 
 
 Henry I., of F'rance, 179 
 
 Henry L, of Germany, 190, 191 
 
 Henry II., of England, 251, 293, 371 
 
 (note); municipal government of, 313, 
 314; reign of, 346-351; does penance, 
 350; enters Ireland, 350 
 
 Henry II., ol Germany, 196, 197, 466 
 (note). 
 
 Henry III., of Castile, 478, 480 
 
 Henry III., of England, 476; accession 
 of, 357; invades France, 363; over- 
 thrown by barons, 364; treaty with 
 Louis IX., 364; reign of, 386-388; in- 
 vasion of England by Italian priests 
 in time of, 508 
 
 Henry III., of Germany, 199; career 
 of, 235-238; assists Leo IX., 236; 
 checked in Sicily, 236; restores Peter 
 the German to theHungarian throne, 
 490 
 
 Henry IV., of Castile, 478 
 
 Henry IV., of England, 416 (note); as- 
 sumes crown, 415; reign of, 415, 416; 
 refusal of recognition by Duke of 
 Orleans, 422; growth of public lib- 
 erty, 435 
 
 Henry IV., of Germany, 228, 243; quarrel 
 with Gregory VII., 179; struggle with 
 the Church, 240; traffic in ecclesiasti- 
 cal dignities, 240; declared deposed, 
 241 ; insubordination to the Pope, 241; 
 humiliation of, 241, 242; contrasted 
 with Frederick II., 255; check to 
 literature, 525 
 
 Henry v., of England, accession of, 416 
 and note; necessity of war for, 422; 
 mission in France, 423; recognized as 
 heir of Charles VI., 424; recognized 
 by States General, 424; marries Cath- 
 erine, 425; death, 425; dependence on 
 Parliament, 435, 436 
 
 Henry V., of Germany, 344, 345; settles 
 quarrel over investitures, 243; deat^i, 
 244; grants privileges to artisans, 315 
 
 Henry VI., of England, proclaimed king 
 of France, 425; Aquitaine and Nor- 
 mandy yielded to, 430; crowned king- 
 of France at Paris, 430 
 
 Henry VI., of Germany, holds Richard 
 I. for ransom, 277 
 
 Henry VI., of Italy, rule of, 253 
 
 Henry VII., of England 416 (note), 451, 
 468, 469 
 
 Henry of Anjou, 350 
 
 Henry of Bolingbroke, banished, 414 
 
 Henry of Burgundy, seizes Portucale, 
 300; patronizes troubadours, 531 
 
 Henry of Monmouth, 425 
 
 Henry of Transtamare, 406, 407, 477 
 
 Henry of Windsor, 425 
 
 Henry the Fowler. See Henry I., of 
 Ge^kmanv. 
 
 Henry the Lion, 247, 254, 277 (note). 461 ; 
 refuses alliance with Frederick I., 
 251 ; downfall of, 252 
 
 Henry the Proud, rule of, 246, 247; do- 
 minion of. 247 
 
 Her, seized by Norsemen, 157 
 
 Heraclius, 43, 263; career of, 51-53; alli- 
 ance with Khazars, 52; attack on the 
 Persians, 52; pursued by the Avars,
 
 INDEX, 
 
 559 
 
 52; attacks Asia Minor, 52; recovers 
 
 the True Cross, 53; ambassage from 
 
 Dagobert, 61: relations with Sloham- 
 
 med, 80; defeated by Arabs, 85; on 
 
 the Ponius, 94; saves Constantinople 
 
 from the Avars, 127; crown of, 489; 
 
 an apostolic see, no 
 Heraldry, 288 
 Hercules, Strait of, 89 
 Heredity, of benefices, 152; of offices, 
 
 152; right of, 246 
 Heresy, 225, 227 
 
 Heretics, treatment by Honorius, 22 
 Here ward, 184 
 Heribert, 198 
 Heristal, Pippin of, 68 
 Herlembald, expelled from Milan, 240 
 Herinandades, 480 
 Hermann, 124 
 Hermanrich, 16, 296 
 Hermanstadt, capital of Transylvania, 
 
 490, 491 ; battle near, 500 
 Hermath, River, 129 
 Hermeric, 28 
 Hermits, in 
 Hermogenian Code, 44 
 Hermunduri, 11 
 Herring fishery, 321, 322 
 Herrings, Day of the, 426 
 Hertha, 12 
 Heruli, the, 11, 26, 27, 34; cessions to, 
 
 35; occupation of Italy, 62 
 Herulians, in Narses' army, 48 
 Hersog, the, 12 
 Hescham, 93, 98, 99, 297 
 Hessels, J. H., article on printing, 533, 
 
 note 
 Hialmar the Vanquished, 527 
 Hida, abbot of 182 
 Hidalgos, 480 
 
 Hierarchy, civil and military, 2 
 High justice, court of, 205 
 High treason, 434 
 Hildebrand, 181, 237 and note; influence 
 
 of, 238 ; becomes Pope, 239 ; song of, 
 
 525 
 Hilderic, 47, 48 
 Hildesheim, foundation of bishopric, 
 
 126; bishop fights with abbot of Ful- 
 
 da, 238 
 Himalayas, the, 103 
 Himyarite dialect, 99 
 Hincmar, 153, 223 
 Hindostan, introduction of the Koran 
 
 to, 96 ; reached by Benjamin of Tu- 
 
 dela, 318 ; ravaged by Timur, 498 
 Hiong-Nu, 14 
 Hippo, siege of, 23 
 Hira, kingdom of, 73, 74 ; taken by 
 
 Khalid,86 
 " Histoire Littdraire de la France," 336 
 
 (note) 
 " History of England," Green's, 40 
 
 (note) 
 " History of England," Stubbs's, 313 
 
 (note) 
 "History of the Later Roman Empire," 
 
 x6 (note) 
 
 Hodgkin, , author, i6 (note) 
 
 Hohenstaufen, House of, 254, 337, 460, 
 461 
 
 Hohenstaufen lands, 247; union of, 247 
 
 Hohenzollern, house of, acquires Bran- 
 denburg, 247, note 
 
 Hojiaj, victories of, 88 
 
 Holda, 12 
 
 Holland, mission to, 116 ; commerce of, 
 321 ; prospects of, 321; prosperity of 
 fisheries, 322 ; coveted by Duke of 
 Burgundy, 425; supports tJrban VI., 
 51C 
 
 Holland, William of, 460 
 
 Holstein, rebellion of, 485; brought back 
 under dominion of Denmark, 485 
 
 Holy Grail, 334 
 
 Holy Land, Frederick II. 's vow to go 
 to, 255 
 
 Holy Roman Empire, 218, 475 
 
 Holy Roman Republic, 452 
 
 Holy See, policy of independence of, 
 40 
 
 Holy Sepulchre, keys given to Charle- 
 magne, 132; expedition to deliver, 
 180 ; Defender and Baron of, 271 ; the 
 Christian's love for, 265 
 
 Homage, 201 
 
 Homer, 136, 5i9,.532 ; Angilbert's school 
 name, 136 
 
 Homerite dialect, 99 
 
 Homerites, the, 74 
 
 Homme de poeste, 208 
 
 Homo relation, 202 
 
 Honey, 323 
 
 Honorius, 4, 17, 18, 21 ; alliance with 
 Sarus. 20 ; kills Stilicho, 20 • grant to 
 the Goths, 21 ; cessions to Gundicar, 
 22 ; death of, 22 ; recalls troops from 
 Britain, 40 
 
 Honorius II., 239 
 
 Honorius III., 255 ; claim as to bene- 
 fices, 373 ; decretals of, 507; claims 
 right of disposing of ecclesiastical 
 benefices, 508 
 
 Hood, Robin. See Robin Hood. 
 
 Horsa, 41 
 
 Horses, ancestry of English, 322 
 
 Hospitalers of St. John of Jerusalem, 
 272 
 
 House of Commons, 391, 434, 436 
 
 " House of F"ame," 524 
 
 House of Lords, 391, 434, 435 
 
 Hubert de Burgh, 386 
 
 Hugdietrich, 338 . 
 
 Hugh, Count of "Provence, 194 
 
 Hugh Capet, 173-177, 188, 190, 206, 292, 
 367 ; protects Louis V., 174 ; sanctions 
 for, 175 
 
 Hugh of Lusignan, 360 
 
 Hugh the Great, 172; quarrel with 
 Louis IV., 173; supports Louis IV., 
 173 
 
 Hulagu, captures Bagdad, 283 
 
 Humber, River, 42,414; Osbeorn's land- 
 ing at, 183 
 
 Humbert II., cedes Viennois to Philip 
 VI., 398
 
 56o 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Humphrey, 236 
 
 Hundreds, 161 and note ; in Germany, 
 12 ; division into, 64 
 
 Hundred Years' War, 437, 438, 523; jsre- 
 liminaries of the, 392 ; end of first 
 period of, 410 ; beginning of new 
 period in, 422 ; end of, 432 ; effect of, 
 433 
 
 Hungarians, the, 15, 95 (note), 191, 200, 
 482, 488, 489 ; ravages of, 149 ; inva- 
 sion of, 167 ; defeats of, 168, 192, 193 ; 
 invade Germany, 189 ; possess left 
 bank of Danube, 492 ; take action 
 against Turks, 500 ; destruction of 
 army, 501 
 
 Hungary, 218, 221, 235, 455, 473, 474 ; 
 Gregory VII. 's claim of suzerainty 
 over, 240 ; passage of crusaders 
 through, 266, 267; Frederick I. passes 
 through, 276 ; loses Zara, 279 ; Tartar 
 invasion of, 283; severs relations with 
 Germany, 462 ; conquered by Mon- 
 gols, 488 ; value of cows in, 489 ; the 
 St. Louis of, 490 ; claim to Croatia, 
 
 490 ; acquired by House of Hapsburg, 
 
 491 ; transferred to House of Anjcu, 
 491 ; supports Urban VI., 510 
 
 Hungary, Andrew of, 445 
 
 Hungary, king of, 455 ; Innocent III.'s 
 power over, 254 ; menial to Boniface 
 VIII., 372 ; papal threats towards, 506 
 
 Hunold, io8, 119, 123, 124 
 
 Huns, the, 14, 17, 19, 34, 127, 167, 488 ; 
 westward advance of, 16 ; attack on 
 Western Empire, 18 ; summoned by 
 Gaiseric, 23 ; internal dissensions, 25, 
 26; in Narses' army, 48 ; invade Dacia, 
 49 (note); of Kharesm, conquered by 
 jenghiz-Khan, 283 
 
 Hunyadi, John, 492 ; exploits of, 500- 
 502 ; crushing.deieat at Kassovia, 501 ; 
 endeavors to keep peace, 501 ; made 
 regent of Hungary, 501 ; victory over 
 Turks, 501 
 
 Huss, John, 473 ; doctrines of, 513, 514 ; 
 sent to the stake, 514 
 
 Hussite War, 473 
 
 Hyferes, monastery near, 112 
 
 Hythe, sends deputies to Parliament, 
 
 Iberian language, 527 
 
 Ibn-Badja, loi 
 
 Ibn-Hafson, 98 ; revolt of, 297 
 
 Ibn-Tofail, loi 
 
 Iceland, 165; invaded by Norsemen, 483 
 
 Iconium, kingdom founded, 264 ; over- 
 throw of last sultan of, 493 
 
 Iconoclasts, the, 117, 237 ; quarrel of, 
 262 
 
 Idda, 42 
 
 Idiom, formation of the, 521 
 
 Idolatry in Hedjaz, 75 
 
 Ignorance, 212 
 
 Iliad, a Spanish, 529 
 
 Uiad, Homer's, compared with the SoDg 
 of the Nicbclungen, 526 
 
 Iliad, the German, 338 
 
 Illyria, recognizes supremacy of Vei> 
 
 ice, 278 
 Illyricum, prefect of, 3 ; Alaric in, 18 t 
 
 becomes subject to Theodoric, 35 ; 
 
 Charlemagne's empire in, 129 
 Ilmen, Lake, 165, 487 
 Images, Huss's attacks on worship of, 
 
 513 
 
 " Imitation of Christ," 51X 
 
 Impeachment, right of, 433, 436 
 
 Imperial Vicar, the, 446 
 
 India, commerce of Novgorod with, 
 320 ; fabled wealth of, 318 ; sea route 
 to, discovered, 482 ; under the Tob- 
 bas, 74 
 
 Indian Ocean, 73, 318 ; boundary of 
 Arab empire, 91 
 
 Indians, fear of Charlemagne, 133 
 
 Indiction, the, 5 
 
 Indies, 482 ; Tamerlane's dream of con- 
 quest, 498 
 
 Indus, the, 86 (note), 96,104; Mussulman 
 conquest of shores of, 88 ; boundary 
 of Arab invasion, 90, 91 ; Tamerlane's 
 descent upon, 498 
 
 Industry, Arab, 99 ; decline of, 212 
 
 Ine, 162 
 
 Infantry, rise of, 441 ; growing impor- 
 tance of, 534 
 
 Infanzones^ the, 480 
 
 " Inferno, The," 450 (note) 
 
 Ingeborg, 254, 359 
 
 Ingelheim, Council of, 173 
 
 Ingolstadt, University of, 532 
 
 Innocent II., humbles Lothar, 24! ; op- 
 position to, 248 ; dispute with Louis 
 VII., 345 
 
 Innocent III., 108, 244 (note), 253, 279, 
 372, 507 ; supports Otto of Brunswick, 
 254; favors the Ghibelline family, 255; 
 preaches the crusade, 278 ; attacks 
 heresy, 293 ; remorse of, 295 ; calls aid 
 to Spain, 302 • mediates between 
 Richard I. and Philip Augustus, 353; 
 authorizes invasion of England, 355 ; 
 annuls Magna Cliarta, 356 ; espouses 
 cause of Ingeborg, 359 ; levies income 
 tax on clergy, 373 ; doctrine of pon- 
 tifical power, 506 ; decretals of, 507 ; 
 levies on revenues of clergy, 508 
 
 Innocent IV., 258, 372, 444 ; incites 
 Lombardy and Sicily to revolt, 258 ; 
 implacable towards Frederick 11., 
 259 ; mission to Tartars, 318 ; sets up 
 William of Holland, 460 
 
 Innocent VI., 511 
 
 Innsbruck, commerce of, 320 
 
 Inijuisition, the, 293, 361 ; establishment 
 of, 289 ; growth of, 293 (note) 
 
 " Institutes of General History," so* 
 (note) 
 
 Institutes of Justinian, 49 
 
 Insurance, early, 321 
 
 Intcrwalden, revolt in, 466 
 
 " Introduction to the Middle Ages," x6 
 (note), 20O
 
 INDEX. 
 
 561 
 
 Investiture, 202 
 
 Irak, Arab settlement in, 92 ; revolt of 
 Abassides, 92 
 
 Irak-Arabi, 87 
 
 Ireland, 42 ; converted, 115 ; Norse in- 
 vasion of, 157 ; asylum for Saxons, 
 183 ; in eleventh century, 221 ; con- 
 quest of, 34g, 350 ; Duke of, 413 ; re- 
 bellion in, 415 
 
 Irenarchs, 4 
 
 Irene, 262 ; conquest of,'94 
 
 Irmensaiile, 125 
 
 Irnerius, 317 
 
 Iron crown, 195 
 
 Ironsides, Edmund, 163 
 
 Irrigation, Arab, 74 
 
 Isaac,'king of Byzantium, 263 
 
 Isabel, wife of Edward II., 391 
 
 Isabel of Bavaria, 424 
 
 Isabella, Queen, 478 
 
 Isabella o? Castile, 479 
 
 Isaurian dynasty, 263 
 
 Isaurian gTjards, revolt of, 44 
 
 Isaurians, the, 95 ; expelled from Con- 
 stantinople, 44 
 
 Ishmael, 73 
 
 Ishmaelites, 73 
 
 Isidore, 525 
 
 Islam, 78 ; empire of, dismembered, 139 
 
 Islamism, downfall of, 271; the Puri- 
 tans of, 87 ; language of, 99 ; sects 
 in, loi 
 
 Isle of France, knights of, 294 
 
 Isle of Man, 414 
 
 Isle of the Saints, 349 
 
 Ispahan, conquest of, 86; entered by 
 Timur, 398 
 
 Ispan, office of, 489 
 
 Issus, Heraclius's victory at, 52 
 
 Istria, 146; recognizes supremacy of 
 Venice, 278 
 
 Italian language, 226; development of, 
 
 5'7 
 
 Italians, language of, 139; at battle 
 of Fontenay, 145; vote in Council of 
 Constance, 514 
 
 Italy, 44, 49, 52, 54, 61, 114, 123, 129, 144, 
 371. 447. 4SI, 469. 473. 475, 488; prefect 
 and vice-prefect of, 3; pillage of, 13; 
 Alaric in, 18; invasion of, by, Suevi, 
 19; death of Alaric in, 20; invaded by 
 Attila, 25; terrorized by Attila, 25; 
 attacked by Theudibert,33; expulsion 
 of Franks from, 33; descent of Ostro- 
 goths on, 34; Gothic occupation of, 
 35; submission to Ostrogoths, 35; dio- 
 cese of northern, 36; restoration of 
 prosperity to, 37; settlement of Lom- 
 bards in, 38; feudalism in, 40; rescued 
 from Ostrogoths, 43; Belisarius sent 
 to, 48; conquered by Lombards, 51; 
 barbarian occupation of, 62; the Agla- 
 bites attack, 97; Charlemagne con- 
 c^uers upper part of, 124; loss of na- 
 tionality, 131; Bernhard becomes 
 king, 133; Pippin crowned king, 
 133; transferred to Lothaire, 146; 
 ravaged by Saracens, 149, 167; under 
 
 Louis II., 150; formation of kingdom, 
 154; united with Germany, 154; de- 
 cline of imperial power in, 155; at- 
 tacked by Norsemen, 157: Saracens 
 in, 166; ravages of Hungarians in, 168; 
 conquest of southern Italy, 179; Nor- 
 man conquests in, 180; fall of, 187; 
 disorder in, 194; Germany's claims on, 
 194; German power established in, 
 195; Otto II. in, 195, 196; internal 
 dissensions, 197, 254; under German 
 rule, 107; Conrad II. 's rule in, 198; 
 feudalism in, 198, 199 (note); subject to 
 Otto the Great, 218; in Holy Roman 
 Empire, 218; prevention of feudal- 
 ism in, 219; language in, 226, 457; 
 conflict with Henry III., 236; Hilde- 
 brand's scheme for freedom of, 238; 
 weakness of Gregory VII. in, 240; 
 Henry IV. 's success in, 242; struggle 
 with Germany, 245, 248; struggle for 
 independence in, 246; Henry the 
 Proud's succession in, 247; party 
 feuds in, 247; division of, 248; repub- 
 lics in, 248, 249; attacked by Frederick 
 I., 249; rebellion against Frederick 
 I., 249; Frederick I. 's second invasion 
 of, 250; attempts at union, 251; Fred- 
 erick I. 's tyranny over, 251; reinva- 
 sion by Frederick I., 251; attempts to 
 foster feudalism in, 253; quarrel of the 
 Guelfs and Ghibellines in, 254; under 
 dominion of Frederick II., 257; fall of 
 German power in, 259; Normans join 
 crusade, 267; the Inquisition in, 289; 
 offensive doctrines in, 292; disputes 
 of Pope and Emperor over, 305; Ro- 
 man municipal institutions in, 306 and 
 note; discord in, 314; commerce of, 
 321, 370; cultivation of mulberries in, 
 323; French language in, 333; epic 
 poetry in, 334: French influence in, 
 364; downfall of German dominion 
 in, 443; intestine warfare, 443; de- 
 pendence on house of Anjou, 447; 
 open to Spanish dominion, 447; 
 imperial vicar of, 448; Dante on the 
 state of, 448; revolutions in, 448; 
 overcomes Germans, 456; the condot- 
 tieri in, 456; industry of, 459; relin- 
 quished by Rudolf of Hapsburg, 465, 
 466; arch-chancellor of, 471; support 
 of Urban VI. in, 510; revolutionary 
 forces in, 511; literature of, 517, 532 
 
 " Italy and her Invaders," 16 (note) 
 
 Ivan III., releases Russia from Tartar 
 yoke, 48S 
 
 Ivrea, Marquis of, 194, 197 
 
 " Iwein," 338 
 
 Jacobjns, the, 289 
 Jacqueline of Hainault, 425 
 Jacquerie, the, 336, 403 (note), 417, 419, 
 
 5" 
 Jacques Bonhomme, 336, 403 and note 
 Jacques d'Arc, 426 
 Jagello, 486, 487 
 Jalula, victory of, 86
 
 562 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 James (son of Peter III.), 447 
 
 James I. (of Aragon), conquers Balearic 
 Isles, 303 
 
 James II., relinquishes claims on Sicil- 
 ian throne, 479 
 
 Jane, daughter of Louis X., 383 
 
 Jane I., 455 
 
 Jane II., 455 
 
 Jane, Queen of Naples, 479 
 
 Jane of Blois, possessions of, 406 
 
 Jane of Evreu.x, acquisitions of, 394 
 
 Jane of Flanders, 397 
 
 Jane of Montfort, 397 
 
 Jane of Penthievre, 396, 397 
 
 Janina, recognizes Amurath II., 500 
 
 Janizaries, organization of, 494 
 
 Jargeau, capture of, 428 
 
 Jaroslaf, 179 
 
 Jean de Breze, 431 
 
 Jean de Meung, 335 
 
 Jectan, 73 
 
 Jectanides, the, 73, 74 
 
 Jenghiz Khan, 497; campaigns of, 282, 
 283; death of, 283 
 
 Jerome of Prague, 473; sent to the 
 stake, 514 
 
 Jerusalem, 53, 229, 253; surrenders to 
 Omar, 86; an apostolic see, no; con- 
 templated expeditions against, 196; 
 ruin of, 224; Frederick II. 's expedi- 
 tion to, 256; invaded by Malek-Shah, 
 264; falls into savage hands. 265; 
 Silvester II. 's appeal in behalf of, 265; 
 the Christian's ideal country, 265; 
 arrival of the first crusade before, 270; 
 Godfrey chosen king, 270; siege and 
 assault of, 270; organization of king- 
 dom for defence, 271; Assizes of, 271 
 and note; feudal subdivisions of, 271, 
 272 and note; Viscount of, 272; Louis 
 VII. hurries towards, 274; taken by 
 Saladin, 276 ; Venetian interests in 
 kingdom of, 273; offer of cession to 
 Christians, 282; restored to Chris- 
 tians, 282; lost to Christians, 283; 
 taken by Turcomans, 284; effect of 
 Christian disasters in, on Spain, 299; 
 results of the crusades, 303, 304; 
 French language in, 333 
 
 Jesuits, creation of, 288 (note) 
 
 "Jeux partis," 333 and note 
 
 " Jewel," the, 338 
 
 Jews, the, 75, 325, 326, 472 (note); pro- 
 tected by Theodoric, 37: resist Mo- 
 hammed, 80; subdued by Mohammed, 
 80; in favor in Spain, 97; bandits, 98; 
 massacre of, 266,292; persecutions of, 
 352,367, 383, 387; pillaged by Philip 
 the Fair, 371 
 
 Joan of Arc, 432; career of, 426-430 
 
 J(jculators, 229 
 
 John, of England (Lackland), 254, 277, 
 278, 314, 342, 350- 353. 355, 385, 386, 391, 
 411, 438, 506 
 
 John I., war with Portugal, 478 
 ohn I. (of Portugal), reign of, 481 
 John II., of Castile, 478, 479 
 John II., of France, 398-405, 411, 439 
 
 John III., of Brittany, 396 
 
 John IV., 420 
 
 John XIII., 19s 
 
 John XXII., 469, 507, 510 
 
 John XXIII., convokes council, 513; 
 removed by Council of Constance,5i4 
 
 John, Duke of Brittany, 410 
 
 John du Plan Carpin, 318 
 
 John of Bohemia, 469 
 
 John of Brienne, 256, 281, 282 
 
 John of Gaunt, claims crown of Cas- 
 tile, 413 
 
 John of Luxemburg, 451, 468 
 
 John of Montfort, 396, 397, 406; deposi- 
 tion of, 409 ; recall of, 410 
 
 John of Pecquigny, 400 
 
 John of Procida, 446 
 
 John of Ravenna, 457 
 
 John of Swabia, 466, 467 
 
 John of Troyes, 422 
 
 John of Vicenza, 256 
 
 John Scotus, 329 
 
 John the Blind, 470 
 
 John the Fearless, reign of, 421-434 ; 
 leader in crusade, 497 
 
 Joinville, 285, 333, 518, 531 
 
 Joinville, Sire de, 337 
 
 Jongleurs, 229 
 
 Jornandes, 25 
 
 Jourdain de I'Isle, 383 
 
 Jouvenel,'43i 
 
 Jovinus, 21 
 
 Judaism, in Hedjaz, 75 
 
 Judea, trade of, coveted by Venice, 280 
 
 Judex, 39 (note) 
 
 Judicael, 60 
 
 Judicial combat, 2«y, 299 
 
 Judith, 142, 143 
 
 Julian, Count, 89 and note 
 
 Juliers, margrave of, 211 
 
 Julius Nepos, 26 
 
 Jumitges, abbey of, 227; monastery of, 
 127 
 
 Jura Mountains, 22, 144 
 
 JurSsy 309 and note 
 
 Jury, under Charlemagne, 135"; trial 
 by, 385, 436 
 
 Jury system, 161 and note 
 
 Jussuf, leader of the Almoravides, 300, 
 301 
 
 Justice, a barbarian idea of, 36, 37 ; un- 
 der Charlemagne, 135 ; administration 
 of, in England under Alfred, i6i, 162; 
 under feudal system, 204 
 
 Justin I., 37, 45, 74 
 
 Justin II., 51 
 
 Justinian, 43, 45. 48, 51 (note), 262 ; in- 
 vites Lombards, 38 ; attacks the Van- 
 dals, 47 ; avenges Amalasuntha, 48 ; 
 legislation of, 49, 50, 372 ; fortifies the 
 empire, 50; death of, 51; works of, 
 
 317 
 
 Justinian II., 53, 117 
 
 Justiniani, in defence of Constantino- 
 ple, 502 
 
 Justiza^ the, 481 
 
 Jutes, the, ji ; summoned against Picts, 
 4»
 
 INDEX. 
 
 563 
 
 Jutland, 193, 331 ; Code of, 483; Duke 
 
 of, 483 
 Juvenal, 532 
 
 Kaaba, the, 73-75; poems in, 76; in- 
 sults to Mohammed in, 78 
 
 Kadesiah, battle of, 86 
 
 Kadonians, the, 87 
 
 Kahina, leads insurrection of Moors, 88 
 
 Kahtan, 73 
 
 Kaim, 96 
 
 Kairowan, founded, 88, 96, 97; an intel- 
 lectual centre, 99, 166 
 
 Kalisck, duchy of, united with Posen, 
 486 
 
 Karl, Austrasian chief, 106 
 
 Karlmann, 108. 121, 123, 150, 154, 188 ; 
 rules Austrasia, 118; succeeds Charles 
 Martel, 118; attempted reforms, 119; 
 retires to monastery, iig ; invades 
 Italy, 150; crowned king, 150 ; death 
 of, 154 
 
 Kars, taken by Tamerlain, 498 
 
 Kashgar, conquered by Tamerlain, 498 
 
 Kassovia, battle of, 496, 501 
 
 Kempis, Thomas ^, 521 
 
 Ken, River, 184 
 
 Kent, 41, 159 ; devastated by Castilian 
 fleet, 410 ; Wat Tyler's insurrection 
 in, 412 
 
 Kepler, 330 
 
 Keptchak, Timur's passage through, 
 498 
 
 Kerboga, besieges Antioch, 269 
 
 Kerman, becomes distinct sultanate, 
 '264 
 
 Khadijah, wife of Mohammed, 77; 
 death of, 79 
 
 Khalbar, Mohammed subdues Jews of, 
 80 
 
 Khair-ed-deen-Barbarossa, 167 
 
 Khalid, victory of, 85 ; takes Hanbar 
 and Hira, 86 
 
 Kharegiles, the, 87 
 
 Kharesm, conquered by Jenghiz-Khan, 
 283; Tartar invasion of, 283; con- 
 quered by Timur, 49S 
 
 Khazars, the, 15, 52, 167, 168, 488 
 
 Khodovendikar, 497 
 
 Khorassan, Arabian conquest of, 86; 
 revolt of Abbassides, 92 ; subjugation 
 of, 96; conquered by Jenghiz-Khan, 
 283 ; massacre by Timur, 408 
 
 Kieff, 166,488; Grand Duchy of, 283, 
 487, 488 ; taken by Norse pirates, 487 
 
 Kiersy-sur-Oise, Capitulary of, 153 
 
 Kilij-Arslan, 264 ; defeat of, 268 
 
 King of the Isles, 221 
 
 King Rother, 3^8 
 
 Kingsley, Charles, 184, note 
 
 Kief, succeeds Alboin, 38; death of, 39 
 
 Knighthood, 231, 232 
 
 Knights of Christ, 291 
 
 Knights of St. John, 290, 291 ; join 
 seventh crusade, 284 
 
 Knights of the German Order, 486 
 
 Knights of the shire, 434, 435 
 
 BlUlfhts Templar, 291 ; join the seventh 
 
 1 crusade, 284 ; overthrow of the Order,, 
 
 380-382 
 
 Knoll, Robert, 409 
 
 Knytlinga Saga, 164 
 
 Kobad, 46 
 
 Kobilovich, Milosch, kills Amurath,, 
 496 
 
 Koenigsburg, fortress of, 291 
 
 Kolberg, suiTragan bishop of, 485 
 
 Kolka, battle of, 283 
 
 Koran, 75, 78, 81-84,139; carried to Hin- 
 dostan, 96 ; influence of, 99, 261 ; 
 quoted by Timur, 498 
 
 Koreisch dialect, 99 
 
 Koreishites, the, 75 ; opposition to Mo- 
 hammed, 76, 78, 79 ; truce with Mo- 
 hammed, 80; reaction against Hashi- 
 mites, 87 
 
 Kovvarism, subjugation of, 96 
 
 Kufah, colonized by Mussulmans, 86 ; 
 under Ali, 87 
 
 Kulm, Teutonic Knights settle at, 291 
 
 'Labor, under Roman Empire, 6; rise 
 of, 323, 324 
 
 Labrador, discovery of, 165 
 
 La Brie, ravaged by Norsemen, 157 
 
 Lactantius, 9 
 
 Ladislaus, king of Naples, 455 
 
 Ladislaus the Posthumous, 474, 491, 492 
 
 Ladislaw, king of Poland, heads a cru- 
 sade, 500; killed, 501 
 
 Ladislaw L, rule of, 490 
 
 Ladulas, Magnus, 4S4 
 
 Lagi, conversion of, 46 ; rebellion of, 46 
 
 Lagos, African company formed at, 483 
 
 La Hire, 428 
 
 Lahore, conquest of, 96 
 
 Laity, intellectual life among, 506 
 
 Lallier, Michel, 431 
 
 Lain the Bald, 529 
 
 La Marche, 345 ; entered by Louis IX., 
 363 
 
 La Marche, Count of, 360, 363 
 
 Lamego, taken by Almanzor, 297; taken 
 by Ferdinand I., 299 
 
 Lancaster, Duke of, 524 ; invades Nor- 
 mandy, 399 ; lands at Calais, 409 ; ap- 
 peased by Richard II., 414; death, 
 414 
 
 Lancaster, House of, 435 
 
 Land, cultivation in Germany, 13; dis- 
 puted right of inheritance in, 68; 
 
 Landen, Pippin of, 68 
 
 Land-grants of Merovingian kings, 62, 
 63 
 
 Lando, Michael, 453, 454 
 
 Land taxes, 36 
 
 Land tenure, 201 
 
 Landwehr, the, 65 
 
 Lanfranc, 183, 227 , opposes Berengar, 
 228 
 
 Langland, William, 524 
 
 Langres, Burgundian boundary, 29; 
 bishop-duke of, 217 
 
 Langton, Stephen, insurrection of, 356 
 
 Language, changes in, 332 ; formation. 
 9f the English, 523
 
 564 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Langruedoc, 219, ^17, 438, 439'; adoption 
 of Roman law m, 317; commerce of, 
 322 ; fairs in, 322 ; war in, 333 ; Louis 
 VIII. 's acquisitions in, 360; aban- 
 doned to France, 361 ; revolt of, 361 ; 
 rights of Louis IX. in, 364 ; given to 
 Duke of Anjou, 407 
 
 Langue d'oc, 226, 294 (note), 332 
 
 Langue d'oil, 226, 294 (note) 
 
 Laodicea, Louis VII. 's disaster in, 274 
 
 Laon, 58, 68, 207 ; siege of, 173 ; bishop 
 of, 176, 400, 401 ; bishop-duke of, 217 ; 
 commune of, 308, 309 
 
 Lara, house of, 476 
 
 Lascaris, 532 
 
 Las Navas de Tolosa, battle of, 302 
 
 Lateran, Council of, 257, 294 
 
 Latin, laws written in, 61 ; universal 
 language, 327 
 
 Latin Empire, break-up of, 281 ; down- 
 fall of, 449 ; at Constantinople, 492 
 
 Latini, Brunetto, 333 
 
 Latin language, the, 225, 527 ; dethrone- 
 ment of, 517 
 
 Latins, hated by Greeks, 274 
 
 Latinum, 220 
 
 Latin versification, 532 
 
 Latium, Senate of, 146 
 
 Latofao, battle of, 58 
 
 La Tremouille, 426, 430 
 
 Laura, 457 
 
 Laurentius Valla, 532 
 
 Law, change of, 436 
 
 Laws, personal, 64 
 
 League of the barons, 387, 388 
 
 League of the Rhine, 463 
 
 Learning, encouraged by Charlemagne, 
 135, 136 ; decay of, 223, 224 
 
 Leavened bread, quarrel over, 262 
 
 Lebanon, 72, 269 
 
 Leek, River, 127, 157 
 
 Le Clerc, 336 (note) 
 
 Legions, Roman, 8 and note 
 
 Legnano, battle of, 252 
 
 Leicester, 42, 391 ; Earl of, 388 ; de- 
 stroyed by William the Conqueror, 
 183 and note 
 
 Leidradus, 137 
 
 Leinster, 350 
 
 Leipzig, University of, 532 
 
 Leitha, the, 490 
 
 Lekhs, the 14 
 
 Lemberg, change of language in, 522 
 
 Lenk, 497 
 
 Lentagio, battle of, 48 
 
 Leo I., 44 
 
 Leo, III., Emperor, 117 
 
 Leo III., Pope, crowns Charlemagne, 
 130 
 
 Leo IV., fortifies the Vatican, 97 
 
 Leo IX., 236 and note, 237 
 
 Leo X., 458; 
 
 Leo XI., 237 
 
 Leo the Great, 25, 26, 113 
 
 Leon, 220, 296, 299, 300 ; kingdom of, 
 397); made Asturian capital, 297; taken 
 by Almanzor, 297; acquired by Ber- 
 mudo, 298; king of, 29S, 506, 529'; 
 
 union with Castile, 298 ; military or« 
 ders in, 302; wrecks at, 325 ; chartered, 
 
 480 
 Leonidas, 281 
 Leontius Pilatus, 532 
 Leopold I., captures Richard 1., 277 
 Leopold II., 467 
 
 Leovigild, 89 (note); conquers SueTi, si 
 Lepers, persecution of, 383 
 Lerins, monastery of, 112 
 Lesbos, taken by Venetians, 278 
 Lestines, council of, 119 
 Leudes, the, 54, 55, 63, 65 
 Leutharis, expedition to Italy, 33 
 Lewes, battle of, 388 
 Lewis I., 486 
 Lewis IV., 451, 468-470; alliance with 
 
 England, 396 ; excommunication of, 
 
 509 
 Lex Gombata, or Gundobada, 62 
 Libanius, 3, 8 
 Liberty, 442 
 Libraries, 533 
 
 Liburnia, invaded by Croats, 490 
 Liege, bishop of, 227; death of Henry 
 
 IV. at, 243; slaughter of citizens of, 421 
 Liege homage, 202 (note) 
 Liguria, Greek government of, 38 
 Lille, 371; taken by Philip Augustus, 355 
 Limburg, chronicles of, 526 
 Limoges, taken by Louis VIII., 360; 
 
 sack of, 408 
 Limousin, 345, 353; ceded to England, 
 
 364; ceded to Edward III., 405; rising 
 
 in, 417 
 Limousin River, 399 
 Lincoln, 42; sends deputies to Parlia- 
 ment, 314 
 Linen, 323 and note 
 Lingua Cortigiana, 257 
 Lionel, Duke of Clarence, 415, 524 
 Lions, court of the, 103 
 Lippe River, 125 
 Literature under Roman Empire, 8; 
 
 encouragement of, by Theodoric, 37; 
 
 Arab influence on, gg; influence of the 
 
 Church upon, 517; Spanish, 527 
 Lithuania, 291; Grand Duke of, 486; 
 
 union with Poland, 487 
 Lithuanians, the, 14, 221 
 Litus, 63 
 Livonia, subdued by Brothers of the 
 
 Sword, 2g; bishop of, 291 
 Livonians, the, 14 
 Livy, 452, 532 
 Llewellyn, 38g 
 Lodi, 250, 4^8; bishop of, 532 
 Lodos, battle of, 296 
 Loegrians, the, 40; quarrels with Cam- 
 brians, 41 
 Loire, River, 22, 28, 29, 8g (note), 121, 
 
 i57i ^sS, 173, 176, 216, 217, 294 (note), 
 
 333. 340, 421. 424-427 
 Lois d'OIeron, 322 
 " T-oiterers," the, 17 
 Loketek, 486 
 Lollard, origin of the wordi 41a and 
 
 note
 
 INDEX. 
 
 5^5 
 
 Lombard architecture, 232 
 
 Lombard league, 251; the second, 256; 
 defeated at Cortenuova, 257 
 
 Lombards, the, n, 115, ii8, 120, 123,130, 
 131, 326; settlement of, in Italy, 38; 
 southern progress of, 38; attacked by 
 Greeks and Franks, 39; conversion of, 
 39; first written laws, 39; general 
 assembly of, 39; in Narses' army, 48; 
 conquered by Lombards, 51; invade 
 Provence, 57; alliance with Dagobert, 
 61; Gregory the Great in struggles of 
 Rome against, 114; invasion of, 114; 
 Charlemagne's campaigns against, 
 123: under Charlemagne, 124; Charle- 
 magne's action against, 127; preserve 
 their laws, 139; opposition of Care- 
 lingians to, 374 
 
 Lombardy, 168, 187, 194, 219, 444, 471; 
 rise of name, 40; occupied by Charle- 
 magne, 124; greets Otto, 195; bishops 
 rebel against the Pope, 239; inde- 
 pendence of, 249; Frederick II. 
 marches against, 257; incited to re- 
 volt, 258; freedom in, 306; republics 
 in, 307; confederation in, 311; the 
 tyrannies, 447; subdued by Visconti, 
 455; Visconti's supremacy in, 456; 
 commerce of, 459; irrigation in, 459; 
 Rudolf's vicar in, 465 
 
 London, 41, 42, 183, 313, 321. 395; cap- 
 tured by William the Conqueror, 182; 
 first charter of, 313; sends deputies to 
 Parliament, 314; office of the Hanse- 
 atic League, 321; entered by the 
 barons' army, 356; Tower of, 389; 
 Wat Tyler's attack on, 412, 413; re- 
 fuses money to Richard II., 414; 
 entered by Bolingbroke, 415; Chau- 
 cer's birthplace, 524 
 
 Longobards, the. See Lombards. 
 
 Longueville, 405 
 
 Lope de Vegas, 530 
 
 Lords, House of, 391 
 
 Loria, Roger of, 447 
 
 Loris, customs of, 312 
 
 Lorraine, 150, 178, 189 (note); formation 
 of kingdom, 154 ; incursions of Hun- 
 garians, 168 ; opposes Otto, 173 ; 
 §ained by Charles, 174 ; Upper, ceded 
 y Lothaire, 174 ; given to Conrad 
 the Red, 192 ; recovered from the 
 German kingdom, 192 ; resists Otto, 
 192 ; boundaries of, 218 ; division of, 
 aig (note) ; struggle with Picardy, 
 230; partitioned oy Henry III., 235; 
 army in the crusades, 267 ; Duke of, 
 267: prosperity in, 315 ; surrenders to 
 Arthur, 353 ; occupied by Philip Au- 
 gustus, 354 • claims of Rene of Anjou 
 on, 432 ; supports Clement VII.. 510 
 
 Lorrainers, 421 ; invade southern 
 France, 293; invasion of Spain by, 406 
 
 Lorris, William de, 334, 335 
 
 Lothaire I., Emperor, 141-146, 149, 150, 
 187 
 
 Lothaire II., Emperor, reign of, 244, 
 846, 247, 
 
 Lothaire II., of France, 58, 60; war 
 against Brunhilda, 59; death of, 150; 
 
 territory of, 150 
 Lothaire III., 67 
 
 Lothaire, King of France. 173, 174, 194, 
 Lothaire of Soissons, 32, 33, 54, 55, 57, 
 
 61. 
 Lotharingia, 150 
 
 Louis I., Emperor, 128, 133,140-145, 148, 
 150, 229, 525 ; revulsion of feeling 
 towards, 144; reassumes the govern- 
 ment, 144; girt with sword by his 
 father, 231; performs same ceremony 
 on Charles the Bald, 231 
 
 Louis II., Emperor, 150 
 
 Louis II., of France, 154, 172 
 
 Louis II. (of Anjou), at Naples, 420 
 
 Louis III., of France, 154; song of, 525 
 
 Louis III. (of Anjou), 455 
 
 Louis IV., 162, 173, 192 
 
 Louis VI., 216, 309, 310, 342-345, 368 
 
 Louis VII., 251, 351 ; organizes crusade, 
 y3 ; arrives at Antioch, 274 ; met by 
 Greek embassy, 274 ; returns to Eu- 
 rope, 275 ; ordinances of, 310 ; muni- 
 cipal measures of, 312; reign of, 345- 
 351 ; defends Toulouse, 347 ; receives 
 Thomas h. Becket, 349 
 
 Louis VIII., 295 ; ordinances of, 310; 
 opposes John in Poitou, 355; offered 
 the English crown, 357; reign of, 360 
 
 Louis IX., 215, 257, 258, 330, 337, 383, 
 438, 533 ; interposes between Freder- 
 ick IL and Innocent IV., 258 ; medi- 
 ation sought by Frederick II., 259; 
 expedition to deliver Jerusalem, 284 ; 
 rebuked by Earl of Salisbury, 284; 
 embarks on eighth crusade, 285; nego- 
 tiations with Mongols and Assassins, 
 285 ; death of, 2S6 ; ordinances of, 310 ; 
 enfranchisements of, 313 ; authorizes 
 Roman law in Languedoc, 317 ; at- 
 tempts alliance with Mongols, 318 ; 
 encourages commerce, 322; regulates 
 corporations, 324 ; regulates coinage, 
 325 ; reign of, 361-367 ; goes to Holy 
 Land, 363; canonized, 376; defeats 
 Henry III., 386 ; arbitration of, be- 
 tween Henry III. and barons, 387, 
 3S8 ; refuses throne of Naples, 444 ; 
 crusade to Tunis, 446 ; favors ecclesi- 
 astical jurisdiction, 508 
 
 Louis X., 394 (note); ordinances of, 310; 
 reign of, 383 ; death of, 384 
 
 Louis XI.. 409, 432, 441, 465; abolishes 
 Pragmatic Sanction, 440 
 
 Louis XIV., 206, 223, 341, 367, 368 
 
 Louis de Male, 418 
 
 Louis d'Outremer. See Louis IV. 
 
 Louis, Duke of Orleans, 420 
 
 Louis, king of Aries, 188 
 
 Louis of Bavaria, revolts against Louis 
 the Pious, 143 
 
 Louis of Nevers, 393-395 
 
 Louis of Sa.xony, defeats Charles IL, 
 150 
 
 Louis the Child, 189 
 
 Louis the Fat. See Lotns VL
 
 566 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Louis the German, 144, 150, 154. 188; alli- 
 ance with Charles II., 145; at battle 
 of Fontenay, 145; resists Lothaire, 
 14s; territory given to, 146; career of, 
 149; death of, 150; opposes Charles, 
 150; called to the throne, 153 
 
 Louis the Great, becomes king of Po- 
 land, 4gi; plants vineyards of Tokai, 
 491; rule of, 491 
 
 Louis the Young, marriage of, 345 
 
 Louis, son of Louis the Pious, 141 
 
 Louvre, the, 370; beginning of, 358 
 
 Lower Lorraine, Duke of, 242 
 
 Lower Palatinate, the, 461 (note) 
 
 Low justice, court of, 205 
 
 Lozano, Count of, 529 
 
 Liibeck, prosperity of, 315; college of 
 the Hanseatic League, 321; subject 
 to Waldemar, 483; merchants found 
 hospital in Holy Land, 290 
 
 Lucca, 450; commerce of, 459; buys 
 right of self-government, 465 
 
 Lucera, Saracens of, 444, 446; Saracens 
 transported to, 256 
 
 Lucerne, 467, 526 
 
 Lucius IL, 248 
 
 Lucretius, 532 
 
 Lucullus, 27 
 
 Liigenfeld, 144 
 
 Luitprand, 40, 167; besieges Rome, 118; 
 ambassador to Nicephorus, 195 
 
 Lull, Raymond, 331 
 
 Luna, pillaged by Norsemen, 157 
 
 Luneburg, 252 
 
 Lusatia, 468, 472 
 
 Lusignan, Hugh of, 360 
 
 Lusitania, conquest by Suevi, 21 
 
 Lustralis collaiio, 5 
 
 Luther, Martin, 228, 514 
 
 Luxemburg, Charles of, 470, 468 
 
 Luxemburg, house of, 247 (note , 473 
 
 Luxemburg, John of, 451, 468 
 
 Luxeuil, abbey of, 59, 67 
 
 Lyonnais, 219 
 
 Lyons, 372; retreat of Innocent IV. to, 
 258; council at, 258; Clement V. 
 crowned at, 380; commerce of, 320, 
 322 
 
 Lyons, Council of, 367, 444, 492, 507 
 
 Macedonia, vice-prefect of, 3; ravages 
 of Visigoths in, 18; fortresses in, 50; 
 passage of crusaders through, 267 
 
 Macedonian dynasty, 263 
 
 Macon, 146; acquired by Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, 430 
 
 Macrobius, 223 
 
 Madeira, cultivation of sugar in, 323; 
 discovered, 482 
 
 Magdeburg, foundation of archbish- 
 opric of, 193; prosperity of, 315 
 
 Magic, 332, 394 
 
 Magister egtiitum, 4 
 
 Magister officioruni, 2 
 
 Magister peditutn, 4 
 
 Magna Charta, 342, 343 and note, 38,s- 
 387, 436; steps towards, 355 (note); 
 signed, 356; granting of, 391 
 
 Magnifying-glass, discovery of, 330 
 
 Magnus II., 484 
 
 Magnus VI., royal office becomes hered- 
 itary under, 484 
 
 Magnus VII., 485 
 
 Magnus Ladulas, 484 
 
 Magreb, 90, 301, 303 
 
 Magyars, the, 15, 168,455, 482, 488; incur- 
 sions oif, 168; anjessential of kingship, 
 489 
 
 Mahaut, 394 
 
 Mahdi, 94 
 
 Mahmud, first Sultan, 96 
 
 Mahrah, 73; adhesion to Mohammed, 80 
 
 Maid of Norway, 389 
 
 Maifeld, the, 64 
 
 Maillard, 404 
 
 Main, River, 8, 11 
 
 Maine, 217, 350; attacked by William 
 the Conqueror, 179; revolt in, 185; 
 Henry II. 's claim on, 346; acquired 
 by Philip Augustus, 358; acquired 
 by Charles of Provence, 362; Louis 
 IX. 's rights in, 364 
 
 Mainz, 120, 137, 145, 146, 475, "533; church 
 of, 117; archbishop of, 192, 461, 463; 
 archbishopric of, 192; bishop of, 223; 
 Diet of, 252; prosperity in, 315; elector 
 of, 471 
 
 Maires, 309 
 
 Major arts, 449 and note, 453 
 
 Majorca, king, sells Montpellier, 398; 
 language in, 528 
 
 Major domus, 56 
 
 Majorian, 26 
 
 " Making of England," Green's, 40, 
 note 
 
 Makusi, 102 
 
 Malek-Shah, 264, 265 
 
 Mall, the, 11 
 
 Malta, devastated by Saracens, 166; in 
 possession of Saracens, 166 
 
 Mamelukes, revolt of, 285 
 
 Mandeville, Sir John, 319, 524 
 
 Manesse of Zurich, 337 
 
 Manfred, 444 ; king of Sicily, 387, 444 ; 
 excommunicated, 444 ; death of, 445; 
 kingdom of Naples taken from, 507 
 
 Mani, 12 
 
 Manichaeism, 292 
 
 Manna, use of, 102 
 
 Mannyng, Robert, 524 
 
 Mans, 31, 158; revolt in, 306; first com- 
 mune established at, 308 ; forest of, 
 420 ; capture of, 426 
 
 Mansurah, battle of, 285 
 
 Mantes, 406; Count of, 216 
 
 Mantua, seized by the Gonzagas, 448 
 
 Manuel, sends embassy to Louis VII., 
 274; son of John Paleologus, 496; in 
 service of Bajazet, 497 ; escapes, and 
 solicits aid in Europe, 497 
 
 Manufacturers, duties on, under Roman 
 Empire, 6 
 
 Manufactures, 463; influence of the 
 crusades on, 287 
 
 Marathon, a Swiss, 467 
 
 Marcel, 511
 
 INDEX. 
 
 567 
 
 Marcel, Etienne, 400 ; heads citizens of 
 Paris, 403 ; killed, 404 
 
 Marcellinus, 532 
 
 Marches, 220 
 
 Marchfield, battle of, 465 
 
 Marcian, 24, 44 
 
 Marcomanni, 11, 23 
 
 Marco Polo, 318, 319 
 
 Margaret of Anjou, married to Henry 
 VI., 431 
 
 Margaret of Denmark, 483, 485 
 
 Margravates, 219 
 
 Marguerite of Provence, 284 
 
 Margus, 24 
 
 Mane of France, 335 
 
 Marienburg, fortress of, 291 
 
 Marigney, 381 
 
 Marigny, Enguerrand de, 383 
 
 Mariner's compass, the, 102, 322 
 
 Maritza River, battle of Christians and 
 Turks on, 496 
 
 Marken, 219 
 
 Markgrafen, 130 
 
 Marie, Thomas de, 342 
 
 Marmora, Sea of, 493 
 
 Marmontel, 51 (note) 
 
 Marmoutiers, monastery of, 112 
 
 Marne, 403 
 
 Marozia, 194 
 
 Marq, River, 355 
 
 Marriage, 411 ; right of, 204; sanctity of, 
 215 
 
 Marriage alliances, 30, 31 
 
 Marriage of the Adriatic, 279 
 
 Marseilles, seized by Theodoric, 31 ; be- 
 comes subject to Theodoric, 35; ad- 
 heres to Charles Martel, 108; monas- 
 tery at, 112; pillaged by Saracens, 
 167 ; embarkation of Richard I. at, 
 276; municipal institutions in, 307; 
 commerce of, 320, 322 
 
 Marshal, office of, 231 
 
 Martel, Charles, go, 91, 107, 347 
 
 Martin, 68 
 
 Martin IV., 446 
 
 Martin V., encourages discovery, 482; 
 appointed Pope, 514; measures for 
 reform, 514 
 
 Mary, daughter of Louis the Great, 491 
 
 Masaccio, 458 
 
 Massacres, 383 
 
 Master of cavalry, 4 
 
 Master of infantry, 4 
 
 Master of Roman soldiery, 28 
 
 Master of the offices, 2 
 
 Masudj 96 
 
 Masudi, 102 
 
 Matilda, 394 
 
 Matilda, daughter of Henry I., 345 ; 
 fights Stephen, 346 
 
 Matilda, Countess, 241-243, 249, 250, 
 252, 255; Lothar holds lands of, 246; 
 death of, 248 
 
 Matteo the Great, 448, 451, 455 
 
 Matthew of Westminster, 321 
 
 Mauclerc, Peter, 354 
 
 Maud, 394 
 
 Maundeville, Sir John, 319, 524 
 
 Maurice, 51, 114 
 
 Maurontus, 108 
 
 Maurus, Rabanus, 223 
 
 Maximus, 21, 26 
 
 Mayors of the palace, 56, 66, 107, 174, 489 
 
 Mazarin Bible, 533 
 
 Meander River, battle on, 274 
 
 Measures and weights, 383 
 
 Meaux, ravaged by Norsemen, 157; 
 slaughter at, 403 
 
 Mecca, 73, 74; founded, 76; defended 
 against Abyssinians, 77; Mohammed's 
 retirement to, 78 ; Mohammed's pil- 
 grimage to, 80 ; annual pilgrimage to, 
 84 
 
 Mecklenburg, subject to Waldemar, 483 
 
 Medea, 334 
 
 Medes, fear of Charlemagne. 132 
 
 Medici, Cosmo de, 456 
 
 Medici, Silvestro de, 453 
 
 Medici family, influence on literature, 
 
 532 
 
 Medicine, Arab skill in, 102 
 
 Medina, 73 ; siege of, 80 
 
 Medinat-en-Nebi, 79 
 
 Mediterranean Sea, 48, 219, 269, 292, 300, 
 302, 319, 320, 323 ; pillage on, 13; 
 ruled by Gaiseric, 23, 26 ; Arab occu- 
 pation on, 91; under the Aglabites, 
 96; Norsemen on the, 166; piracy on, 
 166; Saracenic influence over, 166; 
 commerce of, 278, 320 ; French influ- 
 ence on, 362 ; Aragon dominion over, 
 
 479 
 
 Mehun-sur-Yevres, proclamation of 
 Charles VII. at, 425 
 
 Meissen, mark of, 191; foundation of 
 bishopric of, 193 ; battle of, 466 
 
 Meistersinger, the, 338, 525 
 
 Melchthal, Arnold of, 467 
 
 Melik-el-Kamel, 282; truce with Fred- 
 erick II., 282 
 
 Meloria, battle of, 257, 450, 458 
 
 Melun, county of, 216 
 
 " Members of Antichrist, The," 513 
 
 " Memoires" of Sire de Joinville, 337 
 
 Memory, Arab, 100 
 
 Mena, John de, 532 
 
 Mendicant monks, 288 and note, 289, 374 
 
 Meran, Agnes of, 359 
 
 Mercenaries, employment of, 383 
 
 Mercia, kingdom of, 42 ; occupied by 
 Danes, 159 ; conquest by Edward the 
 Elder, 162 
 
 Mercury, use of, 102 
 
 Merinides, incursions of, 303; Alfonso 
 X. seeks help from, 477 ; invade Cas- 
 tile, 477 
 
 Merovingian dynasty, foundation of, 
 28, 60 
 
 Merovingians, decadence of, 61, 66 
 
 Merovius, 28 
 
 Merseburg, 191 ; battle at, 192 ; founda- 
 tion of bishopric of, 193 ; battle near, 
 242 
 
 Mersen, edict of, 151 
 
 Merwan II., 92 
 
 Mfery-sur-Seine, battle of, 25, 38
 
 568 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Mesnadaires, 480 
 
 Mesne justice, court of, 205 
 
 Mesopotamia, 46 
 
 Messina, 256 ; attack on, 447 
 
 Methodius, 189 
 
 Metz, 150, 401 ; destroyed by Attila, 24 ; 
 under Theodoric, 32 ; bishop of, 60, 
 68 ; municipal institutions in, 307 ; 
 siege of, 432 
 
 Meulan, 406; Count of, 216 
 
 Meung, Jean de, 335 
 
 Meuse, River, 144, 150, 157, 172, 175, 
 216, 218, 226 
 
 Michael, Archangel, 427 
 
 Michael de la Pole, 413 
 
 Michel Angelo, 458 
 
 " Middle Ages," Emerton's, 65 (note) 
 
 Middle Arts, 449 (note) 
 
 Middle classes, elevation of, 505 
 
 Milan, 18, 19, 142, 219, 252, 447, 448; re- 
 duction of, 25 ; Alboin proclaimed 
 king in, 38; monastery of, 112; Otto 
 crowned king of Italy at, 195 ; jeal- 
 ousy of Pavia, 197; expulsion of 
 Herlembald, 240; Italian republican 
 consuls at, 248; alliance with Tortona, 
 Z49 ; Frederick I.'s vengeance on, 250; 
 destruction of, 251 ; rebellion against 
 Frederick I., 251 ; restoration of, 251 ; 
 prosperity of, 306; industries of, 323, 
 459 ; introduction of Gothic architec- 
 ture, 340; Valentine of, 421; repre- 
 sented at Congress of Arras, 430 ; 
 duchy of, 448 ; under Gian Visconti, 
 455 ; under Sforza, 456; Duke of, 456; 
 cathedral of, 458 
 
 Milan, archbishop of, 194, 198,448 ; con- 
 firms Frederick I., 251 
 
 Milanais, the, 451 
 
 Military and civil hierarchy, 2 
 
 Military orders, 288, 302 
 
 Military service, 65, 135, 202, 203 
 
 Miltiades, 281 
 
 Mina, valley of, 75 
 
 Mincio, River, 448 
 
 Minden, foundation of bishopric, 126 
 
 Mines, 472 (note); duties on, under 
 Roman Empire, 6 ; Empire, 6 
 
 Minho River, 297 
 
 Ministere public, office of, 382 
 
 Minnesingers, the, 338, 525 
 
 Minor arts, 453, 449 and note 
 
 Miracles, representations of, 520 
 
 Miraval, Raimon de, 333 
 
 "Mirror, the Saxon," 338 
 
 " Mirror, the Swabian, 338 
 
 Mirrors, 323 
 
 Missals, 340 
 
 Missi dominici, 134, 13s, tqi 
 
 Moawijah, 87 
 
 Mocha, 73 
 
 Modena, 448 
 
 Moesia, 17 
 
 Mocz, 97 
 
 Mohammed, 300; expels idols from 
 the Kaaba, 75; first preaching of, 76; 
 birth of, 77 ; early life of, 77 ; religious 
 projects of, 77, 78 ; writes the Koran, 
 
 78 ; persecutions of, 78, 79 ; flight to 
 
 Yatrib, 79 ; battles of, 79, 80 ; relations 
 
 with foreign powers, 80; death of , 81; 
 
 dialect used by, 99; chief of the 
 
 Almohades, 302 
 Mohammed I., 98, 499 
 Mohammed II., reign of, 502 
 Mohammedanism, origin of, 71 
 Molay, James du, burnt, 381, 382 
 Moldavia, conquered by Louis the 
 
 Great, 491 
 Mommsen, opinion on relations of 
 
 Goths and Romans, 36 (note) 
 Monasteries, foundation of, 224; centres 
 
 of learning, 226 
 Monastery, founding of the first, 288, 
 
 note 
 Monasticism, m, 112 
 Monbrun, 211 
 Mondar, 74 
 
 Mongol invasion of Russia, 488 
 Mongol race, 95 (note) 
 Mongols, the, 15 ; invasion of Europe, 
 
 282, 283 ; St. Louis's attempted al- 
 liance with, 318 ; battle with Turks at 
 
 Ancyra, 499 
 Monks, III ; mendicant, 508 
 Monmouth, Geoffrey of, 334 
 " Monologium," 328 
 Monomachus, Constantine, 236 
 Mons-en-Puelle, battle of, 371, 393 
 Mons-en-Vimeu, battle of, 425 
 Montdidier, commune of, 309; acquired 
 
 by Duke of Burgundy, 430 
 Monte Cassino, monastery of, 112, 119; 
 
 abbey burned by Saracens, 166 
 Montereau, bridge of, 424, 430 
 Montesquieu, 134, 175 
 Montferrat, Count of, 278 
 Montferrat, Marquis of, 249, 251 ; made 
 
 king of Thessalonica, 281 
 Montferrat. marquisate of, 448 
 Montfort, Count of, 216 
 Montfort, county of, homage for, 202, 
 
 note 
 Montfort, Jane of, 397 
 Montfort, John of, 396, 397; deposition 
 
 of, 409 ; recalled, 410 
 Montfort, John IV. of, 406 
 Montfort, Simon de, war against the 
 
 Albigenses, 290-294 ; death, 295 ; re- 
 bellion of, 388 
 Monti, 459 
 
 Montiel, battle of, 407, 477 
 Montils-les-Tours, ordinance of, 441 
 Montlhery, 216; pillage by lord of, 342 
 Montlouis, treaty of, 350 
 Montmorency, 216; Bouchard of, 342; 
 
 pillage by lord of, 342 
 Montone, Braccio de, 456 
 Montpellier, 295 ; added to Catalonia, 
 
 302; study of law in, 317; commerce 
 
 of, 320; study of medicine at, 327; 
 
 purchased by Philip VI., 398 ; ceded 
 
 to king of Navarre, 406; conquered 
 
 by Duke of Anjou, 410 
 MoorSj menace to Rome, 10; defeat 
 
 Boniface, 23 ; revolt of, 26, 88 ; con-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 569 
 
 quer Akbab, 88 ; invoked against 
 Lothaire, 150; in Spain, 220; league 
 against, 254 ; drive out the Ommiades 
 of Cordova, 264 ; struggle of Spain 
 against, 290; sufferings under Sancho 
 the Great, 298 ; possess Granada, 
 303; influence on Spanish literature, 
 528 
 
 Moralities, the, 520, 521 
 
 Morality, improvement in, 213 
 
 Moravia, 38, 129, 218, 221, 468; Tartar 
 spoliation of. 283 ; duke of, 462 ; de- 
 tached from Bohemia, 465 ; conquered 
 by Mongols, 488 
 
 Moravians, the, 14 ; invade Germany, 
 188 
 
 Morea, the, entered by Turks, 497 ; 
 conquered by Amurath II., 501 
 
 Morocco, 355 ; foundation of, 301 
 
 Mortain, ceded to Jane of Evreu.x, 394 
 
 Mortgarten, battle of, 467 
 
 Mortmain, 209; abolition of right of, by 
 Louis VII., 312; statute of, 373, 508 
 
 Morvan, 142 
 
 Moscow, 95 ; taken by Batu, 283; cap- 
 tured by Mongols, 488 ; the Russian 
 capital, 488; Timur's expedition as 
 far as, 498 
 
 Moseilama, 84 
 
 Moselle River, crossed by Attila, 24 
 
 Moses, prophet of God, 82 
 
 Mosul, 272 ; commerce of Novgorod 
 with, 320; entered by Timur, 498 
 
 Motassem, 95, 283 
 
 Motawakkif, 95 
 
 Motazelites, the, 87, loi 
 
 Moundhir, 74 
 
 Mounkir, 82 
 
 Mountain of Tarik, 89 
 
 Mount ot Olives. 265 
 
 Mount Ohud, battle of, 80 
 
 Mount St. Michael, monastery of, 227 
 
 Mourad-bey, insurrection of, 256 
 
 Moustarriba, the, 73; rivalry with the 
 Moutarriba, 74 
 
 Moutarriba, the, 73; rivalry with the 
 Moustarriba, 74 
 
 Moyenne justice, court of, 205 
 
 Mozarabes, the, 98 
 
 Mozarabian ritual, used ip Spain, 299 
 
 Miihldorf, battle of, 468 
 
 Mulberry tree, 323 
 
 Mummolus, 57 
 
 Mundzuk, 23 
 
 Municipal government, 43s 
 
 Munster, foundation of bishopric, 126 
 
 Muntaner, Ramon, 530 
 
 Muntassir, 95 
 
 Munuza, 90 
 
 Murad. See Amurath. 
 
 Murcia, independence of, 99; taken by 
 Castile, 303 
 
 Murder, fines for, 63, 64 
 
 Muret, battle of, 294 
 
 Murzuflus, 280 
 
 Musaeus, 519 
 
 Musket, influence of, 534 
 
 Mussulman power, decline of, 264 
 
 Mussulmans, fanaticism of, 80; rivals 
 
 of Venetians, 278 
 Mustapha, revolt against Amurath II., 
 
 500 
 Musurus, 532 
 
 Mysia, becomes subject to Orlchan, 493 
 " Mysteries, the," 519 
 
 Nabateans, the, 73 
 
 Nafels, 467 
 
 Najara, battle of, 407; capture of Du 
 Guesclin at, 477 
 
 Namur, purchased by Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, 425 
 
 Nandor-Ispan, office of, 489 
 
 Nantes, pillaged by Norsemen, 157 
 
 Naples, 39, 256, 447, 451, 455, 456, 468, 
 491; captured by Belisarius, 48; under 
 the Emperor of the East, 114; threat- 
 ened by Saracens, 166; Norman dy- 
 nasty at, 236; Frederick I.'s claim on, 
 249; kingdom of, 249, 420; university 
 founded, 255; Charles VIII. 's aspira- 
 tions concerning, 368; represented at 
 Congress of Aragon, 430; transferred 
 to Duke of Anjou, 444; acquired by 
 house of Aragon, 447; king of, 454; in 
 anarchy, 455; struggles in, 455; under 
 Durazzo's control, 455; Robert, king 
 of, 468; conquered by Louis the Great, 
 491; kingdom taken from Manfred, 507; 
 kings of, influence on literature, 532 
 
 Naples, Duke of, struggle with Lo- 
 thaire, 149 
 
 Napoli d'Argolide, principality of, 281 
 
 Narbonne, 33, 128; conquered by Mus- 
 sulmans, 108; municipal institutions 
 in, 307; commerce of, 320; archbishop 
 of, 376 
 
 Narenia, River, 129 
 
 Narses, 38, 48; defeats Buccelin, 33 
 
 National development, 332 
 
 National feeling, rise of, 287, 517 
 
 Nations, war of the, 80 
 
 Naumburg, foundation of bishopric of, 
 193 
 
 Naupactus, Strait of, 18 
 
 Nautes, corporation of the, 312 
 
 Naval academy, founded by Henry of 
 Viseu, 481 
 
 Navarette, battle of, 407 
 
 Navarre, 130, 220, 299, 369; formation of 
 kingdom, 154; 296; junction with Bar- 
 celona and Aragon, 296; forms alliance 
 with Alfonso III., 297; inherited by 
 Garcias, 298; under Sancho the Great, 
 298; union with Castile, 298; in coali- 
 tion against France, 363; marriage of 
 heiress of, 368; ceded to Jane of Ev- 
 reux, 394; female succession in, 394, 
 note; friendship of Charles V. with, 
 407; conquered by king of Castile, 
 410; represented at Congress of 
 Arras, 430; passes to houses of Foix 
 and Albret, 479; united with Aragon, 
 479; language in, 528; resists taxes, 
 399; summoned against the Dauphin, 
 402; summoned to Pans, 404
 
 570 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Navarre, Theobald of, 361 
 
 Naxos, Duke of, 281 
 
 Nazareth, restored to Christians, 282 
 
 Nebir, 82 
 
 Nedjed, 73 
 
 Negrepont, 449 
 
 Negroes, rise of trade in, 482 
 
 Negropont, 500 
 
 Nehavend, victory of, 86 
 
 Nerra, Fulk, 178 
 
 Nestorius, 44 
 
 Netherlands, 368, 425, 469; robbed by 
 
 Norsemen, 159; joins coalition against 
 
 Philip Augustus, 355; commerce of, 
 
 370; Edwrard III. appointed vicar of 
 
 Lewis IV., 396 
 Neuilly-sur-Marne, 278 
 Neustria, 55, 58, 105, 106, 176; war with 
 
 Austrasia, 56; reign of Clovis II., 66; 
 
 persecution of the nobles in, 68; 
 
 under Pippin, 118; invaded by Bret- 
 ons, 142; repeopled, 158 
 Neustrians, 32; alliance with Frisians, 
 
 106; defeat at Vincy, 106; defeat Aus- 
 
 trasians, 106; alliance with Aquitani- 
 
 ans, io6, 107; at battle of Fontenay, 
 
 145 
 Nevers, inherited by Philip the Bold, 
 
 418 
 Nevers, Count of, invades Southern 
 
 France, 293 
 Neville's Cross, battle of, 398 
 " New Englander," 224 (note) 
 Niciea, battle of, 267; siege of. 268; 
 
 principality of, 281 
 Nice, commerce of, 320 
 Nicea, 492; execution of Mustapha at, 
 
 500 
 Nicene Council, 109; the second, 113 
 Nicene Creed, dispute over, 262 
 Nicephorus, 94, 195 
 Nicephorus Phocas, 263 
 Nicetas, 292 
 Nicholas I., 262 
 Nicholas 11., 236 (note), 240 
 Nicholas III., 446 
 Nicholas, Pope, 329 
 Nicia, captured by Orkhan, 493 
 Nicolas, antipope, 469 
 Nicolas II., 238 
 Nicolas of Clemangis, 511; endeavors to 
 
 restore unity in the Church, 511 
 Nicoli, Nicolo, 532 
 
 Nicomedia, captured by Orkhan, 493 
 Nicopoli, crusade of, 491; slaughter of 
 
 crusaders at, 497 
 Nicopolis, 420 
 
 Niebelungen, Song of the, 12, 338, 526 
 Niemen, River, 14, 290, 291 
 Niemetz, 167 
 Nika sedition, the, 50 
 Nile, 275; projects for connection with 
 
 Red Sea, 87; overflow of, 282; retreat 
 
 of crusaders on the, 285 
 Nimes, municipal institutions in, 307; 
 
 commerce of, 322 
 Nimwegen, general assembly at, 143 
 Nineveh, battle near, 52 
 
 Nissa, battle of, 500 
 
 Noah, prophet of God, 82 
 
 Nobilissimi^ 6 
 
 Nogaret, William of, 378; excommu- 
 nicated, 380 
 
 Nogcnt, Guibert of, 266, 309 
 
 Noirmoutier, seized by Norsemen, 157 
 
 Nominalists, 228 
 
 Nordalbingia, Lord of, 483 
 
 Nordalbingien, the, 124 
 
 Nordgau, 218 
 
 Norfolk, Wat Tyler's insurrection in, 
 412 
 
 Noricum, becomes subject to Theo- 
 doric, 35; settled by Lombards, 38 
 
 Norman conquest, effect on cities, 313 
 
 " Norman Conquest," 184 (note) 
 
 Normandy, 217, 438; disappearance of 
 serfdom, 158; duchy of, 216; second 
 renaissance in, 226; rising in, 305; 
 pledged to William II., 343; retaken 
 by Robert, 343; Henry II. 's claim on, 
 346; war between Richard I. and 
 Philip I., 353; seized by Philip Augus- 
 tus, 354; acquired by Philip Augua 
 tus, 358; Louis IX. 's rights in, 364; 
 courts for, 382 (note); death of Balliol 
 in, 390; invaded by Edward III., 398, 
 399; Charles VII. driven from, 426: 
 yielded to England, 430; reconquered 
 by France, 432 
 
 Normandy, commander of, burnt, 382 
 
 Normandy, Duke of, 172, 178, 179, 217, 
 267; acknowledges Hu^h Capet, 176 
 
 Normandy, marshal of, killed, 403. 
 
 Normandy, seneschal of, 431 
 
 Norman-Franks, influence on English 
 language, 521; render homage to the 
 Popes, 218; in southern Italy, 220; in- 
 troduce feudal system into England, 
 220; menace Roman empire, 221; in- 
 fluence on language, 226; declare 
 themselves vassals of the Holy See, 
 234, 238; employed against Greeks, 
 236; support Matilda, 346; influence 
 on English language, 521, 522 
 
 Norsemen, the, 123, 156, 168, 200, 206; 
 wars of, 127; disturbances of, 142; 
 alliance with Pippin II., 149; ravages 
 of, 149, 158; besiege Paris, 154; de- 
 feated at Saucourt, 154; piracy of, 
 156; in France, 158, 166; invasions of 
 England, 159, 164; pillage Spain, 166; 
 repulsed by Arnulf, 188; Abbo's ac- 
 count of, 227 
 
 North Cape, rounded by Othere, 165 
 
 North Elbe Saxons, 130 
 
 Northern Saxony, mark of, 391 
 
 North Sea, 146, 159, 218, 320, 485; pirates 
 of, 41 
 
 Northumberland, 42, 132; Christianity 
 in England, 115; occupied by Danes, 
 150; ravaged, 184 
 
 Noriliumberland, Earl of, 416; joins 
 Bolingbroke's insurrection, 415 
 
 Norway, 180, 482, 506, 527; subjected to 
 Cnut, 163; political geography of, in 
 eleventh century, 221; usurpation in,
 
 INDEX, 
 
 571 
 
 S54; maid of, 389; converted to Chris- 
 tianity, 483; united with Sweden and 
 Denmark, 483, 484; troubles in, 484; 
 chooses Christian I., 485 
 
 Norwegians, invasion of England, 157 
 
 Norwich, 42 
 
 Notaries, 4 
 
 Notre Dame, parliament of, 377 
 
 Noureddin, 275 
 
 Novaro, 448 
 
 Nova Scotia 165, (note) 
 
 Novelise of Justinian, 50 
 
 Novels, 526 
 
 Novgorod, 165, 321, 488; Russian capi- 
 tal, 166; Tartar advance to, 283; com- 
 merce of, 319; branch office of Han- 
 seatic League at, 321 ; commercial re- 
 public of, 487 
 
 Noyon, 176; bishop of, 61; commune of, 
 308, 309; bishop-count of, 217; battle 
 
 of. 343 
 Nuncio, office of, 487 
 Nuremberg, 472; prosperity of, 315; 
 
 commerce of, 320; Diet of, 401, 471, 
 
 472 
 Nursia, St. Benedict of, 112 
 
 Oberlausitz, 468 
 
 Oder, River, 127, 193, 218, 247 (note), 
 487 
 
 Odo. See Eudes. 
 
 Odoacer, 8 
 
 Odovakar, 8, 26, 27, 35, 36; defeated by 
 Theodoric, 34; surrender and assassi- 
 nation of, 35 
 
 Offa, 42, 162 
 
 Offices, heredity of, 152, 201 
 
 Oglio, River, 448 
 
 Oil, discovery in use for painting, 533 
 
 Oise, River, 396 
 
 Olaf, 163; becomes king of Norway, 485; 
 king of Denmark, 485 
 
 Oldenburg, house of, 485 
 
 Old Man of the Mountain, 285 
 
 Oleron, laws of, 322 
 
 Oliver of Clisson, 397 
 
 Olives, Mount of, 270 
 
 Olmutz, bishop of, 464 
 
 Olybrius, 26 
 
 Oman, 73; adhesion to Mohammed, 80 
 
 Omar, 85; conversion of, 78, 79; chosen 
 caliph, 84; takes Jerusalem, 86; con- 
 trasted with Mahdi and Almanssur, 
 94; massacre in mosque of, 270 
 
 Ommiades, the, 91-93; hereditary rule 
 begins with, 85; dynasty of, 87; 
 slaughter of, 93; empire of, 264 
 
 Oporto, conquered from Moors, 220 
 
 Orchies, 371 
 
 Ordeals, 64,' 299 
 
 Order of Christ. 481 
 
 Ordinances of Wisby, 322 
 
 Orestes, 26 
 
 " Organon," the, 328 
 
 Orkhan, rule of, 493, 494 
 
 Orkney, county of, 221 
 
 Orkney Islands^ j[62, 389; Norse occupa- 
 tion of, 165 
 
 Orleans, 55, 107, 176, 419; attacked by 
 Attila, 24; Chlodomer king of, 3a; 
 council of, 32, 109, 113; Norsemen at, 
 157; assembly at, 176; county of, 216; 
 heresy in, 225; municipal government 
 of, 312; study of law in, 317, 327; 
 commerce of, 322 ; abandoned by 
 Charles VII., 426; besieged by Earl 
 of Salisbury, 426; Joan of Arc sent 
 to, 428; raising the siege of, 428; or- 
 dinance of, 431; estates at, 440 
 
 Orleans, Duke of, 420; alliance with 
 Bernard VII., 421; refuses to recog- 
 nize Henry IV., 422 
 
 Ormuz, Strait of, 72 
 
 Orontes, 269 
 
 Orosius, Paulus, " Universal History," 
 162, 165 (note) 
 
 Orpheus, 519 
 
 Orsini, the, 448 
 
 Osbeorn, invades England, 183; bribed, 
 184 
 
 Osman, 493 
 
 Osnabriick, battle of, 126; foundation 
 of bishopric, 126 
 
 Ossel, seized by Norsemen, 157 
 
 Ostia, burned by Saracens, 166; bishop 
 of, 238 
 
 Ostrogoths, 17, 23; submission of, 17; 
 march against Gundobad, 30, 31; ex- 
 peditions of Franks against, 32; 
 struggles in Italy, 33; descend on 
 Italy, 34; freedom of, 34; govern- 
 ment among, 36; decay of kingdom, 
 38; separated from Visigoths, 38; 
 lose Italy, 43; war with Justinian, 
 45; end of monarchy, 48; vigor of, in 
 Italy, 48; occupation of Italy, 62; 
 Church of Rome under, 114 
 
 Othere, voyages of, 165 
 
 Othman, 85; orders second edition of 
 the Koran, 81; appointed caliph, 84; 
 election of, 87 
 
 Otho Visconti, 448 
 
 Otnit, 338 
 
 Otto I., 173, 191 (note), 218, 219 (note), 
 23s, 239. 250, 460; marches to Paris, 
 174; career, 192-196; sends bishop to 
 Posen, 485; literary activity under, 
 525 
 
 Otto 11., 196 
 
 Otto III., 196; career of, 196, 197; in- 
 stalls archbishop at Gnesen, 485 
 
 Otto IV., 25s, 356; claims empire of 
 Germany, 254; excommunicated, 278; 
 quarrel with Phihp of Swabia, 281, 
 507; breaking of power of, 355 (note); 
 joins coalition against Philip Au- 
 gustus, 355 
 
 Ottocar II., 462, 466; refuses homage to 
 Rudolf, 465; killed, 465 
 
 Ottomans, become established in 
 Thrace, 496 
 
 Ottoman Turks, 482 
 
 Otto of Freising, 20a 
 
 Ourique, 301 
 
 Ouse, River, 184 
 
 Ovid, 532
 
 572 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Oviedo, 220, 296, 297, 300 
 
 Oxford, foundation of school at, 162; 
 ravaged by William the Conqueror, 
 183 and note; effect of Norman con- 
 quest on, 313; University of, 327; 
 provisions of , 364, 387, 391; parliament 
 at, 387; additions toUniversity library, 
 
 533 
 Oxus River. 16; assassination of Yezde- 
 gerd near, 86 
 
 Pacificator, the, 446 
 
 Pacta convcnta, 486 
 
 Paderborn, assembly at, 125; foundation 
 
 of bishopric, 126 
 Padua, 471; burned, 25; tyrant of, 259; 
 
 University of, 327; Eccelino of, 444; 
 
 conquered by Cane Grande, 448; 
 
 seized by Visconti, 455; tyrannized 
 
 by Venice, 456 
 Padagogia, 3 
 Paganism, 9 
 
 Pagans, treatment by Honorius, 22 
 Page, office of, 231 
 Painting, 458; drawbacks on Arabian, 
 
 102; renaissance of, 340 
 Palace of Justice, 520 
 Palatinate, the, 475 
 Palatins, 8 
 
 Paleologus, house of, 448 
 Paleologus, John, 493; returns to alle- 
 giance to Rome, 495; troubles of, 495- 
 
 497 
 
 Paleologus, Michael, 446, 447, 492 
 
 Palermo, 256; massacre at, 447 
 
 Palestine, 47, 353; invaded by Persians, 
 52; invaded by MalekShah, 264; 
 Christians call for help, 281; offer of 
 cession to Christians, 282; left in 
 Mohammedan hands, 286; influence 
 of position on, 304 
 
 Pamiers, bishop of, 376 
 
 Pampeluna, captured by Charlemagne, 
 ia8 and note; Prankish acquirements 
 at, 296 
 
 Pandects of Justinian, 49 
 
 Pannonia, 49 (note), 168; attempt to as- 
 sassinate Attila in, 24; becomes sub- 
 1'ect to Theodoric, 35; settled by 
 ^ombards, 38; seized by Avars, 117; 
 devastation of, 128; invaded by 
 Croats, 490 
 
 Papacy,struggle with empire, 371 (note); 
 declaration of empire's independence 
 of, 396; growth of, 506 
 
 Paper, 102, J23 and note 
 
 Paradise, Klohammedan, 82, 83 
 
 Parchment, 323 
 
 Pares., 204 
 
 Paris, 55, 106, 173, 176, 372, 382, 383,457; 
 Childcbert, king of, 32; Lothaire, king 
 of, 33; Council of, 59; besieged by 
 Norsemen, 154; ravages of Norsemen 
 
 \ at, 157; Otto II. reaches. 106; county 
 of, i\(>\ episcopal school at, 223; 
 municipal institutions in, 307, 312; 
 branch office of Hanseatic League at, 
 331; commerce of, 322; affairs near, 
 
 332; the Studium, 327; renown of 
 schools, 333; improved by Philip 
 Augustus, 358; treaty of, 361; parlia- 
 ment of, 368 (note), 382 and note; 
 council at, 381; anti-tax rising in, 382; 
 menaced by Edward III., 308; forti- 
 fication of, 400; lack of food in, 403; 
 advance of English to, 408; conspi- 
 racy of Henry Bolingbroke at, 414; 
 revolts in, 417; in control of Burgun- 
 dian faction, 421; threatened civil war 
 in, 421; hatred of English in, 4214 
 recovers privileges, 422; slaughter of 
 the Armagnacs, 423; proclamation of 
 Henry VI. at, 425; siege of, 428; Henry 
 VI. crowned king of France at, 430; 
 Charles VII. 's entry of, 431; study of 
 Greek in, 532 
 
 Paris, Matthew, 183 
 
 Paris, University of, 327, 328, 358, 374, 
 420, 422, 429, 440, 483; opposes the 
 mendicant monks, 289; efforts to re- 
 store unity in the Church, 510, 5x1 
 
 Parishes, division into, 110 
 
 Parishioners, 311 
 
 Parisians, Abbo's account of, 227 
 
 Parliament, first use of the word, 387 
 (note); at Oxford, 387; first complete 
 representation of English nation in, 
 38S; establishment of, 391; Henry 
 IV. 's concessions 10,415; progress of 
 power of, in England, 433; constitu- 
 tion of, 434 
 
 Parliaments, rise of, 382; of Italian 
 republics, 248 
 
 Parma, industries of, 323 
 
 " Parsival," 338 
 
 Passau, diocese established, 117 
 
 Passion, represented in the MysterieSi 
 520 
 
 Pastoureaux, revolt of the, 285 
 
 Patay, battle of, 428 
 
 Patriarchal government in Arabia, 74, 
 
 75 
 
 Patriarchs, the, 110 
 
 Patrician of Rome, 120, 124 
 
 Pairicii\ 6 
 
 Paulus Orosius, Universal History, 163, 
 165 (note) 
 
 Pavia, 197, 219, 251; reduction of, 25; 
 forces attack Theodoric, 34; siege of, 
 38; diet of, 39; bishop of, 194; pros- 
 perity of, 306; Count of, 456 
 
 Payens, Hugh de, 272 
 
 Pearl of the Ocean, the, 349 
 
 Pi'ckeros, 480 
 
 Pecquigny, John of, 400 
 
 Pedro, Don, king of Aragon, 369 
 
 Peerage, 217 and note 
 
 Peers, 204, 217 
 
 Pcipus, Lake, 291 
 
 Pcire Vidal, 333 
 
 Pekin, 283 
 
 Pelagiusll., 114 
 
 Pclayo, 89, gi; flees to Cantabric P3rre« 
 nees, 296; House of, 298 
 
 Peloponnesus, devastated by Visigoths, 
 18
 
 INDEX. 
 
 573 
 
 Pembroke, Earl of, guardian for Henry 
 
 III., 386 
 Pencrych, Richard, 523 
 Pendragon, the, 41 
 Pendulum clock, invention of, 225 
 Pentapolis, the, 120, 465 
 Penteyrn, the, 41 
 Penthifevre, county of, ceded to Jane 
 
 of Blois, 406; Jane of, 396, 397 
 Pera, 458, 502 
 Percy, 416 
 Per/ectissimi, 6 
 Pergamus, becomes subject to Orkhan, 
 
 ^493 
 
 Perigord, 345; ceded to England, 364, 
 405 
 
 Perigord, Count of, 176 
 
 Perigueux, municipal institutions in, 307; 
 taken by Louis VIII., 360 
 
 Peronne, castle of, 172; acquired by 
 Duke of Burgundy, 430 
 
 Perpetual Constitution, the, 59, 60, log 
 
 Persepolis, sack of, 86 
 
 Persia, iC, 72, 96; menace to Rome, 10; 
 Anastasius's war with, 45; war 
 with Justinian, 45; liberty of consci- 
 ence to Christians, 546; pillaged, 52; 
 Arab expeditions towards, 85; de- 
 feated by Arabs, 86; establishraent of 
 Turkomans in, 96; becomes distinct 
 sultanate, 264; conquered by Jenghiz- 
 Khan, 283; highway to India, 318; 
 conquered by Tamerlain, 498 
 
 Persian Gulf, 72, 73 
 
 Persians, driven beyond Euphrates, 43; 
 in Narses' army, 48; alliances of, 52; 
 invade Syria, 52; of Schistic sect, 85; 
 influence on Arabs, . 200; fear of 
 Charlemagne, 132 
 
 Perugia, 458 
 
 Pescara, River, 129 
 
 Petchenegs, the, 466; menace Roman 
 Empire, 221; subjected to Magyars, 
 490 
 
 Peter II. (of Aragon), 294, 478; ac- 
 knowledges vassalage to the Pope, 
 
 507 
 
 Peter III. (of Aragon), 447; accepts 
 throne of Sicily, 479 
 
 Peter, king of Hungary, 235 
 
 Peter de Castelnau, 293 
 
 Peter des Roches, 386 
 
 Peter of Dreux, 360 
 
 Peter of Luna, elected Pope, 5x1 
 
 Peter of Savoy, 386 
 
 Peter of Vinea, 256, 258 and note, 259 
 
 Peter the Cruel, 477, 530; claims throne 
 of Castile, 406 
 
 Peter the German, restored to the Hun- 
 garian throne, 490 
 
 Peter the Hermit, 266 (note), 268, 274, 
 crusade of, 266 et seq. 
 
 Petit, John, 421 
 
 Petrarch, 226, 452, 454, 457, 517, 531, 532, 
 563 
 
 Petronius Maximus, 26 
 
 Pevensey, Norman landing at, 181 
 
 P/ahlbiirger, 315 
 
 Pfalzgrafen, instituted, 191 
 
 Pharamond, 28 
 
 Pharaohs, canal projects of, 87 
 
 Philip, Emperor, assassination of, 254; 
 claims empire of Germany, 254; 
 struggle with Otto of Brunswick, 
 281, 507 
 
 Philip I., 179, 216, 230, 342, 367; traffic in 
 ecclesiastical dignities, 240; excom- 
 munication of, 374 
 
 Philip II., 304 
 
 Philip III., ordinances of, 310; reign of, 
 368, 169; driven from Aragon, 447; 
 hostilities with Don Sancho, 477 
 
 Philip IV., 342, 391, 433, 437, 466, 468, 
 469, 520; ordinances of, 310; lawyers 
 under, 313; reign of, 369-371, 375-382; 
 ouarrel with Boniface VIII., 375; 
 maintains his independence of the 
 church, 377; alleged interview with 
 Clement v., 380; plans expedition to 
 Holy Land, 388; coinage of, 382; 
 death, 382, 384; hires Genoese galleys, 
 383; claims of Edward III. through, 
 394 
 
 Philip v., ordinances of, 310; reign of, 
 383; death of, 384 
 
 Philip VI., 393, 396, 411, 437, 469; Robert 
 III.'s arts against, 394; Edward III.'s 
 attacks on, 395; supports Jane of 
 Penthievre, 397; acquisitions of, 398 
 
 Philip VIII., excommunicated, 378 
 
 Philip, Count of Evreux, 394 (note) 
 
 Philip Augustus, 176, 212, 217 (note), 342, 
 365. 523; conquers Otto of Brunswick, 
 255; embarks on the third crusade, 276; 
 quarrel with Richard I., 276; reaches 
 the Holy Land, 276; retires from 
 Palestine, 277; excommunicated, 278; 
 protects Montpellier, 295; ordinances 
 of, 310; study of law under, 317; 
 encourages commerce, 322; reign of, 
 351-359; coalition against, 355; ex- 
 communication of, 374, 506 
 
 Philip of Alsace, 352 
 
 Philip of Rouvres, 439 
 
 Philip the Bold (of Burgundy), 418, 
 421, 439; acquires Burgundy. 405 
 
 Philip the Fair. See Philip IV. 
 
 Philip the Good, 424 
 
 Philip the Long. See Philip V. 
 
 Philosophy, Arab influence on, 99; Arab 
 researches in, 100; revival of, 328 
 
 Phocas, 51 
 
 Phocas, Nicephorus, 263 
 
 Phoenicia, Arab conquest of, 88 
 
 Pholoe, Mount, 18 
 
 Photius, patriarch of Constantinople, 
 262 
 
 Phrygia, sufferings of crusaders in, 268 
 
 Phrygian dynasty, 253 
 
 Piacenza, 250; bishop of, 198; rebels 
 against Frederick I., 251 
 
 Piast, first duke of Poland, 485; failure 
 of dynasty, 4S6 
 
 Picards, 421 
 
 Picardy, remnants of Roman power in, 
 49; struggle with Lorraine, 230;
 
 574 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 pillage of peasants in, 403; Charles 
 Vll. driven from, 425 
 
 Picts, the, 40, 42; defeated by Saxons, 41 
 
 Piedmont, 251, 448 
 
 Pike, influence of the, 534 
 
 Pilgrims, hardships of, 265, 266, 274 
 
 Pippin (the Short), 60, 107, 108, 124, 236, 
 292, 489; seizes Septimania, 98; rules 
 Neustria, 118; succeeds Charles Mar- 
 tel, 118; assumes sole rule over 
 Prankish Empire, 119; attempted 
 reforms of, 119; consecration of, 120; 
 death of, 121, 144; crowned king of 
 Italy, 133; loses his kingdom, 143; 
 revolts against Louis the Pious, 143; 
 expels Arabs from France, 295 
 
 Pippin (son of Charlemagne), takes the 
 Ring, 128 
 
 Pippin (son of Louis the Pious), 141 
 
 Pippin IL, 149; alliance with Lothaire, 
 
 145 
 
 Pippin of Heristal, 68, 105, 106, 108 
 
 Pippin the Elder, 68 
 
 Piracy, cessation of Scandinavian, 221 
 
 Pirates, protection from, 37; Scandina- 
 vian, 483 
 
 Pisa, 219, 450, 458, 468; Italian republican 
 consuls at, 248; fleet attacks Genoese, 
 257; fleet supplies crusaders, 269; 
 commerce of, 320, 458; power of, 449; 
 destroyed by Florence, 456; arts in, 
 458; Council of, 512, 513 
 
 Pisani, Victor, 454 
 
 Pistes, council of, 149 
 
 Pistoia, 450 
 
 Placidia, 21, 22 
 
 Plague, 213; rages in Antioch, 269 
 
 Plagues, 224 
 
 Plan Carpin, John du, 318 
 
 Plantagenet, 345 
 
 Plato, 136 
 
 Plautus, 532 
 
 Playing-cards, influence on literature, 
 
 533 
 
 Plectrude, 106 
 
 Pliny, 136, 330 
 
 Plum-tree, 323 
 
 Po, River, 19, 251; crossed by Alaric, 
 20; valley of, conquered by Alboin, 
 38 
 
 Podolia, taken from the Russians, 486 
 
 Poetry, among Arabs, 76; reappearance 
 of, 213; power of, 228; blow to, 294, 
 295; French, 521; decline of, 525; in 
 Castile, 528; in Provence, 530 
 
 Poets, Arabian, 76, 99, 100 
 
 Pogonatos, 53 
 
 Poitiers, 31, 90, 497; battle near, 108; 
 battle of, 399, 400, 405, 416, 420; expels 
 English garrison, 409; Joan of Arc at, 
 427 
 
 Poitiers, Count of, 176, 217, 363 
 
 Poitiers, William of, as a poet, 333 
 
 Poitou, 345, 386; surrenders to Arthur, 
 353; occupied by Philip Augustus, 
 354; opposition to John in, 355; defeat 
 of John in, 356; acquired by Philip 
 Augustus, 358; conquests by Louis 
 
 VIII. in, 360; Count of, 362; entered 
 by Louis IX., 363; Louis IX. 's rights 
 in, 364; ceded to Edward III., 405; 
 battle m, 409; rising in, 417 
 
 Poland, 218, 221, 482, Duke of, 193; war 
 with Henry II. of Germaay, 197; 
 recognizes sovereignty of Frederick 
 I., 252; Tartar conquest of, 283; 
 commerce of, 321; represented at 
 Congress of Arras, 430; severs rela- 
 tions with Germany, 462; subordinate 
 to Germany, 485; era of prosperity, 
 486; aspirations for independence, 
 486; Silesia separated from, 486; union 
 with Lithuania, 487; conquered by 
 Mongols, 488; Louis the Great 
 becomes king, 491 
 
 Pole, Michael de la, 413, 435 
 
 Polenga, 18 
 
 Poles, the, 14, 191; Otto's policy with, 
 193; converted to Christianity, 485; 
 on bank of Vistula, 485 
 
 Polo, Marco, 318, 319 
 
 Polygamy, 214; among the Germans, 13; 
 Mohammedan doctrine of, 83 
 
 Pomeranians, the, 14; conquered by 
 Boleslav III., and embrace Christian- 
 ity, 486 
 
 Pomerelia, wrested from the Poles, 486 
 
 Ponthieu, county of, 216; Edward III. 
 does homage for, 384; ceded to Edward 
 III., 405 
 
 Pontifical monarchy, rise of, 113 
 
 Pontine Marshes, draining of, 37 
 
 Pontoise, treaty of, 404 
 
 Pont-sur- Seine, 311 
 
 Pontus, gi; proconsulate of, 3 
 
 Pope, supremacy of the, 110; increasing 
 power of, 117; temporal power, 132; 
 hatred of, in Constantinople, 500 
 
 Popes, quarrels with Emperors, 131; 
 rules for election of, 238; era of two, 
 510 
 
 Poptilus crassus, 449 
 
 Populus minuttis, 449 
 
 Porcaro, 456 
 
 Porto Santo, discovered, 482 
 
 Portucale, seizure of, 300 
 
 Portugal, 298; foundation of kingdom, 
 180; makes peace with Castile, 254; 
 erection of county of, 300; resists 
 invasion, 301; defeats Mussulmans, 
 302; military order in, 302; annexes 
 Algarve, 303; represented at Congress 
 of Arras, 430; victories of, 476; tragic 
 end of Inez de Castro, 478; war with 
 John I., 478; enterprise of, 481, 482 
 
 Portuguese language, 531 
 
 Posen, foundation of bishopric of, 193; 
 bishop sent to, 485; duchy of, united 
 with Kalisck, 486; change of language 
 in, 522 
 
 Poverty, vow of, 289 
 
 Praeneste, 448 
 
 PrjElorians, the, 3, 95 
 
 Pragmatic Sanction, 431 
 
 Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, 440, 
 515
 
 INDEX. 
 
 575 
 
 Pragmatic Sanction of Frankfort, 470, 
 507 
 
 Pragmatic Sanction of 1338, 472 
 
 Prague, foundation of bishopric of, 193 
 and note; university of, 327, 473, 532; 
 captured by John Ziska, 473 
 
 Prague, Jerome of, 473 
 
 Praguerie, the, 431 
 
 Precaria, 63 
 
 Predestination, Mohammed's doctrine 
 of, 83; dogma of, 223 
 
 Presbyiert, 109 
 
 Presidents, 4 
 
 Presle, Raoul de, 383 
 
 Primates, the, no 
 
 Primogeniture in Russia, 487 
 
 Prince-bishoprics, 219 
 
 Prince of Wales, origin of title, 389 
 
 Princes, college of, 474 
 
 Printing, 439; Arabian influence on, 
 102; invention of, 533; influence of, 534 
 
 Priors of the arts, the, 449 and note 
 
 Private wars, 205 
 
 " Privilege of union," 481 
 
 Probus, 7, 13 
 
 Procida, John of, 446 
 
 Procopius, 49 
 
 Propertius, 532 
 
 Propontis, the, 44, 493; coasts seized by 
 Venice, 281 
 
 Prose, of Froissart and Chartier, 519; 
 rise of English, 524; eminence of, 525; 
 value of, 526; Spanish, 530 
 
 Proselytism, 116 
 
 Protection in feudal times, 210 
 
 Protestantism, tendencies towards, 513 
 
 Proven9aIs, denounced by Innocent 
 III., 293; invasion of Spain by, 406 
 
 Provence, 154, 167, 219; invaded by 
 Lombards, 57; adheres to Charles 
 Martel, 108; ravaged by Saracens, 149; 
 under Charles, 150; king of, 154; for- 
 mation of kingdom, 155; landing of 
 Saracens, 167; marquisate of, 217; 
 rule of House of Barcelona, 292; puts 
 itself und er protection of France, 295 ; 
 possessed by Aragon, 302; commerce 
 of, 321; language, 332, 528; possessed 
 by Charles of Anjou, 364; influence 
 on literature, 530 
 
 Provence, Charles of, 362 
 
 Provence, Eleanor of, 386 
 
 Provincial parliaments, 382 (note) 
 
 Provins, 312 
 
 Provins, Guiot de, 322 
 
 Provisions, creation of, 510 
 
 Provisions of Oxford, 387, 391 
 
 Prud'hommes, 307 
 
 Prum, abbey of, 150 
 
 Prussia, 221; organization of, 169; ac- 
 quires Brandenburg, 247 (note); under 
 rule of Teutonic Knights, 291; com- 
 merce of, 321; Teutonic Knights shut 
 up in, 487 
 
 Prussians, the, 14; subjection of, 291; 
 war with Poland, 486 
 
 Ftolemais, capture of, 272, 277; sioge 
 of, 276, 277 
 
 Ptolemy, tables of, loi 
 
 Ptolemys, canal projects of, 87 
 
 Puiset, 216; capture of castle, 34a; 
 pillage by lord of, 342 
 
 Pulcheria, 22, 44 
 
 Punic language, 527 
 
 Purity, among the Germans, 13 
 
 Pursuit, right of, 209 
 
 Puy, bishop of, 267 
 
 Pyrenees, the, 22, 31, 98, 103, 128, 129, 
 131, 175, 217, 261, 292, 294-296, 362, 368, 
 369, 406, 421, 530; crossed by barbari- 
 ans, 19; crossed by Franks, 33; crossed 
 by Arabs, 89; Visigoths driven be- 
 yond, 89 (note); boundary of Arab 
 invasion, 90; boundary of Arab em- 
 pire, 91; crossed by Mohammedans, 
 108 
 
 Pyrrhus, 20 
 
 Pythagoras, 136 
 
 OUADl, II 
 
 "^Quadrilogue-Invectif, Le," 519 
 
 Quadrivium, the, 327 
 
 Qucestor palatii^ 2 
 
 Quarantaitie-le-roy , 358 and note, 365 
 
 Quartering, 389 
 
 Quedlinburg, igi 
 
 Quercy, ceded to England, 364, 405; 
 
 ceded to Philip the Fair, 369 
 
 Edward III., 405 
 Quintilian, discovery of works of, 532 
 
 Rabanus Maurus, 137, 223 
 Rabby, Don Santo, 530 
 Race-courses, duties on, under Roman 
 
 empire, 6 
 Rackimbur^i, the, 12 
 Radagaisus, 40; attack on empire of the 
 
 West, 18; invades Roman empire, 19; 
 
 death of, 19; havoc wrought by, 28 
 Radbod, Pippin's wars against, 106 
 Raganfred, 106 
 
 Ragnar Lodbrog, poem of, 527 
 Ragusa, 490; captured by Venice, 279 
 Raimon de Miraval, 333 
 Ramiro, acquires Aragon, 298 
 Raoul de Presle, 383 
 Raphael, 25 
 Rationales^ 2 
 Ratisbon, 231; diocese established, 117; 
 
 prosperity of, 315; commerce of, 320; 
 
 introduction of Gothic architecture, 
 
 340; bishop of, 330 
 Ravenna, 19, 34, 51 (note), 114, 233; 
 
 taken by Odovakar, 26; Theodoric's 
 
 residence at, 36; Theodoric's tomb 
 
 at, 37, 38; Greek government of, 38; 
 
 escape of Wstiges to, 48; diet at, 256; 
 
 battle of, 338 
 Ravenna, archbishop of, 124, 194, 219, 
 
 220; made Pope, 242 
 Ravenna, John of, 457 
 Ravenspur, landing of Bolingbroke at, 
 
 414 
 Ranvia^ the, 100 
 
 Raymond VI., 292; demands of Inno- 
 cent III. on, 293; excommunicated.
 
 576 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 293; respite for, 293; defeat of, 294; 
 dispossessed, 294 
 
 Raymond VII., 295, 360; revolt of, 361 
 
 Raymond of Pennafort, decretals pub- 
 lished by, 507 
 
 Realists, 228 
 
 Reccared, 89 (note); conversion of, 115 
 
 Rechiarius, 21 
 
 Rechila, 21 
 
 Recollets, the, 289 
 
 Red Russia, taken from the Russians, 
 486 
 
 Red Sea, 72, 73, 101; projects for con- 
 nection with river Nile, 87; highway 
 to India, 318 
 
 Reform, measures presented to the 
 Council of Constance, 514 
 
 Reformation, the precursor of, 380; rise 
 of the word and doctrine, 511 
 
 Regale, right of, 376 
 
 Reggio, 448 
 
 Regidor, office of, 480 
 
 Regulus, 405 
 
 Relief, right of, 203 
 
 Religion, under Roman empire, 9 
 
 Remonstrances, custom of, 439 
 
 Renaissance, begun in Florence, 340 
 
 " Renard," 335 
 
 Renaud, 355 
 
 Rend of Anjou, 455; claims on Lorraine, 
 
 432 
 
 Rennes, act of confederation signed at, 
 410 
 
 Repkow, Eike von, 33S 
 
 Republics in Italy, 248, 249 
 
 Reservations, creation of, 510 
 
 Rethel, inherited by Philip the Bold, 
 418 
 
 Reuchlin, John, 532 
 
 Reuss, River, 219, 467 
 
 Revenues, ecclesiastical, right of dispo- 
 sition of, 508 
 
 Rhaetia, saved by Stilicho, i8; becomes 
 subject to Theodoric, 35; appropri- 
 ated for king Charles, 143 
 
 Rhamadan, 84 
 
 Rheims, 29, 30, 58, 153, 176, 419; seized 
 by Chilperic, 55; Charles III. pro- 
 claimed at, 172; archbishop-duke of, 
 217; bishop of, invades southern 
 France, 293; municipal institutions in, 
 307; commune of, 309; commerce of, 
 322; consecration of Charles VII. at, 
 428; Council of, 344; abolition of 
 commune, 366J coronation of Philip 
 V. at, 383; advance of English to, 
 408 
 
 Rhetoric, Cicero's treatise on, 532 
 
 " Rhetoric " of Tacitus, 223 
 
 Rhine, River, 8, 11, 19, 30, 41, 68, 103, 
 124, I2S, 145, 146, 150. 156, 1571 173, 175. 
 176, 180, 21B, 219, 252, 315, 320, 321, 337, 
 340, 370, 461 (note), 462, 463; crossed by 
 barbarians, 19; crossed by Attila, 24; 
 Alemannian boundary, 29; projected 
 canal to the Danube, 137; crossed by 
 Hungarians, i68; electors of the, 461; 
 League of the, 463 
 
 Rhodes, Arab occupation of, 91; taken 
 
 by Venetians, 278 
 
 Rhone, River, 22, 35, 107, 144, 150, 193, 
 360; annexation of the valley by Con- 
 rad II., 198 
 
 Rhubarb, use of, 102 
 
 Richard I., 282, 350; embarks on the 
 third crusade, 276; reaches the Holy 
 Land, 276; quarrel with Philip 
 Augustus, 276; massacres prisoners, 
 277; retires from Palestine, 277; cap- 
 tured by Leopold, 277; as a poet, 33a, 
 333; character, 352; death, 353 
 
 Richard II., 417; reign of, 411-414; 
 enthusiasm of Wat Tyler's mob 
 for, 413; troubles with Parliament, 
 413; deposed, 415, 422, 435; assassi- 
 nated, 415; honors to remains of, 416; 
 increase of parliamentary power, 435 
 
 Richard, Duke of Aquitaine, 360 
 
 Richard, king of the Romans, 434 
 
 Richard of Cornwall, 387, 461, 464 
 
 Richard Strongbow, 350 
 
 Richemond, Constable of, 426, 428, 430- 
 
 432 
 Richer, 227 
 Ricimer, 26 
 Ricos Hombres, 480 
 Rienzo, 456, 511 
 Rienzo, Cola di, 453, 453 
 Rietheburg, battle of, 192 (note) 
 Riga, bishops of, 291 
 Ring fortress, the, 127 
 Rio Salado, battle at, 477 
 Ripen, foundation of bishopric of, 193 
 Ripuarian Franks, defence of River 
 
 Rhine, 19 
 Ripuarians, 11, 31, 106; allied with 
 
 Romans against Attila, 25; laws of, 
 
 61 ; preserve their laws, 139 
 Roads, under Roman Empire, 6 
 Robert I. (of Artois), 257, 284, 285, 362 
 Robert I. (of France), 172, 188, 300, 316, 
 
 454 
 Robert II. (of France), 177 
 Robert II. (of Normandy), 343 
 Robert III., of Artois, 394 
 Robert of Gloucester, 524 
 Robert de Courjon, 327 
 Robert de Vere, 413 
 Robert le Coq, 400 
 Robert the Devil, 181 
 Robert the Frisian, war with Philip L, 
 
 179 
 Robert the Strong, 154, 158, 216 
 Robin Hood, 184 and note, 522, 523 
 Roche-Darrien, battle of, ^98 
 Rochelle, taken by Louis VIII., 360; 
 
 capture of English fleet off, 409; 
 
 rivalry with Bordeaux, 409 
 Roches, Peter des, 386 
 Roderic, 89 
 Rodrigo de Bivar, 300 
 Roger, 236 
 
 Roger I., king of Sicily, 253 (note) 
 Roger II., Count of Sicily, 253 (note) 
 Roger II., king of Sicily, 253 
 Roger of Loria, 447
 
 INDEX. 
 
 S77 
 
 Roland, 128, 334 
 
 Rolf. 158 
 
 RoUo, 158 
 
 Romagna, 447, 452; revolts against 
 Frederick II., 257; Visconti's at- 
 tempts on, 455 
 
 Roman architecture, 232 
 
 Romance architecture, 232 
 
 Romance language, 226 
 
 " Romance of the Rose," 334, 335, 520, 
 
 524 
 
 " Romancero, the," 528 
 
 Romances, 526 
 
 " Roman de Brut," 230 
 
 " Roman des Loherains," 230 
 
 Roman Empire, end of, i; new form 
 of, 1; police, 2; luxury in, 3; civil 
 hierarchy, 4; despotism of, 4; free in- 
 stitutions, 4; military hierarchy, 4; 
 provinces of, 4; census in, 5; taxation 
 under, 5; moral and intellectual con- 
 dition, 8; northern and southern 
 boundaries of, 71; perished, 108; ap- 
 pointment to office under, 201 
 
 Roman France, 106 
 
 Romania, creation of empire, 281; Vil- 
 lehardouin made Marshal of, 281 
 
 Roman influence in Italy, 194 
 
 Roman language, 139 
 
 Roman law, 62 
 
 Roman ritual, defeated in ordeals, 299; 
 use of, demanded in Spain, 299 
 
 Romans, relations with Goths under 
 Theodoric, 36; taxation of, 65 (note); 
 king of the, 369, 472 
 
 Romanus Diogenes, 263, 264 
 
 Roman World at end of fourth century, 
 
 Rome, 147, 444, 458; fall of, i; influence 
 of, i; municipal government, i; taxes 
 in, i; diocese of, 4. 36; Church of, 
 9, 10; dangers threatening, 10; de- 
 cadence of, 17; Alaric before, 20; 
 pillage of, 20; surrender to Alaric, 
 20; pillaged by the Vandals, 26; taken 
 by Odovakar, 26 ; Greek govern- 
 ment of, 38; captured by Belisarius, 
 48; Gothic capture of, 48; schools 
 of, 49; an apostolic see, no; under 
 Emperor of Constantinople, 114; re- 
 newed conquests by, 116; rebellion 
 in, 117; Charlemagne's sovereignty 
 over, 124; Cnut's pilgrimage to, 164; 
 partly burned by Saracens, 166; Otto 
 crowned emperor at, 195; republic 
 of, 220; capital of the empire, 235; 
 taken by Henry IV., 242; re-estab- 
 lishment of republic of, 248; Fred- 
 erick I, marches on, 249; Freder- 
 ick I.'s claim on, 249, 250; rule ot 
 Innocent III., 253; blockaded by 
 Frederick II., 257; Innocent IV. es- 
 capes from, 258; Sultan of, 264; Spain 
 in communion with, 299; appeals to, 
 374; council at, 376; synod at, 378; 
 ecclesiastical invasion of England by, 
 386; restoration of papacy to, 417; 
 cnjclty in, 446; legate from pope at 
 
 Avignon, 448, 449; restoration of pon- 
 tifical seat to, 453; Porcaro's attempt 
 at, 456; last emperor crowned at, 474; 
 jubilee of BonifaceVIII., 509; clamors 
 for Roman pope, 510; discontent at, 
 510; hostility to Avignon, 510 
 
 Romee, Isabelle, 426 
 
 Romney sends deputies to Parliament, 
 314 
 
 Romulus, 147 
 
 Romulus Augustulus, 26 
 
 Roncalia, Diet of, 250 
 
 Roncesvalles, massacre of, 128 
 
 Roncevaux, valley of, 230 
 
 Roosebek, battle of, 418, 419 
 
 Rosamond, Fair, 350 
 
 Rosamund, 38 
 
 Roscellinus, 329 
 
 Roses, War of the. See Wars of the 
 Roses 
 
 Rostock, University of, 532 
 
 Rother, King, 338 
 
 Rothfeld, " the field of lies," 143 
 
 Roturiers, 209 
 
 Rouen, 157, 419; attacked by Norsemen, 
 150; burned by Norsemen, 157; mon- 
 astery at, 227; bishop of, invades 
 southern France, 293; commerce of, 
 322; synod of, 324; taken by Philip 
 Augustus, 354; ecliequier held at, 382; 
 a king of, 417; fall of, 424; trial and 
 burning of Joan of Arc at, 429, 430 
 
 Rouergue, Raymond VII. 's interest in, 
 361; inherited by Philip III., 368; 
 ceded to Edward III., 405 
 
 Roum, Sultan of, 264 
 
 Roumanians, 482 
 
 Round Table, the, 337, 527 
 
 Rousiilon, rule of House of Barcelona, 
 292; added to Catalonia, 302; ceded 
 to Aragon, 364 
 
 Rouvres, Philip of, 439 
 
 Royal ordinances, 439 
 
 Roye, acquired by Duke of Burgundy, 
 430 
 
 Royer, king of Sicily, 102 
 
 Rubruquis. 318 
 
 Rudolf III., 178, 198 
 
 Rudolf, of Burgundy, 172, 188, 194 
 
 Rudolf Agricola, 532 
 
 Rudolf of Hapsburg, 446, 461; election 
 of, 464; reign of, 464-466; acquires 
 Austria, 468 
 
 Rudolf of Swabia, opposes Henry IV., 
 241; elected king, 242; killed, 242 
 
 Rue de Fouare, 328 
 
 Rufinus, 18 
 
 Rugians, the, 11 I 
 
 Rugii, the, 26 
 
 Runnymede, signing of Magna Charta, 
 
 Rupert of Bavaria, 473 
 
 Rurik. 165, 487 
 
 Russia, 164, 166, 221, 482; origin of 
 name, 166 (note); attacks Empire of 
 the East, 262; peace with Greece, 262, 
 263; commerce of, 321; invaded by 
 Norsemen, 483; beginnings of, 487;
 
 578 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 primogeniture in, 487; Mongol in- 
 vasion of, 488; released from Tartar 
 yoke, 488; under Tartar rule, 488; 
 Timur's attack on, 498 
 
 Russians, menace Roman Empire, 221; 
 driven from the Danube, 262; con- 
 quered by Tartars, 283 
 
 Ruteboeuf, 335 
 
 Rutli, 467 
 
 Ruybroecq, 318 
 
 Saale, River, 129, 192 
 
 Saba, 73 » 
 
 Sabianism in Hedjaz, 75 
 
 Sagres, 481 
 
 St. Ambrose. 9 
 
 St. Amour, William de, 289 
 
 St. Anastasius, 9 
 
 St. Andrew, 269 
 
 St. Ange, cardinal-legate of, 360 
 
 St. Anianus, 24 
 
 St. Anselm, 227, 328, 329; archbishop of 
 Canterbury, 228 
 
 St. Aubin du Cormier, treaty of, 361 
 
 St. Augustine, 9, 23, 223 228; appointed 
 archbishop of Canterbury, 115; cor- 
 respondence with Gregory the Great, 
 116 
 
 St. Bee, monastery of, 328 
 
 St. Benedict, rules of, 288, 525 
 
 St. Benedict of Aniane, 112, 137; reform 
 of, 288 (note) 
 
 St. Benedict of Nursia, 112 
 
 St. Bernard, 249, 292, 374; preaches 
 the crusades, 273; attempts to orga- 
 nize a third crusade, 275 ; reform by, 
 288, note ; excommunicates Abelard, 
 329 ; sides with Innocent II., 345 
 
 St. Bonaventura, 331 
 
 St. Boniface, 116 ; primate of Germany, 
 117; death of, 117; consecrates Pip- 
 pin, 120 
 
 St. Brice, massacre of, 163 
 
 St. Clair-sur-Epte, treaty of, 158 
 
 St. Catherine, 427, 510 
 
 St. Christopher, 214 
 
 St. Cloud, 32 
 
 St. Columban, 42; persecution of, 59; 
 mission of, 115 
 
 St. Denis, fairs in, 322; killing of Mar- 
 cel at, 404; gate of Paris, 520 
 
 St. Denis, abbey of, 61, 175; pillaged, 
 342 
 
 Si. Denis, abbot of, 158, 344 
 
 St. Dominic, 289 
 
 St. Dunstan, 162 
 
 St. Eloi, 60, 61 
 
 Saintes, pillaged by Norsemen, 157; 
 battle near, 363; battle of, 386; expels 
 English garrison, 409 
 
 St. Francis, 289 
 
 St. Gall, discoveries in monastery of, 531 
 
 St. Genevifeve, Mount, 326 
 
 "St. George," 527 
 
 St. Germain, 227; abbey of, 175 
 
 St. Germain des Prfes, abbey of, pil- 
 laged by Norsemen, 157 
 
 §t. Gregory, 39 
 
 St. Gregory of Nazianzus, 9 
 
 St. Henry, 197 
 
 St. Jacques, Rue, 289 
 
 St. Jacques, battle of, 432 
 
 St. James, 297; military order of, 302 
 
 St. Jean d'Angely, forest of, 380 
 
 St. Jean-Pied-de-Port, 128 
 
 St. Jerome, on monasticism, iii 
 
 St. John, 257 
 
 St. John of Jerusalem, Hospitallers of, 
 
 272 
 St. Lebuin, 125 
 St. Leger, 67, 68 
 St. Leo, 113 
 St. Lupus, 24 
 St. Margaret, 427 
 St. Mark, bronze horses of, 454 
 St. Mark's Church, 279, 458 
 St. Martin of Tours, abbey of, 136, 157, 
 
 17s 
 St. Medard of Soissons, church of, 144 
 St. Michael, Mount, monastery of, 227 
 St. Omar, 216 ; battle of, 396 
 Saintonge, 217, 345; left in John's 
 
 hands, 355; cession to England, 364, 
 
 405 
 St. Patrick, 42 
 
 St. Peter, 10, 181 ; tomb of, n8 
 St. Peter le Vif, abbot of, 273 
 St. Peter's Church, pageant in, 374 
 St. Pierre, Eustace of, 398, 424 
 St. Pol, palace of, 408 
 St. Proculus, monastery of, 211 
 St. Quentin, commune of, 308, 309 
 St. Remi, abbey of, 227 
 St. Remigius, baptizes Clovis, 30 
 St. Requier library, 223 
 St. Rupert, mission to Bavaria, 115 
 St. Sophia, church of, 50, 262 ; the cross 
 
 replaced by the crescent, 503 
 St. Stephen, 489; monastery of, 227 
 St. Thomas Aquinas, 289, 326, 330 
 St. Tropez, 167 
 St. Valfery, 175 
 St. Valfery-sur-Somme, 181 
 St. Vandrille, abbey of, 227 
 St. Victor, monastery of, 112, 228 
 St. Vitalis, 51 (note) 
 St. Wilfrid, ti6 
 St. Willibrord, 116 
 Saisset, Bernard, 376 
 Saladin, campaigns of, 275, 276; cour- 
 tesy to his enemies, 277 ; reassembles 
 
 forces, 277 
 Saladin tithe, the, 276 
 Salado, River, 89 (note) 
 Salamanca, 297; taken by Almanzor, 
 
 297 ; university of, 327 
 Salerno, threatened by Saracens, 166 ; 
 
 besieged by Saracens, 236 
 Salerno, Duke of, 194 
 Salian Franks, 28 ; preserve their laws, 
 
 139 
 Salians, 11; law of, 61; allied with 
 
 Romans against Attila, 25 
 Salic law, 6i and note, 62, 383, 393, 396 
 Salisbury, Earl of, rebukes St. Louis, 
 
 28^; besieges Orleans, .126
 
 INDEX. 
 
 579 
 
 Sallust, imitation o., 227 
 
 Salt, tax on, 407 
 
 Salt-works, duties on, under Roman 
 Empire, 6 
 
 Saluzzo, marquisate of, 448 
 Salvian, g 
 
 Salzburg-, bishopric of, 115 
 Sama, 60 
 
 Samarcand, civilization at, 88 ; an intel- 
 lectual centre, 99 ; observatory at, 
 loi; reached by Benjamin of Tudela, 
 318; Khan overthrown by Timur, 
 498 
 
 Samogitia, conquered by Teutonic 
 knights, 486 ; surrendered by Teutonic 
 knights, 487 
 
 Samos, taken by Venetians, 278 
 
 Samuel, king of Bulgarians, 263 
 
 SanS 73, 74 
 
 Sancerre, county of, sold to France, 361 
 
 Sancho, Don, 529 ; claims the crown, 
 477 
 
 Sancho the Great, 297, 298 
 
 Sandwich, 349; sends deputies to Par- 
 liament, 3J4 
 
 San Jago de Compostella, taken by 
 Almanzor, 297 
 
 San Jago Matamoros, 297 
 
 Santa Croce, church of, 458 
 
 Santa Maria del Fiore, church of, 458 
 
 Santarem, 301; battle of, 302 
 
 Saone, River, 146, 216 
 
 Sara, descent of Mohammedans from, 
 277 
 
 Saracenic influence in Italy, 194 
 
 Saracens, 53 (note), 156, aoo; defeated 
 by Charles Martel, 108; Charle- 
 magne's campaigns against, 123 ; 
 threaten Balearic Islands, 129 ; pillage 
 Corsica and Sardinia, 142, 166; pillage 
 Septimania, 142 ; ravages of, 149 ; 
 expelled from Bari, 150; in Italy, 166; 
 relations with Otto, 196 ; hatred of, 
 229 ; expel John of Brienne from 
 Sicily, 256; revolt in Sicily, 256; 
 invade Italy, 258 ; origin of the name, 
 277 ; repulse the seventh crusade, 
 285 ; allowed free sway in Spain and 
 Africa, 295 ; probability of knowledge 
 of compass, 322 ; at Lucera, 444; use 
 of gunpowder attributed to, 534 
 
 Saragossa, Franks at, 33; independence 
 of, 99; Charlemagne's attack on, 128, 
 note; captured by Charlemagne, 128; 
 conquest of, 300; cortes at, 481 
 
 Sardinia, 219, 450; conquered by Gai- 
 seric, 23 ; taken by Belisarius, 47 ; the 
 Aglabides in, 96; remnants of pagan- 
 ism in, lis; taken by Franks, 129; 
 devastated by Saracens, 142, 166; in 
 possession of Saracens, 166; Freder- 
 ick I.'s claim on, 249; acquired by 
 Enzio, 257; ceded to Aragon, 479 
 
 Sarmatians, overwhelmed by Theodo- 
 ric. 34 
 
 Sarus, alliance with Honorius, 20 
 
 Sassantdes, standard of the. 86; found 
 second Persian Empire, 86 (note) 
 
 Saucourt, battle of, 154 
 
 Saumur, 214 
 
 Save, River, 17, 35, 129, 218, 221, 490, 497 
 
 Savoy, 219, 448; supports Clement Vlf., 
 510 
 
 Savoy, Duke of, elected Pope, 515 
 
 Savoy, House of, 448 
 
 Savoy, Peter of, 386 
 
 " Saxo Grammaticus," 527 
 
 Saxon, chief component of English 
 language, 522 
 
 Saxon architecture, 232 
 
 Saxon heptarchy, 42 
 
 " Saxon Mirror," the, 338 
 
 Saxons, the, 11, 54, 107, 118, 129, 130, 180; 
 allied with Romans against Attila, 24; 
 occupy Bayeux, 29 ; union with 
 Franks, 29; defeat Lothaire I., 33; 
 invade Great Britain, 40 ; summoned 
 against Picts, 41 ; war with Cam- 
 brians, 41 ; pitted against Slavs, 60 ; 
 Charles Martel's campaigns against, 
 107; conquered by Pippin, 120; 
 threaten Charlemagne, 122; weakness 
 of, 123; Charlmagne's wars with, 124; 
 deportation of, 125 ; subjection of, 
 125 ; massacre of 126; revolt of, 126 
 preserve their laws, 139 ; revolts 
 against William the Conqueror, 183 ; 
 Charlemagne's policy with, 193 ; 
 oppose Henry IV., 241 ; Charle- 
 magne's method of subjugating, 291 ; 
 settlers in Transylvania, 490; influ- 
 ence on English language, 521 
 
 Saxony, 150, 189, 219, 465, 472, 475 ; 
 Charlemagne's winter campaign in, 
 . 126 ; elects Conrad I., 190; foundation 
 of bishopric of, 193; boundaries of, 
 218 ; revolt in, 240, 241; inherited by 
 Henry the Proud, 247 ; recovered by 
 Henry the Lion, 247; taken from 
 Henry the Lion, 252 ; prosperity of, 
 315 ; commerce of, 321 
 
 Saxony, Duke of, 471 
 
 Saxony, House of, 461 
 
 Scabini, the, 135 
 
 Scanderbeg, harasses Turks, 501 ; 
 Amurath II. 's futile efforts against, 
 502 
 
 Scandinavia, missions to, 163; literature 
 of, 526 
 
 Scandinavian Empire, decline of, 180 
 
 Scandinavians, the, 11 ; spread of, 166; 
 civilization of, 483 ; invasions of 
 England, 159 
 
 Scandinavian States, 482 
 
 Scania, 221, 322; Code of, 483 
 
 Scheldt, River, 146, 157, 216, 218 
 
 Schiites, the, 85 
 
 Schiller, 337 
 
 Schism of the West, 380, 417, 4-3, 473, 
 510 
 
 Schleswig, 192; mark of. 191; founda- 
 tion of bishopric of, 193; ceded to 
 Denmark, 197; brought back under 
 dominion of Denmark, 485; rebeTion 
 of, 485 
 
 Schoeffer, invention of printing, 533
 
 58o 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Scholasticism, 328 
 School of the Palace, 136 
 Schools, military division, 3 
 Schools. See Education. 
 Schwarzburg, Gunther of, 470 
 Schwitz, revolt in, 466 
 Science, Arab influence on, 99 
 Scio, taken by Venetians, 278 
 Scipio, 52 
 
 Scone, coronation-stone of, 390 
 Scotland, 40, 42; subjected to Cnut, 163; 
 asylum for Saxons, 183; political 
 geography in eleventh century, 220, 
 221; defeated by Henry II., 3150; al- 
 liance of Philip the Fair with, 369, 
 370; independence of, 389, 390; un- 
 der Enghsh rule, 389; English cam- 
 paigns against, 395, 398, 413; alliance 
 of Charles V. with, 407; supports 
 Clement VII., 510 
 Scots, the, 40, 42; at Bruanburh, 162; 
 
 incursions into England, 346 
 Scotus, John, 329 
 Scourge of God, the, 24 
 Scribes, 4 
 
 Sculdahis, 39 (note) 
 
 Sculpture, drawbacks on Arabian, 102 
 Scyri, the, 26 
 
 Scythians, religious symbol of, 23 
 Sebastian, 21 
 
 Sebenico, captured by Venice, 279 
 Sebsvar, massacre by Timur, 498; 
 towers founded on human bodies 
 498 
 Segna, Counts of, 253 
 Seid, freedman of Mohammed, 77 
 Seignoral abbeys, 217, 219 
 Seine, River, 154, 158, 176, 354, 398, 403, 
 
 406, 422; crossed by Attila, 24 
 Seine-et-Marne, 58 
 
 Seldjuk, 96: destruction of kingdom, 
 ~ 493 
 Seldjuks, 264; Amurath's wars with 
 
 496 
 ' Select Charters," 184, note 
 Sclephj River, 253, 276 
 Seleucia, 94 
 
 Seleucides, the, 86 (note) 
 Sempach, battle of, 467, 526 
 Senate, 248, 307 
 Seneca, 519 
 
 Senlis, assembly at, 176 
 Senna, use of, 102 
 
 Sens, 153; Arab advance to, 90; county 
 of, 216; revolt against taxation, 273; 
 bishop of, invades southern France,' 
 293; commune of, 309; archbishop of, 
 381 
 Separatists, the, 85 
 
 Septimania, 31, 145; Arab occupation 
 of, 89; held by Visigoths, 89 (note); 
 settlement of Munuza in, 90; seized 
 by Pippin the Short, 98; recovered 
 from Arabs by Pippin, 120; Arab in- 
 vasion of, 128; pillaged by Saracens, 
 1^2; independence of, 149 
 Serbs, the, 14 
 Serfdom, 7; abolished in Normandy, 
 
 158; abolition demanded by Wat 
 
 Tyler, 412 
 Serfs, 208; enfranchisement of, 316,366 
 
 382, 383, 464, 50s 
 Sergius, patriarch, 52 
 SergiusII., 117 
 
 Servia, 500; conquered by Louis the 
 Great, 491; annihilates Turkish army, 
 496; war with Amurath, 496; wars in, 
 500; Hunyadi marches against, 501 
 Servia, Prince of, anecdote of, 496- 
 killed by Amurath, 496 ' 
 
 Servians, possess right bank of Dan- 
 ube, 492 
 
 Servi gleb(F, 208 
 
 Servile tenures, 209 
 
 Sesia, River, 448 
 
 Severn, River, 40 
 
 Severus, 6, 26; wall of, 40 
 
 Seville, 116; Archbishop of, opposes 
 Roderic, 89; independence of, 99; ex- 
 pulsion of Aben-Abed from, 301* 
 taken by Castile, 303 ' 
 
 Sforza, Francesco, 456 
 
 Sforza Attendolo, 456 
 
 Shaftesbury, death of Cnut at, 164 
 
 Shahen, 52 
 
 Shakespeare, 416, 527 
 
 Shem, 73 
 
 Sheriff, office of, 161, 434 and note 
 
 Shetland Islands, discovery of, 165 
 
 " Ship of Fools," 525 
 
 Shire moots, 388 (note) 
 
 Shrewsbury, battle of, 416 
 
 Sicilians, revolt against Charles of 
 Anjou, 369 
 
 Sicilian Vespers, 446, 479, 492 
 
 Sicilies, the Two, Frederick II.'s claims 
 to, 255; origin of the, 447 
 
 Sicily, 20, 263, 447; Alaric's plans 
 against, 20; conquered by Gaiseric, 
 23; attacked by Buccelin, 33; acquired 
 by Goths, 35; conquered by Belisari- 
 us, 48; the Aglabites in, 96; remnants 
 of paganism in, 115; devastated by 
 Saracens, 166; attacked by Arabs, 
 220; county of, 220; erection of king- 
 dom, 236; under suzerainty of Leo 
 IX., 236; Frederick I.'s claims on, 249; 
 in hands of the Hohenstaufens, 254- 
 expulsion of Dominicans and Fran- 
 ciscans, 257; delivered from Mourad- 
 bey, 256; invaded by John of Brienne, 
 256; incited to revolt, 258; Frederick 
 II. s consent to division of, 259- 
 Normans of, rescue Louis VII., 275- 
 Richard I. and Philip Augustus win- 
 ter in, 276; Charles of Anjou becomes 
 king, 285, 286, 365; cultivation of 
 sugar in, 323; given to France, 374: 
 crown offered to Edmund, 387; ac- 
 quired by Duke of Anjou, 417; repre- 
 sented at Congress of Arras, 430; 
 Manfred crowned king, 444; opposi- 
 tion to, 446; acquired by James, 447; 
 massacres in, 447; ceded to Robert, 
 454; sugar-canes from, transplanted 
 to Madeira, 482
 
 INDEX. 
 
 581 
 
 Sicily, king of, 456, 468; menial to Boni- 
 face VIII., 372 
 
 Sidon, capture of, 272; restored to 
 Christians, 282 
 
 Sidonius Apollinaris, 109 
 
 Siebenbiirgen, 490 
 
 Siegenot, 338 
 
 Sienna, 450 
 
 Sierra Morena, battle of, 302 
 
 Siete Partidas, las, 477, 528 
 
 Sigambri, 11 
 
 Sigibert, 31, 55, 66; proclaimed king by 
 Neustrians, 56 
 
 Sigismund, Emperor, 473, 474, 486, 491; 
 sells Brandenburg, 247 (note); cru- 
 sade of, 497; influences John XXIII., 
 
 513 
 
 Sigismund, king of Burgundy, 32, 62 
 
 Signories, 217 
 
 Sigtuna, 484 
 
 Silesia, 468, 472; Tartar spoliation of, 
 283; dynasty of Piast in, 485; secedes 
 from Poland, 486; conquered by Mon- 
 gols, 488 
 
 Silius Italicus, 532 
 
 Silk, 323 
 
 Silkworms, importation of, 50 
 
 Silvester II., 175, 196, 224, 225, 489; ap- 
 peals on behalf of Jerusalem, 265 
 
 Simancas, defeat of, 297 
 
 Simeon of Antioch, iii 
 
 Simon de Montfort, rebellion of, 388 
 
 Simon of Tournay, 331 
 
 Simony, 238, 240 
 
 Simple homage, 202 (note) 
 
 Sinai, peninsula of, 72, 73 
 
 Sineus, 165 
 
 Singeric, 21 
 
 Singidunum, taken by Avars, 51 
 
 Sirmium, 35; capture of, 51 and note 
 
 Siroes, 52 
 
 Sirvenfes, 333 
 
 Sithieu, monastery of, 120 
 
 Slavery, 63, 208; under Roman Empire, 
 7; abhorred by Germans, 11; Moham- 
 med's doctrine about, 83 
 
 Slavic territory, 218 
 
 Slavonians. See Slavs. 
 
 Slavs, the, 14, 23, 129, 167 (note), 191, 463, 
 488; menace to Rome, lo; activity of, 
 ii; in Narses' army, 48; ravage Thu- 
 ringia, 60; threaten Charlemagne, 122; 
 give asylum to Saxons, 126; incur- 
 sions of, 126; disturbances, 14^; at- 
 tacked by Arnulf, 168; invade Ger- 
 many, 188; defeated by Conrad II., 
 197; on the Baltic, 221 
 
 Slav States, 482 
 
 Slayer of the Moors, the, 297 
 
 Slova, 167 (note) 
 
 Slovenes, the, 14 
 
 Sluys, battle of, 396. 
 
 Smaragdus, 137 
 
 Smithtield, Wat Tyler's interview with 
 Richard II. at, 413 
 
 Smyrna, taken by Timur, 499 
 
 Soana, 237 
 
 Sobriety, not a German virtue, 13 
 
 Social life, improvements in, 225 
 
 Social revolution, 505, 506 
 
 Sogdiana, Mussulman conquest of, 88 
 
 Soissons, 29, 55, 58; Lothaire, king of, 
 32; battle of, 107; council of, iig; 
 electoral assembly at, 120; county of, 
 216; commune of, 309 
 
 Soliman, attacks Constantinople, 88; 
 vision of, 493; expedition ajjainst Con- 
 stantinople, 494; ravages Thrace and 
 Bulgaria, 494; captures Gallipoli, 494; 
 death, 494 
 
 Solomon, house of Temple of, 291 
 
 Somersetshire, Alfred seeks asylum in, 
 1 60 
 
 Somme, River, 28,216,294 (note), 398, 430 
 
 Song, power of, 228 
 
 Song of the Nibelungen, 338 
 
 Sophia, taken by Amurath, 496; cap- 
 tured by Hunyadi, 500 
 
 Sorbonne, 289 
 
 Sorel, Agnes, 43 
 
 Soufis, the, loi 
 
 Southampton, incident of Cnut and the 
 tide at, 164 
 
 Spahis, 495 
 
 Spain, 44, 49, 61, 129, 300, 368, 447; un- 
 der Roman Empire, i; vice-prefect 
 of, 3, 4; the Suevi in, 21; usurpers in, 
 21; Walia's operations in, 21; return 
 of Goths to, 22; Gothic occupation of, 
 35; part rescued from the Visigoths, 
 43; the assembly in, 64; condition of 
 Visigoth monarchy in, 89; Visigoth 
 supremacy in, 89 (note); Abderrah- 
 man called to rule in, 93; Arab mod- 
 eration in, 97; mines of, 103; palmy 
 days of, 103; the garden of, 103; Mo- 
 hammedan invasion of, 108; Gregory 
 the Great's interest in, ii6; entry of 
 Charlemagne, 128; ravaged by Norse- 
 men, 157, 166; struggles with Moors, 
 220; Gregory VII. 's claim of suzer- 
 ainty over, 240; empire of the Ommi- 
 ades in, 264; the Inquisition in, 289; 
 given over to Arabs, 295; divisions 
 of, 298; effect of Christian disasters 
 in Jerusalem on, 299; resumption of 
 Holy War in, 299; rftual used in, 299; 
 effect of crusades in, 303; influence of 
 position on, 304; commercial relations 
 with England, 322; cultivation of 
 sugar in, 323; end of Philip III. 's war 
 with, 369; invasion of, by Du Gues- 
 clin, 406, 407; commerce of Genoa 
 with, 458; frightful affairs in, 477, 478; 
 union of, 479 ; supports Clement VII., 
 510; literature of, 527, 530 
 
 Spalato, 129; captured by Venice, 279 
 
 Spaniards, struggles against Moors, 
 290 
 
 Spectaiiles, 6 
 
 " Speculum Majus," 330 
 
 Spire, prosperity of, 315; trades de- 
 clared free, 463 
 
 Spoleto, draining of marshes of,'37; un- 
 der a Lombard duke, 38; seizure of, 
 114
 
 582 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Spoleto, Duke of, 124, 188, 194 
 
 S. P. Q. R., 248 
 
 Spyer, 146 
 
 Squire, office of, 231 
 
 Stake, the, 225, 227 
 
 Stammerer, Louis the. See Louis IL 
 
 Standard, battle of the, 346 
 
 State, union of church with, 239 
 
 States-General, 215, 384, 437; first as- 
 semblage of, 377; reassembling of, 
 378; assembly at Tours, 381; rise of, 
 382; convocation of, 399, 400; recog- 
 nize Henry V., 424 
 
 Statins, 334 
 
 Statute of mortmain, 508 
 
 Statutes of Oxford, 387 
 
 StaufEacher, Werner, 467 
 
 Stephen (of England), usurps English 
 crown, 345, 346 
 
 Stephen IL, Pope, 120 
 
 Stephen IV., 141 
 
 Stephen IX., 236 (note) 
 
 Stigand, 183 
 
 Stincho, 18; saves Rome, 19; assassi- 
 nated, 20 
 
 Stirling, battle of, 390 
 
 Stockholm, 484; parliament of, 484 
 
 Stoic philosophy, 7 
 
 Straits of Gibraltar, 166 
 
 Stralsund, treaty of, 483 
 
 Strassburg, commerce of, 320; intro- 
 duction of Gothic architecture, 340; 
 trades declared free, 463 
 
 Strassburg, Gottfried von, 338 
 
 Strelitz, the, 95 
 
 Strongbow, Richard, 350 
 
 Stubbs, " Constitutional History of 
 England," 161 (note), 185 (note), 313 
 (note); " Select Charters,'" 184 (note) 
 
 Studium, the, 327 
 
 Stylites, Simeon, iii 
 
 Styria, 466; seized by Ottocar II. , 462 
 
 Subsidies, 436 
 
 Succession, right of, 436; introduced 
 into Spain, 477 
 
 Sudavia, surrendered by Teutonic 
 knights, 487 
 
 Suetonius, 227 
 
 Suevi, 62; movements of, 11; attack on 
 Roman Empire, 18, 19; wars in Spain, 
 21; conquered by Leovigild, 22: con- 
 quered by Theodoric II. , 22; fall of 
 power, 22; absorbed by Visigoths, 89, 
 note; flee to Cantabric Pyrenees, 296 
 
 Suez, Desert of, 73 
 
 Suez, Gulf of, 72 
 
 Suez, Isthmus of, 72 
 
 Suffolk! Wat Tyler's insurrection in, 
 412 
 
 Suffolk, Earl of, taken prisoner, 428 
 
 Sugar-cane, 323 
 
 Suger, Abbot, 273, 275. 344, 345, 351 
 
 Sulpicius Severus, saying of, 112 
 
 Sultan, foundation of title, 96 
 
 " Summa Theologise," 330 
 
 Sunna, 12 
 
 Sunnites, the, 85 
 
 Superindictions, 5 
 
 Suria, abandoned by Heraclius, 86 
 
 Surnames, origin of, 288 
 
 Sussex, 132, 181; kingdom of, 41; de- 
 vastated by Castilian fleet, 410; Wat 
 Tyler's insurrection in, 412 
 
 Suter, Halb, 526 
 
 Sutri, Council of, 237 
 
 Suzerainty, 203, 204, 216 
 
 Svea, 484 
 
 Sverri, excommunicated, 506 
 
 Swabia, 30, 150, 189, 218, 247, 462, 464, 
 466, 467; alliance with Arnulf, 190; 
 transferred to Ludolf, 192; under 
 Henry III., 235; in hands of the 
 Hohenstaufens, 247; prosperity in, 
 315; poets of, 337 
 
 Swabia, Duke of, condemned, 198 
 
 Swabia, House of, 247, 255, 445; opposes 
 Lothar, 246 
 
 Swabia, John of, 466, 467 
 
 "Swabian Mirror," the, 338 
 
 Swabians, oppose Henry IV., 241 
 
 Sweden, 11, 221, 482; subjected toCnut, 
 163; political geography of, 221; in- 
 troduction of Gothic architecture, 
 340; converted to Christianity, 483; 
 election system in, 483, 484; united 
 virith Denmark and Norway, 483; uni- 
 ted with Norway, 484; secession from 
 Union of Calmar, 485; literature in, 
 527 
 
 Swegen, 163, 180 
 
 Swein, 163, 180 
 
 Swerker, 484 
 
 Swine, flesh of, proscribed by the Ko- 
 ran, 84 
 
 Swiss, Charles VII. 's war with, 432; 
 valor of, 432; use of the pike, 534 
 
 Switzerland, 22, 218, 219, 464, 466, 467; 
 Saracens in, 167; annexed by Conrad 
 II. , 198; strength of democracy in, 
 371; the Marathon of, 467; poetry in, 
 526; struggles with Austria, 526 
 
 Sword, as sign of investiture, 231 
 
 Syagrius, battle with Clovis, 29 
 
 Symmachus, 37 
 
 Syria, 53, 73, 271; invasion of, 46, 52; 
 Mohammed's travels in, 77; Moham- 
 med's prophecy concerning, 80; war 
 with Mohammed and Greeks in, 80; 
 Arab expeditions against, 85; Khalid's 
 success in, 86; under Moawijah, 87; 
 dawn of civilization in, 92; Fatimite 
 rule over, 97; Greek expedition 
 against, 263; monasticism in, in; be- 
 comes distinct sultanate, 264; invaded 
 by Malek-Shah, 264; captured by 
 Saladin, 275; relation of Damascus to, 
 275; laid waste by Turcomans, 283; 
 highway to India, 318; commerce of 
 Novgorod with, 320 
 
 Syrians, in Arab armies, 93 
 
 Syrtis, the, 17 
 
 Syrups, use of, 102 
 
 Tacitus, 64, 69, 161 (note), 223; book on 
 
 Germany, n, 12 
 Tagliacozzo, battle of, 445 
 
 I
 
 INDEX. 
 
 583 
 
 Tagus, 104, 290, 300, 301 
 
 Taille, the, 309 
 
 Taillebourg, 363; battle of, 386 
 
 Taillefer, at battle of Hastings, 230 
 
 Tailleur, Hugh le, 182 
 
 Talbot, 428, 432 
 
 Tamerlain. See Timur. 
 
 Tanaro, the, 18, 251 
 
 Tancred, 267, 271; contends with Bald- 
 win for Tarsus, 268; enters Jerusalem, 
 270 
 
 Tancred of Hauteville, 236 
 
 Tanneguy-Duchatel, 424 
 
 Tannenberg, battle of, 487 
 
 Tarascon, treaty of, 369 
 
 Tarentum, taken by Saracens, 166; 
 principality of, 220 
 
 Tarentum, Prince of, 267 
 
 Tarik, crosses Strait of Hercules, 89 
 
 Tarsus, boundary of Arab empire, oi; 
 contest between Tancred and Bald- 
 win for, 268 
 
 Tartar-Finnish race, 14 
 
 Tartar-Mongols, 482 
 
 Tartar race, 95 (note) 
 
 Tartars, the, 15; invasion of Europe, 
 282, 283; terror of, 282; repulse of, 
 283; Innocent IV. 's mission to, 318; 
 Marco Polo's services to, 319; over- 
 thrown on the Don, 488 
 
 Tartars of the Golden Horde, 488 
 
 Tassilo, 127 
 
 Tasso, Torquato, 457 
 
 Tauler, John, 526 
 
 Tauricum, council of, 145 
 
 Tauris, taken by Timur, 498 
 
 Taurus, Mount, 264 
 
 Taxation, 433, 434, 436, 437; under the 
 Roman Empire, 5; of land, 36; reduc- 
 tion of, by Theodoric, 36; under 
 Chilperic and Dagobert, 65; in feudal 
 times, 212; maxim of, 215; of French 
 churches, 375; in England, 391; in 
 France, 402; of salt, 407, 419: in Cas- 
 tile, 480; freedom of Polish nobles 
 from, 486 
 
 Tchoudes, the, 14 
 
 Tchutchi, invades Europe, 283 
 
 Teias, 48 
 
 Tell, William, 467 and note 
 
 Templars, 272, 291, 384; overthrow of 
 the order, 380, 382 
 
 Temple, Grand Master of, burnt, 380- 
 382 
 
 Temporalities, 207 
 
 Temporal power of the popes, rise of, 
 120 
 
 Temudgin. See Jenghiz-Khan. 
 
 Ten, council of the, 449 
 
 Tenures, 209 
 
 Terence, 223 
 
 Terouanne, 29 
 
 Terracina, remnants of paganism at, 115 
 
 TertuUian, 9, 532 
 
 Testry, battle of, 68, 105, 107, 521 
 
 Teutonic Knights, 291 ; expeditions into 
 Prussia, 290; join the Brothers of the 
 Sword, 291; conquer Esthonia, 483; 
 
 conquer Samogitia, 486; power of, 
 486, 487 
 
 Teutonic language, 139, 226 
 
 Teutons demand independence, 140 
 
 Thaddeus of Suessa, 258, 259 
 
 Thames, River, 41, 42, 180 
 
 Thanes, 161 
 
 Thanet, Isle of, 41; landing of St. Au- 
 gustine in, IIS 
 
 Thebarmis, destruction of, 52 
 
 Thebes, Lord of, 281 
 
 Theiss, River, 38, 128, 129, 168, 169, 490 
 
 Theobald, Count of Champagne, 360, 
 361 
 
 Theodahad, 48; condemned as uojust 
 judge, 36 
 
 Theodebert II., 58 
 
 Theodebert, war with Theoderic, 58 
 
 Theodora, 50, 51 (note), 262 
 
 Theodore of Gaza, 532 
 
 Theodoric, 24, 54, 122, 233; marches 
 against Gundobad, 30, 31 ; occupiesthe 
 Alps and Marseilles, 31 ; becomes king 
 of Metz, 32; subdues Thuringians, 33; 
 death cf, 33, 59; death and tomb of, 
 37; character of, 34, 35; succeeds 
 Theudemir, 34; defeats Franks, 35; 
 influence of, 35; new possessions of, 
 35; treachery of, 35; justice of, 36; 
 encourages literature, 37; war with 
 Theodebert, 58 
 
 Theodoric II., 22, 58 
 
 Theodoric III., 62, 67, 70, 106 
 
 Theodoric IV., 119 
 
 Theodoric, son of Childeric III., 120 
 
 Theodoric of Alsace, 345 
 
 Theodosian Code, 44 
 
 Theodosius I., 7, 17, 18, 44 (note), 142, 
 474; convokes council, 113; death of, 
 II 
 
 Theodosius II., 22, 43, 44; attempts 
 assassination of Attila, 24 
 
 Theodulf, 137 
 
 Theophano, 195, 196 
 
 Thermopylae, Visigoths at, 18 
 
 Thessalonica, 116, 532; Marquis of 
 Montferrat made king, 281; taken by 
 Amurath II., 500 
 
 Thessaly, fortresses in, 50; entered by 
 Turks, 497 
 
 Theudalinda, 39, 115 
 
 Theudemir, 34 
 
 Theuderic. See Theodoric. 
 
 Theudibert, victories of, 33 
 
 Theudis repulses Franks, 33 
 
 Thibaut de Champagne, 335, 360, 361 
 
 Thierry, Augustin, 156 
 
 Thionville, Diet of, 133 
 
 Third Estate, the, 313, 437, 505 
 
 Thomas ^ Becket, 293, 347-350, 509 
 
 Thomas de Marie, 342 
 
 Thorn, treaty of, 4S7 
 
 Thought, increase of, 505 
 
 Thrace, 17, 502; proconsulate of, 3; 
 ravages of Visigoths in, 18; fortresses 
 in, 50; taken by Petchenegs, 221; 
 crusaders driven into, 267; passage 01 
 crusaders through, 267; ravaged by
 
 584 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Soliman, 494; occupied by Amurath, 
 495; establishment of Turks in, 496 
 
 Thunderbolt, the, 497 
 
 Thuring-ia, 189, 218, 219, 466, 468; rav- 
 aged by Slavs, 60; elects Conrad I., 
 190; boundaries of, 218; success of 
 Henry IV., 241; ravages in, 466; 
 Chronicles of, 526 
 
 Thuringians, 107; defeated by Clovis, 
 30; expeditions of Franks against, 32; 
 Charlemagne's campaign against, 123; 
 subjugation of, 130 
 
 Tiber, 247, 448 
 
 Tiberias, battle of, 276 
 
 Tiberius 11., 51 and note 
 
 Tiberius III., 51, 53 
 
 Tibullus, 532 
 
 Tibur, Diet of, 241 
 
 Tifernas, 532 
 
 Tiflis, taken by Tamerlain, 498 
 
 Tigris, River, 92, 94 
 
 Timur, 92; career of, 497-499 
 
 Tinchebray, battle of, 343 
 
 Tithes, 509, 510; levy authorized by 
 Boniface VIII., 375 
 
 Tithings, 161 and note 
 
 Tobbas, dynasty of, 74 
 
 Togrul-Beg, 96, 97, 264 
 
 Tokai, vineyards planted, 491 
 
 Toledo, Council of, 62, 64, 89 (note); re- 
 volt in, 97, 98; independence of, 99; 
 reputation for manufacture of arms, 
 103; conquered from the Moors, 220; 
 made subject to Ferdinand I., 299; 
 taken by Alfonso VI., 299; capture 
 of, 300; defence of, 301; results of 
 Spanish crusades on, 304; commerce 
 of, 322; archbishop of, 478 
 
 Toll-gates, duties on, under Roman 
 Empire, 6 
 
 Toro, 297 
 
 Tortona, razing of, 249 
 
 Tortosa, capture of, 128 
 
 Torture, 346, 381, 402 
 
 Tostig, war with Harold, 181 
 
 Totila, leader of the Goths, 48 
 
 Toul, diocese of, 426 
 
 Toulouse, 22, 292, 360, 378, 419; forces 
 of, relieve Theodoric, 34; Norsemen 
 at, 157; Hungarians penetrate to, 172; 
 council near, 292; killing of Simon de 
 Montfort, 295; municipal institutions 
 in, 307; Henry II. 's claim on, 347; 
 Raymond VII. 's interest in, 361; in- 
 herited by Philip III., 368; parliament 
 at, 368 and note; court for, 382 
 (note) 
 
 Toulouse, Count of, 177, 217, 267, 360, 
 361, 363 
 
 Toulouse, county of, 217, 362 
 
 Toulouse, Duchy of, 60 
 
 Toulouse, Duke of, 57 
 
 Touraine, Henry II. 's claim on, 346; 
 acquired by Philip Augustus, 358; 
 Louis IX. 's rights in, ^64 
 
 Tournai, taken by Philip Augustus, 
 
 ^355 
 Tournaments, 252 
 
 Tournay, 31; under Clovis, 29; siege 
 
 of, 396 
 Tournay, Simon of, 331 
 Tourney, the, 518 
 Tours, 90; battle near, 108; monastery 
 
 near, 112; schools in, T36; captured 
 
 by Norsemen, 157; victory of, 229; 
 
 assembly of States General at, 381 
 Tower of London, 182, 389; taken by 
 
 "Wat Tyler, 412 
 Trades unions, 463 
 Trajan, 488 
 Transjurane Burgundy, 219; formation 
 
 of kingdom, 155 
 Transoxiana, Mussulman conquest of, 
 
 88 
 Transubstantiation, 411 
 Transylvania, 168; repeopled, 490; wars 
 
 in, 500 
 Transtamara, Henry of, 406, 407 
 Trau, 129 
 
 Treason, 389, 434, 435 
 Trebizond, Heraclius's landing at, 52; 
 
 principality of, 281 
 Trebizond, George of, 532 
 Trench, war of the, 80 
 " Tresor," 333 
 Trfeves, 475; archbishop of, 461, 463; 
 
 elector of, 471 
 Treviso, the mark, 256; conquered by 
 
 Cane Grande, 448; seized by Visconti, 
 
 455 
 Tribonian, 49 
 Tribur, diet of, 154 
 Tricamaron, victory of, 47 
 Trinity, discussions on, 228 
 Trinity, hospital of the, 520 
 Tripoli, county of, 272 
 Tripoli, Count of, 274 
 " Tristan," 338 
 Trivium, the, 327 
 Trogus Pompeius, 223 
 "Troilus and Cressida," 524 
 Trojan War, 334 
 Troubadours, 214, 229, 248, 293, 294, 533 
 
 and note, 351, 517, 531 
 Trouvferes, 214, 229, 333 and note, 518 
 Troyes, 29, 419; saved from Attila, 24; 
 
 commerce of, 320; fairs at, 322; 
 
 Grands Jours held at, 382; treaty of, 
 
 424, 430; capture of, 428 
 Troyes, Christian of, 334 
 Troyes, Henry, Count of, 311 
 Troyes, John of, 422 
 Truce of God, 212, 225, 235, 266 
 True Cross, 53 
 Truwor, 165 
 
 Tudela, Benjamin of, 318 
 Tunis, 166; St. Louis's expedition 
 
 against, 285, 286, 365, 446 
 Turanian family, 95 (note) 
 Turau-Shah, 285 
 Turcilingi, the, 26 
 Turcomans, waste Syria, 283 
 Turin, bishop of, 194 
 Turkestan, boundary of Arab empire, 
 
 91; conquered by Timur, 498 
 Turkomans, established in Persia, 96
 
 INDEX. 
 
 585 
 
 Turks, the, 15, 474; destroy the Avars, 
 49; of Sunnite sect, 85; ethnic fea- 
 tures of, 95 (note); rising power of, 95, 
 96; menace Roman Empire, 221; mas- 
 ters of Asia, 263; reduce the Fatim- 
 ites, 264; encroachments on Europe, 
 265; slaughter of crusaders by, 267; 
 crusade of Nicopoli against, 491; ad- 
 vance on Constantinople, 492; hold 
 nine tenths of Asia Minor, 492; al- 
 liance with Cantacuzenus, 493; battle 
 with Mongols at Ancyra, 499 
 
 Tuscan architecture, 458 
 
 Tuscan coasts, harassed by Gaiseric, 23 
 
 Tuscany, 219, 241, 444, 450, 452; Alaric's 
 winter quarters in, 20; revolts against 
 Frederick II., 257; democracy in, 447 
 
 Tweed, River, J46 
 
 Two Sicilies, ongin of the, 447 
 
 Tyler, Wat, 412, 413, 511 
 
 " Typography," 533 (note) 
 
 Tyrannies, the, 447 
 
 Tyre, capture of, 272; marquisate of, 
 272; industries of, 323; archbishop of, 
 
 313 
 Tyrol, the, 470 
 Tyrol, Count of, 466 
 Tzetzes, 51 (note) 
 
 UcLEs, battle of, 301 
 
 Ugolino, 450 
 
 Ulfilas, translates Bible, 10 ; Gothic 
 Bible of, 525 
 
 Ulm, prosperity of, 315 ; commerce of, 
 320 
 
 Ultramontane doctrines, 514 
 
 Ulysses, 334 
 
 Umbria, Alboin in, 38 
 
 Unam Sanctam, bull, 372, 378, 507 
 
 Uniform, first appearance of, 441 
 
 " Universal Dance, the," 530 
 
 University of Pans, 358, 374. See 
 Paris, University of 
 
 Upper Palatinate, the, 461 (note) 
 
 Upsal, cathedral at, 484 
 
 Urban II., 179, 243, 253, 266 ; preaches 
 the crusade, 287 
 
 Urban IV., 444, 453, 510 
 
 Urban V., demands tribute in England, 
 411 
 
 Urban VI., 417 
 
 Uri, revolt in, 466 
 
 Usury, 325 
 
 Utal, the, 167 
 
 Utraquist, 473 
 
 Utrecht, introduction of Gothic archi- 
 tecture, 340 
 
 Valais, Saracens in, 167 
 
 Valencia, 48; independence of, 99; ir- 
 rigation in, 103; conquered from 
 Moors, 220; captured by Rodrigo de 
 Bivar, 300; recaptured by the Almo- 
 ravides, 301; conquered by James I., 
 303; cortes of, 481; literature of, 530 
 
 Valenciennes, birthplace of Froissart, 
 
 Valens, Emperor, 17 
 
 Valentine of Milan, 421 
 
 Valentinian, 8; recognizes Vandal king- 
 dom, 23 
 
 Valentinian III., 22, 26, 113 
 
 Valerius Flaccus, 532 
 
 Valid I., 92 
 
 Valk, Duke, 488 | 
 
 Valla, Laurentius, 532 
 
 Vallois, 324 
 
 Valois, the, 368, 438, 439; county of, 216; 
 acquired by Philip Augustus, 352 
 
 Valois, Charles of, 468 
 
 Valois, Philip of, 393, 469 
 
 Valvasors, 204 
 
 Van Arteveldes. See Artevelde, Van. 
 
 Vandalism, 26 
 
 Vandals, the, 11, 62; attack on Western 
 Empire, 18; southern march of, 19; 
 wars in Spain, 21; called into Africa, 
 22; establishment of kingdom, 23; 
 lose Africa, 43; war with Justinian, 
 45. 47 
 
 Van der Straten family, 344 
 
 Van Eyck, discovery in painting, 533 
 
 Varahan, 51 
 
 Varangians, 165 
 
 Varna, battle of, 492; attacked by cru- 
 saders, 501 
 
 Vasco de Gama, 319 
 
 Vassalage, 151, 201, 202 
 
 Vaucoufeurs, 427 
 
 Vavassors, 204 
 
 Vegas, Lope de, 530 
 
 Venaissin, ceded to the Pope, 368 
 
 Vendome, Bastard of, 428 
 
 Venedi, the, 14 
 
 Venetians, rivals of Mussulmans and 
 Greeks, 278; establish themselves in 
 Constantinople, 281; attacked by 
 Amurath II., 500; in defence of Con- 
 stantinople, 502 
 
 Venice, 129, 194, 219, 251,448,450; foun- 
 dation of, 25; Greek government of, 
 38; independent duchy, 117 and note; 
 attacked by Saracens, 166; meeting 
 of Frederick I. and Alexander III., 
 252; roused against Frederick II., 257; 
 Attila's influence on, 278; crusaders 
 demand ships from, 278; form of gov- 
 ernment, 279; interview between 
 Alexander III. and Frederick I. in, 
 279; victory over Frederick I., 279; 
 freedom of, 306; prosperity of, 306; 
 war with Genoa, ^19; commerce of, 
 320, 322, 370, 458; industries of, 323; 
 council of, 381; constitution of, 449; 
 power of, 449, quarrel with Genoa, 
 453; attack on, 454; alliance with Vis- 
 conti, 455; alliance with Alfonso V., 
 456; improved position of, 456; tyr- 
 rany of, 456; arts in, 458; banks at, 
 459; John Paleologus arrested at, 496 
 
 Venossa, Count of, 236 
 
 Vercelli, 448; bishop of. 198 
 
 Verd, Cape, rounded, 482 
 
 Verden, foundation of bishopric, 126; 
 
 massacre at, 126 
 Verdun, treaty of, 14s, 148, 149, 187
 
 586 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Vere, Robert de, 413 
 
 Vermandois, sustains Hugh Capet, 176; 
 
 county of, 216; acquired by Philip 
 
 Augustus, 352, 358 
 Vermandois, Count of, 192, 267, 400 
 Vermandois, Duke of, 172 
 Verneuil, battle of, 426, 427 
 Verona, 34, 448, 471; reduction of, 25; 
 
 monastery of, 112; bishop of, 194; 
 
 lord of, 256; tyrannized by Venice, 
 
 456; industry of, 459 
 Versailles, palace of, 206 
 Verse, father of English, 524 
 Vesuvius, 451 
 Vexin, the, 179 
 Vezelay, commune of, 309 
 Viane, Don Carlos de, 479 
 Vicar of Gaul, 116 
 Vice-counties, 217 
 Vicenza, reduction of, 25; tyrannized by 
 
 Venice, 456 
 Vicenza, John of, 256 
 Vice-prefects, 3 
 
 " Victim of the Convent," the, 527 
 Victor IV , 251 
 Vidal, Peire, 333 
 Vienna, 474, 465; commerce of, 320; 
 
 University of, 532; council of, 380 
 Vienne, 113; ceded to Godigisel, 30 
 Viennois, ceded to Philip VI., 398; 
 
 dauphin of, 424 
 Vierzon, 399 
 Vikings, 156 
 Vilaine, the, 29 
 "Vilain qui Conquist Paradis par 
 
 Plaid," 336 
 Villani, 380, 458; evidence as to use of 
 
 gunpowder, 534 
 Villehardouin, Godfrey of, 280, 281, 333, 
 
 337, 518, 531 
 Villeins, 208, 209 
 Villemain, 529 
 Villeneuve, 312, 315 
 Villencuve-de-Roi, 312 
 Villeneuve-St. -Georges, 312 
 VilUs de bourgeoisie, 311 and note 
 Villon, 335 
 Vimeu, 154 
 Vincennes, 361, 363; death of Charles 
 
 V. at, 410 
 Vincent of Beauvais, 330 
 Vincenza, 471 
 Vincy, battle of, 106 
 Vinea, Peter of, 256 
 Vinland, discovery of, 165 and note 
 Viol, Jean, 526 
 Virgil, 136, 223, 519 ; influence on Dante 
 
 and Petrarch, 517 
 Virgin, image in the Kaaba, 75; flight 
 
 01, represented in the Mysteries, 520 
 Viconti, the, 451 
 Visconti, Galeazzo, 455, 456, 471 
 Visconti, Matteo, 468 
 Viseu, taken by Ferdinand 1., 299 
 Viseu, Duke of, activity and enterprise 
 
 of, 481, 482 
 Visigoths, the, 17, 527 ; retreat of, 17 ; 
 
 attack on Empire of the West, iS ; 
 
 defeated at PoUentia, 18 ; destroy 
 Suevian power, 22 ; overthrow by 
 Arabs, 22 ; allied with Romans 
 against Attila, 24 ; possessions in 
 Gaul, 29; alliance against, 30 (note) ; 
 hatred of, 30 ; threatened by ambition 
 of Clovis, 31; expeditions of Franks 
 against, 32; recognize Theodoric, 35; 
 war against, 33 ; separated from 
 Ostrogoths, 38 ; lose part of Spain, 43; 
 alliance with Dagobert, 61 ; law of, 
 62; condition of monarchy in Spain, 
 89 and note ; converted to Christian- 
 ity, 89 (note); end of kingdom in 
 Spain, 89 ; invade Spain, 296 ; Toledo 
 the capital of, 300 
 
 '' Vision concerning Piers the Plough- 
 man," 524 
 
 Vistula, the, 12,291,491; the Poles on, 485 
 
 " Vita di Cola di Rienzo," 452 (note) 
 
 Vitry, burning of church of, 345 
 
 Vizier, office of, 94 
 
 Vladimir I., 487, 488; marries daughter 
 of Basil II., 263 
 
 Vladimir, Grand Duchy of, 283, 487; 
 made tributary to Mongols, 488 
 
 Vladislav, king of Poland, 492 
 
 Vladislav IV., 486 
 
 Vogelweide, Walther von der, 338 
 
 Vogt, 193, 207 
 
 Volga, River, 11, 14, 46, 52, 166, 167; 
 crossed by Huns, 16 ; Timur's battle 
 near, 498 
 
 Volterra, 450 
 
 Von Giesebrecht, 489 (note) 
 
 Vortigern, 41 
 
 Vosges, the, 219 ; Alemannian bound- 
 ary, 29 ; stylitism in, 112 
 
 Voulon, 31; battle of, 89 
 
 Vulgate, Mainz edition of, 533 
 
 Wage, Robert, 230, 334 
 
 Wadi Bekka, 89 (note) 
 
 Wahal, River, 157 
 
 Waiblingen, 247 
 
 Waiblinger, the, 254 
 
 Waifar, 119, 121, 123 
 
 Walamir, 34 
 
 Walcheren, seized by Norsemen, 157 
 
 Waldemar I., 484 
 
 Waldemar III., reign of, 483; death of, 
 
 485 
 Waldemar the Victorious, 483, 527 
 Wales, 220; conquest of, 389; rebellion 
 
 in, 415, 416 
 Wales, Prince of, origin of title, ■iSo 
 Walhalla, 12 
 Walia, 21, 28 
 Walid, Caliph, 100 
 Walls, the, 98 ; shake off yoke, 99 
 Wallace, Sir William, 370, 390 
 Wallachia, 490 ; wars in, 500; White 
 
 Knight of, 500 
 Walter the Penniless, 266 
 Walther von der Vogelweide, 338 
 Wandering Jew, the, in the Mysteries, 
 
 ardsbip, right of, 203 
 
 W^£
 
 INDEX. 
 
 587 
 
 War of the Nations, 80 
 
 War of the Roses, foundation of,|4i5; 
 outbreak of, 437 
 
 War of the Trench, 80 
 
 Wars, 211, 212 
 
 Warsaw, change of language in, 522 
 
 Wartburg,j37 
 
 Warwick, Earl of, exiled, 414 
 
 Water, ordeal by, 64, 299 
 
 Watling Street, i6o 
 
 Weber, Veit, 526 
 
 Weights and measures, 383 
 
 Weissel, Conrad, 532 
 
 Welf, opposes Henry IV., 241 
 
 Welf, House of, 247 ; beloved in Italy, 
 251 
 
 Welsh, the, 40 ; revolt a^^ainst William 
 the Conqueror, 183 ; incursions into 
 England, 346; alliance with Philip the 
 Fair, 369 
 
 Wends, the, 191 ; repulsed by Dagobert, 
 60 and note ; subjection of, 483 
 
 Wenilo, 153 
 
 Wenzel, Emperor, 455, 47a 
 
 Wenzel II., 465 
 
 Wergeld, 63, 65 and note, 489 
 
 Weser, River, 124, 126, 146, 193 
 
 Wesse.x, kingdom of, 41 ; Danish occu- 
 pation of, 160 (note) 
 
 West, Empire of. See E.mpire of the 
 West. 
 
 West, Schism of the. See Schis.m of 
 THE West. 
 
 Western Africa, vice-prefect of, 3 
 
 Western Goths, the, 17 
 
 Western Illyricum, vice-prefect of, 3 
 
 Westminster, treaty of, 410 
 
 Westmoreland, Earl of, joins Boling- 
 broke's insurrection, 414 
 
 Westphalians, the, 124 
 
 White Huns, 16 
 
 White Knight of Wallachia, 500 
 
 White Sea, 165 
 
 Whites, the, 450 
 
 Wideawake, Louis the, 342 
 
 Widemir, 34 
 
 Widukind, 125; baptism of, 126; de- 
 feats the Franks, 126 
 
 William II., 181; wars with Philip I., 
 179; accession of, 343; death of, 343 
 
 William VI., 448 
 
 William IX. (of Aquitaine), 344, 343 
 
 William, son of Bernard, 149 
 
 William, Archbishop of Tyre, 213 
 
 William, monk, 227 
 
 William Clito, death of, 345 
 
 William de Lorris, 334, 335 
 
 William of Champeaux, 329 
 
 William of Holland, 460 
 
 William of Nogaret, 378, 379 
 
 William of Plasian, 378 
 
 William of Poitiers, as a poet, 333 
 
 William of the Iron Arm, 236 
 
 William the Conqueror, 159, 170, 220, 
 327, 342, 347; wars with Philip I., 179; 
 invested with English throne by the 
 Pope, i8i; reign of, 182-186; at Hast- 
 iogis, 230; forced to pay Peter's 
 
 pence, 240 ; influence on English 
 
 language, 522 
 Wiltzi, the, 130 
 Winchester, 41, 389; anecdote ol Cnut 
 
 at, 164; school at, 532 
 Winchester, bishop of, 386 
 Winchester, Cardinal of, 431 
 Windmills, 323 
 Windsor, 356 
 
 Wine, proscribed by the Koran, 84 
 Winfrith, mission of, 116 
 Wisby, branch office of Hanseatic 
 
 League at, 321; Ordinances of, 322 
 Witchcraft, 383; trial of Joan of^ Arc 
 
 for, 428 
 Witenagemot, the, 64, 161, 313 
 Witiges, 46, 48 
 
 Wittelsbach, House of, 247 (note) 
 Woden, 12 
 Woinak, the, 495 
 Wolfdietrich, 338 
 Wolfram von Eschenbach, 337, 338 
 Wolhynia, taken from the Russians, 
 
 486 
 Woman, Mohammed's doctrines about, 
 
 83 
 Women, succession of, 383 
 Wool, importance of trade in England, 
 
 321 
 Worcester, John's interview with the 
 
 barons at, 356 
 Worms, 146, 466; assembly of, 143; diet 
 
 of, 172; prosperity of, 315; synod of, 
 
 241; Concordat of, 243, 245, 252 
 Wrecks, 325 
 Wulfoald, 67 
 Wulfstan, voyages of, 165 
 Wurtemberg, Count of, 466 
 Wurtzburg, University of, 532 
 Wycliffe, John, 411, 412, 473, 511, 513, 
 
 524 
 
 X.\INTRAILLES, 425, 426 
 
 Xeres de la Frontera, 89 and note 
 Ximena, 529 
 
 " Yale Review," 224 (note) 
 
 Yanbo, 73 
 
 Yaroslaff I., 487 
 
 Yatrib, flight of Mohammed to, 79 
 
 Yemen, 73; invaded by Abyssinians, 
 74; rivalry with Hedjaz, 74; adhesion 
 to Mohammed, 80; Mohammed's pro- 
 phecy concerning, 80; dialects in, 
 
 99 
 Venicheri. See Janizaries. 
 Yermuk, battle on the, 85 
 Yezdegerd, assassination of, 86 
 Yolande, married to Frederick II., 256 
 Yonne, River, 154 
 York, 42, 346, 389; effect of Norman 
 
 conquest on, 313; sends deputies to 
 
 Parliament, 314 
 York, archbishop of, excommunicated, 
 
 349 
 York, Duke of, opposes Richard II., 
 413; joins Bolingbroke's insurrection, 
 4x4
 
 588 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ypres, 395; military strength of , 308; in- 
 dustry of, 321 
 
 Zab, River, 92 
 Zacharias, 250 
 
 Zacharias, Pope, 117, 119, 175 
 Zaidi, 93 
 
 Zalaca, battle of, 301 
 Zamora, 297, 529 
 
 Zara, 129; coveted by Venice, 279 
 Zarco, discoveries of, 482 
 Zealand, coveted by Duke of Burgun- 
 dy, 425 
 Zeitz, foundation of bishopric of, 193 
 
 Zenetes, give asylum to Abderrahman, 
 
 /,eno, 27, 44; relations with Theodoric, 
 
 .34 
 Zimisces, John, 195; repulses Russiana. 
 
 262; expedition to Bagdad, 265 
 Ziska, John, 473 
 Zoroaster, birthplace of, 57 
 Zug, 467 
 Zurich, 467 
 
 Zurich, Manesse of, 337 
 Zuyder Zee, the, 321 
 Zwentibold, 188, 189
 
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