3 1822002107902 NIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEG 3 1822 00210 7902 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO LA JOLLA, CALIFORNIA THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN BY THE SAME AUTHOR BOOKS ON ART A RECORD OF SPANISH PAINTING PICTURES IN THE TATE GALLERY THE PRADO (Spanish Series) EL GRECO ( ,, ) VELAZQUEZ ( ,, ) BOOKS ON SPAIN MOORISH CITIES IN SPAIN THINGS SEEN IN SPAIN SPAIN REVISITED : A SUMMER HOLIDAY IN GALICIA SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA (Mediaeval Towns Series) CATHEDRALS OF SOUTHERN AND EASTERN SPAIN THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN BY C. GASQUOINE HARTLEY (MRS. WALTER M. GALLICHAN) NEW YORK DODD, MEAD & COMPANY 1914 RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, BRUNSWICK STREET, STAMFORD STKEET, S.E. AND BUNGAV, SUFFOLK. DEDICATION TO LESLIE, MY LITTLE ADOPTED SON In writing at last this book on Woman, which for so many years has had a place in my thoughts, one truth has forced itself upon me : the predominant position of Woman in her natural relation to the race. The mother is the main stream of the racial life. All the hope of the future rests upon this faith in motherhood. To whom, then, but to you, my little son, can I dedicate my book ? You came to me when I was still seeking out a way in the futility of Individual ends ; you reconciled my warring motives and desires ; you brought me a new guiding principle. You taught me that the Individual Life is but :us a bubble or cluster of foam on the great tide of humanity. I knew that the redemption of Woman rests in the growing knowledge and consciousness of her responsi- bility to the race. "The social revolution which is impending in Europe is chiefly concerned with the future of the workers and the women. It is for this that I hope and wait, and for this I will work with all my powers." IBSEN. PREFACE IT is very difficult to write a preface to a work which is expressly intended as a revelation of the faith of the writer. The successive stages of thought and emotion that have been passed through are still too near, and one feels too deeply. I have made several futile attempts to concentrate into a short note the Truths about Woman that I have tried to convey in my book. I find it impossible to do this. The explanation of one's own book would really require the writing of another book, as Mr. Bernard Shaw has proved to us in his delightful prefaces. But to do this one must be freed altogether from the limits of length and time. The fragments of what I wish to say would be of no service to any one. I then tried to place myself, as it were, outside the book, and to look at it as a stranger might. But the difficulties here were even greater. I grew so interested in criticising my own opinions that my notes soon outran the possibilities of a preface. In this spirit of genuine discrimination, I became aware how easy it would be for any one who does not share my faith to find apparent contradictions of statement and errors in thought much that is feeble here, extravagant there; to notice some salient fault and to take it as decisive of the writer's incompetence. I am tempted to point these out myself to guide and protect the reader. Til viii PREFACE Now that my book is done I feel that I have touched only the veriest fringe of a vast subject. But one thing I may say, I have tried to express the truth as I have come to see it. The conception I have of Woman is not new; it is very old. And for that reason it will be rejected by many women to-day. At present the inspira- tion towards freedom in the Woman's Movement has involved a tendency to follow individual paths, without waiting to consider to what end they lead. There has arisen a sort of glamour about freedom. No one of us can be free, for no one of us stands alone; we are all members one of another. And woman's destiny is rooted in the race. This, rightly considered, is the most vital of all vital facts. I appeal to women to realise more clearly their true place and gifts, as representing that original racial motherhood, out of which the masculine and feminine characters have arisen. My book is a statement of my faith in Woman as the predominant and responsible partner in the relations of the sexes. To such a belief my opinion was driven, as it were, not deliberately set from the beginning. The time when the resolve to write a book upon Woman first took a place in my thoughts goes back for many years. The child of a Puritan father, who died for the faith in which he believed, the desire to teach was born in my blood. Our character is forged in the past, we cannot escape our inheritance. I began my work as the head- mistress of a school for girls. I was young in experience and very ignorant of life. In my enthusiasm I was quite unconscious of my own limitations. I believed that I was able to train up a new type of free woman. Of PREFACE ix course I failed. Looking back now I wonder if I ever taught my pupils one-hundredth part of what they taught me. Perhaps if any of them, separated from me by time and circumstances, chance to read my book, they may be glad to know that it was largely due to them and what I learnt from them that it has come to be written. Certainly it was in those days, when saddened by my own failures, that the purpose came to me, dimly but insistently, to seek out the Truth about Woman and the relations of the sexes. I began to read and to collect material at first for my own guidance and instruction, and as a necessary preparation for my work. I needed it : I must have been slow to learn. For a long time I wandered in the wrong path. My desire was to find proofs that would enable me to ignore all those facts of woman's organic constitution which makes her unlike man. I stumbled blindly into the fatal error of follow- ing masculine ideals. I desired freedom for women to enable them to live the same lives that men live and to do the same work that men do. I did not understand that this was a wastage of the force of womanhood ; that no freedom can be of service to woman unless it is a freedom to follow her own nature. I am very glad that the book that is now finished was not written in that period of my belief. I have waited and I have lived. Five years ago I took up definitely the task of writing the book. At that time the plan of the work was made and the first Introductory chapter written. Circumstances into which I need not enter caused the work again to be put aside. T am glad : I have learnt much in these last years. x PREFACE There is little more that I need to say. The book is divided into three parts the first biological, the second historical. These two parts are preliminary to the third part, which deals with the present-day aspects of the Woman Problem, the differ- ences between woman and man, and the relations of the sexes. This arrangement of my inquiry into three parts was necessary. It may seem to some that I should have done better to confine my investigations to the present. But the claim of woman for freedom is rooted deep in the past. This fact had to be established. I have tried to give the earlier sections such lighter qualities and interest as would commend them to my readers. It is hardly necessary for me to say I can make no claim to personal scientific knowledge. Probably I have made many mistakes. It is perhaps foolish to make apologies for work that one has done. But the inclusion of so wide a field has had a disadvantage. My investigations may be objected to as in certain points not being supported by sufficient proof. I know this. My stacks of unused notes remind me of how much I have had to leave out. This is especially the case in the final part. The subject of every chapter treated here could easily form a volume in itself. I hope that at least I have opened up sug- gestions of many questions on which I could not dwell at length. Some remarks may be necessary as to the nature of my material. It has been drawn from a variety of sources. I have tried to acknowledge in footnotes the great amount PREFACE xi of help I have received. But my notes have been taken during many years, and if any acknowledgment has been forgotten, it is my memory that is at fault, and not my gratitude. The Bibliography (which has been drawn up chiefly from the works I have consulted, and is merely representative) will show how many fields there are from which the student may glean. In particular I am indebted to the works of Havelock Ellis, of Iwan Bloch and Ellen Key. To these writers I would express my warmest thanks for the help and guidance I have gained from their work. The opinions expressed are in all cases my own. I say this without any apology of modesty. I hold that the one justification of writing a book at all is to state those truths one has learnt from one's own experience of life. For we can give to others only what we have received ourselves ; the vision rising in our own eyes, the passion born in our own hearts. C. GASQUOINE HARTLEY. 7, Carlton Terrace, Child's Hill, N.W. March, 1913. CONTENTS N.B. A complete synopsis of confetti s will be found at the beginning of each chapter CHAf. PACE I INTRODUCTION THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY i PART I BIOLOGICAL SECTION II THE ORIGIN OF THE SEXES 31 III GROWTH AND REPRODUCTION . . . . . 45 I The Early Position of the Sexes. II Two Examples The Beehive and the Spider. IV THE EARLY RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEXES . . .71 V COURTSHIP, MARRIAGE, AND THE FAMILY . > . 85 I Among the Birds and Mammals. II Further Examples of Courtship, Marriage, and the Family among Birds. PART II HISTORICAL SECTION VI THE MOTHER- AGE CIVILISATION 117 I Progress from Lower to Higher Forms of the Family Relationship. II The Matriarchal Family in America. III Further Examples of the Matriarchal Family in Australia, India, and other Countries. IV The Transition to Father-right. VII WOMAN'S POSITION IN THE GREAT CIVILISATIONS OF ANTIQUITY 177 I In Egypt. II In Babylon. III In Greece. IV In Rome. nil xiv CONTENTS PART III MODERN SECTION: PRESENT-DAY ASPECTS OF THE WOMAN PROBLEM CHAT. PACK VIII SEX DIFFERENCES . ... . 245 IX APPLICATION 'to THE FOREGOING CHAPTER WITH SOME FURTHER REMARKS ON SEX DIFFERENCE ,. . 271 I Women and Labour. II Sexual Differences in Mind and the Artistic Impulse in Women. Ill The Affectability of Woman -Its Connection with the Religious Impulse. X THE SOCIAL FORMS OF THE SEXUAL RELATIONSHIP . 329 I Marriage. II Divorce. Ill Prostitution. XI THE END OF THE INQUIRY . . . , . 375 \ CONTENTS OF CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY The twentieth century the age of hurrying progress The change in the position of women Reasons for the revolution First efforts towards emancipation Outlook of the Woman Movement Its fundamental error Possibilities of future development Mother- hood and the Woman Movement Schopenhauer's view of woman He asserts an absurdity The predominance of man over woman not to be regarded as a natural and inviolable law An examina- tion of the mastery of the male Can we look forward to a remedy ? Our own time a turning-point in the history of women Assumed inferiority of the female sex Necessity for biological knowledge in forming an estimate of the present sex-relationship Two kinds of influences to be considered Nature and Nurture The different play of the environmental forces, or Nurture, upon women and upon men The importance of Nature Galton's Law of Inherit- ance Woman's responsibility as race-bearer Sexual differences between the female and the male Primitive woman and her position in early civilisations Remarks and conclusion The immense importance of motherhood. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY " The method of investigating truth commonly pursued at this time, therefore, is to be held erroneous and almost foolish, in which so many inquire what others have said, and omit to ask whether the things themselves be actually so or not." WILLIAM HARVEY. THE twentieth century will, we may well believe, be stamped in the records of the future as "the age of hurrying change." In certain directions this change has resulted in a profounder transformation of thought than has been effected by all the preceding centuries. Never, probably, in the history of the world were the meanings and ambitions of progress so prevalent as they are to-day. Aii energy of inquiry and an endless curiosity is sweeping away the complacent Victorian attitude, which in its secure faith and tranquil self-confidence accepted the conditions of living without question and without emo- tion. Stripped of its masks, this phase of individual egoism was perhaps the most villainous page of recorded human history; yet, with strange confidence, it regarded itself as the very summit of civilisation. It may be that such a phase was necessary before the awakening of a social conscience could arise. Old conceptions have become foolish in a New Age. A great motive, an enlarging dream, a quickening understanding of social responsibility, these are what we have gained. Above all, this common Faith of Progress has brought B 2 3 4 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN a new birth to women. Many are feeling this force. There are two, says Professor Karl Pearson, 1 and it might almost be said only two great problems of modern social life they are the problem of woman and the problem of labour. Regarded with fear by many, they are for the younger generation the sole motors in life, and the only party cries which in the present can arouse enthus- iasm, self-sacrifice, and a genuine freemasonry of class and sex. There is something almost staggering in the range and greatness of the changes in belief and feeling, in intel- lectual conclusions and social habits, which are now dis- turbing the female part of humankind. How complete is the divorce between the attitude of the woman of this generation towards society and herself, and that of the generation that has passed yes, passed as completely as if hundreds and not units represent the years that separate it from the present. It is instructive to note in passing what was written about woman at the time immediately preceding the present revolt of the sex. The virtue upon which most stress was laid was that of " delicacy," a word which occurs with nauseous frequency in the books written both by women and men in the two last centuries. 2 " Pro- priety," wrote Mrs. Hannah More, " is to a woman what the great Roman citizen said action is to an orator : it is the first, the second, and the third requisite." 3 " Woman and Labour," The Chances of Death, Vol. I. p. 226. 2 Quoted from The Emancipation of English Women, by W. Lyon Blease, a book which gives an unbiased, and in many respects excellent, account of the struggle of English women to gain freedom from the seventeenth century to the present day. 8 Strictures, I. 6, Gregory. THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 5 "This delicacy or propriety," it has been well said, 1 "implied not only modesty, but ignorance ; and not only decency of con- duct, but false decency of mind. Nothing was to be thoroughly known, nothing to be frankly expressed. The vicious concealment was not confined to physical facts, but pervaded all forms of knowledge. Not only must the girl be kept ignorant of the principles of physiology, but she must also abstain from penetrat- ing thoroughly into the mysteries of history, of politics, of science, and of philosophy. Even her special province of religion must be lightly surveyed. She was not required to think for herself, therefore she was deprived of all training which would enable her to think at all. The girl must appear to be dependent upon the mental strength of a man, as well as upon his physical strength." It is necessary to remember this attitude if we are to understand the direction that woman's emancipation has largely and, as some of us think, mistakenly taken in this country. It explains the demand for equality of opportunity with men, which has become the watch-cry of so many women, thinking that here was the way to solve the problem. A cry good and right in itself, but one which is a starting-point only for woman's freedom, and can never be its end. Little more than fifty years have passed since Miss Jex-Blake undertook her memorable fight to obtain medical training for herself and her colleagues at the University of Edinburgh. 2 At about the same time arose women's demand for the right of higher education, and colleges for women were opened at Oxford and Cam- bridge. These were the practical results which followed the revolt of Mary Wollstonecraft, and later, the great 1 The Emancipation of English Women. 1 For an account of this struggle see Sketch of the Foundation and Development of the London School of Medicine for Women, by Isabel Thorne ; also The Emancipation of English Women. 6 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN revival due to the publication of John Stuart Mill's epoch-marking book, the Subjection of Women. During the first period of the woman's movement the centre of restlessness was amongst unmarried women, who rebelled at the old restrictions, eager for self- development and a more intellectually active life. These women undertook their own cause, insisting that their humanity came before their sex. They were picked women, much above the average woman, and to a certain extent abnormal in so far as they denied the important factor of sex. To them the average male was not a sub- ject of overwhelming interest, and marriage and mother- hood were not of prominent importance in their thought. For them " equality of opportunity for women with men " seemed to solve the problem of woman's emancipation. The constructive result of their campaign was the win- ning of the higher education of woman, the right to work, and the rush of women into the professions. Much, indeed, was gained, though it may be said with equal truth that much was lost. With this solution the increased power of self-realisation in a narrow class of picked women, chiefly unmarried women of the middle- class the woman's movement might well begin, but in this alone it can never end. The movement was incom- plete as far as woman's emancipation went, because it was won by ignoring sex. In spite of the great advance in freedom and in scope of activity of life, the stigma attached to woman was not removed. To-day we have arrived at a point where instead of ignoring sex we must affirm it, and claim emancipation on the ground of our sex alone. Our mothers taught acceptance, and asked THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 7 for privileges; the pioneers of revolt raised the cry "acceptance is a sin and all privilege evil"; we, the blood in our veins beating more strongly and understand- ing at last the true inwardness of our power, found our claim for complete emancipation upon that special work in the world and for the State which our differentiation from men imposes upon us. This differentiation is our potentiality for motherhood, and is the endowment of every woman, whether realised or not. We claim as our glory what our mothers accepted as their burden of shame. No sudden causeless changes ever happen, or ever have happened. And the question, Why ? arises. What is this dynamic force which has been, and is still sweeping in a great wave of emancipation across the civilised world, joining women in one common purpose ? On the outside the revolutionary character of women's modern thought and modern practice means nothing more than that they claim the rights of adult human beings political en- franchisement, the right of education and freedom to work. But the facts are far too complex to enable us thus to rush hastily to an answer. There is a pitiful monotony in much that is written and spoken about women's emancipation. The real causes are deep to seek, and not infrequently they have been missed even by those who have been most instrumental in bringing a new hope to women. The most advanced women champions, the martyrs of revolt, show no greater sense of the meanings and issues of the struggle in which they are engaged than the complaisant supporters of the worn- out customs they combat. They exhibit only the energies 8 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN of an admirable impulse, without the control of a guiding law. Speculation, which should be carried to a compre- hension of general facts, is concentrated upon the imme- diate gain of the hour. The tendency is to trifle with truth, and to disguise its reach and consequences. We have read, and spoken, and thought so much about the special character of woman that we have become almost wearied of the subject. Like Narcissus, we stand in some danger of falling in love with our own image. Perhaps the truth is we speculate too much instead of trying to find out the facts. The woman question is as old as sex itself and as young as mankind. The future position of woman in society is a question that carries with it biological and psychological, as well as social and practical, issues of the widest significance, and further, it is bound up intimately with the pro- foundest riddles of existence. The problems remain to a great extent unsolved. But the conviction forces itself that the emancipation of woman will ultimately involve a revolution in many of our social institutions. It is this that brings fear to many. Yet we must remember that woman's emancipation is no new movement, but has always been with us, although with varying prominence at different times in history. In the past, civilisations have fallen, in part at least, because they failed to develop in equal freedom their women with their men. It is also certain that no civilisation in the future can remain the highest if another civilisation adds to the intelligence of its male population the intelligence of its women. This in itself is enough to condemn all ideas of sex inequality. THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 9 The struggle for the Suffrage has intensified many problems which it will take all the intellectual and emotional energy of both men and women to solve. Up till now there has been little more than a fight for mere rights against male monopolies. In the near future this struggle must lead to a realisation of the duties of woman, founded on a level-headed facing of the physiological realities of her nature. It is a complete disregard of sexualogical difficulties which renders so superficial and unconvincing much of the talk which proceeds from the " Woman's Rights " platform. All efforts made to understand the sex problem, which is the woman question, must be based on the full knowledge of the physical capacity of woman and the effect that her emancipation will have on her function of race production. All effort ought to be directed towards the future welfare and happiness of the children who are to follow us. This is the goal of woman's struggle for progress, it is the sole end worthy of it. To assume as Schopenhauer and so many others have done, down to Sir Almroth Wright's recent hysterical wail in The Times, that woman, on account of her womanhood is incapable of intellectual or social develop- ment, paying her sole debt of Nature in bearing and caring for children, is really to state a belief in decay for humankind. Any stigma attached to women is really a stigma attached to their potentiality as mothers, and we can only remove it by beginning with the emancipa- tion of the actual mother. No sharp cleavage can be made between qualities that are good and masculine on the one side, and all that is feminine on the other. The 10 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN view is entirely erroneous. How, for instance, can ignor- ance and weakness constitute at once the perfection of womankind, and the imperfection of mankind? The matter is not so simple. Man must fall with woman, and rise with her. My first purpose is to make this clear. To-day we are faced with the question whether the pre- dominance of man over woman is to be regarded as a natural, and therefore inviolable, law of the male and female. Some will deny this mastery of the male. It may be said that woman sways man more than he rules her. This is true. The influence of woman is important fear- fully important. Yet the fitting answer to such glossing if it be necessary really to point out that sexual privilege is not personal power is that such government is exer- cised in one direction alone, and arises not from woman's strength, but out of her subjection. Women have ren- dered back to men the ill that this long sex domination has wrought upon them. None the less have we to reckon with the despotism of the male side of life. ' The softening influence of woman ! "... It is a pretty phrase; but all the same women and men have been doing their best to degrade each other to a pitiful mediocrity. It is not the purifying influence of women the theory of chivalrous moralists but an unguided and therefore deteriorating sexual tyranny that regulates society. Let us have done with this absurd catch-phrase of "Woman's Influence." No influence worth naming as such can be exercised but by an independent mind. Women need better fields for the exercise of their love of power. The sexual sphere, which has shaped an im- THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 11 palpable prison around them, has barred them from that part of life which is social and broadly human ; the falsely feminine has been developed to the loss of the woman- hood in them. It is only in obedience to man that woman has gained her power of life. She has borne children at his will and for his pleasure. She has received her very consciousness from man : this has been her woman- hood, to feel herself under another's will. There is no possible hiding of the truth; if women influence men, men command life. But is it possible, looking forward to new conditions of society, now approaching like a long-delayed spring, to foresee a remedy? Can the woman of the future belong to herself? What are her natural disabilities, and to what extent are they modifiable by new arrange- ments of social and domestic life ? Must she be content for the future with that dependence on the individual man which has been her fate in the past ; or, on the other hand, can she take up her economic and social position in society and work therein for her own maintenance as free from considerations of her sex as a man can ? These are the questions which must be faced when united womanhood begins to formulate their wants and to realise their power. It is almost idle in the present transition to speculate as to what women should or should not be, or the work they should or should not do. Women do not yet know what they want. All that can be done is to note the changes that are taking place, for we cannot, even do we wish, now change the revolutionary forces. We must seek to understand their causes, so that we may be able to direct them in the future in such ways as will 12 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN tend to the greater solidarity and happiness of women and men. In the everlasting controversy as to woman's place in Nature the majority of arguments have been based on an assumed inferiority of the female sex. Appeal has been made to anatomy to establish the difference between the natural endowment of men and women in the hope of fixing by means of anatomical measurements and tests those characters of males and females that are unalter- able, because inborn, and those that are acquired, and therefore modifiable. But the obstacles in the way of anatomical investigations are very great, if only on account of the complexity of the material. Often and often it has happened that old conclusions have been overthrown by new knowledge. Indeed, it may be said that such appeal has resulted in uncertainty, and in many instances in confusion. The chief source of error has been the careless acceptance of female inferiority, which has maimed most investigations and seriously retarded the attainment of useful results. And though it is very far from my purpose to wish to deny the fundamentally different nature of the masculine and feminine character, it is still true that a blank separation of human qualities into male qualities and female qualities is no longer pos- sible. In no instance have the anatomists succeeded in determining with absolute distinction between the char- acters that belong separately to the sexes. Moreover, it has been shown that there is no such thing as a fixed woman character, but that women differ according to the circumstances under which they live, just as men differ. This brings us directly against the old problem, in- THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 13 feriority cannot be accepted as the sole reason of woman's present restricted position in society. Other causes must be sought for. Many features of the social and psychic as well as the physical phenomena of human life have what we may call an organismal mainspring, and become more intelli- gible when traced back to these. No one, for instance, can appreciate the social significance of sex, or account for the existing sexual relationships in human societies, who does not know something of their biological ante- cedents. Take again the sex differences, which attain to such complexity and importance in the human civilised races, these can be explained only if their origin is recog- nisable. To comprehend the higher forms of life we must gain an acquaintance with the lower and more formative types. In this way we shall begin to see some- thing of that continual upward change under the action of love's-selection that has developed the female and the male. Many problems that have brought sorrow and perplexity to us to-day will become recognisable as we ascertain their causes, and then we can do much to remove them. Thus the problem of woman must first be considered from a biological point of view. Explora- tions must be made into the remote and obscure begin- nings of sex. We must carry our investigations back beyond the cycle of man, and trace the growth and uses of the differentiation of the sexes from the lowest forms of life. Biology, a science hardly more than a century old, is still in the descriptive and comparative stage; it is the scientific study of the present and past history of animal 14 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN life for the purpose of understanding its future history. It is of vital importance to human welfare in the future that we should learn by this comparative study of origins and of the potent past what are the lines along which progress is to be expected. This, then, will be the first path of our discovery. We shall have to traverse many past ages of life and to con- sider certain humble organisms, before we shall be able really to understand woman in her true position in the sexual relationship as we find it to-day. But the possibility of applying biological results to sociology with any hope of enlightenment depends on an understanding of the questions, How? and Why? It is important to know what the phenomena are, but it is yet more important to know how ? and for what reason ? they have come about. Thus we are led forward always from facts to their efficient causes. Women are found to differ from men in this or that respect. But this in itself decides nothing. As soon as we are informed as to any one difference, we must seek out its cause; and this we must do over and over again. Hundreds of women must be interrogated, observed and reported upon and then what? Shall we know the answer to our problem? Certainly not In each case we must ask: Is this difference we have found between the sexes a natural inborn quality of woman, whether it be physical or psychical, that must be regarded as a right and unalter- able part of her woman character, or is it an acquired, and therefore changeable, modification that has been superimposed upon her through the artificial sexual, social and economic circumstances of her environment? THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 15 The mere asking of this question will give many new discoveries. Life is a relation between two forces : on the one hand the organism and on the other the external conditions that form the environment These two processes are known as Nature and Nurture, they are complementary and inseparable, and they act together. Thus the organ- ism modifies its surroundings, and is in turn modified by them. But every life possesses in great degree the power of self-adaptation, and, broadly speaking, it is true that no matter under what conditions it may be com- pelled to live, it will mould its own life into harmony with those conditions and thus continue its existence, and this whether it is compelled to adopt a more perfect or a less perfect character. It becomes evident that an appropriate environment is necessary if the Nature is to be expressed, or expressed fully; otherwise life cannot realise development. The environment is constantly checking and modifying the inheritance. Nurture sup- plies the liberating stimulus to the inheritance, and growth is limited, in exact measurement by the Nurture stimuli available. Human advancement is, of course, widely different from the slow progress in the lower forms of life, but it is fundamentally the same. Experi- ence is continually spreading over new fields and bring- ing about a more wide and exact relation between the individual and the external world. It follows that any change in the environment will cause a change in the individual. To live differently from what one had been living is to be different from what one has been. These are simple biological facts. 16 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN Now, how does woman stand in this respect? No one can deny the difference of environment that in the past has acted on women and on men. Speaking from a biological standpoint, it would seem that any present inferiority of woman is mainly social, due to her adapta- tion to an arbitrary environment. It has been truly said J that "man, in supporting woman, has become her economic environment." By her position of economic dependence in the sex relation, sex distinction has become with her " not only a means of attracting a mate, as with all creatures, but a means of gaining her liveli- hood, as is the case with no other creature under heaven." Can we wonder that the differences between the sexes assume such great and, in certain directions, such unnatural importance? Woman to a far greater extent than man is in process of evolution; her powers dormant for want of liberating Nurture stimuli. We know that Alpine plants brought from their natural soil change their character and become hardly recognisable, and these marked modifications will reappear in many generations of plants, but as soon as the plants are taken back to grow in their natural environment they are trans- formed to their original Alpine forms. May we not then entertain as a possibility that woman's modern character, with all its acknowledged faults all its separation from the human qualities of man is a veneer imposed by an unnatural environment on succeeding generations of women? If the larger social virtues are wanting in her, may it not be because they have not been called for 1 Woman and Economics, Mrs. Stetson, p. 38. THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 17 in a parasitic life? How splendid a hope for women rests here ! There is a biological truth, not usually- suspected by those who quote it, in the popular saying : " Man is the creature of circumstance." And this is even more true of women, who are less emancipated from their surroundings than are men more saturated with the influences and prejudices of their narrowed environment. It would seem, then, that Nurture is more important than Nature in seeking to explain the character of woman to-day. Yet, let me not be mistaken, nor let it be thought for one moment that I do not realise the importance of Nature. The first right of every human being is the right of being well-born. This is the goal of all our struggles for progress it is the sole end worthy of them. Let me try to make this clearer. Reproduction carries life beyond the individual. Haeckel has said that the process is nothing more than the growth of the organism beyond its individual mass. But this process in the higher forms of life has become exceedingly complex. All living beings are individual in one respect and composite in another, for the inherit- ance of each individual is a mosaic of ancestral con- tributions. Gallon's Law of Inheritance makes this abundantly clear. Briefly stated, the law is as follows : The two parents of each living being contribute on the average one-half of each inherited quality, each of them contributing one-quarter of it. The four grand-parents furnish between them one-quarter, or each of them one- sixteenth ; and so on backwards through past generations of ancestors. Now, though, of course, these numbers 18 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN are purely arbitrary, applying only to averages, and rarely true exactly of individual cases, where the pre- potency of any one ancestor may, and often does, upset the balance of the contributions made by the other ancestors, it may certainly be accepted as the most prob- able theory that biology has given us to explain the grand-parents, great-grand-parents, great-great-grand - difficult problem of Nature that is the inheritance we receive from our ancestors. We see that the heredity relation is an extremely complex affair. It is not merely dual from the parents ; but it is multiple, through them reaching back to the parents, and so on backwards indefinitely. It is, indeed, a mosaic of many, yes, of uncountable, contributions. The Life Force gathering within itself these multiple sets of heredity contributions is like capital ever growing at compound interest. The importance of this is abun- dantly clear. For as we come to understand the con- tinuity of our inheritance from generation to generation we realise more vividly how the past has a living hand on and in the present, and how that present will be carried on to the future. We are all links in the one mighty Chain of Life, and on us, and upon women especially, rests a high responsibility. We must hand on our past inheritance unimpaired, so that the new link forged by us may strengthen and not weaken the chain. It is the duty of every woman as a potential mother of men to choose a fitting father for her children, having first educated herself for a freer and more capable maternity. In the past she has done this blindly, follow- ing the Life Force without understanding, or hindered THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 19 from her purpose by the artificial conditions of society. In the future such blindness and such failure of her powers will alike be regarded as sin. With full know- ledge, woman will fulfil her great central purpose of breeding the race ay, breeding it to heights now deemed impossible, not dreamt of even by those of us who look forward through the darkness to the clear sunlight of that time when the sex relation shall be freed from economic pressure and from all coercion of a false morality, and the universal creative energy, no longer finding gratifica- tion alone in personal ends, shall at last reach its goal and give birth to a race of new women and new men. But to come back from this dream of the future. Certain facts now become evident. In the inheritance of each individual are many latent qualities that do not find expression. It is as if in every life the separate heredity qualities, or groups of qualities, wait in com- petition, and those that succeed and find an expression in each life owe their success to an incalculable number of small and mostly unknown circumstances. One is tempted to speculate as to a possible direction in the future of women that may arise from the liberating of these unknown forces ; but as yet we have not a sufficient basis of facts. But one truth must not be lost sight of; the unsuccessful qualities that do not find their expres- sion in an individual life may remain to be handed on for new competition to a new generation. No one of the forces of our inheritance, be it for good or for evil, is dead ; rather it sleeps till that time when the liberating powers of Nurture call it into active expression. There is real biological truth in the saying, " Every man is a ca 20 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN potential criminal " ; but it is equally true that every one is a possible saint. And there is one point further; we know that those qualities which do succeed in the com- petition of the inheritance, and which form at birth the character of the individual, are very different from their actual expression in the development of life, where per- force such qualities are modified to the environment. What we are is no certain criterion of what we are capable of becoming. For every item of our inheritance requires an appropriate growth-soil if it is actively to live. Each life is an adjustment of internal character to external conditions. A garden that has been choked with weeds may remain flowerless for many succeeding years, but dig that garden, and sleeping flowers, not known to live within the memory of man, may spring to life. May it not be that in the garden of woman's inheritance there are buried seeds, lying dormant, which at the liberating touch of opportunity may reawaken and assert them- selves as forgotten flowers? Yes, to-day this seems a practical fact that already is being accomplished, and not a futile speculation. The re-birth of woman is no dream. At last she is realising the arrest in her develop- ment that has followed the acceptance of a position which forces her to be a parasite and a prostitute. Every one admits the differences of function that separate the female from the male half of humankind. But to assume that the physical, mental, and moral dis- abilities of women, of which we hear so much, are a necessary part of their inheritance the debt they pay for being the mothers of the race is an absurdity it would be difficult to explain except for that strange sex THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 21 bias, which seems always to colour all opinions as to women, their character and their place in society. Havelock Ellis, who in his admirable work Man and Woman has made an exhaustive examination of all the known facts with regard to the real and supposed secondary sexual differences between women and men, comes to this conclusion in his final summary "We have not succeeded," he says, "in determining the radical and essential character of men and women uninfluenced by external modifying conditions. We have to recognise that our present knowledge can not tell us what they might be, but what they actually are, under the conditions of civilisation. . . . The facts are so numerous that even when we have ascertained the precise signifi- cance of some one fact, we cannot be sure that it is not contra- dicted by other facts. And so many of the facts are modifiable under a changing environment that in the absence of experience we cannot pronounce definitely regarding the behaviour of either the male or female organism under different conditions." Only a knowledge of the multifarious and complex environmental forces, which in the past have moulded women into what to-day they are, will lead us to our goal. We may examine woman's present character, both physical and mental, with every precision of detail, but the knowledge gained will not settle her inborn Nature. We shall discover what she is, not what she might be. No, rather to do this we must go back through many generations to primitive woman. We must study, in par- ticular, that period known as the Mother-Age, when we find an early civilisation largely built up by woman's activity and developed by her skill. We must find out every fact that we can of woman's physical and mental life in this first period of social growth ; we must examine 22 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN the causes which led to the change from this Mother- rule to that of the Father-rule, or the patriarchate, which succeeded it. Insight into the civilisations of the past is of special value to us in trying to solve our problems of woman's true place in the social life. For one thing, we shall learn that morality and sexual customs and institu- tions are not fixed, but are peculiar to each age, and are good only in so far as they fulfil the needs of any special period of a people's growth. We must note, in particular, the contributions made by woman to early civilisation, and then seek the reasons why she has lost her former position of power. The savage woman is nearer to Nature than we ourselves are, and in learning of her life we shall come to an understanding of many of the problems of our lives. This, then, must be the second path of our discovery, and, following it, we shall gain further knowledge of what is artificial and what is real in the character of woman and in the present relations of the sexes. We find that the external surroundings that influence life are referable to one of two classes : those which tend to increase destructive processes, and find their active expression in expenditure of energy, and those which tend to increase constructive processes, and are passive instead of active, storing energy, not expending it. These two classes of external forces, disruptive and con- structive, are called katabolic and anabolic. Looking back on the early natural lives of men and women, we find there has been a very sharp separation in the play of these opposite sets of influences. A hasty survey of the facts suffices to prove that the work of the world was THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 23 divided into two great parts, the men had the share of killing life, whether that of man or of animals, their attention was given to fighting and hunting; while the women's share was the continuing and nourishing life, their attention being given to the domestic arts to agriculture and the attendant stationary industries. Woman's position during the matriarchate was largely the result of the need in primitive society of woman's constructive energy, and her power arose from an un- fettered use of her special functions. But this divergence of the paths of women from the paths of men continued, and during the patriarchal period became arbitrary with the withdrawal of women from initiative labour, an unnatural arrangement which arose out of later social conditions. The militant side of social activities has belonged to men, the passive to women; and men have been goaded into growth by the conditions and struggles of their lives. They have gathered around themselves a special man-formed environment of institutions and laws, of activities and inventions, of art and literature, of male sentiments, and male systems of opinions, to which they are connected in subtle and numerous rela- tions, and this complex heritage of influences has been reimposed on men generation by generation. In this social working-life women have not had an equal part and a drag in their development has arisen as the result of this passivity. At a certain period in civilisation women became an inferior class because men with their greater range of opportunities, which brought them within a wider and more variable circle of influences, developed a superior fitness on the motor side. Another contrast 24 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN is very evident, men's work being performed under more striking circumstances and with more apparent effort and danger, drew to itself prestige, which women's work did not receive; their work, on the contrary, was held in contempt. 1 Yet, in this connection, it is necessary to say emphatic- ally that, in its origin, there was nothing arbitrary in this division between the sexes. It was, in itself, a natural outcome of natural causes, arising out of the needs of primitive societies. There is nothing dero- gatory to woman in accepting the passive or, more truly, the constructive power of her nature ; rather it is her chief claim for the regaining of her true position in society. I wish at once to say how far it is from my desire to judge woman from a male standpoint. The power and nature that are woman's are not secondary to man's; they are equal, but different, being co-existent and com- plementary in fact, just the completion of his. There is another point that must be made clear. The separation in the social activities of women and men was not brought about, as is stated so frequently, by men's injustice to women. There is an unfortunate tendency to regard the subjection of woman as wholly due to male selfishness and tyranny. Many leaders of woman's freedom hold to this view as their broad exposi- tion of principle. Such belief is illogical and untrue. It cannot be too often repeated that sex-hatred means retrogression and not progress. I do not mean to say that women have not suffered at men's hands. They 1 See Thomas, Sex and Society, chapter on " Sex and Primitive Industry," pp. 123-146; and Ellis, Man and Woman, pp. 1-17. THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 25 have, but not more than men have suffered at their hands. No woman who faces facts can deny this truth. Neither sex can afford to bring railing accusations against the other. The old doctrine of blame is insufficient. Women's disabilities are not, in their origin at least, due to any form of male tyranny. I believe, moreover, that any solution of the woman problem, and of woman's rights, is of ridiculous impotence that attempts to see in man woman's perpetual oppressor. The enemy, if enemy there is, of woman's emancipation, is woman herself. But, on the other side, it is certain that the long-held opinion what we may call " the male view of women " -which believes that the position woman occupies in society and the duties she performs are, in the main, what they should be, she being what she is, is equally false. Such theorists throw upon Nature the responsi- bility of the evils consequent on the deviations from equality of opportunity in the past lives of women. Truly we credit Nature with an absurd blunder do we accept this inferiority of the female half of life. Woman is what she is because she has lived as she has. And no estimate of her character, no effort to fix the limit of her activities, can carry weight that ignores the totally different relations towards society that have artificially grown up, dividing so sharply the life of woman from that of man. I am brought back to the object of this book. What are the conditions that have brought woman to her position of dependence upon man? How far is her state of physical and mental inferiority the result of this position? To what extent is she justified in her present 26 THE TRUTH ABOUT WMOAN revolt ? What result will her freedom have on the sexual relationships ? Will the change be likely to work for the benefit of the future? In a word, how far are the new claims woman is making consistent with race permanence ? It is not one, but a whole group of questions that have to be answered when once the ideal of the right of the present position of the sexes is shaken. The subject is so entangled that a straightforward step-by-step inquiry will not always be possible. Dogmatic conclusions, and the bringing forward of too hasty remedies must alike be avoided. The past must lead us to the present, and thence we must look to the future. The first need is to find out every fact that we can that will help us in our search for the truth. Most writers on the subject, in their desire to fix on a cause of the evil, have selected one factor, or group of factors, and largely neglected all others. Otto Weininger, for instance, the brilliant modern denouncer of woman, refers the whole great difference between women and men to one cause the bondage of sexuality. Mrs. Stetson, in Woman and Economics, finds a different answer to the same question, and assumes that the whole evil is of economic origin. Both explanations are in part true, but neither is the truth. To institute reform successfully needs a wider spirit. We must face sex problems with biological and historical knowledge. Before we can understand women's present position in society, or even suggest a future, we must examine the place she has filled in the civilisations of the past; we must fix, too, the part the female half of life has played in the evolution of the sexes. Yet an inquiry THE STARTING-POINT OF THE INQUIRY 27 into facts is only the first stage, and not the final. When we can go on from these facts to their results, and learn the reasons of what we have discovered, we shall become to some extent, at least, prepared. Then, and then only, can we venture to look forward and intelligently suggest whither the present revolution is leading us. It is to reach this goal that this book is written. It is an attempt to place the woman question in a wider and more decisive light. It is not an investigation of facts alone, but of causes. The gospel it would preach is a gospel of liberation. And that from which woman must be freed is herself the unsocial self that has been created by a restricted environment. We have seen that woman's social inferiority in the pasthas been to a great extent a legitimate thing. To all appearances history would have been impossible without it, just as it would have been impossible without an epoch of slavery and war. Physical strength has ruled in the past, and woman was the weaker. The truth is that woman's time had not come, but now her unconscious evolution must give place to a conscious development. Happiness for women ! That must imply wholly independent activities, and com- plete freedom for the exercise of her work of race pro- duction. Woman's duty to society is paramount, she is the guardian of the Race-body and Race-soul. But woman must be responsible to herself; no longer must she follow men. The natural growth force needs to be liberated. Woman must be freed as woman; she must die to arise from death a full human being. There is no other solution to the woman question, and there can be no other. PART I BIOLOGICAL SECTION CONTENTS OF CHAPTER II THE ORIGIN OF THE SEXES Biology the starting-point of sociology The irresistible force of Love The true place of woman and man in the animal kingdom Analogy between animal love-matings and our own The Life-force Reproduction a process of nutrition Different modes of Reproduc- tion Cell-division Successive stages of growth Theory of sex Its nature and origin Incipient sex among the early forms of life The true office of sex The principle of fertilisation Its use to the species in progressive development Nutrition as a factor determining sex Illustration of the volvox The dependence of the male-cell upon the female-cell The well-nourished female The hungry male Relation between food supply and the sexes Illustrations Lessons to be learnt All species are invented and tolerated by Nature for parenthood and its service The part played by the female The demand laid upon her heavier than that laid upon the male The female is mainly responsible for the race The female led and the male followed in the evolution of life. CHAPTER II THE ORIGIN OF THE SEXES " Before studying the sexual relations, and their more or less regulated form in human societies, it will not be out of place to say a few words on reproduction in general, to sketch briefly its physiology in so far as this is fundamental, and, to show how tyrannical are the instincts whose formation has been determined by physiological causes." LETOURNEAU. LET us now, as the first path of our inquiry, turn our attention to that biological point of view which is indis- pensable and fundamental if we are to understand those primary emotions, impulses and differences of the sexes, of deep organic origin, which were rooted long ago in the lowest forms of life, and hence were passed on to man from his pre-human ancestors. No apology is needed for this inquiry ; for in these uncounted ancestral forces, dating back to the remote beginnings of life, we shall find hints, at least, of many things which lead up to and explain those problems which must be solved, before we can determine the true position of woman in the complex sexual relations of our social life. We cannot deny our lineage. The force which drove life onwards from the start drives it still to-day. The repro- ductive impulse is the chief motor of humanity ; our seed is eternal. And the point of view that I wish to make clear is that the sex-impulses, which are, as few will deny, the base of the present unrest among women, have an inconceivably long history, and thus spring up within D 33 34 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN us with a tremendous organic momentum. To deny this force is futile, to suppress it impossible; all that can be done is to so regulate its expression that it may serve life instead of waste it. Implanted in every normal life is an instinctive desire to function in two ways : to grow and to reproduce, from the simple cell to the highest type of life, including man and woman, these two desires are essential and imperative. The irresistible Force of Life has been inherited by us from millions of ancestral lovers. Only when furnished with a re-interpretative clue to the origin of sex and its functioning can we come to realise its strength and its beauty, far stronger, far subtler, than we suspected before. It is the shirking of these life-facts that has resulted so often in error. And let no one resent or think useless such an analogy between animal love-matings and our own. In tracing the evolution of our love-passions from the sexual rela- tions of other mammals, and back to those of their ancestors, and to the humbler, though scarcely less beau- tiful, ancestors of these, we shall discover what must be considered as essential and should be lasting, and what is false in the conditions and character of the sexes to-day; and thereby we shall gain at once warning in what directions to pause, and new hope to send us for- ward. We shall learn that there are factors in our sex- impulses that require to be lived down as out-of-date and no longer beneficial to the social needs of life. But encouragement will come as, looking backwards, we learn how the mighty dynamic of sex-love has evolved in fine- ness, without losing its intensity, how it is tending to become more mutual, more beautiful, more lasting. And THE ORIGIN OF THE SEXES 35 this gives us new hope to press forward on that path which woman even now is travelling, wherein she will be free from the risk of clinging to conditions of the past, which for so long have dragged her evolution in the mire. The same force that pushed life into existence tends to increase and perpetuate it. For when the great Force of Life has once started, the same movements which constitute that life continue, and give rise to nutrition, the first of the great faculties, or powers, of life. Then, after this growth has been carried to a certain point, the organism from the superabundance of nutrition is fur- nished with a surplus growing energy, by means of which it reproduces itself, whence arises the second of the great life faculties. We thus have the two essential forces of life the preservative force and the reproductive force, arising alike from nutrition. Food to assure life and growth for the individual ; reproduction, an extension of the same process, to ensure the continuance of the species. We thus see the truth of Haeckel's definition that "reproduction is a nutrition and growth of the organism beyond its individual mass," or in biological formula, " a discontinuous growth." * It is well to grasp at once this first conception of repro- duction as simply an extension of nutrition, if we are to free our minds from misconception. It is a common belief that the original purpose of sex is to ensure repro- duction, whereas fundamentally it is not necessary to propagation at all. It is perfectly true, of course, that 1 Haeckel, Generelle Morphologic der Organismen, Vol. II. p. 16. D 2 36 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN in the majority of animals, and also in many plants, an individual life begins in the union of two minute elements, the mother egg-cell and the sperm father-cell. But this is not the earliest stage, and below these higher forms we find a great world of life reproducing without this sex-process by simple separation and growth. In these unicellular organisms reproduction is known as asexual, because there are no special germ-cells, nor is there anything corresponding to fertilisation. The most common forms are (i) by division into two; (2) by bud- ding, a modified form of division; (3) by sporulation, a division into many units. 1 It is worth while to wait to learn something of this first stage in the development of life, for in this way we shall gain a clue as to the origin of sex and the real purpose it fulfils in the service of reproduction. In the very simplest forms of unicellular organisms propagation is effected at what is known as " the limit of growth " ; when the cell has attained as much volume as its surface can adequately supply with food, a simple division of the cell takes place into two halves or daughter cells, each exactly like the other, which then become independent and themselves repeat the same rupture process. But in some slightly more complex cases differences occur between the two cells into which the organism divides, as in the slipper animacule, where one-half goes off with the mouth, while the other has none. In a short time, however, the mouthless half forms a mouth, and each half grows into a replica of the original. We have here one of the earliest examples of differentiation. That 1 Thomson, J. Arthur, Heredity, p. 29. THE ORIGIN OF THE SEXES 37 injured multicellular organisms should be able by re- growth to repair their loss is an analogous phenomenon ; thus an earth-worm cut by a spade does not necessarily suffer loss, but the head part grows a tail and the decapi- tated portion produces a head; sponges, which do not normally propagate by division, may be cut in pieces and bedded out successfully ; the arms of a star-fish, torn asunder by a fisherman, will almost always result in several perfect star-fish. Similarly among plants a cut- off portion may readily give rise to new plants a potato- tuber is one of hundreds of instances. This ability to effect complete repair is one of the powers that life has lost; it persists as high in the scale as reptiles, and a lizard is able to regrow an amputated leg. It is certainly not the least interest in studying these early forms that one is able to trace the analogy they bear with the higher forms. No rigid line can be drawn between the successive stages of growth. And it should be borne in mind that, simple as is the life-process in these single-celled organisms, many of them are highly differentiated and show great complexity of structure within the narrow limits of their size. Thus among the protozoa, the basis of all animal life, we find very definite and interesting modes of behaviour, such as seeking light and avoiding it, swimming in a spiral, approaching cer- tain substances and retreating from others ; the organisms often, indeed, trying one behaviour after another. 1 If we realise this it becomes easier to understand how the higher types of life have developed from these primitive types. Indeed, all the bodies of the most complex 1 Thomson, J. Arthur, Heredity, p. 33. 88 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN animals including ourselves originate as simple cells, and in the individual history of each of us divide and multiply just as do the cells which exist independently; only in multicellular organisms each cell must be regarded as an individual, modified to serve a special purpose, one cell differentiated to start a lineage of nerve cells, another a lineage of digestive cells, yet another for the reproduction of the species, and so on, each group of cells taking on its special use, but the power of division remaining with the modified cell. Thus a new life is built up a child becomes an adult, by multiplication of these differentiated cells, repeating the original single-cell development. Budding, the second, and perhaps the most usual mode of asexual propagation, may be said to mark a further step in the development of the reproductive process. Here the mother-cell, instead of dividing into two equal parts and at once rupturing, protrudes a small portion of its substance, which is separated by a constriction that grows deeper and deeper until the bulk becomes wholly detached. This small bud then grows until it attains the size of the parent, when it, in turn, repeats the same process. This mode of reproduction is common to the great majority of plants. In animal life it is not confined to single-celled organism, but takes place in certain multicellulars, such as worms, bryozoans, and ascidians; one very interesting example being the sea-worm (myrianida) which buds off a whole chain of individuals. Nearly allied with budding is the third stage, in which the division is multiple and rapid within the limited space of the mother-cell. This is known as spore formation. THE ORIGIN OF THE SEXES 39 The cells become detached, and do not further develop until they have escaped from the parent. They then increase by division and growth to form independent individuals. This spore reproduction is found among certain types of vegetation ; it also occurs in the protozoa. It is probable that these three stages of asexual repro- duction are not all the steps actually taken by Nature in the development of the early life-process. There must have been intermediate steps, perhaps many such, but the forms in which they occur either have not persisted, or have not yet been studied. 1 The feature common to all ordinary forms of asexual multiplication is that the repro- ductive process is independent of sex; what starts the new life is the half, or a liberated portion of the single parent cell. It will be readily seen that by this process the offspring are identical with the parent. Life con- tinues, but it continues unchanged. Thus the power of growth is restricted within extremely narrow limits. Any further development required a new process. With the life-force pushing in all directions every possible process would be tried. We are often met with striking phenomena of adjustments to new conditions, which in some cases, when found to be advantageous to the organism, persist. There is, in fact, abundant evidence that Nature in these early days of life was making experiments. In pursuance of this policy it naturally came about that any process by which the organism gained increased power of growth had the greater likeli- hood of survival. The number of devices in the way of modification of form and habit to secure advantage 1 Ward, Pure Sociology, p. 307. 40 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN is practically infinite; but there was one principle that was eagerly seized upon at a very early stage, and, per- sisting by this law of advantage, was utilised by all progressive types as an accessory of success. This was the principle of fertilisation, which arose in this way from what would almost seem the chance union of two cells, at first alike, but afterwards more and more highly differentiated, and from whose primordial mating have proceeded by a natural series of ascending steps all the developed forms of sex. The ways in which this was brought about we have now to see. But even at this point it becomes evident that the true office of sex was not the first need of securing reproduction that had been done already rather it was the improving and perfecting of the single- cell process by introducing variation through the com- mingling of the ancestral hereditary elements of two parents, and, by means of such variations, the production of new and higher forms of life in fact, progress by the mighty dynamic of sex. 1 As we should expect, the passing from the sexless mode of reproduction to the definite male and female types is not sharply defined or abrupt. Even among many unicellular organisms the process becomes more elaborate with distinct specialisation of reproductive ele- ments. In some cases conjugation is observed, when two individuals coalesce, and each cell and each nucelus divides into two, and each half unites with the half of the other to form a new cell. This is asexual, since 1 See Ward, op. cit., pp. 304-314, from whose chapter on this subject I have taken these facts. THE ORIGIN OF THE SEXES 41 the uniting cells are exactly similar, but the effect would seem to be the strengthening of the cells by, as it were, introducing new blood. In somewhat more complex cases these cells do not part company when they divide, but remain attached to one another, and form a kind of commonwealth. Here one can see at once that some cells in a little group will be less advantageously placed for the absorption of nourishment than others. By degrees this differentiation of function brings about differentiation of form, and cells become modified, in some cases, to a surprising extent, to serve special pur- poses. The next advance is when the uniting cells become somewhat different in themselves. In the early stages this difference appears as one of size; a small weakly cell, though sometimes propagating by union with a similar cell, in other cases seeks out a larger and more developed cell, and by uniting with it in mutual nourishment becomes strong. This may be seen among the protozoa where we can trace the distinct beginnings of the male and female elements. A very instructive example is furnished by the case of volvox, a multicellular vegative organism of very curious habits. The cells at first are all alike; they are united by proto- plasmic bridges and form a colony. In favourable environmental conditions of abundant nutrition this state of affairs continues, and the colony increases only by multiplication and without fertilisation. But when the supply of food is exhausted, or by any cause is checked, sexual reproduction is resorted to, and this in a way that illustrates most instructively the differentiation of the female and male cells. Some of the cells are seen 42 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN accumulating nourishment at the expense of the others and grow larger, and if this continues, cells which must be regarded as ova, or female cells, result; while other cells, less advantageously placed with more competitors struggling to obtain food, grow smaller and gradually change their character, becoming, in fact, males. In some cases distinct colonies may in this way arise, some composed entirely of the large well-nourished cells, and others of small hungry cells, and may be recognised as completely female or male colonies. 1 We are now in a position to gain a clue to the difficult problem of the origin of the sexes. It would be easy as well as instructive to accumulate examples. 2 I am tempted to linger over the life-histories of these early organisms that are so full of suggestion; but the case I have selected the volvox really answers the question. Sex here is dependent on, and would seem to have arisen through, differences in environmental conditions. We find the well-nourished, larger, and usually more quiescent cell is the female, the hungrier and more mobile cell the male; the one concerned with storing energy, the other with consuming it, the one building up, the other breaking down; or expressed in biological formula, the female cell is predominantly anabolic, that of the male predominantly katabolic. Thus we find that the male, through a want of nutrition, was carried developmentally away from the well-fed female cell, which it was bound to seek and unite with to continue life. This relation between the food supply and the 1 Evolution of Sex, pp. 137-138, 161. 2 Geddes and Thomson, in The Evolution of Sex, pp. 117-123, 135-140, give many interesting and corroborative examples. THE ORIGIN OF THE SEXES 43 sexes is found persisting in higher forms, and, in this connection, the well-known experiments of Young on tadpoles and of Siebald on wasps may be cited. By increasing the nutrition of tadpoles the percentage of females was raised from the normal of about fifty per cent, to ninety, while similarly among wasps the number of females was found to depend on warmth and food supply, and to decrease as these diminished. Mention also may be made of the plant-lice, or aphides, which infest our rose-bushes and other plants, which, during the summer months, when conditions are favourable, pro- duce generation after generation of females, but on the advent of autumn, with its cold and scarcity of food, males appear and sexual reproduction takes place. Similarly brine-shrimps when living under favourable conditions produce females, but when the environment is less favourable males as well are found. Another significant fact is the simple and well-known one that within the first eight days of larval life the additions of food will determine the striking and functional differ- ences between the workers and queen-bee. 1 Among the higher animals the difficulties of proving the influence of environment upon sex are, of course, much greater. There are, however, many facts which point to a per- sistence of this fundamental differentiation. Among these it is sufficient to mention the experiments of stock- breeders, which show that good conditions tend to pro- duce females; and the testimony of furriers that rich regions yield more furs from females, and poor regions 1 Geddes and Thomson, The Evolution of Sex, pp. 40-52, 249-250, give a complete exposition of this theory with many examples. See also Thomas, Sex and Society, pp. 4-43. 44 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN more from males. Even when we reach the human species facts are not wanting to suggest a similar con- dition. It is usual in times of war and famine for more boys to be born ; also more boys are born in the country than in cities, possibly because the city diet is richer, especially in meat. Similarly among poor families the percentage of boys is higher than in well-to-do families. And although such evidence is not conclusive and must be accepted with great caution, it seems safe to say that the facts of which I have given a few only of the most common are sufficient to suggest that the relation among the lower forms of life persists up to the human species, and that the female is the result of surplus nutrition and the male of scarcity. This is sufficient for our present purpose ; all other questions and theories brought forward regarding the determination and conditions of the sexes are outside our purpose. Those who will survey the evidence in detail will find ample confirmation of the point of view I wish to make clear, (i) All species are invented and tolerated by Nature for parenthood and its service; (2) the demands laid upon the female by the part required from her are heavier than those needed for the part fulfilled by the male. The female it is who is mainly responsible to the race. And for this reason the progress of the world of life has always rested upon and been determined by the female half of life. What I wish to establish now is that the male developed after and, as it were, from the female. The female led, and the male followed her in the evolution of life. CONTENTS OF CHAPTER III GROWTH AND REPRODUCTION I. The Early Position of the Sexes A further examination into the opinion of the superiority of the male Contradictions to the accepted view of female inferiority A new way of stating the problem The female as the creator of the male Examples of the simplest types of the sexes Predominance of the female in the animal kingdom below the invertebrates Superiority of the female in size and often in power of function Complemental male husbands Illustrations of male parasites Corroborative evidence from the sex-elements The primary service of the male to assist the female in the race-work Sex- parasitism among females This explained by the conditions under which the species live The lessons to be drawn from sex-parasit- ism Structural modifications acquired for adapting the sexes to different modes of life Care of offspring not always confined to the female Among fishes it is the father who gives any attention to the young The superiority of the female persists among higher forms Examples Sex-equality among birds Conclusion The sexual relationship may assume almost any form to suit the varying conditions of life. II. Two Examples The Beehive and the Spider The case of the beehive The drones The queen-mother The sterile - workers The sacrifice of the sexes to the Life-Force The maternal instinct among the workers This has persisted after the atrophy of the sexual needs Maternal love has expanded out into social affection Application of the lessons of the beehive Analogy with modern society The Intellectuals among women Do they understand what they really want The organic necessity of love The price of sterility The courtship of the Spider Mr. Bernard Shaw's Ann The part played by woman in courtship Her passivity only apparent Female superiority with which sexuality began remains in every courtship The fierce hunger of the male His absorption by the female Nothing can, or should, alter this The importance of woman's activity in love in connection with her claim for emancipation General observations and con- clusion. CHAPTER III GROWTH AND REPRODUCTION " Sexually Woman is Nature's contrivance for perpetuating its highest achievement. Sexually Man is Woman's contrivance for fulfilling Nature's behest in the most economical way. She knows by instinct that far back in the evolution process she invented him, differentiated him, created him in order to produce something better than the single-cell process can produce." Don Juan in Hefi Man and Superman. I. The Early Position of the Sexes THE opinion of the superiority of the male sex has been so widely, and without question, accepted that it is neces- sary to emphasise the exact opposite view which was brought forward in the last chapter. From the earliest times it has been contended that woman is undeveloped man. 1 This opinion is at the root of the common estima- tion of woman's character to-day. Huxley, who was in favour of the emancipation of women, seems to have held this opinion. He says that " in every excellent character the average woman is inferior to the average man in the sense of having that character less in quantity or lower in quality ; " and that " the female type of character is neither better nor worse than the male, only weaker." Few have maintained that the sexes are equal, still fewer 1 So deep-rooted has been this opinion of female inferiority that it has formed the basis of many theories of sex. Thus Richarz holds that " the male sex represents a higher grade of development in the embryo." Hough thinks males are born when the female system is at its best, females in periods of growth, reparation, or disease. Tiedman and others regard females as an arrested male, while Velpau, on the other hand, believes them to be degenerated from primitive males. See Geddes and Thomson, Evolution of Sex, p. 39. 47 48 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN that women excel. 1 The general bias of opinion has always been in favour of men. Woman almost invariably has been accorded a secondary place, the male has been held to be the primary and essential half of life, all things, as it were, centering around him.^tyhile the female, though necessary to the continuance of the race, has been regarded as otherwise unimportant in fact, a mere accessory to the male. The causes that have given rise to such an opinion are not far to seek. The question has been approached from the wrong end; we have looked from above down- wards from the latest stages of life back to the begin- ning, instead of from the beginning on to the end. We find among the higher forms of life the animals with which we are all familiar that the males are as a rule larger and stronger, more varied in structure, and more highly ornamented and adorned than the females. And when we rise to the human species these sex differences persist and are even emphasised, though finding their expression in a greater number of less strongly marked characters, not on the physical side alone, but on the mental and psychical. It is difficult to divest the mind of facts with which it is most familiar. Thus it is easy to understand the widely-held opinion of the superiority of the male half of life, and that the female is the sex sacrificed to the reproductive process. Now, were this true, the question of woman's place in life would indeed be settled. There can be no upward change which is not in accord with the laws of Nature. 1 The theory of Lester Ward, to which I have already referred, supports this view. THE EARLY POSITION OF THE SEXES 49 If the female really started and had always remained secondary to the male, necessary to continue life, but otherwise unimportant, in such position she must be con- tent to stay. Her struggles for advancement may be heroic, yet would they be doomed to failure, for no indi- vidual growth can persist which injures the growth of the race-life. Well it is for women that there need be no such fear, even among the most timid-hearted; woman's position and advancement is sure because it is founded with deepest roots in the organic scheme of life. As once more we search backwards, tracing the differ- ences of sex function to their earliest appearance in the humblest types of life, we find the exact opposite of this theory of the inferiority of the female to be true. The female is of more importance than the male from Nature's point of view. We have seen that life must be regarded as essentially female, since there is no choice but to look upon asexual reproduction as a female process; the single-cell being the mother-cell with the fertilising element of the father or male-cell wanting. We know further that a similar process, but much more highly developed, is possible in what is called partheno- genesis, or virgin-birth, which can only be explained as a survival of the early form. For long life continued without the assistance of the male-cell, which, when it did arise, was dependent on the ova, or female-cell, and was driven by hunger to unite with it in fatigue to continue life. We are thus forced to regard the male- cell as an auxiliary development of the female, or as Lester Ward ingenuously puts it, "an after-thought of 50 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN Nature devised for the advantage of having a second sex." Now, if we examine the simplest types of the sexes in the lower reaches of the animal kingdom, 1 below the vertebrates we find the same conditions prevailing. The male is frequently inconspicuous in size, of use only to fertilise the female, and in some cases incapable of any other function; the female, on the other hand, remains unchanged and carries on the life of the species. So marked is this difference among some species that the male must be regarded as a fallen representative of the female, having not only greatly diminished in size, but undergone thorough degeneration in structure. 2 In certain extreme cases what have been well called " pigmy males" illustrate this contrast in an almost ridiculous degree. This is well seen among the common rotifers, where the males are much smaller than the females and 1 I have left out of my inquiry any reference to plants, though all that has been said of the protozoa in the last chapter is equally true of the protophyla, the basis of plant life. Among plants there are many beautiful and instructive examples of the relative position of the female and the male plant. A well-known case is that of the hemp-plant, where the sexes are indistinguishable up to the period of fertility, but when the male plants have shed their pollen, and thus fulfilled their duty of fertilising the female plants, they cease to grow, turn yellow and sere, and if at all crowded wither and die. Many other examples might be cited, but the question is too wide to enter on here. See Lester Ward, o-b. cit., pp. 318-322. 2 Encyclopedia Britannica, article on " Sex," by Prof. Geddes; also Evolution of Sex, pp. 20, 21. Prof. Lester Ward, Pure Sociology, Part II, Chap. XIV, gives an ingenuous and complete view of the early superiority of the female, to which he gives the name of the Gynaeco- centric theory, as opposed to the usual Androcentric theory, based on the superiority of the male. While fully appreciating the sug- gestiveness and value of this theory, and also acknowledging very gratefully the help I have derived from it, it must be stated that some of the facts brought forward in its support by the distinguished American cannot be accepted. Nor am I able, as will appear later, to accept the conclusion he arrives at of the passive character of the female. See also a popular article by Prof. Ward, " Our Better Halves," The Forum, Vol. VI., Nov. 1888, pp. 266-275. THE EARLY POSITION OF THE SEXES 51 very degenerate. Sometimes they seem to have dwindled out of existence altogether, as only females are to be seen; in other cases, though present they fail even to accomplish their proper function of fertilisation, and as reproduction is carried on by the females, they are not only minute but useless. Nor are such cases of male degeneration confined to this group. The whole family of the Abdominalia (cirripedes) have the sexes separate; and the males, comparatively very small, are attached to the body of each female, and are entirely passive and dependent upon her. 1 Some of these male parasites are so far degenerated as to have lost their digestive organs and are incapable of any function except fertilisation : the male Sy garni (menatodes), for instance, being so far effaced that it is nothing but a testicle living on the female. 2 A yet more striking instance is furnished by the curious green worm Bonellia, where the male appears like a remote ancestor of the female, on whom it lives parasitically. Somewhat similar is the cocus insect, among whom the males are very degenerate, small, blind and wingless. This phenomenon of minute parasitic male fertilisers in connection with normally developed females was noticed by Darwin, and his observations have been con- firmed by Van Beneden, by Huxley, Haeckel, Milne Edwards, Fabre, Patrick Geddes, and many other emi- nent entomologists. 3 A full study of these early forms of 1 Van Beneden, Animal Parasites and Messmates, p. 55. * Milne Edwards, Lefons sur la physiologic et I'anatomie comparee df I'komme et des animatix, Vol. IX. p. 267. 3 In addition to the works already mentioned, see Darwin, Descent of Man, Vol. I. p. 329; Haeckel, Evolution of Man, and A Manual of the Anatomy of the Invertebrated Animals, by T. Huxley, pp. 261-262. E2 52 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN sexuality should be made by all who wish to understand the problem of woman; their life-histories furnish pro- phecies of many large facts. I wish it were possible for me to bring forward further examples. It is the difficulty of treating so wide a subject within narrow limits that so many things that are of interest have to be hurried over and left out. But there is one delightful case that I cannot refrain from mentioning. The facts are given in a letter from Darwin to Sir Charles Lyell, dated September 14, 1849. It is quoted by Professor Lester Ward. This instance of the sexual relationship among the cirripedes illustrates very vividly the early superiority of the female. The letter runs thus "The other day I got a curious case of a unisexual, instead of hermaphrodite cirripede, in which the female had the common cirripedial character, and in two valves of her shell had two little pockets, in each of which she kept a little husband; I do not know of any other case in which the female invariably has two husbands. I have still one other fact, common to several species, namely, that though they are hermaphrodite, they have small additional, or shall I call them, complimental males, one specimen, itself hermaphrodite, had no less than seven of these complemental males attached to it. Truly the schemes and wonders of Nature are illimitable." 1 Here, indeed, is a knock-down blow to the theory of the natural superiority of the male. These cases we have examined are certainly extreme, the difference between the sexes is, as we shall see, less marked in many early types. But the existence of these helpless little husbands serves to show the true origin of the male. 1 Life and Letters of Charles Darwin, Vol. I. p. 345. THE EARLY POSITION OF THE SEXES 53 How often he lived parasitically on the female, his work to aid her in the reproductive process, useful to secure greater variation than could be had by the single-celled process. In other words, the male is of use to the life- scheme in assisting the female to produce progressively fitter forms. She, indeed, created him, his sole function being her impregnation. Corroborative evidence appears in the contrast which persists in all the higher forms between the relatively large female-cell or germ and the microscopical male- cell or sperm, as also in the absorption of the male cellule by the female cellule. In the sexual cells there is no character in which differentiation goes so far as that of size. 1 The female cell is always much larger than the male; where the former is swollen with the reserve food, the spermatozoa may be less than a millionth of its volume. In the human species an ovum is about 3000 times as large as spermatozoa. 2 The male cellule, dif- ferentiated to enable it to reach the female, impregnates and becomes fused within her cellule, which, unlike hers, preserves its individuality and continues as the main source of life. It is true that exceptions occur, sex-parasitism appear- ing in both sex forms, and in some cases it is the female who degenerates and becomes wholly passive and dependent, but this is usually under conditions which afford in themselves an explanation. Thus, in the troublesome thread-worm (Heterodera schacktii), which infests the turnip plant, the sexes are at first alike, then 1 Thomson, J. A., Heredity, p. 39. * Article by Ryder, Science, Vol. I., May 31, 1895, p. 603. 54 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN both become parasitic, but the adult male recovers him- self, is agile and like other thread-worms, while the female remains a parasitic victim without power of func- tion a mere passive, distended bag of eggs. Another extreme but well-known example is that of the cochineal insect, where the female, laden with reserve products in the form of the well-known pigment, spends much of its life like a mere quiescent gall on the cactus plant; the male, on the other hand, is active, though short-lived. Among other insects such, for example, as certain ticks a very complete form of female parasitism prevails; and while the male remains a complex, highly active, winged creature, the female, fastening itself into the flesh of some living animal and sucking its blood, has lost wings and all activity and power of locomotion, having become a mere distended bladder, which, when filled with eggs, bursts and ends a parasitic existence that has hardly been life. 1 In many crustaceans, again, the females are parasitic, but this also is explained by their habit of seeking shelter for egg-laying purposes. 2 The whole question of sex-parasitism as it appears in these first pages of the life-histories of sexes is one of deep suggestion; and one, moreover, that casts forward sharp side-lights on modern sex problems. In some early forms, where the conditions of life are similar for the two sexes, the male and the female are often like 1 Schreiner, Olive, Woman and Labour, pp. 77-78. 2 These examples of female parasitism have been taken from Evolution of Sex, p. 17; see also pp. 19-22. The authors bring them forward with many other examples to prove the main thesis of their book that the character of the female is anabolic, that of the male katabolic. In establishing this theory they do not appear to give sufficient importance to the fact that this degeneration of the female is only found where the conditions of life are parasitic. THE EARLY POSITION OF THE SEXES 55 one another. Thus it is very difficult to distinguish a male starfish from a female starfish, or a male sea-urchin from a female sea-urchin. It becomes abundantly clear that degeneration in active function, whether it be that of the male or the female, is the inevitable nemesis of parasitism. The males and females in the cases we have examined may be said to be martyrs to their respective sexes. A further truth of the utmost importance becomes manifest. Many differences between the relative posi- tion of the sexes, which we are apt to suppose are inherent in the female or male, are not inherent, in light of these early and varying types. We see that the sex-relation- ship and the character of the female and male assume different forms, changing as the conditions of life vary. Again and again when we come to examine the position of women in different periods of civilisation, we shall find that whenever the conditions of life have tended to with- draw them from the social activities of labour, restricting them, like these early sex-victims, to the passive exercise of their reproductive functions alone, that such parasit- ism has resulted invariably in the degeneration of woman, and through her passing on such deterioration to her sons, there has followed, after a longer or shorter period, the degeneration of society. But these questions belong to the later part of our inquiry, and cannot be entered on here. Yet it were well to fix in our minds at once the dangers, without escape, that follow sex- parasitism. It may be thought that these cases of sex-victims are exceptions, and that, therefore, it is unsafe to draw 56 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN conclusions from them. The truth would rather seem to be that they are extreme examples of conditions that were common at one stage of life. There is no doubt that up to the level of the amphibians female superiority in size, and often in power of function, prevails. 1 If, for example, we look at insects generally, the males are smaller than the females, especially in the imago state. There are many species, belonging to different orders as, for instance, certain moths and butterflies in which this superiority is very marked. The males are either not provided with any functional organs for eating, or have these imperfectly developed. It seems evident that their sole function is to fertilise the female. A familiar and interesting example is furnished by the common mosquitoes, 'among whom the female alone, with its harmful sting, is known to the unscientific world. The males, frail and weaponless little creatures, swarm with the females in the early summer, and then pass away, their work being done. Dr. Howard, writing of the mosquito in America, says " It is a well-known fact that the adult male mosquito does not necessarily take nourishment, and that the adult female does not necessarily rely on the blood of warm-blooded animals. The mouth parts of the male are so different from those of the female that it is probable that, if it feeds at all, it obtains its food in quite a different manner from the female. They are often observed sipping at drops of water, and in one instance a fondness for molasses has been recorded." 2 1 Evolution of Sex, p. 21; Pure Sociology, pp. 316-317. 2 " Not'.'s on the Mosquitoes of the United States," by L. O. Howard, Bulletin No. 25, New Series, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Division of Entomology, 1900, p. 12. Quoted by Lester Ward, Pure Sociology, P- 3i7- THE EARLY POSITION OF THE SEXES 57 We find many examples of such structural modifica- tions acquired for the purpose of adapting the sexes to different modes of life. Darwin notes that the females of certain flies are blood-suckers, whilst the males, living on flowers, have mouths destitute of mandibles. 1 The females are carnivorous, the males herbivorous. It would be easy to bring forward many further examples among the invertebrates in which the differences between the sexes indicates very clearly the persistence of female superiority. But for these I must refer the reader to the works of Darwin and other entomologists, and to the many interesting cases given by Professor Lester Ward. There are, it is true, exceptions, but these may be explained by the conditions under which the species live. Even when we ascend the scale to back-boned animals, cases are not wanting in which the early superiority in size of the female remains unaltered. The smallest known vertebrate, Heterandria formosa, has females very considerably larger than the males. 2 Among fishes the males are commonly smaller than the females, who are also, as a rule, considerably more numerous. 3 This is a fact that fishermen are well aware of. I may men- tion, as an example, that on one occasion when my husband and I caught twenty-five trout in a mountain lake in Wales there were only two males among them. It is curious to find that any care of offspring that is evident among fishes is usually paternal. This furnishes another instance of the truth so necessary to learn that 1 Descent of Man, p. 208. * Science, Vol. Xv., Jan. 1902, p. 30. 3 Fulton, Naturalist to the Scottish Fishery Board. Cited in Evo- lution of Sex, p. 22 ; see also pp. 25, 272, 295. 58 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN the sex-relationships may assume almost any form to suit the varying conditions of life. There are some mammals among whom the sexes do not differ appreciably in size and strength, and very little or not at all, in coloration and ornament. Such is the case with nearly all the great family of rodents. It is also the case with the Erinaceidae, or at least with its typical sub-family of hedgehogs. 1 Even among birds, where the sex instincts have attained to their highest and most aesthetic expression, we find some large families as, for example, the hawks in which the female is usually the larger and finer bird. 2 Thus the adult male of the common sparrow-hawk is much smaller than the female, the length of the male being 13 ins., wing 7*7 ins., and that of the female 15*4 ins., wing 9 ins. The male peregrine, known to hawkers as the tiercel, is greatly inferior in size to his mate. The merlin, the osprey, the falcon, the spotted eagle, the golden eagle, the gos-hawk, the harrier, the buzzard, the eagle-owl, and other species of owls are further examples where the female bird is larger than the male. Among many of these families the female birds very closely resemble the males, and where differences in colour and ornament do occur, they are slight. A further point of the greatest importance to us requires to be made. Wherever amongst the birds the sexes are alike the habits of their lives are also alike. The female as well as the male obtains food, the nest is built together, and the young are cared for by both 1 Pure Sociology, pp. 317, 318. * Birds of Britain, by J. Lewis Bonhote, p. 208; also pp. 190-221. THE BEEHIVE AND THE SPIDER 59 parents. These beautiful examples of sex equality among the birds cannot be regarded as exceptions that have arisen by chance a reversal of the usual rule of the sexes ; rather they show the persistence of the earlier relations between the female and the male carried to a finer development under conditions of life favourable to the female. I will not here say more upon this subject, as I shall have to refer to it in greater detail when we come to consider the sexual and familial habits of birds. I will only add that in their delicacy and devotion to each other and to their offspring, birds in their unions have advanced to a much further stage than we have in our marriages. These associations of our ancestral lovers claim our attentive study. II. Two Examples The Beehive and the Spider " At its base the love of animals does not differ from that of man." DARWIN. For vividness of argument I wish in a brief section of this chapter to make a digression from our main inquiry to bring forward two examples extreme cases of the imperious action of the sexual instincts in which we see the sexes driven to the performance of their functions under peculiar conditions. Both occur among the inverte- brates. I have left the consideration of them until now because of the instructive light they throw upon what we are trying to prove in this first attack on the validity of the common estimate of the true position of the sexes in Nature. Let us begin with the familiar case of the bees. As every one knows, these truly wonderful insects belong 60 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN to a highly evolved and complex society, which may be said to represent a very perfected and extreme socialism. In this society the vast majority of the population the workers are sterile females, and of the drones, or males, only a very few at the most are ever functional. Repro- duction is carried on by the queen-mother. The lesson to be drawn from the beehive is that such an organisation has evolved a quite extraordinary sacrifice of the indi- vidual members, notably in the submergence of the per- sonal needs of sex-function, to its wider racial end. It is from this line of thought that I wish to consider it. We have (i) the drones, the fussing males, useless except for their one duty of fertilisation, and this function only a few actively perform; thus, if they become at all numerous they are killed off by the workers, so that the hives may be rid of them; (2) the queen, an imprisoned mother, special- ised for maternity, her sole work the laying of the eggs, and incapable of any other function ; her brain and mind of the humblest order, she being unable even to feed and care for her offspring ; (3) the great body of unsexed workers, the busy sisters, whose duty is to rear the young and carry out all the social activities of the hive. What a strange, perplexing life-history ! What a sacrifice of the sexes to each other and to the life-force. 1 1 A similar condition will be found in the even more complex societary forms of ant-hills. Among the vast population of the ants all the workers and soldiers are arrested in their sexual development, remaining, as it were, permanent children of both sexes. It seems probable that this explains the limit that has been reached in the evolution of these wonderful creatures, which in certain directions have attained to an extraordinary development, and have then become curiously and immovably arrested. See Problems of Sex, by J. A. Thomson and Prof. Patrick Geddes, p. 24; Mind in Animals, by Buchner, p. 60; and Woman and Labour, by Olive Schreiner, p. 78. THE BEEHIVE AND THE SPIDER 61 It seems probable that these active workers have even succeeded in getting rid of sexual needs. Yet the maternal instinct persists in them, and has survived the productive function; it may, indeed, be said to be enlarged and ennobled, for their affection is not confined to their own offspring, but goes out to all the young of the association. In this community one care takes pre- cedence of all others, the care and rearing of the young. This is the workers' constant occupation; this is the great duty to which their lives are sacrificed. With them maternal love has expanded into social affection. The strength of this sentiment is abundantly proved. The queen-bee, the feeble mother, has the greatest pos- sible care lavished upon her, and is publicly mourned when she dies. If through any ill-chance she happens to perish before the performance of her maternal duties, and then cannot be replaced, the sterile workers evince the most terrible grief, and in some cases themselves die. It would almost seem that they value motherhood more for being themselves deprived of it. Now, how does this history from the. bee-hive apply to us? Here you have before you, old as the world itself, one of the most urgent problems that has to be faced in our difficult modern society. I have little doubt that something which is at least analogous to the sterilisa- tion of the female bees is present among ourselves. The complexity of our social conditions, resulting in the great disproportion between the number of the sexes, has tended to set aside a great number of women from the normal expression of their sex functions. Among these women a class appears to be arising who are turning 62 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN away voluntarily from love and motherhood. Many of them are undoubtedly women of fine character. These " Intellectuals " suggest that women shall keep them- selves free from the duties of maternity and devote their energies thus conserved, to their own emancipation and for work in the world which needs them so badly. But the biological objection to any such proposition is not far to seek. No one who thinks straight can countenance a plan which thus leaves maternity to the less intellectual woman to a docile, domestic type, the parallel of the stupid parasitic queen-bee. Mind counts in the valua- tion of offspring as well as physical qualities. The split- ting of one sex into two contrasted varieties, which we see in its completed development in the bee-hive, cannot be an ideal that can even be worth while for us. It means an end to all further progress. There is another group of women who wish to bear children, but who seem to be anxious to reduce the father to the position of the drone-bee. He is to have no part in the child after its birth. The duty of caring for it and bringing it up is to be undertaken by the mother, aided, when necessary, by the State. This is a terrible injustice against the father and the child. It seems to me to be the great and insuperable difficulty against any scheme of State Endowment of Motherhood. I cannot enter into this question now, and will only state my belief that a child belongs by natural right to both its parents. The primitive form of the matriarchal family, which we shall study later, is realised in its most exaggerated form by the bees and ants. In human societies we find onlv imitations of this system. And here, again, there is a THE BEEHIVE AND THE SPIDER 63 lesson necessary for us to remember. Any ideal that takes the father from the child, and the child from its father, giving it only to the mother, is a step backward and not forward. And in case any woman is inclined still to admire the position of the female worker-bees, so free in labour, being liberated from sexual activity, it were well to con- sider the sacrifice at which such freedom is gained. These workers have highly-developed brains, but most of them die young. Nor must we forget that each one carries her poisoned sting no new or strange weapon, but a transformation of a part of her very organ of maternity the ovipositor, or egg-placer, with which the queen-mother lays each egg in its appointed place. 1 Do " the Intellectuals " understand what they really want? Those women who are raising the cry increas- ingly for individual liberty, without considering the results which may follow from such a one-sided growth both to themselves and to the race let them pause to remember the price paid by the sterile worker-bee. Is it unfair to suggest that any such shirking for the gains of personal freedom of their woman's right and need of love and child-bearing may lead in the psychical sphere to a result similar to the transformation of the sex-organ of the bee ; and that, giving up the power of life, they will be left the possessor of the stinging weapon of death ! Some such considerations may help women to decide whether it is better to be a mother or a sterile worker. The second example I want to consider is that of the 1 Problems of Sex, p. 34. I would recommend this admirable little book to all students. 64 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN common spider, whose curious courtship customs are described by Darwin. 1 Here we find the relatively gigantic female seizing and devouring the tiny male fertiliser, as he seeks to perform the only duty for which he exists. This is a case of female superiority carried to a savage conclusion. The male in these courtships often has to risk his life many times, and it seems only to be by an accident that he ever escapes alive from the embraces of his infuriated partner. I will give an example, taken from the mantes, or praying insect, where, though the difference in size between the sexes is much less than among many spiders, the ferocity of the female is extraordinary. This case is quoted by Pro- fessor Lester Ward, 2 who gives it on the authority of Dr. L. O. Howard, one of the best-known entomologists "A few days since I brought a male or Mantes Carolina to a friend who had been keeping a solitary female as a pet. Placing them in the same jar, the male, in alarm, endeavoured to escape. In a few minutes the female succeeded in grasping him. She bit off his left front tarsus and consumed the tibia and femur. Next she gnawed out his left eye. At this the male seemed to realise his proximity to one of the opposite sex, and began vain endeav- ours to mate. The female next ate up his right front leg, and then entirely decapitated him, devouring his head and gnawing into his thorax. Not until she had eaten all his thorax, except about three millimetres did she stop to rest. All this while the male had continued in his vain attempt to obtain entrance at the valvula, and he now succeeded, and she voluntarily spread the parts open, and union took place. She remained quiet for four hours, and the remnant of the male gave occasional signs of life, by a movement of one of his remaining tarsi for three hours. The next morning she had entirely rid herself of her spouse, and nothing but his wings remained." 1 Descent of Man, Vol. I. p. 329. * Pure Sociology, p. 316 ; Science, Vol. VIII., Oct. 1886, p. 326. Letter by Dr. L. O. Howard. THE BEEHIVE AND THE SPIDER 65 You will think, perhaps, that this extreme case of female ferocity has little bearing upon our sexual pas- sions. But consider. I have not quoted it, as is done by Professor Ward, to prove the existence of the superiority of the female in Nature. No, rather I want to suggest a lesson that may be wrested by us from these first courtships in the life histories of the sexes. I spoke at the beginning of this biological section of my book of the warnings that surely would come as we traced the evolution of our love-passions from those of our pre- human ancestors. We are too apt to ignore the tremen- dous force that the sex-impulse has gathered from its incalculably long history. As animals exhibit in their love-matings the analogies of the human virtue, it is not surprising to find the occurrence of parallel vices. Let us look for a moment at this in the light of the fierce love-contest of the female spider. Of this habit there are various explanations; the pre- valent one regards the spider as an anomalous exception ; the ferocity and superiority of size in the female not easily to be explained. This is, I think, not so. Is it not rather a picture, with the details crudely emphasised, of the action of Life-Force of which the sexes are both the helpless victims? Whether we look backward to the beginning, where the exhausted male-cell seeks the female in incipient sexual union, or onwards through the long stages of sex-evolution to our own love-passions, this is surely true. Let me try to make this clearer by an example. It would seem but a small step from the female spider, so ruthlessly eating up her lover, to the type of woman 66 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN celebrated by Mr. Bernard Shaw's immortal Ann. I recall a woman friend saying to me once, " We may not like it, and, of course, we refuse to own to it, but there is something of Ann in every woman." I need not recall to you Ann's pursuit of her victim, Tanner, nor his futile efforts to escape. Here, as so often he has done, Mr. Shaw has presented us in comedy with a philosophy of life. You believe, perhaps, the fiction, still brought forward by many who ought to know better, that in love woman is passive and waits for man to woo her. I think no woman in her heart believes this. She knows, by instinct, that Nature has unmistakably made her the predominant partner in all that relates to the perpetua- tion of the race ; she knows this in spite of all fictions set up by men. Have they done this, as Mr. Shaw suggests, to protect themselves against a too humiliating aggres- siveness of the woman in following the driving of the Life-Force? This pretence of male superiority in the sexual relation is so shallow that it is strange how it can have imposed on any one. I wish to state here quite definitely what I hold to be true; the condition of female superiority with which sexuality began has in this connection persisted. In every case the relation between woman and man is the same she is the pursuer, he the pursued and disposed of. Nothing can or should alter this. The male from the very beginning has been of use from Nature's point of view by assisting the female to carry on life. It is the fierce hunger of the male, increasing in strength through the long course of time, which places him in woman's power. Man is the slave of woman, often when THE BEEHIVE AND THE SPIDER 67 least he thinks so, and still woman uses her power, even like the spider, not infrequently, for his undoing. Here, indeed, is a warning causing us to think. The touch of Nature that makes the whole world kin is nowhere more manifest than in sex; that absorption of the male by the female to which life owes its continua- tion, its ecstasy, and its pain. It has seemed to me it is here in the primitive relations of the sexes that we may find the clue to many of those wrongs which women have suffered at the hands of men. Man, acting instinct- ively, has rebelled, not so much, I think, against woman as against this driving hunger within himself, which forces him helpless into her power. Like the fish that cannot resist the fly of the fisherman, even when experi- ence has taught him to fear the hidden barb, he struggles and fights for his life to escape as he realises too late the net into which his hunger has brought him. But we may learn more than this ; another truth of even deeper importance to us. It is because of this superiority of the female in the sexual relationship that women must be granted their claim for emancipation. Here is the reason stronger than all others. Nature has placed in women's hands so tremendous a power that the dangers are too great for such power to be left to the direction of untrained and unemancipated women. Above all it is necessary that each woman understands her own sexual nature, and also that of her lover, that she may realise in full knowledge the tremendous force of sexual-hunger which drives him to her, equalled, as I believe, by the desire within herself, which claims him to fulfil through her Nature's great central purpose of continuing the race. F 2 68 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN To women has been granted the guardianship of the Life-Force. It is time that each woman asks herself how she is fulfilling this trust. It is the possession of this power in the sexual sphere which lends real importance to even the feeblest attempts of women to prepare themselves to meet the duties in the new paths that are being opened to them. Women have now entered into labour. They are claiming freedom to develop themselves by active participation in that struggle with life and its conditions whereby men have gained their development. From thousands of women to-day the cry is rising, " Give us free opportunity, and the training that will fit us for freedom." Not, as so many have mistakenly thought, that women may compete with men in a senseless struggle for mastery, but in order first to learn, and afterwards to perform, that work in society which they can do better than men. What such work is it must be women's purpose to find out. But before this is possible to be decided all fields of activity must be open for them to enter. And this women must claim, not for themselves chiefly; but because they are the bearers of race-life, and also to save men from any further misuse of their power. Then working together as lovers and comrades, women and men may come to understand and direct those deep-rooted forces of sex, which have for so long driven them helpless to the wastage of life and love. I would ask all those who deny this modern claim of women to consider in all seriousness the two cases I have brought forward that of the bee-hives, and even more the destruction by the female spider of her male lover. THE BEEHIVE AND THE SPIDER 69 That they have their parallel in our society to-day is a fact that few will deny. I have tried to show the real danger that lurks in every form of sex-parasitism. It would lead us too far from our purpose to comment in further detail on the suggestions offered by these curious examples of sex-martyrs among our earliest ancestral lovers. Those whose eyes are not blinded will not fail to see. CONTENTS OF CHAPTER IV THE EARLY RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEXES Summary of conclusions arrived at in the previous chapters The necessity of a further examination of sexual love among our pre- human ancestors The question approached from a different point of view The impelling motive of love the union of two cells Hermaphroditism Its various forms The first step in the ladder of sex Reproduction among fishes The next step The attrac- tion of one sex for the other The female and the male begin to associate in pairs Illustration of the salmon Sexual differences become more frequent The males distinguished by bright colours and ornamental appendages Sexual passion and jealous combats of rival males Examples A further step The note of physical fondness The male plays with the female, wooing and caressing her The love play often extraordinary The case of the stickle- back The males, passionate, polygamous, and jealous The paternal instinct of the stickleback Nature making experiments in parenthood Parental forethought among insects Illustrations of male parental care The obstetric frog Further examples of primitive animal courtships A psychic attraction added to the physical The courtship of the octopus A final step The co- operation of the sexes in work together The dung-rolling beetle The significance of these early courtships Analogy with our sex-passions The love-process identical throughout the whole of We. CHAPTER IV THE EARLY RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEXES " Great effects are everywhere produced in animated Nature, by minute causes. . . . Think of how many curious phenomena sexual relation gives rise to in animal life ; think of the results of love in human life ; now all this had for its raison d'etre the union of two cellules. . . . There is no organic act which approaches this one in power and force of differentiation." HAECKEL. WHAT is the practical outcome to us of this early relation of the sexes in Nature's scheme? In attempting to answer this question it will be neces- sary to take an apparently circuitous route, going back over some of the ground that already has been covered ; to examine in further detail the process of sexual love as it presents itself among our pre-human ancestors. It is well worth while to do this. If we can find in this way an answer, we shall come very near to solving many of the most difficult of woman's problems. At the same time we shall have made clear how deep-rooted are the foundations of those passions of sex which agitate the human heart, and are still the most powerful force amongst us to-day. In the light of the facts I have briefly summarised, we have been able in the former chapters to indicate how sexuality began, with the male element developed from the primary female organism, his sole function being her impregnation; how this was seized upon and con- tinued through the advantage gained by the mixing of 73 74 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN the two germ-plasms, which, on the whole, resembling one another somewhat closely, yet differ in details, and thus introduce new opportunities of progress into the life-elements; and how, in this way, differentiation of function between the male and the female was set up. We saw, further, how the development of the male, at first often living parasitically upon the female, con- tinued; but how, under certain conditions of life, such parasitism was transferred to the female, so that it is she who is sacrificed to the sex function ; and, lastly, taking the extreme cases of the bee-hive and the spider, we suggested certain warnings to be drawn from these early parasitic relations between the sexes. It is necessary now to penetrate deeper; to trace more fully the evolu- tion of the sexual passion, which, from this line of thought, may be said to be the process which carried on the development and modification of the male, creating him as surely we may believe by the love-choice of the female. To do this we have once more to return to the consideration, under a somewhat new aspect, of the relative position of the female and the male in their love- courtships in some examples among the humbler types of animal life. After these have been considered, not only in themselves, but in the relation they bear to the higher forms which developed from them, we shall be in a surer position to re-ascend the ladder of life. We shall come to understand the biological significance of love something of the complexity and beauty and force of the passions that we have inherited. We shall find also the causes, so important to us, which led to the reversal of the early superiority of the female in size and often EARLY RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEXES 75 in function, replacing it by the superiority of the male. Then, and then only, shall we be ready to approach the difficult problems of the sexual differences which have persisted, separating women from men among human races, and to estimate if these differences are to be con- sidered as belonging essentially to the female and the male, or whether they have arisen through special environmental causes. If we look back anew to the very start of sexuality, where two cells flow together, thereby to continue life, we find the very simplest expression of the sex-appetite. There is what may be called instinctive physical attrac- tion, and the whole process is very much a satisfaction of protoplasmic hunger. 1 Now it was, of course, a long step from this incipient cell-union to the varied function of sex in animal life, and it was a long process from these to the yet more complex manifestation of the love- passion among men. But in reality the source of all love is the same; throughout the entire relations of the sexes we find this cell-hunger instinct; in every case, it matters not how fine and ennobling the love may be, the single, original, impelling motive is the union of two cells the male element and the female driven to seek one another to continue life. I find it necessary to insist on this physical basis of all love. Women are so apt to go astray. It is one of the vicious tendencies of the female mind to think that the needs of sex are something to be resisted. Let us face the truth that this great force of love has its roots fastened in cell-hunger, and it dies when its roots are cut away. 1 Evolution of Sex, p. 265. 76 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN It is evident that at first this sex-appetite cannot have been purposive, but acted subconsciously by a kind of interaction between the want of the organism and its power of function. Even in many complex multicellular organisms the liberation of the sex-elements continues very passive; and although the differentiation of the sexual-cells is already complete in plants and animals comparatively low in the scale, it at first makes little difference in the development of the other parts of the individual. Among many lower animals, and most plants, each individual develops within itself both kinds of cells that is, female and male. This union of the two sex functions in one organism is known as herma- phroditism. There is little doubt that it was once common to all organisms, an intermediate stage in the sex-progress, after the differentiation of the sexes had been accomplished. Hermaphroditism must be regarded as a temporary or transitional form. 1 It is found persisting in various degrees in many species snails, earth-worms, and leeches, for example, can act alternately as what we call male and female. Other animals are hermaphrodite in their young stages, though the sexes are separate in adult 1 There are some who believe that the higher animals pass through a state of embryonic hermaphroditism, but decisive proof of this is wanting. In this connection the structural resemblance of the male and female sexual organs should be noticed ; in each sex there is a complete but rudimentary set of parallels to the organs of the other sex. This primitive and fundamental unity of the male and female sex organs is very significant. Indeed, the whole question of hermaphro- ditism is one of deep suggestion when these embryological facts are brought into relation with the abnormalities which occur in the ex- pression of the sexual impulses. See Evolution of Sex, chapter on " Hermaphroditism," pp. 65-80 ; also Bloch, Sexual Life of Our Times, pp. 11-12, 551-554. Weininger's Sex and Character, pp. 6, 7, J 3 45. is also interesting. EARLY RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEXES 77 life, as, for example, tadpoles, where the bisexuality of youth sometimes linger into adult life. Cases of partial hermaphroditism are very common, while in many species which are normally unisexual, a casual or abnor- mal hermaphroditism occurs this may be seen in the common frog, and is frequent among certain fishes, when sometimes the fish is male on one side and female on the other, or male anteriorly and female posteriorly. 1 There would seem to be a constant tendency to escape from these early and experimental methods of reproduc- tion, and to secure true sexual union, with complete separation of the sexes and differences in the parents. We have noticed the many instances of tiny comple- mental males, in connection with hermaphrodite forms, which, as Darwin states, must have arisen from the advantage ensuring cross-fertilisation in the females who harbour them. Even among hermaphrodite slugs we find very definite evidence of the advance of love; and in certain species an elaborate process of courtship, taking the form of slow and beautiful movements, pre- cedes the act of reproduction. 2 Some snails, again, are provided with a special organ, a slightly twisted limy dart, which is used to stimulate sexual excitement. 3 1 A similar condition has been noted among butterflies, where, in some cases, differences in the colouring of the wings on two sides has been found to correspond to an internal co-existence of the male and female sex-organs. It seems probable that this interesting phenomenon of abnormal hermaphroditism is of much commoner occurrence than the cases that have been recorded (Evolution of Sex, p. 67). 1 " The Love of Slugs," article by James Bladon, Zoologist, Vol. XV., 1857, p. 6272. 3 " Molluscs," article by Rev. L. H. Cooke, Cambridge Natural History, Vol. III. p. 143. Both these cases are quoted by Havelock Ellis in his illuminative " Analysis of the Sexual Impulse," the opening chapters in the third volume of the Studies in the Psychology of Sex. 78 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN What do such marvellous manifestations, low down in the ladder of life, go to prove, if not that there must be the closest identity between the development of life and the evolution of love ? These examples of hermaphrodite love lead us for- ward to a further step, where no reproduction takes place without the special activity and conjugation of two kinds of specialised cells, and these two kinds are carried about by separate individuals. In some species fishes, for example the two kinds of special cells meet outside the bodies of the parents. At this humble level the sexes are in many cases very like one another, and there is, as we should expect, a good deal of haphazard in the production of offspring. Among fishes, for instance, the eggs and sperms are liberated into the sea, or the shallow bed of a river, and, if the sperms (the milt of the males) are placed near to the spot where the eggs (the spawn) have been laid, fertilisation occurs, for within a short distance the sperms are attracted in a way that is imper- fectly understood to enter the eggs. By this method there is of necessity great waste in the production of offspring, many thousands of eggs are never fertilised. The union of the sexual cells must be something more than haphazard for further development. There must be some reason inherent in the female or male inducing to the act of reproduction. In other words, there must be a psychic interest preceding the sex act. In this way a higher grade is reached when the presence of one sex attracts the other. Gradually the female and the male begin to associate in pairs. We may illustrate this important step in the evolution of love by reference to the familiar case of the salmon. EARLY RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEXES 79 The male courts the female and is her attendant during the breeding season, fertilising the deposited ova in her presence. He guards her from the attention of all other males, fighting all rivals fiercely, with a special weapon, developed at this time, in the form of a hooked lower jaw with teeth often more than half-an-inch long. Darwin records a case, told to him by a river-keeper, where he found three hundred dead male salmon, all killed through battle. 1 Thus even among cold-blooded fishes (though it may appear folly to use the word " love " in this connection) a very clear likeness with our human sex-passions can be traced. Sex differences now become more frequent. The males are in some cases distinguished by bright colours and ornamental appendages. During their amours and duels certain male fishes flash with beautiful and glowing colours. Reptiles exhibit the same form of sexual- passion, and jealous combat of rival males. The rattle of certain snakes is supposed to act as a love-call. Snakes of different sexes appear to feel some affection for each other when confined together in cages. Romanes relates the interesting fact that when a cobra is killed, its mate is often found on the spot a day or two after- wards. Darwin cites an instance of the pairing in spring of a Chinese species of lizard, where the couples appear to have considerable fondness for one another. If one is captured, the other drops from the tree to the ground and allows itself to be caught, presumably from despair. 2 A further development is reached by those animals 1 Trout also fight during the breeding season. Chapters on Human Love, by Geoffrey Mortimer (W. M. Gallichan), pp. 13-14. 1 Evolution of Sex, pp. 625-626. Chapters on Human Love, p. 14. 80 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN among whom what has well been called "the note of physical fondness " is first sounded. We find the males playing with the female, wooing and caressing her, it may be dancing with her. The love-play is often extra- ordinary, 1 as, for instance, in the well-known case of the stickleback. Not only does the male woo the female with passionate dances, but by means of its own secretions it builds a nest in the river weeds. The males at this season are transformed, glowing with brilliant colours, and literally putting on a wedding garment of love. The stickleback is passionate, polygamous and very jealous of rivals. His guardianship of the nest and vigilance in protecting the young cannot be observed without admiration. It is certainly significant to find one of the earliest instances of genuine parental affection exhibited by the male. This reversal of the usual role of the sexes is common among fishes, among whom care of offspring is very little developed. In some species the eggs are carried about by the father the male sea-horse, for instance, has a pouch developed for this purpose; in other cases the male incubates, or cares for the ova. Sometimes, however, it is the female who performs this duty, but the known cases are few. 2 Some exceedingly curious examples of male parental care occur among the amphibians. One of the most interesting is that of the obstetric frog, where the male helps to remove the eggs from the female, then twists them in the coils around its 1 Problems of Sex, by J. A. Thomson and Prof. Patrick Geddes, p. 20. * Evolution of Sex, pp. 270-272, 295. EARLY RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEXES 81 hind legs and buries himself in the water, until the in- cubation period is over and the tadpoles escape and relieve him of his burden. In other species the croaking sacs of the males, which were previously used for amatory callings, become enlarged to form cradles for the young. There are also instances of the female co- operating with the male in this care of offspring. Thus in the Surinam toad the male spreads the ova on the back of the female, where skin cavities form in which the tad- poles develop. In other cases the eggs are carried in the dorsal pouches of the females. It would almost seem that in this early time Nature was making experi- ments as to which parent was the better fitted to rear and protect the young ! But let us return to our present examination of animal love-making. In many diverse forms there is a very remarkable courtship of touch, often prolonged and with beautiful refinements, before the climax is reached, when the two bodies unite. Racovitza 1 has beautifully de- scribed the courtship of the octopus, which is carried out with considerable delicacy, and not brutally as before had been believed. "The male gently stretches out his third arm on the right and caresses the female with its extremity, eventually passing it into the chamber formed by the mantle. The female contracts spas- modically, but does not attempt to move. They remain thus about an hour or more, and during this time the male shifts his arm from one viaduct to the other. Finally, he withdraws his arm, caresses her with it for a few moments, and then replaces it with his other arm." 1 Natural Science, Nov. 1894, quoted by Havelock Ellis, Psychology of Sex. Vol. III. p. 30. O 82 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN The various phenomena of primitive animal courtship may be illustrated further by the love-parades of butter- flies and moths, the love-gambols of certain newts, the amatory serenading of frogs, the fragrant incense of reptiles, the love-lights of glow-worms, the duels of many male beetles and other insects, many of whom have special weapons for righting with their rivals. Among insects the sexes commonly associate in pairs, and it seems certain there is some psychic attraction added to the primitive tactile courtship. In some cases the asso- ciation of the sexes is maintained for a lengthened period, with many hints of what must be regarded as love. There are many examples also of parental fore- thought, amounting sometimes to a sort of divining pre- science, as the habit of certain insects in preparing and leaving a special nourishment, different from their own food, for the sustenance of the future larvae. We even find instances of co-operation of the sexes in work to- gether, affording a first hint of this linking-force to the development of love in its later and full expression. Such are the activities of the dung-rolling beetle, where the two sexes assist each other in their curious occupa- tion. The male and female of another order of beetle (Lethms cephalotes) inhabit the same cavity, and the virtuous matron is said greatly to resent the intrusion of another male. 1 In insects, as in the higher animals, and as in man, sexual association takes many different forms. But obviously I must not linger over these early types of love. My object is to bring forward examples, which 1 Evolution of Sex, p. 265. EARLY RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEXES 83 seem to me useful as preliminary studies to throw light on the origin of sex-passion, and proving that the love- process throughout the whole of life is identical. Those who are acquainted with the work of Fabre, " The Insects' Homer," will have no difficulty in accepting this. The studies he has given us of wonderful behaviour of insects, their arts and crafts, their courtships and marriages, their domestic and social relationships, opens up a new drama of animal life. G 8 CONTENTS OF CHAPTER V COURTSHIP, MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY I. Among the Birds and Mammals Courtship and marriage among birds and mammals Every form of association similar to human marriage A high standard of love- morality among birdsMonogamy, polygamy, and polyandry Cases of absolute profligate promiscuity Suggestions of all the sexual sins of humanity The phenomena of courtship The law of battle Battles of mammals and male gallinaceae The frenzy of love Where supremacy in love is gained by force the males become stronger and better armed than the females Importance of this Gentler ways of wooing Esthetic seductions Courteous duels The note of joy in love among birds Affectionate partner- ships lasting for life Frequency of monogamy among birds Co- operation of both sexes in forming the home and caring for the young The amatory dances of birds Significance of dancing Numerous illustrations The use of song and decorative plumage Musical seduction ^Esthetic constructions The extraordinary power of sex-hunger General propositions. II. Further Examples of Courtship, Marriage and the Family among Birds Darwin's theory of sexual-selection Objections to this by Wallace and others An explanation The true object of courtship The sexual passion the origin of social growth A rough outline of society already established in the animal kingdom The maternal and the paternal family The former the most frequent The importance of the female Difference between the secondary sexual characters of the male and the female Doubt of the accepted view Need for a further examination Cases among birds in which the female equals or even exceeds the male in size and strength Beauty tests of brilliant plumage Numerous examples of almost identical likeness between the sexes This similarity in plumage occurs in some of the most brilliant of our birds The interesting case of the phalaropes where the rdle of the sexes is reversed These facts point to an error in the accepted opinion as to the secondary sexual characters Sexual adornments cannot be re- garded as a necessary and exclusive adjunct of the male Prof. Lester Ward's Gynaeocratic theory Male efflorescence Among the species in which male differentiation has gone farthest the 85 86 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN males are bad fathers Examples to prove this The fathers devoid of affection belong to the less intelligent species The conclusion An extravagant growth of the secondary sexual characters not favourable to the highest development of the species The most oppressed females the most faithful wives The highest develop- ment in the beautiful cases in which the sexes are more alike, equal in capacity and co-operate together in the race-work Individual fancies of females The case of a female wild duck Desire for sexual variety Conjugal fidelity modified by the conditions of life Civilisation depraves birds General observations Love the great creative force. CHAPTER V COURTSHIP, MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY I. Among the Birds and Mammals " The principle of ' divergence of character ' pervades all nature, from the lowest groups to the highest, as may be well seen in the class of birds." WALLACE. A GREAT step in advance is taken when we come to study the courtship and sexual relationships of birds and mammals. There are many examples, in particular among birds, of a beautiful and high standard of love- morality. To the physical fondness of the sexes for one another there is now added a wealth of what must be recognised as psychical attraction, which finds its expres- sion in many diverse ways. We shall find all forms of sexual association, very similar to marriage in the human species. There are temporary unions formed for the purpose of procreation, after which the partners separate and cease to care for one another. Polygamy is frequent, polyandry also occurs, and there are many cases of abso- lute profligate promiscuity. We shall, indeed, find the suggestion of all the sexual sins of humanity, every form of coquetry, of love-battles, jealousy and the like. There are as well many examples of monogamic unions lasting for the lives of the partners. This is especially the case with birds. Among the higher mammals polygamy is most common, but permanent unions are formed, especi- ally among the anthropoid apes. Thus strictly mono- 87 88 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN gamous marriages are frequent among gorillas and orang-utans, the young sometimes remaining with their parents to the age of six years, while any approach to loose behaviour on the part of the wife is severely punished by the husband. 1 We find both the matri- archate and patriarchate family ; and we may observe the greatest difference in the conduct of the parents in their care of offspring. Even a rapid examination of these customs is worth while, for they cast forward many suggestions on our sexual, domestic, and social relation- ships. Let us take first the phenomena of courtship. It is possible to give only the briefest outline of this fascinating subject. We will begin with the law-of- battle. Courtship without combat is rare among mammals; it is less common in many species of birds. Special offensive and defensive weapons for use in these love-fights are found; such are the larger canine teeth of many male mammals, the antlers of stags, the tusks of elephants, the horns of antelopes, goats, oxen and other animals, while among birds the spurs of the cock and allied species are examples of sexual weapons. 3 ' The season of love is the season of battle," says Darwin. To those who understand love there will be no cause of surprise in these procreative explosions. There can be no doubt that such combats are a stimulus to mutual sexual excitement in the males who take part in them and the female who watches them. Throughout Nature love only reaches its goal after tremendous 1 Havelock Ellis, Psychology of Sex, Vol. VI. p. 422. 3 Evolution of Sex, p. 8. AMONG THE BIRDS AND MAMMALS 89 expenditure of energy. Courtship is the prelude to love. The question is what form it shall take ? It is this that even yet we have not decided. But the importance of courtship cannot be overlooked. We must regard it as the servant of the Life-force. In the fine saying of Professor Lloyd Morgan, 1 " the purpose of courtship reveals itself as the strong and steady bending of the bow, that the arrow may find its mark in a biological end of the highest importance in the survival of a healthy and vigorous race." Even the most timid animals will fight desperately under the stimulus of sex-passion. Hares and moles battle to the death in some cases; squirrels and beavers wound each other severely. Seals grapple with tooth and claw; bulls, deer and stallions have violent en- counters, and goats use their curved horns with deadly effect. 2 The elephant, pacific by nature, assumes a terrible fury in the rutting season. Thus, the Sanskrit poems frequently use the simile of the elephant goaded by love to express the highest degree of strength, nobility, grandeur and even beauty. 3 It is hardly necessary to point out that in these love-conflicts we may find the sources of our own brute passions of jealousy, and the origin of duels, murders and all the violent crimes com- mitted by men under the excitement of sexual emotion the tares among the wheat of love that drive men mad and wild. 1 Animal Behaviour, p. 265, quoted by Havelock Ellis, Psychology of Sex, Vol. III. p. 28. * Geoffrey Mortimer (W. M. Gallichan), Chapters on Human Love, pp. 17-18. * Letourncau, Evolution of Marriage, p. 16. 90 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN In birds it is among the gallinacese that love incites the male with warlike fury. The barn-door cock is the type of the jealous male amorous, vain and courageous. 1 It must be noted that wheresoever supremacy in love is obtained by force the male has necessarily become, through the action of selection, stronger and better armed than the female. Among birds, where the law of battle largely gives place to a gentler wooing, there are many species in which the female is larger and stronger than the male, and a much greater number where there is no appreciable difference between the sexes. These prove what we have already established among the inverte- brates, that there is no necessary correlation between weakness and the female sex. But to this question, so important in its bearing on the relative position of the sexes, I shall return later. The acquisition of mates does not depend entirely upon strength and victory in battle. Many male mammals have crests and tufts of hair, and other marks of beauty, such as bright colouring, are often conspic- uous. These are used to attract the females. The incense of odoriferous glands, which become specially functional during the breeding season, are another fre- quent means of sexual attraction. 2 Even many of the amatory duels are not really fights between rivals. They are rather parades, or tournaments, used by the males as a means of displaying their beauty and valour to the females. This is frequent among the contests of birds, as, for instance, the grouse of Florida (Tetras cuspido), 1 Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, p. 12. * Evolution of Sex, pp. 7-8. AMONG THE BIRDS AND MAMMALS 91 which are said to assemble at night to fight until morning with measured grace, and then to separate, having first exchanged formal courtesies. 1 It is among birds that the notes of joy in love break out with a wonderful fascination. They are the most perfect of lovers; strength is often quite set aside, and the eye and ear of the mate alone is appealed to. The males (and also, in some cases, the females) use many aesthetic appeals to stimulate passion, such as dancing, beauty of plumage, and the art of showing it, as well as sweetness of song and diverse love-calls. There are numerous examples of affectionate partnerships between the sexes, in some cases lasting for life. The female Illinois parrot, for instance, rarely survives the death of her mate. Similarly the death of either sex of the -panurus is said to be fatal to its companion. The affec- tion of these birds is strong; they always perch side by side, and when they fall asleep one of them, usually the male, covers the other with its wing. The couples of the golden woodpeckers and doves live in perfect unison. Brehm records the case of a male woodpecker who, after the death of his mate, tapped day and night with his beak to recall the absent one, and when at last dis- couraged, he became silent and never recovered his gaiety. 3 According to some estimates monogamy pre- vails among ninety per cent, of birds. 8 This is explained by the steady co-operation of both sexes in forming the home and caring for the young, for it is surely the work- ing together which causes their love to outlast the excite- 1 Epinas, Soc. Animates, p. 326; Darwin, Descent of Man, p. 433. Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, p. 27. 3 Ellis, Psychology of Sex, Vol. VI. p. 422. 92 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN ment of the procreative season. Sometimes we find this affection flowing out into a wider altruism, extending beyond the family to the social group; which again is surely at once the condition and result of these beautiful and practical love-partnerships. Those who have read the absorbing pages of Darwin devoted to the consideration of the sexual characters of birds, or know the examples given by Biichner, Audubon, Epinas, Wallace and other naturalists, or, better still, those who have watched and noted for themselves the love-habits of birds, will find it impossible to withhold admiration for the poetic character of many of these courtships and marriages, which put too often our own human matings to utter shame. Let us look first at the love-dances. Dancing as a means of attracting the right pitch of passion in the male and the female has always been used in the service of the sexual instinct. It gives the highest and most com- plex expression of movement, and may be said to have been evolved by love from the more brutal courtships of battle display. 1 The characteristic features of the amatory dances of birds are well known; they may be witnessed frequently during the pairing season. The male blackbird, for instance, is full of action as he woos his mate ; he flirts his tail, spreads his glossy wings, hops and turns ; chases the hen, and all the time chuckles with delight. Similar antics are performed by the whitethroat. The male redwing, again, struts about before his female, sweeping the ground with his tail, and acting the dandy. 2 1 One of the most charming accounts of the loves of birds is given in a chapter on " Music and Dancing in Nature," in a volume entitled, The Naturalist in La Plata, by W. H. Hudson. 1 Audubon, Scenes de la Nature, Vol. I. p. 350. AMONG THE BIRDS AND MAMMALS 93 The crested duck raises his head gracefully, straightens his silky aigrette, struts and bows to his female, while his throat swells and he utters a sort of guttural note. 1 The common shield duck, geese, wood-pigeons, carrion- vultures, and many other birds have been observed to dance, spread their tails, chase one another, and perform many strange courting parades. A careful observer of birds, Mr. E. Selous, who is quoted by Havelock Ellis, 2 has found that all bird dances are not nuptial, but that some birds the stone-curlew (or great plover), for example have different kinds of dancing. The nuptial dances are taken part in by both the male and female, and are immediately followed by conjugation; but there are as well other dances or antics of a non-sexual char- acter, which may be regarded as social, and these too are indulged in by both sexes. The love-fights of swallows, linnets and kingfishers, and the curious aerial evolution of the swift are similar manifestations of vigour and delight in movement 3 as a sexual excitant to pairing. Some male doves have a remarkable habit of driving the hen for a few days before she lays the eggs. On these occasions his whole time is spent in keeping her on the move, and he never allows her to settle or rest for a minute except on the nest. 4 1 Audubon, Scenes de la Nature, Vol. II. p. 50. >; Have 1 E. Selous, Bird Watching, pp. 15-20; Havelock Ellis, Psychology Sex, Vol. III. p. 25. 3 The jay is the only bird I know whose habits in this respect are of Sex, Vol. III. p. 25 3 The jay is the 01 different. Noisy and active during the winter the male becomes exceedingly quiet with the approach of the pairing season. This may possibly be explained by the fact that the two sexes of these beautiful birds are practically alike; thus there may be less temptation for the male to show off as the handsomer bird. J. Lewis Bonhote, The Birds of Britain, p. 272. It is from this work I have taken many facts relating to birds. See also A. R. Wallace, Darwinism, p. 287. 94, THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN This last case affords a striking illustration of the real object of all these elaborate movements. The male albatross, an ugly and dull-coloured bird, 1 during court- ship stands by the female on the nest, raises his wings, spreads his tail, throws up his head with the bill in the air, or stretches it straight out or forwards as far as he can, and then utters a curious cry. 2 But the most inter- esting example that I have been able to find recorded of dancing among birds is the habit of waltzing, common to the male, and in a lesser degree to the female ostrich. It is thus described by S. Cronwright Schreiner. 3 "After running a few yards they (the ostriches) will stop, and with raised wings spin round rapidly for some time until quite giddy, when a broken leg occasionally occurs. . . . Vigorous cocks ' roll ' when challenging to fight or when wooing a hen. The cock will suddenly bump down on his knees (ankle joints), open his wings, and then swing them alternately backwards and forwards as if on a pivot. At such a time the bird sees very imperfectly, if at all, in fact he seems so preoccupied that if pursued one may often approach unnoticed. Just before ' rolling, ' a cock, especially if courting a hen, will often run slowly and daintily on the points of his toes, with neck slightly inflated, upright and erect, the tail half dropped and all his body feathers fluffed up; the wings raised and expanded, the inside edges touch- ing the sides of the neck for nearly the whole length, and the plumes showing separately like an open fan. In no other attitude is the splendid beauty of his plumage displayed to such advantage." In this case it is very suggestive to find that it is the 1 Wallace states that these love-movements are more commonly performed by birds with dull plumage who have no special beauties to display to their mates, but the custom, as we have seen, is by no means confined to such birds. 8 Notes of a Naturalist on the " Challenger," quoted by Wallace, Darwinism, p. 287. " The Ostrich," Zoologist, March 1897; quoted by Havelock Ellis, Psychology of Sex, Vol. III. p. 34. AMONG THE BIRDS AND MAMMALS 95 male ostrich who takes upon himself the task of hatching and rearing the young. Perhaps this accounts for the female ostrich being able to dance as well as the male. There are very few examples of birds who are bad fathers. Often the male rivals the female in love for the young ; he is in constant attendance in the vicinity of the nest; he guards, feeds and sings to the female, and sometimes shares with her the duty of incubation. This is done by the male wood-pigeon, missel-thrush, blue martin, the buzzard, stone-curlew, curlew, dottrel, the sandpiper, common gull, black-coated gull, kittiwake, razorbill, puffin, storm-petrel, the great blue heron and the black vulture. Among these birds it is usual for the family duties to be performed quite irrespective of sex, and the parent who is free takes the task of feeding the one who is occupied. As soon as one family is reared many birds at once burden themselves with another. Audubon records the case of the blue bird of America, who works so zealously that two or three broods are reared at the same time, the female sitting on one clutch, while the male feeds the young of the preceding brood. 1 Next in importance to dancing and movement in the aid of courtship among birds is their use of song and display of decorative plumage. With them it would seem, even more than among the mammals or with man, sexual desire raises and intensifies all the faculties, and lifts the individual above the normal level of life. The act of singing is a pleasurable one, an expression of superabundant energy and joyous excitement. Thus love-songs, serving first probably as a call of recognition 1 Audubon, Seines de la Nature, Vol. I. p. 317. 96 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN from the male to the female, came to be used as a means of seduction. Every one is familiar with the exquisite lyrical tournaments of our nightingales; their songs during the love season do not cease by day or by night, so that one wonders when sleep can be taken; but as soon as the young are hatched the music ceases, and harsh croaks are the only sound left. 1 The song of the skylark, with its splendid note of freedom, is more melodious and more frequent in the season of love's delirium. 2 Another bird, the male of the weaver bird, builds an abode of pleasure for himself, wherein he retires to sing to his mate. 3 A very beautiful case of the use of these love-calls by the tyrant bird (Pitangus Bolivianus] is recorded by W. H. Hudson. 4 "Though the male and female are greatly attached they do not go afield to hunt in company, but separate to meet at intervals during the day. One of the couple (say the female) returns to the trees where they are accustomed to meet, and after a time becoming impatient or anxious at the delay of her consort, utters a very long, clear call-note. He is perhaps a quarter of a mile away, watching for a frog beside a pool, or beating over a thistle bed, but he hears the note and presently responds with one of equal power. Then, perhaps, for half-an-hour, at intervals of half-a- minute, the birds answer each other, though the powerful call of the one must interfere with his hunting. At length he returns : then the two birds, perched close together, with their yellow bosoms almost touching, crests elevated, and beating the branch with their wings scream their loudest notes in concert a confused, jubilant noise that rings through the whole plantation. Their joy at meeting is patent, and their action corresponds to the warm embrace of a loving human couple." 1 J. Lewis Bonhote, The Birds of Britain, p. 39. 1 Audubon, Scenes de la Nature, Vol. I. p. 383. 8 Epinas, SocieUs Animates, p. 299. 4 Argentine Ornithology, Vol. I. p. 148; quoted by Havelock Ellis, Psychology of Sex, Vol. III. p. 33. AMONG THE BIRDS AND MAMMALS 97 Some birds, who are ill-endowed from a musical point of view, have their wing feathers or tails peculiarly developed and stiffened, and are able to produce with them a strange snapping or cracking sound. Thus several species of snipe make drumming or "bleating" noises something like the bleat of a goat with their narrowed tails as they descend in flight. 1 Magpies have a still more curious method of call, by rapping on dry and sonorous branches, which they use not only to attract the female, but also to charm her. We may say that these birds perform instrumental music. 2 The exercise of vocal power among birds seems to be complementary to the development of accessory plumes and ornaments. All our finest singing birds are plainly coloured, with no crests, neck or tail plumes to display. The gorgeously ornamented birds of the tropics have no song, and those which expend much energy in display of plumage, as the turkey and peacocks, have com- paratively an insignificant development of voice. 3 The extraordinary manner in which birds display their plumage at the time of courting is well known. Let us take one example the courtship of the Argus pheasant. This bird is noted for the extreme beauty of the male's plumage. Its courtship has been beautifully observed by H. O. Forbes 4 " It is the habit of this bird to make a large circus, some ten or twelve feet in diameter, in the forest, which it clears of every 1 Wallace, Darwinism, p. 284; also J. Lewis Bonhote, The Birds of Britain, p. 319. 1 Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, pp. 14-15. 8 Wallace, Darwinism, p. 287. 4 H. O. Forbes, A Naturalist's Wanderings, p. 131 ; quoted by Have- lock Ellis, Psychology of Sex, Vol. III. pp. 33-34. H 98 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN leaf and twig and branch, till the ground is perfectly swept and garnished. On the margin of this circus there is invariably a projecting branch or high arched rest, at a few feet elevation from the ground on which the female bird takes its place, while in the ring the male the male bird alone possesses great decoration shows off all its magnificence for the gratification and pleasure of his consort, and to exalt himself in her eyes." In this picture we have all the characteristic features of the display of personal beauty in which many birds delight. Any one may see such performances for them- selves. The male chaffinch, for instance, will place him- self in front of the female that she may admire at her ease his red throat and blue head; the bullfinch swells out his breast to display the crimson feathers, twisting his black tail from side to side; the goldfinch sways his body, and quickly turns his slightly expanded wings first to one side, then to the other, with a golden flashing effect. 1 Even birds of less ornamental plumage are accustomed to strut and show themselves off before the females. Birds often assemble in large numbers to com- pete in beauty before pairing. The Tetras cuspido of Florida and the little grouse of Germany and Scan- dinavia do this. The latter have daily amorous assem- blies, or cours d'amour, of great length, which are renewed every year in the month of May. 2 It seems certain that this aesthetic display is conscious and pre- meditated ; for while most pheasants parade before their females, two of the species the Crossoptilon auritum and the Phasianus Wallichii which are of dull colour, 1 Darwin, Descent of Man, p. 438. * Epinas, Soc. animates, p. 326; and Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, p. 14. AMONG THE BIRDS AND MAMMALS 99 refrain from doing so, being apparently conscious of their modest livery. 1 Certain birds are not content alone with the display of natural ornament, but make use of further aesthetic appeal in the construction of their homes in a truly beautiful manner. Some species of humming-birds are said to decorate the exterior of their nests in great taste with lichens, feathers, etc. The bower-birds of Australia construct bowers on the ground, ornamented with shell, feathers, bones and leaves. Both sexes take part in the building of these abodes of love, which are used for the courting parades. But an even more delightful example of the rare sexual delicacy in courtship is recorded by M. O. Beccari of a bird of Paradise of New Guinea, the Amblyornis inornata. 2 "This wonderful and beautiful bird constructs a little conical hut to protect his amours, and in front of this he arranges a lawn, carpeted with moss, the greenness of which he relieves by scatter- ing on it various bright coloured objects, such as berries, grains, flowers, pebbles and shells. More than this, when the flowers are faded, he takes great care to replace them, so that the eye may be always agreeably flattered. These curious constructions are solid, lasting for several years, and probably serving for several birds." It is, I think, by such cases as these that we may come to realise the extraordinary power of sex-hunger. It seems to me that many of us are still walking in sleep; fear holds our eyes from the truth. But as we look back to the complex and often beautiful manifestations of love's actions among our animal ancestors, we begin to 1 Darwin, Descent of Man, p. 438 ; Letourneau, op. cit., p. 13. 1 Annali del Mtiseo civico di storia naturale di Genova, t. IX. fasc. 3-4, '877, quoted by Letourneau, whose account I give; op. cit., p. 14. H 2 100 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN perceive that unanalysable something called " beauty," which is the glory that has arisen out of that first simple impelling hunger, which drove the male cell and the female cell to unite. This is how I see things Life knows no development except through Love. II. Further Examples of Courtship, Marriage, and the Family among Birds It is especially upon the efflorescence of male beauty among birds that Darwin founded his celebrated theory of sexual selection. The motley of display seems end- less, beautiful plumes, elongated feathery tresses, neck- ruffs, breast-shields, brightly-coloured cowls and wattles occur with marvellous richness of variety. Now, can we accept the Darwinian theory, and believe that all these appendages of beauty, as well as the sexual weapons, powers of song and movement, have been developed through the preference of the females? the stronger and more ornamental males becoming in this way the parents of each successive generation. Wallace, as is well known, opposed Darwin's view, preferring to regard sexual selection as a manifestation of natural selection. He has been followed by other naturalists, who have denied this creative power of love, being unable to credit conscious choice by the females of the most gifted males. The controversy on the question has been long and at times violent. Yet, it would seem, as so often happens in all disagreements, that the difference in opinion is more apparent than founded on the facts. There is really no difficulty if once we understand the FURTHER EXAMPLES AMONG BIRDS 101 true significance of courtship. What this is I have tried to make clear. During the excitement of pairing the male birds are in a condition of the most perfect develop- ment, and possess an enormous store of superabundant vitality; this, as may readily be understood, may well express itself in brilliant colours and superfluities of ornamental plumage, as also in song, in dancing, in love tournaments and in battles. The fact that we have to remember is that the female is most easily won by the male, who, being himself most charged with sex desire and through this means reaching the finest develop- ment is able to create a corresponding intoxication in her, and thus, by producing in both the most perfect condition, favours the chances of reproduction. There is no need whatever to suppose any conscious choice or special aesthetic perception on the part of the females. Great effects are everywhere produced in Nature by simple causes. The female responds to the stimulus of the right male at the right moment that is really the whole matter. 1 In these instances (brought forward in the previous section of this chapter) of the universal hunger of sex, which are fairly typical and are as complete as my space will allow, certain facts have become clear. In the first place we have seen something of the strong driving of the procreative function, which is the guarantee of the continuation and development of life. The importance 1 Havelock Ellis, Psychology of Sex, Vol. III. pp. 18-24, has discussed this question at some length. The brief account I have given is a summary of his view. I take this opportunity of gratefully acknow- ledging the great help I have gained from the illuminating and valuable works of Mr. Ellis. 102 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN of the result to be gained explains the diverse and elaborate phenomena of courtship. The higher we ascend in the animal kingdom the stronger does the sex- appetite become : it vibrates in the nerve-centres, giving rise to violent emotions which intensify all the physical and psychic activities. Love is the great creative force. It awakens impressions and desires in the individual, giving rise to what may be called " experiments in creative self-expression," to the energy of which we owe the varied and marvellous phenomena in animal life. A further cause arising from the development of love is certainly of not less importance it is the beginning of life not wholly individualistic. It is in the sexual pas- sions we must seek the origins of all social growth. This is evident. We have seen that sexual union induces durable association between the female and the male for the object of rearing the young. Here already we find that truth, which it is the chief purpose of this book to make plain, that the individual exists for the race. This is the new and practical morality of the biological view, which regards the individual as primarily the host and servant of the seed of life. And this is really of the greatest benefit to the individual. From this service to the future arises the family and the home. The familial instinct, more or less developed, may be traced far back in the scale of life; and as it gains in strength it extends from the family into a wider social love, which in some species results in the forming of societies grouped together for mutual protection and co-operation in communal activities. A rough outline of society is thus found established already in the animal kingdom. FURTHER EXAMPLES AMONG BIRDS 103 Just as there were many different forms of sexual associations among our animal ancestors, so we may observe the two chief forms of human societies, the matriarchate and the patriarchate or the maternal and paternal family. It is the former that is the most fre- quent. This is what we should expect. The female, the mother, as the natural centre of the family, the male, her servant, in the procreative act; but apart from this, we find him most frequently following personal interests ; the female's love for the young is stronger and more developed than his. I lay stress upon this fact, for it shows how strongly planted in woman is the maternal instinct. I doubt if any woman can ever find true expres- sion for her nature apart from motherhood. It isj in these past histories of life's development that we may find the key for its purpose and meaning to us. There is another point of special importance to us in estimating the true place of woman in society. This early position of the female proves conclusively (as we shall see more clearly later when we come to study the primitive human family) the importance of the mother and her children as the founders of society. Woman, by reason of her more intimate connection with the children and the home, became the centre of the social group, while the males, less bound by domestic ties, were able to wander, but came back to the home, driven by their sexual needs to return to the female. But without giving more time here to this question, to which I shall return later, there is a further consideration, arising from our study of the family habits among the birds and mammals, that now must claim our attention. Certain 104 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN examples I have come across, in particular among birds, have forced into my mind doubt of a widely-accepted belief. I put forward my opinion with great diffidence; it is so easy to interpret facts by the bias of one's own wishes. I know that the cases I have found and studied are probably few in comparison with those I have missed ; but to me they seem of such importance, by the light they throw on the whole question of the position of the sexes, that it seems necessary to bring them forward. We must go back to the position we left, some time back, of the differences between the secondary sexual characters of the male and the female. We have fol- lowed the development of the male, under the action of love's selection, from his first insignificant position in the reproductive process; we have seen him becoming larger than the female, strong, jealous and masterful in fact, a kind of fighting specialisation, with special weapons of defence for sex-battles. This is the general condition among mammals. Among birds another set of secondary character, that may be classed as beauty- tests, are more frequent. Now two questions must be answered. Can it be proved that all these acquired developments of strength and of beauty belong exclu- sively to the males that they must be regarded as proof of the greater tendency to diversity in the male, which has carried him further in the evolution process than the female ? Can it also be proved that such highly-marked differentiation between the sexes is in all cases necessary to reproduction that this heightened male attractive- ness is a progressive force in the service of the race? If so, examples will surely point in the direction of FURTHER EXAMPLES AMONG BIRDS 105 finding that among those species where the sexual char- acters of the male, whether of strength or of beauty, are most different from the female, sexual love will find its most perfect expression; and further, that the males in such case will be the most highly developed the best parents and the most social in their habits. The whole question, I think it must be evident, turns upon this being proved. But in the face of the facts before us this is just what we do not find. Among birds (who in erotic development far excel all other animals, not, indeed, excepting the human species, and thus must be accepted as affording the most perfect examples of sexual development) we have seen that the cases are not few in which the female equals, or even exceeds the male in size and in strength. This is so with the curlew, the merlin, the dunlin, the black-tailed goodwit, which is considerably larger than the male, and the osprey, where the female is also more spotted on the breast : these examples must be added to those I have already given (page 58). If we turn now to the beauty-test of brilliancy of plumage, we may observe an even larger number of examples of almost identical likeness between the sexes. Among British birds alone there are no fewer than 382 species, or sub-species, 1 in which the female closely resembles the male. In some few of these examples, it 1 These facts are taken from Mr. J. Lewis Bonhote's British Birds. I may add that in many species where the sexes are alike the young are quite different from the parents, a fact which seems to have escaped the notice of those who say that the young birds resemble the female. A very curious instance is furnished by the greater spotted wood- pecker, where the sexes are similar, but the female lacks the red crown of the male ; and yet the young of both sexes have this red crown. 106 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN is true, the colours of the female are slightly duller, and in others the female is rather smaller than the male, but the difference in each case is very slight. It is specially significant to note that this similarity of plumage occurs in some of the most beautiful of our birds, as, for instance, the kingfisher and the jay, where, the brilliant dresses of the sexes are practically alike; the female robin shares the beauty of the male; in all the families of the charming tits the sexes are alike; this is also the case with the roller-bird with its gaily-coloured plumage ; and there is no difference between the white elegance of the female and the male swan. In the presence of such examples it seems to me impossible to refrain from thinking that there is a mis- take somewhere, and that less importance is to be attached to the secondary sexual characters of the male than is generally imagined. Grant that these cases are exceptional; but if we once admit that among many species and these highly developed in sex the female shows no evidence of retarded development, we shall be forced also to break once for all with many beliefs and trite theories which have inspired on this subject of the sexual differences between the female and the male so much dogmatic statement and so many unproved assumptions. I am not forgetting the gorgeous plumage of some male birds, and the contrast they afford with the plain females. What I wish to show is that such adornments cannot be regarded as a necessary adjunct to the male an expression, in fact, of the male constitution. Nor are they, as we shall find later, necessary, or even beneficial FURTHER EXAMPLES AMONG BIRDS 107 in the highest degree, to the reproductive process. 1 1 have an even more interesting case to bring forward, which to me seems to point very conclusively to what I am trying to prove. The phalaropes, both the grey and red-necked species, have a peculiarity unique among British birds, although shared by several other groups in different parts of the world. 2 Among these birds the role of the sexes is reversed. The duties of incubation and rearing the young are conducted entirely by the male bird, and in correlation with this habit the female does all the courting, is stronger and more pugnacious than the male, and is also brighter in plumage. In colour they are a pale olive very thickly spotted and streaked with black. The male is the psychical mother, the female taking no notice of the nest after laying the eggs. Fre- quently at the beginning of the breeding season she is accompanied by more than one male, so that it is evident that polyandry is practised. 8 Now, if such an example of the reversal of the sexes has any meaning at all, it seems to me that we find the conclusion forced upon us that the secondary sexual characters are not necessarily different in the male and the female, but depend on the form of the union or marriage and the conditions of the family. Professor Lester Ward, in connection with his Gynaeocratic theory, fully discusses this question. His conclusion is that this 1 This seems to be the position taken by Professor Geddes and J. A. Thomson in Evolution of Sex, pp. 4-5. 2 Several examples are mentioned by Wallace, Darwinism, p. 281. He, however, brings them forward in quite a different connection to prove his theory of the protective duller colours of the female birds. 3 My facts of the phalaropes are taken from J. Lewis Bonhote's British Birds, pp. 314-315. 108 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN superiority of the males in strength and size among mammals and in beauty of plumage (which is also a symbol of force) among birds, instead of indicating an arrested development in the females indicates an over- development in the males. " Male efflorescence" is the apt term by which Professor Ward designates it. He says "The whole phenomena of so-called male superiority bears a certain stamp of spuriousness and sham. It is to natural history what chivalry was to human history ; . . . a sort of make-believe, play, or sport of nature of an airy unsubstantial character. The male side of nature shot up and blossomed out in an unnatural, fantastic way, cutting loose from the real business of life, and attracting a share of attention wholly disproportionate to its real importance." * This may, I think, be regarded as a picturesque over- statement of what is in the main true. Male efflorescence has drawn upon itself an excessive importance, through what we may call its dramatic insistence upon our notice. It is plain, too, that the more we examine the question the more we are forced to the one conclusion. It is certainly very suggestive, as Professor Ward points out, that those mammals and birds in which the process of male differentiation has gone farthest, such as lions, buffaloes, stags and sheep among mammals, and pea- cocks, pheasants, turkey-cocks and barn-door-cocks among birds, do practically nothing for their families. Among the gallinacese it is the female who undertakes the whole burden of incubation, and feeding and caring for the young ; during this time the male is running after adventures, in some cases he returns when his offspring 1 Pure Sociology, p. 331. FURTHER EXAMPLES AMONG BIRDS 109 are old enough to follow him and form a docile band under his government. 1 The conduct of the male turkey is much worse, and he often devours the eggs, which have to be hidden by the mother, while later the offspring are only saved from his attacks by large numbers of females and the young uniting in troops led by the mothers. 2 The polygamous families of monkeys are always subject to patriarchal rule. The father is the tyrant of the band an egoist. Any protection he affords to the family is in his own interest, frequently he expels the young males as soon as they are old enough to give him trouble, the daughters, in some cases, he adds to his harem; only when old age has rendered him powerless are the tables turned, and the young, for so long oppressed, rebel and sometimes assassinate their tyrannous father. There is very little evidence of paternal affection among mammals. Even among monogamous species, where the male keeps with the female, he does so more as chief than as father. At times he is much inclined to commit infanticides and to destroy the offspring, which, by absorbing the attention of his partner, thwart his amours. Thus among the large felines the mother is obliged to hide her young ones from the male during the first few days after birth to prevent his devouring them. 8 1 Epinas, Soc. animates, p. 422. * Audubon, Seines de la Nature, t. I er , p. 29. I may say, that at the time of writing this, while staying in the country, I have had an opportunity of watching these bands of female turkeys with their young. Their fear at the approach of the strutting noisy male is very manifest. On such occasions they at once seek shelter. I once saw them fly into a church. The females invariably keep together. I have never seen a single mother with her young. 3 Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, chapter on the " Family among Animals," pp. 29-34, from which these cases are taken. 110 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN It is important to note that among birds the fathers devoid of affection generally belong to the less intelli- gent species. We may, therefore, see that these violent polygamous amours of the male, which result in the development of the more extravagant of the second sexual characters, are not really favourable to the development of the species. They belong to a lower grade of sexual evolution. And a further proof, it seems to me, is furnished as we note that, in spite of this tyranny, the females show considerable affection for these tyrant males the chimpanzee, for example, proving this by zealously plucking the lice from her master's coat, which with monkeys is a mark of very special atten- tion. 1 The most oppressed females are, as a rule, the most faithful wives. Thus the females of the guanaco lamas, if their master chances to be wounded or killed, do not run away; they hasten to his side, bleating and offering themselves to the shots of the hunter in order to shield him, while, in sharp contrast, if a female is killed, the male makes off with all his troop he thinks only of himself. 2 Must we say, then, that the female animal likes servitude ? It is, of course, because the aggressive male, being the one to arouse her sexual passions, enables her to fulfil her work of procreation. This may be. But, granting this explanation, it must be allowed that love under such conditions evidences a deterioration, not 1 Epinas, Soc. animates, p. 443. In this connection I may mention the fact that in Southern Spain, where the women are noted for their love of their children, I have often seen mothers sitting at their doors for several hours, extracting lice from the heads and bodies of their children. I once saw a beautiful flamenco, (Sevillian gipsy) performing this task for her lover. * Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, p. 32. FURTHER EXAMPLES AMONG BIRDS 111 alone in the size and strength of the female, but in mental capacity love at a much lower level than those beautiful cases in which the sexes are more alike, equal in capacity, and co-operate together in the race work. Yet in justice it must be added that even the most polygamous males are not always devoid of affection. I once saw on a Derbyshire high-road a cock show evident signs of sorrow over the death of one of his wives, who had been killed by a passing motor. He refused to leave the spot where her body lay, and walked round and round it, uttering sharp cries of grief. Nor are sexual lapses confined to the males; a female will take advantage of a moment when the attention of the old cocks is entirely absorbed by the anxiety of a fight, to run off with a young male. 1 Even among species noted for their conjugal fidelity this sometimes happens. Female pigeons, for example, have been known to fall violently in love with strange males, and this is especially common if the legitimate spouse is wounded or becomes weak. 3 Darwin records a very curious case of a sudden passion appearing in a female wild-duck, who, after breeding with her own mallard for a couple of seasons, deserted him for a stranger a male pintail. "It was evidently a case of love at first sight, for she swam about the newcomer caressingly, though he appeared evidently alarmed and averse to her overtures of affection. From that hour she forgot her old partner. Winter passed by, and the next spring the pintail seemed to have become a convert to her blandishments, for they nested and produced seven or eight young ones." s 1 Darwin, Descent of Man, p. 399. * Ibid., p. 234. 3 Ibid., p. 455. 112 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN I am tempted to wait to consider the immense signifi- cance of such cases as these in the analogy they bear to our own sudden preferences in love. The question as to the moral conduct of this duck opens up suggestions of those cases of exceptional love-passions, which all our existing institutions, laws and penalties have never been able to crush. The desire for sexual variety is the ultimate cause of all sexual lapses and irrationalities. It is a mistake to think that this is a condition peculiar to mankind and the result of civilisation. If this were so it would be easier to deal with ; but before these deeply- rooted instincts of sexual hunger we are often powerless. I know of no question that needs to be faced by women more than this one. I would like to say more about it. But already this first section of my book has exceeded its limits. I must, therefore, pass on, to draw attention to the fact, clearly proved by the case of this wild-duck's love, as well as by many other examples, that it is the females, who, exercising their right of selection much more than the males, introduce individual preference into their sexual relationships. The difficulty is that such preference, of profound biological importance, is often thwarted among civilised people by considerations of property and the accepted morality. From this stand- point permanent marriage may often fail to do justice to the sexual needs both of the individual and the wider needs of the race. Nature has no care for sex-morals as we understand them, any mode of sexual union is equally right so long as it serves the race-process. But men have set up a whole host of prohibitions and conventions the " thou shalt nots " of society and religion. Which FURTHER EXAMPLES AMONG BIRDS 113 are we to follow? Which is the wheat and which the tares, that must be garnered or sifted from our loves? It is important to notice that among mammals, as among men, conjugal fidelity is modified by the con- ditions of life. An animal belonging to a species habit- ually monogamic may easily change under the pressure of external causes and adopt polygamy, and, in some cases, polyandry. The shoveler duck, though normally monogamic, is said l to practise polyandry when males are in excess; two males being in constant and amicable attendance on the female, without sign of jealousy. Wild-ducks, again, which are strictly monogamous, good parents, and very highly developed in social qualities when in a wild state, become loosely polygamous and indifferent to their offspring under domestication. Civil- isation, in this case, depraves the birds, as often it does men. But enough has now been said. We shall find later how far the facts we have learnt of the position of the female and the sexual relationship, as we have studied them in these examples from the animal kingdom, will apply to us and to our loves. We have now to study marriage and the family as it exists among primitive peoples. We shall find a close resemblance in the court- ship customs and the sexual and familial associations to those we have seen to be practised by our pre-human ancestors. The same resemblance will persist when, lastly, we come to investigate the same institutions among civilised races, up to our own. Indeed, we may have to admit that, in some directions, love is not even yet as 1 J. G. Millais, Natural History of British Ducks, pp. 8, 13. 114 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN finely developed with us humans as it is among birds. It is in the loves of birds, as I believe, that we must seek hints to that evolution in fineness, which has still to come in our love. One thing more. It refers to the disputed question of the differentiation of the sexes by the action of love's- selection. It is a truth that I wish as strongly as I am able to emphasise. We cannot learn to know love's selective powers by enclosing its action within the narrow circle of our preconceived ideas. Instead of limiting its power we should extend it without hindrance of any form to the female as well as the male ; to the woman as to the man. We should regard nothing as impossible, no development of either sex too great to be accom- plished, knowing that all progress is possible to love's power. Exceptional cases, then, irregularities, it may be, in sexual expression will henceforth no longer sur- prise us ; they will find their place in the infinite order of life. Such examples may come to be regarded as filling in the chain ; they form intermediate stages and also mark the reappearance of earlier manifestations of the sexual hunger. The new morality of love, which is having its birth amongst us to-day, will be deeper and wider than the old morality, because it will be founded on surer knowledge. PART II HISTORICAL SECTION I 2 CONTENTS OF CHAPTER VI THE MOTHER-AGE CIVILISATION I. Progress from Lower to Higher Forms of the Family Relationship Primitive human love The same domination of sex-needs in man as among the animals Different conditions of expression Acquisi- tion of a new element The individuation of love Sex uninter- ruptedly interesting The human need for sexual variety The per- sonal end of passion Primitive sex-customs and forms of marriage Superabundance of evidence An attempt to group the periods to be considered An early period in which man developed from his ape-like ancestors Illustrations from primitive savages First formation of tribal groups Second period Mother-descent and mother-rights The position of women The importance of this early matriarchate The transitional period from mother-right to father-right The assertion of the male force in the person of the woman's brother This alien position of the husband and father The formation of the patriarchal family The change a gradual one and dependent upon property Civilisation started with the woman as the dominant partner Traces of mother-descent found in all parts of the world Evidence of folk-lore as legends Examples of mother-descent in the early history of England, Scotland, and Ireland The freedom enjoyed by women -Survival of mother- right customs among the ancient Hebrews. II. The Matriarchal Family in America Traces of mother-descent frequent in the American continent Mother- rule still in force in some districts Morgan's description of the system among the Iroquois The customs of Iroquois tribes Communal dwellings The authority of the women The creeping in of changes leading to father-right The system of government among the Wyandots Further examples of the sexual relation- ships The interesting customs of the Seri tribe The probation of the bridegroom His service to the bride's family Stringent character of the conditions imposed The freedom granted to the bride A decisive example of the position of power held by women The Pueblos The customs of these tribes Monogamic marriage The happy family relationship This the result of the supremacy of the wife in the home Conclusions to be drawn from these examples of mother-rights among the Aboriginal tribes of America Women the dominant force in this stage of civilisation Why this early power of women has been denied A meeting with a native Iroquois He testifies to the high status and power of the Indian women. 117 118 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN III. Further Examples of the Matriarchal Family in Australia, India and other Countries The question of the position of women during the mother-age a disputed one Bachofen s opinion An early period of gynaeocracy This view not accepted Need for unprejudiced opinion Women the first owners of property Their power dependent on this- Further examples of mother-right customs The maternal family in Australia -Communal marriage Mother-right in India The influence of Brahmanism Traces of the maternal family Some interesting marriage customs Polyandry Examples of its practice Great polyandrous centres The freedom enjoyed by women The causes of polyandry Matriarchal polyandry The interesting custom of the Nayars The Malays of Sumatra The ambel-anak marriage Letter from a private correspondent It Sroves the high status of women under the early customs of mother- escent Traces of the maternal family among the Arabs The custom of beena marriage Position of women in the Mariana Islands Rebellion of the husbands Use of religious symbolism The slave-wife Her consecration to the Bossum or god in Guinea. IV. The Transition to Father-right The position of women in Burma The code of Manu Women's activity in trade Conditions of free-divorce Traces of mother-descent in Japan In China In Madagascar The power of royal princesses Tyrannical authority of the princesses of Loango In Africa descent through women the rule Illustrations The transition to father- right The power passing from the mother into the hand of the maternal uncle Proofs from the customs of the African tribes The rise of father-right Reasons which led to the change Marriage by capture and marriage by purchase The payment of a bride- price Marriage with a slave-wife The conflict between the old and the new system Illustration by the curious marriage customs of the Hassanyeh Arabs of the White Nile Father-right dependent on economic considerations R6sum6 General conclusions to be drawn from the mother-age Its relation to the present revolt of women The bright side of father-right. CHAPTER VI THE MOTHER-AGE CIVILISATION I. Progress from Lower to Higher Forms of the Family Relationship " The reader who grasps that a thousand years is but a small period in the evolution of man, and yet realises how diverse were morality and customs in matters of sex in the period which this essay treats of " ('. e. Mother- Age Civilisation), "will hardly approach modern social problems with the notion that there is a rigid and unchangeable code of right and wrong. He will mark, in the first place, a continuous flux in all social institutions and moral standards ; but in the next place, if he be a real historical student, he will appreciate the slowness of this steady secular change ; he will perceive how almost insensible it is in the lifetime of individuals, and although he may work for social reforms, he will refrain from constructing social Utopias." Professor KARL PEARSON. OUR study of the sexual associations among animals has brought us to understand how large a part the grati- fication of the sex-instincts plays in animal life, equalling and, indeed, overmastering and directing the hunger instinct for food. If we now turn to man we find the same domination of sex-needs, but under different con- ditions of expression. 1 Man not only loves, but he knows that he loves; a new factor is added, and sex itself is lifted to a plane of clear self-consciousness. 1 It is abundantly evident to any one who looks carefully into the past that sex occupied a large share of the consciousness of primitive races. The elaborate courtship rites and sex festivals alone give proof of this. It is, unfortunately, impossible for me to follow this question and give examples. I must refer the reader to H. Ellis's Psychology of Sex, Vol. IIL pp. 34-44, where a number of typical cases are given of the courtship customs of the primitive peoples. See also Thomas, Sex and Society, chapter on " The Psychology of Exogamy," pp. 175-179. 119 120 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN Pathways are opened up to great heights, but also to great depths. We must not, therefore, expect to take up our study of primitive human sexual and familial associations at the point where those of the mammals and birds leave off. 1 We have with man to some extent to begin again, so that it may appear, on a superficial view, that the first steps now taken in love's evolution were in a backward direction. But the fact is that the increased powers of recollection and heightened complexity of nervous organ- isation among men, led to different habits and social customs, separating man radically in his love from the animals. Man's instincts are very vague when com- pared, for instance, with the beautiful love-habits of birds; he is necessarily guided by conflicting forces, inborn and acquired. Thus precisely by means of his added qualities he took a new and personal, rather than an instinctive, interest in sex ; and this after a time, even if not at first, aroused a state of consciousness in love which made sex uninterruptedly interesting in contrast with the fixed pairing season among animals. Hence 1 This is the mistake that Westermark in his valuable History of Human Marriage as well as many writers have fallen into; assuming that because monogamy is found among man's nearest ancestors, the anthropoid apes, primitive human groups must have had a tendency towards monogamy. Whereas the exact opposite of this is true. There is, it would seem, a deeply rooted dislike in studying sex matters to face truth. This habit of fear explains the many elaborate efforts undertaken to establish the theory that primitive races practised a stricter sexual code than the facts prove. Letourneau, in The Evolution of Marriage, appears to adopt this view, and forces evidence in trying to prove the non-existence of a widespread early period of promiscuity (pp. 37-44). Mention may be made, on the other side, of I wan Bloch, who, writing from a different standpoint and much deeper psychology, has no doubt at all of the early existence of, and even the continued tendency towards, promiscuity. The Sexual Life of Our Times, pp. 188-195. PROGRESS OF FAMILY RELATIONSHIP 121 arose also a human and different need for sexual variety, much stronger than can ever have been experienced by the animals, which resulted in a constant tendency to- wards sexual licence, of a more or less pronounced pro- miscuity, in group marriage and other forms of sexual association which developed from it. This is so essential to our understanding of human love, that I wish I could follow it further. All the elaborate phenomena of sex in the animal kingdom have for their end the reproduction of the species. But in the case of man there is another purpose, often transcending this end the independent significance of sex emotion, both on the physical and psychical side, to the individual. It seems to me that women have special need to-day to remember this personal end of human passion. This is not, however, the place to enter upon this question. I have now to attempt to trace as clearly as I can the history of primitive human love. To do this it will be necessary to refer to comparative ethnography. 1 We must investigate the sex customs, forms of marriage and the family, still to be found among primitive peoples, scattered about the world. These early forms of the sexual relationship were once of much wider occurrence, and they have left unmistakable traces in the history of many races. Further evidence is furnished by folk stories and legends. In peasant festivals and dances and in many religious ceremonies we may find survivals of primitive sex customs. They may be traced in our * Our knowledge of the habits of primitive races has increased greatly of late years. The classical works of Bachofen, Waitz, Kulischer, Giraud-Teulon, von Hellwald, Krauss, Ploss-Bartels and other ethno- logists, and the investigation of Morgan, McLennan, Muller, and many others, have opened up wide sources of information. 122 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN common language, especially in the words used for sex and kin relationships. We can also find them shadowed in certain of our marriage rites and sex habits to-day. The difficulty does not rest in paucity of material, but rather in its superabundance far too extensive to allow anything like adequate treatment within the space of a brief and necessarily insufficient chapter. For this reason I shall limit my inquiry almost wholly to those cases which have some facts to tell us of the position occupied by women in the primitive family. I shall try to avoid falling into the error of a one-sided view. Facts are more important here than reflections, and, as far as possible, I shall let these speak for themselves. In order to group these facts it may be well to give first a rough outline of the periods to be considered i. A very early period, during which man developed from his ape-like ancestors. This may be called the pre-matriarchal stage. With this absolutely primitive period we are concerned only in so far as to suggest how a second more social period developed from it. The idea of descent was so feeble that no permanent family groups existed, and the family remains in the primitive biological relation of male, female and offspring. The Botocudos, Fuegians, West Australians and Veddahs of Ceylon represent this primitive stage, more or less com- pletely. They have apparently not reached the stage where the fact of kinship expresses itself in maternal social organisation. 1 A yet lower level may be seen among certain low tribes in the interior of Borneo abso- 1 Thomas, Sex and Society, p. 68, and Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, pp. 269-270, 320. PROGRESS OF FAMILY RELATIONSHIP 128 lutely primitive savages, who are probably the remains of the negroid peoples, believed to be the first inhabitants of Malaya. These people roam the forests in hordes, like monkeys ; the males carry off the females and couple with them in the thickets. The families pass the night under the trees, and the children are suspended from the branches in a sort of net. As soon as the young are capable of caring for themselves, the parents turn them adrift as the animals do. 1 It was doubtless thus, in a way similar to the great monkeys, that man first lived. With the chimpanzee these hordes never become large, for the male leader of the tribe will not endure the rivalry of the young males, and drives them away. But man, more gregarious in his habits, would tend to form larger groups, his con- sciousness developing slowly, as he learnt to control his brute appetites and jealousy of rivals by that impulse towards companionship, which, rooted in the sexual needs, broadens out into the social instincts. It is evident that the change from these scattered hordes to the organised tribal groups was dependent upon the mothers and their children. The women would be more closely bound to the family than the men. The bond between mother and child, with its long dependence on her care, made woman the centre of the family. The mother and her children, and her children's children, and so on indefinitely in the female line, constituted the group. Relationship was counted alone through them, and, at a later stage, inheritance of property passed through them. And in this way, through the woman, 1 Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, p. 9. 124 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN the low tribes passed into socially organised societies. The men, on the other hand, not yet individualised as husbands and fathers, held no rights or position in the group of the women and their children. 2.. This leads us to the second period of mother- descent and mother-rights. It is this phase of primitive society that we have to investigate. Its interest to women is evident. Just as we found in our first inquiry that, in the beginnings of sexuality the female was of more im- portance than the male, so now we shall find society growing up around woman. It is a period whose history may well give pride to all women. Her inventive facul- ties, quickened by the stress of child-bearing and child- rearing, primitive woman built up, by her own activities and her own skill, a civilisation which owed its institu- tions and mother-right customs to her constructive genius, rather than to the destructive qualities which belonged to the fighting male. 3. But again we find, as in the animal kingdom, that step by step the forceful male asserts himself. We come to a third transitional period in which the male relatives of the woman usually the brother, the maternal uncle- have usurped the chief power in the group. Inheritance still passes through the mother, but her influence is grow- ing less. The right to dispose of women and the pro- perty which goes with them is now used by the male rulers of the group. The sex habits have changed; endogamous unions, or kin marriages within the clan, have given place to exogamy, where marriage only takes place between members of different groups. But at first the position of the husband and father is little changed; PROGRESS OF FAMILY RELATIONSHIP 125 he marries into the wife's group and lives with her family, where he has no property rights or control over his wife's children, who are now under the rule of the uncle. 4. It is plain that this condition would not be perma- nent. The male power had yet to advance further; the child had to gain a father. We reach the patriarchal period, in which descent through the male line has re- placed the earlier custom. Woman's power, first passing to her brother or other male relative, has been transferred to the husband and father. This change of power did not, of course, take place at once, and even under fully developed father-right systems many traces of the old mother-rights persist. What it is necessary to fasten deeply in our minds is this : the father as the head of the woman and her chil- dren, the ruler of the house, was not the natural order of the primitive human family. Civilisation started with the woman being dominant the home-maker, the owner of her children, the transmitter of property. It was as will be made abundantly clear from the cases we shall examine a much later economic question which led to a reversal of this plan, and brought the rise of father- right, with the father as the dominant partner; while the woman sank back into an unnatural and secondary posi- tion of economic dependence upon the man who was her owner a position from which she has not even yet suc- ceeded in freeing herself. The maternal system of descent is found in all parts of the world where social advance stands at a certain level. This fact, added to the widespread traces the custom has left in every civilisation, warrants the assump- 126 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN tion that mother-right in all cases preceded father-right, and has been, indeed, a stage of social growth for all branches of the human race. 1 I shall not attempt to give the numerous traces of mother-descent that are to be found in the early histories of existing civilised nations, for to do this would entail the writing of the whole chapter on this subject. For the same reason I must reluctantly pass over the abundant evidence of mother-right that is furnished in folk-lore, in heroic legends, and in the fairy stories of our children. These stories date back to a time long before written history; they are known to all of us, and belong to all countries in slightly different forms. We have regarded them as fables; they are really survivals of customs and practices once common to all society. Wherever we find a king ruling as the son of a queen, because he is the queen's husband, or because he marries a princess, we have proof of mother-descent. The influence of the mother over her son's marriage, the winning of a bride by a task done by the wooer, the brother-sister marriage so frequent in ancient mythologies, the interference of a wise woman, and the many stories of virgin-births all are survivals of mother-right customs. Similar evidence is furnished by mother-goddesses, so often converted into Christian local saints. I wish it were possible to follow this subject, 2 whose interest offers rich rewards. Perhaps 1 This opinion is founded on the anthropological investigations during the past half century. See Hartland, Primitive Paternity, Vol. I. pp. 256-257; H. Ellis, Psychology of Sex, Vol. VI. pp. 390-392, and " The Changing Status of Women," Westminster Review, October 1886; Thomas, Sex and Society, p. 58, and Bloch, Sexual History of our Times, pp. 190-196. 8 For a fuU and illuminative treatment of this subject I would refer my readers to the essays of Professor Karl Pearson, The Chances of nowhere else can we gain so clear and vivid a picture as in these ancient stories and legends of the early powerful position of woman as the transmitter of inheritance and guardian of property. It may interest my readers to know that mother-descent must once have prevailed in Britain. Among the Picts of Scotland kingship was transmitted through women. Bede tells us that down to his own time the early part of the eighth century whenever a doubt arose as to the succession, the Picts chose their king from the female rather than from the male line. 1 Similar traces are found in England : Canute, the Dane, when acknow- ledged King of England, married Emma, the widow of his predecessor Ethelred. Ethelbald, King of Kent, married his stepmother, after the death of his father Ethelbert; and, as late as the ninth century, Ethelbald, King of the West Saxons, wedded Judith, the widow of his father. Such marriages are intelligible only if we suppose that the queen had the power of conferring the kingdom upon her consort, which could only happen where matrilineal descent was, or had been, recognised. 3 Death, Vol. II. " Woman as Witch : Evidences of Mother-Right in the Customs of Mediaeval Witchcraft " ; " Ashiepattle, or Hans Seeks his Luck"; " Kindred Group Marriage," Part I.; "The Mother-Age Civilisation," Part II. ; " General Words for Sex and Kinship," Part III. ; " Special Words for Sex and Relationship." In these suggestive essays Professor Pearson has brought together a great number of facts which give a new and charming significance to the early position of women. Perhaps the most interesting essay is that of " Woman as Witch," in which he shows that the beliefs and practices connected with mediaeval witchcraft were really perverted rites, survivals of mother-age customs. 1 Bede, II. 1-7. * F. Frazer, Golden Bough, Pt. I. The Magic Art, Vol. II. pp. 282- 283. Canute's marriage was clearly one of policy : Emma was much older than he was, she was then living in Normandy, and it is doubtful 128 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN In Ireland (where mother-right must have been firmly established, if Strabo's account of the free sexual rela- tions of the people 1 is accepted) women retained a very high position and much freedom, both before and after marriage, to a late period. " Every woman," it was said, " is to go the way she willeth freely," and after marriage "she enjoyed a better position and greater freedom of divorce than was afforded either by the Christian Church or English common law." Similar survivals of mother-right customs among the ancient Hebrews are made familiar to us in Bible history. To mention a few examples only : when Abraham sought a wife for Isaac, presents were taken by the messenger to induce the bride to leave her home; and these presents were given to her mother and brothers. Jacob had to serve Laban for fourteen years before he was permitted to marry Leah and Rachel, 3 and six further years of service were given for his cattle. Afterwards when he wished to depart with his children and his wives, Laban made the objection, "these daughters are my daughters, and if the Danish king had ever seen her. Such marriages with the widow of a king were common. The familiar example of Hamlet's uncle is one, who, after murdering his brother, married his wife, and became king. His acceptance by the people, in spite of his crime, is explained if it was the old Danish custom for marriage with the king's widow to carry the kingdom with it. In Hamlet's position as avenger, and his curious hesitancy, we have really an indication of the conflict between the old and new ways of reckoning descent. 1 Strabo, IV. 5, 4. Hartland, Primitive Paternity, Vol. II. p. 132. It must not be thought that mother-descent was always accompanied by promiscuity, or even with what we should call laxity of morals. We shall find that it was not. But the early custom of group marriages was frequent, in which women often changed their mates at will, and perhaps retained none of them long. We shall see that this freedom, whatever were its evils, carried with it many privileges for women. 2 H. Ellis, citing Rhys and Brynmor- Jones, The Welsh People, p. 214. 8 Gen. xxiv. 5-53. PROGRESS OF FAMILY RELATIONSHIP 129 these children are my children." x Such acts point to the subordinate position held by Jacob, which is clearly a survival of the servitude required from the bridegroom by the relatives of the woman, who retain control over her and her children, and even over the property of the man, as was usual under the later matriarchal custom. The injunction in Gen. ii. 24, "Therefore shall a man leave his father and mother, and shall cleave unto his wife," refers without any doubt to the early marriage under mother-right, when the husband left his own kindred and went to live with his wife and among her people. We find Samson visiting his Philistine wife, who remained with her kindred. 2 Even the obligation to blood vengeance rested apparently on the maternal kinsmen (Judges viii. 19). The Hebrew father did not inherit from his son, nor the grandfather from the grand- son, 3 which points back to an ancient epoch when the children did not belong to the clan of the father. 4 Among the Hebrews individual property was instituted in very early times (Gen. xxiii. 13); but various customs show clearly the ancient existence of communal clans. Thus the inheritance, especially the paternal inheritance, must remain in the clan. Marriage in the tribe is obligatory for daughters. " Let them marry to whom they think best ; only to the family of the tribe of their father shall they marry. So shall not the inheritance of the children of Israel remove from tribe to tribe." 5 We have here an indication of the close relation between father-right and property. 1 Gen. xxxi. 41, 43. Judges xv. i. * Num. xxxii. 8-n. ' Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, p. 326. Num. xxxvi. 4-8. 130 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN Under mother-descent there is naturally no prohibition against marriage with a half-sister upon the father's side. This explains the marriage of Abraham with Sara, his half-sister by the same father. When reproached for having passed his wife off as his sister to the King of Egypt and to Abimelech, the patriarch replies : " For indeed she is my sister ; she is the daughter of my father, but not the daughter of my mother, and she became my wife." * In the same way Tamar could have married her half-brother Amnon, though they were both the children of David. 2 The father of Moses and Aaron married his father's sister, who was not legally his relation. 3 Nahor, the brother of Abraham, took to wife his fraternal niece, the daughter of his brother.* It was only later that paternal kinship became recognised among the Hebrews by the same title as the natural kinship through the mother. 5 Other examples might be added. All these survivals of mother-descent (and they may be discovered in the early history of every people) have their value ; they are, however, only survivals, and their interest rests mainly in comparing them with similar facts among other peoples among whom the presence of mother-right customs is undisputed. To these existing examples of the primi- tive family clan grouped around the mother we will now turn our attention. 1 Gen. xii. * 2 Sam. xiii. 16. 3 Exod. vi. 20. 4 Gen. xi. 26-29. 6 See Thomas, Sex and Society, pp. 63-64. THE MATRIARCHAL FAMILY IN AMERICA 131 II. The Matriarchal Family in America Traces of mother-descent are common everywhere in the American continent; and in some districts mother- rule is still in force. Morgan, who was commissioned by the American Government to report on the customs of the aboriginal inhabitants, gives a description of the system as it existed among the Iroquois "Each household was made up on the principle of kin. The married women, usually sisters, own or collateral, were of the same gens or clan, the symbol or totem of which was often painted upon the house, while their husbands and the wives of their sons belonged to several other gentes. The children were of the gens of their mother. As a rule the sons brought home their wives, and in some cases the husbands of the daughters were admitted to the maternal household. Thus each household was composed of persons of different gentes, but the predominating number in each household would be of the same gens, namely that of the mother." * There are many interesting customs belonging to the Iroquois; I can notice a few only. The gens was ruled by chiefs of two grades, distinguished by Morgan as sachem and common chiefs. The sachem was the official head of the gens. The actual occupant of the office was elected by the adult members of the gens, male and female, the own brother or son of a sister being most likely to be preferred. 2 The wife never left the parental home, because she was considered the mistress, or, at least, the heiress ; her husband lived with her. In 1 Morgan, House and House-life of the American Aborigines, p. 64. This example of mother-descent may be taken as typical of Indian life in all parts of America at the epoch of European discovery. 1 Morgan, Anc. Soc., 62, 71, 76; Hartland, Primitive Paternity, Vol. I. p. 298, Vol. II. p. 65. K 2 132 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN the house all the duties and the honour as the head of the household fell on her. She was required in case of need to look after her parents. The Iroquois recognised no right in the father to the custody of his children ; such power was in the hands of the maternal uncle. 1 Marriages were negotiated by the uncles or the mothers ; sometimes the father was consulted, but this was little more than a compliment, as his approbation or opposition was usually disregarded. 2 The suitor was required to make presents to the bride's family. It was the custom for him to seek private interviews at night with his betrothed. In some instances, it was enough if he went and sat by her side in her cabin ; if she permitted this, and remained where she was, it was taken for consent, and the act would suffice for marriage. If a husband and wife could not agree, they parted, or two pairs would exchange husbands and wives. An early French missionary remonstrated with a couple on such a transaction, and was told : " My wife and I could not agree. My neighbour was in the same case. So we exchanged wives, and all four are content. What can be more reasonable than to render one another mutually happy, when it costs so little and does nobody any harm ? " a It would seem that these primitive people have solved some difficulties better than we ourselves have ! 1 McLennan, Studies, I. p. 271. Thus among the Choctas, if a boy Is to be placed at school, his uncle, instead of his father, takes him to the mission and makes arrangements. * Report of an Official for Indian Affairs on two of the Iroquoian tribes, cited by Hartland, op. cil., Vol. I. p. 298. McLennan attributes the arrangement of the marriages to the mothers (Studies, ii. p. 339). This would be the earlier custom and is still practised among several tribes. 3 Charievoix, V. p. 418, quoted by Hartland, op. cit., Vol. II. p. 66. THE MATRIARCHAL FAMILY IN AMERICA 133 Among the Senecas, 1 an Iroquoian tribe with a less organised social life, the authority remained in the hands of the women. These people led a communal life, dwelling in long houses, which accommodated as many as twenty families, each in its own apartments. 3 "As to their family system, it is probable that some one clan predominated (in the houses), the women taking in husbands, however, from the other clans, and sometimes for novelty, some of their sons bringing- in their young wives until they felt brave enough to leave their mothers. Usually the female portion ruled the house, and were doubtless clannish enough about it. The stores were in common, but woe to the luckless husband or lover who was too shiftless to do his share of the providing. No matter how many children or whatever goods he might have in the house, he might at any time be ordered to pack up his blanket and budge, and after such orders it would not be healthful for him to attempt to disobey ; the house would be too hot for him, and, unless saved by the intercession of some aunt or grandmother, he must retreat to his own clan, or, as was often done, go and start a new matrimonial alliance in some other. The women were the great power among the clans as everywhere else. They did not hesitate, when occasion required, to 'knock off the horns,' as it was tech- nically called, from the head of a chief and send him back to the ranks of the warrior. The original nomination of the chiefs also always rested with them." This last detail is very interesting; we find the woman's authority extending even over warfare, the special province of men. 1 The customs of the Senecas have been noted by the Rev. A. Wright, who was a missionary for many years amongst them, and was familiar with their language and habits. His account is quoted by Morgan, House and House-life of the American Aborigines. 2 We seem here to have a suggestion of the modern plan of co- operative dwelling-houses. It is extraordinary how many of our new (!) ideas seem to have been common in the mother-age. Was it because women, who are certainly more practical and careful of detail than men are, had part in the social arrangements ? This would explain the revival of the same ideas to-day, when women are again taking up their part in the ordering of domestic and social life. 134 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN The Wyandots, another Iroquoian tribe, camp in the form of a horse-shoe, every clan together in regular order. Marriage between members of the same clan is for- bidden; the children belong to the clan of the mother. The husbands retain all their rights and privileges in their own gentes, though they live in the gentes of their wives. After marriage the pair live for a time, at least, with the wife's mother, but afterwards they set up house- keeping for themselves. 1 We may note here the creeping in of changes which led to father-right. This is illustrated further by the Musquakies, also belonging to the Algonquian stock. Though still organised in clans, descent is no longer reckoned through the mother. The bridegroom, how- ever, serves his wife's mother, and he lives with her people. This does not make him of her clan ; she be- longs to his, till his death or divorce separates her from him. As for the children, the minors at the termination of the marriage belong to the mother's clan, but those who have had the puberty feast are counted to the father's clan. 8 The male authority is chiefly felt in periods of war. This may be illustrated by the Wyandots, who have an elaborate system of government. In each gens there is a small council composed of four women, called yu-wai- yu-wd-na; chosen by the women heads of the household. These women councillors select a chief of the gens from its male members, that is from their brothers and sons. 1 Powell, Rep. Bur. Ethn., i, p. 63. 2 Owen, Musquakies, p. 72, quoted by Hartland, op. cit., Vol. II. pp. 68-69. THE MATRIARCHAL FAMILY IN AMERICA 135 He is the head of the gentile council. The council of the tribe is composed of the aggregated gentile councils, and is thus composed of four-fifths of women and one- fifth of men. The sachem of tribes, or tribal-chief is chosen by chiefs of the gentes. All civil government of the gens and of the tribe is carried on by these councils, and as the women so largely outnumber the men, who are also with the exception of the tribal chief chosen by them it is surely fair to assume that the social government of the gens and tribe is largely directed by them. In military affairs, however, the men have sole authority; there is a military council of all the able- bodied men of the tribe, with a military chief chosen by the council. 1 This seems a very wise adjustment of civic duties; the constructive civil work directed by the women ; the destructive work of war in the hands of men. Some interesting marriage customs of the Seri, on the south-west coast, now reduced to a single tribe, are described by McGee. 2 The matriarchal system exists here in its early form, it is, therefore, an instructive example by which to estimate the position held by the women "The tribe is divided into exogamous totem clans. Marriage is arranged exclusively by the women. The elder woman of the suitor's family carries the proposal to the girl's clan-mother. If this is entertained, the question of the marriage is discussed at length by the matrons of the two clans. The girl herself is con- sulted ; a jacal is erected for her, and after many deliberations, the 1 I have summarised the account of the Wyandot government as given by Hartland, who quotes from Powell's " Wyandot Government," first Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1879-1880, pp. 61 fif. * " The Beginning of Marriage," American Anthropologist, Vol. IX. p. 376. Rep. Bur. Ethn., XVII. p. 275. 136 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN bridegroom is provisionally received into his wife's clan for a year, under conditions of the most exacting character. He is expected to prove his worthiness of a permanent relation by demonstrating his ability as a provider, and by showing himself an implacable foe to aliens. He is compelled to support all the female relatives of his bride's family by the products of his skill and industry in hunting and fishing for one year. There is also another provision of a very curious nature. The lover is permitted to share the jacal and sleeping robe, provided for the prospective matron by her kinswomen, not as a privileged spouse, but merely as a protective companion ; and throughout this probationary term he is compelled to maintain continence he must display the most indubitable proof of moral force." This is the more extraordinary if we compare the free- dom granted to the bride. " During this period the always dignified position occupied by the daughters of the house culminates." Among other privileges she is allowed to receive "the most intimate attentions from the clan-fellows of the group." " She is the receiver of the supplies furnished by her lover, measuring his competence as would-be husband. Through his energy she is enabled to dispense largess with lavish hand, and thus to dignify her clan and honour her spouse in the most effective way known to primitive life; and at the same time she enjoys the immeasurable moral stimulus of realising she is the arbiter of the fate of a man who becomes a warrior or an outcast at her bidding, and through him of the future of two clans she is raised to a responsibility in both personal and tribal affairs which, albeit temporary, is hardly lower than that of the warrior chief." At the close of the year, if all goes well, the probation ends in a feast provided by the lover, who 1 This is supposed by McGee to suggest a survival of a vestigial polyandry. THE MATRIARCHAL FAMILY IN AMERICA 137 now becomes husband, and finally enters his wife's jacal as " consort-guest." His position is wholly subordinate, and without any authority whatever, either over his children or over the property. In his mother's hut he has rights, which seem to continue after his marriage, but in his wife's hut he has none. The customs of the Pueblo peoples of the south-west of the United States are almost equally interesting. They live in communal dwellings, and are divided into exogamous totem clans. Kinship is reckoned through the women, and the husband on marriage goes to live with the wife's kin and becomes an inmate of her family. If the house is not large enough, additional rooms are built adjoining and connected with those already occu- pied. Hence a family with many daughters increases, while one consisting of sons dies out. The women are the builders of the houses, the men supplying the material. The marriage customs are instructive. As is the case among the Seri, the lover has to serve his wife's family, but the conditions are much less exacting. Un- like most maternal peoples, these, the Zuni Indians, are monogamists. Divorce is, however, frequent, and a husband and wife would " rather separate than live to- gether unharmoniously." * Their domestic life " might well serve as an example for the civilised world." They do not have large families. The husband and wife are deeply attached to one another and to their children. ' The keynote of this harmony is the supremacy of the wife in the home. The house, with all that is in it, is 1 Mrs. Stevenson, Rep. Bur. Ethn., XXIII. pp. 290, 293. Gushing, Zufii Folk Tales, p. 368, cited by Hartland, op. cit., Vol. II. pp. 73, 74. 138 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN hers, descending to her through her mother from a long line of ancestresses; and her husband is merely her permanent guest. The children at least the female children have their share in the common home; the father has none." Outside the house the husband has some property in the fields, though probably in earlier times he had no possessory rights. " Modern influences have reached the Zuni, and mother-right seems to have begun its inevitable decay." The Hopis, another Pueblo tribe, are more conserva- tive, and with them the women own all the property, except the horses and donkeys, which belong to the men. Like the Zunis, the Hopis are monogamists. Sexual licence is, however, often permitted to a woman before marriage. This in no way detracts from her good repute ; even if she has given birth to a child " she will be sure to marry later on, unless she happens to be shock- ingly ugly." Nor does the child suffer, for among these matriarchal people the bastard takes an equal place with the child born in wedlock. The bride lives for the first few weeks with her husband's family, during which time the marriage takes place, the ceremony being performed by the bridegroom's mother, whose family also provides the bride with her wedding outfit. The couple then return to the home of the wife's parents, where they remain, either permanently, or for some years, until they can obtain a separate dwelling. The husband is always a stranger, and is so treated by his wife's kin. The dwelling of his mother remains his true home, in sickness he returns to her to be nursed, and stays with her until he is well again. Often his position in his wife's home THE MATRIARCHAL FAMILY IN AMERICA 139 is so irksome that he severs his relation with her and her family and returns to his old home. On the other hand, it is not uncommon for the wife, should her hus- band be absent, to place his goods outside the door : an intimation which he well understands, and does not intrude himself upon her again. 1 Lastly, among the Pueblo peoples we may consider the Sai. Like the other tribes they are divided into exogamous totem clans; descent is traced only through the women. The tribe through various reasons has been greatly reduced in numbers, and whole clans have died out, and under these circumstances exogamy has ceased to be strictly enforced. This has led to other changes. The Sai are still at least normally monogamous. When a young man wishes to marry a girl he speaks first to her parents; if they are willing, he addresses himself to her. On the day of the marriage he goes alone to her home, carrying his presents wrapped in a blanket, his father and mother having preceded him thither. When the young people are seated together the parents address them in turn enjoining unity and forbearance. This constitutes the ceremony. Tribal custom requires the bridegroom to reside with the wife's family. 2 Now I submit to the judgment of my readers what do these examples of mother-right among the aboriginal tribes of America show, if not that, speaking broadly, women were the dominant force in this early stage of 1 Rep. Bur. Ethn., XIII. p. 340. Solberg, Zeits. /. Ethnol.. XXXVII. p. 269. Voth, Traditions of the Hopi, pp. 67, 96, 133. Hartland, op. cit., Vol. II. pp. 74-76. 1 Rep. Bur. Ethn., IX. p. 19. Hartland, Ibid., pp. 76-77. It would seem in some cases, the husband, after a period of residence with his wife's family, provides a separate house. 140 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN civilisation? In some instances, it is true, their power was shared, or even taken from them, by their brothers or other male relatives. This I believe to have been a later development a first step in the assertion of male- force. In all cases the alien position of the father, with- out tribal rights in his wife's clan and with no recognised authority over her children, is evident. If this is denied, the only conclusion that suggests itself to me is, that those who seek to diminish the importance of mother- rule have done so in reinforcement of their preconceived idea of male superiority as the natural and unchanging order in the relationship between the sexes. I have no hesitation as the result of very considerable study, in believing that it is the exact opposite of this that is true. The mother, and not the father, was the important partner in the early stages of civilisation; father-right, the form we find in our sexual relationships, is a later reversal of this natural arrangement, based, not upon kinship, but upon property. This we shall see more clearly later. Thomas * suggests another reason for the general tendency among many investigators to lessen the import- ance of the mother-age civilisations. He thinks it due to dislike in acknowledging the theory of promiscuity (notably Westermark in his History of Human Marriage). This view would seem to be connected with the mistaken opinion that womb-kinship arose through the uncertainty of paternity. But this was not the sole reason, or indeed the chief one, of descent being traced through the mother. We have found mother-rule in very active existence 1 Sex and Society, pp. 65-66. THE MATRIARCHAL FAMILY IN AMERICA 141 among the Pueblo peoples, who are monogamists, and where the paternity of the child must be known. The modern civilised man cannot easily accustom himself to the idea that in the old matriarchal family the dominion of the mother was accepted as the natural, and, there- fore, the right order of society. It is very difficult for us to accept a relationship of the sexes that is so exactly opposite to that to which we are accustomed. After I had written the foregoing account of mother- rule as it exists in the continent of America, I had the exceeding good fortune to attend a lecture given by a native Iroquois. I wish it were possible for me to write here those things that I heard; but I could not do this, I know, without spoiling it all. This would destroy for me what is a very beautiful and happy memory. For to hear of a people who live gladly and without any of those problems that are rotting away our civilisation brings a new courage to those of us who sometimes grow hopeless at this needless wastage of life. The lecturer told us much of the high status and power of women among the Iroquoian tribes. What he said, not only corroborated all I have written, but gave a picture of mother-rule and mother-rights far more com- plete than anything I had found in the records of investigators and travellers. The lecturer was a cultured gentleman, and I learnt how false had been my view that the race to which he belonged was uncivilised. I learnt, too, that the Iroquoian tribes were now increasing in numbers, and must not be looked upon as a diminish- ing people. They have kept, against terrible difficulties, and are determined to keep, their own civilisation and 142 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN customs, knowing these to be better for them than those of other races. The lecturer astonished me by his familiarity with, and understanding of, our social problems. He spoke, in particular, of the present revo- lution among women. This, in his opinion, was due wholly to the unnatural arrangement of our family relationship, with the father at the head instead of the mother. There seem to be no sex-problems, no difficul- ties in marriage, no celibacy, no prostitution among the Iroquoians. All the power in the domestic relationship is in the hands of women. I questioned the lecturer on this point. I asked him if the women did not at times misuse their rights of authority, and if men did not rebel ? He seemed surprised. His answer was : " Of course the men follow the wishes of the women ; they are our mothers." To him there seemed no more to be said. III. Further Examples of the Matriarchal Family in Australia, India, and other countries It is only fair to state that the question of the posi- tion of women during the mother-age is a disputed one. Bachofen * was the first to build up in his classical works of Matriarchy, the gynaecocratic theory which places the chief social power under the system of mother-descent in the hands of women. This view has been disputed, 1 Bachofen's work was foreshadowed by an earlier writer. Father Lafiteau, who published his Mceurs des sauvages americains in 1721. Das Mutterrecht was published in 1861. McLennan, ignorant of Bachofen's work, followed immediately after with his account of the Indian Hill Tribes. He was followed by Morgan, with his knowledge of Iroquois, and many other investigators. FURTHER EXAMPLES 143 especially in recent years, and many writers who acknow- ledge the widespread existence of maternal descent deny that it carries with it, except in exceptional cases, mother- rights of special advantage to women; even when these seem to be present they believe such rights to be more apparent than real. 1 One suspects prejudice here. To approach this ques- tion with any fairness it is absolutely essential to clear the mind from our current theories regarding the family. The order is not sacred in the sense that it has always had the same form. It is this belief in the immutability of our form of the sexual relationship which accounts for the prejudice with which this question is so often approached. I fully admit the dark side of the mother- age among many peoples ; its sexual licence, often brutal in practice, its cruelties and sacrifice of life. But these are evils common to barbarism, and are found existing under father-right quite as frequently as under mother- right. I concede, too, that mother-descent was not neces- sarily or universally a period of mother-rule. It was not. But that it did in many cases and these no exceptional ones carry with it power for women, as the transmitters of inheritance and property I am certain that the known facts prove. 2 Nor do I forget that cruel treatment of women was not uncommon in matriarchal societies. I have shown how in many tribes the power rested in the 1 Lord Avebury, for example, says : " I believe that communities in which women have exercised supreme power were quite exceptional," Marriage, Totemism and Religion, p. 51. See also Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, pp. 281-282. * In this opinion I am glad to have the support of so high an authority as Mr. Havelock Ellis. See his admirable summary of this question, Psychology of Sex, Vol. VI. pp. 390-393; also the essay already referred to, " Changing Status of Women," Westminster Review, Oct. 1886. 144 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN woman's brother or male relations, and in all such cases mother-descent was really combined with a patriarchal system, the earlier authority of the mother persisting only as a habit. But to argue from the cases of male cruelty that mother-descent did not confer special advan- tages upon women is, I think, as absurd as it would be to state that under the fully developed patriarchal rule (as also in our society to-day) the authority was not in the hands of men, because cases are not infrequent in which women ill-treat their husbands. And, indeed, when we consider the position of the husband and father under this early system, without rights of property and with no authority over his children, and subject to the rule either of his wife or of her relatives, no surprise can be felt if sometimes he resorted to cruelties, asserting his power in whatever direction opportunity permitted. I may admit that for a long time I found it difficult to believe in this mother-power. The finding of such authority held by primitive woman is strange, indeed, to women to-day. Reverse the sexes, and in broad state- ment the conditions of the mother-age would be true of our present domestic and social relationship. Little wonder, then, that primitive men rebelled, disliking the inconveniences arising from their insecure and depend- ent position as perpetual guests in their wives' homes. It is strange how history repeats itself. Women, from their association with the home, were the first organisers of all industrial labour. A glance back at the mother-age civilisation should teach men modesty. They will see that woman was the equal, if not superior, to man in productive activity. It was not FURTHER EXAMPLES 145 until a much later period that men supplanted women and monopolised the work they had started. Through their identification with the early industrial processes women were the first property owners; they were almost the sole creators of ownership in land, and held in respect of this a position of great advantage. In the transactions of North American tribes with the colonial government many deeds of assignment bear female signatures. 1 A form of divorce used by a husband in ancient Arabia was : " Begone, for I will no longer drive thy flocks to pasture." 2 In almost all cases the house- hold goods belonged to the woman. The stores of roots and berries laid up for a time of scarcity were the property of the wife, and the husband would not touch them without her permission. In many cases such property was very extensive. Among the Menomini Indians, for instance, a woman of good circumstances would own as many as from 1200 to 1500 birch-bark vessels. 3 In the New Mexican pueblo what comes from outside the house, as soon as it is inside is put under the immediate control of the women. Bandelier, in his report of his tour in Mexico, tells us that "his host at Cochiti, New Mexico, could not sell an ear of corn or a string of chilli without the consent of his fourteen-year- old daughter Ignacia, who kept house for her widowed father." 4 The point we have now reached is this : while mother- 1 Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. II. p. 130; see Thomas, op. cit., chapter on " Sex and Primitive Industry. * Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, p. 65. 3 Hoffman, " The Menomini Indians," Fourteenth Rep. of the Bur. of Am. Ethon., p. 288. 4 Papers of the Arch. Inst. of Am., Vol. II. p. 138. L 146 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN descent did not constitute or make necessary rule by women, under this system they enjoyed considerable power as the result (i) of their position as property- holders, (2) of their freedom in marriage and the social habits arising from it. This conclusion will be strength- ened if we return to our examination of mother-right customs, as we shall find them in all parts of the world. I must select a few examples from as various countries as is possible, and describe them very briefly ; not because these cases offer less interest than the matrilenial tribes of America, but because of the length to which this part of my inquiry is rapidly growing. Let us begin with Australia, where the aboriginal population is in a more primitive condition than any other race whose institutions have been investigated. In certain tribes the family has hardly begun to be dis- tinguished from kin in general. The group is divided into male and female classes, in addition to the division into clans. 1 This is so among the tribes of Mount Gambier, of Darling River, and of Queensland. Mar- riage within the clan is strictly forbidden, and the male and female classes of each clan are regarded as brothers and sisters. But as every man is brother to all the sisters of his clan, he is husband to all the women of the other clans of his tribe. Marriage is not an individual act, it is a social condition. The custom is not always carried out in practice, but any man of one clan has the right, if he wishes to exercise it, to call any woman belonging to another clan of his tribe his wife, and to treat her 1 Fison and Howitt, Native Tribes of Australia; also Kamilaroi and Kurnai, pp. 33, 65, 66. See also Hartland, op. cit., Vol. I. p. 294. FURTHER EXAMPLES 147 as such. 1 The children of each group belong naturally to the clan of the mother, and there is no legal parent- hood between them and their father. In the case of war the son must join the maternal tribe. But this is not the universal rule, and in many tribes the children now belong to the paternal clan. The paternal family is beginning to be established in Australia, and varied artifices are used to escape from the tribal marriage and to form unions on an individual basis. Mother-right is still in force in parts of India, though owing to the influence of Brahmanism on the aboriginal tribes the examples are fewer than might be expected. This change has brought descent through the fathers, and has involved, besides, the more or less complete subjugation of women, with insistence on female chastity, abolition of divorce, infant marriage, and perpetuation of widowhood. 2 Not every tribe is yet thus revolution- ised. Among the Kasias of south-east India the husband lives with the wife or visits her occasionally. "Laws of rank and property follow the strictest maternal rule; when a couple separate the children remain with the mother, the son does not succeed his father, but a raja's neglected offspring may become a common peasant or a labourer; the sister's son succeeds to rank and is heir to the property." 8 This may be taken as an extreme example of the conditions among the unchanged tribes. The Garos tribe have an interesting marriage custom. 4 The girl 1 Letourneau, op. cit., pp. 44, 271-274. Thomas, op. cit., p. 61. 1 Hartland. Primitive Paternity, Vol. II. pp. 155-156, 39-41. 3 Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 54 ; also Tylor, " The Matriarchal System," Nineteenth Century, July 1896, p. 89. 4 Dalton, op. cit., p. 63, cited by Hartland. I would suggest that Mr. Bernard Shaw may have had this marriage custom in his mind when he created Ann. See p. 66. L2 148 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN chooses her lover and invites him to follow her; any advance made on his side is regarded as an insult to the woman's clan, and has to be expiated by presents. This marriage is very similar to the ceremony of capture, only the actors change parts; it is here the bridegroom who runs away, and is conducted by force to his future wife amidst the lamentations of his relations. Even tribes that have adopted paternal descent pre- serve numerous customs of the earlier system. The husband still remains in the wife's home for a probation- ary period, working for her family. 1 Women retain rights which are inconsistent with father-rule. The choice of her lover often remains with the girl. If a girl fancies a young man, all she has to do is to give him a kick on the leg at the tribal dance of the Karama, and then the parents think it well to hasten on a wedding. Among Ghasiyas in United Provinces a wife is permitted to leave her husband if he intrigues with another woman, or if he become insane, impotent, blind or leprous, while these bodily evils do not allow him to put her away. 2 We find relics of the early freedom enjoyed by women in the licence frequently permitted to girls before marriage. Even after marriage adultery within the tribal rules is not regarded as a serious offence. Divorce is often easy, at the wish of either the woman or the man. 3 This is the case among the Santal tribes, which are 1 This custom prevails, for instance, among the Kharwars and Parahiya tribes, and is common among the Ghasiyas, and is also prac- tised among the Tipperah of Bengal. Among the Santdls this service- marriage is used when a girl is ugly or deformed and cannot be married otherwise, while the Badagas of the Nil'giri Hills offer their daughters when in want of labourers. 2 Crooke, Tribes and Castes, iii. p. 242. 8 Hartland, op. cit., Vol. II. pp. 156, 157. FURTHER EXAMPLES 149 found in Western Bengal, Northern Orissa, Bhagulpur and the Santal Parganas. 1 It seems probable that fraternal polyandry must formerly have been practised. Polyandry must have been common at one time in southern India. It will be sufficient to give a few examples. The interesting Todas tribe of the Nil'giri Hills practise fraternal polyandry. The husbands of the women are usually real brothers, but sometimes they are clan brothers. The children belong to the eldest brother, who performs the ceremony of giving the mother a minia- ture bow and arrow; all offspring, even if born after his death, are counted as his until one of the other brothers performs this ceremony. It is also allowed sometimes for the wife to be mistress to another man besides her husbands, and any children born of such unions are counted as the children of the regular marriage. There is little restriction in love of any kind. In the Toda language there is no word for adultery. It would even seem that " immorality attaches rather to him who grudges his wife to another man." 2 Similarly among a fine tribe of Hindu mountaineers at the source of the Djemmah fraternal polyandry has been proved to have existed. A woman of this tribe, when asked how many husbands she had, answered, " Only four!" "And all living?" "Why not?" This tribe had a high standard of social conduct; they held lying in horror, and to deviate from the truth even quite inno- cently was almost a sacrilege. 3 To-day the Kammalaus 1 Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Vol. I. pp. 228, 231. 1 Rivers, The Todas ; Schrott, Tras. Ethno. Soc. (New Series), Vol. VIII. p. 261. * Letourneau, quoting Skinner, Evolution of Marriage, p. 78. 150 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN (artisans) of Malabar practise fraternal polyandry. The wives are said to greatly appreciate the custom ; the more husbands they have the greater will be their happiness. 1 At another extremity of India, in Ceylon, the poly- andric rule is still common, 2 but it is particularly in lamaic Thibet that fraternal polyandry is in full vigour, for in this country religion sanctions the custom, and it is practised by the ruling classes. 3 Its customs are too well known to need description. ' The tyranny of man is hardly known among the happy women of Thibet; the boot is perhaps upon the other leg," writes Hartland. 4 Polyandry is a survival of the group-marriage of the mother-age. 5 It is not really dependent on, though in many cases it occurs in connection with, the economic causes of poverty and a scarcity of women, due to the practice of female infanticide. This form of sexual association has evident advantages for women when com- pared with polygamy. That freedom in love carried 1 Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, p. 114. Polyandry has flourished not only among the primitive races of India. The Hindoo populations also adopted it, and traces of the custom may be found in their sacred literature. Thus in the Mahabharata the five Panda va brothers marry all together the beautiful Druaupadi, with eyes of lotus blue (Mahabharata, trad. Fauche, t. II. p. 148). For an account of polyandry in ancient India the reader should consult Jolly, Gundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Alter turns kunde. 2 Davy, Ceylon, p. 286; Sachot, L'ile de Ceylon, p. 25. 3 Turner, Thibet, p. 348, and Hist. Univ. des. Voy., Vol. XXXI. p. 434 ; Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 36. 4 Hartland, op. cit., Vol. II. p. 164. 5 This is the opinion of Bernhoft, quoted by I wan Bloch. Marshall points out that among the Todas group-marriages occur side by side with polyandry. Bloch also notes that in the common cases where the husband has a claim on his wife's sister, and even her cousins and aunts, we find polygamy developed out of group-marriage. The practice of wife lending and wife exchange is also connected with the early communal marriage (Sexual History of Our Times, pp. 193-194). It is possible that prostitution may be a relic of this early sexual freedom. What is moral in one stage of civilisation often becomes immoral in another, when the reasons for its existing have changed. FURTHER EXAMPLES 151 with it domestic and social rights and privileges to women I have no longer to prove. 1 The case of the Nayars of Malabar, where polyandry exists with the early system of maternal filiation, is specially instructive. It is impossible to give the details of their curious customs. The young girls are married when children by a rite known as tying the tali; but this marriage serves only the purpose of initiation, and is often performed by a stranger. On the fourth day the fictitious husband is required to divorce the girl. After- wards any number of marriages may be entered upon 2 without any other restrictions than the prohibitions rela- tive to caste and tribe. These later unions, unlike the solemn initial rite, have no ceremony connected with them, and are entered into freely at the will of the women and their families. As a husband the man of the Nayars cannot be said to exist; he does not as a rule live with his wife. 3 It is said that he has not the right to sit down by her side or that of her children, he is merely a passing guest, almost a stranger. He is, in fact, reduced to the primitive role of the male, and is simply progenitor. " No Nayar knows his father, and every man looks upon 1 Havelock Ellis writing on this subject ("Changing Status of Women," Nineteenth Century, Oct. 1886) says: "It seems that in the dawn of the race an elaborate social organisation permitted a more or less restricted communal marriage, every man in the tribe being at the outset the husband of every woman, first practically, then theoreti- cally, and that the social organisation which had this point of departure was particularly favourable to women." 1 It is a matter of dispute whether a woman may have more than one husband at a time. The older accounts state this, while later it lias been denied. The probability is that this was the custom, but that it is dying out under modern influences. Hartland, op. cit., Vol. I. p. 267. 1 In north Malabar a custom has arisen by which after a special ceremony the bridgroom is allowed to take the bride to live in his house, but in the case of his death she must at once return to her own family. 152 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN his sister's children as his heirs. A man's mother manages his family; and after her death his eldest sister assumes the direction." The property belongs to the family and is enjoyed by all in common (though personal division is coming into practice under modern influences). It is directed and administered by the maternal uncle or the eldest brother. 1 The Malays of the Pedang Highlands of Sumatra have institutions bearing many points of similarity with the Nayars. On marriage neither husband nor wife changes abode, the husband merely visits the wife, coming at first by day to help her work in the rice-fields. Later the visits are paid by night to the wife's house. The husband has no rights over his children, who belong wholly to the wife's suku, or clan. Her eldest brother is the head of the family and exercises the rights and duties of a father to her children. 2 The marriage, based on the ambel-anak, in which the husband lives with the wife, paying nothing, and occupying a subordinate posi- tion, may be taken as typical of the former conditions. 8 1 /. A. I., XII. p. 292; Hartland, op. cit., p. 288. Letourneau, apparently quoting Bachpfen, says that the women control property. This was probably an earlier custom, when the power was more truly in the hands of women, and had not passed to their male relatives. 2 Wilken, V erwantschap , p. 678 ; Bijdragen, XXXI. p. 40. 3 Havelock Ellis, Psychology of Sex, Vol. VI. p. 291. A second form of marriage, known as Jujur, was also practised. It was much more elaborate, and shows very instructively the rise of father-right. By it the authority of the husband over his wife is asserted by a very complicated system of payments ; his right to take her to his home, and his absolute property in her depending wholly on these payments. If the final sum is paid (but this is not commonly claimed except in the case of a quarrel between the families) the woman becomes to all intents the slave of the man ; but if on the other hand, as is not at all uncommon, the husband fails or has difficulty in making the main payment, he becomes the debtor of his wife's family and is practically a slave, all his labour being due to his creditor without any reduction in the debt, which must be paid in full, before he regains liberty. (See Marsden, History of Sumatra, pp. 225, 235, 257, 262, for an account of both marriages.) FURTHER EXAMPLES 158 But among other tribes who have come in contact with outside influences this custom of the husband visiting the wife, or residing in her house, is modified. From a private correspondent, a resident in the Malay States, I have received some interesting notes about the present condition of the native tribes and the position of the women. In most of the Malay States exogamous matriarchy has in comparatively modern times been superseded by feudalism (i. e. father-right). But where the old custom survives the women are still to a large extent in control. The husband goes to live in the wife's village; thus the women in each group are a compact unity, while the men are strangers to each other and enter as unorganised individuals. This is the real basis of the woman's power. In other tribes where the old custom has changed women occupy a distinctly inferior position, and under the influence of Islam the idea of secluding adult women has been for centuries spreading and increasing in force. Male kinship prevails among the Arabs, but the late Professor Robertson Smith discovered abundant evi- dence that mother-right was practised in ancient Arabia. 1 We find a decisive example of its favourable influence on the position of women in the custom of beena a mar- riage. Under such a system the wife was not only freed from any subjection involved by the payment of a bride- price (which always places her more or less under the authority of her husband), but she was the owner of the tent and household property, and thus enjoyed the liberty which ownership always entails. This explains how she 1 Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia. * Havelock Ellis, op. cit., pp. 391-392, quoting Robertson Smith. 154 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN was able to free herself at pleasure from her husband, who was really nothing but a temporary lover. 1 Ibn Batua in the fourteenth century found that the women of Zebid were perfectly ready to marry strangers. The husband might depart when he pleased, but his wife in that case could never be induced to follow him. She bade him a friendly adieu and took upon herself the whole charge of any child of the marriage. The women in the Jahiliya 2 had the right to dismiss their husbands, and the form of dismissal was this : " If they lived in a tent they turned it round, so that if the door faced east it now faced west, and when the man saw this he knew that he was dismissed and did not enter." The tent belonged to the woman ; the husband was received there and at her good pleasure. 3 A further striking example of mother-right is furnished by the Mariana Islands, where the position of women was distinctly superior. " Even when the man had contributed an equal share of property on marriage, the wife dictated everything and the man could undertake nothing without her approval ; but if the woman com- mitted an offence, the man was held responsible and suffered the punishment. The women could speak in the assembly, they held property, and if a woman asked anything of a man, he gave it up 1 Barlow, Semitic Origins, p. 45. 2 Robertson Smith, op. cit., p. 65. 3 This kind of union for a term is said to have been recognised by Mahommed, though it is irregular by Moslem law. The cases of beena marriage are very frequent among widely different peoples. (See Hartland, Primitive Paternity, Vol. II. pp. n, 13, 14, 19, 20, 24, 27, 30-36, 38, 41-43, 51, 53, 55, 60-63, 67-72, 76, 77.) Frazer (Academy, March 27, 1886) cites an interesting example among the tribes on the north frontier of Abyssinia, partially Semitic peoples, not yet under the influence of Islam, who preserve a system of marriage closely resembling the beena marriage, but have as well a purchase marriage, by which a wife is acquired by payment of a bride-price and becomes the property of her husband. (Quoted by Ellis, op. cit., p. 392 note.) THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-RIGHT 155 without a murmur. If a wife was unfaithful, the husband could send her home, keep her property and kill the adulterer; but if the man was guilty, or even suspected of the same offence, the women of the neighbourhood destroyed his house and all his visible property, and the owner was fortunate if he escaped with a whole skin ; and if the wife was not pleased with her husband, she withdrew and a similar attack followed. On this account many men were not married, preferring to live with paid women." * A similar case of the rebellion of men against their position is recorded in Guinea, where religious symbolism was used by the husband as a way of escape. The maternal system held with respect to the chief wife. " It was customary, however, for a man to buy and take to wife a slave, a friendless person with whom he could deal at pleasure, who had no kindred that could interfere for her, and to consecrate her to his Bossum or god. The Bossum wife, slave as she had been, ranked next to the chief wife, and was exceptionally treated. She alone was very jealously guarded, she alone was sacrificed at her husband's death. She was, in fact, wife in a peculiar sense. And having, by consecration, been made of the kindred and wor- ship of her husband, her children could be born of his kindred and worship." 2 This practice of having a slave-wife who was the property of the husband became more and more common; and was one of the causes that led to the establishment of father-right. How this came we have now to see. IV. The Transition to Father-right In the preceding sections of this chapter I have col- lected together, with as much exactitude as I could, many 1 Thomas, Sex and Society, pp. 73-74. Quoting Waitz-Gerland , Anthropologie der Naturvolker, Vol. V. p. 107. * McLennan, The Patriarchal Theory, p. 235. 156 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN examples of the maternal family. I want now to refer briefly to a few further cases, which will make clearer the causes which led to the adoption of father-right. Many countries where the patriarchal system is firmly established retain practices which can only be explained as survivals of the earlier custom of mother-descent. 1 It must suffice to mention one or two examples. In Burma, which offers in this respect a curious contrast to India, the women have preserved under father-right most of the privileges of mother-right. This is the more remarkable as the law of marriage and the relationship of the sexes is founded on the code of Manu, which pro- claims aloud the inferiority of woman. It is interesting, however, to note that the code recognises only three kinds of men : the good man, the indifferent man, and the bad man. Women, though recognised solely in their relation as wives, are placed in seven classes : the mother- wife, the sister-wife, the daughter-wife, the friend-wife, the master-wife, the servant-wife, and the slave-wife. Manu holds that the last of these, the slave-wife, is the best wife. It is, however, certain that the interpretation of the code in Burma was entirely opposed to any sub- jection of the wife. That mother-right must have been once practised and was very firmly established is proved by the occurrence of brother-sister marriages. The queens of the last rulers of the country, Minden-Min and Thebaw, were either their own or their half-sisters, and the power of government seems to have been almost wholly in the 1 Thomas, op. cit., p. 75, points out that this survival of woman's power after the rise of father-right is similar to the assertion of male- power under mother-right in the person of the woman's brother or male relative. THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-RIGHT 157 hands of these queens. The patriarchal custom, so far as the position of women was concerned, is but a thread, binding them in their marriage, but leaving them entirely free in other respects. The Burmese wife is much more the master than the slave of her husband, though she is clever enough as a rule not to let him feel any incon- venience from her power, which, therefore, he accepts. The exceptional position of the women is clearly indi- cated by the fact that they enter freely into trade, and, indeed, carry out most of the business of the country. Nearly all the shops are kept by women. In the markets, where everything that any one could posibly want is sold, almost all the dealers are women. All classes of the Burmese girls receive their training in these markets ; the daughters of the rich sell the costly and beautiful stuffs, the poorer girls sell the cheaper wares. It is this training which accounts for the business capacity shown by the women. The boys are trained by the priests, as every boy is required, "in order to purify his soul, to acquire a knowledge of sacred things." This explains a great deal. It would seem that religion enforces the same penalties on men that in most countries fall upon women. The Burmese women are very attractive, as is testified by all who know them. The streets of the towns are thronged with women at all hours of the day, and they show the greatest delight in everything that is lively and gay. Given such complete freedom of women, it is self- evident that the sexual relationships will also be free. Very striking are the conditions of divorce. The mar- riage contract can be dissolved freely at the wish of both, 158 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN or even of one, of the partners. In the first case the family property is divided equally between the wife and the husband, while if only one partner desires to be freed the property goes to the partner who is left. The chil- dren of the marriage remain with the mother while they are young; but the boys belong to the father. I wish it were possible for me to give a fuller account of the Burmese family. The freedom and active work of the women offer many points of special interest. One thing further must be noted. The Burmese women would seem not to be wholly satisfied with their power, disliking the work and responsibility which their freedom entails. For this reason many of them prefer to marry a Chinese husband; he works for them, while with a husband of their own country they have to work for him. This is very instructive. It points to what I believe to be the truth. The loss of her freedom by woman is often the result of her own desire for protection and her dislike of work, and is not caused by man's tyranny. Woman's own action in this matter is not sufficiently recognised. I must not enter upon this here, as I shall return to the subject later in this chapter. We must now consider the traces left by mother-descent in Japan and China. In Japan, as among the Basques, filiation is subordi- nated to the transmission of property. It is to the first- born, whether a boy or a girl, that the inheritance is transmitted, and he or she is forbidden to abandon it. At the time of marriage the husband or wife must take the name of the heir or heiress who marries and per- sonifies the property. Filiation is thus sometimes paternal and sometimes maternal. The maternal uncle THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-RIGHT 159 still bears the name of " second little father." l The children of the same father, but not of the same mother, were formerly allowed to marry, a decisive proof of mother-descent. The wife remained with her own rela- tives, and the husband had the right of visiting her by night. The word commonly used for marriage signified to slip by night into the house. It was not until the fourteenth century that the husband's residence was the home of the wife, and marriage became a continued living together by the married pair. Even now when a man marries an only daughter he frequently lives with her family, and the children take her name. There is also a custom by which a man with daughters, but no son, adopts a stranger, giving him one of his daughters in marriage; the children are counted as the heirs of the maternal grandfather. 2 Similar survivals are frequent in China. The patriarchate is rigidly established, but there is evidence to show that the family in this ancient civilisation has passed through the usual stages of development, having for its starting-point the familial clan, and passing from this through the stage of mother- right. 3 The Chinese language itself attests the ancient existence of the earliest form of marriage, contracted by a group of brothers having their wives in common, but not marrying their sisters. Thus a Chinaman calls the sons of his brothers "his sons," but he considers those of his sisters as his nephews. 4 Certain of the aboriginal 1 Letourneau. op. cit., p. 323, who quotes Lubbock, Orig. Civil., p. 177. 1 Hartland, op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 14, citing Morgan, Systems of Con- sanguinity. * Letourneau, op. cit., t>. 323. 4 Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity (" Smithsonian Contributions "), Vol. XVII. pp. 416-417. 160 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN tribes still require the husband to live with his wife's family for a period of seven or ten years before he is allowed to take her to his home. The eldest child is given to the husband, the second belongs to the family of the wife. 1 The authority which the Chinese mother exercises over her son's marriage and over his wife can only be explained by mother-right customs. There are many other examples which I must pass over. In the Island of Madagascar, with whose interesting civilisation, as it existed before the unfortunate conquest of the country by the French, I am personally acquainted, mother-right has left much more than traces. 2 Great freedom in sexual relations was permitted to the men, and in certain cases to women also. There was no word in the native language for virgin; the word mpitovo, commonly used, means only an unmarried woman. On certain festive ceremonies the licence was very great. The hindrances to marriage were much more stringent with the mother's relations than with the father's. Divorce was frequent and easy; the power to exercise it rested with the husband ; but the wife could, and often did, run away, and thus compel a divorce. A Malagasy proverb compared marriage to a knot so lightly tied that it could be undone by a touch. Such freedom was due to the great desire for children; every child was welcome in the family, whatever its origin. 3 The children 1 Hartland, Vol. II. p. 45, quoting Gray, China, Vol. II. p. 304. 2 This is the opinion of Hartland. He quotes Ellis, History of Mada- gascar, and Sibree, The Great African Island. I am able to speak as to the truths of the facts given in their books from my knowledge of the Malagasy before the French occupation of the island. Madagascar is my birth-place, and my father was a missionary in the country at the same time as Mr. Ellis and Mr. Sibree. 3 As an instance of the importance attached to children, I may THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-RIGHT 161 belonged to the husband, and so complete was this pos- session, that in the case of a divorce not only the children previously born, but any the wife might afterwards bear, were counted as his. Among the ruling classes mother-right remained in its early force. The royal family and nobility traced their descent, contrary to the general practice, through the mother, and not through the father. The rights of an unmarried queen were great. She was permitted to have a family by whomsoever she wished, and her children were recognised as legitimately royal through her. Among the Hovas not only wealth, but political digni- ties, and even sacerdotal functions, were transmitted to the nephew, in preference to the son. In the adjacent continent of Africa we find similar privileges enjoyed by royal women. A delightful example is given by Frazer * in Central Africa, where a small state, near to the Chambezi river, is governed by a queen, who belongs to the reigning family of Ubemba. She bears the title Mamfumer, " Mother of Kings." The privileges attached to this dignity are numerous ; the husbands may be chosen at will and from among the common people. "The chosen man becomes prince consort, without sharing in the government of affairs. He is bound to leave everything to follow his royal and often little accommodating spouse. To show that in these households the rights are inverted and that a man may be changed into a woman, the queen takes the title of Mon- mention the fact that, after my birth my father was not announced to preach under his own name, but as " the father of Keteka," the Malagasy equivalent of my name. 1 Frazer, Golden Bough, Pt. I. The Magical Art, Vol. II. p. 277. M 162 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN sieur and the husband that of Madame." A visitor to this state, 1 who had an interview with the queen, reports that, "she was a woman of gigantic stature, wearing many amulets." Battle reported that " Loango was ruled by four princes, the sons of a former king's sister, since the sons of a king never succeed. 2 Frazer gives an account of the tyrannical authority of the princesses in this state. 3 "The princesses are free to choose and divorce their husbands at pleasure, and to cohabit at the same time with other men. The husbands are nearly always plebeians. The lot of a prince consort is not a happy one, for he is rather the slave and prisoner than the mate of his imperious princess. In marrying her he engages never more to look at a woman ; when he goes out he is preceded by guards whose duty it is to drive all females from the road where he is to pass. If, in spite of these precautions, he should by ill- luck cast his eyes on a woman, the princess may have his head chopped off, and commonly exercised, or used to exercise, the right. This sort of libertinism, sustained by power, often carries the princesses to the greatest excesses, and nothing is so much dreaded as their anger." In Africa descent through women is the rule, 4 though there are exceptions, and these are increasing. The amusing account given by Miss Kingsley 5 of Joseph, a member of the Batu tribe in French Congo, strikingly illustrates the prevalence of the custom. When asked by a French official to furnish his own name and the name of his father, Joseph was wholly nonplussed. " My fader?" he said. "Who my fader?" Then he gave the name of his mother. 1 Father Guillem6, Missiones Catholiques, XXXIV. (1902), p. 16. a Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, p. 151. 8 Frazer, Ibid., p. 276. 4 " Birth," we are told by a keen observer, who has lived for many years in intimate converse with the natives, " sanctifies the child ; birth alone gives him status as a member of his mother's family " (Dennett, Jour. Afr. Soc., I. p. 265). 8 Travels, p. 109. THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-RIGHT 163 The case is the same among the Negroes. The Fanti of the Gold Coast may be taken as an example. Among them an intensity of affection (accounted for partly by the fact that the mothers have exclusive care of the children) is felt for the mother, while the father is hardly known, or disregarded, notwithstanding that he may be a wealthy and powerful man and the legal husband of the mother. 1 The practice of the Wamoima, where the son of a sister is preferred in legacies, " because a man's own son is only the son of his wife," is typical. 2 The Bush husband does not live with his wife, and often has wives in different places. The maternal uncle supplies his place in the family. Wherever mother-right has progressed towards father- right, as is the condition, broadly speaking, in the African continent, the supreme authority is vested in the maternal uncle. The tribal duty of blood-revenge falls to him, even against the father. Thus, in some cases, if a woman is murdered, the duty of revenge is undertaken by her kinsman. 3 In the state of Loango among the common people the uncle is addressed as tate (father). He has even the power to sell his sister's children. 4 The child is so entirely the property of the kin that he may be given in pledge for their debts. Among the Bavili the mother has the right to pawn the child, but she must first consult the father, so that he may have a chance of giving her 1 Hartland, quoting Mr. Sarbah, a native barrister, op. cit., Vol. I. p. 286. * Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, Vol. II. p. 57. 3 This is done among the Beni A me r on the shores of the Red Sea and in the Barka valley, which is the more remarkable as mother-descent has fallen into desuetude under the influence of Islamism. (Hartland, Vol. I. p. 274, quoting Munzinger, Osta/rikanische studien.) * Bastian, Loango- Kustc, I. p. 166. M 2 164 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN goods to save the pledging. 1 This is very plainly a step towards father-right. There is no distinction between legitimate and illegitimate children. Similar conditions prevail among the Alladians of the Ivory Coast, but here the mother cannot pledge her children without the con- sent of her brother or other male head of the family. The father has the right to ransom the child. 2 An even stronger example of the property value of children is furnished by the custom found among many tribes, by which the father has to make a present to the wife's kin when a child dies : this is called " buying the child." These cases, with the inferences they suggest, show that though mother-descent may be strongly established in Africa, this does not confer (except to the royal prin- cesses) any special distinction upon women. This is explained if we recognise that a transitional period has been reached, when, under the pressure of social, and particularly of military activities, the government of the tribe has passed to the male kindred of the women. It wants but a step further for the establishment of father- right. There are many cases pointing to this new father- force asserting itself and pushing aside the earlier order. Again I can give one or two examples only. Among 1 Dennett, Jour. Afr. Soc., I. p. 266. * Jour. Afr. Soc., I. p. 412. See Hartland, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 275-288. 3 A similar custom prevails among Maori people of New Zealand. When a child dies, or even meets with an accident, the mother's rela- tions, headed by her brother, turn out in force against the father. He must defend himself until wounded. Blood once drawn the combat ceases; but the attacking party plunders his house and appropriates the husband's property, and finally sits down to a feast provided by him (Old New Zealand, p. no). This case is the more extraordinary as the Maori reckon descent through the father ; it is doubtless a custom persisting from an earlier time. THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-RIGHT 165 Wayao and Mang'anja of the Shire highlands, south of Lake Nyassa, a man on marrying leaves his own village and goes to live in that of his wife ; but, as an alternative, he is allowed to pay a bride-price, in which case he takes his wife away to his home. 1 Whenever we find the pay- ment of a bride-price, there is sure indication of the decay of mother-right : woman has become property. Among the Bassa Komo of Nigeria marriage is usually effected by an exchange of sisters or other female relatives. The women are supposed to be faithful to their husbands. If, however, as frequently happens, there is a preliminary courtship period, during which the marriage is considered as provisional, considerable licence is granted to the woman. Chastity is only regarded as a virtue when the woman has become the property of the husband. The men may marry as many wives as they have sisters or female relatives to give in exchange. In this tribe the women look after the children, but the boys, when four years old, go to work and live with their fathers. 2 The husbands of the Bambala tribe (inhabiting the Congo states between the rivers Inzia and Kwilu) have to abstain from visiting their wives for a year after the birth of each child, but they are allowed to return to her on the payment to her father of two goats. 3 Among the Basanga on the south-west of Lake Moeru the children of the wife belong to the mother's kin, but the children of slaves are the property of the father. 4 1 Macdonald, Africana, Vol. I. p. 136. * Jour. Afr. Soc., VIII. pp. 15-17. This tribe now traces descent through the father. Torday and Joyce, /. A. I., XXXV. p. 410. 4 Arnot, Garenganze, p. 242. 166 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN It is rendered clear by such cases as these, that the rise of father-right was dependent on property and had nothing to do with blood relationship. The payment of a bride-price, the giving of a sister in exchange, as also marriage with a slave, gained for the husband the control over his wife and ownership of her children. I could bring forward much more evidence in proof of this fact did the limits of my space allow me to do this ; such cases are common in all parts of the world where the transi- tional stage from mother-right to father-right has been reached. But I believe that the causes by which the father gained his position as the dominant partner in marriage must be clear to every one from the examples I have given. I will, therefore, quote only one final and most instructive case. It illustrates in a curious way the conflict between the old rights of the woman and the rising power of the male force in connection with mar- riage. It occurs among the Hassanyeh Arabs of the White Nile, where the wife passes by contract for only a portion of her time under the authority of her husband. "When the parents of the man and the woman meet to settle the price of the woman, the price depends on how many days in the week the marriage tie is to be strictly observed. The woman's mother first of all proposes that, taking everything into considera- tion, with due regard to the feelings of the family, she could not think of binding her daughter to a due observance of that chastity which matrimony is expected to command for more than two days in the week. After a great deal of apparently angry discussion, and the promise on the part of the relations of the man to pay more, it is arranged that the marriage shall hold good as is customary among the first families of the tribe, for four days in the week, viz. Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and in compliance with old established custom, the marriage rites during the three remaining days shall not be insisted on, during THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-RIGHT 167 which days the bride shall be perfectly free to act as she may think proper, either by adhering to her husband and home, or by enjoying her freedom and independence from all observance of matrimonial obligation." 1 We have at length concluded our investigation of this first period of organised society, and have ascertained many facts that we can use as a touchstone to try the truth of the various theories that are put forward with regard to woman and her position in the family and in the State. The importance of the mother-age to women is evident. Thus I offer no apology for the length at which I have treated the subject. It has seemed to me after careful revision that no one of the examples given can be omitted. Facts are of so much more importance than opinions if we are to come to the truth. Without attempting to trace exhaustively the history or even to enumerate the peoples living, or who have lived, under mother-right customs, we have examined many and varied cases of the actual working of this system, with special reference to the position held by women. The examples have been chosen from all parts of the world, so as to prove (what is sometimes denied) that mother-right has not been confined to any one race, that it is not a local custom under special conditions, but that it has been a necessary stage of growth of human societies. My aim has been to illustrate the stages through which society passed from mother-right to father- right. It has not been possible to arrange the evidence in any exact progressive sequence, but I hope the cases 1 Spencer, Descriptive Sociology, Vol. V. p. 8, citing Petherick, Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa, pp. 140-144. This case is quoted by Thomas, op. cit., pp. 85, 86. 168 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN given will make clear what I believe to have been the general trend of growth : at first the power in the hands of the women, but this giving way to the slow but steady usurping of the mother's authority by the ever-assertive male. I shall now conclude this study of the mother-age by attempting to formulate the general truths, which, it seems to me, may be drawn from the examples we have examined. I. The first effort of primitive society was to establish some form of order, and in that order the women of the group were the more stable and predominant partners in the family relationship. II. Impelled by the conditions of motherhood to a more settled life than the men of the tribe, women were the first agriculturists, weavers, dyers and dressers of skins, potters, the domesticators of animals, the first architects, and sometimes the primitive doctors in a word, the inventors and organisers of the peaceful art of life. 1 Primitive women were strong in body 2 and capable 1 For fuller information on this important subject the reader is referred to Professor Otis Mason, who gives a picturesque summary of the work done by women among the primitive tribes of America (Ameri- can Antiquarian, January 1889, " The Ulu, or Woman's Knife of the Eskimo," Report of the United States National Museum, 1890). H. Ellis, Man and Woman, pp. 1-17, and Thomas, Sex and Society, pp. 123-146, give interesting accounts of the division of labour among primitive people, showing the important part women took in the start of indus- trialism. For direct examples from primitive peoples, the works of Fison and Howit, James Macdonald, Professor Haddow, Hearn, Morgan, Bancroft, Lubbock, Ratzel, Schoolcroft and other anthropologists should be consulted. * It is an entirely mistaken view, founded on insufficient knowledge, that in early civilisations women vere a source of weakness to the men of the tribe or group, and, thus, liable to oppression. The very reverse is the truth. Fison and Howit, who discuss the question, say of the Australian women, " In time of peace they are the hardest workers and the most useful members of the community." In time of war, " they THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-RIGHT 169 in work. The power they enjoyed as well as their mani- fold activities were a result of their position as mothers, this function being to them a source of strength and not a plea of weakness. III. Moral ideas, as we understand them, hardly existed. The oldest form of marriage was what is known as " group marriage," which was the union of two tribal groups or clans, the men of one totem group marrying the women of another, and vice versa, but no man or woman having one particular wife or husband. IV. The individual relationship between the sexes began with the reception of temporary lovers by the woman in her own home. But as society progressed, a relationship thus formed would tend under favourable circumstances to be continued, and, in some cases, per- petuated. The lover thus became the husband, but he was still without property right, with no or very little control over the woman, and none over her children, occupying, indeed, the position of a more or less perma- nent guest in her hut or tent. V. The social organisation which followed this custom was in most cases and always, I believe, in their primi- tive form favourable to women. Kinship was recog- nised through the mother, and the continuity of the are perfectly capable of taking care of themselves at all times, and so far from being an encumbrance on the warriors, they will fight, if need be, as bravely as the men, and with even greater ferocity " (Kamilaroi and Kurnai, pp. 133-147, 358). This is no exceptional case, and is confirmed by the reports of investigators of widely different peoples. I may mention the ancient Iberian women of Northern Spain, whose bravery in battle is testified to by Strabo : the descendants of these women still carry on the greater part of the active labour connected with agriculture (Spain Revisited, pp. 191-292). In our own day we have the witness to the same truth in the heroic part taken by women in the Balkan army. 170 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN family thus depending solely on the woman, it followed she was the holder of all property. Her position and that of her children was, by this means, assured, and in the case of a separation it was the man who departed, leaving her in possession. The woman was the head of the household, and in some instances held the position of tribal chief. VI. This early power of women, arising from the recognition alone of womb-kinship, with the resulting freedom in sexual relationships permitted to women, could not continue. It was no more possible for society to be built up on mother-right alone than it is possible for it to remain permanently based on father- right. VII. It is important to note that the causes which led to the change in the position of the sexes had no direct connection with moral development; it was not due, as many have held, to the recognition of fatherhood. The cause was quite different and was founded on property. It arose, in the first instance, through a property value being connected with women themselves. As soon as the women's kin began to see in their women a means by exchange of obtaining wives for themselves, and also the possibility of gaining worldly goods, both in the property held by women, and by means of the service and presents that could be claimed from their lovers, we find them exercising more or less strict supervision over the alliances of their female relatives. VIII. At first, and for a long time, the early freedom of women persisted in the widely spread custom of a pre- liminary period before marriage of unrestricted sexual THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-RIGHT 171 relationships. But permanent unions became subject to the consent of the woman's kindred. It was in this way, I am certain, and for no moral con- siderations that the stringency of the sexual code was first tightened for women. IX. At a much later date virginity came to have a special market-value, from which time a jealous watch began to be kept upon maidenhood. It seems to me of very great importance that women should grasp firmly this truth : the virtue of chastity owes its origin to property. Our minds fall so readily under the spell of such ideas as chastity and purity. There is a mass of real superstition on this question a belief in a kind of magic in purity. But, indeed, chastity had at first no connection with morals. The sense of ownership has been the seed-plot of our moral code. To it we are indebted for the first germs of the sexual inhibitions which, sanctified by religion and supported by custom, have, under the unreasoned idealism of the common mind, filled life with cruelties and jealous exclusions, with suicides and murders and secret shames. X. This intrusion of economics into the sexual rela- tionships brought about the revolution in the status of women. As soon as women became sexually marketable, their early power was doomed. First came what I hold to have been the transitional stage of the mother-age. This will explain how it is that, even where matrilineal descent is in full force, we may find the patriarchal sub- jection of women. The mother's authority has been usurped by her male kindred, usually her brother. XI. We have noted the alien position of the father 172 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN even among peoples at a stage of development where paternity was fully established. This subjection, which, perhaps, would not be felt in the earlier stage of mother- right, must have been increased by the intrusion of the authority of the wife's male kindred. The impulse to dominate by virtue of strength or of property possessions has manifested itself in every age. As society advanced property would increase in value, and the social and political significance of its possession would also increase. It is clear that such a position of insecurity for the husband and father would tend to become impossible. XII. One way of escape which doubtless took place at a very early stage was by the capture of women. Side by side with the customary marriages in which the husband resided in the home of the wife, without rights and subject to her clan-kindred, we find the practice of a man keeping one or more captive wives in his own home for his use and service. It will be readily seen that the special rights in the home over these owned wives (rights, moreover, that were recognised by the tribe) would come to be desired by other men. But the capture of wives was always difficult as it frequently led to a quarrel and even warfare with the woman's tribe, and for this reason was never widely practised. It would, therefore, be necessary for another way of escape to be found. This was done by changing the conditions of the customary marriage. Nor do I think it unlikely that such change may have been received favourably by women. The captive wives may even have been envied by the regular wife. An arrangement that would give a more individual relationship to marriage and the protection THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-RIGHT 173 of a husband for herself and the children of their union may well have been preferred by woman to her position of subjection that had now arisen to the authority of her brother or other male relative. The alteration from the old custom may thus be said to have been due, in part, to the interests of the husband, but also, in part, to the inclination of the wife. XIII. The change was gained by elopement, by simu- lated capture, by the gift or exchange of women, and by the payment of a bride-price. The bride-price came to be the most usual custom, gradually displacing the others. As we have seen, it was often regarded as a con- dition, not of the marriage itself, but of the transfer of the wife to the home of the husband and of the children to his kin. XIV. It was in this way, for economic reasons, and the personal needs of both the woman and the man, and not, I believe, specially through the fighting propensities of the males, and certainly not by any unfair domination or tyranny on the part of the husband that the position of the sexes was reversed. XV. But be this as it may, to woman the result was no less far-reaching and disastrous. She had become the property of one master, residing in her husband's tribe, which had no rights or duties in regard to her, where she was a stranger, perhaps speaking a different language. And her children kept her bound to this alien home in a much closer way than the husband could ever have been bound to her home under the earlier custom. Woman's early power rested in her organised position among her own kin : this was now lost. 174 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN XVI. The change was not brought about quickly. For long the mother's influence persisted as a matter of habit. We have its rather empty shadow with us to-day. XVII. But, under the pressure of the new conditions, the old custom of tracing descent and the inheritance of property in the female line (so favourable to women) died. Mother-right passed away, remaining only as a tradition, or practised in isolated cases among primitive peoples. The patriarchal age, which still endures, suc- ceeded. Women became slaves, who of old had been dominant. One final word more. The opinion that the subjection of women arose from male mastery, or was due to any special cruelty, must be set aside. To me the history of the mother-age does not teach this. I believe this charge could not have arisen, at all events it would not have persisted, if women, with the power they then enjoyed, had not desired the gaining of a closer relationship with the father of their children. With all the evils that father-right has brought to woman, we have got to remember that woman owes the individual relation of the man to herself and her children to the patriarchal system. The father's right in his children (which, unlike the right of the mother, was not founded on kinship, but rested on the quite differ- ent and insecure basis of property) had to be established. Without this being done, the family in its full and per- fect development was impossible. We women need to remember this, lest bitterness stains our sense of justice. It may be that progress social and moral could not have been accomplished otherwise; that the cost of love's THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-RIGHT 175 development has been the enslavement of woman. If so, then women will not, in the long account of Nature, have lost in the payment of the price. They may be (when they come at last to understand the truth) better fitted for their refound freedom. Neither mother-right alone, nor father-right alone, can satisfy the new ideals of the true relationship of the sexes. The spiritual force, slowly unfolding, that has uplifted, and is still uplifting, womanhood, is the founda- tion of woman's claim that the further progress of humanity is bound up with her restoration to a position of freedom and human equality. But this position she must not take from man that, indeed, would be a step backwards. No, she is to share it with him, and this for her own sake and for his, and, more than all, for the sake of their children and all the children of the race. This replacement of the mother side by side with the father in the home and in the larger home of the State is the true work of the Woman's Movement. CONTENTS OF CHAPTER VII WOMAN'S POSITION IN THE GREAT CIVILISATIONS OF ANTIQUITY I. In Egypt The importance of estimating woman's position in the great civilisations of the ancient world The Egyptian civilisation Women more free and more honoured than in any country to-day The account given by Herodotus The Egyptian woman never confined to the home No restraint upon her actions She entered into commerce in her own right and made contracts for her own benefit Abundant material in proof of the high status of Egyptian women Marriage contracts Their importance and interest Numerous examples The proprietary rights of the wife An early period of mother-rule Property originally in the hands of women The marriage con- tracts a development of the early system The Egyptians solved the difficult problem of the fusion of mother-right with father- right The statement of Dioderus that among the Egyptians the woman rules over the man The conditions of marriage dependent on the birth of children M. Paturet's view the Egyptian woman the equal of man The high status of woman proved by the fact that her child was never illegitimate The position of the mother secure in every relationship between the sexes This made possible by the free conditions of the marriage contracts Polygamy allowed This practice in Egypt very different from polygamy in a patri- archal society The husband a privileged guest in the home of the wife The high ideal of the domestic relationship Illustrations from the inscriptions of the monuments Reasons which explain this civilised and human organisation The Egyptians an agri- cultural and a conservative people They were alco a pacific race The significance of the Maxims of the Moralists Honour to the wife and the mother strongly insisted on The health and character of the Egyptian mother Some reflections in the Egyptian Galleries of the British Museum. II. In Babylon Traces of mother-right in primitive Babylon The honour paid to women The position of women in later Babylonian history, though still at an early period Their rights more circumscribed The marriage code of Hammurabi Polygamy permitted, though restricted, by the code The exacting conditions of divorce The position of the wife as subject to her husband The later Neo- Babylonian periods The position of women continuously im- proving They obtain a position equal in law with their husbands Their freedom in all social relations They conduct business trans- actions in their own right Illustrations from the contract tablets Remarks and conclusion. N I 77 178 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN III. In Greece Traces of mother-right traditions in Greek literature and history The women of the Homeric period Dangers arising from the patri- archal subjection of women Illustrations and various reflections Historic Greece The social organisation of Sparta Their marriage system The laws of Lycurgus The freedom of the Spartan girls The wise care for the health of the race Plato's criticism of the Spartan system He accuses the women of ruling their husbands The Athenian women Their subjection under the strict patri- archal rule The insistence on chastity Reasons for this The degraded position of the wife The hetairee They the only edu- cated women in Athens Aspasia She leads the movement to raise the position of the Athenian women Plato's estimate of women Remarks on the sexual penalties for women that are always found under a strict patriarchal regime The ideal relationship between the wife and the husband Euripides voices the sorrows of women He foreshadows their coming triumph. IV. In Rome Little known of the position of women in Rome in prehistoric times Indications of an early period of mother-rule The patriarchal system formerly established when Roman history opens The Roman marriage law The woman regarded as the property first of her father and afterwards of her husband The patrician marriage of confarreatio The form known as coemptio Marriage by usus The inequality of divorce The subjection of the woman The terrible right of the husband's manus The way of escape The development of the early marriage by usus The new free marriage by consent Free divorce A revolution in the position of women The patriarchal rule of women dwindled to a mere thread They gained increasingly greater liberty until at last they gained complete freedom The public entry of women into the affairs of State Illustrations to show the fine use made by the Roman matrons of their freedom An examination into the sup- posed licentiousness of Roman women This opinion cannot be accepted The effect of Christianity The view of Sir Henry Maine Some concluding remarks on the position of women in the four great civilisations examined in this chapter. CHAPTER VII WOMAN'S POSITION IN THE GREAT CIVILISATIONS OF ANTIQUITY I. In Egypt " If we consider the status of woman in the great empires of antiquity, we find on the whole that in their early stage, the stage of growth, as well as in their final stage, the stage of fruition, women tend to occupy a favourable position, while in their middle stage, usually the stage of predominating military organisation on a patriarchal basis, women usually occupy a less favourable position. This cyclic movement seems to be almost a natural law of development of great social groups." HAVELOCK ELLIS. THE civilisations through which I am now going to follow the history of woman, in so far as they offer any special features of interest to our inquiry into woman's character and her true place in the social order, belong to the great civilisations of the ancient world, civilisa- tions, moreover, that have deeply influenced human culture. It forms the second part of our historical in- vestigation. There can be no doubt of its interest to us, for if we can prove that women have exercised unquestioned and direct authority in the family and in the State, not only among primitive peoples, but in stable civilisations of vital culture, we shall be in a position to answer those who wish to set limits to women's present activities. It is necessary to enter into this inquiry with caution : the difficulties before me are very great. Again, it is N2 179 180 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN not in any scarcity of evidence, but in its superabundance that the trouble rests. It is hard to condense the social habits of peoples into a few dozen pages. Nothing would be easier than from the mass of material available to pile up facts in furnishing a picture of the high status of woman that would unnerve any upholders of female subordination. It is just possible, on the other hand, to interpret these facts from a fixed point of thought, and then to argue that, in spite of her power, woman was still regarded as the inferior of man. 1 I wish to do neither. It is my purpose to outline the domestic rela- tionships and the family law and customs as they existed in Egypt and in Babylon, in Greece and in Rome; to touch the features of social life only in so far as they illustrate this, and so to discover to what extent the mother was still regarded as the natural transmitter of property and head of the household. The subject is an immensely complicated and seductive one, so that I must keep strictly to the path set by this inquiry. Let us turn first to Egypt. We have so rich a collection of the remains of the ancient Egyptian civilisation, and so careful and indus- trious a scholarship has been given to interpret them, that we can with confidence reconstruct in outline the legal status and proprietary rights enjoyed by women, which gave them a position more free and more honoured than they have in any country of the world to-day. This is not an overestimate of the facts. The security of her proprietary rights made the Egyptian woman the legal 1 This is the position taken up, for instance, by Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, p. 176. IN EGYPT 181 head of the household, she inherited equally with her brothers, and had full control of her own property. She was juridically the equal of man, having the same rights, with the same freedom of action, and being honoured in the same way. The position of woman in Egypt is, indeed, full of surprises to the modern believer in woman's subjection. Herodotus, who was a keen observer, was the first to record his astonishment. He writes " They have established laws and customs opposite for the most part to those of the rest of mankind. With them the women go to market and traffic ; the men stay at home and weave. . . . The men carry burdens on their heads, the women on their shoulders. . . . The boys are never forced to maintain their parents unless they wish to do so, the girls are obliged to, even if they do not wish it." 1 There is probably some exaggeration in this account, but it is certain that the wide activities of the free Egyptian women were never confined to the home. An important part was taken by her in industrial and com- mercial life. In these relations and in social intercourse it is allowed on all hands woman's position was remark- ably free. 2 The records of the monuments show her to have been as actively concerned in all the affairs of her day, war alone excepted, as her father, her husband, or her sons. 3 No restraint was placed upon her actions, she appears eating and also drinking freely, and taking her part in equal enjoyment with men in social scenes and religious ceremonies. She was able to enter into 1 Herodotus, Bk. II. p. 35. * Hobhouse, Morals in Evolution, Vol. I. p. 189. * Maspero, Preface to Queens of Egypt, by J. R. Buttles, q. v. 182 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN commerce in her own right and to make contracts for her own benefit. She could bring actions, and even plead in the courts. She practised the art of medicine. As priestess she had authority in the temples. Fre- quently as queen she was the highest in the land. One of the greatest monarchs of Egypt was Hatschepsut, 1 B.C. 1550. "The mighty one!" "Conqueror of all Lands ! " Queen in her own right by the will of her father, Thothmes I. The material in proof of this high status of Egyptian women is abundant. It consists partly of the descrip- tions of Greek travellers, partly of the numerous and interesting marriage contracts, and partly of inscriptions and passages in the writings of the moralists, all of which testify to the beautiful and happy family relationships and usual honour in which women were held, which is further illustrated by incidents in the ancient stories. Of these the marriage contracts are the most important for our purpose. The fullest information relates to the latest period of independent Egyptian history, when the position of women stood highest, but some of the contracts reach back to the time of King Bocchoris, and there are a few of an even earlier date. I wish that I had space to quote some of these marriage contracts in full : they are very instructive, and open out many paths of new suggestion. 3 1 For an account of the reign of Hatschepsut, as well as of the other queens who ruled in Egypt, I must refer the reader to the excellent and careful work of Miss Buttles. It is worth noting that the temple built by Queen Hatschepsut is one of the most famous and beautiful monuments of ancient Egypt. On the walls are recorded the history of her prosperous reign, also the private events of her life : " Ra hath selected her for protecting Egypt and for rousing bravery among men." a We owe our knowledge of the Egyptian marriage contracts chiefly IN EGYPT 183 I would commend their study to all those who are ques- tioning the institution of marriage as it stands to-day on the rights of the patriarchal family system, by which the woman is considered the inferior, and submits her- self and is subordinate to the man as the ruler of the family. The issue really rests at its root upon this is the mother or the father to be regarded as the natural transmitter of property and head of the family. Our decision here will affect our outlook on the entire relation of the sexes. The Egyptians decided on the right of the mother. Their marriage contracts seem to have been entirely in favour of women. There was no sale of the bride by her parents, but the bride-price went to her; her own property also remained in her own charge and was at her own disposal. The husband stipulates in the contracts how much he will give as a yearly allowance for her support, and the entire property of the husband is pledged as security for these payments, whilst the wife is further protected by a dowry l or charge on the husband, to be paid to her in the event of his sending her away. It will readily be seen how advantageous these pro- prietary rights must have been to the wife. She was to M. Revillout, whose works should be consulted. See also Paturet (the pupil of Revillout), La Condition juridique de la femme dans I'ancienne Egypte ; Nietzold, Die Ehe in Aegypten; Greenfel, Greek Papyri ; Ameli- ncau. La Morale Egyptienne ; Miiller, Liebespoesie der alten Aegypten, pp. 204- Evolution, Vol. I. p. 182, et seq. 1 Hobhouse regards this dowry as being the original property of the wife in the forms of the bride-price. Revillout and Miiller accept the much more probable view, that the dowry was fictitious, and was really a charge on the property of the husband to be paid to the wife if he sent her away. 184 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN able to claim either the fidelity of her husband or freedom for herself to leave him and in some cases for both together, her property being secured to her and her children. In one contract by which the husband gives his wife one-third of all his property, present and to come, he values the movables she brought with her, and promises her the equivalent in silver. " If thou stayest, thou stayest with them, if thou goest away, thou goest away with them." The importance of this right of free separation to women can hardly be over-estimated. Nietzold says the wife has absolutely nothing to lose, even when she is the guilty party. 2 Some of the marriage contracts are even more favourable to women ; in these the husband literally endows his wife with all his worldly goods, " stipulating only that she is to main- tain him while living, and provide for his burial when dead." M. Paturet distinguishes two forms of marriage settlements, one which secures to the wife an annual pension of specified amount usually one-third of the property of the husband and the other, probably the older custom, which established a complete com- munity of goods. The earlier contracts are much less detailed, due probably to the fact that the position of the established wife was then fixed by custom ; but there seems no doubt that the equal lawful wife, she whose proper title is "lady of the house," was also joint ruler and mistress of the family heritage. 4 There is a very 1 Paturet, La Condition juridique de la fentme dans I'ancienne gypte, p. 69. 8 Nietzold , Die Ehe in Aegypten, p. 79. 3 Etudes tgyptologiques, livre XIII. pp. 230, 294 ; quoted by Simcox, op. cit., Vol. I. p. 210. * Simcox, op. cit., Vol. I. p. 204. IN EGYPT 185 curious early contract of the time of Darius I, in which the usual stipulation of latter contracts are reversed, the wife speaking of the man being established as her husband, acknowledging the receipt of a sum of money as dowry, and undertaking that if she deserts or disposes of him, a third part of all her goods, present and to come, shall be forfeited to him. 1 The high honour, freedom and proprietary rights enjoyed by the Egyptian wife can only be explained as being traceable to an early period of mother-right. Here the ancient privileges of women have persisted, not as an empty form, but would seem to have been adopted because of their advantage in the family relationship, and been incorporated with father-right. This would account for the last-named contract. Its very ancient date seems clearly to point to this. It is unlikely that, if it were an exceptional form, it should have chanced to be one of the very few early contracts that have been preserved. 2 It would rather seem that property was originally entirely in the hands of women, as is usual under the matriarchal system. The Egyptian marriage law was simply a development of this, enforcing by agreement what would occur naturally under the earlier custom. The interests of the children's inheritance was the chief object of the settlement of property on the wife. In the earlier stage, the daughter inheriting property from her parents, would marry the husband would then become its joint administrator, but not its owner; it would 1 Simcox. op. cit., Vol. I. pp. 210-211, citing Revillout, Cours de droit^p. 285. 1 This is the view of Simcox, op. cit., pp. 210-211. 186 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN pass by custom to the children with the eldest as adminis- trator, but if the wife dismissed the husband, as under this system she could and often did, she would of right retain the family property in control for the children. 1 As society advanced this older custom would tend to break up in favour of individual ownership, property would come to belong to the husband and father, and it would then be necessary to ensure the position of the wife and children by contract. The Egyptian marriage may thus be regarded as a development of the individual relationship arising from father-right modified to con- form with the mother-right custom of transmitting pro- perty through the woman. Under the earlier system the inheritance of the husband would pass to the children of his sister, and not to his own children. The contract was, therefore, made to prevent this. The husband's property was passed over to the wife (at first entirely and later in part) to secure its inheritance by the children of the marriage. Hence the formula common to these contracts by which the husband declares to the wife, " My eldest son, thy eldest son, shall be the heir to all my property present and to come." The only difference to the earlier custom was the prominence given to the eldest child (a son) in the contract. This gift by the husband of his property to the wife, which made her a joint partner with him in all the family transactions, while at the same time she retained com- plete control over her own property, clearly placed the woman and her children in the same position of security as she had held during the mother-age ; and added to this 1 Hobhouse, Vol. I. p. 185 (Note). IN EGYPT 187 she gained the individual protection and support of the father in the family relationship. Doubtless it was this freedom and right over property, which explains the frequent cases in which the Egyptian women conducted business transactions, and also their active participation in the administration of the social organisation. Equal partners with their husbands in the administration of the home, they became partners with men in the wider administration of the State. It was in such wise way that the Egyptians arranged the difficult problem of the fusion of mother-right with father-right. One result of these marriage contracts, giving appar- ently great power to the wife, arose out of the mortgage on the husband's property as security for the wife's settlement; her consent became necessary to all his acts. Thus it is usual for the husband's deeds to be endorsed by the wife, while he did not endorse hers. In some cases the wife's consent seems to have been necessary even in the case of the initial mortgage, when the only possible explanation is that the wife was regarded as co- proprietor with the husband, and therefore had to be party to any act disposing of the joint estate. 1 Such a custom was apparently so wholly in favour of the wife, reversing the customary position of the man and the woman in the marriage partnership, that in the light of these contracts we understand the statement of Diodorus, when he says that " among the Egyptians the woman rules over the man " ; though plainly he has not understood their true significance, when he goes on to 1 Les obligations en droit egyptien, p. 82 ; quoted by Simcox, op. cit., Vol. I. pp. 209-210. 188 THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN say that " it is stipulated between married couples, by the terms of the dowry-contract that " the man shall obey the woman." If the view is accepted, as I think it must be, that these contracts were made to add the advantages of father-right to the natural privileges of mother-right, and thus to secure the enjoyment of the family property to all its members, it will become evident that, however surprising such an agreement might seem from the one-sided patriarchal view (which always accepts the subjection of the woman), it was entirely a wise and just arrangement. It was certainly one that was entered into voluntarily by both partners of the marriage ; there was no compulsion of law. All the evidence that has come down to us is witness to the success in practice of these marriage contracts. No other nation has yet developed a family relationship so perfect in its working as the Egyptians. The reason is not far to seek. It was based on the equal freedom and responsibility of the mother with the father. There was no question, it seems to me, of one sex ruling or obeying the other, rather it was the co-operation of the two for the welfare of both and of the children. 1 Diodorus, bk. i. p. 27. The whole passage is : " Contrary to the received usage of other nations the laws permit the Egyptians to marry their sisters, after the example of Osiris and Isis. The latter, in fact, having cohabited with her brother Osiris, swore, after his death, never to surfer the approach of any man, pursued the murderer, governed according to the laws, and loaded men with benefits. All this explains why the queen receives more power and respect than the king, and why, among private individuals, the woman rules over the man, and that it is stipulated between married couples by the terms of the dowry-contract that the man shall obey the woman." The brother-sister marriages, referred to by Diodorus, which were common, especially in early Egyptian history, are further witness to the persistence among them of the customs of the mother-age. IN IEGYPT 139 So far we have dealt only with the position of the established wife. All the written marriage contracts refer to the " taking " and " establishing " a wife as two distinct steps, and in some cases the second stage, which seems to have conveyed the proprietary rights, was not taken until after the birth of children. There would thus be wives not necessarily holding the position of " lady of the house," but capable of being raised to such rank by later contract. 1 It is probable, as M. Revillout suggests, 2 that " the taking to wife " was a comparatively informal matter, but needing ratification by contract for any lasting establishment, which commonly would be done after the birth of a child to ensure the rights of the father's inheritance, passing through the mother to the children. All the evidence is in favour of this wise arrangement. There are many examples of contracts being entered into by the husband for the benefit of a woman, who had been "with him as a wife to him." Relations between the sexes of an even less binding character than this were not ignored. 3 It seems clear that little regard was paid to pre-nuptial chastity for women, and in no marriage contract is any stress laid on virginity, which, as Havelock Ellis 4 says, clearly indicates the absence of any idea of women as property. " It is the glory of Egyptian morality to have been the first to express the dignity of woman." M. Paturet takes the view that it was not so much as the mother, but as woman, and being the equal of man, 1 Simcox. op. cit., Vol. I. p. 205. * Revue (gyptologique, I. p. no. Revillout, Cours de droit, Vol. I. p. 222. * Psychology of Sex, Vol. VI. p. 393. 1 Am