RECON 
 
A ' 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PENAL LAWS 
 
 AGAINST THE 
 
 miSH CATHOLICS, 
 
 FROM 
 
 THE TREATY OF LIMERICK TO THE UNION, 
 
 By henry PARNELL, Esq. ]\L P. 
 
 " He felt it his duty to declare fully his sentiments on these points, be- 
 " cause he looked upon his Roman Catholic brethren as fellow subjects and 
 " fellow Christians, believers in the same God, and partners in the same 
 " Redemption. Speculative differences in some points of faith from him, 
 " were of no account, they and he had but one religion— the religion of 
 ♦' Christianity. Therefore, as children of the same father, as travellers in 
 " the same road, and seekers of the same salvation, why not love each other 
 " as brothers ? It was no part of Protestantism to persecute Catholics, and 
 " without justice to the Catholics there could be no security for the Protes- 
 
 " tant Establishment." Vide Speech of Dr. Lava, Bishop of Elphin, on the 
 
 Catholic Bill of \193. 
 
 " If any one should contend that this is not the time for Government to 
 " make concessions to Ireland, I wish him to consider, whether there is any 
 " time in which it is improper for either individuals or nations to dojustice, 
 " any season improper for extinguishing animosity, any occasion more suit- 
 " able than the present, for putting an end to heart-buruings, and internal 
 
 " discontent." Vide Speech intended to be spoken by Dr. fVatson, Bishop 
 
 vfLlandaff, November 23, 1803. 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 
 PRINTED BY H. FITZPATRICK, 4, CAPEL-STREET. 
 
 1808. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 
 PENAL LAWS, 
 
 cJ'C. SfC. 
 
 WILLIAM IlL 
 
 When James abdicated the Throne of Eng- 
 land, he retired to France, to folicit the aid of 
 Louis XIV. to enable him to fecure the pofTefTion 
 of Ireland, where he was ftill acknowledged as 
 the lawful Sovereign. On the 1 2th of March, 
 1689, James landed at Kinfale with about 1200 
 of his own fubje^ls in the pay of France, and 
 100 French officers. He was received with open 
 arms, and the whole country feemed to be de- 
 voted to him, for although the Proteilants in the 
 North had declared for the new Government, 
 their flrength and number were inconfiderable, 
 when compared with the forces of the Lord 
 Deputy Tyrconnel. This Minifter had difarmed 
 all the other Proteftants in one day, and aflem- 
 B bled 
 
 f 160 
 
bled an army of 30,000 foot and 8000 cavalry.* 
 AddrefTes were poured in upon James from all 
 orders of the people. The eftablifhed clergy 
 among the reft congratulated him upon his arri- 
 val, a certain fign that his chance of fuccefs was 
 not contemptible. 
 
 James continued to govern Ireland, without any 
 interruption from William, till the 13th of Au- 
 gufl,t when Schomberg landed at Belfaft with 
 an Englifh army of 10,000 men. To oppofe 
 him, James colle£led his forces amounting to 
 30,000 at Drogheda.J: Schomberg who had 
 arrived at Dundalk thought it prudent to advance 
 no farther ; and inftead of reducing Ireland, 
 after having loft one half of his army by ficknefs, 
 lie at the end of the campaign was under the ne- 
 ccftity of entrenching himfelf againft an enemy, 
 which he had been taught in England to defpife, 
 and of confining his operations to the protection 
 of ihe Northern Province. § 
 
 On the 14th of June in the year following, 
 William landed with reinforcements at Carrick- 
 fergus. His military genius as well as the dif- 
 
 traifled 
 '' Smollct, 1 36. t Iceland, v. 3. b. G. c 6. | lb. § lb. 
 
trailed flate of England, and the formidable pre- 
 parations of France, inclined him to a vigorous 
 profeciition of the war in Ireland.* He advanced 
 towards Dublin with an army of 36,000 men. 
 James colle^ed his forces amounting to 33,000 at 
 Drogheda, and by an unaccountable infatuation 
 refilled the advice of his General Officers to aft 
 on the defeafive agaiiifl: William ; who would 
 tjien have had to contend at the fame time againfi; 
 a threatened foreign invafion of Britain, the 
 infurreftion which his own fubjefts were plotting, 
 and the difficulty of maintaining his IriQi army 
 in an unfriendly climate without provifions or 
 fuccours. 
 
 Though William obtained a decided vi£lory at 
 the Boyne, the Irilh army had fought with 
 courage and obdinacy j and, in confequence of 
 having at one time repulfed the centre of the 
 Englifti army, were able to retire in good order, 
 with the lofs of only 1500 men. 'I' The fubfe- 
 quent defeat of General Douglas before Athlone, 
 and of y/illiara himfelf before Limerick, left 
 James at the end of the campaign in poflcfrion 
 JB 2 of 
 
 * Leiandj v. 3. b. 6. c 6. + lb. 
 
of nearly one half of Ireland, and well fupported 
 by an army inured to war and commanded by able 
 and experienced Generals. William experienced 
 ftill greater embarrafTments on the Continent and 
 in England. A vidlory had been gained by Lux- 
 emburgh, in Flanders, over Prince Waldeck and 
 the confederate army ; Tourville had defeated the 
 united fleets of England and ?lolland j and great 
 dejection and difcontent was vilible among all his 
 Britifli fubje<5ls. 
 
 William having returned to England in the 
 autumn of 1690, General Ginckle, with an army 
 inferior to that of St. Ruth, who now commanded 
 the Irifli forces, commenced the campaign by 
 the capture of the fort of Baltimore. Having 
 afterwards taken Athlone, and defeated St. Ruth 
 at the battle of Aughrim, he laid fiege to Limerick 
 on the 25th of Augufl, 1691. The fortifications 
 had been flrengthened {mce William was repulfed 
 before it in the preceding year ; the garrifon was 
 healthy, well fupplied, and in numbers equal to 
 the afldilants, and ftrong fuccours were daily ex- 
 pe^ed from France*. The befiegers, on the 
 other hand, were too few for the undertaking, 
 
 the 
 
 * Leland, v. 3. b. 6. c. 6- 
 
the feafon of the year was far advanced, and they 
 had no cxpe<^ations of receiving any reinforce- 
 ments. 
 
 Week pafled away after week without Ginckle's 
 obtaining any advantage over the befieged ; at 
 length he made a lodgment on the oppofite fide 
 of the Shannon. Bur, notwithftanding this fuc- 
 cefs, it was debated whether the fiege fhould be 
 carried on, or converted into a blockade j fuch 
 were the difficulties forefeen in reducing the 
 town. It was dangerous for the befiegers to con- 
 tinue in their prefent flation on the approach of 
 winter, and hazardous to divide an army fufficient 
 only for afTailing the town on one fide ; and yet 
 the only eiFe£lual way of reducing it was to invell 
 it on all fides, by cutting off the garrifon from all 
 intercourfe with the county of Clare*. 
 
 William, in the mean time, was fo fenllble of 
 
 the neceffity of obtaining the furrender of the 
 
 Irifti army, in order to fccure his newly acquired 
 
 throne, and the fuccefs of the revolution, that he 
 
 fent inftruclions to the Lords Juftices to iffue a 
 
 proclamation, offering to the Catholics flill more 
 
 liberal 
 * Leland, v. 3. b. 6. c- 6. 
 
Jiberal terms than thofe which they afterwards 
 accepted ; and he j^ave Ginckle urgent directions 
 to terminate the war on any conditions*. For^ 
 innately, however, for William and the revolution 
 party, but moft unfortunately, as events havefince 
 proved, for the Catholics, the garrifon of Limerick 
 beat a parley on the 29th day of the fiege. A 
 cefTation of three days was granted ; and, on the 
 lafl: day of it, the Irilh Generals propofed terms of 
 capitulation. They required an mSt of indemnity 
 for all paft offences, with a full enjoyment of the 
 eftates they poffcffed before the prefent revolu- 
 tion, freedom for the Catholic worfhip, with an 
 cftabliffiment of one Romifli ecclefiaflic in each 
 parilh. They alfo required, that Catholics fliould 
 be declared fully qualified for every ofBce, civil 
 and military j that they fliould be admitted into 
 all corporations ; and, that the Iriih army fliould 
 be kept up and paid in the fame manner with the 
 King's other troops, provided they were willing to 
 fervtf . Ginckle refufed to accede to their pro- 
 
 pofal ; 
 
 * Leland, v. 3. b. 6. c. 6. and Harris's Life of Williani, 
 
 p. 372. 
 
 This was called the fccret proclamation, becaufe, though 
 
 printed, it never was publifhed, in confecjuence of the Lordj 
 
 Juflices being informed of the inclination of the garrifon to 
 
 treat for their furrcndcr. 
 
 t Ltland, ibid. 
 
pofal ; but being defired to offer fugh terms as he 
 could grant, he confented to conditions which 
 Avere accepted by the garrifon, and which arc 
 contained in the following civil and military ar» 
 tides. 
 
 Three days after they were figned, the French 
 fleet arrived in Dingle Bay. 
 
 THE CIVIL AND MILITARY ARTICLES of LIMERICK. 
 
 Exactly printed from the Letters Patents; wherein they 
 are ratified and exemplified by their Majefties, un- 
 der the Great Seal of England. 
 
 CjrULIELMUS & Maria, Dei gratia, Anglias, Scotia;, 
 Franciae & Hiberniae Rex et Regina, Fidei Defenfores, 
 &c. Omnibus ad quos prscentes literce noftrae perve- 
 nerint falutem : infpeximus irrotulament. quarund. 
 literarum patentium de confirmatione, geren. dat. apud 
 Weftmonafterium vicefimo quarto die Februarii, ultimj 
 prceteriti in canccUar. noftr. irrotulat. ac ibidem de 
 recordo remanen, in haec verba. William and Mary, 
 by the grace of God, &rc. To ail to whom thefe 
 prefents (hall come, greeting. Whereas certain articles, 
 bearing date the third day of Oiflober laft.palf, made 
 and agreed on between our juftices of our kingdom 
 of Ireland, and our general of our forces there on the 
 one part ; and feveral officers there, commanding with- 
 in the city of Limerick, in our faid kingdom, on the 
 other part. V/hereby our faid juftices and general did 
 undertake that we Ihvuld ratify thofe articles, within 
 
 the 
 
the fpace of eight months, or fooner ; and ufc theit 
 utmoft endeavours that the fame fhould be ratified and 
 confirmed in parliament. The tenor of which faid 
 articles is as follows, viz. 
 
 ARTICLES AfiREED UPON THE THIRD DAY OF OCTOBER, ONE 
 THOUSAND SIX HUNDRED ANU NINETY-ONE. 
 
 Between the Right Honourable Sir Charles Porter, 
 Knight, and Thomas Coningfby, Efq. Lords Jufticcs 
 of Ireland; and his Excellency the Baron De Ginckie, 
 Lieutenant General, and Commander in Chief of 
 the Englifti Army ; on the one Part : 
 
 And the Right Honourable Patrick Earl of Lucan, 
 Piercy, Vifcount Gallmoy, Colonel Nicholas Puree), 
 Colonel Nicholas Cufack, Sir Toby Butler, Colonel 
 Garret Dillon, and Colonel John Brown ; on the 
 other Part : 
 
 In the behalf of the Irifh Inhabitants in the City and 
 County of Limerick, the Counties of Clare, Kerry, 
 Cork, Sligo, and Mayo. 
 
 In confideration of the Surrender of the City of Lime- 
 jick, and other Agreements made between the faid 
 Lieutenant General Ginckie, the Governor of the 
 City of Limerick, and the Generals of the Irifh 
 army, bearing date with thefe Prefents, for the 
 Surrender of the City, and Submiffion of the faid 
 Army: it is agreed, That, 
 
 I. 1 HE Roman Catholics of this kingdom fliall enjoy 
 fuch privileges in the exercife of their religion, as arc 
 confident with the laws of Ireland ; or as they did 
 enjoy in the reign of King Charles the Second : and 
 
 their 
 
their Majeftics, as foon as their affairs will permit them 
 to fuinmon a Parliament in this kingdom, will endea- 
 vour to procure the faid Roman Catholics fuch farther 
 fecurity in that particular, as may preferve them from 
 any dijiurbance upon the account of their faid religion. 
 
 II. All the inhabitants or refidcnts of Limerick, or 
 any other garrifon now in the pofTefTion of the Irifh, 
 and all officers and foldiers, now in arms, under any 
 commilTiOQ of King James, or thofe authorifed by him, 
 to grant the fame in the fevcral counties of Limerick, 
 Clare, Kerry, Cork, and Mayo, or any of them ; and 
 all the commifTioned officers in their Majeftics quarters, 
 that belong to the Irifh regiments, now in being, that 
 arc treated with, and who are not prifoners of war, 
 or have taken protection, and who ffiall return and 
 fubmit to their Majefties obedience; and their and 
 every of their heirs, ihall hold, poflefs, and enjoy, 
 all and every their eftates of freehold and inheritance ; 
 and all the rights, titles and intereft, privileges and 
 immunities, which they, and every or any of them 
 held, enjoyed, or were rightfully and lawfully intitled 
 to in the reign of King Charles II. or at any time 
 fmce, by the laws and ftatutes that were In force in the 
 faid reign of King Charles 11. and (hall be put ia 
 poITeffion, by order of the government, of fuch of 
 them as are in the King's hands, or the bands of his 
 tenants, without being put to any fuit or trouble 
 therein ; and all fuch eftates (hall be freed and dif- 
 charged from all arrears of crown-rents, quit-rents, 
 and other public charges, incurred and become due 
 fjnce Michaelmas 1688, to the day of the date hereof : 
 and a'.l perfons comprehended in this article, ffiall have, 
 hold, and enjoy all their goods and chatties, real and 
 c pjrfonal, 
 
10 
 
 pcrfonal, to them, or any of them belonging, and 
 icmainiDg either in their own hands, or in the hands of 
 any perfons whatfoever, in truft for, or for the ufe of 
 them, or any of them : and all, and every the faid 
 perfons, of what profeffion, trade, or calling foevcr 
 they be, fliall and may ufe, exercife, and praQife their 
 feveral and refpeftive profefTions, trades and callings, 
 as freely as they did ufe, exercife, and enjoy the fame 
 in the reign of King Charles II. provided that nothing 
 in this article contained be conflrued to extend to, or 
 reflore any forfeiting perfon now out of the kingdom, 
 except what are hereafter comprifed ; provided alfo, 
 that no perfon whatfoever fhall have or enjoy the benefit 
 of this article, that fhall negleft or rcfufe to take the 
 oath of allegiance,* made by aft of Parliament in 
 England, in the firfl year of the reign of their prefect 
 Majefties, when thereunto required. 
 
 III. All merchants, or reputed merchants of the 
 city of Limerick, or of any other garrifon now pofleffed 
 by the Irifh, or of any town or place in the counties of 
 Clare or Kerry, who are abfcnt beyond the feas, that 
 have not bore arms fince their Majefties declaration in 
 February 1688, ftiall have the benefit of the fecond 
 article, in the fame manner as if they were prefent ; 
 provided fuch merchants, and reputed merchants, do 
 repair into this kingdom within the fpacc of eight 
 months from the date hereof 
 
 IV. The following officers, viz. Colonel Simon Lut- 
 terel. Captain Rowland White, Maurice EuOace of 
 
 Yermanftown, 
 
 * \ yi. B. do fincerely promife and fwcar, that I will 
 be faithful, and bear true Allegiance to their Majeflies King 
 William and Queen Mary. 00 help mc God. 
 
11 
 
 Yermtnftowa, Chieveas of Mayftown, commonly called 
 Mount- Leioller, now belonging to the regiments ia 
 the aforefaid garrifons and quarters of the Irifh army, 
 who were beyond the feas, and fent thither upon 
 affairs of their refpci^ive regiments, or the army in 
 general, {hail iiave the benefit and advantage of the 
 fecond article, provided they return hither within the 
 fpace of eight months from the date of thefe prefents, 
 and iubmit to their Majefties Government, and take 
 the above-mentioned oath. 
 
 V. That all and fingular the faid perfons comprifed 
 in the fecond and third articles, fhall have a general 
 pardon of all attainders, outlawries, treafons, mifpri- 
 fions of treafon, premunires, felonies, trefpafles, and 
 other crimes and mifdemeanours whatfoever, by them, 
 or any of them, committed fince the beginning of the 
 reign of King James II. and if any of them are attainted 
 by Parhament, the Lords Juftices, and General, will 
 ufe their beft endeavours to get tiie fame repealed by 
 Parliament, and the outlawries to be reverfed gratis, 
 ail but writing-clerks fees. 
 
 VI. And whereas thefe prefcnt wars have drawn on 
 great violences on both parts ; and that if leave were 
 given to the bringing all forts of private anions, the 
 animofities would probably continue that have been too 
 long on foot, and the public difturbances laft : for the 
 quieting and fettling therefore of this kingdom, and 
 avoiding thofe inconveniencies which would be the 
 neceflTary eonfequence of the contrary, no perfon or 
 perfons whatfoever, comprifed in the foregoing articles, 
 fhall be fued, molefted, or impleaded at the fuit of any 
 party or parties whatfoever, for any trefpafles by the n 
 
 c 2 committed, 
 
12 
 
 committed, or for any arms, horfes, money, goods, 
 chatties, merchandizes, or proviijons whatfoever, by 
 them feized or taken during the time of the war. And 
 no perfoDor perfons whatfoever, in the fecond or third 
 articles comprifed, (hail be fued, impleaded, or made 
 accountable for the rents or mean rates of any lands, 
 tenements, or houfes, by him or them received, or 
 enjoyed in this kingdom, fince the beginning of the 
 preftnt war, to the day of the date hereof, nor for 
 any wafte or trefpafs by him or them committed in any 
 fuch lands, tenements, or houfes : and it is alfo agreed, 
 that this article fhall be mutual and reciprocal on 
 both fides. 
 
 VII. Every nobleman and gentleman comprifed in 
 the fald fecond and third abides, (hall have liberty to 
 lide with a fvvord, and cafe of piftois, if they think 
 /it j and keep a gun in their houfes, for the defence of 
 the flime, or for fowling. 
 
 VIII. The inhabiiants and refidents in the city •£ 
 Limerick, and other garrifons, fliall be permitted to 
 remove their goods, chatties and provifions, out of the 
 fame, without being viewed and fearched, or paying 
 any manner of duties, and fhall not be compelled to 
 leave the houfes or lodgings they now have, for thv' 
 fpace of fix weeks next enfuing the date hereof. 
 
 IX. The oath to be adminiftercd to fuch Roman 
 Catholics as fubniit to their Majefties Government, flial! 
 be the oath abovcfaid, and no other, 
 
 X. No pcrfon or perfons who fliall at any time 
 hereafter break thefe articles, or any of them, fliall 
 
 thereby 
 
13 
 
 thereby make, or c^infc nny other perfon cr perfons tfi> 
 forfeit or lofe the benefit of the fame. 
 
 XI. The Lords Juftices and General no promlH^ to 
 ufe their utmoft endeavours, that all the perlons com- 
 prehended in the above-mentioned articles, fliall be 
 prote<5led and defended from all ..nefrs and executions 
 for debt or damage, for the fpace of eight months next 
 vcnfuing the date hereof. 
 
 XII. Laftly, the Lords Juftices and General do un- 
 dertake, that their Majeflics will ratify thefe articles 
 within the fpace of eight mont'ns, or fooner, and ulc 
 their utmoft endeavours that the fame fhall be ratihcd 
 and confirmed in Parliament. 
 
 XIII. And whereas Colonel John Brown ftood In- 
 debted to feveral Prot-cftants, by judgments of record, 
 which appearing to the late Government, the Lord 
 Tyrconnel, and Lord Lucan, took away the eflfefts 
 the faid John Brown had to anfwer the faid debts, and 
 promiled to clear the faid John Brown of the faid 
 debts •, which cffcifls were taken for the public ufe of 
 the Irifh, and their army : for freeing the faid Lord 
 Lucan of his faid engagement, paft on their public ac- 
 count, for payment of the faid Proteftants, and for pre- 
 venting the ruin of the faid John Brown, and for fatis- 
 faftion of his creditors, at the inftance of the Lord 
 Lucan, and the reft of the perfons aforeHiid, it is agreed, 
 that the faids Lords Juftices, and the faid Baron Dc 
 Ginckle, ftiall intercede with the King and Parliament, 
 to have the eftates f«cured to R )man Catholics, by 
 articles and capitulation in this kingdom, charged with, 
 and equally liable to the payment of {o much of the 
 
 faid 
 
14 
 
 faid debts, as the faid Lord Lucan, upon flating ac- 
 counts with the faid John Brown, (hall certify under 
 his hand, that the efftfls taken from the faid Brown 
 amount unto; which accompt is to be Rated, and the 
 balance certified by the faid Lord Lucan in one and 
 twenty days after the date hereof: 
 
 For the true performance hereof, we have hereunto 
 fet our hands, 
 
 Present, CHAR. PORTER. 
 
 ^CRAVEXMORE. THOS. COxMNGSBY. 
 
 H. MACCAY. Bar. De GINCKLE. 
 T. TALMASn. 
 
 AND whereas the faid city of Limerick hath been 
 fince, in purfuance of the f.id ar/icles, furrendered 
 unto us. Now know ye, that we having confidered 
 of the faid articles, are graciouQy pleaftd hereby to 
 declare, that nve do for us^ our heirsy and fuccejforsy 
 as far as in us lies, ratify and confirm the fame, and 
 every claufe, matter, and thug therein contained. — 
 And as to luch parts thereof, for which an aft of Par- 
 liament fliail be found to be necefTary, we fhall recom- 
 mend the fame to be made good by Parliament, and 
 fhall give our royal afflnt to any bill or bills that Ihall 
 be pafTed by our two houfes of Parliament to that pur- 
 pofe. And whereas it appears unto us, that it was 
 agreed between the parties to the fiiid articles, that 
 after the words. Limerick, Clare, Kerry, Cork, Mayo, 
 or any of them, in the fecond of the faid articles, 
 the words following, viz. " And all fuch as are 
 " under their protection in the faid counties," 
 nioold be iofcrted, and be part of the faid articles. 
 
 "U'hich 
 
15 
 
 Which words having been cafually omitted by the 
 writer, the omiffion was not difcovered till after the 
 faid articles were figned, but was taken notice of 
 before the fecond town was furrendered : and that our 
 faid juftices and general, or one of them, did promife 
 that the faid claufe fhould be made good, it being with- 
 in the intention of the capitulation, and inferted in the 
 foul draft thereof Our further will and pleafure is, 
 and we do hereby ratify and confirm the faid omitted 
 words, viz. " And all fuch as are under their protec- 
 tion in the faid counties," hereby for us, our heirs and 
 fucceflbrs, ordaining and declaring, that all and every 
 perfon and perfons therein concerned, fhall and may 
 have, receive, and enjoy the benefit thereof, in fuch 
 and the fame manner, as if the faid words had been 
 inferted in their proper place, in the faid fecond article; 
 any omiffion, defeft, or miftake in the fiid fecond ar- 
 ticle, in any wife notwithftanding. Provided alv/ays, 
 ■and our will and pleafure is, that thefe our letters pa- 
 tents (hall be enrolled in our court of Chancery, in our 
 faid kingdom of Ireland, within the fpace of one year 
 next enfuing. In witnefs, &rc, witnefs ourfcl: at Welt- 
 minfter, the twenty-fourth day of February, anno regoi 
 regis & reginsE Gulielmi & Marise quarto per breve de 
 privato figillo. Nos autem tenorem premiffor. predi(ft. 
 Ad requifitionem attornat. general, domini regis & do- 
 minse reginse pro regno Hiberniae. Duximus exempli- 
 ficand. per prefentes. In cujus rei tellimonium has 
 literas noftras fieri fecimus patentes. Teftibus nobis 
 ipfis apud Weilmon. quinto die Aprilis, annoq. regni 
 corum quarto. 
 
 BRIDGES. 
 
 Examinat. C S. Keck. ") In Cancel, 
 
 per nos (_ Lagom Wm. Childe. 3 Magillros 
 
16 
 
 Military Articles agreed upon hdivecn the Barzn 
 dc Gituhlef Lieutcnani General and Cotnnwnder in Chief 
 of the hngiif) armyy on the one fide. 
 
 Jf/d the Liftitennnt-Generals De UJp)';ti and De Teffty 
 ComiTinnders in Chief of the Irijh armyy en the other; 
 and the General (Officers hereunto fithfcrtbing. 
 
 I That all pcrfons, wirhout any exceptions, of 
 what quality or condition foever, that arc willing to 
 leave the kingdom of Ireland, ihall have free liberty 
 to go to any country beyond the feas (England and 
 hcorbnd excepted; where they think fit, with their 
 families, houfchold-ftuff, plate, and jewels. 
 
 II. That all general officers, colonels, and generally 
 a'i other officers of horfe, dragoons, and foot-guards, 
 troopers, dragooncrs, foldiers of all kinds that are in 
 any garrifon, place, or port, now in the hands of the 
 Iri(h, orencan^ped in the counties of Cork, Clare, and 
 Kerry, as alio thofe called Rapparecs, or volunteers, 
 that are willing to go beyond feas as aforefaid, fhall 
 have free leave to embark themftlves wherever the 
 fhips are that are appointed to tranfport them, and to 
 come in whole bodies as they are now compoftd, or in 
 parties, companies, or oiherwife, without having any 
 impediment, dirtiRiy or indiredlly. 
 
 III. That all perfons above-mentioned, that are wil- 
 ling lo leave Ireland and go into France, (hall have 
 leave to declare it at the times and piaccb hereafter 
 mentioned, viz. the troops in Limerick, on Tuefday 
 next in Limerick i ihc horfe ;it their camp on Wcdnef- 
 
 dat, 
 
17 
 
 day, and the other forces that are dirperfed in the 
 counties of Clare, Kerry, and Cork, on the 8th inlVant, 
 'and on none other, before Monficur Tameron, the 
 French inttndant, and Colonel Withers; and after 
 fuch delaration is made, the troops that will go into 
 France muft remain under the command and difcipline 
 of their officers that are to condua them thither ; and 
 dcferters of each fid^ fhall be given up, and puniflied 
 accordingly. 
 
 IV. That all Englilh and Scotch officers that ferve now 
 in Ireland, Ihall be included in this capitulation, as well 
 for the fecurity of their eftates and goods in England, 
 Scotland, and Ireland, (if they are willing to remain 
 here), as for paffing freely into France, or any othc:r 
 country to ferve. 
 
 V. That all the general French officers, the intend- 
 ant, the engineers, the commiflaries at war, and of the 
 artillery, the treafurer, and other French officers, 
 ftrangers, and all others whatfoever, that are in Sligo, 
 Rofs, Clare, or in the army, or that do trade or com- 
 merce, or are otherways employed in any kind of fta- 
 tion or condition, (hall have free leave to pafs into 
 France, or any other country, and (hall have leave to 
 •fhip thcmfelves, vith all their horfes, equipage, plate, 
 papers, and all their effe^fs whatever ; and that Gene- 
 ral Ginckle will order paflTports for them, convoys, 
 and carriages, by land and water, to carry them fafc 
 from Limerick to the (hips where they fficill be cm- 
 barked, without paying any thing for the faid carriages, 
 or to thofe that are employed therein, with their horfes, 
 cars, boats, and fliallops 
 
 IX VI. That 
 
18 
 
 VI. Thnt if any of the aforcfaid equipages, mer- 
 chandize, horfcs, money, plate, or other moveables, or 
 lioufchcld-rtnfFbcioDging to the faid Irifh troops, or to 
 the French officers, or O'her particular pcrfons whatfo- 
 cver, be robbed, deftroyed, or taken away by the troops 
 of the faid General, the faid General will order it to 
 be rcilorcd, or payment to be made according to the 
 value that is given in upon oath 1^ the perfon fo robbed 
 or plundered : and the faid Irifh tro' ps to be tranfport- 
 ed ab aforcfaid : and all other pcrfons belonging to rhem, 
 arc to obftrve good order in their march and quarters, 
 and fhall reAorc whatever they fhall take from the 
 Lountry, or make rellitution for the fame, 
 
 VJI. That to facilitate the tranfporting the faid troops, 
 the General will furnirti fifty (hips, each (hip's burthen 
 two hundred tons ; for which, the perfons to be tranf- 
 ported fhall not be obliged to pay, and twenty more, 
 if there fhill be occafion, without their paying for 
 them ; and if any of the faid (hips (hall be of lelTer 
 burthen, he will furni(h more in number to countervail ; 
 and alfo give two men of war to embark the principal 
 officers, and ferve for a convoy to the velTcls of bur- 
 then. 
 
 VIII. That a commilTiry fliall be immediately fent 
 to Cork to vifit the tranfport fliips, and what condition 
 they are in for failing : and that as foon as they are 
 ready, the troops to be tranfported fhall march with all 
 convenient fpecd, the nearcit way, in order to embark 
 there : and if there fhall be any more men to be tranf- 
 ported than can be carried off in the faid fifty fhips, the 
 reA ftiall quit the Englilh town of Limerick, and march 
 
 tj 
 
19 
 
 to fuch quarters as (hall be appointed for them, con- 
 venient for their tranfportation, -where they fliall re- 
 main till the other twenty fhips be ready, which are to 
 be in a month ; and may embark on any French Ihip 
 that may come in the mean time. 
 
 IX. That the faid Hiips fliall be fnrniHied with forage 
 for horfe, and all neceflary provifions to fubfifl: the 
 officers, troops, dragoons, and foldiers, and all other 
 perfons that are flaipped to be tranfportcd into France; 
 which provifions fhall be paid for as foon as all are 
 difembarked at Breft or Nantz, upon the coaft of Brit- 
 tany, or any other port of France they can make. 
 
 X. And to fecure the return of the faid fhips (the 
 danger of the feas excepted) and payment for the faid 
 provifions, fufficient holtages fhall be given. 
 
 XI. That the garrifons of Clare-caftle, Rofs, and ail 
 other foot that are in garrifons in the counties of Clare, 
 Cork, and Kerry, fhall have the advantage of this pre- 
 fent capitulation ; and fuch part of thofe garrifons as 
 defiga to go beyond feas, (hall march out with their 
 arms, baggage, drums beating, ball in mouth, match 
 lighted at both ends, and colours flying, with all the 
 provifions, and half the ammunition that is in the faid 
 garrifons, and join the horfe that march to be tranf- 
 portcd ; or if then there is not fhipping enough for the 
 body of foot that is to be next tranfported after the 
 horfe. General Ginckle will order that they be furnifh- 
 cd with carriages for that purpofe, and what provi- 
 fions they fhall want in their march, they paying for 
 the faid provifions, or elfe that they may take it out of 
 their own magazines. 
 
 D 2 XII. That 
 
20 
 
 XII. That all the troops of horfe and dragoons, that 
 are in the counties of Cork, Kerry, and Clare, (hail alfo 
 have the benefit of this capitulation i and that fuch as 
 uill pafs into France, (hall have quarters given them in 
 the counties cf Clare and Kerry, apart from the troops 
 that are commanded by General Ginckle, until they 
 can be fliippcd ; and within their quarters they (hall 
 pay for every thing, except forage and pafture ior their 
 liorfes, which (hall be furni(hed gratis. 
 
 XIII. Thofe of the garrifon of Sligo that are joined 
 to the Iri(h army, (hall have the benefit of this capitu- 
 lation ; and orders (hall be fent to them that are to 
 convey them up, to bring them hither to Limerick the 
 i]iorte(\ way 
 
 XIV. The Irifli may have liberty to tranfport nine 
 hundred horfe, including horfes for the officers, whicli 
 fhall be trarxfported gratis : and as for the troopers that 
 Hay behind, they (hall difpofe of themfclves as they 
 (hall think fit, giving up their horfes and arms to fuch 
 pcrfons as the General (hall appoint. 
 
 XV. It (hall be permitted to thofe that are appointed 
 to take care for the fubfiftencc of the horfe, that are 
 ■willing to go into France, to buy hay and corn at the 
 King's rates wherever they can find it, in the quarters 
 that are adigned for them, without any let or moleAa- 
 tion, and to carry all nece(rary provifions out of the 
 city of Limerick -, and for this purpofe, the General 
 will furnifli convenient carriages for them to the placM 
 where they (hall be embarked. 
 
 XVI. It 
 
21 
 
 XVI. It fhali be lawful to make ufe of the hay pre- 
 fcrved in the ftores of the coun:y of Kerry, for the 
 horfes that (hall be embarked •, and if there be not 
 enough, it (hall be lawful to buy hay and oats where- 
 ever it (hall be found, at the King's rates. 
 
 XVII. That all prifoners of war, that were in Ire- 
 land the 28th of September, (hall be fet at liberty on 
 both fides ; and the General promifes to ufe his endea- 
 vours, that thofe that are in England and Flanders (hall 
 be fet at liberty alfo. 
 
 XVIII. The General will caufe provifions and medi- 
 cines to be furnifhed to the fick and wounded officers, 
 troopers, dragoons, and foldiers of the Irifh army, that 
 cannot pafs into France at the firll: cmbarkraent ; and 
 after they are cured, will order them (hips to pafs int6 
 France, if they are willing to go.- 
 
 XIX. That at the figning hereof, the General will 
 fend a fliip exprefs to France; and that befides, he will 
 furni(h two fmall (hips of thofe that are now in the 
 river of Limerick, to tranfport two perfons into France 
 that are to be fent to give notice of this treaty ; and 
 that the commanders of the faid (hips (hall have orders 
 to put a(hore at the next port of France where they 
 (hall make. 
 
 XX. That all thofe of the faid troops, officers, and 
 others, of what charaflcr foever, that would pafs into 
 France, (hall not be flopped upon the account of debt, 
 •r any othci: pretext. 
 
 XXI. If, 
 
oa 
 
 XXI. If, after figning this prefcnt treaty, and before 
 tlic arrival of the fleet, a French packet-boat, or other 
 tranfpori-fhip, (hall arrive from France in any other 
 part of Ireland, the General will order a paffport, not 
 only for fuch as muft go on board the faid (hips, but 
 to the (hips to come to the neareft port to the place 
 where the troops to be tranfported fhall be quartered. 
 
 XXII. That after the arrival of the faid fleet, there 
 fliall be free communication and pifTage between it 
 and the quarters of the above-faid troops ; and efpc- 
 cially, for all thofe that have pa(res from the chief 
 Commanders of the faid fleet, or from Monf Tameron 
 the iotendant. 
 
 XXIII. In confidcration of the prefent cipitulation, 
 the two towns of Limerick (hall be delivered and put 
 into the hands of the General, or any other perlbn he 
 fhall appoint, at the time and days hereafter fpccified, 
 viz. the Iri(h town, except the magazines and hofpital, 
 on the day of the figning of thefe prefent articles •, and 
 as for the Englifh town, it (hall remain, together with 
 the illand, and the free pafTage of Thomond-bridgc, 
 in the hands of thofe of the Iri(h army that arc now in 
 the garrifon, or that (hall hereafter come from the 
 counties of Cork, Clare, Kerry, Sligo, and other places 
 above-mentioned, until there (hall be convenience found 
 for their tranfportation. 
 
 XXIV. And to prevent all diforders that may hap- 
 pen between the gairifon that the General ftiall place 
 in the Iri(h town, which (hall be delivered to him, and 
 the Iriih troopers that (hall remain in the Englilh towa 
 
 and 
 
23 
 
 and the ifland, which they may do, until the troops to 
 be embarked on the firO fifty fliips {hall be gone for 
 France, iind no longer ; they fhall entrench themfelvcs 
 on both fides, to hinder the communication of the fald 
 garrifons •, and it (hall be prohibited on both fides, to 
 offer any thing that is offenfive; and the parties offend- 
 ing (hail oe punilhed on cither fide, 
 
 XXV. That it (hall be lawfu' for the faid garrifon 
 to march out all art once, or at different times, as they 
 can be embarked, with arms, baggage, .drums heatings 
 mutch lighted nt both ends, bullet in mouth, colours 
 fixing, f:K brnfs guns, fuch as the bejieged ivill chufe, 
 two mortar-pieces, and half the ammunition that it 
 now in the magazines of the faid place ; and for this- 
 purpofe an inventory of all the ammunition in the gar- 
 rifon ihall be made in the prefcnce of any perfon that 
 the General (hall appoint, the next day after thefe pre- 
 fent articles fhall be ligned. 
 
 XXVI. All the magazines of provifions fhall remain 
 in the hands of thofe that are now employed to take 
 care of the fame, for the fubfiftence of thofe of the Irifli 
 army that will pafs into France : and if there fhall not 
 be fufficient in the (lores, for the fupport of the faid 
 troops, whilft they (lay in this kingdom, and are crof- 
 ling the feas, that upon giving up an account of their 
 numbers, the General will furnifh them with fufficient 
 provifions at the King's rates; and that there fhall be a 
 free market at '.imcrick, and other quarters, where 
 the faid troops fliall be; and in cafe any provifion fnall 
 remain in the magazines of Limerick when tl.e town 
 fliall be given up, it fliall be valued, and the price de- 
 
 duaed 
 
24 
 
 dufted out of what is to be paid for the provifions to be 
 furnifhed to. the troops on ihip-board. 
 
 XXVII. That there fhall be a ceflatioo of arms at 
 land, as alfo at fea, with rcfpeft to the (hips, whether 
 Englifh, Dutch, or French, dcfigned for the tranfporta- 
 tion of the faid troops, until they (hill be returned to 
 their refpeflivc harbours ; and that, on both fides, they 
 fhall be furnifhed with fufficient palTports both for ftiips 
 and men ; and if any fea-commander, or captain of a 
 fhip., or any officer, trooper, dragoon, foldicr, or any 
 other perfon, (hall aft contrary to this ccfTation, the per- 
 fons fo afting fhall be punifhed on either fide, and fatis- 
 faftion fhall be made for the wrong that is done ; and 
 officers fliall be fent to the mouth of the river of Lime- 
 rick, to give notice to the commanders of the Englifh 
 and French fleets of the prefent conjunfture, that they 
 may obferve the ceiTation of arms accordingly. 
 
 XXVIII. That for the fccurlty of the execution of 
 this prcfcnt capitulation, and of each article therein con- 
 tained, the bcfieged fhall give the following hoftagcs 
 and the General fhall give . 
 
 XXIX. If before this capitulation is fully executed, 
 there happens any change in the government, or com- 
 mand of the army, which is now commanded by Gene- 
 ral (jinckle ; all thofe that ihall be appointed to com- 
 mand the f^me, fliall be obliged to obffrvc and execute 
 what is fpecified in thefe articles, or caufc it to be exe- 
 cuted punftually, and (hall not adf contrary on any 
 account. 
 
 Oa. TO. BARON DE GIN'CKLF. 
 
25 
 
 If this treaty is only confidered according to 
 thofe rules of common morality, which influence 
 the conduft of man to man ; if, in proportion to 
 the great advantages which England derived from 
 it, file was bound to conflrue it with liberality, as 
 well as to execute it with good faith ; then the 
 irilh Catholics mufl; be confidered as placed by U 
 in a fituation of complete equality with their Pro- 
 teftant countrymen. The free exercifc of dick 
 religion was granted in the mod unqualified man- 
 ner : Security of property was as fully confirmed 
 to them. In regard to perfonal fecurity, they were 
 pardoned all mifdemeanours whatfoever of which 
 they had been guilty, and were reftored to all the 
 rights, liberties, privileges, and immunities, which, 
 by the laws of the land, and cuiloms, conllitu- 
 tions, and native birthright, they, any, aud every 
 of them, were equally with every other of their 
 fellow-fubje£is entitled to.* The praftice of the 
 feveral trades or profefTions was fecured to tliem. 
 They were allowed the ufe of arms, fome of thcra 
 ipecially, but all of them in confequcnce .of no 
 limitation or exception to the contrary ; and they 
 were left at liberty to vote for members of Par- 
 E liament, 
 
 * Sir Theobald Butler's fpeech, vide Appecdix, No. I. 
 
26 
 
 liament, and to fit in Parliament.* The lawj, 
 even, which were in force againft the Catholics 
 when the treaty took place, ought, according to 
 the firft article, to have been repealed ;t bccaufe 
 
 their 
 
 • The articles of Limerick were figned by De Ginckle 
 on the 3d of Oftober, 1691. The Englifh Parliament that 
 pafTed the adl of 3d William and Mary, c. 2. by which Irifh 
 peers and members of Parliament were firft required to take 
 the oath of fupremacy, met on the 22d Odober, 1691. 
 According to the conftitution of Ireland, as granted by 
 Henry 2d, and confirmed in 1782, this aft of 3d William 
 and Mary, c. 2. was not binding in Ireland ; and, though the 
 Catholics fubmitted to it, they were not legally excluded 
 from Parliament till the 22d year of his prcfent Majefty's 
 reign. 
 
 f Thefe laws were, ift. An adl againft the authority of 
 the See of Rome. It ena(5ts, that no perfon fhall attribute 
 any jurifdiaion to the See of Rome ; that the perfon offend- 
 ing to be fubjcft to a premunire ; and, that all who have any 
 office from the King, every perfon entering into orders, or 
 taking a degree in the Univerfity, (hall take the oath of 
 fupremacy. 
 
 2d. An aft reftoring to the Crown the antient jurifdidion 
 over the State, ecclefiaftical and fpiritual. It likewife enadts 
 that every ecclefiaftical perfon, every perfon accepting office, 
 (hall uke the oath of fupremacy. 
 
 3d. An aft for the uniformity of common prayer. It enafls, 
 that every perfon, having no lawful excufe to be abfent, ffiall, 
 every Sunday, refort to fome place of worffiip of the efta- 
 blifhed Church, or forfeit 12d. 
 
 4th. An aft, by which the Chancellor may appoint a 
 
 "uardian to the child of a Catholic. 
 
 *' 5th. 
 
27 
 
 their Majeftics engaged, by this article, to obtain 
 for the Catholics fuch further fecurity, in refpe^l: 
 to the exercife of their religion, as might preferve 
 them from any dijiurbance on account of that relU 
 gion. It is impoffible for any other fair conflruc- 
 tion to be given of this article, than that which is 
 here given. It would be beneath the dignity, 
 and wholly inconfiflent with that chara£ler for 
 good faith, of which it has always been the pride 
 of England to boaft, to attempt to apply any other 
 meaning to it. No doubt there are thofe who 
 would wiili to aft, on all occafions, towards the 
 Catholics, according to that fyftem of perverted 
 morality which the powerful always impofe on the 
 weak ; but, fo long as the true principle? of julj. 
 tice fhall have their due influence, the majority of 
 mankind can never confider this firft: article of the 
 treaty pf Limerick in any other light, than as a 
 E 2 complete 
 
 5th, An a6l, by which no Catholic fchoolmafter can teach 
 in a private houfe without a hcenfe from the ordinary of his 
 diocefe, and taking the oath of fupremacy. 
 
 6th, The new rules, by which no perfon can be admitted 
 into any corporation without taking the oath of fupremacy. 
 
 This ftatement is taken from the Report of the Committee 
 of the Houfe of Commons, appointed, in 1697. to confider 
 what penal Jaws were then in force againft the Catholics. — 
 Cgiti. Jour. V. % 
 
28 
 
 (Complete and perpetual cxcinption of the Irifli 
 Catholics from all political and religious difquali- 
 fication on account of their religion. This treaty 
 has been very accurately defcribed as the great 
 charter of the civil and religious liberty of the 
 Catholics ;• and though not hitherto obferved as 
 fuch by the Englifli Government, the Catholics 
 have a right (which time cannot efface nor perfidy 
 deflroy) to recur to its ftipulations ; and if an 
 Englifli Government can a^t with juftice towards 
 them, their appeal will not for ever be made in 
 vain. 
 
 Though William had bound himfelf by this 
 treaty to call a Parliament as foon as his affairs 
 Xvould admit, and to obtain from it the ratification 
 of the treaty, he dilTolved the firft Parliament of 
 his reign, which had met on the 5th October, 
 1692, in September, 1693, "without propofing to 
 them any fuch meafure. He was further guilty 
 of a want of attenhon to his engagement, by not 
 fummoning another Parliament till the 27th April, 
 1695; and, when this Parliament did meet, he 
 fccms to have entirely forgotten, that his own 
 
 faith, 
 * vSmo.llet, 
 
29 
 
 faith, and the faith of the Englifli nation, was 
 ph'ghted to the Catholics by a folemn treaty ; for, 
 inftead of recommending to them, in the fpeech 
 of his Lord Deputy, to proceed to confirm the 
 articles of Limerick, he told them that he was in- 
 tent upon the great work of a firm fettiement of 
 Ireland upon a Protejlant intereft.* The Parlia- 
 ment were not backward in prompting his obje£l. 
 They firft: of all pafled an a£l to deprive the Ca- 
 tholics of the means of educating their children 
 cither at home or abroad, and of the privilege of 
 being guardians either of their own or of any 
 other perfon's children.! Then they pafTed an ad 
 to difarm the Catholics,} another to banifli their 
 
 priefts, 
 
 * Comm. Journal, 2. 279. 
 
 t 7th W. III. c. 4. of this aft, Mr. Burke fays, " Whilft 
 this reftraint upon foreign and domeftic education was part of 
 a horrible and impious fyftem of fervitude, the members were 
 well fitted to the body. To render men patient, under a de- 
 privation of all the rights of human nature, every thing which 
 could give them a knowledge or feeling of thofe rights was 
 rationally forbidden. To render humanity fit to be infulted, 
 it was fit that it fhould be degraded. Indeed, I have ever 
 thought the prohibition of the means of improving our ra- 
 tional nature, to be the word fpecies of tyranny that the in- 
 fofence and perverfenefs of mankind ever dared to exercife.'* 
 —Letter to <i Peer in Ireland, 
 
 X 7th W. III. c. 5. 
 
30 
 
 priefts,* and, flrange as it may appear, they then 
 thought proper in the year 1697 to pafs an aft to 
 conjirm the articles of Limerick.f 
 
 Of this aft it is to be obferred, in the firft 
 place, that the very title of it is a proof of its 
 injuflice j for it is ftyled " an aft for the confir- 
 mation of articles^* and not, as it ought to be, 
 " of the articles" made at the furrender of 
 Limerick.'* 
 
 The preamble affords further evidence of the 
 intention of the framers of it to evade its proper 
 objcft. It runs " That the faid articles, or Jo 
 much of them as may confifl with the fafety and 
 welfare of your Majefty's fubjefts of tl^is king- 
 dom, may be confirmed,** &c. 
 
 But the whole aft goes to convift the Parlia- 
 ment, (and as this Parliament was completely 
 under the controul of the Lord Deputy,)J even 
 
 William 
 
 • 9th William III. c. 1. 
 
 -j- 9th William HI. c. 3. 
 
 \ ♦* He (Lord Capel, the Lord Deputy) undertook to mo- 
 del a Parliament in fuch a manner, that they fliould comply 
 uith all the demands of the Miniftry, and he fuccecdcd in his 
 endeavours, by m.tking fuch arbitrary changes in offices as beft 
 fjitcd his purpofe,— 6'mo//tf/ IM. 23^. 
 
 •»Hfe 
 
31 
 
 William himfelf, of grofs injuftice towards tlic 
 Catholics. For the firfl: article of the treaty is 
 wholly omitted, which guarantees to the Catho- 
 lics the free exercife of their religion, and an 
 exemption from all dillurbance on account of it j 
 and each claufe of the a£t has the effect of limit- 
 ing the terms of the other articles, and depriv- 
 ing the Catholics of the benefit of them, inftead 
 of ratifying and confirming them. 
 
 The firfl: claufe, which refers at once to the 
 fecond article, explains who are entitled to the 
 benefit of it, and the rights conferred upon them ; 
 affuming as a faft, for which there could be no 
 foundation, that this article required explanation. 
 With refpe6t to the perfons entitled to the benefit 
 of the treaty, a raoft remarkable difference occurs 
 between the words of the fecond article, and 
 thofe of, this claufe in defcribing thcfn. In the 
 ratification of the treaty by William, there is the 
 following pafliage : " And whereas it appears to us, 
 that it was agreed between the parties to the faid 
 ^ articles, 
 
 " He carried the projeds of the Crown in Parliament, 
 and was recommended as an excellent governor, in a fpecial 
 addrefs fent by the Commons to the King." — Macpherfons 
 H'ljl. % 94. 
 
32 
 
 articles, that after the words Limerick, Clare, 
 Kerry, Cork, and Mayo, or any of them, in the 
 fecond of the faid articles, the words following, 
 viz. " And all fuch as are under their protc£lion 
 in the faid counties," fhouid be inferted and be 
 part of the faid article ; " Our further will and 
 pleafure is, and we do ratify and confirm the faid 
 omitted words.'* Thefe words, according even to 
 theflri<5l letter of the article, extended the benefit 
 of the treaty to the whole Catholic population of 
 thefe counties, which certainly was the obje^ of 
 the treaty, as it may be collefted from the pre- 
 amble to it, in which it is dated that the Irifh 
 generals afted in behalf of the Irifli inhabitants 
 of thefe counties. But in this claufe of the aft 
 of Parliament to confirm the treaty, thefe words 
 are omitted, and therefore the benefit of the 
 treaty is limited, by this explanatory and confining 
 a£^, to the Irifli army and the inhabitants of the 
 city of Limerick, and a few more garrifon towns : a 
 limitation in every refpeft moft: perfidious, and 
 wholly unjufl:ifiablc upon any plea of ambi- 
 guity in the language of the article, even if fuch 
 a plea could for a moment be allowed. 
 
 \Viih refpeft to the rights conferred by the 
 
 (econd 
 
33 
 
 fecond article, this claufe affords a flriking 
 proof of the paltry fubterfuges to which the Le- 
 giflature of that day could have recourfe in order 
 to defeat the ends of juftice, and to opprefs the 
 Catholics. The fecond article declares that all 
 thofe comprifed in the treaty, " fliall hold, polTefs 
 " and enjoy all and every their eflates of free- 
 " hold and inheritance ; and all the rights, titles 
 " and interefts, privileges and immunities, which 
 " they every or any of them hold, enjoyed, or 
 *' were rightfully and lawfully entitled to in the 
 " reign of King Charles II.'* The claufe of the 
 aft correfponds with the article, except in thefe 
 moft material points ; after the word '' inheritance :'* 
 the flop, inflead of being a femicolon, as it was 
 in the original treaty, is altered to a comma ; and 
 after the words " privileges and immunities," the 
 words " to the faid eflates" are inferted ; and 
 thus the meaning of the fecond article is wholly 
 altered, and the words, " rights, privileges and 
 immunities," made to refer to the eflates of 
 the Catholics, inflead of to their perfons and 
 liberties, to which only by the original article 
 they can refer. If any authority were wanting 
 to maintain this conflru^iion, a very unqueflion- 
 able one may be adduced from the fpeech of Sir 
 F Theobald 
 
54 
 
 Theobald Butler, before alluded to, who was in 
 Limerick when it furrendercd, and was the perfon 
 employed to draw up the treaty. 
 
 This aft for confirming the treaty, wholly omits 
 that part of the fecond article, which guarantees 
 to the Catholics the exercife of their fevera! 
 trades and profeiTions. It alfo omits the fourth 
 article. It limits the benefit of the indemnity 
 granted by the fixth article to a period fubfequent 
 to the loth of April, 16^89, and enables all per- 
 fons, who fuffered any injuries between the 5th of 
 November, 1688, and this period, to bring their 
 anions for the fame until the ift of September, 
 1 69 1, by declaring that the commencement of 
 the war referred to in the article was the i oth of 
 April, 1689, and not the 5th of November, 1688, 
 and it omits the 7th, 8th, 9th, and loth articles. 
 Being in fliort an aft, that, under the name of 
 conferring favours on the Catholics, really placed 
 them in a worfe condition, than that in which 
 they were before it palled into a law. 
 
 The other afts of this reign, relating to the 
 
 Catholics, are an aft to prevent Proteflants from 
 
 intermarrying with PapKts,* and an aft to prevent 
 
 them 
 * 9th William III. c. 3. 
 
35 
 
 them from being fblicltors.* A claufe was intro- 
 duced in an aft for the prcfervation of game, 
 prohibiting Papifts from being employed as game- 
 keepers.f 
 
 How it is poflible to defend William and his 
 minifters from the charge of having afted with 
 perfidy towards the Catholics, it is not eafy to 
 difcover. That they were guilty of violating the 
 treaty no one can deny. The excufe that has 
 been made for William, that he was obliged to 
 fubmit to the power of the anti-catholic party, 
 may eafily be proved to be a mere pretext. 
 In the firft place, the Parliament which paffed 
 thefe laws was under the controul of William ; 
 bcfides he encouraged them, by a fpeech from the 
 throne, to ftrengthen the Proteftant intereft. The 
 preamble of the aft for confirming the treaty, 
 ftates they were recommended by William to con- 
 firm only a part of the articles. But why did he 
 not refufe his confent to thefe laws, on the ground 
 of their being contrary to his folemn engagements 
 to the Catholics ? He had exercifed this prero- 
 gative in the cafe of one Scotch, + and of one 
 F 2 Englifli 
 
 * loth William 111. c. 13- 
 t 10th William III c 8. , 
 
 J For excluding from any public truft all fuch as had been 
 concerned in the encroachments of the late reign. 
 
36 
 
 Engli(h bill.* But even this extremity might 
 have been avoided, becaufe the laws of Poynings 
 required that every bill fhould be approved by 
 the King and Council of England before it could 
 pafs the Houfe of Commons j and, if a bill was 
 exceptionable, by withholding their approbation, 
 a very common proceeding, it fell of courfc to the 
 ground. 
 
 But if William and his minlflers were guilty 
 of perfidy towards the Catholics, his fuccelTor 
 far outflripped him. Nor has any fucceeding 
 prince been free from the blame of having been 
 an acceflary to his crime, in proportion as they 
 have neglected or refufed to repeal thofe penal 
 laws, which are fo many glaring violations 
 of the treaty of Limerick, which are a fcan- 
 dal to the boafled good faith of the Englifh 
 Ration, and a mockery of that equitable religion, 
 whofe precepts are founded upon the pureft 
 
 principles of juflice and humanity. 
 
 ANNE, 
 
 ♦ Concerning free and impartial proceedings in Parliament 
 
37 
 
 ANNE. 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1704, the royal affent 
 was given to the act to prevent the further growth 
 of popery ; being the firft of thefe two famous a£ts, 
 which have mofl: defervedly been termed by Mr, 
 Burke, the ferocious afts of Anne. 
 
 By the third claufe of this aft the popifti father, 
 though he may have acquired his eftate by defcent 
 from a long line of anceftors, or by his own pur- 
 ichafe, is deprived of the power, in cale his eldeft: 
 ion, or any other fon, becomes a Proteftant, to 
 fell, mortgage, or othcrwife difpofe of it, or to 
 l^ave out of it any portions or legacies. 
 
 By the 4th claufe, the popifli father is de- 
 barrea, under a penalty of 500I. from being a 
 guardian to, or from having the cuflody of his 
 own children ; but if the child, though ever fo 
 young, pretends to be a Protcltant, it is to be 
 taken from its own father, and put into the hands 
 of a Proteftant relation. 
 
 The 5th claufe provides that no Proteftant 
 
 ftiall marry a Papifl, having an eftate in Ireland, 
 
 cither in or out of the kingdom. 
 
 The 
 
5$ 
 
 The 6ih claufe render? Papids Incapable of 
 purchafing any manors, tenements, hereditaments, 
 or any rents or profits arifing out of the fame, or of 
 holding any leafe of lives, or other leafe whatever, 
 for any term exceeding 31 years. Even >*iih re- 
 fpeft to this advantage re(lri(fiions were impofed on 
 them, one of which was, that if a farm produced 
 a profit greater than one-third of the amount of 
 the rent, the right in it was i.:imediately to ceafe, 
 and to pafs over entirely to the firft Proteftant 
 who fhould difcover the rate of profit. 
 
 The 7th claufe deprives Papifts of fuch inhe- 
 ritance, devife, gift, remainder or truft, of any 
 lands, tenements or hereditaments, of which any 
 Proteftant was, or (hould be feized in fee fimple, 
 abfolute or fee tail, which, by the death of fuch 
 Protcftant, or. his wife, ought to have defcended 
 to his fon or other iflfue in tail, being Papifls, and 
 makes them defcend to the neareft Proteflant rela- 
 tion, as if the Popifli heir and other Popiih rela- 
 tions were dead. 
 
 By the icth claufe, the eftate of a Papift, for 
 want of a Proteflant heir, is to be divided, fhare 
 and (hare alike, among all his fons ; for want of 
 fous, among his daughters ; and, for want of 
 
 daughters, 
 
39 
 
 daughters, among the collateral kindred of the 
 father. 
 
 By ihe i ^th claufe, no perfon fliall be exempt 
 from the penalties of this aft, that ihall not take 
 and fubf;ribe the oath and declaration required 
 by this aft to be taken. 
 
 By the 1 6th claufe, all perfons whatfoever who 
 ftiall receive any office, civil and military, (hall 
 take and fubfcribe the oath and declaration re- 
 quired to be taken by the Englifh aft of 3d Wm. 
 and Mary ; and alfo the oath of abjuration re- 
 quired to be taken by another Englifh aft of ifl 
 Anne ; and alfo (hall receive the facrameat.* 
 
 The a3d claufe provides, that noPapifl, except 
 under particular conditions, fliall dwell in Lime- 
 rick or Gal way. 
 
 Tlie 
 
 * Upon this claufe of the bill Bifhop Burnet makes the 
 following obfervations ; " A claufe was added (in England) 
 which they (the Roman Catholics) hoped would hinder it« 
 being accepted in Ireland. The matter was carried on fo 
 fecretly, that it was known to pone but thofe who were at the 
 Council, till the news of it came from Ireland, upon its being 
 lent thither. — It was hoped, by thofe who got this daufe 
 added to the bill, that thofe in Ireland, who promoted it, 
 would be lefs fond of it when it had fuch a weight hung to 
 it." i^i/?. -u. 2./.. 214. 
 
 This claufe has fince been called the Sacramental Teft, the 
 iirft impofed on diflenters in Ireland. It was repealed with- 
 out any oppoCtion in the Sefiions of 1782, 
 
40 
 
 The 24th, that no perfons (hall vou at clcftions 
 without taking the oaths of allegiance and abju- 
 ration. 
 
 And the 25th claufc, that all advowfons pof- 
 fclTed by Papifts (hall be vcftcd in her Majefly. 
 
 The Catholics, who had fubmitted in filencc 
 to all the unjuft tranfgreflions of the lafl reign, 
 felt it nece(rary, when this a£t was firfl brought 
 before Parliament, to ufe their utmofl exertions 
 to prevent it from paiTiing into a law. They, how- 
 ever, appealed in vain to the Engli(h Cabinet to 
 refpeft the folemn engagements of the treaty of 
 Limerick, and were obliged to have recourfe to a 
 petition to the Iriih Parliament. 
 
 Sir Theobald Butler was heard, as counfel for 
 tlie petitioners, at the bar of the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, on the 2 2d February, 1703: He ftated, 
 " that the bill would render null and void the ar- 
 *' tides of Limerick ; that thofe articles had been 
 *' granted for the valuable confideration of the 
 " furrender of that garrifon, at a time whea the 
 " Catholics had the fvvord in their hand, and were 
 " in a condition to hold out much longer ; and 
 
 " when 
 
41 
 
 " when they had it in their power to demand and 
 " make fuch terms as might be for their own fa- 
 *' ture liberty, fafety, and fecurity : That the al- 
 " lowing of the terms contained in thefe articles 
 "" were highly advantageous to the government 
 " to which they fubmitted, as well for uniting 
 *' the people that were then divided, quieting 
 *' and fettling the diftra^lions and diforders of 
 *' this miferable kingdom, as for the other advan- 
 *' tages which the government would thereby 
 '* reap in its own affairs, both at home and 
 " abroad, when its enemies were fo powerful, 
 " both by fea and land, as to render the peace 
 " and fettlement of thefe countries a circumftance 
 " of great uncertainty : That thefe articles were 
 " ratified by their late Majefties, for themfelves, 
 " their heirs, and fucceflbrs, and the public faith 
 ** thereby plighted to all thofe comprifed in thefe 
 " articles, in the mod binding manner it was pof- 
 " fible for faith to be plighted, and than which 
 " nothing could be more facred and folemn : That, 
 " therefore, to violate and break tbofe articles 
 *' would, on the contrary, be the greatefl: injuftice 
 " polfible for any one people of the whole world 
 G " to 
 
42 
 
 *' to inflict upon another, and contrary to both 
 " the laws of God and man." He then pro- 
 ceeded to fliew that the claufes of the bill which 
 take away from Catholics the right to purchafe, 
 bequeath, fell, and inherit eftates, were infringe- 
 ments of the 2d article of the treaty : That the 
 9th claufe of the bill, impofing upon Catholics 
 new oaths, was another manifeft breach of the 
 articles, for that, by the 9th article, do oath is 
 to be adminiftercd to, nor impofed upon fuch Ca- 
 tholics as fhould fubmit to government, but the 
 oath of allegiance, appointed by an a£l made in 
 England in the firit year of the reign of their late 
 Majefl:ies ; that the claufcs for prohibiting Catholics 
 from refiding in Limerick or Galway, from voting 
 at elections without taking certain new oaths, and 
 from poflciTing advowfons, were likewife infringe- 
 ments of the treaty. " For if," concludes Sir 
 Theobald Butler, " there was no law in force in 
 " the reign of Charles II. againfl thefe things, as 
 " there certainly was not, and if the Roman 
 " Catholics of this kingdom have not lince for- 
 " fcited their right to the laws that then were in 
 " force, as for certain they have not, then, with 
 
 '* humble 
 
43 
 
 " humble fabmiffion, all the afcrefaid clanfes, 
 ■* and matters contained in this bill, entitled, /^n 
 " Ad to prevent the further growth of Popery^ are 
 " direi^ly againfl: the plain words and true intereft: 
 " and meaning of the faid articles, and a violation 
 " of the public faith.*'* 
 
 In confequence of the puffing of this a(5l, and of 
 thofe other afts which were pafied of a fimilar ten- 
 dency in the lad reign, the Catholics were deprived 
 of all thofe privileges and immunities, which they 
 trufted had been fecured in confequence of a King 
 of England having bound himfelf, his heirs and 
 fucceffors, to fulfil the conditions of the treaty of 
 Limerick. In place of being the free fubjefts of 
 ii prince, from whom they were taught to expe<fl 
 only juflice and mercy, they were made the 
 flaves of every one, even of the very meanefl, 
 of their Proteilant countrymen. They favv the 
 Englifli government, on whom they had claims 
 for protection againfl: their own parliament, di- 
 re(rting its fanatic councils and confirming its 
 crimes, ^y the treaty of Litiierick they were 
 
 G 2 left 
 
 * Vld. App. No. \. for the Sprcch at length of Sir 
 Tobv Butler. 
 
44 
 
 left at liberty to educate, and to afl as guardians 
 to their own children : by the penal laws they 
 neither can fend them to be educated abroad, 
 or have them educated at home, or be guardians 
 to their own, or the children of any other 
 |)crfons. 
 
 By the treaty of Limerick, the free exerclfe 
 of their religion was guaranteed to them. By 
 the penal laws their priefts are baniflied, hanged 
 if they returned home, and their chapels fhut 
 up. 
 
 By the treaty of Limerick, their noblemen 
 and gentlemen were Specially allowed the privi- 
 lege of wearing arms, and the whole body were 
 equally entitled to the fame privilege, becaufe, 
 when it was executed, no law exifted to the con- 
 trary. By the penal laws, no Catholic is per- 
 mitted to have the ufe of arms, except a very 
 few even of thofe who were fpecially comprized 
 in the treaty. 
 
 By the treaty of Limerick, Catholics might 
 intermarry with Proteflants. By the penal law^ 
 this privilege is removed. 
 
 By 
 
45 
 
 By the treaty of Limerick, the profeflion of 
 the law was open to them ; by thefe laws it is 
 taken from them. 
 
 By the treaty of Limerick, the Catholics could 
 purchafe, fell, bequeath, and inherit landed pro- 
 perty. By the penal laws they can neither 
 purchafe, fell, bequeath or inherit landed pro- 
 perty, take annuities for lives fecured on lands, 
 or any longer leafe of land than for 3 1 years 5 
 nor could they lend money on mortgage* or vefl 
 It in public fecurjties. 
 
 By the treaty of Limerick, the Catholics were 
 left in full enjoyment of every political franchife, 
 excepi thofe of holding offices under government, 
 and of becoming members of corporations. By 
 the penal laws, they can not vote at veftries, 
 ferve on grand juries, aft as conflables, or as flie- 
 rifFs or undcr-ftieriffs, be magiilrates, vote at 
 clcftions, or fit in parliament.! 
 
 % 
 
 * By a conftru(5lton of Lord Hardwicke. 
 
 + *' The exclufiun from the law, from grand juries, from 
 fheriffships and under-fherifFships, as weJl as from freedom jp 
 ^ny corporation, may fubje^ them to dreadful hardfhips, a^ 
 
n 
 
 By the treaty of Limerick, they were pro- 
 {c£^ed from being called upon to take any other 
 oaths bcfides the oath of allegiance of the ift 
 William and Mary. By the penal laws they are 
 required to take the oaths of abjuration and 
 fupremaqr, and to fubfcribe declarations againd 
 the principal tenets of their religious faith. 
 
 By the treaty of Limerick, they were acknow- 
 ledged as the free fubjefts of a Britifli King j by 
 the penal laws they are placed in the double 
 capacity of flaves and enemies of their Proteflant 
 countrymen. Had they become mere flaves, they 
 plight have experienced fome degree of humane 
 treatment ; but, as the policy which made them 
 flaves, held them out at thp fame lime as the natu- 
 ral 
 
 ir may exclude them v/holly from all that is beneficial, and 
 ctiqjofe them to all that is mifcliievous in a trial by jury. This 
 was manifeftly within my owq obfervation, for I was Uiree 
 times in Ireland from the year 17S0 to the year 1767, where 
 1 had fufficient means of information, concerning the inhu- 
 man proceedings (among which were many cruel murders, 
 befides an infinity of outrages and opprelHons, unknown be- 
 fore in a civilized age) which prevailed during that period, in 
 confequence of a pretended confpiracy among Roman Catho- 
 lics againft the King's Government." — Burke's LcU:r lo « 
 ^cer of Ireland. 
 
47 
 
 ral and interefled enemies of their maflers, thej' 
 were doomed to experience all the oppreffion of 
 tyranny, without any of the chances, that other 
 flaves enjoy, of their tyrants being merciful, from 
 feeling their tyranny fecure. 
 
 This ftatement will be fufScient to convince 
 thofe who really form their political opinions upon 
 moral and jufl principles, that the penal laws 
 never fhould have been enafted ; and that it is the 
 duty of every upright (latefman to promote the 
 inftant repeal of the whole of them : becaufe it 
 proves a folemn corapad entered into between the 
 Catholics and the Englifti Government, and the 
 breach of that contraft by the Englifli Govern- 
 ment, notwithftanding the Catholics fulfilled their 
 part of the agreement. That man oiufl, indeed, 
 be a raoft confummate hypocrite, who aiTumes to 
 himfelf a pre-eminent chara£ler for virtue and 
 morality, and who yet can gravely and zealoufiy 
 contribute to make perpetual the political difahi- 
 lities of the Catholics, which were the bafe and 
 perfidious means adopted by a wicked legiflaturc 
 to influence men's confciences by corrupt motives, 
 and tempt and bribe them to apoflacy. 
 
 As 
 
As there are, however, no rm;ill number of 
 politicians who, though they would think it an 
 edifying exhibition to fee a Catholic configned to 
 martyrdom (occafionally), yet would be fcandalized 
 at the bare idea of breaking faith with him in 
 any affair of barter, particularly if they had 
 already received from him their confideration, 
 and that a valuable one ; it will be neceffary to 
 make fome further obfervations upon the viola- 
 tion of the treaty of Limerick, in order that no 
 one may have a pretext on which he can efcape 
 the fair coiiclufion that ought to be drawn from 
 what has been advanced, that the Englifh govern- 
 ment and nation are, at this day, bound to make 
 good to the Catholics of Ireland the ftipulations 
 contained in that treaty. For, if ever there was 
 an inftance in which the confideration that formed 
 the bafis of a treaty fliould have fecured a liberal 
 and a juft fulfilment, it was the inftance of this 
 treaty of Limerick. In the courfe of the three 
 campaigns during which the war lafted in Ireland, 
 the Englifli army had been defeated on feveral 
 occafions. In the North under Schombcrg ; before 
 Athlone under Douglas; and before Limerick un- 
 
49 
 
 dct William himfelf. The viftory of the Boyne 
 was the refult of the pcrfonal feelings of James, 
 ■Rot of any deficiency in the number of his army, 
 of of any want of courage on their part. " Ex- 
 change Kings,'* faid the Irifli officers, *' and we 
 will once more fight the battle.'* St. Ruth had 
 won the battJe of Aughrim, and had exclaimed, 
 in an ccftacy of joy, " Now will I drive the Eng- 
 lifli to the walls of Dublin,*' at the moment the 
 fatal ball ftruck him.* And, at the time the gar 
 rilbn of Limerick capitulated, the Irifli army wa$ 
 in a condition to hold out at lead another cam- 
 paign, with a good profpeft of being able to re- 
 ftore the fallen fortunes of James. The beficging 
 army had made no imprelTion on the principal part 
 of the city ; it was inferior in numbers to that of 
 the garrifon ; winter was faft approaching, and at 
 the very moment French fuccours were on the 
 coafl::t yet all thefe advantages did the Irifh army 
 forego, in confideration of the terms which were 
 granted to them by the treaty of Limerick. On 
 the other hand, in granting thefe terms, the Eng- 
 lifh government and nation obtained advantages 
 H of 
 
 f Leland, B. 6. c. 7. f Note A. Api^endix. 
 
50 
 
 of the utmoft importance. For fo long as James 
 had a powerful army in Ireland, and nearly one- 
 half of the kingdom under Im dominion, the 
 great work of the revolution was neither accom- 
 piiflied or fecured. The fair way, therefore, of 
 judging of the value of the treaty of Limerick to 
 England, is to confider how far it conrriouied to 
 promote this ineftimable obiecl. If the treaty of 
 Limerick, in any degree, led to the e(t:Ablifliment 
 of the revolution, the vaft importance of this 
 event iliould haye inclined the people of England 
 to aa with juftice, at leaft, towards the Catholics. 
 But if their fubmiihon contributed effentially to 
 crown thp brilliant efforts of the friends of liberty 
 with fuccefs, then indeed the people of England 
 lliould have felt zealous to aft towards the Catho- 
 lics, not on a cold calculation of what was merely 
 juft on their part, but \yith that kindnefs with 
 which we always regard thofe who have promoted 
 our profperity, whether intentionally or not. That 
 the fubmiffion of the Irifli Catholics did fo contri- 
 bute to complete the revolution is plain, from the 
 means which they poflelTed of continuing the 
 war;, from the opportunity it afforded William to 
 bring his whole forces to bear againft Louis j and 
 
 froin 
 
from the termination it fixed to the hopes and the 
 confpiracies of the adherents of James in England. 
 Yet, notwithftanding ihe great conceffions which 
 the Catholics, on their part, made by their fubmif- 
 fion, in order to obtain the terms of the treaty of 
 Limerick, and the great advantages which the 
 Englifh nation, on the other hand, acquired by it, 
 twelve years only elapfed before the Catholics 
 were deprived of every right and privilege which 
 was folemnly guaranteed to them by that treaty. 
 
 The only fpecles of juflification that could, un- 
 der any circumftances, have been brought for- 
 ward for ailing in this manner towards the Catho- 
 lics, would have been, the proof of the forfeiture, 
 by mifcondu^t, of their right to the fulfilment of 
 the treaty. That any thing which they did prior 
 to the treaty, could have, in juftice, any influence 
 on meafures pafled fubfequent to its taking place, 
 is quite impoffible ; becaufe the treaty admitted 
 their a6ls to be thofe of open and honourable 
 enemies, and fpecificaily pardoned them.* As to 
 H 2 their 
 
 *' The peculiar fituation of that country, (Ireland)," fays 
 Macpherfon, •' feems to have besn overJooked in ihecontelh 
 
 The 
 
their condu<fk afterwards, even ibcir raoft itivetc- 
 rate and mofl unprincipled eflemies did not chijirgc 
 them with a fingle tranfgrelTion againft the State, 
 from the year 1691 to the year 1704, when the 
 aft to prevent the farther growth of Popery wa&^ 
 pafled. And it is very phiin that no fuch charge 
 could be maintained, from the paltry attempt that 
 was made in Parliament to juflify this ad. It was 
 faid, " That the PapiOis had not demonftrated 
 '' how and where, fince the making of the articles. 
 " of Limerick, they had adJreiled the Queen or 
 *' Government, when all other fubjefts were (o 
 " doing ; and that any right, which they pre- 
 " tended was to be taken from them by the bill, 
 '' was in their own power to remedy, by con- 
 
 " forming, 
 
 The defertion, upon which the deprivation of James had beea 
 Founded in England, had not exilled in Ireland. The Lord 
 Lientenantcy had retained his allegiance- The government 
 was uniformly continued under the name of the Prince, from 
 Vfhom the fervants of the Crown had derived their commif- 
 fions. jAmes himfelf had, for more than ] 7 months, exer- 
 cifed the royal funiflion in Ireland. He was certainly dtfuSa, 
 if not Jejure, King. The rebellion of the Irifh muft, there- 
 furc, be founded on the fuj)pofition, that their allegiance is 
 transferable by the Parliament of lingland. A fpeculativc 
 opinion can fcarccly juflify the punifliment of a great majority 
 of a people. The Irifh oupht to have been confKlered as 
 enemies, rather than rebels."— —/////. Great Britain. 
 
m 
 
 *< fortttingj as in prudence they ought to do; and 
 ** that they ought not to blame any but them* 
 *^ felves."* No circumflance can poffibly iiluf- 
 trate more cleariy the innocence of the Catholics, 
 and their loyalty and good condu^, from the 
 ttieaty of Limerick to the pafling of this aft, than 
 this mockery of juftification ; nor could any thing 
 more diftinftly bring to our underftandings an 
 accurate comprehenfion of the perfidy and bafe-' 
 nefs of that government, and of that Parliament, 
 which could adduce fo filly an excufe for fuch 
 flern and crafty opprellion. 
 
 Though the treaty of Limerick was now vio- 
 lated in every point, the fpirit of perfecution was 
 ilill reftiefs and unfatisfied. However great was 
 the ingenuity of the legillators who produced that 
 mailer-piece of oppreffion, the aft to prevent the 
 .farther growth of Popery, it was found that an- 
 .other aft was flill wanting to explain and* amend 
 ,it. Such an aft paifed in the year 1709.! 
 
 ^ The ifl claufe provides, that no Fapifl fliall be 
 
 capable of taking any annuity for life. 
 
 The 
 * Debates on the Popery Lawr, App. I. f Sih Anne, c. '>. 
 
5^ 
 
 The following is the 3d claufe, every word of 
 uhich is of value, in order to fliew tlw cruelty 
 with which the unfortunate Catholics of Ireland 
 have been opprciTcd : " And, be it furtlier enacted, 
 *' by the authority aforefaid, that where and as 
 *'' often as any child or children of any Popiflv 
 " parent or parents hath or have heretofore pro- 
 *' feflcd or conformed him, her, or themfelves, to 
 " the Proteftant rciigioi>, as by law eftabliflied, 
 •' and enrolled in the High Court of Chancery a 
 *' certificate of the Bifhop of the diocefs in which 
 " file or they fliall inhabit or relide, teftifying 
 *' his, her, or their being a Proteflant, and con- 
 " forming him, her, or themfelves, to the Church 
 " of Ireland, as by law eftabliihed, it (hall and 
 *' may be lawful for the High Court of Chan- 
 " eery, upon a bill founded upon this aft, to ob- 
 " Jige the faid Fapift parent or parents to difcover 
 " upon oath the full value of all his, her, or their 
 ** eftate, as well perfonal as real, clear, over and 
 " above all real incumbrances and debts contraft- 
 " ed, bona fide, for valuable confideration, before 
 *' the enrolment of fuch certificate, and thereupon 
 *' to make fuch order for the fupport and mainte- 
 *' nance of fuch Proteftant child or children, by 
 
 •' the 
 
55 
 
 ^^ the diflrlbution of .the faid real and perfonai 
 *' eftate, to and among . fuch Proteftant child 
 " or children, for the prefent fupport of fuch 
 " Proteftant child or children ; and aifo to and 
 " for the portion or portions, and future mainte- 
 ,*' nance or maintenances, of fuch Proteftant child 
 i" or children, after the deceafe of fuch Popifli 
 " parent or parents, as the fald court (hall judge 
 "fit." 
 
 The 1 2th claufe provides, that all converts ia 
 public employments, members ;);f parliament, bar- 
 riflers, attornies, or officers of i^ny courts of law, 
 ihali educate their children F,roVfl:aht§. 
 
 By the 14th claufe, thp Popifli wife of a Papift, 
 having power to make a jointure, conforming, 
 fliall, if ihe furvives her hufband, have fuch pro- 
 yifion, not exceeding the power of her hupjand, 
 to make a jointure, as the Chancellor fliall ad? 
 judge. 
 
 By the 15th claufe, the Popilli wife of a Papifl^ 
 not being oth(;rwife provided for, conforming, 
 fliall have a proportion out of his chattels, not- 
 
 withflaudin^ 
 
56 
 
 withftanding any will or voluntary difpofitioD, and 
 the ftat. 7th W. IIL 6. 
 
 The 1 6th claufc provides, that a Papift teaching 
 fchool publicly, or in a private hoiife, or as uQier 
 to a Protcftant, fhall be deemed and profecuted 
 as a Popifh regular convift. 
 
 The i8th claufe provides, that Popifh pri^s, 
 who Ihall be converted, Ihall receive 30I. per 
 annflin, to he levied and paid by Grand Juries. 
 
 The 20th chh^ provides, whimfically enough, 
 fpr the rewa^ Xf difcovering Popifh clergy and 
 ichoolmaflers, viz. 
 
 For difcovering an archbifhop, bifhop, 
 vicar-general, or other perfon exer- 
 cifing any foreign eccleliaflical jurif- 
 diftion - - - - £'$0 o a 
 For difcovering each regular clergy- 
 man, and each fecular clergyman, 
 not regiflered - - - 20 o o 
 
 For difcovering each Popiih fchool- 
 
 mafler or ufhcr - - £.1000 
 
 for 
 
57 
 
 The 2ift claufe empowers two juftices to fum- 
 mon any Papift of 1 8 years of age, and if he fhall 
 refufe to give teftimony where and when he heard 
 mafs celebrated, and who and what perfons were 
 prefent at the celebration of it, and likewife 
 touching the refidence and abode of any prieft or 
 Popifli fchoolmafter, to commit him to jail, with- 
 out bail, for 1 2 months, or until he ihall pay 20I. 
 
 By the 25th claufe, no prieft can officiate ex- 
 cept in the parifli for which he is regiftered, by 
 2d Anne, c. 7. 
 
 The 30th claufe provides for the difcovery of 
 all trufts agreed to be undertaken in favour of 
 Papifts ; and enables any Proteftant to file a bill 
 in Chancery againft any perfon concerned in any 
 fale, leafe, mortgage, or incumbrance, in truft for 
 Papifts, and to compel him to difcover the fame j 
 and it further provides, that all ifTues to be tried 
 in any a£tion founded upon this aft, fhall be tried 
 by none but known Proteftants. 
 
 The 37th claufe provides, that no Papift in 
 trade, except in the Unen trade, fhall take more 
 than two apprentices. 
 
 I The 
 
58 
 
 The following arc the other a£ls paffed in this 
 
 reign concerning the Catholics. 
 
 An a£t to prevent Popifli clergy from coming 
 into the kingdom,* 
 
 An a£l for regiflering Popifli clergy. By which 
 all the Catholic clergy then in the kingdom were 
 required to give in their names and places of abode 
 at the next quarter feflions j by this a(ft they are 
 prohibited from employing curates.f 
 
 An aCt to amend this aft. J 
 
 An a6t to explain and amend an aft to prevent 
 Papifts being folicitors or flierifFs, &c.§ 
 
 Claufes are introduced into this aft by which 
 Catholics were prevented from ferving on grand 
 juries ; and by which, in trials upon any ftatute 
 for flrengthening the Froteftant interell, the plain- 
 tiff might challenge a Papid, which challenge the 
 judge was to allow. If abfurdity could catch the 
 
 attention 
 
 ♦ 2d Anne, c. 3. f 2«l Anne, c. 7. 
 
 ■\. 4lh Anne, c. 2. § Glli Auue, c. 1. 
 
o9 
 
 attention where ferocity is (o prominent, one 
 might fmile to fee this code of Queen Anne, entit- 
 led, as it then was in all public documents, A Wife 
 Syflem for the Quieting and Settling of Ireland. 
 
 During all Queen Anne's reign, the inferior 
 civil officers, by order of government, were incef- 
 fantly haraffing the Catholics, with oaths, impri- 
 fonments, and forfeitures, without any vifiblc 
 caufe but hatred of their religious profeffion. In 
 the year 1708, on the bare rumour of an intended 
 invafion of Scotland by the Pretender, 41 Roman 
 Catholic noblemen and gentlemen were imprifoned 
 in the caflle of Dublin j and, when they were 
 afterwards fet at liberty, the government was fo 
 fenfible of the wrong done to them, that it remit- 
 ted their fees, amounting to 800I. A cuftom that 
 had exifted, from time immemorial, for infirm 
 men, women, and children, to make a pilgrimage 
 every fummer to a place called St. John's well, in 
 the county of Meath, in hopes of obtaining relief 
 from their feveral diforders, by performing at it 
 certain afls of penance and devotion, was deemed 
 an ohjtSi worthy of the ferious confideration of the 
 Houfe of Commons ; who accordingly palTed a 
 I 2 vote. 
 
60 
 
 vote, that thefe fickly devotees " were affembled 
 " in that place to the great hazard and danger of 
 " the public peace, and fafcty of the kingdom." 
 They alfo pafTed a vote, on the 17th March, 
 ^7^S^ " That all magiftrates and other perfons 
 " whatfoever, who negleded or omitted to put 
 *' them (the penal laws) in due execution, were 
 " betrayers of the liberties of the kingdom ;"* 
 and, in June 1705, they refolved, "That the 
 " faying and hearing of mafs, by perfons who had 
 " not taken the oath of abjuration, tended to ad- 
 " vance the intereft of the Pretender ; and that 
 " fuch judges and magiftrates as wilfully neglefted 
 *« to make diligent inquiry into, and to difcover 
 " fuch wicked pra^ices, ought to be looked upon 
 *' as enemies to her Majefty's government."! 
 And, upon another occafion, they refolved, " That 
 " the profecuting and informing againft Papifls 
 " was an honourable fervice to the govern- 
 " ment/'J 
 
 » Com. Jour. 3. 280. f lb. 319. J lb. 319. 
 
 GEORGE 
 
61 
 
 GEORGE I. 
 
 The following afts of Parliament were pafTed 
 in this reign, for the purpofe of (Irengthening the 
 fyftera which had been adopted by William and 
 Anne, for preventing the growth of Popery. 
 
 An a£l to make the militia of this kingdom 
 more ufeful.* 
 
 By the i ith and 12th claufes of this acl, the 
 horfes of Papifts may be feized for the militia. 
 
 By the 4th and 18th claufes, Papifls are to 
 pay double towards raifing the militia. 
 
 By the 16th claufe, Popifli houfe-keepers in 
 a city, are to find fit Proteftant fubftitutes. 
 
 An aft to reftrain Papifts from being high or 
 petty conftables, and for the better regulating the 
 parifli watches.f 
 
 Aa 
 
 * 2d G. I. c. 9. 
 
 t id G. I.e. 10. —This act expired in three years, anjl 
 was not renewed. 
 
62 
 
 An a6t for the more efFciflual preventing frau- 
 dulent conveyances, in order to multiply votes for 
 elefting members to ferve in Parliament, Sec* 
 
 By the 7th claufe of this a6^ no Papift can vote 
 at an ele^ion unlefs he takes the oaths of allegi- 
 ance and abjuralion. 
 
 An acl for the better regulating the town of 
 Gal way, and for flrengthening the Proteftant 
 inierell: therein.! 
 
 An a£t for the better regulating the corporation 
 of the city of Kilkenny, and flrengthening the 
 Froteflant intereil therein. J 
 
 An a(St by which Papifts refident in towns, 
 "who {hall not provide a Proteftant watchman to 
 watch in their room, fliail be fubje^l to certain 
 penalties II 
 
 By the 7thchure of this a<fl:, no Papift can vote 
 at a veftry. 
 
 Thefe 
 
 * 2d Geo. I. c. 19. t Ith Ceo. I. c. 15. 
 
 X Kh Geo. I. c. iCi. jj 6th Geo. I. c. 10. 
 
63 
 
 Thefe a£^s of Parliament originated in the fame 
 fpirit of perfecution, which difgraced the reigns 
 of William and Anne, and were, like the penal 
 laws againfl: the Catholics of thofe reigns, pal- 
 pable violations of the treaty of Limerick.-^ 
 Though a glimmering of toleration had found its 
 way into the councils of England, and given rife 
 to " an ad for exe?nj)ting Protejlant dijfeniers 
 of this country (Ireland) from certain penalties 
 to which they were fubjed,'* the Catholics were 
 excluded, by a particular claufe, from any benefit 
 of it. And though it was in this reign that the 
 firfl: a6l* paiTed " for d if charging all perfons in 
 offices and employments from all penalties which 
 they had incurred by not qualifying themfelves, 
 purfuant to an a6l to prevent the further growth 
 of Popery^'' the favour conferred by it was wholly 
 to the Proteflant diflcnters, as no Catholic had 
 been placed in any public office fince the pailing 
 pf that penal law. 
 
 The loyalty of the Catholics was in this reign 
 put to a complete trial by the Scotch rebellion of 
 1715. If, after having fought three campaigns 
 
 ia 
 * $th Geo. I. 
 
6"4 
 
 in fupport of James*s prctenfions to the throne 
 of Ireland j after having experienced the infraction 
 of every part of the treaty of Limerick, and 
 been expofed to a code of ftatutcs, by which 
 they were totally excluded from the privileges 
 of the conflitution ; and if, after they had become 
 fubjeft " to the worfl: of all opprefTions, the per- 
 fecution of private fociety and private manners,"* 
 they had embarked in the caufe of the invader, their 
 conduft would have been that of a high fpirited 
 nation, goaded into a (late of dcfperation by their 
 relentlefs tormentors, and if their refinance had 
 been fuccefsful, their leaders would have ranked 
 among the Tell's and Wafhington's of modern 
 hiflory. But fo far from yielding to the natural 
 dictates of revenge, or attempting to take advan-. 
 tage of what was pafling in Scotland to regain their 
 rights, they did not follow the example of 
 their rulers, in violating, upon the firfl fa- 
 vourable opportunity, a facred and folemn com- 
 pact ; and thus they gave the ftrongeft tefti- 
 mony, that they had wholly given up their 
 former hopes of eftablifhing a Catholic prince 
 
 upon 
 
 • Burke's Letter to a Peer of Ireland. 
 
65 
 
 upon the throne. Their loyalty was not however 
 a proteftion to them againft the opprefTions of 
 their Proteftant countrymen. The penalties for 
 the exercife of their religion, were generally 
 and rigidly inflifted. Their chapels were fhut 
 up, their priefls dragged from their hiding-places, 
 hurried into prifons, and from thence fent into 
 banilhment. 
 
 GEORGE 
 
66 
 
 GEORGE ir. 
 
 In this reign, the following additional difabi- 
 litics were impofed upon the Cathohcs. 
 
 By the I ft G. II. c. 9. feci. 7. no Papift could rote 
 at an election without taking the oathof fuprcraacy. 
 However great the oppreflion which the Catholics 
 had experienced during former reigns, this meafure 
 altogether completed their entire cxclufion from the 
 benefits of the Conftitution, and from the oppor- 
 tunity of regaining their former juft rights. It 
 was becaufe this privilege had began to operate 
 amongfl: Proteftants in a manner very favourable 
 to the Catholics, and to bring about a feeling of 
 regret for their fulTerings, and a coalition between 
 the two parties to oppofe the influence of the 
 Englifh Government as a common caufe of griev- 
 ances, that Primate Boulter advifcd the Minifters 
 to pafs this law. His principle of Government for 
 Ireland was to uphold the Englifli intercft by the 
 divifions of the inhabitants; and, on this occafion, 
 it induced him to adopt the defperate refolution 
 
 of 
 
67 
 
 ©f disfranchifing, at one ftroke, above five-fixths 
 of its population.* 
 
 By the firfl claufe of ift Geo. II. c. 30. barrlf- 
 tcrs, fix clerks, &:c. are required to take the oath 
 of fupremacy. 
 
 By the fecond claufe all converts, &c. are bound 
 to educate their children as Proteflants. 
 
 By 7th Geo. 11. c. 5. feft. 12. barrifters or 
 folicitors, marr^-ing Papifts, are deemed Papifls, 
 and made fubjeft to all penalties as fuch. 
 
 By 7th Geo. II. c. 6. no convert can aft as a 
 juftice of the peace, whofe wife or children, 
 under 16 years of age, are educated Papifls. 
 
 The 13th Geo. II. c. 6. is an a<fl to amend for- 
 mer afts for difarming Papifts. 
 
 By the 6th claufe of this aft, Proteftants edu- 
 cating their children Papifts are made fubjeft to 
 the fame difabilities as Papifts are. 
 
 K 2 By 
 
 * Primate Boulter, in his Letter of this year to the Arch- 
 blftiop of Canterbury, (iftvol. p. 210.) fays, " There arc 
 probably in this kingdom fire Papifts at leaft to one Proteftant." 
 
68 
 
 By 9th Geo. II. c. 3. no perfon can lerve on a 
 petty jury, unlefs feized of a freehold of 5I. per 
 annum, or, being a Proteftant, fhall not be pof- 
 felTed of a profit rent of 15I. per annum, under 
 a leafe for years. 
 
 By 9th Geo. II. c. 6. fed:. 5. perfons robbed 
 by privateers during war with a PopiQi prince, 
 ftiall be reimburfed by grand jury prefentment, 
 and the money be levied upon the goods arid lands 
 of Popifh inhabitants only. 
 
 The 19th Geo. II. c. 5. is an a£l for granting 
 a duty on hawkers and pedlars to the fociety of 
 Proteftant charter-fchools. 
 
 The 19th Geo. II. c. 13. is an aft to annul all 
 marriages between Proteftants and Papifls, or 
 celebrated by Popifh priefts. 
 
 By the 23d Geo. II. c. lo. feft. 3. every Popifh 
 priefl who fhall celebrate any marriage contrary 
 to 12th Geo. I. c. 3. and be thereof convided, 
 fliall be hanged. 
 
 Of 
 
69 
 
 Of thefe lafl a^s, and of Lord Chefterfield's ad- 
 miniftration, Mr. Burke gives the following ac- 
 count. *' This man, while he was duping the 
 " credulity of the Papids with fine words in private, 
 " and con:imending their good behaviour during a 
 " rebellion in Great Britain, as it well deferved to 
 " be commended and rewarded, was capable of 
 *' urging penal laws againft them in a fpeech from 
 " the throne,* and of Simulating with provocatives 
 " the wearied and half exhaufted bigotry of the 
 " Parliament of Ireland. They fet to work, but 
 " they were at a lofs what to do ; for they had 
 " already almofl gone through every contrivance 
 <' which could wafte the vigour of their country : 
 « but, after much druggie, they produced a child 
 ** of their old age, the lliocking and unnatural 
 ** aft about marriages, which tended to finiili the 
 
 " ictieme 
 
 * " The meafures tliat have hitherto been taken to prevent 
 the growth of Popery, have, I hope, had fome, and will ftill 
 have a greater efFed; however 1 leavf: it to your confirieration 
 whether nothing further can be done, either by new lavvs, or 
 by more effeflual execution of thofe in being, to fecure the 
 nation agair.d the greater number of P.tpifts, whofe fpecu'ative 
 errors would only deferve pity, if their pernicious influence 
 Hpon civil fociety did not both lequire and authorife reftraint." 
 — Speech to both Houfes of Par/iament, Odoler g, 1745.^ 
 Com. Jour. 7. 642. 
 
70 
 
 »* fchemc for making the people not only two 
 ** diflinft parties for ever, but keeping them as 
 *' two diftiiift fpccles in the fame land. Mr. 
 •' Gardiner's humanity was ihocked at it, as one 
 " of the worft parts of that truly barbarous 
 " fyflem, if one could well fettle the preference, 
 *' where almoft all the parts were outrages on 
 " the rights of humanity and the laws of 
 " nations.'** 
 
 Of the condu<^ of the Catholics during the 
 Scotch rebellion of 1745, fortunately for them, 
 but greatly to the fliame of thofe who accufe them 
 of being aftuated by religious principles incon- 
 fiftent with their duty to their fovercign, there is 
 on record an irrefutable document. In the year 
 1762, upon a debate in the Houfe of Lords, 
 about the expediency of raifmg five regiments of 
 Catholics for the King of Portugal, the Pri- 
 mate, Dr. S[onc, in anfwcr to the ufual ob- 
 jetlions that were urged on all occafions 
 againfl the good faith and loyalty of that 
 body, declared in his place, " that in the year 
 " 1747, after that rebellion was entirely fup- 
 
 *' preflcd, 
 * I etter to a Peer in Ireland. 
 
71 
 
 " preffed, happening to be in England, he had 
 
 " an opportunity of perufmg all the papers of the 
 
 " rebels, and their correfpondents, which were 
 
 " feized in the cuftody of Murray, the Preten- 
 
 ** der*s fecretary ; and that, after having fpent 
 
 ** much time, and taken great pains in examining 
 
 " them, not without fome (liare of the thea 
 
 *' common fufpicion, that there might be fome 
 
 *' private underftanding and intercourfe between 
 
 " them and the Irifli Catholics, he could not 
 
 ** difcover the lead trace, hint, or intimation of 
 
 " fuch intercourfe or correfpondence in them, or 
 
 '* of any of the latter's favouring or abetting, or 
 
 " having been fo much as made acquainted with 
 
 '* the defigns or proceedings of thefe rebels. And 
 
 " what," he faid, " he wondered at moft of aU 
 
 ** was, that in all his refearches, he had not met 
 
 *' with any paflage in any of thefe papers, fromi 
 
 ** which he could infer, that either their Holy 
 
 " Father, the Pope, or any of his Cardinals, 
 
 " Bifliops, or other Dignitaries of that Church, 
 
 *' or any of the Irifli clergy, had either directly, 
 
 " or indirectly, encouraged, aided, or approved 
 
 " of the commencing or carrying on of that 
 
 '' rebellion/'* 
 
 Thofc 
 * Curry, Ret, 2. 260. 
 
7'J 
 
 Thofe of the clergy of England, who lately 
 took fo active a part in exciting and upholding the 
 infamous outcry of " No Popery" — will do well 
 to compare this declaration of Primate Stone, 
 with the following ftatement of the conduct of the 
 Irifh clergy, immediately upon the breaking out 
 of the Scotch rebellion. They will learn how 
 cafily it is, even for the grave profefTion of the 
 church to commit errors, and to pollute its facred 
 charafter, by embarking in the controverfy of 
 party politics. *' The Bifhops wrote pafloral 
 letters to their refpe<ftive diocefans to excite the 
 members of the eflabliflied church to enforce all 
 the penal ftatutes, and with equal wifdom and 
 charity, and a ready obedience did the clergy 
 follow the example and diredlions of their fupe- 
 riors, and apply the whole power of their body 
 to fupport the fanatic politics of the day. In 
 their inflammatory fermons they excited reli- 
 gious animofity by reviving the moft fliocking cir- 
 cumftances of the Irilli rebellion of 1641, and of 
 the gun-powder plot in England in 1605. Thefe 
 tranfactions were ftudioufly aggravated, and the 
 crimes, whether real or fuppofed, committed by 
 Catholics, dead more than a century before, was 
 
 imputed 
 
73 
 
 imputed to all thofe who furvived of the fame 
 religious perfuafion. 
 
 If the conduft of the bifhops and clergy was 
 improper, on account of its inconfiftency with 
 thofe principles of univerfal charity, that the 
 gofpel, whofe well paid minifters they were, incul- 
 cated J it was ftill more fo in confequence of 
 the total want of grounds, even of fufpicion, that 
 the Catholics were difloyal. Befides, it was inde- 
 cent in the laft degree for thofe, who were 
 endowed by the ftate for the purpofe only of 
 difcharging the functions of a religious profeflion, 
 to degrade their facred character by affuming the 
 duties of the civil magiftrates, and embarking 
 in all the tumult and paffion of political perfe- 
 ciition. The conduft of the Catholic priefls at 
 this period forms a contraft, by no means credit 
 table to thofe who teach the fuperior tolerance of 
 the Proteftant religion, and ground their animo- 
 fuities againft the Catholics on the fuppofed illi- 
 beraiity which controuls their principles. This 
 opprefled and indigent body of men, inilead of 
 taking offence at the proceedings of the bifliops 
 and clergy of the eflabliflied church, " iqo-operated 
 h ** with 
 
74 
 
 " with their Proteftant brethren, to maintain 
 " order and tranquility. Their paftoral letters, 
 ** public difcourfes from the pulpit, and private 
 ** 2dnsonitions, were equally direded for the fer- 
 ** vice of the government."* Yet thefe clergy 
 were the members of that church, the principles 
 of which are ftated to be of fuch a nature by 
 many of the Englifh clergy, as to render it abfo- 
 lutely impoihble, that a Catholic can be a good 
 fubjeft; an opinion, however, which mufl 
 vaniih, before this and other equally flrong 
 prjoofs, of the uniform and deeply rooted loyalty, 
 of the Irifli Catholics. 
 
 On the 26th September, 1757, the Duke of 
 Bedford was fworn in Lord Lieutenant. His open 
 declarations of liberal fentiments towards the Ca- 
 tholics, and fome communications that were made 
 for the firft time fmce the paffing of the ferocious 
 aft of Anne, to pervert the growth of Popery, 
 of an intention to repeal fome part of the penal 
 laws, encouraged them to hope for a change 
 in the fyftera of Irilli government. Ten days 
 
 after 
 
 ~« Cheflerfield's Works, 1. 150. Ir. Ed. 
 
75 
 
 after his arrival, the Catholic clergy of Dublin, 
 influenced by thefe communications, read the fol- 
 lowing exhortation to their refpeflive congrega- 
 tions. This exhortation forms the firfl and a very 
 important document in proof of the fufferings, the 
 refignation, and the loyalty of the Catholic body. 
 It is one peculiarly deferving of the attention, as 
 being well calculated to remove the ignorance and 
 prejudices of thofe who flill perfift in calumniating 
 the Catholic clergy of Ireland as enemies to the 
 King and Conftitution. 
 
 Exhortation of the Roman CathoPu Clergy of DuU'tn., read from 
 their Altars on the 2</ of Odober, 1 757. 
 
 It is now time, Chriftians, that you retarn your moft grate- 
 ful thanks to the Almighty God, who, after vifiting you with 
 a fcarcity, which approached near unto a famine, has been 
 gracioufly pleafed, Wkt a merciful father, to hear your prayers, 
 and feed you with a plentiful harvefl ; nor ought y^ou to for- 
 get thofe kind benefa(ftors, who, in the fevereft times, mind- 
 ful only of the public good, generoufly bellowed, without any 
 diftinftion of perfons, thofe large charities, by which thou- 
 fands were preferved, who otherwife muft have periflied the 
 viaims of hunger and poverty. We ought efpecially to be 
 mod earned in our thanl^s to the chief governors and magif- 
 trates of the kingdom, and of this city in particular, who, on 
 this occafion, proved the fathers and faviours of the nation. 
 But as we have not a more effedual method of (hewing our 
 L 2 acknowledgment 
 
i6 
 
 acknowledgment to our temporal governors, than by an hunl- 
 ble, peaceful, and obedient behaviour ; as hitherto, we ear- 
 neftly exhort you to continue in the fame happy and Chriflian 
 difpofition, and thus, by degrees, you will entirely efface in 
 their minds thofe evil imprefTions, which have been conceived 
 fo much to our prejudice, and induftrioufly propagated by our 
 enemies. A feries of more than fixty years fpent, with a pious 
 refignation, under the hardfhips of very fevere penal laws, and 
 with the greateft thankfulnefs for the lenity and moderation, 
 with which they were executed, ever fince the acceflion of 
 the prefent royal family, is certainly a faft which muft out- 
 weigh, in the minds of all unbiafled perfons, any mifcon- 
 ceived opinions of the doftrine and tenets of our holy church. 
 
 You know that it has always been our conftant praiSice, 
 as minifters of Jefus Chrif}, to infpire you with the greateft 
 horror for thefts, frauds, murders, and the like abominable 
 crimes j as being conirary to the laws of God and nature, 
 de{lru(5live of civil focieiy, condemned by our moft holy 
 church, which, fo far from juftifying them on the fcore of 
 religion, or any other pretext whatfoever, delivers the unre- 
 penting authors of fuch criminal praftices over to Satan. 
 
 We are no lefs zealous than ever in exhorting you to ab- 
 ftain from curling, fwearing, and blafpheming ; deteftablc 
 vices, to which the poorer fort of our people are moft unhap- 
 pily addicted, and which muft at one time or other bring 
 down the vengeance of heaven upon you in fome vifiblc 
 punifliment, unlefs you abfolutely refrain from them. 
 
 It is probable, that, from hence, fome people have taken 
 occafion to brand us with this infamous calumny, that we 
 need not fear to take falfe oaths, and confequently to perjure 
 ourfelves ; as if we believed that any power upon earth could 
 
 authorife 
 
77 
 
 authorife fuch damnable praftices, or grant difpenfatlons for 
 this purpofe. How unjuft and cruel this charge is, you know 
 by our indrudions to you both in public and private, in which 
 we have ever condemned fuch doflrines, as falfe and impious. 
 Others, likewife, may eafily know it from the conftant be- 
 haviour of numbers of Roman Catholics, who have given the 
 ftrongeft proofs of their abhorrence of thofe tenets, by refufing 
 to take oaths, which, however conducive to their temporal 
 intereft, appeared to them entirely repugnant to the principles 
 of their religion. 
 
 We muft now intreat you, dear Chriftians, to offer up your 
 moft fervent prayers to the Almighty God, who holds in his 
 hands the hearts of kings and princes, befeech him to dire<5t 
 the counfels of our rulers, to infpire them with fentiments of 
 moderation and compaffion towards us. We ought to be 
 more earneft, at this junfture, in our fupplications to heaven ; 
 as fome tsery honourable perfonages have encouraged us to 
 hope for a mitigation of the penal laivs. Pray then the Al- 
 mighty to give a bleffing to thefe their generous defigns, and 
 to aid their counfels, in fuch a manner, that, whilft they in- 
 tend to affift us, like kind benefaftors, they may not, contrary 
 to their intentions, by miftaking the means, moft irretrievably 
 deftroy us. 
 
 To conclude, be juft in your dealings, fober in your con- 
 du<ft, religious in your pracftice, avoid riots, quarrels, and 
 tumults ; and thus you will approve yourfelves good citizens, 
 peaceable fubjeils, and pious Chriftians. 
 
 Inftead, however, of a repeal taking place of 
 any of the penal laws, rumours began very gene- 
 rally 
 
78 
 
 rally to prevail, of its being the intention of go- 
 vernment to proceed to carry into ci^c£i a bill, 
 that bad been prepared by the former adminiftra- 
 tio!i, for altering the law refpe£Ving the regiflry 
 of the clergy. The exiting law, which paffed iu 
 the reign of Queen Anne, had been found too 
 penal to admit of its being carried into execution ; 
 and thus, by an excefs of tyranny, was the objeft 
 of it wholly defeated. In the place of this law, 
 it had been propo'fed to pafs one with fuch provi- 
 fions, that it (hould, like the other penal laws, 
 execute itfelf ; and, upon this projeft being now 
 revived, the Catholics, for the firJl time fince 
 1704, took meafures as a body to vindicate 
 their religious and civil principles. Mr. Charles 
 O'Connor, the celebrated Irifh fcholar and anti- 
 quarian, with the affiftance of Dr. Curry, the 
 author of the Review of the Civil Wars of Ireland, 
 and Mr. W'yfe, of Waterford, exerted therafelvcs 
 with good cfFe^ in perfuading "^leir fulfcring 
 countrymen of the ncctflity of coming forward to 
 induce ihcir rulers to admit them into a partici- 
 pation of the privileges of the conflitution. As a 
 ground-work of their future labour, Dr. O'Kcefe, 
 the titular Bifliop of Kildare, propofcJ, at a meet- 
 ing 
 
79 
 
 ing held at Lord Trimblefton's, a declaration of 
 the principles of their church, as far as they could 
 bear upon their civil duties, to be figned by the 
 chiefs of their body, and publiflied as an anfwcr to 
 the mifreprefentations and calumnies they had 
 laboured under fmce the reformation of the na- 
 tional religion : this declaration was unanimoufly 
 adopted ; it was figned by many clergymen and 
 gentlemen of rank and property, and fent to 
 Rome, as the aft and deed of the Irilh Catholics. 
 It is as follows:* 
 
 Whereas certain opinions and principles, inimical to good 
 order and government, have been attributed to the Catholics, 
 the exiftence of which we utterly deny ; and whereas it is at 
 this time peculiarly neceffary to remove fuch imputations, and 
 to give the moft full and ample fatisfadion to our Proteftant 
 brethren, that we hold no principle whalfoever incompatible 
 with our duty as men or as fubjefts, or repugnant to liberty, 
 whether political, civil, or religious. 
 
 Now we, the Catholics of Ireland, for the renwval of all 
 fuch imputations, and in deference to the opinion of many 
 refpedtable bodies of men, and individuals among our Protef- 
 tant brethren, do hereby, in the face of our country, of ali 
 Europe, a ad before God, make this our deliberate and folemn 
 declaration : 
 
 1ft. 
 
 * This declaration was republifhed In 179%— Flow duty 
 v.3./> 179. 
 
80 
 
 ift. We abjure, diHivow, and condemn the opinion, that 
 princes, excommunicated by die pope and council, or by any 
 ecckftajlical autlmrUy wbatfoevert may therefore be depofed or 
 murdered by their fubjcds, or any other perfons. We hold 
 fuch dodrine in detedation, as wicked and impious ; and we 
 declare that we do not believe, that either the pope, with or 
 without a general council, or any prelate or priefty or any eccle- 
 Jtaji'tcal poiver whalfoevert can abfolve the fubjeds of this 
 kingdom, or any of them, from their allegiance to his Majcfty 
 King George the Third, who is, by authority of Pailiament, 
 the lawful king of this realm. 
 
 2d. We abjure, condemn, and deteft, as unchriftian and 
 impious, the principle, that it is lawful to murder, deftroy, or 
 any ways injure any perfon whatfoever, for or under the pre- 
 tence of being heretics ; and we declare folemnly before God, 
 that we believe that no a£l, in itfelf unjuft, immoral, or -wicleJ, 
 ean ever be juflified or excufed by, or under pretence or colour^ 
 that it ivas done either for the good of the church, or in obedience 
 to any ecckfiaflical power vwhatfoever. 
 
 3d. We further declare, that we hold it as an unchriftian 
 and impious principle, that " no faith is to be kept with here- 
 tics." This doflrine we deteft and reprobate, not only as 
 contrary to our religion, but as deftrudlive of morality, of 
 fociety, and even of common honefty ; and it is our firm be- 
 lief, that an oath made to any perfon, pot of the Catholic 
 religion, is equally binding, as if it were made to any Catho- 
 lic whatfoever. 
 
 4ih. We have been charged with holding as an article of 
 our belief, that the pope, with or without the authority of a 
 general council, or that certain ecclcfiaftical powers can acquit 
 and abfolve us, before God, ffom our oath of allegiance, or 
 
 even 
 
81 
 
 even from the juft oaths and contrafls entered into between 
 man and man. 
 
 Now we do utterly renounce, abjure, and deny, that we 
 hold or maintain any fuch beHef, as being contrary to the 
 peace and happinefs of fociety, inconfiftent with morahty, and 
 above all, repugnant to the true fpirit of the Catholic religion, 
 
 5th. We do further declare, that we do not believe that 
 the pope of Rome, or any other prince, prelate, ftate, or 
 potentate, hath, or ought to have, any temporal or civil jurif- 
 diftion, power, fuperiority, or pre-eminence, diredly or in- 
 diredly, within this realm. 
 
 6th. After what we have renounced, it is immaterial, in a 
 political light, what may be our opinion or faith in other 
 points refpedting the Pope : however, for greater fatisfadion 
 we declare, that it is not an article of the Catholic faith, nei- 
 ther are we thereby required to believe or profefs, " that the 
 Pope is infallible," or that we are bound to obey any order, 
 in its own nature immoral, though the Pope, or any eccle- 
 liaftical power, ftiould iflue or dired fuch order ; but, on the 
 contrary, we hold, that it would htftnful in us to pay any re- 
 fped or obedience thereto. 
 
 7th. We further declare, that we do not believe that any 
 fin whatfoever committed by us can be forgiven at the mere 
 will of any Pope, or of any prieft, or of any perfon or perfons 
 whatfoever; but, ihit Jincere forrotu for paftjinsy a firm and 
 fincere refolution, as far as may be in our power, to reftore 
 our neighbour's property or charadter, if we have trefpalltd 
 on, or unjuQly injured either ; a firm and fincere refolution to 
 avoid future guilty and to atone to God, a.Te previous and in- 
 difpenfalk requifites to eflablifh a well-founded expedlation of 
 forgivenefs ; and thai any perfon who receives abfolution 
 M without 
 
82 
 
 without thefe previous requifites, fo far Tronj obtaining thtrir 
 by any remiflion of his fins, incurs the additional guilt of 
 riolating a facrament. 
 
 gth. We do hereby folemnly dirchiim, and for ever re- 
 nounce all intercft in, and title to all forfeited lands, refulting 
 from any rights, or fuppofcd rights, of our anceftors, or any 
 claim, title, or intereft therein ; nor do we admit any title, 
 as a foundation of right, which is not eftaUijhdd and acknoiu- 
 leJged by the laius of the reahn, as they noiv ftand. We deflrc 
 further, that whenever the patriotifm, liberality, and jufticc 
 of our countrymen, (hall reftorc to us a participation in the 
 eledlive franchife, no Catholic (hall be permitted to vote zK, 
 any eletflion for members to ferve in parliament, until he (hall 
 previoufly take an 04th to defend, to the utmoft of his poiver^ 
 the arrangement of property in this coynny, ar eftahltjhed If 
 the dijcrent aSs of attainder andfettUment. 
 
 9th. It has been objecfled to us, that we wirti to fubvert 
 the prefent church eftablifhment, for the purpofe of fubftitut-r 
 ii5g a Catholic eltablifhment in its /lead : Now we do hereby 
 difclaim, difavow, and folemnly abjure any fuch intention ; 
 and furtlier, if we fhall be admitted into any (hare of the con- 
 llitution, by our being rtflored to the right of ekJlive fran- 
 cl^fc, we are ready, in the moft folemn manner, to declare, 
 that we \vlll not exercife that privilege to difturb and weaken 
 the eftablifhment of the Proteftant religion, or Proteftant go-. 
 vernraent.in this country. 
 
 Though this declaration diJ not produce any 
 change of conda61 on the part of the Englirti go* 
 vernment at that time, its failure can only be at- 
 tributed to the obftinacy wiiu which the principle 
 
 of 
 
83 
 
 of goverrfifig Ireland, upon the fyflem of feparate 
 interefts between the Proteftants and Catholics, 
 was adhered to. That fyflein is now happily ex- 
 pofcd ; and though of late attempted to he revived 
 by his Majefty's prefent Minifters, the intelligence 
 and liberality of the prefent race of Iriili Protef- 
 tants has completely counteracted their fa£lious 
 defigns. This declaration, though at firft inefFec- 
 t«al, has, and mufl continue to open the eyes of 
 mankind to the true character of the Irifli Catho- 
 lic, and to fecure to them the reward which it 
 deferves, the unlimited confidence of their King 
 and fellow-fuhje<5ls, and the entire reftoration of 
 their conftitutional rights. The fentiments con- 
 tained in it are thofe of true and found Chrifli- 
 anity, benevolence, and humanity. It is impoffible 
 that any perfon capable of breathing them can be 
 a bad Chriftian, a bad fubjecfl, or a bad man. 
 
 In the year 1759, when it was known that a 
 French force, under the command of Conflans, 
 was collected to invade Ireland, the condu(^ 
 of the Catholics on this, as it had uniformly- 
 been on fimilar occafions, was loyal in the extreme. 
 Mr. O'Connor, Dr. Curry, and Mr. Wyfe had 
 M 2 fometime 
 
64 
 
 fometlme before, in 1757, fucceeded in eftablifli- 
 ing a general committee of the Catholic body, 
 formed by delegates of parifhes and the principal 
 Catholic nobility and gentry. As foon as this 
 invafion was announced to parliament by a 
 meflage from the Duke of Bedford, this 
 committee was fummoned to meet ; and Mr. 
 O'Connor having fubmitted to it the following 
 addrefs to the Lord Lieutenant, it was unani- 
 moufly approved of. 
 
 May it pleafe your Graces 
 
 We, his Majefty's dutiful and faithful fubjei^s, the Roman 
 Catholic gentlemen, merchants, and citizens of Dublin, do, 
 with the grcatefl refped, approach the illuftrious leprcfenu- 
 tive of the beft of Kings, with our hearty congratulations on 
 thofe glorious fuccefTes, by fea and land, which have attended 
 his Majefty's arms, in the profecution of this juft and necef- 
 fary war. 
 
 We gratefully acknowledge the lenity extended to us by 
 his mod facred iVIajefty, and by his royal faiher, of happy 
 memory. Our allegiance, may it pleafe your Grace, is con- 
 firmed by .'fFeflion and gratitude ; our religion commands it ; 
 and it Ihall be our invariable rule firmly and inviolably to 
 adhere to it. 
 
 We are called to this duty, at the prefent time in particular, 
 when a foreign enemy is meditating defperate attempts to iri- 
 
 tcrrupt 
 
85 
 
 terrupt the happinefs and diilurb the repofe, which thefc 
 kingdoms have fo long enjoyed, under a Monarch, who places 
 his chief gloiy in proving h.mfelf the common father of all 
 his people : and we fincerely affure your Grace, that we are 
 ready and wilhng, to the utmoft of our abilities, to afTifl: in 
 fupporting his iViajefty's government againft all hoftile at- 
 tempts whatfoever. 
 
 Whenever, my Lord, it fhall pleafe the Almighty, that the 
 legiflative power of this realm {hall deem the peaceable con- 
 duct: of his Majefty's Catholic fubjefts of Ireland, for many 
 years part, an objeft worthy of its favourable attention, we 
 humbly hope means may then be devif^d, to render fo nume- 
 rous a body more ufeful members to the community, and 
 more ftrengthening friends to the ftate, than they could pof- 
 fibly have hitherto been, under the reftraint of the many 
 penal laws againft them. We moft humbly befeech your 
 Grace to reprefent to his Majefty thefe fentiments and refo- 
 Ijitions of his Majefty's faithful fubjeds, the Roman Catholics 
 of this metropolis, who fincerely vvifh, that a peace honourable 
 to his Majefty, and advantageous to his kingdoms, may be 
 the ifTue of the prefent war; and that the people of Ireland 
 may be long governed by your Grace, a Viceroy, in whom 
 Vfifdom, moderation, and jullice, are fo eminently confpi- 
 cuous. 
 
 On that occafion, alfo, the wealthy indivi- 
 duals of this perfuafion oiFered to accommo- 
 date the government with large fums of mo- 
 Dey, in cafe of necefTity, to fupport the Protef- 
 tant cftablifhment againft all its enemies 5 and the 
 
 Catholics 
 
86 
 
 Catholics of the city of Cork, in a body, prcfent- 
 cd an addrcfs to the Lord Licuieiuint, cxprefTing 
 their loyahy in the warinefl terms of aflurance. 
 They profeflfcd the vvarmefl: indignation at the 
 threatened invafion of the kingdom, by an enemy 
 vainly flattered with the imaginary hope of afTifl- 
 ance in Ireland, from the former attachments of 
 their deluded predecefTors. They alTured his 
 Grace that fuch fchemes were altogether incon- 
 flrtent with their principles and intentions ; and 
 that they would, to the iitmoft exertion of their 
 abilities, with their lives and fortunes, join in 
 the defence and fupport of his Majefty's royal 
 perfon and government, againfl: all invaders 
 whatfoever.* 
 
 Thefe circumftances are proofs of no ordinary 
 fidelity in the Irifli Catholics to the Houfe of 
 Brunfwick. 1 hey were, however, of no avail 
 in mitigating the rigour of the magiftracy in 
 the execution of the penal laws, or in inducing 
 the Britifti government to repeal any part 
 of them; for the reign of George II. clofed 
 without any grateful acknowledgment being 
 
 made 
 
 • Smollet's Hiflory of England, 4. 69. 
 
87 
 
 made to them for the ftcadinefs with which 
 they refifted the temptation that was held out 
 to them in 1745 and 1759 to fupport the 
 claims of a Catholic pretender to the throne of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 GEORGZ 
 
8d 
 
 GEORGE JIL 
 
 Notwithftanding the firfl mearurc of this 
 reign, the royal recommendation to ParUament 
 to make the judges independent of the Crown, 
 befpoke the determination of his Majefty to 
 refpeft the feelings and confirm the rights and 
 liberties of his fubje(fls ; ftill the unfortunate 
 Catholics of Ireland were doomed to fuffer 
 under new pains and penalties. 
 
 In the year 1776, an acl of Parliament was 
 pafled,* by which one or more juflices of the 
 peace, and all flieriffs and chief raagiflrates of 
 cities and towns corporate, within their refpec- 
 tive jurifdifiions, may from time to time, as well 
 by night as by day, fearch for and feize all arms 
 and ammunition belonging to any Papiil not 
 entitled to keep the fame, or in the hands of any 
 perfon in.truft, for a Papid ; and for that pur- 
 pofe enter any dwelling-houfc, out-houfc, office, 
 
 field 
 
 * 1 5lh and IGth Geo. III. c. '21. § 15. 
 
89 
 
 field or other place belonging to a Papift, or to 
 any other perfon where fuch magiftrate has rea- 
 fonable caufe to fufpeB any fuch arms or ammu- 
 nition fhall be concealed ; and on fufpicion, after 
 fcarch, may fummon and examine on oath, the 
 ^txiovL fufpeded of fuch concealment. 
 
 By the 1 7th claufe of this aft, Papifts refufing 
 to deliver up or declare fuch arras as they, or 
 any with their privity, have, or hindering the 
 delivery, or refufmg to difcover on oath, or 
 without caufe neglefting to appear on fummons 
 to be examined before a magiftrate concerning 
 the fame, fliall, on conviftion, be punifhed by 
 fine and imprifonment, or fuch corporeal puni/h- 
 merit of pillory or whipping^ as the Court Ihall 
 in their difcretion think proper. 
 
 In the year 1782, a claufe was introduced 
 into an aft,* by which no perfon (hall be ad- 
 mitted into the Society of King's Inns as a 
 ftudent, who fhall not, at the time of his admiiTion, 
 be a Proteftant. 
 
 N In 
 
 * 2 1st and 32(1 Oeo. III. c. 32. § 2. 
 
90 
 
 In the fame year, an aft* was pafl'ed, by the 
 3d claufe of which, all ftatutes made in England 
 or Great Britain, and all fuch claufes and provir 
 viflons contained in any flatute there made, as 
 relate to the taking any oath or oaths, or making 
 or fubfcribing any declaration in Ireland, or to 
 any penalty or difabiiity for omitting the fame, 
 fliall be accepted, ufed, and executed in 
 Ireland. 
 
 This aft referred to: ift, the Englifli aft of 
 3d William and Mary, c. 2. feft. i, 4, 5, 6, 7, by 
 which the oath of fupreraacy mentioned in 2. 
 Eliz. I. c. I. is abrogated, and a new oath of 
 fupremacy is required to be taken by all perfons ad- 
 mitted in Ireland to hold any civil or military olEce, 
 and by members of both Houfes of Parliament : 
 2dly, to the Englifli aft: of ift Anne, flat. 2. c. 
 17. requiring all perfons to take the oath of 
 abjuration, prefcribed by the Englifli afts of 13th 
 "Wm. III. c. 6. and 1 ft Anne, ft. 1 . c. 22d : 3dly, 
 to the Englifli aft of 6th Geo. III. c. 53. § 2. 
 declaring that from the ift Auguft, 1776, the 
 path of abjuration, by this aft appointed to be 
 
 taken 
 
 * 21st and 22d Geo. III. c. 48. § 3. 
 
91 
 
 taken in Great Britain, (liall be the oath of 
 abjuration, to be taken in Ireland. 
 
 Though this claufe of the 21 ft and 2 2d of 
 G€o. III. c. 48. has attrafted very little public 
 attention, it was of no lefs import than that of 
 being the firft legal exclufion of Catholics from 
 iitting in the Irifli Parliament. They had been 
 excluded de facto by their voluntary fubmiflion 
 to the Englifli aS of 3d William and Mary, but 
 not de jure till this a£l of 21ft and 22d Geo. III. 
 rendered the 2R of William and Mary, binding 
 in Ireland. 
 
 This clrcumftance, which has always been 
 overlooked, even by the Catholics themfelves, 
 proves how readily they have been inclined at all 
 times to fubmit to the authority of Government. 
 And it alfo proves how unfounded thofe arguments 
 are, which maintain that the exclufion of the Catho- 
 lics of Ireland from Parliament, is a principle on 
 which the family of his Majefty was placed upon 
 the throne^ It completely overturns the fyftem 
 of erroneous reafoning concerning the coronation 
 oath, which of late has been fo common j and, fo 
 N 2 far 
 
92 
 
 far as the meaning of this oath is at iffue, it re- 
 duces the queftion to this fimple point, whether 
 the King can confcientioufly place the Catholics 
 of Ireland in the fame condition, with refpecl to 
 fitting in Parliament, in which they had conti- 
 nued till the twenty- fecond year of his own 
 reign. 
 
 « 
 In 1785 an a£t was paffed * for granting 4000I. 
 to be expended in apprentice fees, to fuch tradef- 
 men or manufacturers, as ftiould take children from 
 charter-fchools or the Foundling Hofpital ; but it 
 was exprefsly provided that the children Ihould 
 be bound to none but Proteftant tradefmcn and 
 manufafturers. 
 
 The whole code of the penal ftatutes againft 
 the Catholics of Ireland is now laid before the 
 view of the reader, under which they fo long and 
 fo patiently languifhcd; ftatutes unexampled for 
 their inhumanity, their unwarrantablenefs and 
 their impolicy, which were adopted to extermi- 
 nate a race of men already crufhed and broken 
 by the longefl ferics of calamities which one nation 
 
 had 
 
 « 25th of George III. t. 18. § 1 1 and 12. 
 
93 
 
 had ever the opportunity of infliding upon ano- 
 ther. They were framed againfl: Chriflians under 
 the pretence of fccuring religion ; they were 
 the work of Proteftants, than whom no fe6l has 
 cried out more loudly againfl; perfecution when 
 Proteftants were the martyrs. They were fanc- 
 tioned by a nation who owed its liberties, and by 
 monarchs who owed their throne, to a folemn 
 covenant that they fliould never exift. Here may 
 we not inquire, if the Englifli nation, legiflature, 
 and King, have not a duty to fulfil towards the 
 Irifti Catholics even greater than that of juftice — 
 a duty of compunction, of repentance, and 
 atonement ? The faith of a folemn treaty made 
 with them has been broken : it is not enough 
 that it has been in part re-eftabliflied, it ought 
 to be religioufly fulfilled. They have been ruled 
 with tyranny : it is not enough that the tyranny 
 ftiould be relaxed, it lliould ceafe altogether. 
 They have been driven from the pale of the 
 Conftitution : it is not enough that they lliould 
 be allowed to pafs its barriers, they Ihould 
 range free and uncontrouled through all its 
 rights. 
 
 That 
 
Thar this fyftem of flow political torture, was 
 not warranted by any alleged delinquency on their 
 part is notorious, for it was devifed and per-^ 
 fefted in times of profound tranquility. That 
 they were not deferving even of the fufpicion of 
 being difloyal fubjecls, is proved by their fignal 
 forbearance, which has prefervcd the empire from 
 the calamitous confequences of fuch flagitious 
 mifgovernment ; and that, on the contrary, they 
 fully merited the confidence and proteftioa 
 of the legiflature, no fair and candid mind can 
 deny, when it gives to their conduft, in ftri6lly 
 adhering to the ftipulations of the treaty of 
 Limerick, and to their allegiance to the Houfe of 
 Brunfwick, the jufl; value to which it is entitled. 
 
 Having now reached the utmoft point to 
 which the penal ftatutes extended, which feems 
 to be as far as human invention, quickened by 
 mixed feelings of alarm, of bigotry and of pride, 
 could go, we fliould deprive political fcience of a 
 great fource of conclufive demonftration, if wc 
 negle6lcd to record its effcfls. 
 
 But 
 
95 
 
 But there is even a nearear interefl In this 
 examination. At a period when the ftate of Ire- 
 land fo much occupies the attention of the Legif- 
 lature and of the public ; when it is admitted on 
 all fides, that the profperity and fecurity of Eng- 
 land herfelf mufl: rife or fall with the profperity 
 and fecurity of Ireland ; and when the events of 
 each fucceeding day prove the abfolute necellity 
 of fome meafures to ameliorate her condition, and 
 that things cannot go on, as they are, without 
 the inevitable dedru^lion of the Britifli empire ; 
 it will be of great importance to be able to form 
 an accurate opinion upon the effe(fts which were 
 the refult of the penal ftatutes. If it can be 
 proved that the part and prefent flate of difcon- 
 tent and poverty, which has been, and dill is, 
 the charadteriftic of Ireland, is the natural con- 
 fequence of thefe laws, then no man can difpute 
 the policy of feeking the remedy of it by the 
 total repeal of them. If, on the other hand, no 
 fuch proof can be brought forward, and it Ihall 
 appear that thefe laws are not the origin of 
 Iriih difcontent and poverty, then indeed it 
 will be the duty of every one to accede to the 
 ^o6lrines of thofe more able (latefmen, who 
 
 folvc 
 
96 
 
 folve the difficulty, by fuppofing, what has been 
 aflVrted of the negro race, that the IriQi arc an 
 inferior, femibrutal people, fubraitted, by the 
 iieccflity of nature, to a flate of flavery, and unfit 
 to be admitted to the privileges of Enghflimen. 
 
 It appears from unqueftionable authority, that, 
 during the interval that elapfed between the fur- 
 render of Limerick, and the total infraction of 
 the treaty in 1704, by the aft to prevent the 
 further growth of Popery, the toleration which 
 the Catholics experienced by virtue of that treaty, 
 produced its natural confequences. The fecurity 
 they enjoyed^ reflored induftry and plenty of all 
 things : ufeful arts were introduced ; the land 
 cultivated ; and a fine ifland, reduced to a defert 
 by the late war, foon afTumed a new face. In 
 faft, Ireland was never happier than during this 
 interval of religious toleration.* Of the elTcfts 
 of the penal laws in entirely reverfing this order 
 of things, Lord TafFe, in his valuable traft on 
 Irifti Affairs, gives the following defcription. 
 " Thofe penalties and interdifts (by the laws of 
 " Anne) had their natural effefts in the difpeo- 
 
 " pling 
 
 * Obfcrvatlons on the Affairs of Ireland, by LordTaalfc, p. 4. 
 
97 
 
 *^ pling greatly the three fine provinces, wherein 
 " the bulk of Catholics refide. They took their 
 " ciFe6t in putting a flop to the cultivation began 
 •' in King William's reign. No fooner were the 
 " Catholics excluded from durable and profitable 
 " tenures, than they commenced graziers, and 
 ** laid afide agriculture : they ceafed from drain- 
 ** ing and enclofing their farms, and building 
 " good houfes, as occupations unfuited to the 
 " new part afligned them in our national economy. 
 *' They fell to wafting the lands they were vir- 
 " tually forbid to cultivate, the bufmefs of paf- 
 " turage being compatible with fuch a condu^, 
 " and requiring alfo little induftry and lefs labour 
 " in the management."* 
 
 In the year 1723, the wretchednefs of the 
 people of Ireland was fo great, that the Duke 
 of Grafton, in a fpeech from the throne, recom- 
 mended parliament to take meafures for relieving 
 them. The diftrefs, however, continued ; and 
 in a petition prefented to theHoufe of Commons, 
 in the fame year, by the woollen manufafturers, 
 they fiy, " The woollen manufa(5lure of this 
 o *' kingdom, 
 
 ^ Ibkl. p. 11. 
 
98 
 
 *' kingdom, which is confined to our own con- 
 " fumption, has of late been (o confiderably Icffen- 
 " ed, that feveral thoufand families have been for- 
 " ced to beg alms and charity of good chriftians ; 
 " and that a colledion had lately been made 
 " throughout the whole city to relieve them."* 
 
 Primate Boulter, in a letter of the 25th of 
 March, 1722, to the Duke of Newcaftle, bears 
 teftimony to this wretched (late of Ireland ; he 
 fays, " Since I came here in the year 1725, 
 *• there was almoft a famine among the poor ; 
 *' laft year the dearnefs of corn was fuch, that 
 " thoufands of families quitted their habitations, 
 ** to feek bread elfewhere, and many hundreds 
 " perifiied :"t again on the 23d of November, 
 1728, he fays, in writing to the Duke, *' I am 
 " forry I am obliged to give your Grace fo melan- 
 " choly an account of the flate of the kingdom, 
 ** as I (hall in this letter.*' 
 
 But one of the moft pernicious cflefts of thcfc 
 penal laws was the emigration of the principal 
 Catholic families to the Continent. They carried 
 
 with 
 
 * Com. Jour. V. 'i. p. 2+. i LcUers, p. 220. 
 
99 
 
 with them the greater part of thofc qualifi- 
 cations, which render a country civilized, tranquil 
 and profperous j they left the mafs of the Catho- 
 lic population, without the influence of men of 
 education and property, to direft and controul 
 their conduft ; and in the place of fecuring their 
 own country, they filled, with the higheft credit 
 to themfelves, the fituations of flatefmen and 
 generals, in thofe nations which were hoflile to 
 the interefts of Great Britain. 
 
 Of the effe(5t thefe laws had exhibited, in their 
 
 avowed obje£ls of propagating the Proteftant 
 
 religion, and promoting the national profperity, 
 
 it is irapoffible to give a more able or a more 
 
 accurate defcription than the following, by Mr. 
 
 Arthur Young, who was in Ireland at the period 
 
 we now treat of;* " While property lay expofed 
 
 " to the practices of power, the great body of 
 
 " the people, who had been flripped of their 
 
 *' all, were more enraged than converted : they 
 
 ** adhered to the perfuafion of their forefathers, 
 
 " with the fteadiefl and mod determined zeal; 
 
 *' while the priefts, actuated by the fpirit of a 
 
 ♦* thoufand inducements, made profelytes among 
 
 2 " the 
 
 * 1778. 
 
100 
 
 " the common Proteflants, in defiance of every 
 ** danger. And the great glaring h6t yet 
 *' remains, and is even admitted by the warmeft 
 *' advocates for the laws of difcovering that the 
 *' eftablifhed religion has not gained upon the 
 " Catholic in point of numbers, but on the 
 *' contrary, that the latter has been rather on the 
 ^* increafe. Public lifts have been returned from 
 ^' the feveral diocefes which confirm this faft j 
 " and the intelligence I received on my journey 
 ^' fpoke the fame language. 
 
 "As it is the great body of the common 
 ^* people that forms the ftrength of a country, 
 '* when willing fubjefts, and its weaknefs when 
 " ill-affe<fled, this faft is a decifion of the quef- 
 ^' tion : After 70 years undifturbed operation, 
 •* the fyftera adopted in Queen Anne's reign 
 " has failed in this great aim, and meets at this 
 " day with a more nuqperous and equally de- 
 •* termined body of Catholics, than it had to 
 " oppofe when firft promulgated. Has not the 
 " experience of every age and every nation, 
 ** proved that the effect is invariable and uni- 
 *' vprfal ^ Let a religion be what it may, and 
 
 ** under 
 
101 1 
 
 ^^ under whatever circumftances, no fyftem of 
 *' perfecution ever yet had any other efiecl:, than to 
 *' confirm its profefTors in their tenets, and fpread 
 " their doftrines, inftead of reftraining them. 
 *' The great plea of the Roman Catholic priefts, 
 *' and their merit with their congregations, are the 
 *' dangers they hazard, and the perfecutions they 
 " fuifer for the fake of their faith ; arguments 
 '* that had and ever will have weight, while 
 ** human nature continues formed of its prefeat 
 ^' materials. 
 
 " But if thcfe exertions of a fucceflion oF 
 *' ignorant legiflatures have failed continual!/- 
 *' in propagating \ht religion of government, 
 '* much more have they failed in the great 
 *' objeft of natural profperity. The only con* 
 *' fiderable manufafture in Ireland, which carries 
 *' in all parties the appearance of induftry, i$ 
 *' the linen, and it ought never be forgotten 
 " that this is folely confined to the Froteftant 
 *' parts of the kingdom. The poor Catholicj 
 ^' in the fouth of Ireland fpin wool generally, 
 *» but the purchafers of their labour, and the 
 ^' whole worfted trade, is in the hands of the 
 
 Quakeijs 
 
102 
 
 *• Quakers of Clonmcl, Carrick and Bandon, kc. 
 " The hSi is, the proFcfTors of that religion 
 " are under fuch difcouragements, that they can- 
 ** not engage in any trade which requires both 
 •• induflry and capital. If they fuccccd and 
 " make a fortune, what are they to do with it ? 
 *• They can neither buy land, nor take a mort- 
 " gage, nor even fine down the rent of a leafe. 
 " Where is there a people in the world to be 
 *' found induftrious under fuch circuraflances ? 
 
 " It is no fuperficial view I have taken of this 
 " matter in Ireland ; and being at Dublin at the 
 «* time a very trifling part of thefe laws was 
 " agitated in parliament, I attended the debates, 
 *' with my mind open to convi^lion, and an 
 •* auditor for the mere purpofcs of information. 
 '* I have converfed on the fubjeft with moft dif- 
 ** tinguiflied characters of the kingdom, and I 
 *' cannot after all but declare that the fcope, pur- 
 *' port, and aim of the laws of difcovery, as 
 *' executed, are not againft the Catholic religion, 
 *' which increafes under them, but againft the 
 *' induftry and property of whofoever profclles 
 •' that religion. In vain has it been faid, that 
 
 " confcqucncc 
 
103 
 
 " confequence and power follow property, amd 
 '* that the attack is made in order to wound the 
 " do^rine through its property. If fuch was fhe 
 "intention, I reply, that feventy years expe- 
 " rience prove the folly and futility of it. Thofe 
 " laws have crufiied all the induftry, and 
 *' wrefted mofl: of the property from the 
 " Catholics ; but the religion triumphs ; it is 
 " thought to increafe. Thofe who have handed 
 ** about calculations to prove a decreafe, admit 
 " on the face of them, that it will require 
 " 4000 YEARS to make converts of the whole, 
 *' fuppofing the work to go on in future, as it 
 *' has in the pafl: time. But the whole pretence 
 *' is an affront to common fenfe, for it implies, 
 ** that you will lelTen a religion, by perfecuting 
 '* it : all hiftory and experience condemn fuch a 
 *' propofition. 
 
 " The fyflem purfued in Ireland has had no 
 " other tendency but that of driving out of 
 '* the kingdom all the perfonal wealth of the 
 ** Catholics, and prohibiting their indudry within 
 " it. The face of the country, every obje(5>, 
 *' in fhort, which prefents itfelf to the eye of a 
 
 *' traveller. 
 
t04 
 
 ** traveller, tells him how dFecflually this has 
 " been done. I urge it not as an argument, 
 •* the whole kingdom fpeaks it as a fa£b. Wc 
 " l^ave fecn that this condu(rt has not converted 
 " tihe people to the religion of government ; and 
 " inflead of adding to the internal fecurity, it 
 *' has endangered it : if therefore it does not add 
 *' to the national profperity, for what porpofc, 
 " but that of private tyranny, could it have 
 " been embraced and perfifted in ? Miflaken 
 *' ideas of private interefl: account for the actions 
 " of individuals ; but what could have influenced 
 '•^ the Britifh government to permit a fyftern 
 *« which muft inevitably prevent the ifland from 
 " even becoming of the importance which nature 
 " intended?'** 
 
 Of the (late of the agriculture of Ireland at 
 this period, a tolerable accurate idea may be 
 formed from the words of the fame author. — 
 ** I have reafon to believe that five pounds flerling 
 ♦' per Englifti acre, expended all over Ireland, 
 " which amounts to 88,341,1361. would not more 
 *< than build, fence, plant, drain and improve that 
 
 ' country, 
 
 * YounyN Tour, vol. '2. 13j. Lug. EJ. 
 
105 
 
 ** country, to be upon a par in thofe refpefts with 
 " England.*'* The prices alfo of the produce of 
 land, afford proof of the general poverty of the 
 kingdom. In 1778, butter fold for 5Jd. per lb. — 
 mutton, 2|d. — beef, a^d. — pork, s^rd. — veal, 
 34d.— a fat turkey for io|d.— a goofe for Sjd. 
 —and a chicken for 2 id. 
 
 If further evidence were wanting to eftablifli 
 the faft of the penal laws having impoverifhed 
 Ireland, it is to be found in the following con- 
 fefTion of the late Lord Clare. " It was impof- 
 " fible," fays he, " that any country could conti- 
 *' nue to exill: under a code of laws, by which a 
 •' majority of its inhabitants were cut off from the 
 " rights of property. It was a code highly inju- 
 " rious to the landed intereft of Ireland, and in- 
 " evitably diminifhed the value of every man's 
 ** eftate, who voted for it." 
 
 From thefe feveral authorities upon the ftate of 
 Ireland in 1778, much information may be col- 
 h&ed concerning the caufes of many of thofe pe- 
 culiar circumftances which, at this day, belong to 
 i* that 
 
 * Youno's Taur, App. 
 
106 
 
 that country. If it is afked, why the people of 
 Ii eland are fo illiterate ? The anfwer that prefents 
 itfelf is, look to the penal laws, that deprived 
 them, till a late period, of education. If it is 
 aiked, why they are poor ? The fame anfwer 
 mud be given, look to the penal laws. If it is 
 a/ked, why the lower orders eat vegetables only, 
 and live in hovels? Still the fame anfwer, look to 
 the penal laws. If it is aiked, why there is no 
 dafs of yeomanry in Ireland like that in England ? 
 The anfwer is, becaufe the penal laws proliibited 
 induflry, and deprived the former of his property 
 in land as fafl: as he could accumulate it. If it is 
 afked, why the people are difcontentcd and dillike 
 England ? 1 his anfwer only can be given, becaufe 
 from England they received this penal code, un- 
 der which they have endured, for above a cen- 
 tury, every fpecies of calamity, contrary to the 
 pofitive fllpulations of a facred and folemn treaty. 
 If, in this era of civilized Europe, Ireland is more 
 backward, its people lefs poliflied, its wealth lefs 
 cxtenfive, and its general charafter below the rank 
 of other countries, it is not now poffible to raif- 
 take the caufe. And when all agree that this 
 caufcis the penal code againft the Catholics, what 
 
 reafoniug 
 
107 
 
 reafoning can contend againfl the propofition, that 
 all the laws muft be repealed in order to remedy 
 the prefent diftempered condition of Ireland ? 
 
 It was in the year 1774, that the Irifli Legifla- 
 ture paffed the firfl: afl towards conciliating the 
 Catholics, " an a£t to enable his Majefly's fubje(5ls, 
 " of whatever perfuafion, to teftify their allegiance 
 ** to him/'* Which is as follows :, 
 
 Whereas many of his Majefty's fiibjecfls in this kingdom 
 are defirous to teftify their loyalty and allegiance to his Ma- 
 jefty, and their abhorrence of certa.in dodtrines imputed to 
 them, and to remove jealpufies which hereby have for a length 
 of time fubfifted between them, and others his JVIajefty's loyal 
 fubjeds; but upon account of their religious tenets are, by the 
 laws now in being, prevented from giving public a/Turances of 
 fuch allegiance, and of their real principles, and good will, 
 and affedtion towards their fellow fubjeffs ; in order therefore 
 to give fuch perfons an opportunity of teftifying their alle- 
 giance to his Majefty, and good will towards the prefent Con- 
 ftitution of this kingdom, and to promote peace and induftry 
 amongft the inhabitants thereof, be it enadted by the King's 
 moft excellent Majefty, by and with the advice and confent 
 of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in this, 
 prefent Parliament afTembkd, and by the aut lority of the 
 fame, that from and after the firft day of June one thoufand 
 feven hundred and feventy-four, it fhall and may be lawful 
 for any perfon profeffing the Popifh religion, to go before the 
 Judges of his Majefty's Court of King's Bench, any juftice 
 
 p 2 or 
 
 * 13th and lith Geo. III. c. 35. 
 
108 
 
 of the i5eicc for the county in which he does or fhall refide, 
 or before any magiftrate of any city oi town corporate wherein 
 he does or (hall refide, and there take and fubfcribe the oath 
 of allegiance and declaration herein after-mentioned ; which 
 oath and declaration luch judges of the Kings Bench, 
 judices of ihe peace and roagiftrates, are hereby enabled and 
 required to adminifler: 
 
 " I A. B. do ukc Almighty God, and his only Son Jefus 
 Chrirt my Redeemer, to witnefs. that I will be faithful and 
 bear true allegiaoce to our mofl gracious Sovereign Lord 
 King George the Third, and him will defend to tlie utmoft 
 of my power againft all confpiracies and attempts whatever, 
 that fhall be made again!! his perfon, crown, and dignity ; 
 and I will do my uimoft endeavour to difclofe and make 
 known to his Majefty, and his heirs, all treafons and traitorous 
 confpiracies which may be formed againft him or them ; and 
 I do faithfully promife to maintain, fupport, and defend, to 
 the utmoft of my power, the fucceffion of the Crown in his 
 Majefty's family, againft any perfon or ptrfons whatfoever ; 
 hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring any obedience or alle- 
 giance unto the perfon taking upon himfclf the ftile and title 
 of Prince of Wales in the lite-time of his father, and who 
 fince his death is faid to have aflumed the ftile and title of 
 King of Great Britain ar^d Ireland, by the name of Charles 
 the Third, and to any other perfon claiming or pretending a 
 right to the Crown of thefe realms ; and I do fwear, that I 
 do reje<5t and deteft, as unchriftian and impious to believe, that 
 It is lawful to murder or deftroy any perfon or perfons what- 
 foever for or under pretence qf their being hereiicks ; and 
 alfo that unchriftian and impious principle, that no faith is to 
 be kept with hereticks; I further declare, that it is no article 
 of my faith, and that I do renounce, reje(5l, and abjure the 
 opinion, that Princes excommunicated by tke Pope and Coun- 
 oil, or by any authority of the fee of Rome, or by any au- 
 thority 
 
T09 
 
 thorlty whatfoever, may be depofed and murdered by their 
 fubjefts, or by any perfon whatfoever ; and I do promife, that 
 I will net hold, maintain, or abet any fuch opinion, or any 
 other opinion contrary to what is exprefled in this declaiarion ; 
 and I do declare that 1 do not believe that the Pope of Rome, 
 or any other foreign Prince, Prelate, State, or Potentate, hath 
 or ought to have any temporal or civil jurildidion, power, fu- 
 perioiity, or pre-eminence, diredly or indiredly, wimin this 
 realm ; and I do folemnly, in the prelence of God, and of 
 his only Son Jefus Chrill my Redeemer, profcfs, teftify, and 
 declare, that I do make this declaration, and every part 
 thereof, in the plain and ordinary fenfe of the words of this 
 oath, without any evafion, equivocation, or mental refervation 
 whatever, and without any difpenfation already granted by the 
 Pope, or any authority of the See of Rome, or any perfon 
 whatever ; and without thinking that I am or can be acquit- 
 ted before God or man, or abfolved-of this declaration, or 
 any part thereof, although the Pope, or any other petfon or 
 perfons, or authority whatfoever, fhall difpenfe with, or annul 
 the fame, or declare that it was null and void from the be- 
 ginning. 
 
 «• So help me God." 
 
 And be if enafted by the authority aforefaid, that the officer 
 of the Court of King's Bench, juftices of the peace, and ma- 
 giftrates of the city and towns corporate, {hali yearly, within 
 twenty-one days after the firrt of December, return to the 
 Clerk of the Privy Council of this kingdom, or his deputy, a 
 true and perfeft lift, under his or their hand, of every fuch 
 Papift as fhall in the courfe of the preceding year have taM^.n 
 and fubfcrlbed fuch oath, in which lift the qualit}', condition, 
 tide, aod place of abode of fach Fapift fhall be fpeciiied. 
 
 About 
 
110 
 
 About the fame time, fearing that their griev- 
 ances were not known to his Majcfty, the Catho- 
 lics prepared a Petition; which was prefcnted 
 to Lord Buckinghamfliire by Lord Fingal, Mr. 
 Prefton and Mr. Dermot, in order tliat it might 
 be tranfmitted by him to the King.* 
 
 To the King's moji Excellent Majefty, the humble Addreji and 
 Petition of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. 
 
 Moft Gracious Sovereign, 
 
 We your Majefty's moft dutiful fubjeds, the Roman Ca- 
 tholics of your kingdoqfi of Ireland, with hearts full of loyalty, 
 but orerwhelmed with afflidion, and deprefled by our cala- 
 mitous and ruined circumftances, beg leave to lay at your 
 Majefty's feet fome fmall part of thofe numerous and infup- 
 portable grievances under which we have long groaned, not 
 only without any ad of difobcdience, but even without mur- 
 mur or complaint ; in hopes that our inviolable fubmilllon, 
 and unaltered patience under thofe fevere preflures, would 
 fully confute the accufation of feditious principles, with which 
 we have been unfortunately and unjuftly charged. 
 
 We are deeply fenfible of your Majefty's clemency, in mo- 
 derating the rigorous execution of fome of the laws again It 
 us: but we humbly beg leave to reprefent, that fevcral, and 
 thofe the moft fevere and diftrelTing of thofe laws, executt 
 themfdves with the mojl fatal certainty, and that your Ma- 
 jefty's clemency cannot, in the fmalleft degree, inierpoft for 
 
 their 
 
 • This address was written by Mi;. 3wrke» 
 
Ill 
 
 their mitigation, otherwife your Roman Catholic fubjefls 
 would moft chearfully acquiefce in that refource, and re(l; 
 with an abfolute and unbounded aflurance, on your Majefty's 
 princely generofity, and your pious regard to the rights of 
 private confcience. 
 
 We are, may it pleafe your Majefty, a numerous and very 
 induftrious part of your Majefty's fubjeds, and yet by no in- 
 duftry, by no honeft endeavours on our part, is it in our power 
 to acquire or to hold, almoft any fecure or permanent pro- 
 perty whatfoever ; we are not only difqualified to purchafe, 
 but are difabled from occupying any land even in farm, except 
 on a tenure extremely fcanted both in profit and in time ; 
 and if we fhould venture to expend any thing on the meliora- 
 tion of land thus held, by building, by inclofure, by draining, 
 or by any other fpecies of improvement, fo very neceflary in 
 this country ; fo far would our fervices be bettering our for- 
 tunes, that thefe are precifely the very circumftances, which, 
 as the law now ftands, muft necefTaiily difqualify us from 
 continuing thofe farms, for any time in our poffeffion. 
 
 Whilft the endeavours of our induftry are thus difcouraged, 
 (no lefs, we humbly apprehend, to the detriment of the na- 
 tional profperity and the diminution of your Majefty's revenue, 
 than to our particular ruin) there are a fet of men, who, in- 
 ftead of exercifino any honeft occupation in the common- 
 wealth, make it their employment to pry into our miferable 
 property, to drag us into the courts, and to compel us to con- 
 fefs on our oaths, and under the penalties of perjury, whether 
 we hai^e, in any inftance, acquired a property in the fmalleft 
 degree exceeding what the rigour of the law has admitted ; 
 and in.fuch cafe the informers, without any other merit than 
 that of their difcovery, are invefted (to the daily ruin of feve- 
 ral innocent, induftrious families) not only with the furphis 
 
112 
 
 in which the law is exceeded, but in the whole body of ilic 
 eftate, and intereft fo difcovered, and it is our grief that thii 
 evil is likely to continue and increafe, as informers have, in 
 this country, almoft worn oiFihe infamy, which in all ages, 
 and in all other countries, has attended their charader, and 
 have grown into fome repute by the frequency and fuccefs of 
 their practices. 
 
 And this, mofl gracious Sovereign, though extremely 
 grievous, is far from being the only or mofl oppreflive parti- 
 cular, in which our diflrefs is connected with the breach of 
 the rules of honour and morality. By the laws now in force 
 in this kingdom, a fon, however undutiful or profligate, ftialJ, 
 merely by the merit of conforming to the e/tabliftied religion, 
 deprive the Roman Catholic father of that free and full pof- 
 fdlion of his eftate, that power to mortgage or otherwife dif- 
 pofe of it, as the exigencies of his affairs may require ; but 
 ihall himfelf have full liberty immediately to mortgage or 
 otherwife alienate the reverfion of that eftate, from his family 
 for ever ; a regulation by which a father, contrary to the 
 order of nature, is put under the power of his fon, and through 
 which an early difToIutenefs is not only fuffered, but encou- 
 raged, by giving a pernicious privilege, the frequent ufe of 
 which has broken the hearts of many deferving parents, and 
 entailed poverty and defpair on fome of the moft ancient and 
 opulent families in this kingdom. 
 
 Even when the parent has the good fortune to efcape this 
 calamity in his life-time, yet he has at his death, the melan- 
 choly and almoft certain profped of leaving neither peace nor 
 fortune to his children ; for by that law, which beftows the 
 whole fortune on the firft conformift, or, on non-conformity, 
 difperfes it among the children, incurable jealoufies and ani- 
 niofities have arlfen ; a total extinftion of principle and of 
 
 natural 
 
113 
 
 natural benevolence has enfued ; whilfl we are ooHgcd to 
 confider our own offspring and the brothers of our own blood, 
 as our moft dangerous enemies ; the blefling of providence on 
 our families, in a numerous i/Tue, is converted into the moft 
 certain means of their ruin and depravation: we are, mod: gra- 
 cious Sovereign, neither permitted to enjoy the few broken 
 remains of our patrimonial inheritance, nor by our induftry to 
 acquire any fecure eflablifhment to our families. 
 
 In this deplorable fituation, let it not be confidered, we 
 earneftly befeech your Majefl;y, as an inftance of prefuniption 
 or difcontent, that we thu6 adventure to lay open to your Ma- 
 jefty's mercy, a very fmall part of our uncommon fufferisgs ; 
 what we have concealed under a refpedtful filence, v/ould 
 form a far longer, and full as melancholy a recital ; we fpeak 
 with reludtance, though we feel with anguifh ; we refpeft from 
 the bottom of our hearts that legiflation under which we fufFer ; 
 bat we humbly conceive it is impoflible to procure redrefs 
 without complaint, or to make a complaint, that by fome 
 conftruiftion may not appear to convey blame : and nothing, 
 we afTure your Majelly, fhould have extorted from us even 
 thefe complaints, but the llrong necefiity we find ourfelves 
 under of employing every lawful, humble endeavour, left the 
 whole purpofe of our lives and labours Oiouid prove only the 
 means of confirming to ourfelves, and entailing on our pofte- 
 lity, inevitable beggary, and the moft abjedl: fervitude ; a fer- 
 vitude the more Intolerable, as it Is fuifcrcd amidft that liberty, 
 tliat peace, and that fecurity, which, under your Majefty's 
 benign influence, is fprcad all around us, and which vi'e 
 alone, of all your Majefty's fubjedts, are rendered incapable 
 of partaking. 
 
 In all humility we Implore, that our principles may not be 
 
 efti.nated by the inflamed charge of controverfial writers, nor 
 
 CL our 
 
114 
 
 our pra(fliccs meafured by the events of thofe troubled periods, 
 when parties have run high (though thefe have been often 
 mifreprefented, and always cruelly exaggerated to our preju- 
 dice) ; but that we may be judged by our own adtions, and in 
 our own times ; and we humbly offer it to your mod equi- 
 table and princely confideration, that we do not reft the proof 
 of our fincerity on words, but on things ; on our dutiful, peace- 
 able, fubmifllve behaviour for more than fourfcore years : and 
 though it will be confidered as too fevere to form any opinion 
 of great bodies, by the praftice of individuals, ^f/ if in all that 
 time, amongst all our people. In the daily increafe of fevers 
 laws againjl us^ cne treafonalle infurreSion, or one treafon- 
 alle confpiracy can be proved ; if amongst our clergy , one 
 feditious fermon can be fheivn to have been preached; we 
 will readily admit that there is good reafon for continuing 
 the prefcnt laws in all their force againll us ; but if, on the 
 contrary, (we fpeak in full confidence), it can be fliewn, that 
 our clergy have ever exerted their utmoft endeavours to en- 
 force fubmiffion to your Majefty's government, and obedience 
 to your laws ; if it can be (hewn that thefe endeavours hare 
 always been moft ftrenuous in times of public danger, or when 
 any accident tended to create a ferment amongft the people ; 
 if our laity have frequentJy offered (wiiat we are always ready 
 to fulfil) to hazard their lives and fortunes for your Majefty's 
 fervice ; if we have willingly bound up the fruits of our dif- 
 couragcd induftry with the fortune of your ?v/lajefty's govern- 
 ment in the public loans ; then, we himjbly hope, we may be 
 admitted to a fma:i portion of mercy, and that that behaviour, 
 v.'liich your Majefty's btnignity and condefcenfion will efteem 
 a merit in our circuniftdnccs, may entitle us, not to reward, 
 but to fuch toleration as may enable us to become uftful citi- 
 zens to our country, and fubjocis a» profitable, as we are loyal 
 to your Majcfty. 
 
 Per 
 
115 
 
 Permit us, moft gracious Sovereign, on this occafion, to 
 reiterate the aflurances of our unfhaken loyalty, which all our 
 fufFerings have not been able to abate ; of our fincere zeal for 
 your Majefty's ferviee, of our attachment to the conftitution 
 of our country, and of our warmeft gratitude for your Ma- 
 jefty's continual indulgence, and for the late infiance of favour 
 we have experienced from Parliament, in enabling us, con- 
 ilftent with our religious tenets, to give a legal proof of our 
 fentiments upon thefe points. And we humbly hope, that 
 the alacrity and eagernefs with which we have feized this firft, 
 though long wifhed opportunity of teftifying, in the moft fo- 
 lemn and public manner, our inviolable fidelity to your Ma- 
 jefty, our real principles, and our good-will and affeflion to- 
 wards our fellow-fubjeds, will extinguifli all jealoufies, and 
 remove thofe imputations, which alone have hitherto held us 
 forth in the light of enemies to your Majefty, and to the ftaste. 
 And if any thing farther can be fuggefted or devifed, where- 
 by we can, by our adlions, more fully evince ouv fincerity, 
 we ftiall confider fuch an opportunity cf demonftrating our 
 real loyalty, as an high favour, and fiialf be deficient in no aft 
 whatever, which does not amount to a renunciation of that 
 religious profefTion which we value more than our lives, and 
 which it cannot be fufpeded we hold from obftinacy or a con- 
 tempt of the laws, lince it has not been taken up by ourfelves, 
 but has, from time immemorial, been handed down to us from 
 our anceftors. 
 
 We derive no fmall confolation, moft gracious Sovereign, 
 from confidering, that the moft fevere and rigorous of the 
 laws againft us had been enaded before the accefTion of your 
 Majefty's moft illuftrious Houfe to the Throne of thefe king- 
 doms : we therefore indulge the more fanguine hopes, that the 
 mitigation of them, and the eftablilTiment of peace, induftry, 
 and univerfal happinefs, amongft all your loyal fubjeds, may 
 Q^'S be 
 
no 
 
 be one of tlii bicflmgs of your Majefly's reign. And though 
 ive might pka.i in favour of ftich relaxation, the exprefs nvordt 
 of a foiemn treaty ^ entered into luith us, by your Majefly't 
 royal predecejfor. King IViUiam^ fnvhich has been forfeited 
 by no d'ifohedience on our part), yet xve neiiher wifh, nor de- 
 fire, to receive any thing, but as a mere ad of your Majefly's 
 clemency, and of the indulgence and equity of your Par- 
 liament. 
 
 That this aft of truly loyal beneficence and juftice may be 
 added to the other inftances of your Majefty's auguft virtues, 
 and that the deUverance of a faithful and diftreffed people may 
 be one of thofe diftingui/hing afts of your reign, which (hall 
 tranfmit its memory to the love, gratitude, and veneration, of 
 our latefl pofterity, is the humble piayerof, &c. &c. 
 
 In the year 1778,* an aft paffed " for the 
 *' relief of his Majefly's fubjefts of this king- 
 *' dom, profeffing the Popifli religion." The 
 preamble of which contains a confirmation of 
 every thing that has been already advanced, con- 
 cerning the loyalty of the Catholics, and a decla- 
 ration on the part of the King and Parliament, 
 concerning the policy of admitting the Catholics 
 into a full participation of the bleilings of the 
 Conftitution, which is a complete recognition of 
 their right to enjoy them. It flatcs, " And 
 " Whereas, from their uniform peaceable beha- 
 
 ** viour 
 * ITih and ISth of Geo. III. c. -VO, 
 
117 
 
 *' viour for a long feries of years, it appears 
 " reafonable and expedient to relax the fame, 
 '^ (the laws of Anne) ; and it mud tend not 
 " only to the cultivation and improvement of this 
 *« kingdom, but to the profperity and flrength of 
 " all his Majefty's dominions, that his fubje^s of 
 " all denominations, Jhould enjoy the hlejjings of a 
 '■'■ free conftitution, and Jhould be bound to each other 
 " by mutual interejl and mutual affeSlioUy l^cJ* ' 
 
 By this aft Papifls, provided they take the 
 oath of declaration of 13th and 14th of Geo. III. 
 c. 35. are admitted to the following privileges. — 
 They may take land on leafes not exceeding 
 999 years, or determinable upon any number of 
 lives not exceeding five. 
 
 The lands of Papifts are to be dependable, 
 devifeable, and transferable, as fulFy as if the 
 fame were in the feizure of any other of his 
 Majefl:y*s fubjefts, 
 
 Papifls are rendered capable to hold and enjoy 
 all eftates which may defcend, be devifed or 
 transferred jto them. 
 
 No 
 
118 
 
 No maintenance is to be hereafter granted to a 
 conforming child of a Papif^, out of the per- 
 fonal property of fuch Papiifc, except out of 
 fuch leafes as which may be taken under this 
 
 aa. 
 
 And the conformity of the eldefl fon is not to 
 alter hereafter the Popifli parents eftate. 
 
 In the year 1782, another aft paffed " for 
 " the further relief of his Majefly's fubjefts 
 *' of this kingdom, profiling the Popifh re- 
 " ligion."* 
 
 The preamble of tlxis aft flates : " Whereas, 
 " all fuch of his Majefty's fubjcft^ in this king- 
 " dom, of whatever perfuafion, as have hcre- 
 " tofore taken and fubfcribed, or fliall hereafter 
 " take and fubfcribe, the oath of allegiance and 
 *' declaration prefcribed by an aft paffed in the 
 " 13th and 14th year of his prefent Majefty's 
 *' reign, entitled an aft to enable his Majefty's 
 " fubjefts, of vphatever perfualion, to teftify their 
 *' allegiance to him, ought to be confidered as 
 
 *' good 
 
 * 21st and 22d Geo. III. c. 2t. 
 
119 
 
 " good and loyal fubjefts to his Majefty, his 
 " crown and government: and whereas a con- 
 " tinuance of feveral of the laws formerly 
 '' enacted, and dill in force in this kingdom, 
 " againfl perfons profeffing the popifli religion, 
 " is therefore unneceffary, in refpeft to thofe 
 " who have taken, or fliall take the faid oath, 
 " and is injurious to the real wealth and prof- 
 " perity of Ireland, therefore, &c. 
 
 By this aft Catholics, provided they take this 
 oath, may purchafe or take lands, or any intereft 
 therein, except advowfons or boroughs returning 
 members of Parliament, and difpofe of the fame 
 by will or otherwife j and Popifh ecclefiaftics, on 
 the fame condition, and regiftering their name 
 and abode, with the regifter of the diocefe, are 
 difcharged from all penalties. 
 
 This aft repeals fo much of 8th Anne, as fub- 
 jefts Papifts to fine and imprifonment, on his 
 refufal to teftify on oath before two juftices of 
 the peace, when and where he heard the Popiili 
 mafs celebrated, and the names of the perfons 
 celebrating it 5 and fo much of 7th Wra. III. c. 5. 
 
120 
 
 as fubje^s any Papifl, who (hall have in his 
 poflefTion any horfe of the value of 5I. or more, 
 to the penahies therein mentioned ; and fo much 
 of Sth Anne, as enables the Lord Lieutenant to 
 feize any horfe belonging to a Papift, upon a 
 profpea of invafion or rebellion. It alfo repeals 
 fo much of 9th Geo. II. c 6. as enables grand 
 juries to reimburfe fuch perfons who have been 
 robbed by privateers in time of war, for their 
 lolTes, and to levy the fame on the goods of Papifts 
 only ; and fo much of 6th Geo. I. c. 1 o. as 
 fubjefts Papifts, who lliall not provide a Protef- 
 tant watchman to watch in their turn, to certain 
 penalties ; and fo much of 2d Anne, c. 6, as 
 fnbje<fts Papifls, who took any houfe, or came 
 to dwell in Limerick, after the year 1703, or 
 within the town of GaKvay, to certain penalties. 
 
 In the fame year was likewife paffed an aifl to 
 allow perfons, profcfling the Popifli religion, to 
 teach fchool in this kingdom, and for regulating 
 the education of Papifls, and alfo to repeal parts 
 of certain laws relative to thf guardianfliip of their 
 children.* 
 
 The 
 
 * 21st ami 22(1 Gto. III. c. oJ. 
 
121 
 
 The preamble dates: *' Whereas fcveral of the 
 *' laws made in this kingdom, relative to the edii- 
 *' cation of Papifts, or perfons profeffing the 
 "Popifh religion, are confidered as too fevere, 
 " and have not anfwered the defired efFe(ft." 
 
 This a£l repeals fo much of 7th Wm. III. c. 4. 
 and 8th of Anne, c. 3. as fubjefts Catholics, who 
 (hall publicly teach fchool, or privately inftru£l 
 youth, to the like penalties as any Popifli re- 
 gular conviA, provided they take the oaths 
 of 13th and 14th of George III. c. 35; and it 
 enables Catholics, except ecclefiaftics, to be 
 guardians. 
 
 Of the numerous individuals, who at this 
 time diftinguiftied themfelves for their exertions 
 in favour of the Catholics, there was no one 
 to whom they were under greater obligations than 
 to the late Mr. Burke. He wrote for them the 
 Petition which was prefcnted to the King in 1774. 
 In the Englifli Houfe of Commons in 1778 he 
 was the firft to declare the neceffity of conceffions 
 being made to them ; he faid that " Ireland was 
 *' now the chief dependence of the Britifh crown, 
 g. ** and 
 
122 
 
 ♦' and thai it particularly behoved that country to 
 " admit the Irifli nation to the privileges of Bri- 
 " tifli citizens;*'* and, in the year 1782, he 
 wrote bis celebrated letter to Lord Kenmare, in 
 which he fo ably expofes the folly, injuflice, and 
 tyranny of the penal laws. 
 
 It certainly is a h£t of no fmall importance 19 
 favour of the wifdom of unlimited concelTion to 
 the Catholics, that this great llatefman, the adf 
 vocate for exifting eftabliihments, and who was 
 the firfi: and mod formidable opponent to the pro- 
 grefs of the Jacobinical principles of France, fliould 
 have advifed it, and inceflantly forwarded it by 
 his powerful talents and extenfive influence. 
 
 But the Catholics were indebted, not only to 
 the labours of their friends, but alfo to the great 
 revolution which was going on at this period in 
 America, for the fuccefs of the firfl: conceiHons 
 that were made to them. This appears very evi- 
 dent, from the failure of an attempt which was 
 
 made 
 
 ♦ 8th Eng. Deb. p. 185, ift April, 1778. 
 
123 
 
 made by Mr. James Fitzgerald, a few months be« 
 fore the introduftion of the acl of 1 7. 18. Geo. IIL 
 to obtain for them a power to take leafes for lands 
 for 6 1 years. For, foon afterwards, when the in- 
 telligence arrived of the defeat of the Britifh forces 
 in America, the fame Parliament, on the re- 
 commendation of the government, pafTed an a£l 
 for enabling them to take land on leafes for 999 
 year's. 
 
 It was not, however, till the Britifli government 
 were obliged to tranfport the whole of the Britifli 
 artny from Ireland to America, and thus leave it 
 expofed to the attacks of France, that the Catho- 
 lics became of fufficient importance in the eyes 
 either of their own Proteflant countrymen, or of 
 the Britifh government, to be attended to and 
 careffed by them. The only alternative then left 
 for the Proteftants to adopt, was either to promote 
 a union of fe(fls in the common defence of the 
 kingdom, or to make up their minds to fall an 
 eafy prey to the arms of France. Upon this 
 principle of prefervation, by an oblivion of all 
 pafl: animofities, the volunteers were embodied, 
 and Gompofed indifcriminately of Catholics and 
 R 2 ProteftantSi 
 
Proteftants. But, in proportion as the danger of 
 invafion diminiflied, they naturally turned their 
 attention to the grievances that both fe£ls expe- 
 rienced at the hands of the Britifli government, 
 and foon became an armed aflbciation for the at- 
 tainment of political rights. 
 
 In this appeal to arras, in open refinance to the 
 power of Great Britain, for the purpofe of com- 
 pelling her to grant to Ireland the independence 
 of her legiflature, and a reform of her Parlia- 
 ment, the Proteflants took the lead. But the 
 contention between them and the Britifli govern- 
 ment was not one of arms, becaufe Great Britain 
 had no troops with which to difpute with the vo- 
 lunteers, but one of political manoeuvring. It was 
 plain, that to which ever party the Catholics at- 
 tached therafelvcs, victory would belong. The 
 government, therefore, in order to fecure them, 
 paiTed the acls of 1778 and 1782; while the Pro- 
 teflants, on the other hand, endeavoured to con- 
 ciliate them by public refolutions and declarations 
 in favour of their complete emancipation. The 
 Dungannon convention, which met in February 
 1782, and was compofed of the reprefentatives of 
 
125 
 
 143 Proteftant corps of volunteers, refolved, with 
 two diflenting voices only, *' that they held the 
 " right of private judgment, in matters of religion, 
 " to be equally facred in others as themfelves; 
 " therefore, that, as Chriftians and Proteftants, 
 ** they rejoiced in the relaxation of the penal laws 
 " againft their Roman Catholic fellow-fubjeas, 
 " and that they conceived the meafure to be 
 *' fraught with the happiefi: eonfequences to the 
 *' union and profperity of Ireland." 
 
 Thcfe liberal declarations on the part of this 
 meeting, and the general tenor of the conduft of 
 the Proteilants throughout Ireland towards the 
 Catholics, fecured their cordial concurrence, and 
 the Britifli Government were, at length, reluc- 
 tantly obliged to concede the favourite obje£l of 
 an independent Irifli legiflature. 
 
 The Proteftants now proceeded to attempt to 
 carry their other great objeft, a parliamentary re- 
 form J and, after the fenfe of the kingdom had 
 been expreffed, at various public meetings, to be 
 decidedly in favour of it, they determined to hold 
 a convention in Dublin, for the purpofe of im- 
 
 preffing 
 
P26 
 
 prcffing upon government and parliament the nc- 
 ceffity of acceding to their demands.* Iii the 
 mean time, a divifion of opinion had manifcfled 
 itfelf among fome of the northern corps of volun- 
 teers on the Catholic queflion, and Lord Charle- 
 mont and other perfons had declared themfelve^ 
 hoftile to further concefTions. This circurtiflance 
 afforded the government an eafy opporttinity of 
 defeating the object of the convention ; they con- 
 trived to have a motion made for connefting the 
 emancipation of the Catholics with the qucflion of 
 parliamentary reform ; and upon its being reje<^ed 
 by the convention, knowing that its power was 
 not to be dreaded, if unfupported by the Catholic 
 population, they defpifcd its threats, and, by a 
 manly oppofition to their demands, they fecured 
 their difperfion without turriuft, and certainly with- 
 out the regret of the advocates of fuch a reform 
 in Parliament as the general circumftances of the 
 country abfolurely required. 
 
 From this period, to the year 1790, the Catho- 
 lic queftion was not once agitated, either bv the 
 Catholics or by Parliament. In this year the at- 
 
 torncy- 
 
 * This convention met in rubliii in 1784. 
 
torney-general brought in a bill to explain and 
 ^mend the a£lof 22d Geo, III. c. 62. 
 
 The intention of this a6l was to give to Catho- 
 lics the power of appointing guardians to their 
 children, but it was fo carelefsly drawn, that, 
 upon confulting it, in the cafe of the will of the 
 late Lord Gormanftown, by which he had ap- 
 pointed guardians to his fon, it was difcovered 
 that they were not competent to aft. The pre- 
 fent bill was therefore introduced to remedy this 
 defeft. 
 
 A circuraftance, which took place this fummer 
 ihews, that this aft of common juflice was not, in 
 any degree, the refult of an inclination, on the part 
 of government, to treat the Catholics with more 
 than cuftomary liberality : Lord Weftmoreland, 
 then Lord Lieutenant, had vifited the South of 
 Ireland ; and, on his arrival at Cork, it was inti- 
 mated to the Catholics there, that an expreffion 
 of their loyalty would be acceptable. Accordingly 
 an addrefs of that nature was prepared, which, 
 however, concluded with a bope, that their loyalty 
 Fopld entitle them to fome relaxation of the penal 
 
 code. 
 
m 
 
 code. Before Its being formally prefented, it was 
 fubmittcd to his Excellency, and was returned to 
 them, to ftrike out the claufe which expreffed 
 hope. With a feeling rather natural to men not 
 pcrfeflly broken down by opprefiion, they refufed 
 to flrike it out, and declined prefenting the ad- 
 drcfs. 
 
 A century of pains and penalties had now 
 clapfed, in which period the moft fevcre and mi- 
 nute inveftigation had not been able to afcribe to 
 the Catholics oneinflanceof difloyalty, when they 
 at length determined to make a vigorous exertion 
 to obtain a reftoration of their conflitutional rights. 
 In the courfe of the year 1790, violent refolutions 
 had been entered into by the magiflrates of the 
 county of Armagh againft them. Thofe of Dub- 
 lin, and of the other principal cities and towns of 
 Ireland, were in confequencc roofed to adopt re- 
 folutions on their part, cxprelTive of the neceflity 
 of petitioning Parliament. Thefe had been tranf- 
 mitted to the general committee of Catholics, 
 who thereupon held a meeting to confider them 
 OB the nth of February 1791. The general 
 committee referred thefe refolutions to a fub- 
 
 coramittcc, 
 
129 
 
 coramktee, who made upon them the following 
 report : 
 
 *' Your committee having, in obedience to 
 *' your direftions, carefully perufed the refolutions 
 '* of the Catholics of Ireland, report, that faid re- 
 " foluiions contain the raofl unequivocal fenri- 
 *' ments of loyalty to our mofi: gracious Sove- 
 " reign, George the Third, of love for our coun- 
 " try, and obedience to its laws, and the mod 
 '' humble hope of being reftored to fome partici- 
 " pation of its -excellent jconflitution, 
 
 *' That your Catholic brethren refer, with con- 
 •** fidence, to the numberlefs proofs they have 
 " given of fidelity in times the molt perilous, 
 " when rebellion raged in the bofam of Britain, 
 " and when foreign invafion threatened our coafl, 
 " and to that aiacrity with which all defcriptions 
 " of our people took the oath of allegiance j 
 " and they rely that their fcrupuloiis obfervance 
 " of fuch facred obligation will no where be 
 -'' doubted, when it is confidered, that if they 
 '' took thofe oaths required by law, they would 
 s ** thereby 
 
130 
 
 ** thereby become entitled to all the rights of 
 " citizens. 
 
 " That, with all humility, they confide in the 
 "juftice, liberality, and wifdom of Parliament, 
 *' and the benignity of our moH: gracious Sovc- 
 '* rdgn, to relieve them from their degraded fitua* 
 *' tion, and no longer to fuller them to continue 
 " like Grangers in their native land ; but thus 
 •' have the glory of fliewing all Europe, that in 
 " the plenitude of power, flrength, and riches of 
 " the Britifh empire, when nothing they grant 
 *' can be imputed to any motives but thofe of juf- 
 <* ticc and toleration ; that, at fuch a period, they 
 ** deign to hear and relieve their opprefled and 
 " faithful fubje(fts, and to unite them for ever to 
 " their country, by every tie of gratitude and in. 
 ** tereft ; and that they will {hew to all Europe, 
 *' that humble and peaceful conduct, and dutiful 
 ♦' application, are the only true and elFe(Siual me* 
 *' thods for good fubjefts to obtain relief from a 
 *' wife and good government. 
 
 " That our Catholic brethren therefore defire, 
 *' that application may be made for fuch relief as 
 
 *' the 
 
131 
 
 ** the wifdom and juflice of Parliament may gratit) 
 " and they hope to be reflored, at leaft, to fome 
 " of the rights and privileges which have been 
 " wifely granted to others who difTent from the 
 " eftabliflied church ; that they may be thus 
 " enabled to promote, in conjunftion with the reft 
 " of their fellow-fubjefts, the prefent and future 
 " happinefs and ftrength of their country, 
 
 " That our faid Catholic brethren direcl, that 
 " fuch application be immediately made, and con- 
 " tinned, in the mod fubmiffive and conftitutional 
 " manner, for a mitigation of the reflridions and 
 *' difqualifieations under which they labour/' 
 
 The general committee having agreed with and 
 adopted this report, a petition was prepared ia 
 order to be laid before Parliament in the enfuing 
 feffion. 
 
 With this petition a deputation of the general 
 committee waited upon the chief Secretary, Lord 
 Hobart, to folicit the countenance and protec- 
 tion of government, but in vain. This was not 
 only refufed them, but the Catholics of Ireland^ 
 s 2» conflituting, 
 
132 
 
 conflituting, at the lowefl calculation, thretfi 
 fourths of the inhabitants of the kingdom, had 
 not even fufficient influence to induce any one 
 member of Parliament to prefent it. 
 
 A fecond deputation having failed to obtain 
 even an anfwer from government to a renewed 
 application for its fupport, it was determined to 
 fend Mr. Keogh to London, to laj^ before his 
 Majefly's Minifters the flate of his Catholic fub- 
 jects. 
 
 Mr. Keogh, on his arrival in London, infli* 
 tuted a negociation with Mr. Pitt and the Cabi- 
 net ; at the clofe of which, the Catholics were 
 given to underfland that they might hope for four 
 objefts — grand juries, county magiftrates, high 
 ftierifFs, and the bar. Admiffion to the right of 
 fuffrage was alfo mentioned, and taken under con* 
 fideration. 
 
 The fpirit of religious liberty having, at this 
 lime, made great progrefs among the Proteftant 
 diflenters in Ulfter, the ift Belfaft volunteer com- 
 pany, in July 1791, palTcd a refoluiioa in favour 
 
 cf 
 
133 
 
 of admitting the Catholics a full enjoyment of the 
 conflitution ; and, in Oftober, the great Northern 
 AfTociation of United Iriflimen* pledged them- 
 felves " to endeavour, by all due means, to pro- 
 *' cure a complete and radical reform of the 
 " people in Parliament, including Iriflimen of 
 ** every religious perfuafion.'* 
 
 In the mean time, whilfl Mr. Keogh was in 
 London, the Irifli Adminiftration had been en- 
 deavouring to counteraft the views of the Ca- 
 tholic body, by a negociation with the principal 
 nobility and gentry belonging to it ; and, in fome 
 degree, their exertions were fuccefsful. For, at 
 a meeting of the general committee, held in De- 
 cember 1791, for the piirpofe of confidering of 
 the policy of petitioning Parliament in the enfuing 
 fcflion, fome of the meeting wiflied to adopt a re- 
 folution of feeking no removal of the exifling dif- 
 abilities, but in fuch a manner and to fuch an 
 extent as the wifdom of the legiflature deemed 
 expedient. This was refilled by others, and, on 
 
 a divifion 
 
 * It was not till 1794, that a new fociety, under this name, 
 embarked in an attempt to feparate Great Britnin and Ire- 
 land. 
 

 a divifion npon the queftlon of petitioning 
 nobility were left in a minoilty of 9c to 17. 
 
 Purfuant to this decifion, the following petition" 
 was drawn up, and introduced into the Houfe of 
 Commons, by Mr. O'Hara, on the 23d January, 
 1792. 
 
 We yonr petitlonera, being appoimed by fundfy of hk 
 Majefty's fubjec^s profciTing the lloman Catholic religion, to 
 be agents for conducing applications to the legiflature for 
 their relief, in our own and their names, beg leave to approach 
 this High Court of Parliament with an unfeigned refpe<5f for 
 its wifdora and authority ; and, at the fame time, with a deep 
 and heartfelt fenfation of our fingnlar and deplorable fituation. 
 And, firft of all, we implore (and for this we throw oar- 
 felves 00 the indulgence of Parliament) that no irregularity 
 or defetfl in form or language, fliould obflrud the fuccefs of 
 thefe our niofl ardent fupplicatioiis. The circumftances ir> 
 •which we (land dcfcrve confidcration. For near a hundred 
 years, we and our fathers, and our grandfathers, have groaned 
 under a code of laws, (in fume paits already purged from tho 
 flatutes), the like of which, no age, no nation, no climate ever 
 faw. Yet, fore as it were from the fcourge of a»5live perfe- 
 #ution, fcarce yet confirmed in our minds, and but lately 
 fccure in our perfuns and in our houfes, from the daily alarms 
 of fearch-warrants and informers, we come before Parliament 
 foi" the firlf time; and we come to afk an alleviation of bur- 
 dens, under which we can only find confolation in the melan- 
 choly comparifon of former times. In this (late of icccnt ajv 
 
 prehenrwu 
 
135 
 
 fsrehcnfion and troubled anxious hope, with minds unadapted 
 to the precife obfervances oi decorum, we reft upon the 
 (Imple merits of our cafe It is a part of our calamities, that 
 we do not know how to tell them with propriety ; and if our 
 complaints (hould deviate into rcmonftrance, and we fhould 
 feem to upbraid, when we mean to fupplicate, we truft a due 
 allowance will be made for expreffions extorted by our an- 
 £ui(h, or proceeding from an inevitable ignorance of form. 
 Excluded from the conftitution in all its parts, and in many 
 refpe<fts aliens to the law, how (hould we have learned the 
 forms of Parliament i 
 
 The liardftiips we fuffer proceed from the law. It is, 
 therefore, only to the fountain of the law that we can look 
 for relief. You are the great Council of our Sovereign Lord 
 the King ; but you are a!fo fubjeds like ourfelves. The eat 
 of Majedy, by the law of the land, and by the benignity of 
 that Sovereign, whom it is your glory to imitate, is ever opea 
 to the petitions of his people. As far as we are able to dif- 
 cern the great outlines of a conftitution, which we know 
 only in fpeculation, we conceive that it is the boaft of the 
 conftitution of thefe kingdoms, to have aflbciated a portion of 
 tlie people into the Sovereign power ; in order that, not daz- 
 zled by the awe of fupreme Majefty, the fubjed may find a 
 iiappy mediatorial inftitution, an afylum wherein to depofit 
 the burden of his griefs, to expofa the nakednefs of his op- 
 preflions, and indulge complaint even to exaggeration. 
 There were, indeed, thofe who would have made us believe, 
 that Parliament was only to be approached with circumfped 
 and timid fteps ; at moft, in general terms ; and that, wrap- 
 ped in proud and inexorable ftate, you would confider a fpe- 
 cification of the wants of the people as an infult, and a reafon 
 for not fupplying them. But we knew it could not be. We 
 Jl«ew thai DQ feqate, no kino, no tyrant, had ever profefTed 
 
 to 
 
to turn his ear from detailed fupplicatlon. The Majcfty of 
 God himfelf is willing to receive, and demands the incenfe 
 of p.uticular prayer. And fliall we, who fpeak from man to 
 man, from fubjeft to fubjeft, not dare to fpecify the meafure 
 and extent of our crying necefliiies. Defpiiing that bafe and 
 hypocritical afFe(5l^tion, we are fure it is far more congenial to 
 the nature and to the temper of Parliament, with a firm and 
 generous confidence, to fay, as we fay — here is the evil — 
 there is the remedy : To you we look for relief. 
 
 Behold us then before you, three mHlions of the people of 
 Ireland, fubje<fts of the fame king, inhabitants of the fame 
 land, bound together by the fame focial contrad, contributing 
 to the fame revenues, defended by the fame armies, declared, 
 by the authentic words of an avft of Parliament, to be good 
 and loyal fubjecf^s to his Majefty, his Crown, and Govern- 
 ment, and yet doomed to one general unqualified incapacity, 
 an univerfal exclufion, an univerfal civil profcription. We 
 are excluded from the ftatc, we are excluded from the reve- 
 nues. We are excluded from every diftinftion, every privi- 
 lege, every office, every emolument, every civil truft, every 
 corporate right. We are excluded from the navy, from the 
 army, from the magiftrature, from the profefKons. We are 
 excluded from the palladium of life, liberty, and property, 
 the juries and inquefts of our country. — From what are we 
 not excluded? We are excluded from the conftitution. We 
 rtand a ftrange anomaly in the law; not acknowledged, not 
 difavowed ; not flaves, not freemen : an exception to the 
 principles of jurifprudence ; a prodigy in the fyitem of civil 
 inftitution. We incur no fmall part of tl>€ penalties of a 
 general outlawry, and a gcHeral excommunication. Difabi- 
 lity meets us at every hour, and in every walk of life. It 
 cramps our induftry, it fhackles our property, it deprefles our 
 genius, it debilitates our minds. — Why arc we disfranchifed, 
 
 and 
 
13^7 
 
 and why are we degraded ? Or rather, why do tbefe erlls 
 afflict our country, of which we are no i'nconilderable part? 
 
 We moft humbly and earneflly fupplicate and implore Par- 
 liament to call this law of univerfal exclufion to a fevere ac- 
 count, and now at laft to demand of it, upon what principle 
 it (lands, of equity, of morality, of juftice, or of policy. And, 
 while we requefl: this fcrutiny into the law, we demand aMb 
 the fevereft fcrutiny into our principles, our anions, our 
 words, and our thoughts. Wherein have we failed as loyal 
 and afFeflionate fubjecfls to the beft of Sovereigns, or as fober, 
 peaceable, and ufeful members of fociety. Where is that 
 people who can offer the teftimony of a hundred years patien^ 
 fubmiffion to a code of laws, of which no man living is now 
 an advocate — without fedition, without murmur, without 
 complaint. Our loyalty has undergone a century of fevere 
 perfecution for the fake of our religion, and we have come out 
 of the ordeal with our religion, and with our loyalty. 
 
 Why then are we ftill left under the ban of our country ? 
 We differ, it is true, from the national church, in fome points 
 of doitrinal faith. Whether it is our blefEng or our misfor. 
 tune, He only knows to whom all things are known. For 
 this our religion we offer no apology. After ages of learned 
 and critical difcuflion, we cannot expeA to throw farther light 
 upon it. W? have only to fay, that it is founded on revela- 
 tion, "as well as the religion eftablifhed by law. Both you 
 and we are regenerated in the fame baptifm, and proftfs our 
 belief in the fame Chrift ; you according to the church oi 
 England, we according to the church of Rome. We do not 
 cxercife an abjedt or obfcurc fuperftition. If we err, our 
 errors have been, and ftill are, fandtioned by the example of 
 many flourifhing, learned, and civilized nations. We do not 
 enter, we difdain to enter into the cavils of antiquated fophif- 
 try, and to infult the underftanding of Parliament by fuppof- 
 T ing 
 
138 
 
 Ing it nec^fiary to prove that a religion is not incompatible 
 ^^'ith civil government, which has fubfifled for fo many hun- 
 dred years under every poflible form of government, in fome 
 trlerated, in fome cftablifhed, even to this day. 
 
 With regard to our civil principles, we are unalterably, 
 deeply, and zealoufly attached to his Majefty's perfon and 
 government. Good and loyal fabjeds we are, and we are 
 declared by law to be. With regard to the Conflitution of 
 the state, we are as much attached to it as it is poflible for 
 men to be attached to a conftitution by which they are not 
 avowed. With regard to the conftituiion of the church, we 
 are, indeed, inviolably attached to our own : Firft, becaufe 
 we believe it to be true } and next, becaufe, beyond belief, 
 we know that its principles are calculated to make us, and 
 have made us, good men and good citizens. But as we find 
 it anfwers to us, individu?lly, all the ufeful ends of religion, 
 rue fokmn^y and confcientioujly declare, that tve are fatisfied 
 tvUh the prefent condition of our ecckjiajlical policy . With fatls^ 
 fadlon, ive acquiefce in the ejiahllfjjment of the national church; 
 lae neither repine at its pnjfejfions, nor envy its dignities ; tve 
 are ready y upon this pointy to give every affurance that is binding 
 upon man. 
 
 With regard to every other fubjecft, and to every other 
 calumny, we have no difavowals, we have no declarations to 
 make: Confcious of the innocence of our lives, and the purity 
 of our intentions, we are juRified in afking, what reafon of 
 ftate exifts, and we deny that any does exift, for leaving us 
 ftill in the bondage of the law, and under the protra<5led re-"^ 
 ftriflion of penal ftatutes. Penalties fuppofe, if not crimes, 
 at leaft a caufe of reafonable fufpicion. Criminal imputations 
 like thofe (for to be adequate to the effeift, they mud be great 
 indeed) are, to a generous mind, more grievous than the 
 penalties ihemftives. They incontrovertibly imply, that we 
 
 are 
 
139 
 
 are confidered by the legiflature as ftandiog in a doubtful 
 light of fidelity or loyalty to the King, or to the Conftitutioa 
 of our country, and perhaps to both. While on thefe unjufl: 
 fuppofitions we are deprived of the common rights and privi- 
 leges of Britlfh and of irifh fubjeds, it is impoffible for us to 
 fay we are contented while we endure a relentlefs civil pro- 
 fcription for which no caufe is alleged, and for which no rea« 
 fon can be affigned. 
 
 Becaufe we now come with a clear, open, and manly voic^ 
 to infift upon the grievances under which we ftill labour, it is 
 not to be inferred chat we have forgot the benignant juftice of 
 Parliament, which has relieved us from the more oppreflive, 
 but not the moil extenfive part of the penal fyftem. In thofe 
 days of afflidlion, when we lay proftrate under the iron rod, 
 and, as it were, entranced in a gulph of perfecution, it was 
 neceflary for Parliament to go the whole way, and to ftretch 
 out a faving hand to relieve us. We had not the courage to 
 look up with hope, to know our condition, or even to con- 
 ceive a remedy. It is becaufe the former relaxations were 
 not thrown away upon us ; it is becaufe ^e begin to feel the 
 influence of fomewhat more equal laws, and to revive from 
 our former inanition, that we now prefume to itand ereift be- 
 fore you : Conceiving that Parliament has a right to expe(5^, 
 as a tell of our gratitude, that we fhould no longer lie a dead 
 weight upon our country, but come forward in our turn to 
 aflift with our voice, our exertions, and our councils, in a 
 work, to which the wifdom and power of Parliament is in- 
 competent without our co-operation — the application of a 
 policy, wholly new, to the preffing wants, and to the intimate 
 neceflities of a people long forgotten, out of the fight and out 
 of the knowledge of a fuperintending legiflature.— Accord- 
 ingly we are come, and we claim no fmall merit that we have 
 found our way to the door of Parliament. It has not been 
 ipade eafy for us. — Every art and induRry has been exerted to 
 T 2 . obftruil 
 
140 
 
 obftru^ us : Attempts have been made to divide us into fac- 
 tions, and to throw us into confufion. We have flood firm 
 and united. We have received hints and cautions ; obfcure 
 intimations and public warnings to guard our fupplicationft 
 againft intimidation. We have redfted that fpecies of dif- 
 guifed and artful threat. We have been traduced, calum- 
 niated, and libelled. Wc have witnefled finifter endeavour* 
 Egain to blow the flame of religious animoCty, and awake the 
 flumbering fpirit of popular terrors and popular fury. — But 
 we have remained unmovtd. We 'are, indeed, accuftomed 
 to this tumid agitation and ferment in the public mind. In 
 former times it was the conftant prccurfor of more intenfe 
 perfecution, but it has alfo attended every later and happier 
 return of legiflative mercy. But whether it betokens us evil 
 or good, to Parliament we come, to feek, at that Ihrine, a 
 fafeguard ftom impending danger, or a communication of new 
 Woefits. 
 
 What theti do we aflt of Parliament ? To be thoroughly 
 united and made one with the reft of our fellow-fubjcfts. 
 That, alas! would be our firft, our dearefl wifti. But if that 
 is denied us, if facrifices are to be made, if by an example of 
 rare moderation, we do not afpire to the condiuon of a fair 
 equality, we arc ilot at a lofs to find, in the range of focial 
 benefits (which is nearly that of our ptefent exclufionsj an ob- 
 jeft which is, and ought to be, the fcope and refling-place of 
 our wiflies and o«r hopes. That which, if we do not aflc, 
 we are not worthy to obuin. We knock that it may be 
 opened untO us. We have learned by tradition from our an- 
 ccftors, we have heard by fame in foreign lands, where we 
 have been driven to feek education in youth, and bread in 
 manhood ; and, by the contemplation of our own minds, we 
 lire filled with a deep and unalterable opinion that the Iri/Ji, 
 formed upon the model of the BritiOi cooftitution, is at blef- 
 fing of ineflimable rake ; that it contributes, and is erca 
 
 edcntiaiif 
 
141 
 
 tfientiany neceflkry for national and individual happincfs. Of 
 this conftitution, we feel ourfelves wonlvy ; and though not 
 praftically, we know the benefits of its franchifes. Nor can 
 we, without a crimimal diffimulation, conceal from Parliament 
 the painful inquietude which is fek by our whole perfuafjo«, 
 and the dangers to which we do not ceafe to be expofed, by 
 this our total and unmerited exclufion from the common 
 rights, privileges, and franchifes, conceded by our King? for 
 the protefHon of the fubje(a. This exclufion is indeed the 
 root of every evil. It is that which makes property infecure, 
 and induftry precarious. It pollutes the flream of juftice. It 
 is the caufe of daily humiliation. It is the iofurmountable 
 barrier, the impalSble line of feparation which divides the na- 
 tion, and which, keeping animofity alive, prevents the entire 
 and cordial intermixture of the people. And therefore in- 
 evitably it is, that fome (hare, fome portion, fome participa- 
 fion in the liberties and franchifes of our country, becomes the 
 primary and eflential objedt of our ardent and common foH- 
 «itation. It is a blefling for which there is no price, and can 
 be no compenfation. With it, every evil is tolerable ; without 
 it, no advantage is defirable. In thisv as in all things, we fub- 
 mit ourfelves to the paramount authority of Parliament; and 
 we fhall acquiefce in what is given, as we do in what is taken 
 away. But this is the boon we alk. We hunger and we 
 thirft for the conftitution of our country. If it fhall be deem- 
 ed otherwife, and fhall be determined that we are qualified 
 perhaps for the bafe and lucrative tenures of profeflional occu- 
 pation, but unworthy to perform the free and noble fervices 
 of the conftitution, v/e fubn-.it, indeed, but we folemnly proteft 
 againft that diftindlion for ourfelves and for our children. It 
 is no aft of ours. Whatever judgment may await our nietits 
 or our failings, we cannot conclude ourfelves, by recognizin:;, 
 for a confideration, the principle of fervility and perpetual 
 dcgr'idatioa. 
 
 Thefe 
 
142 
 
 Thefe are the fentiments which wc feel to the bottom of 
 our hearts, and we difclofe them to the free Parliament of a 
 Monarch whofe glory it is to reign over a free people. — To 
 you we commit our fuppiicatioDS and our caufe. We have, 
 indeed, little to apprehend, in this benigner age, from the 
 malignant afperfions of former times, and not more from the 
 obfolete calumnies of former ftrife ; although we fee them en- 
 deavouring again to colieia the remnant of their exhauQed 
 Tenom, before they die for ever, in a laft and feeble effort to 
 traduce our religion and our principles. But, as oppreflion is 
 ever fertile in pretexts, we find the objedions flarted againft 
 us more dangerous becaufe they are new, or new at leaft in 
 the novelty of a {hamelefs avowal. They are principally three 
 — Firft, it is contended that we are a people originally and 
 fundamentally different from yourfelves, and that our interefts 
 are for ever irreconcileable, becaufe fome hundred years ago 
 our anceftors were conquered by your's. We deny the coo- 
 clufion ; we deny the fact. It is faJfe. — In addreffing our- 
 felves to you, we fpeak to the children of our anceftors, as we 
 alfo are the children of your forefathers : Nature has triumph- 
 ed over law ; we are intermixed in blood ; we are blended in 
 connexion ; we are one race ; we all are Irifhmen ; fubjedts 
 of the Imperial Crown of Ireland. The honour of Tarlia- 
 ment is concerned, to reprefs the audacity of thofe who tell 
 us that you are a foreign colony ; and, confequcntly, ought 
 to govern according to the principles of invaders, and the 
 policy of recent ufurpation. At Icaft we confide that you will 
 not fuffer the walls of Parliament to be contaminated with 
 that libel upon the government of Ireland. The fhaft which 
 was aimed at us has flruck yourfelves ; a memorable, but, at 
 the fame time, we trull, a niofl aufpicious example, to teach 
 both you and us, and our common poflerlty, that our intcrelh 
 are one ; and that whatever affcds the well-being and hongoir 
 of the Roman Catholics, is alfo injurious to the Pr^tc/la'-t 
 intercft. Of the fame complexion and tendency are the two 
 
 objesfliow. 
 
143 
 
 obje(flion?, one that our advancement in property and privilege 
 would lead to a repeal of the acSl of fettlement ; the other, 
 that our participation in the liberties and franchifes of our 
 country, would endanger the exigence of the conftitution into 
 which we are admitted. 
 
 A refiimption of the lands forfeited by our and your ancef- 
 tors, (for they are the Himej, after the lapfe of fo many years, 
 (near three returns of the longeft period of legal limitation) 
 after the difperfion and extinction of fo many families; after 
 fo many transitions and divisions, repartitions and reconfolida- 
 tions of property ; fo many fales, judgments, mortgages, and 
 fettlements ; and after all the various procefs of voluntary and 
 legiil operation, to conceive the revival of titles dormant for 
 ]50 years, is an idea fo pcrfeflly chimerical, fo contrary to 
 the experience of all ages and all countries, fo repugnant to 
 the principles of jurifprudence, and fo utterly impoffible in 
 poinOiof faift; that the Roman Catholics of Ireland, once 
 for all, make it their earned requefl to have that queftion 
 thoroughly invefligated, in the aflured hope, that fo idle, vain, 
 and abfurb an objedt of public apprehenfion, being expofed 
 and laid open to the eye of leafon, may fleep in oblivion for 
 ever. 
 
 As to the pther fubje<fl of apprehenfion, we have but one 
 anfwer to make. We defire to partake in the conflitution ; 
 and therefore we do not defire to deftroy it. Parliament is 
 now in pofTeflion of our cafe; our grievances, our forrows, 
 our obil ructions, our folicitudes, our hopes. We have told 
 you the defire of our hearts. We do not aflc to be relieved 
 from this or thut incapacity; not the abolition of this or that 
 odious diftin^^ion ; not even perhaps to be in the fulnefs of 
 time, and in the accomplifliment of the great comprehenfive 
 fcheme of legiflation, finally incorporated with you in the 
 enjoyment of the fame conflitution. Even beyond that mark, 
 
 wc 
 
U4 
 
 we have an ultimate and if pofliblc an objefl of more iDterior 
 defire. We look for an union of affe(flions ; a gradual, and» 
 therefore, a tout obliteration of all the animofities, (on our 
 part they are long cxtind), and all the prejudices which have 
 kept us disjoined. We come to you a great acceffion to the 
 Proteftant intereft, with hearts and minds fuitable to fuch an 
 end. We do not come as jealous and fufpicious rivals, to 
 garel the conilitution, but, with fraternal minds, to participate 
 io the great incorporeal inheritance of freedom, to be held 
 according to the laws and cuftoms of the realm, and by oup 
 immediate fealty and allegiaace to the King. And fo aiay 
 jOa receive us. 
 
 And we fluill ever praj. 
 
 Obje<?Hons having been made to this petition, 
 upoo Mr. 0'Hara*s prefenting it, as being infor- 
 mal, he withdrew it; and the general committee 
 finding that fo bold and explicit a ftatement of 
 their cafe had givea offence to fome of their more 
 violent opponents, prepared another petition, 
 merely praying that the Houfe would take into 
 confidcration, whether the removal of fome of the 
 grievances of the petitioners might not be compa- 
 tible with Proteftant fecurity. This petition was 
 prefented by Mr. Egan on the 1 8 th of February j 
 and, on the 20th, was afterwards reje^led, 00 t 
 divifionof 20O to 13. 
 
 On 
 
146 
 
 On the fame day was alfo reje61cd a petition 
 from the Proteftant inhabitants of Belfaft, which 
 went much farther than the petition of the Catho- 
 hcs, as it required that they fliould be placed on 
 the fame footing with their Proteftant fellow-fub- 
 jefts. 
 
 About this time the general committee invited 
 over the fon of Mr. Burke to a£l for them as their 
 confidential agent*. They were induced to take 
 this flep in order to pay a compliment to Mr. 
 Burke, in return for the extraordinary fervices he 
 had done for them, and to fecure, at this jun61ure, 
 the renewal of his exertions in promoting their 
 caufe. It was on the 3d January of this year, 
 that Mr. Burke publillied his letter to Sir Her- 
 cules Langriflie, in which he gave him that learn- 
 ed and liberal opinion upon the fubje^l of the 
 cle<ftive franchife, which probably obtained the 
 royal affent to the meafure which afterwards was 
 adopted for conceding it. This letter was admi- 
 rably well adapted to meet every fpecics of objec- 
 u tion, 
 
 * It appears from the ftatement, publiflaed by the com- 
 mittee, of the accounts, that they paid Mr. R, Burke for his 
 attendance L.3331, 10s. 5d. 
 
 r 
 
146 
 
 tion, moral, local, and conftitutional. It was cal- 
 culated to remove the prejudices of the Church of 
 England, and every k£t of Proteflant diffenters ; 
 and, above all, it was quite conclufive, as a de- 
 monflration of the compatibility of Catholic eman- 
 cipation with the coronation oath. 
 
 At a meeting of the general committee, on the 
 4th February, the following refolutions were 
 agreed to, and afterwards publiflied, with an ad- 
 drefs to the Proteftants, written by Mr. R. Burke, 
 and corre£ied by his father. To this addrefs were 
 added the anfwers of the foreign Catholic univer- 
 fities to queftions that had been put to them in 
 1789, at the defire of Mr. Pitt, concerning the 
 exigence and extent of the Popifh difpenfmg 
 power. 
 
 Refolved, That this committee has been informed, that 
 reports have been circulated, that the application of the Ca- 
 tholics for relief, extends to unlimited and total emancipation; 
 and that attempts have been made, wickedly and falfely, to 
 inftil into the minds of the Protedants of this kingdom an 
 opinion, that our applications were preferred in a tone of 
 menace. 
 
 Refolved, That fevcral Proteflant gentlemen have expre/Ted 
 jreat fatisfa«5tion on being individually informed of the real 
 
 extent 
 
147 
 
 extent and refpedful manner of the applications for relief, 
 have aflured us, that nothing could have excited jealoufy, or 
 apparent oppofition to us, from our Proteftant countrymen, 
 but the above-mentioned mifapprehenfions. 
 
 Refolved, That we therefore deem it neceflary to declare, 
 that the whole of our late applications, whether to his Majef- 
 ty's Minifters, to men in power, or to private members of the 
 legiflature, as well as our intended petition, neither did, nor 
 does contain any thing, or extend further, either in fubdance 
 or in principle, than the four following objeds. 
 
 ift. Admiflion to the profeffion and pradice of the law. 
 
 2d. Capacity to ferve as county magidracies. 
 
 3d, A right to be fummoned, and to ferve on grand and 
 petty juries. 
 
 4th. The right of voting in counties only for Proteftant 
 members of Parliament ; in fuch a manner, however, as that 
 a Roman Catholic freeholder fliould not vote, unlefs he either 
 rented, and cukiv.ned a farm of twenty pounds per annum, in 
 addition to his forty (hillings freehold; or elfe poflefled a free- 
 hold to the amount of twenty pounds a-year. 
 
 Refolved, That, in our opinion, thefe applications, not ex- 
 tending to any other objefts than the above, are moderate, 
 and abfolutely neceflary for our general alleviation, and more 
 panic ulatly for the protection of the Catholic farmers and the 
 peafantry of Ireland ; and that they do not, in any degree, 
 endanger either church or ftate, or endanger the fecurity of 
 the Proteihnt intercil. 
 
 V 1 Refolved, 
 
148 
 
 Refolved, That we never had an idea or thought fo extra- 
 vagant, as that of menacing or intimidating our Proteftant 
 brethren, much lefs the legiflatUre ; and that we difclaim the 
 violent and turbulent intentions imputed to us in fome of the 
 public prints, and circulated in private converfacion. 
 
 Refolved, That we refer to the known difpofiiion of the 
 Roman Catholics of this kingdom, to our dutiful behaviour, 
 during a long feries of years, and particularly to the whole 
 tenor of our late proceedings for the full refutation of every 
 charge of fedition and difloyalty. 
 
 Refolved, That for the more ample and detailed expofurc 
 of all the evil reports and calumnies circulated againft u5, an 
 addrefs to our Froteftant fellow-fubjeifls, and to the public in 
 general, be printed by the order, and in the name of the gene- 
 ral committee. 
 
 The querJes and anfwcrs concerning the Popifli 
 difpenfing power, are as follow : 
 
 l(t. Has the Pope or Cardinals, or anybody of men, or 
 any individual of the Church of Rome, any civil authority, 
 power, jurifdidion, or pre-eminence whatfoever, within the 
 realm of England ? 
 
 2d. Can the Pope or Cardinals, or any body of men, or 
 any individual of the Church of Rome, abfolve or difpenfe 
 with his Majefty's fubje(f^s from their oath of allegiance, upon 
 any pretext whatfoever ? 
 
 3d. Is there any principle in the tenets of the Catholic 
 f^ith, by which Csic'-olics :ire julHtied in not keej.'ing faith 
 
 wit|x 
 
149 
 
 •with heretics, or other perfons differing from them in reli- 
 gious opinions, in anv tranfadion, either of a public or a pri- 
 vate nature ? 
 
 AlJlraB from the Anfwer of the Sacred Faculty of Divmily of 
 Paris to the above ^er'tes. 
 
 After an introduftion according to the ufual forms of the 
 univerfity, they anfwer the firft query by declaring : 
 
 Neither the Pope, nor the Cardinals, nor any body of men, 
 nor any other perfon of the Church of Rome, hath any civil 
 authority, civil power, civil JurifdiSion, or civil pre-eminence 
 whatfoever in any kingdom ; and, confequently, none in the 
 kingdom of England, by reafon or virtue of any authority, 
 power, jurifdidion, or pre-eminence by divine inflitution in- 
 herent in, or granted, pr by any other means belonging to the 
 Pope, or the Church of Rome. This dodtrine the Sacred 
 Faculty of Divinity of Paris has always held, and upon 
 every occafion maintained, and upon every occafion has 
 rigidly profcribed the contrary dodlrines from her fchools. 
 
 Anfwer to the fecond query. — Neither the Pope, nor the 
 Cardinals, nor anybody of men, nor any perfon of the Church 
 of Rome, can, by virtue of the keys, abfolve or releafe the 
 fubjeds of the King of England from their oaih of alle- 
 giance. 
 
 This and the firft query are fo intimately conneifted, that 
 the anfwer of the firft immediately and naturally applies to 
 the fecond, &c. 
 
 Anfwer to the third query. — There is no tenet in the 
 Catholic church, by which Catholics are juftified in not keep- 
 ing faith with heretics, or thufe who differ from them in 
 
 matters 
 
150 
 
 matters of religion. The tenet, that it is lawful to break faith 
 with heretics, is fo repugnant to common honefty and the 
 opinions of Catholics, that there is nothing of luhich thoje njuho 
 have defended the Catholic faith againfl Proteflants have com- 
 plained nore heavily, than the malice and calumny of their ad- 
 verfaries in imputing this tenet to fhem, ^c isfc. iffc. 
 
 Given at Paris, in the General Affembly of the Sor- 
 bonne, held on Thurfday tlie 11th day before the calends 
 of March, 1789. 
 
 Signed in due form. 
 
 Uni'verftty of Louvain. 
 
 The Faculty of Divinity at Louvain having been requeued 
 to give her opinion upon the queftions above ftated, does it 
 V'lth readinefs — hutjlmck tvith afionijhment that fuch queflions 
 Jhould, at tie end of this eighteenth century y be propofed to any 
 learned body, by inhabitants of a kingdom that glories in the 
 talents and difcernment of its natives. The Faculty being 
 aflembled for the above purpofe, it is agreed, with the unani- 
 mous aflent of all voices, to anfwer the firft and fecond queries 
 abfolutely in the negative. 
 
 The Faculty does not think it incumbent upon her, in this 
 place, to enter upon the proofs of her opinion, or to flicw 
 how it is fupported by paflages in the Holy Scriptures, or the 
 writings of antiquity. That has already been done by Bofluet, 
 De M.uca, the two Barclays, Goldaftus, the Pithxufes, Ar- 
 gentre Widringion, and his Majefly King James the Firft, in 
 his DifTtrtation againll Bellarmine and Du Pprron, and by 
 many others, 5cc. Sec. Sic. 
 
 The Faculty then proceeds to declare, that the fovereign 
 power of the ftate is in nowife (not even indireflly, as it is 
 
 termed 
 
151 
 
 termed) fubjeft to, or dependent upon, any other power ; 
 though it be a fpiritual power, or even though it be inlHtuted 
 for eternal falvation, &c. &c. 
 
 That no man, nor any ajfemhiy of men, however eminent in 
 dignity and power, nor even the whole body of the Caiholic 
 church, though afTembled in general council, can, upon any 
 ground of pretence whatfoever, weaken the bond of union 
 between the Sovereign and the people ; ftill lefs can they ab- 
 folve or free the fubjedts from their oath of allegiance. 
 
 Proceeding to the third queflion, the faid Faculty of Di- 
 vinity (in perfeB ivonder that fuch a queftion Jhould be pro- 
 pofed to her) moft pofitively and unequivocally anfwers, that 
 there is not, and there never has been, among the Catholics, 
 or in the dodtrines of the Church of Rome, any law or prin- 
 ciple which makes it lawful for Catholics to break their faith 
 with heretics, or others of a different perfuafion from them- 
 felves, in matters of religion, either in public or private con- 
 cerns. 
 
 The Faculty declares the do'ftrine of the Catholics to be, 
 that the divine and natural law, which makes it a duty to 
 keep faith and promifes, is the fame ; and is neither fhaken 
 nor diminifhed, if thofe, with whom the engagement is made, 
 hold erroneous opinions in matters of religion, &c. &c. 
 
 Signed in due form on the 18th of November, 1788. 
 
 Univerjity of VaUadoVid. . 
 
 To the firft queftion it was anfwered — That neither Pope., 
 Cardinals, or even a General Council, have any civil authority, 
 power, jurifdiftion, or pre-eminence, diredly or indireftiy, in 
 the kingdom of Great Britain ; or over any other kingdom or 
 province in which they poflefs no temporal dominion, 
 
 To 
 
152 
 
 To the fecond it is anfwercd — That neither Pope nor Car- 
 dinals, nor even a General Council, can abfoive the fubjefts 
 of Great-Britain from their oaths of allegiance, or difpenfe 
 with their obligation. 
 
 To the third it is anfwered— That the obligation of keep- 
 ing faith is grounded on the law of nature, which binds all 
 men equally, without rerpe(5l to their religious opinions ; and 
 with regard to Catholics, it is ftill more cogent, as it is con- 
 firmed by the principles of their religion. 
 
 Signed in the ufual form, February 17, 1789. 
 
 While the general committee were occupied in 
 carrying thefe meafures into effcft, Parliament 
 had pafled a law* for removing part of the re- 
 ftraints and difabilities to which the Catholics 
 were liable. It was introduced into the Houfe of 
 Commons by Sir H. Langriihe, and, being fup- 
 ported by government, it met with little oppofi- 
 tion. But the conduft of government, on this 
 occafion, was fo fufpicious, and its favour confer- 
 red with fo bad a giacef, that it did not in the 
 leaft degree contribute to appeafe the irritation 
 which its former condu(51 in 1791 had fo juftly 
 given rife to. 
 
 By 
 
 * 32dGco. III. c. 21. 
 
 f. This meafurc was introduced into the Houfe of Com- 
 mons without any communication with the general com- 
 
153 
 
 By this a<n: Catholics may be called to the bar, 
 and may be admitted as ftudents into the King's- 
 Inns. Attornies may take Catholic apprentices, 
 and are relieved from the neceffity of educating 
 their children Proteftatits; and barrifters may 
 marry Catholic wives. Catholic barrifters, and 
 apprentices to attornies, muft, neverthelefs, qualify 
 themfelves for the benefits of this aft, by taking 
 the oath of the 13th and 14th Geo. Ill, c. 35. 
 
 By this aft, fo much of 9th William III. c. 3. 
 and 2d Anne, c. 6. as prevents Proteftants from 
 intermarrying with Papifts, is repealed. But Pro- 
 teftants married to Catholics are not to vote at 
 eleftions; and the law is not altered which makes 
 it a capital felony for a prieft to celebrate the 
 marriage of a Proteftant and a Catholic, though 
 the very next aft in the ftatute book enables a 
 Prefbyterian clergyman to celebrate the marriage 
 of a Proteftant and a Prefl^yterian. 
 
 By this aft, alfo, the 7th William III. for re- 
 ftraining foreign education, is repealed ; and Ca- 
 tholics are permitted to teach fchool without tak- 
 ing out a licenfe from the ordinary. And fo much 
 X likewife 
 
154 
 
 likewifc of 8th Anne, c. 3. is repealed ; which 
 enafts, that no Papifl fhall take more than two 
 apprentices. 
 
 In the courfe of the debates upon this a£t, the 
 Catholics were accufed of profefling tenets ini- 
 mical to good order, and government ; and with 
 harbouring pretenfions to the forfeited eftates of 
 their forefathers, and with wiiliing to fubvert the 
 exifting eftablifhment, that they might reinftate a 
 Popifh one in its (lead. The general committee 
 were alfo accufed of being turbulent and feditious 
 agitators. It was alTerted, that the petition which 
 they prefented this year to Parliament was the 
 aft of an obfcure faftion, confined merely to the 
 capital, and difavowed by the great mafs of the 
 Catholics. 
 
 In order to repel the firft of thefe accufations, 
 the declaration of 1774, which has already been 
 introduced into this work, was republiflied, and 
 figned by Dr. Troy and the principal Catholic 
 clergy and laity of the kingdom. The fecond 
 charge was not fo eafily to be contradifted. It 
 was one of mofl ferious importance to the intcrcfts 
 
 of 
 
155 
 
 of the whole body, and, if fuffered to pafs with- 
 out the fallacy of it being expofed, would have 
 contributed to defeat all the exertions which had 
 been made to obtain redrefs. Urged by thefe 
 confiderations, and alfo by a communication, 
 which, about this time, was made, from the firft 
 authority, that a further application for relief 
 would have great weight with his Majefty, and 
 with Parliament, if the committee were qualified 
 to declare, that it was the meafure of every Catho- 
 lic in the kingdom,* the committee devifed a 
 plan, by which a convention of delegates fhould 
 be held, elected by the wliole Catholic body. 
 A circular letter was immediately written, direct- 
 ing that each pariih fliould proceed to choofe one 
 or two ele£lors, and that thefe electors fliould 
 then ekO: from one to four delegates, as it might 
 appear mofl expedient to them. Their directions 
 were obeyed, and carried into effe£t with fo much 
 promptitude and good order, that the convention 
 were able to meet on the 3d of December, with- 
 out the fmalleft degree of tumult or agitation hav- 
 ing occurred in any part of the kingdom. 
 
 X 2 In 
 
 * See the plan for conducing the eledion of dele^ates^ 
 publifhed 1793. 
 
156 
 
 In the mean time, this circular letter had been 
 laid hold of by the government as a proper inftru- 
 raent with which to rekindle the embers of reli- 
 gious animofities. Where the partizans of govern- 
 ment were fufficiently ftrong, corporate and 
 county meetings were held to reprobate the plan 
 of the general committee ; but if defeat, or even 
 formidable refiftancc, was apprehended, fmiilar 
 refolutions were entered into by the grand juries, 
 where fuccefs could eafily be fecured, from the 
 influence of government in their appointment. 
 
 In order to counteraft the cfled of thefe refo- 
 lutions, thofe Proteftants who had the virtue and 
 the good fenfe neither to become the tools or the 
 dupes of government, held a great number of 
 meetings of different towns and diftrifts. Some 
 few, with Londonderry at their head, expreffed 
 themfelves favourable to a gradual admiflion of 
 the Catholics ; but the great majority followed 
 the example of an immenfe body of volunteers, 
 who, when affembled together at their comme- 
 moration meeting, declared their fentiments in 
 favour of the immediate and unqualified exten- 
 
 iion 
 
1.37 
 
 fion of the right of fufFrage to the whole Catholic 
 body. 
 
 When the convention met in December, their 
 proceedings were wife, temperate, and decifive, 
 and conduced without any violation of the laws 
 of the land, or of the good order of fociety. At 
 the firfl meeting the following petition to the 
 King was unanimoufly agreed to, purfuant to in- 
 ftru^ions which had been given to each delegate 
 by his refpedlive eleftors. 
 
 To the King s mojl Excellent Majefty, the humble Petition if the 
 Underfigned Catholics, on behalf of them/elves and the rejl of 
 his Catholic Subjecls of the hingdam of Ireland. 
 
 Moft Gracious Sovereign, 
 
 We your Majefty's moft dutiful and loyal fubjeds of your 
 kingdom of Ireland, profelTing the Catholic religion, prefunie 
 to approach your Majefty, who are the common father of ali 
 your people, and humbly to fubmit to your confideration the 
 manifold incapacities and opprelBve difqualiiications under 
 which we labour. 
 
 For, may it pleafe your Majefty, after a century of unin- 
 terrupted loyalty, in which time five foreign wars and two 
 domeftic rebellions have occurred, after having taken every 
 oath of allegiance and fidelity to your Majefty, and given, and 
 being ftill ready to give, every pledge, which can be devifed 
 for their peaceable deraeanour and unconditional fubmilTioB 
 
 to 
 
158 
 
 to the laws, the Catholics of Ireland ftand obnoxious to a 
 long catalogue of ftatutes, infli(fling on dutiful and meritorious 
 fuhjtcT:s pains and penalties of jn extent and feverity, which 
 fcarce any degree of delinquency can warrant, and prolonged 
 to a period, when no neceffity can be alleged to juftify their 
 continuance. 
 
 Ib the firft place, we beg leave, with all humility, to repre- 
 fent to your Majefty, that, notwiihllanding the loweil depart- 
 ments in your Majelty's fleets and armies are largely fupplied 
 by our numbers, and your revenue in this country to a great 
 degree fupported by our contributions, we are difabled from 
 ferving your Majefly in any office of truft and emolument 
 whatfoever, civil or military — a profcription, which difregards 
 capacity or merit, admits of neither qualification nor degree, 
 and refts as an univerfal ftigma of diftrull upon the whole 
 body of your Catholic fubjei5ts. 
 
 We are interdiifted from all municipal flaiions, and the 
 franchife of all guilds and corporations ; and our exclufion 
 from the benefits annexed to ihofe fituations is not an evil 
 terminating in itfclf ; for, by giving an advantage over us to 
 thofe, in whom they are exclufively vefted, they eftablifh 
 throughout the kinc;dom a fpecies of qualified monopoly, uni- 
 formly operating in our disfavour, contrary to the fpirit, and 
 highly detrimentnl to the freedom of trade. 
 
 We may not found nor endow any univerfity, college, or 
 fchool, for ihe education of our children ; and we are inter- 
 dicted from ob'.aining degrees in the univerfity of Dublin by 
 the (everal charters and ftatutes now in force therein. 
 
 We are totaliy prohibited from keeping or ufing weapons, 
 for the defence of our houfcs, families, or pcrfons, whcreoy 
 wc are expofcd to the violence of burglary, robbery, and 
 
 alfallination ; 
 
159 
 
 aflaffination ; and to enforce this prohibition, contravening 
 that great original law of nature, which enjoins us to feif- 
 defence, a variety of ftatutes exift, not lefs grievous and op- 
 preflive in their provifions, than unjuft in their objeft ; by one 
 of which, enaded fo lately as within thefe fixteen years, every 
 one of your Majefty's Catholic fubje<5ls, of whatever rank, or 
 degree, peer or peafant, is compellable by any magillrate to 
 come forward and convift himfelf of what may be thought a 
 fingular offence in a country profefling to be free — keeping 
 arms for his defence ; or, if he fhall refufe fo to do, may in- 
 cur not only fine and imprifonment, but the vile and ignomi- 
 nious punifliments of the pillory and whipping, penalties ap- 
 propriated to the moft infamous malefadors, and more ter- 
 rible to a liberal mind than death itfelf. 
 
 No Catholic whatfoever, as we apprehend, has his perfonal 
 property fecure. The law allows and encourages the difobe- 
 dient and unnatural child to conform and deprive him of it : 
 the unhappy father does not, even by the furrender of his all, 
 purchafe his repofe ; he may be attacked by new bills, if his 
 future induftry be fuccefsful, and again be plundered by due 
 procefs of law. 
 
 We are excluded, or may be excluded, from all petit juries, 
 in civil a<5tions, where one of the parties is a Protellant ; and 
 we are further excluded from all petit juries in trials by in- 
 formation or indi<5tment founded on any of the Popery laws, 
 by which law we moft hunibly fubmit to your Majefty, that 
 your loyal fubjeds, the Catholics of Ireland, are in this their 
 native land, in a worfe fituation than that of aliens, for they 
 •nay demand an equitable privilege denied to us, of having 
 half their jury aliens like themfelves. 
 
 We may not ferve on grand juries, unlefs, which it is 
 fcarcely poffible can ever happen, there fhould not be found a 
 
 fufficiency 
 
160 
 
 fnfficiency of Proteftants to complete the panne! ; contrary to 
 that humane and equitable principle of the law, which fays, 
 that no man fliall be convidled of any capital offence, unlefs 
 by the concurring verdidls of two juries of his neighbours and 
 equals ; whereby (and to this, we humbly prefume more par- 
 ticularly to implore your royal attention) we are deprived of 
 the great palladium of the condituiion, trial by our peers, in- 
 dependent of the manifeft injuftice of our property being 
 taxed in afTeflments by a body, from which we are formally 
 excluded. 
 
 We avoid a further enumeration of inferior grievances ; 
 but may it pleafe your Majefty, there remains one incapacity, 
 which your loyal fubjeds, the Catholics of Ireland, feel with 
 mofl poignant anguifh of mind, as being the badge of unme- 
 rited difgrace and ignominy, and the caufe and bitter aggra-> 
 ▼ation of all our other calamities ; we are deprived of the 
 eleflive franchife, to the manifeft perverfion of the fpirit of 
 the conftitution, inafmuch as your faithful fubje<^s are thereby 
 taxed, where they are not reprefented, acflually or virtually, 
 and bound by laws, in the framing of which, they have no 
 power to give, or with-hold their aflent ; and we mod hum- 
 bly implore your Majefty to believe, that this our prime and 
 heavy grievance is not an evil merely fpeculative, but is at- 
 tended with great diftrefs to all ranks, and in many inftances, 
 with the total ruin and deflrufllon of the lower orders of your 
 Majefty's faithful and loyal fubjcds the Catholics of Ireland ; 
 for may it pleafe your Majefly, not to mention the infinite 
 variety of advantages, in point of prote<5lion and otherwife, 
 which the enjoyment of the eledive franchife gives to thofc 
 who poflefs it, nor the conftquent inconveniencies, to which 
 ttiofe who are deprived thereof are liable ; not to mention the 
 difgrace to three-fourths of your loyal fuljcifls of Ireland, of 
 living the only body of men incapable of franchife, in a nation 
 pofTe fling a free cooftitution, it continually happens, and of 
 
 Dcceflitf 
 
I6l 
 
 neeeflity from the malignant nature of the law muft happen, 
 that multitudes of the Catholic tenantry in divers counties in 
 this kingdom are, at the evpirsrtion of their leafes, expelled 
 from their tenements and farms to make room for Proteftant 
 freeholders, who, by their votes, may contribute to the weight 
 and importance of their landlords ; a circumftance which ren- 
 ders the recurrence of a general election, that period which is 
 the boaft and laudable triumph of our Proteftant brethren, 
 a vifitation and heavy curfe to us, your Majefty's dutiful 
 and loyal fubjefls. And may it pleafe your Majefty, this 
 uncertainty of pofTeflion to your Majefty's Catholic fubjedts 
 operates as a perpetual reftraint and difcouragement on in- 
 duftry and the fpirit of cultivation, whereby it happens, that 
 this your Majefty's kingdom of Ireland, pofTeffing many and 
 great natural advantages of foil and climate, fo as to be ex- 
 ceeded therein by few, if any countries on the earth, is yet 
 prevented from availing herfelf thereof fo fully as (he other- 
 wife might, to the furtherance of your Majefty's honour, and 
 the more efFedual fupport of your fervice. 
 
 And, may it pleafe your Majefty, the evil does not even reft 
 here; for many of your Majefty's Catholic fubjefts, to pre- 
 ferve their families from total deftru6lion, fubmit to a nomi- 
 nal conformity againft their convidtion and their confcience, 
 and preferring perjury to famine, take oaths which they utterly 
 ciftjelieve ; a circumftance, which we doubt not will ftiock 
 your Majefty's well-known and exemplary piety, not lefs than 
 the mifery which drives thofe unhappy wretches to fo defpe- 
 rate a meafure, muft diftrefs and wound your royal clemency 
 and commiferation. 
 
 And may it pleafe your Majefty, though we might here 
 
 reft our cafe on its own merits, juftice, and expediency, yet 
 
 we further prefume humbly to fubmit to your Majefty, that 
 
 the right of franchife was, with divers other rights, enjoyed 
 
 y 
 
162 
 
 by the Catholics of this kingdom, from tlie fiift adoption of 
 the Enghfh conllitution by our forefathers, was fecured to at 
 Jcad a great part of oar body by the treaty of Limerick, in 
 1691, guaranteed by your Majefly's royal predccefTors, King 
 William and Queen Mary, and finally confirmed and ratified 
 by Parliament; notwithftanding which, and in breach of the 
 public faith of the nation thus folemnly pledged, for which 
 our anceftors paid a valuable confidcration, in the furrender 
 of their arms, and a great part of this kingdom, and notwith- 
 ftanding the moft fcrupulous adherence, on oir part, to the 
 terms of the faid treaty, and our unremitting loyalty from 
 that day to the prefent, the faid right of ele^ive franchife was 
 finally and univerfally taken away from the Catholics of Ire- 
 land, fo lately as the Cril year of his Majefty King George 
 the Second. 
 
 And when we thus prefume to fubmit this infraiflion of the 
 treaty of Limerick to your Majefly's royal notice, it is not 
 that we ourfelves confider it to be the ftrong part of our cafe ; 
 for though our rights were recognized, they were by no 
 means created by that treaty ; and we do with all humility 
 conceive, that if no fuch event as the faid treaty had ever 
 taken place, your Majefly's Catholic fubjeds, from their un- 
 varying loyalty, and dutiful fubmilfion to the laws, and from 
 the great fupport afforded by thtm to your Majefly's govern- 
 ment in this country, as well in their perfonal fervice, in your 
 Majefly's fleets and armies, as from the taxes and revenues 
 levied on their property, are fully competent, and ju/tly en- 
 titled to ]iarticipate and enjoy the blcffingj of the con(U[ution 
 of their country. 
 
 And now that we have, with all humility, fubmlttcd oui 
 grievances to your Majefty, permit us, moft gracious Sove- 
 reign, again to reprefent our finccre attachment to the conlli- 
 tution, as cilabliflied in the three cftatts of King, 1 ords, and 
 
 Connnorr; 
 
i6t 
 
 Commons ; our uninterrupted loyalty, peaceable demeanour, 
 and fubmilTion to the laws for one hundred years ; and our 
 determination to perfevere In the fame dutiful condusH:, which 
 has, under your Majefty's happy aufpices, procured us thofe 
 relaxations of the penal ftatutes, which the wifdom of the 
 legifjature has from time to time thought proper to grant ; we 
 humbly prefume to hope, that your Majefty, in your paternal 
 goodnefs and afFedion towards a numerous and opprefled body 
 of your loyal fubje^ts, maybe gracioufly pleafed to recommend 
 to your Parliament of Ireland, to [take into their confidera- 
 tlon the -whole of our fituation, our numbers, our merits, and 
 our fufFerings ; and as we do not give place to any of your 
 Majefty's fubjefls in loyalty and attachment to your facred 
 perfon, we cannot fupprefs our wiflies of being reftored to the 
 rights and privileges of the conftitution of our country, and 
 thereby becoming more worthy, as well as more capable of 
 rendering your Majefty that fervice, which it is not lefs our 
 duty than our inclination to afford. 
 
 So may your Majefty tranfmit to your lateft pofterity, a 
 crown fecured by public advantage and public affeflion ; and 
 fo may your royal perfon become, if poflible, more dear to 
 your grateful people. 
 
 On the 2d January 1793, the gentlemen who 
 had been deputed to prefent this petition were in- 
 troduced to his Majefly by Mr. Dundas ; and, on 
 the I oth of the fame month, Lord Weflmorland, 
 in a Ipeech from the throne to both Houfes of 
 Parliament, fiiid, " I have it in particular com- 
 " mand from his Majefly to recommend it to 
 " you, to apply yourfelves to the confidcration of 
 Y 2 « fach 
 
164 
 
 ** fuch meafurcs as may be moft likely to flrengthcn 
 " and cement a general union of fentiment among 
 " all claffes of his Majefty's fubjefts, in fupport 
 *' of the eflablifhed conftitution -, with this view, 
 ** his Majefty trufls, that the fituation of his Ma- 
 •' jefty's Catholic fubjcfts will engage your ferious 
 " attention ; and, in confideraiion of this fub- 
 " jecl, he relies on the wifdom and liberality of 
 « Parliament." 
 
 In a few days afterwards, Major Hobart, now 
 Lord Euckinghamfhire, prefented to the Houfe 
 of Commons a petition from the Catholics, pray- 
 ing for reiief. A petition to the fame efFeft was 
 prefented from the Proteftant inhabitants of Bel- 
 fad, and foon after the royal alTent was given 
 to the following aft for affording relief to his 
 Majefty*s Popifh or Roman Catholic fubjefts of 
 Ireland. 
 
 Whereas various a<5ts of Parliament have been pafTed, im- 
 pofing on his Majefty's fubjcds profefling the Popi(h or 
 Roman Catholic religion, many reftraints and difabilitics to 
 which other fubjcifls of this realm are not liable ; and, from 
 the peaceable and loyal demeanour of his MajeOy's Popifh or 
 Roman Catholic fubje»51s, it is fit that fuch reftraints and dif- 
 abilities fhall be difcontinued : Be it therefore enatfls^d by the 
 
 King's 
 
i6l 
 
 King's mod excellent Majefty, by and with the advice and 
 confent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, 
 in this prefent Parliament aflembled, and by the authority of 
 the fame, that his Majerty's fubjeds being Papifts, or perfons 
 profefling the Popifli or Roman Catholic religion, or married 
 to Papifts, or perfons profefiing the Popifh or Roman Catho- 
 lic religion, or educating any of their children in that religion, 
 (hall not be liable or fubjedl to any penalties, forfeitures, dif- 
 abilities, or incapacities ; or to any laws for the limitation, 
 charging, or difcovering of their eftates and property, real or 
 perfonal, or touching the acquiring of property, or fecurities 
 affeding property, fave fuch as his Majefty's fubjeds of the 
 Proteftanr religion are liable and fubjetfl to ; and that fuch 
 parts of all oaths as are required to be taken by perfons ia 
 order to qualify themfelves for voting at ele<nions of members 
 to ferve in Parliament; and alfo fuch parts of all oaths requir- 
 ed to be taken by perfons voting at eledlions for members to 
 ferve in Parliament, as import to deny that the perfon taking 
 the fame is 'k Papift, or married to a Papift, or educates his 
 children in the Popifh religion, {hall not hereafter be required 
 to be taken by any voter, but ihall be omitted by the perfon 
 adminiftering the fame ; and that it (hall not be neceffary, in 
 order to entitle a Papift or perfon profefling the Popifh or 
 Roman Catholic religion to vote at an election of members 
 to ferve in Parliament, that he fliould at, or previous to his 
 voting, take the oaths of allegiance and abjuration, any ftatute 
 now in force to the contrary of any of the faid matters in any 
 wife nocwithftanding. 
 
 2. Provided always, and be it further enadted. That all 
 Papills or perfons profelEng the Popifh or Roman Catholic 
 religion, who may claim to have a right of voting for members 
 to ferve in Parliament, or of voting for magiftrates in any city, 
 town corporate, or borough, within this kingdom, be hereby 
 required to perform all qualification?, regiftries, and other 
 
 requifites. 
 
166 
 
 requifites, which are now required of his Majefty's Protcftant 
 fubjeds in like cafes by any law or laws now of force in this 
 kingdom, fiive and except fuch oaths and parts of oaths as 
 are herein before excepted. 
 
 3. And provided always, That nothing herein before con- 
 tained fliall extend, or be conllrued to extend to repeal, or 
 alter any law or ad of Parliament now in force, by whicii 
 certain qualifications are required to be performed by perfons 
 enjoying any offices or places of truft under his Majefty, his 
 heirs and fucctfTors, other than as herein after is enaifled. 
 
 4. Provided alfo, That nothing herein contained fliall ex- 
 tend or be conftrued to extend to give Papifts or perfons pro- 
 fefling the Popifh religion a right to vote at any parilh vellry 
 for levying money to rebuild or repair any parifli church, or 
 refpe(a:ing the demifing or difpofal of the income of any cftate 
 belonging to any church or paridi, or for the falary of the 
 pari(h clerk, or at the eledion of any church-warden. 
 
 5. Provided always, Tiiat nothing contained in this aft 
 fliall extend to or be conftrued to affeft any action or fuii 
 now depending, which fhall have been brought or inftituted 
 previous to commencement of this feflion of Parliament. 
 
 6. Provided alfo, That nothing herein contained fliall ex- 
 tend to authorife any Papift or perfon profciling the PopilTi or 
 Roman Catholic religion, to h.ave or keep in his hands or pof- 
 fefllon any arms, armour, ammunition, or any warlike (lores, 
 fword-bladcs, barrels, locks, or flocks of guns or fire-arms, 
 or to exempt fuch perfon from any forfeiture or penalty in- 
 ilicted by any act rcfpecting arms, armour, or ammunition, 
 in the hands or poflefllon of any Papift, or refjjeding Papifts 
 having or keeping fuch warlike ftores, fave and except Papifts 
 or perfon? of the Popilli or Roman Catholic religion feized of 
 
 a freehold 
 
167 
 
 a freehold eftate of one hundred pounds a year, or pofTefled of 
 a perfonal eftate of one thoafand pounds or upwards, who are 
 hereby authorifed to keep arms and ammunition as Proteftants 
 now by Jaw may ; and alfo fave and except Papifts or Roman 
 Catholics pofTeHing a freehold eftate of ten pounds yearly 
 value, and lefs than one hundred pounds, or a perfonal eltate 
 of three hundred pounds, and lefs than one thoufand pounds, 
 who fhall have at the feflion of the peace in the county in 
 which they refide taken the oath of allegiance prefcribed to 
 be taken by an act pafled in the thirteenth and fourteenth 
 years of his prefent JVIajefty's rdgn, entitled, " An Act to 
 " enable his Majefty's Subjeds, of whatever Perfuafion, to 
 " teftify their Allegiance to him ;" and alfo, in open court, 
 fwear and fubfcribe an affidavit that they are poffefTed of a 
 freehold ellate yielding a clear yearly profit to the perfon 
 making the fame of ten pounds, or a perfonal property of three 
 hundred pounds above bis juft debts, fpecifying therein the 
 name and nature of fuch freehold, and nature of fuch perfonal 
 property ; which affidavits fhall be carefully preferved by the 
 clerk of the peace, who fhall have for his trouble a fee of fix- 
 pence, and no more, for every fuch affidavit ; and the perfon 
 making fuch affidavits, and polTeffiog fuch property, may keen 
 and ufe arms and ammunition as Proteftants may, fo lono as 
 they fhall refpectlvely pofTefs a property of the annual value 
 often pounds and upwards, if freehold, or the value of three 
 hundred pounds if perfonal, any ftatute to the contrary not- 
 wiihdanding. 
 
 7. And be it enacted, That it ffiall and may be lawful for 
 Papilb or perfons profeffing the Popifh or Roman Catholic 
 religion, to hold, exercife, and enjoy all civil and military 
 offices, or places of truft or profit under his Majefly, his heirs 
 and fuccefTors, in this kindom ; and to hold or take degrees, 
 or any profefTorffiip in, or be mafters or fellows of any Col- 
 lege to be hereafter founded in this kingdom, provided that 
 
 iuch. 
 
16"8 
 
 fuch college fhall be a member of the univerflty of Dublin, 
 and (hall not be founded exclufively for th€ education of 
 Papifts or perfons proftfling the Popifh or Roman Catholic 
 religion, nor confUt exclufively of maflers, fellows, or other 
 perfons to be named or elected on the foundation of fuch col- 
 lege, being perfons profefRng the Popirti or Roman Catholic 
 religion, or to hold any office or place of truft in, and to be a 
 member of any lay body corporate, except the college of the 
 Holy and undivided Trinity of Q^ieen Elizabeth, near Dublin, 
 without taking and fubfcribing the oath of allegiance, fupre- 
 macy, or abjuration, or making or fubfcriliing the declaratioo 
 required to be taken, made, and fubfcribcd, to enable any per- 
 fon to hold and enjoy any of fuch places, and without receiv- 
 ing the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper according to the rites 
 and ceremonies of the Church of Ireland, and law, ftatute, 
 or bye-law of any corporation to the contrary notwithftanding ; 
 provided that every fuch perfon fliall take and fubfcribe the 
 oath appointed by the act, puffed in the thirteenth and four- 
 teenth years of his Majefly's reign, entitled, *' An Act to 
 " enable his Majedy's Subjects, of whatever Perfuafion, to 
 '• teftify their Allegiance to him ;" and alfo the oath and 
 declaration following, that is to fay : 
 
 *' I A. B. do hereby declare, that I do profefs the Roman 
 Catholic religion." 
 
 '• I A. B. dofwear, that I do abjure, condemn, and deteft, 
 3.% unchriftian and impious, the principle that it is lawful to 
 murder, deftroy, or any ways injure any perfon whatfoever for 
 or under the pretence of being a heretic ; and 1 do declare 
 folemnly before God, that I believe, that no act in itfelf un- 
 ju(t, immoral, or wicked, can ever be julUfied or excufed by 
 or under pretence or colour that it was done either for the 
 pood of the church, or in obedience to any ecclefiaftical 
 power whatfoever. I alfo declare, that it is rot an articte 
 
 of 
 
169 
 
 of the Cathoiic faith, neither am I thereby required to believe 
 or profefs that the Pope is infallible, or that I am bound to 
 obey any order in its own nature immoral, though the Pope, 
 or any ecclefiaftical power, (hould ifTue or direcft fuch order; 
 but, on the contrary, I hold that it would be finful in me to 
 pay any refpect or obedience thereto : I further declare, that 
 I do not believe that any fin whatfoever committed by me 
 can be forgiven at the mere will of any Pope, or of any 
 prieft, or of any perfon or perfons whatfoever ; but that fin- 
 cere forrow for paft fins, a firm and fincere refolution to avoid 
 future guilt, and to atone to God, are previous and indifpen- 
 fible requifites to eflablifh a well-founded expectation of for- 
 givenefs ; and that any perfon who receives abfolution with- 
 out thefe previous requifites, fo far from obtaining thereby 
 any remiffion of his fins, incurs the additional guilt of violat- 
 ing a facrament ; and I do fwear that I will defend, to the 
 utmofl: of my power, the fettlement and arrangement of pro- 
 perty in this country as eftablifhed by the laws now in being; 
 I do hereby difclaim, difavow, and folemnly abjure any inten- 
 tion to fubvert the prefent church eftablilhment, for the pur- 
 pofe of fubftituting a Catholic ertablifhment in its ftead ; and 
 I do folemnly fwear, that I will not exercife any privilege to 
 which I am or may become entitled, to difturband weaken 
 the Proteftant religion and Proteftant government in thii 
 kingdom. 
 
 " So help me God/' 
 
 8. And be it enacted, That Papifts, or perfons profcffina 
 the Popifh or Roman Catholic religion, may be capable of 
 being elected profefTors of medicine upon the foundation of 
 Sir Patrick Dunne, any lav/ or ftatute to the contrary notwith- 
 rtanding. 
 
 9. Provided always, and be it enacted. That nothing here- 
 in contained fiiall extend or be coaftrued to extend 'o enable 
 
 * any 
 
170 
 
 any perfon to fit or vote in either Houfc of Pailiament, or to 
 hold, exercife, or enjoy the Office of Lord Lieutenant, Lord 
 Deputy, or other Chief Governor or Governors of this king- 
 dom, Lord High Chancellor or Keeper, or Commiflloner of 
 the Great Seal of this kingdom, Lord High Treafurer, Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer, Chief Juftice of the Court of King's 
 Bench or Common Pleas, Lord Chief Baron of the Court 
 of Exchequer, Juflke of the Court of King'^s Bench or Com- 
 mon Pleas, or Baron of the Court of Exchequer, Judge of 
 the High Court of Admiralty, Marter or Keeper of the Rolls, 
 Secretary of State, Keeper of the Privy Seal, Vice-Treafurer, 
 Teller and CaHiier of the Exchequer, or Auditor Gen«raU 
 Lieutenant or Governor, or Cyfios Roltilorum of Counties, 
 Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Deputy, or other 
 Chief Governor or Governors of this kingdom, Member of 
 his Majefty's moft honourable Privy Council, Prime Serjeant, 
 Attorney-General, Solicitor-General, Second and Third Ser- 
 jeants at Law, or King's Council, Matters in Chancery, 
 Provoft, or Fellow of the College of the holy and undivided 
 Trinity of Queen Elizabeth, near Dublin ; Poil-Mafter 
 General, Mailer and Lieutenant General of his Majefty's 
 Forces, Generals on the StafF, and Sheriffs, and Sub-(heriffs 
 of any County in this kingdom ; or any office contrary to the 
 rules, orders, and directions made and eftablifficd by the Lord 
 Lieutenant and Council, in purfuancc of the act pafled in the 
 ferentcenth and eighteenth years of the reign of King Charles 
 the Second, entitled, " An Act for the explaining of fomc 
 " Doubts arifing upon an Act, entitled. An Act for the 
 " better Execution of liis Majefty's gracious Declaration for 
 " the Settlement of his Kingdom of Ireland, and Satisfaction 
 " ofthefeveral Interefts of Adventurers, Soldiers, and other 
 " his Majefty's Subjects there, and for making fome altera- 
 " tions of, and addition! unto the faid Act, for the more 
 «' fpccdy and effectual Settlement of this Kingdom," unlefs 
 he fliall liave taken, made, and fubfcribed the oaths and de- 
 claration, 
 
171 
 
 ddration, arid performed the fevera! requiiites which by any 
 law heretofore made, and now of force, are re<juired to 
 enable any perfon to fit or vote, or to hold, exercife, and 
 enjoy the faid offices refpectively. 
 
 10. Provided alfo, and be it enacted, That nothing in this 
 act contained fhall enable any Papift, or perfon profefling the 
 Popifli or Roman Catholic religion, to exercife any right of 
 prefentation to any ecclefidllical benefice whatfoever. 
 
 11. And be it enacted, That no Papift, or perfon profef- 
 fing the Popifti or Roman Catholic religion, (hall be liabl« to, 
 or fubject to any penalty for not attending divine fervice on 
 the Sabbath-day, called Sunday, in his or her pariih church. 
 
 12. Provided alfo, and be it enacted. That nothing herein 
 contained fiiall be conftrued to extend to authorife any popilh 
 prieft, or reputed popifh prieit, to cekbrate marriage between 
 proteflant and pvoteftant, or between any perfon who hath 
 been, or profefled himfelf or herielf to be a proteftant at 
 any time within twelve months before fuch celebration of 
 marriage, and a papift, unlefs fuch proteftant and papift 
 fiuU have been £rft married by a clergyman of the proteftant 
 religion ; and that every popifh prieft, or reputed popiih 
 prieft, who fhall celebrate any marriage between two pro- 
 teftants, or between any fuch proteftant and papift, unlefs 
 fuch proteftant and papift fhall have been hrft married by a 
 clergyman t>f the proteftant religion, ftiall forfeit the fum of 
 five hundred pounds to his Majefty, upon conviction thereof. 
 
 13. And whereas it may be expedient, in cafe his Majefty, 
 his heirs and fuccefiibrs, fhall be pleafed to alter the ftatutes 
 of the College of the holy and undivided Trinity, near Dublin, 
 and of the univerfity of Dublin, as to enable perfous profef- 
 fing the Roman catholic religion to enter into or to take 
 
 'i. 1 degrees 
 
172 
 
 degrees in tlie faid univerfity, to remove any obflacle which 
 now exlfts by ftatute lawj be it enacted, That from and after 
 the firft day of June one thoufand feven hundred and ninety- 
 three, it fhall not be neceflary for any perfon, upon taking any 
 of the degrees ufually conferred by the faid univerfity, to make 
 or fubfcribe any declaratioB, or to take any oath, favc the 
 oaths of allegiance and abjurdtion, any law or ftatute to the 
 contrary notwithllanding. 
 
 14. Provided always. That no papift or Roman catholic, 
 or perfon profefling the Roman catholic or popifh religion, 
 fhall take any benefit by or under this act, uniefs he fhall hare 
 firft taken and fubfcribed the oath and declaration in this act 
 contained and fet forth, and alfo the faid oath appointed by 
 the faid act pafTed in the thirteenth and fourteenth years of 
 his Majefly's reign, entitled, '* An Act to enable his Ma- 
 •* jefly's Subjects, of whatever Perfuafjon, to teftify their 
 " Allegiance to him," fn fome one of his Majefty's four 
 courts in Dublin, or at the general fefTions of the peace, or at 
 any adjournment thereof fo be holden for the county, city, or 
 borough wherein fuch papift or Roman catholic, or perfon 
 profefTing the Roman catholic or popifh religion, doth inhabit 
 or dwell, or before the going judge or judges ofafTize, in the 
 county wherein fuch papifi or Roman catholic, or perfon 
 profelTing the Roman catholic or popifh religion, doth inhabit 
 and dwell, in open court. 
 
 15. Provided always, and be it enacted, That the names 
 of fuch perfons as fhall fo take and fubfcribe the faid oaths 
 and declaration, with their titles and additions, fhall be en- 
 tered upon the rolls for that purpofe to be appointed by ftid 
 refpectivc courts ; and that the faid rolls, once in every year, 
 (hall be tranfmitted to, and depofitcd in the rolls office in this 
 kingdom, to remain amongft the records thereof; and the 
 maOer* or keepers of the rolls in this kingdom, or their law- 
 ful 
 
173 
 
 ful deputy or deputies, are hereby empowered and required to 
 giv€ and deliver to fuch perfon or perfons Co taking and fub- 
 fcribing the faid oaths and declaration, a certificate or certi- 
 ficates of fuch perfon or perfons having taken and fubfcribed 
 the faid oaths and declaration, for each of which certificates 
 the fum of one (hilling and no more fhall be paid, 
 
 16. And be it further provided and enacted, That from 
 and after the firft day of April one thoufand feven hundred 
 and ninety-three, no freeholder, burgefs, freeman, or inhabit- 
 ant of this kingdom, being a papift or Roman catholic, or 
 perfon profefling the Roman catholic or popidi religion, fliall 
 at any time be capable of giving his vote for the electing of 
 any knight or knights of any {hire or county within this king- 
 dom, or citizen or burgefs to ferve in any Parliament, until 
 he fhall have firfl produced and fhewn to the high IherifFof 
 the faid county, or his deputy or deputies, at any eledion of a 
 knight or knights of the faid (hire, and to the refpe<aive chief 
 officer or officers of any city, borough, or town corporate to 
 whom the return of any citizen or burgefs to ferve in 
 Parliament, doth or fliall refpedively belong, at the elec- 
 tion of any citizen or burgefs to ferve in Parliament, 
 fuch certificate of his having taken and fubfcribed the faid 
 oaths and declaration, either from the rolls office, or from 
 the proper officer of the court in which the faid oaths and 
 declaration (hall be taken and fubfcribed ; and fuch perfon 
 being a freeholder, freeman, burgefs or inhabitant, fo produ- 
 cing and fhewing fuch certificate, fliall be then permitted to 
 vote as amj>ly and fully as any proteftant freeholder, freeman, 
 burgefs, or inhabitant of fuch county, city, borough, or town 
 corporate, but not otherwife.* 
 
 The 
 
 » As no further concefTions have been made to the Catholics, it may 
 be as well ro eniimtiate here, as in any other place, tlie various difzbi- 
 liiies to which they are rtill liable. 
 
 Edutatior, — They cannot teach fchool, unlefs they take the oaths of 
 l.lth. 14th Geo III. c. 35. They cannot take Proteftant fcholars, or be 
 afhers to Proteftant fchoolmafteis, ^zd Geo. III. c. 20. 
 
174 
 
 The general committee, in teftimony of their 
 gratitude to the King for this mod important con- 
 cellion, prefcntcd the following addrcfs to the 
 
 Lord 
 
 Guardian/hip — They cannot be guardians, unlefi they take the oaths 
 of 13th, 14th Geo. III. c. ^$ If ccclefiaiHcs, th«y cannot, under any 
 circumftances, be guardians ; nor can any Catholic be guardian to a 
 child of a Protedanr, 30th Geo. Ill c 29. 
 
 Marriage.^U ^ Catholic clergyman marries a Protertant and a Ca- 
 tholic, the marriage is, null and void, and he is liable to luffcr death, 
 32d Geo. III. c. 11. 
 
 Stlf-defence — No Catholic can keep arms, unlcfs he poflcnis a free- 
 hold eftate of lol. per annum, or a pcrfoual eHate of 300I. If (o qua- 
 lified, he muft further qualify himfelf by taking the oaihs of 13th, i4(h 
 Geo. in. c. 35. ; unlcG he has a freehold eflate of lool per annum, or 
 a pesfonal eflate of loool. 33d Geo. 111. c. ai. 
 
 Exereife of Religion — The Catholic clergy muft take the oath« of 
 13th, i4lh Geo. ni.c. 35 and regiftcr their place of abode, age, and 
 parilh. No chapel can have a fleeple or bell, no funeral can take place 
 in any church or chapel-yard, and no rites or ceremonies of tha religion 
 or habits of their order are permitted, except within their fcvcral places 
 of worlhip or in private houfes, 21ft, lad Geo. III. c. 24. § 6. 
 
 Property. — The laws of Anne aie in force againft all Catholics who 
 do not take the oaths of 13th, 1 4th Geo. III. c. 35. ; and alfo againfl 
 all Protellants who may have lapled or become converts to the Catho- 
 de religion. 
 
 Francbiftt. — No Catholic can hold any of the offices enumerated in 
 § 9. of an aft here inferred. 
 
 Catholics cannot fit in Parliament. They cannot vote at eleftions 
 for members without taking the oaths of the 13th, 14th Geo. III. c. 3i. 
 and of 53d Geo. III. c. 21. They cannot vote at vedry's. They can- 
 not be barrifters, attorney;, or profclTors of medicine on Sir P. Dunnc'» 
 foundation, without taking the oaths of 13th, 14th Geo. III. c. 35. and 
 of 5 jd Geo. III. c. 11.; or even fowlers and pame-keepers 
 
 CalhJic Soldiers, by the niuiiny aft, it they refulc to fieqiicnt the 
 Church of England worfhip, uhm ordeied to do lo by their command- 
 ing ollicer, (hall, for the fiifl offence, forfeit 2d.; and, for tht kcond, 
 not only f(>rfeit i2d. but be laid in iions for 12 houis ; and, by the »J 
 feftion, art. ;. of the articles of war, the punilbment even extends to 
 that of death. 
 
 An Irifh Catholic officer or foldier on landing in Great Britain, Jcr- 
 fey, or Guernfey, is immediately liable to the penalty, an.ong others, 
 the Englifh aft ift Geo. I. c. 13 of forfeiting 300I. 
 
 Catholics arc excluded from holding the offices of Governor, Deputy- 
 Governor or Diieftot of the Bank of Ireland. 
 
 No part, fcarcely, in faft, of the penal code is repealed, but all of it 
 is now the law of the land, and in full force ai;aio(l thofc Catholics \kho 
 have not qualified thimklves for relief frem its violence, by taking the 
 oaiths of 13th, 14th Geo. III. c. 3$. or who may have Uplcd 01 becoine 
 converts to the Catholic religion. 
 
17o 
 
 Lord Lieutenant, to be by him tranfmitted to his 
 Majefty. 
 
 Mod Gracious Sovereign, 
 
 We your Majefty's raoft dutiful and loyal fubjeds the 
 Catholics of Ireland, animated with fentiments of the moft 
 lively gratitude, beg leave to approach your Majefty with our 
 fincere and heartfelt thanks, for the fubftantial benefits, which, 
 through your Majefty's gracious recommendations, we have 
 received from the wifdom and liberality of Parliament. 
 
 Imprefled with a deep fenfe of your Majefty's goodnefs, 
 we refle(5t, that, in confequence of this laft and fignal inftance 
 of your royal favour, the difabilities under which we and our 
 anceftors fo long laboured, have, in a confiderable degree, 
 been removed, the conditutional energy of three-fourths of 
 your loyal fubjeds reftored to their country, and themfelves 
 enabled to teftify, in a manner more ufeful to your Majefty's 
 fervice, their devoted attachment to your perfon, family, and 
 government. Reftored, as we now are, to fuch valuable pri- 
 vileges, it Ihall be our duty, as it is our inclination, to unite 
 in fupport of our excellent conftitution, as eftablifhed in King, 
 Lords, and Commons : — A conftitution revered by us for its 
 excellence, even when fecluded from its bleffings, and from 
 which every advantage we derive becomes a new tie of fide- 
 lity and attachment. 
 
 Permit us, moft gracious Sovereign, to exprefs our unfeign* 
 ed fatisfadion, that, to a Monarch endeared to us by fo many 
 proofs of clemency, belongs the glorious diftin(5tion of being 
 the firft to begin that work of emancipation, in the accom- 
 plifhment of which, we humbly hope, your Mnjefty will enjojr 
 the gratification of feeing your whole people united in the 
 bonds of equal law and «qual liberty. 
 
176 
 
 May your Ma]*fty long continue to reign in the hearts of 
 your faithful fubjeds, difpenfing, as common father to all your 
 people, the ineftimablc blefTings of freedom, peace, and union. 
 
 The committee llkewife addrcfTed Lord Weft- 
 moreland ! That liberal and confident Lord Lieute- 
 nant, who, in 1790, would not admit the loyal 
 Catholics of Cork to hope for any relief from their 
 difabilities ; who, in 1792, fct on foot the violent 
 refolutions of the corporations and grand juries 
 ligainft all conceffions to the Catholics ; and who, 
 in 1793, was not afliamed to retrace his fteps, and 
 become the public organ of his Majefty's more 
 benevolent and enlightened policy. 
 
 Although this aft declared that Catholics might 
 hold any military office or employment, as its 
 powers could not extend out of Ireland, and as 
 all Irifli Catholic foldiers, failors, and officers, were 
 uniformly employed on fervices out of Ireland, it 
 was reprefented to the government, that, in order 
 to give it any ufeful cffeft in this refpeft, the Eng- 
 lifh aft of id Geo. L which prohibits Catholics 
 from filling any military fituation, fliould be re- 
 pealed. In anfwer to their application, the Catho- 
 lics were informed by Lord Hobart, that fuch a 
 
 meafurc 
 
177 
 
 rneafure would be immediately adopted, and the 
 letter of the Secretary of State was fliewn to them, 
 containing the promife of the Englifli government. 
 In the Houfc of Lords, when, upon the debate of 
 this a61:, Lord Farnham propofed an amendment to 
 the claufe relating to the military officers, by ren- 
 dering its operation conditional, until England 
 fliould pafs a fimilar law, the Chancellor, Lord 
 Clare, oppofed it ; " for," faid he, '* it could not 
 " be fuppofed that his Majefly would appoint a 
 " man to fuch a poll: until the laws of the empire 
 *' fhould fully qualify him to aft in every part of 
 •" it. It was more than probable a fimilar law to 
 " this would be adopted in England before the 
 *' lapfc of two months, and, on this ground, the 
 *' amendment would be wholly unneceffary." 
 
 Fourteen years, however, were allowed to pafs 
 by without any fuch law having been attempted 
 to be adopted in England ; and, when the late 
 Minifters fought to refcue the plighted faith of 
 their predeceiTors from well merited reproach, 
 they were accufed of an attempt to fubvert the 
 eflabliftied church, and driven from the councils 
 of his Majefty as the allies of the Pope and the 
 Hiliruments of Bonaparte. 
 
 A A In 
 
178 
 
 In the courfe of this year a mod unequivocal 
 proof was given of the liberal fcntiments which 
 prevailed throughout the Protcftants of the North 
 of Ireland, in regard to their Catholic fellow- 
 countrymen. At the meeting of the convention 
 of delegates, which was held in February at Dun- 
 gannon, and in which the counties of Antrim, 
 Down, Londonderry, Tyrone, Donegal, and Mo- 
 naghan, were fully reprefcnted, they paffcd refo- 
 lutlons in favour of the abfolutc neceility of a re- 
 form in Parliament, including the unqualified ad- 
 miilion of the Catholics. The Synod of UJfter 
 alfo (a body confiding of the whole diffenting 
 clergy of the North, and the Prefbytery of Dub- 
 lin, together with a lay delegate from each parifh) 
 prefented an addrefs to the Lord Lieutenant, in 
 which they exprcfled their fatisfa61ion at the ad- 
 mifiion of the Catholics to the privileges of the 
 conftitution. 
 
 Thtfc occurrences are of vafl importance in 
 forming a correfi: view of the opinion of the Irifii 
 Proteftants upon this quedion ; becaufe the Prcf- 
 byterians being in numbers fully equal to the 
 Protedants of the Church of Kngland, it leaves 
 
 but 
 
but a fmall number of the whole people adverfe 
 to the Catholic claims, even if all thefe Proteftants 
 were, as they certainly are not, hoflilc to emanci- 
 pation. 
 
 During this feflion, another fubje£t occupied 
 the ferious attention of the upper-houfe of Parlia- 
 ment. Difturbances had broken out, and out- 
 rages were committed in the county of Louth, 
 and the neighbouring counties of Meath, Cavan, 
 and Monaghan, by perfons of the very lowefl 
 rank in life, afTociated under the name of defen- 
 ders. This body had its origin in religious perfe- 
 cution, and was an almoft inevitable confequencc 
 of the fyftem, according to which Ulfter had been 
 colonized and fettled, and Ireland ruled fmce the 
 reformation. In that province Englifh and Scotch 
 planters had been eftabliflied on the forfeited 
 lands of the native Catholics. Thefe laft were, 
 for the mofl part, obliged to retire to the bogs and 
 mountains ; but, even there, they were not per- 
 mitted to lofe the . remembrance of their fore- 
 fathers, their power and their opulence, in the 
 tranquil enjoyment of fecurity and content. The 
 i)ogs and mountains afforded them no refuge 
 A A 2 againft 
 
180 
 
 againft the afts of uniformity and fupremacy, or 
 the accumulating oppreflions of the Popery laws. 
 Nor were the wretched inhabitants exempted by 
 their defencelefs condition from the hatred, con- 
 tempt, and perfecution of their privileged and 
 arrogant neighbours. Hence arofe a mutual ran- 
 corous animofity between the new fettlcrs and 
 natives ; or, in other words, between the Protef- 
 tants and Catholics, tranfmitted from generation 
 to generation, until at lad it became more violent 
 and intolerant than in any other part of Ireland. 
 
 The volunteers, by the benign in^ucnce of their 
 inftitution, had, for the fnO: time, confidcrably 
 abated this fpirit ; and, by their fuccefsful activity 
 as military men, in keeping the peace, had pre- 
 vented its receiving frefli provocation by outrage 
 and infult. But in proportion as this body de- 
 clined, or was difcouragcd, prejudices and hatred 
 revived, efpecially in diftricls remote from the 
 principal prefbyterian towns, where the growing 
 liberality of the mod enlightened diflenters could 
 fcarcely operate. Thcfe prejudices, which chiefly 
 prevailing in the county of Armagh*, extended, 
 
 lefs 
 
 * ] ord V:scuunl Ctuford'.i Address to the Grand Jiirii of .Umn^h. 
 
 Gentlemen— Having rcqucfted your attendance here this 
 
 day, 
 
181 
 
 lefs or more, into the adjoining diftri^ls of the 
 counties of Down and Tyrone, began to break 
 
 out 
 
 day, it becomes my duty to flate the grounds upon which I 
 thought it advifeable to propofe this meeting, and at the fame 
 time to fubmit to your confideration a plan which occurs to 
 me as moft likely to check the enormities that have already 
 brought difgrace upon this country, and may foon reduce it 
 into deep dilirefs. It is no fecret, that a perfecution, accom- 
 panied with all the circumftances of ferocious cruelty, which 
 have in all ages diftinguifhed that dreadful calamity, is now 
 raging in this country. Neither age nor fex, or even acknow- 
 ledged innocence as to any guilt in the late diflurbances, is 
 fuflicient to excite mercy, much lefs to afford prote^^ion. 
 
 The only crime which the wretched objects of this ruthlels 
 perfecution are charged with, is a crime, indeed, of eafy 
 proof; it is {Imply a profeflion of the Roman catholic faith, 
 or an intimate connexion with a perfon profefTmg this faith. 
 A lawlefs banditti have conftituted themfelves judges of this 
 new fpecies of delinquency, and the fentence they have de- 
 nounced is equally concife and terrible ! It is nothing lefs 
 than a confifcation of all property, and an immediate banifli- 
 ment. It would be extremely painful, and furely unnecefTiry, 
 to detail the horrors that attend the execution of fo rude and 
 tremendous profcription — a profcription that certainly ex- 
 ceeds in the comparative number of thofe it configns to ruin 
 and mifery, every example that ancient and modern hiflory 
 can fupply : for, where have we heard, or in what ftory of 
 human cruelties have we read of more than half the inhabit- 
 ants of a populous country deprived at one blow of the means 
 as well as of the fruits of their induRry, and driven, in the 
 midft of an inclement feafon, to feek a Ihelter for themfelves 
 
 and 
 
182 
 
 out in the year 1791. About that period feveral 
 affociations, among the lower orders of the Pro- 
 
 teflants, 
 
 and their heJplefs families where chance may guide them. 
 This is no exaggerated pi<fture of the horrid fccnes now aid- 
 ing in this county. Yet furely it is fufficient to awaken fen- 
 timents of indignation and compafiion in the coldeft bofoms. 
 Thcfe horrors are now ading with impunity. The fpirit of 
 impartial juftice (without which law is nothing better than an 
 inftrument of tyranny) has for a time difappeared in this 
 county, and the fupinenefs of the magiftracy of Armagh is 
 become a common topic of converfation in every corner of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 It is fiid in reply, the catholics are dringerous ; they may 
 be fo— they may be dangerous from their numbers, and ftill 
 more dangerous from the unbounded views they have been 
 encouraged to entertain ; but I will venture to alTert, without 
 fear of contradidion, that thefe proceedings are not more 
 contrary to humanity than they arc to found policy. It is 
 to be lamented, that no civil magiftrate happened to be prefent 
 with the military detachment on the night of the 2lft inftant; 
 but, I truft, the fuddennefs of the occafion, the unexpeftcd 
 and inflantaneous aggrcffon on the part of the delinquents, 
 will be univerfally admitted as a full vindication of the con- 
 ducl of the officer, and the party afling under his command. 
 Gentlemen, 1 have the honour to hold a fituation in this 
 county, which calls upon me to deliver my fentiments, and 
 I do it without fear and without difguife. I am as true a 
 proteftant as any gentleman in this room, I inherit a property 
 >vhich my family derived under a proteflant title, and, with 
 the blefling of God, I will maintain that title to the utmoft 
 of my power. I will never confent to make a facrifice of 
 
 proteflant 
 
183 
 
 teftants, were formed, under the appellation of 
 Peep-a-day Boys, whofe obje(5t was to fcour the 
 
 Catholic 
 
 proteftant afcendancy to catholic claims, with whatever me- 
 nace they may be urged, or however fpecioufly or invidioufly 
 fupported, Confcious of my fincerity in this public declara- 
 tion, which I do not make unadvifedly, but as the refult of 
 mature deliberation, I defy the paltry infinuations that malice 
 or party-fpirit may fuggeft. 
 
 1 know my own heart, and I fhould defpife myfelf, if, un- 
 der any intimidation, I could clofe my eyes againft fuch 
 fcenes as prefent themfelves on every fide, or my ears againft 
 the complaints of a perfecuted people. 
 
 I fhould be guilty of an unpardonable injuftice to the feel- 
 ings of gentlemen here prefent, were I to fay more on this 
 fubje<5t. I have now acquitted myfelf to ray confcience and 
 my country, and take the liberty of propofing the following 
 refolutions : 
 
 1ft. That it appears to this meeting, that the county of 
 Armagh is at this moment in a ftate of uncommon diforder ; 
 that the Roman catholic inhabitants are grievoufly opprefled 
 by lawlefs perfons unknown, who attack and plunder their 
 houfes by night, and threaten them with inflant dcftrudion, 
 unlefs they immediately abandon their lands and habitations. 
 
 2d. That a committee of magiflrates be appointed to fit on 
 Tuefdays and Saturdays in the chapter- room in the town of 
 Armagh, to receive information againft all perfons of what- 
 •ver defcrlption, who difturb the peace of this county. 
 
 SA. 
 
184 
 
 Catholic diftri£ls about the break of day, and 
 ftrip the inhabitants of fire-arms, alledging that 
 they were warranted in fo doing by the Popery 
 laws, which had indeed for a long period forbid- 
 den, to the members of that communion, the ufe 
 of arms, even for fcif-defencc. 
 
 The Catholics, thus expofed and attacked, en- 
 tered into a counter-afTociation called defenders, 
 which derived its name from the neceiTity of their 
 
 fituation, 
 
 Sd. That the inflruflion of the whole body of magiftrates 
 to their committee fhall be to ufe every legal means witliin 
 their power to flop the progrefs of the perfecution now carry- 
 ing on by an ungovernable mob againft the Roman c;^tholic 
 inhabitants of this county. 
 
 4th. That faid committee, or any three of them, be em- 
 powered to expend any fum or fums of money, for informa- 
 tion or fecret fervice, out of the fund fubfcribed by the gen- 
 tlemen of this county. 
 
 5th. That a meeting of the whole body of the magiftracy 
 be held every fecond Monday, at the houfe of Mr. Charles 
 M* Reynolds, in the town of Armagh, to liear the reports of 
 tlie committee, and to give fuch further inftruiflions as the 
 exigence of the cafe may require. 
 
 6th. That offenders of every defcription in the prefent dif- 
 turbances fliall be profecuted out of the fund fubfcribed by 
 the gentlemen of this county. 
 
185 
 
 fituation, and Its excufe from the difficulty, or as 
 they dated, the impoflibility of obtaining juftice 
 againfl their aggreiTors. This afTociation, at firft 
 local and confined, as much as mutual hatred 
 would allow, toaftual felf-defence, began in 1792 
 to fpread through other parts of the kingdom, 
 and not a little to connect itfelf with more general 
 politics. 
 
 In proportion as this affociation extended itfeJf 
 into dillrids where no Proteftants of inferior rank 
 in life were to be found, and therefore no out- 
 rages like thofe committed by the Peep-a-day Boys 
 to be apprehended, it gradually loft its charade- 
 riftic of being a religious feud, and became, ia -■ 
 fa£t, an affociation of the very loweft orders, par- 
 ticularly for procuring a redrefs of the grievances 
 of the very loweft orders. Even in the counties 
 where it originated, it ceafed to be actuated by 
 religious animofity before the end of 1792, in 
 confequence of the exertions of the early United 
 Iriftimen, whofe chief endeavours were always 
 direfted to reconcile the Proteftants and Ca- 
 tholics*. 
 
 B B Thefe 
 
 * This very accurate account of the origin and progrefs of 
 the defenders is taken from a late publication in America. 
 
186 
 
 Thefe diflurbances having attracted the atten- 
 tion of the Houfe of Lords early in 1 793, a fccret 
 committee was appointed to inquire into their 
 caufes, to endeavour to difcover their promoters, 
 and to prevent their extenfion. 
 
 'In their report they exculpate the Catholics as 
 a body from all criminality with refpe(5l to thefe 
 proceedings. They fay, " That nothing appeared 
 " before them which could lead them to believe 
 ** that the body of the Roman Catholics in this 
 " kingdom were concerned in promoting or coun- 
 " tenancing fuch diflurbances j** and then they 
 even acquit the lower orders of Catholics of being 
 'to blame, by faying, " That if all the Magiftrates 
 " in the difhirbed counties had followed the 
 " fplritcd example of the few, who, much to their 
 " honour, exerted thcmfelves with vigour and 
 " courage to fupport ihe laws, the committee are 
 " perfuaded, that thefe diflurbances might have 
 " been fupprelTed ; but, inftead of doing fo, they 
 " remained ina(flive.'* 
 
 In further corroboration of the inn-oceiice of the 
 Catholics, there is the following declaration of 
 
 one 
 
187 
 
 one of the members of the committee in the de- 
 bate on the Catholic bill. Lord Portarlington 
 faid, " That if he vas not fully convinced that 
 *' the Catholic body had no connedlion whatever 
 " in the difturbances created by fome of their 
 " communion in the North, he fbould never give 
 ** this bill his fupport.'* 
 
 The Catholic clergy, who have been uniformly 
 ready to promote tranquillity, and inculcate the 
 obligation of a {lri£t fubmiffion to the laws, were 
 not backward, on this occafion, in affifling govern- 
 ment to fupprefs the outrages of the defenders. 
 Dr. Troy, Dr. O'Reilly, Dr. Bray, Dr. Bellew, 
 and Dr. Cruife, all of them titular bifhops, hap- 
 pening to be in Dublin when the bufinefs was firft 
 taken up to the Houfe of Lords, publifhed the 
 following admonition to thofe of their communion, 
 and directed the priefls of their diocefes to read it 
 in their refpe6live chapels. 
 
 Dear Chriftiafts, Dublin^ January 25, 1793. 
 
 It has been our conftant pradice, as it is our indifpenfable 
 duty, to exhort you to manifeft on all occafions, that unfhaken 
 loyalty to his Majefty, and obedience to the laws, which the 
 principles of our holy religion infpire and command. This 
 loyalty and obedience have ever peculiarly diftinguifhed the 
 Roman Cathoiics of Ireland. We do not conceive a doubt 
 B B 2 of 
 
188 
 
 of their being a<nuated at prcfent by the fame fenttments; but 
 think it necefTary to obferve, that a moft lively gratitude to 
 our beloved Sovereign fhould render their loyalty and love of 
 order, if pofllble, more confpicuous. Our gracious King, 
 the common father of all his people, has, with peculiar energy, 
 recommended his faithful Roman Catholic fubje<fls of this 
 kingdom to the vifdom and liberality of our enlightened Par- 
 liament. How can we, dear Chriftians, exprefs our heartfelt 
 acknowledgment for this fignal and unprecedented inftance 
 of royal benevolence and condefcenfion ! Words are infuffi- 
 cient; but your continued and peaceable conduft will more 
 effeflually proclaim them, and in a manner equally, if not 
 more fatisfadory and pleafing to his Majefty and his Parlia- 
 ment. Avoid then, we conjure you, deareft brethren, 
 every appearance of riot : attend to your induftrious pur- 
 fuits for the fupport and comfort of your families ; fly from 
 idle aflemblies ; abflain from the intemperate ufe of fpirituous 
 and intoxicating liquors ; praiftife the duties of our holy 
 religion : this condud, fo pleafing to Heaven, will alfo 
 prove the mod powerful recommendation of your prefent 
 claims to our amiable Sovereign, to both Houfes of Parlia- 
 ment, to the niagiftrates, and to all our well meaning fellow- 
 fubjefts of every defcription. None but the evil-minded can 
 rejoice in your being concerned in any difturbance, 
 
 We cannot but declare our ulmoft and confcientious detef- 
 tation and abhorrence of the enormities lately commitied by 
 feditious and mifguided wretches of every religious denomi- 
 nation, in fome counties of this kingdom ; they are enemies 
 to God and man, the outcafts of fociety, and a difgrace to 
 Chriftianity: we confider the Roman Catholics amongfl them 
 unworthy the appellation ; whether acting from themfelves, 
 or feduced to outrage by arts of defigning enemies to us, 
 and to national profpcrity, intimately connc(fted with our 
 emancipation. 
 
 Pffer 
 
189 
 
 Offer your prayers, deareft brethren, to the Father of 
 mercy, that he may infpire thefe deluded people with fenti- 
 ments becoming Chriflians and good fubjeds ; fupplicate the 
 Almighty Ruler and Difpofer of empires, by whom kings 
 rule and legiflators determine what is juft, to direct his 
 Majefty's councils, and forward his benevolent intentions to 
 unite all his Irifh fubjects in bonds of common intereft, and 
 common endeavours for the prefervation of peace and good 
 order, and for every purpofe tending to encreafe and fecure 
 national profperity. 
 
 Befeech the throne of Mercy alfo, to alTifl: both Houfes 
 of Parliament in their important deliberations ; that they 
 may be diRinguiftied by confummate wifdom and liberality, 
 for the advantage of the kingdom, and the relief and happi- 
 nefs of his Majefly's fubjects. 
 
 Under the pleafing expectations of your cheerful com- 
 pliance with thefe our earnefl foHcitations, we moft fincerely 
 wifh you every bleffing in this life, and everlafting happinefs 
 in the next ; through our Lord Jefus Chrift. Amen. 
 
 At the clofe of the felTions of Parliament, Lord 
 Weftmorland began his fpeech from the throne 
 with thefe words, " The wifdom and hberality 
 " with which you attended to his Majefty*s royal 
 " recommendation in favour of his Roman Catho- 
 " lie fubje£ls, are highly pleafing to the King." 
 Did, then, Mr, Pitt put into the mouth of the 
 Viceroy what was not true j or does his Majefty 
 pot confidqr that policy to be wife and liberal in 
 
 1808, 
 
190 
 
 i8o8, which he thought (o wife and liberal in 
 1793 ? It will be well for thofe who run away 
 ■with an opinion, that the King is and always has 
 been fevercly adverfe to conceilions to the Catho- 
 lics of Ireland, to examine the various documents 
 of this kind which are to be found in the hillory 
 of the concelTions which have been made during 
 his reign. Let them compare the opinions con- 
 taraed in thefe documents with thofe which are 
 now imputed to his Majefty ; and let them com- 
 pare the concefTions which have been granted with 
 thofe which remain to be granted, and the con- 
 dullon which they mud draw from fuch a com- 
 parifon is this, that it is abfolutely impoffible that 
 there can be any foundation whatever for thofe 
 aflertions which have been of late fo loudly re- 
 echoed from one end of the empire to the other, 
 that his Majefty entertains a confcientious objec- 
 tion to the complete emancipation of the Catho- 
 lics. But to fay, that it is impoffible to believe 
 them, is to fay but little ; it amounts to no lefs 
 than a libel upon his Majedy's chara(fler to main- 
 tain do£lrines fo entirely irreconcileable with the 
 whole tenor of his reign. 
 
 In 
 
191 
 
 In the furamer of 1794, Mr. Pitt formed his 
 memorable coalition with the Rockingham party; 
 and though the ground of this tranfaftion was a 
 concurrence of opinion concerning the war with 
 Fraace, " if the general management and faper- 
 " intendance of Ireland had not been offered to 
 " the Duke of Portland, that coalition could 
 " never have taken place: The fentiments that 
 " he had entertained, and the language he had 
 " held fo publicly for years back on the fubjefl, 
 " rendered the fuperintendance of IriQi affairs a 
 '^ point that could not be difpenfed with by 
 " him."* It having thus become a point that 
 could not be difpenfed with by the Duke of Port- 
 land! to grant the Catholics of Ireland complete 
 emancipation, the firft meafure of his Grace, im- 
 mediately upon the coalition being arranged, was 
 to folicit Lord Fitzwilliam to accept of the oiHce 
 of Lord Lieutenant, and to propofe to hira to 
 carry this meafure inflantly into effe<ft.} This 
 meafure was decided upon by the Cabinet on the 
 
 day 
 
 * Letter from Lord Fitzwilliam to Lord Carlifle. 
 
 f The reader may poffibly fuppofe that this Duke of Port- 
 land is not the Duke of Portland now at the head of the 
 prefent Adminiftration. He may, however, rely upon it, 
 that the fact is fo. 
 
 % Lord Fitzwilliam's letter to Lord Carlifle. 
 
W2 
 
 day the Duke of Portland kiffed hands, after fre- 
 quent confultations between Mr. Pitt, the Duke 
 of Portland, Lord Fitzwilliam, Mr. Grattan, and 
 Mr. Ponfonby.* 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam having acceded to the prelTing 
 folicitations of the Duke of Portland, to undertake 
 to carry this favourite and indifpenflible meafure 
 into effe£l, landed in Dublin on the 2d of January. 
 He had confented not to bring the queftion for- 
 ward on the part of government, but rather to 
 endeavour to keep it back until a period of more 
 general tranquillity ; " l?ut it had been refolved by 
 ** the Cab'uiet, that, if the Catholics Jhould appear 
 " determined tojiir the buftnefs, and bring it be- 
 ^^ fore Parliament, then he was to give it a hand' 
 ** fame fupport on the part of government "\ But 
 no fooner was Lord Fitzwilliam landed than he 
 found this determination had been taken by the 
 Catholics. 
 
 The Catholics of Dublin had held a meeting 
 on the 23d of December, and agreed to a petition 
 to Parliament, claiming the repeal of all the penal 
 laws. Similar petitions had been agreed to 
 
 throughout 
 * Lord Fitzwilliam's letter to Lord Caflifle. f Ibid. 
 
193 
 
 throughout fhe whole kingdom, the natural con- 
 fequences of its being known for fome months, 
 that fo fteady and ftrenuous a friend to emanci- 
 pation as the Duke of Portland had become one 
 of his Majefty's Minifters. . Lord Fitzwilliaai 
 finding, therefore, that the queftion would force 
 itfclf upon his immediate confideration, communi- 
 cated his opinion and intentions to the Englifh 
 government, on the third day after his arrival, in 
 the following terms : " That, not to grant chear- 
 *' fully, on the part of government, all the Catho- 
 ** lies wiflied for, would not only be exceedingly 
 " impolitic, but perhaps dangerous ; that in doing 
 " this no time was to be loft ; that the bufmefs 
 *« would prefently be at hand ; and that, if he 
 ** received no very peremptory direEliom fo the con- 
 *^ trary, he would acquiefce to the wifhes of the 
 " Catholics."* 
 
 Parliament met on the 2 2d of January, and on 
 the 1 2th of February, '' no peremptory diredions 
 *' to the contrary having arrived,'* though fo 
 much time had elapfed fmce Lord Fitzwilliam 
 had communicated his intentions to the Englifh 
 government, Mr. Grattan, with the confent of 
 c c Lord 
 
 ' Lord Fiuwilliam's letter to Lord Carlifle, 
 
194 
 
 Lord FItzwilliam, moved for leave to bring in a 
 bill for the farther relief of the Catholics. 
 
 Meanwhile the Englifli Cabinet forgot the 
 ftipulations which they had entered into with 
 Lord Fitzwilliam, " that if the Catholics Jhould 
 " appear determined tojlir the bufinefs and bring 
 " /■/ before Parliament, he zi/as to give it a hand- 
 *^ fome fupport on the part of goveryiment^* and 
 the Duke of Portland was direfled by Mr. Pitt 
 to inform Lord Fitzwilliam, that, notwlthfland- 
 ing the length to which the Irifh government 
 had gone, it mufl retrace its fteps. " Then/* 
 fays Lord Fitzwilliam in his letter to Lord Car- 
 lifle, " it appears to have been difcovered that 
 ** the deferring of it would be not merely an ex- 
 " pediency or thing to be defired for the prefent, 
 ** but the means of doing a greater good to the 
 " Britifli empire, than it has been capable of rc- 
 '* ceiving fmce the revolution, or at kafi fince the 
 " union** 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam having refufed to become an 
 accomplice in the tergiverfation of Mr. Pitt and 
 the Duke of Portland, that fatal meufurc of liis 
 
 recul 
 
193 
 
 rccal was determined upon ; a meafure which has 
 involved Ireland in 13 years of fufFering under 
 military tyranny, infurrei^ion, and rebellion, and 
 which at length has ftiook the (lability of the em- 
 pire to its centre. 
 
 Upon a debate in the Houfe of Lords, which 
 took place foon after Lord Fitzwilliam*s return 
 to England, on the fubjeft of his conduit in Ire- 
 land, Lord Weftmorland faid, by the direftions 
 of Mr. Pitt, " That he had no authority what- 
 *« ever from Minifters in this country for taking 
 ** the fteps which he had done on the Catholic quef- 
 *' tion." The incorre£lnefs, however, of this affer- 
 tion, it is now no very difficult matter to expofe. 
 In the firft place, the meafure of emancipation to 
 the Catholics was originally the meafure of Mr. 
 Pitt and the Weftmorland adminiflration.* " The 
 " mod flrenuous and zealous friends/* fays Lord 
 Fitzwilliam, " of my predeceffor, claimed the 
 " credit of it for their patron in terms of the 
 ^' highefl compliment. They did it in the Houfe 
 " of Commons, they did it in the Houfe of Lords 
 <5' lafl night. The perfons whom Lord Weftmor- 
 c c 2 " land 
 
 * Lord Fitzwilliam to Lord Carlifle. 
 
196 
 
 " land then principally confultcd, oppofed it, but 
 " the open interference of Lord Hobart, the 
 " avowed determination of the Britifli Cabinet, 
 " communicated as fuch to the Catholic agents 
 " on the fpot, as through the medium of confi- 
 " dential perfons fcnt over to England for that 
 " purpofe, bore down the oppofition. The decla- 
 " rations of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas are well 
 *' known in this country, and are often quoted. 
 " They would not rilk a rebellion in Ireland on 
 " fuch a queftion." 
 
 Here then is evidence, which has never been 
 difputed, that, even before Lord Fitzwilliam went 
 to Ireland, the meafure had been determined upon 
 by Mr. Pitt. The only quedion, therefore, to be 
 decided, in judging of the truth of Lord Weft- 
 morland's aflertion, is, whether or not Mr. Pitt 
 had confented that the proper time for adopting 
 this meafure was arrived, when Lord Fitzwilliam 
 was fent to Ireland. That he had fo confented 
 there is in proof " the language which the Duke 
 " of Portland had held fo publicly for years 
 " back," that the emancipation of the Catholics 
 W9? indifpenfably ncceflary. There is the faft of 
 
 hU 
 
197 
 
 his refufing to coalefce with Mr. Pitt, unlefs this 
 meafure was conceded ; there are the frequent 
 confultations that took place concerning it be- 
 tween Mr. Pitt, Lord Fitzwilliara, Mr. Grattan, 
 and Mr. Ponfonbyj the acceptance alfo of the 
 office of Lord Lieutenant by Lord Fitzwilliam ; 
 and, finally, the word and honour of Lord Fitz- 
 william, that his confent was abfolutely given. 
 AH thefe circumflances there are in direft con- 
 tradiction of the afTertion of Lord Weftmore- 
 land. But bcfides all thefe occurrences, there 
 is the remarkable fentencc in the Duke of Port- 
 land's difpatch, that the deferring of the meafure 
 would be " the means of doing a greater good to 
 *' the Britiih Empire, than it had been capable o£ 
 *' receiving fmce the revolution, or at leaftfince 
 " the unio7u** This fhews that it was the objeft 
 of Mr. Pitt's mind, at that time, to carry the 
 union, and fully accounts for Mr. Pitt's perfidy 
 and the recal of Lord Fitzwilliara. AH the 
 jcvents which have (ince taken place concerning 
 the union, arc evidence in favour of Lord Fitz- 
 william's integrity and Mr. Pitt's duplicity j they 
 are conclufively contradictory of the alTertion of 
 Lord Weftmoreland, and fully expofe one of the 
 
 mofl 
 
198 
 
 raofl: flagitious traftfaiftions that tiic auuals of liif- 
 tory have recorded in the worfl: of times, and by 
 the bafeft of goveruraents. 
 
 When the differences that exifted between the 
 Lord Lieutenant and the Enghfli Cabinet were 
 known, grief and confternation feizcd all who had 
 flattered themfelves that the meafures of his Ex- 
 cellency's adminiftration were to redrcfs the griev- 
 ances, remove the difcontcnts, and work the fal- 
 vation of Ireland. In the Houfe of Commons, 
 Sir Lawrence Parfons moved to limit the money 
 bills to two months j but Lord Milton and Mr. 
 George Ponfonby deprecated the meafure, and it 
 was rejected. The Houfe of Commons, however, 
 unanimoufly refolved, that his Excellency had, by 
 his conduct lince his arrival, merited the thanks of 
 the Houfe, and the confidence of the people. 
 
 Out of Parliament the difcontent was more 
 manifeft. The Catholics, who had now for fix 
 months felt fecure of being at length relieved from 
 the execrable fydcm of pains and penalties, as the 
 Duke of Portland himfclf was accuftomcd to call 
 it, now faw the cup dafljed from their lips, and 
 
 could 
 
199 
 
 could not but defpair of ever feeing a termination 
 to the perfidy of the Englifh Cabinets. 'Ihofe of 
 Dublin, impelled by thefe feelings, affembled on 
 the 27th of February, and voted a petition to the 
 King for the continuance of Lord Fitzwiliiara as 
 their Chief Governor ; and the Catholics of the 
 whole kingdom followed their example, by adopt- 
 ing refolutions and addreffes expreffive of the 
 fame fentiraents. 
 
 The Proteftants, too, affembled extenfively, 
 and as loudly fpoke their indignation at what they 
 condemned as minifterial treachery, and confider- 
 cd as a great public calamity. The freemen and 
 freeholders of the city of Dublin, like the Catho- 
 lics, agreed to a petition to the King. The mer- 
 chants and traders of the city expreffed their for- 
 row at the rumoured recal of his Excellency, and 
 their entire concurrence in the removal of all reli- 
 gious difabilities. The counties of Kildare, Wex- 
 ford, Antrim, and Londonderry, followed the 
 example of the freemen and freeholders of the 
 capital, and the fame fentiments feemed to per- 
 vade every part of the kingdom. The aftive re- 
 jpublicans and new united Irishmen alone were not 
 
 forrr 
 
200 
 
 forry at the agitation and controvcrfies which 
 were now fpringing up. 
 
 Thefe expreflions, however, of dilTatisfaf^tion 
 on the part of the Irifli people, were of no avail. 
 A fyftem of burning and torture was to fuccecd 
 a fyftem of conciliation, for the purpofe of pre- 
 paring Ireland for the union, and Lord Camden 
 was, accordingly, felefted as a fit perfon to fucceed 
 Lord Fitzwilliam as Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 Themeafureofunioncomesthenextinthecourfe 
 of the events in which the Catholics as a body 
 were concerned ; and, in drift propriety, it would 
 be right now to proceed to fhew how the Catho- 
 lics were affcfted by it. But as there have been, 
 and ftill are, thofe who, either through ignorance 
 or in defiance of all regard for truth, aflcrt that 
 the rebellion of 1798 was a Catholic rebellion, 
 and that the conduft of the Catholics on that oc- 
 cafion affords a j unification for refufing to grant 
 them further concefllons, it will contribute to pro- 
 mote a more jufl: view of the fubjeft, if thofe fafts 
 are referred to, which exift, in refutation of the 
 fuppofition that the Catholics, as a body, were 
 concerned in this rebellion. 
 
 Fortunately 
 
201 
 
 Fortunately for the caufe of truth and juflicc, 
 there do exift documents, the authority of which 
 no fophiflry or calumny can impeach. Thefe are 
 the reports of the Committees of the Iriih Parlia- 
 ment. They fo minutely explain the caufe, the 
 conduft, and the charader of this rebellion, and 
 give fuch accurate information refpefting thofe 
 who were concerned in it, that it is impoflible for 
 any one to affix to it any other charafter than 
 that which they have given to it. The juflifica- 
 tion, therefore, of the Catholics, by thefe reports, 
 refls upon this circumflance, that, to maintain that 
 the rebellion was a Catholic rebellion, is to difpute 
 the authority of thefe reports, which make no fuch 
 charge, and account for it by other means. 
 
 The following extraifls from the report of the 
 Committee of the Houfe of Commons, appointed, 
 in 1798, to examine the evidence, contains a faith- 
 ful defcription of the origin and objecfl of this 
 tranfa£tion. 
 
 " The fociety under the name of United Irlfli- 
 
 men, it appears, was eftabllflied in 1791 ; its 
 
 founders held forth what they termed Catholic 
 
 D D emancipation 
 
202 
 
 emancipation and parliamentary reform, as the 
 oftenfible objects of their union : but it clearly 
 appeared, from the letter of Theobald Wolfe 
 Tdne, accompanying their original conftitution, 
 as tranfmitted to Belfaft for their adoption, that, 
 from its commencement, tlie real purpofe of thofc 
 who were at the head of the inftitution, was to 
 feparate Ireland from Great Britain, and to fub- 
 vert the eftabliftied confliiution of this kingdom : 
 in corroboration of which, your committee have 
 annexed to this report feveral of their early pub- 
 lications, particularly a profpe<^us of the fociety 
 which appeared in the beginning of the year 
 1791 ; as alfo the plan of reform they recom- 
 mended to the people." 
 
 " For the firft three years their attention was 
 entirely directed to the engaging in their fociety 
 perfons of aftivity and talents, in every quarter of 
 the kingdom ; and in preparing the public mind 
 for their future purpofes, by the circulation of 
 the moH: feditious publications, particularly the 
 works of Mr. Thomas Paine. At this time, how- 
 ever, the leaders were rather cautious of alarm- 
 ing minds not fulTiciently ripe for the adoption of 
 
 their 
 
203 
 
 their principles, by the too open difdofure of the 
 real obje^ls which they had in view. In 1795, 
 the teft of the fociety underwent a (Iriking revi- 
 fion ; the words in the amended teft ftand, " a 
 " full reprefentation of the people," omitting the 
 words, " in the Commons Houfe of Parliament j*' 
 the reafon for which has been admitcd by three 
 members of the executive, examined before your 
 committee, to be the better to reconcile reformers 
 and republicans in a common exertion to over- 
 throw the ftate.'* 
 
 " In the fummer of 1796, great numbers of 
 perfons, principally in the province of Ulfter, had 
 enrolled themfelves in this fociety. About the 
 fame period, as will be more fully explained here- 
 after, a dire£l communication had been opened by 
 the heads of the party with the enemy, and French 
 affiftance was folicited and promifed to be fpecdily 
 fent to aid the difaife^ed in this kingdom." 
 
 "With a view of being prepared as much as 
 pofTible to co-operate with the enemy then ex- 
 pelled, and in order to countcra(5l the effeft of the 
 armed aflbciations of yeomanry eftabliihed in Oc- 
 D D 2 tober 
 
204 
 
 tobcr 1796, dircflions were iffued by the leaders 
 to the focieties to form themfelves into military 
 bodies, and to be provided with arms and 
 ammunition." 
 
 " Thefe directions were fpeedily obeyed ; the 
 focieties affumed a new military form ; and, it apr 
 pears by the original papers feizcd at Belfaft in 
 the month of April 1797, that their numbers, at 
 that period, in the province of Ulfter alone, were 
 dated to amount to nearly \ 00,000 men, That 
 they were very largely fupplied with fire-arms 
 and pikes j that they had feme cannon and am- 
 munition, and were diligently employed in the 
 ftudy of military taftics ; in (hort, that nothing 
 was negle<fled by the party which could enable 
 them to take the field on the arrival of the enemy, 
 or whenever they might receive orders to that 
 cffeft from their fuperior officers, whom they were 
 bound by oath to obey.'* 
 
 In the report of the committee of 1797, it ap- 
 pears that no part of the kingdom, in which the 
 Catholic population prevails, was organized, cx- 
 f:ept the counties of Weft Meath, and Kildarc, 
 ^n(jL (he city of Dublin. 
 
 Thpfc 
 
205 
 
 Thefe extra(fts eflablifli the foUowi-ng fafts. 
 sft. That the perfons who were the founders of 
 the rebellion were thofe who formed the firft 
 focieties of United Irifhmen, who were all 
 Proteflants. 
 
 2d. That the objeft of the rebellion was a re- 
 publican form of government, and feparation from 
 England, and not Catholic emancipation, or the 
 «ftablifliment of the Catholic religion. 
 
 3d. That, in May 1797, the province of Ulfler 
 being inliabited aimoft entirely by Proteflants, no 
 Catholics whatever were concerned, except fome 
 of the lowed orders in Dublin, and in the coun- 
 ties of Weftmeath and Kildare j and, 
 
 4tfa. That 100,000 Proteftants were, in May 
 1797, completely organized for open rebellion, 
 and well fupplied with arms. 
 
 Now, as wc learn from the evidence of Mr. 
 M'Nevin before the committee of the Houfe of 
 Lords iu 1798, that the leaders of the treafon 
 >iad been determined to commence operations 
 
 m 
 
206 
 
 in 1797, let us fuppofc the rebellion had then 
 broke out, and a/k this queftion, Would it 
 have been a Catholic rebellion ? Certainly not. 
 No raan could venture to maintain an opinion 
 (o utterly untenable. Then, if the rebellion, if 
 it had broken out in 1797, would have been a 
 rebellion of Proteflants, and not one of Catho- 
 lics, how could it become a Catholic rebellion 
 in 1798? Let us again refer to the report of 
 the fecret committee. This gives an accurate 
 account of the progrefs of the rebellion during the 
 year 1797, and (hews by what means, and by 
 whom, the deluded Catholic peafaniry of the 
 South were made parties to the treafon. 
 
 " It appears to your committee, that the leaders 
 of the treafon, apprehenfive left the enemy might 
 be difcouraged from any further plan of invafion, 
 by the loyal difpofition manifcfted throughout 
 Munfter and Connaught on their former attempt, 
 (by Hochc in December 1796), determined to 
 direft all their exertions to the propagation of the 
 fyftem in thofe provinces, which had hitherto 
 been but partially infcfted. With this view cmif- 
 faries were fent into the South and Weft in great 
 
 numbers. 
 
207 
 
 numbers, of whofe fuccefs in forming new focie- 
 ties, and adminiftering the oaths of the union, 
 there were, In the courfe of a few months, but 
 too evident proofs, in the introduction of the fame 
 difturbances and enormities into Munfter, with 
 which the northern province had been fo feverely 
 vifited.** 
 
 *' In order to engage the peafantry in the 
 fouthern counties, particularly in the counties of 
 Waterford and Cork, the more eagerly to their 
 caufe, the United Iriflimen found it expedient, in 
 urging their general principles, to dwell with pe- 
 culiar energy on the fuppofed oppreflivenefs of 
 tythes (which had been the pretext for the old 
 Whiteboy infurreftions) ; and it is obfervable, that, 
 in addition to the afts of violence ufually reforted 
 to by the party, for the furtherance of their pur- 
 pofes, the ancient praftice of burning the corn, 
 and houghing the cattle of thofe againH: whom 
 their refentraent was directed, was revived, and 
 very generally praftifed in thofe counties.'* 
 
 *^ With a view to excite the refentment of the 
 Catholics, and to turn their refentment to the 
 
 purpofes 
 
208 
 
 purpofes of the party, fabricated and falfe tefls 
 were prefented as having been taken to extermi- 
 nate Catholics, and were induftrioufly difTeminated 
 by the emiflaries of the treafon throughout the 
 provinces of Leinfter, Munfter, and Connaught* 
 Reports were frequently circulated amongft the 
 ignorant of the Catholic perfuafion, that large 
 bodies of men were coming to put them to death. 
 This fabrication, however extravagant, was one 
 among the many wicked means by which the de- 
 luded peafantry were engaged the more readily in 
 the treafon." 
 
 " The meafures thus adopted by the party 
 completely fucceeded in detaching the minds of 
 the lower clafTes from their ufual habits and pur- 
 fuits; infomuch, that, in the courfe of the autumn 
 and winter 1797, the peafantry in the midland 
 and fouthern counties were fworn and ripe for in- 
 furre^lion." 
 
 From this account of the progrefs of the trea- 
 fon in 1797, in the fouth of Ireland, the following 
 inferences may be deduced ; — ift. That the Ca- 
 tholics of Ireland were unconne<5led with the 
 
 fvftem 
 
eo9 
 
 I'yftem of rebellion which had extended over the 
 whole of the Proteflant province of ulfter; ad. 
 That the peafantry of the fonth were corrupted 
 by emiflaries fent amongfl: them by the leaders of 
 the treafon in the north, and not by the Catholic 
 clergy or Catholic ariftocracy ; and, 3d. That the 
 organization of the fouth was not a diftinft effort 
 of a diflin(5l body of people, but a meafare fub- 
 fidiary to the original organization of the Protef- 
 tants of the north, conducfted by the fame party, 
 and having the fame objeft in contemplation. 
 
 Then it follows, that the leaders of the rebellion 
 being the fame in 1798 as they were in 1797; the 
 objeft of it the fame in 1798 as it was in 1797; the 
 means for carrying it into effed: in 1798 the fame 
 as the means for carrying it into cffb^ in 1797; 
 there can be no more grounds for calling it a 
 Catholic rebellion in 1798, than there were for 
 calling it a Catholic rebellion in 1797 ; ^"^^j there- 
 fore, as there were no grounds for afExing this 
 chara£ter to it in 1797, neither were there any 
 for calling it a Catholic rebellion ia 1798. 
 
 In 
 
210 
 
 In direifk contradiction, however, of fuch a coi^- 
 clufion, and of the flatemeuts of the fecret com- 
 mittee, it has been aflerted by thofe who are intc- 
 rcfled in calumniating the Catholic character, and 
 believed by thofe who are ignorant of its true 
 nature, that the rebellion of Ireland was a Catho- 
 lic rebellion ; that the defigns of the Catholic 
 body went to the malTacre and deflruclion of 
 every Proteflant in Ireland ; and that all their 
 other plans were wholly fubfervient to that of 
 eflablifiiing the Catholic religion.* 
 
 As 
 
 "* Thefe are the propofitions whicJi Sir Richard Mufgrave 
 has laboured to maintain. His work profefics to do that 
 which the fecret committee of the Houfe of Commons waa 
 appointed to do, namely, to give a faithful account of this 
 rebellion. A difcerning public will at once fee to which 
 authority they ought to give a preference. Sir Richard 
 dedicated his firll edition to-Lord Cornv/allis. Upon reading 
 it, however, Lord Cornwallis directed his Secretary to write 
 the following letter to him : 
 
 SIR, Dullhi, March 24. ISO I. 
 
 I am directed by the Lord Lieutenant to exprefs to you 
 his concern at its appearing, that your late publication of the 
 hiflory of the Rebellions of Ireland has been dedicated to 
 him by permiflion. Had his Excellency been apprized of 
 the contents and nature of the work, he would never have 
 lent the fanction of his name to a book which tends fo ftrongly 
 to revive the dreadful animofiiics which have fo long diftract- 
 ed this country, and which it is the duty of every good fub- 
 
 ject 
 
211 
 
 As to the condu^l of the Catholic clergy of the 
 county of Wexford, it is now well known, " that 
 *' not one of them who had a flock, not one parilh 
 " pried was implicated, or had any concern in 
 *^ fomenting, encouraging, or aiding the rebellion ; 
 ** nay, it is certain, that they abhorred, and de- 
 " tefted, and fliuddered at it, as the mofl wicked, 
 *' fcandalous, and abominable event that they had 
 '^ ever witnelTed."* 
 
 The fuppofition that the eflablifliment of the 
 Catholic religion was one of the objects of this 
 rebellion, is proved to be unfounded, by the 
 evidence of the principal leaders, Emmet and 
 M*Nevin. 
 
 The following are their anfwers, given before 
 the committees, to the queftion, " Whether or 
 "t not they would fet up the Catholic rehgion ?'* 
 
 E E 2 M'lSJevin. 
 
 ject to endeavour to compofe. His Excellency therefore 
 defires me to requeft, that, in any future edition of the book, 
 the permiflion to dedicate it to, him may be omitted. 
 
 I have, &c. E. Littlehale?s. 
 
 * See Dr. Caulfield's Reply to Sir R. Mufgrave, fold by 
 ideating and Co. Duke llreet. 
 
212 
 
 M^Nevin — " I would no more confent to tliat, 
 " than to the cftablifliment of Mahometanifm.** 
 
 Enimot — " I do cot think the Catholics would 
 " wifh to fet up a Catholic eftablifhmeiit, even at 
 •* the prefent day. Perhaps fome old priefts, 
 *' who have long groaned under the penal laws, 
 ** might wi(h for a retribution to themfelves, but 
 " I don't think the young priefts wifh for it ; and 
 " I am convinced the laity would not fubmit to it; 
 *' and that the objedtious to it will be every day 
 •* gaining ftrcngth.'* 
 
 Two circumftances more only remain to b« 
 taken notice of regarding the conduct of the Ca- 
 tholics as a body in this rebellion. One of them, 
 the indifputable faft, that, of the twenty-four 
 leaders of the rebellion who were baniilied to fort 
 St. George, only foor of thcra were Catholics, 
 twelve were of the Church of England, and the 
 rcmamrng eight were Diflenters. Well indeed, 
 then, might Mr. Pitt fay, in the Houfe of Com- 
 mons in 1805, ^'l^o^<^ opinion i^ the other eircum- 
 ftance alluded to, " I do not confider the late 
 « " rebellion 
 
213 
 
 ** rcbelHon In Ireland to have been a Catholk 
 « rcbeUton/'* 
 
 Fafts, reafon, and authority, therefore, it ap- 
 pears, all coincide in the condemnation of the 
 calumny, which a few blind and midaken men 
 have had jufl- talent enough to propagate amongfl 
 the ignorant and prejudiced. The magna vis 
 veritatis will, however, prevail on this, as well 
 as upon all other occafions, and fooner or later 
 bring forward the unfortunate and much injured 
 Catholics of Ireland to the view of their Englifli 
 fellow-fubjefts, as highly defcrviag of their con- 
 fidence and their affeclion. 
 
 The next great event belonging to the Catholic 
 qBeftron is the raeafure of union, not a;S having, 
 in any way, altered the political conditiom^ of the 
 Catholics in refpeft to the penal laws, but as a 
 meafure concerning which a conipa£l was virtually 
 entered into between them and the Englifli govern- 
 ment. For though it is true tliflt no regular ar- 
 ticles, like thofe of Limerick, can be produced to 
 prove this compaft, dill there is circumifantial 
 
 evidence 
 
 * Debates on Catholic petition, by Cuthel and Martin, p. 126. 
 
514 
 
 evidence of fuch a nature as to bring convi(f^ion 
 to every candid mind, that, on the one hand, the 
 Catholics did agree to fupport the union, and, on 
 the other, that the Englifh government, on their 
 part, did indirectly agree to fecure to them, ia 
 confidcration of that fupport, the meafure of 
 emancipation. 
 
 This evidence is to be collected ; ift. From the 
 fpecch of Mr. Pitt on propofmg the union articles 
 to the Houfe of Commons ; 2d. From the afl of 
 union; 3d. From Mr. Pitt's fpeech, and the letters 
 of Lord Cornwallis and Lord Caillereagh, conr 
 ccrning the change of adminillration in i8oi. 
 
 ifl. Mr. Pitt's fpeech—" I am well aware,'* 
 fays Mr. Pitt, " that the fubjecl of religious dif- 
 " tinftion is a dangerous and delicate topic, efpe- 
 *' cially when applied to a country fuch as Ire- 
 " land ; the fituation of which, in this refpefb, is 
 " different from every other. Where the efta- 
 «« bliflied religion of the ftate is the fame as the 
 •' general religion of the empire, and where the- 
 *' property of the country is in the hands of a 
 ** comparatively fmall number of perfons profcf^ 
 
 " flag 
 
21 J 
 
 " fing that religion, while the religion of a great 
 " majority of the people is different, it is not eafy 
 " to fay, on general principles, what fyftem of 
 " church eflablifliment, in fuch a country, would 
 " be free from difficulty and inconvenience. By 
 " many I know it will be contended, that the re- 
 " ligion profefTed by the majority of the people 
 " would, at leart:, be entitled to an equality of 
 " privileges. I have heard fuch an argument 
 " urged in this Houfe ; but thofe who apply it 
 " without qualification to the cafe of Ireland, for- 
 *' get furely the principles on which Englifh inte- 
 " reft and Englifh conne£lion has been eftabliilied 
 " in that country, and its prefent legiflature is 
 " formed. No man can fay, that, in the prefent 
 " ftate of things, and while Ireland remains a 
 " feparate kingdom, full conceffiom could he made 
 *' to the Catholics without eyidangering the Jiate, 
 " andjhaking the conjiitution to its centre.'* 
 
 Is not this as much as to fay, that, after an 
 incorporate union IhalJ have taken place, thefe 
 FULL CONCESSIONS could be viade without en- 
 dangering Ireland ? Could thefe words be under- 
 ftood in any other way by the Catholics ? and. 
 
 Arc 
 
216 
 
 Arc they not an indircft offer, on the part of 
 Mr. Pitt, to the Catholics to make thefe full 
 CONCESSIONS, provided they would enable him 
 to make them without endangering Ireland r But 
 the language which he next employs is ftronger 
 and (lill more tn point. He immediately proceeds, 
 " On the other hand, without anticipating tlie 
 " difcuflion, or the propriety of agitating the 
 " queftion, or faying how foon or how late it may 
 ** be iit to difcufs it, two propofitions are indifput- 
 " able— I ft. When the conduft of the Catholics 
 ** (hall be fuch as to make it fafc for the govern- 
 ** raent to admit them to the participation of the 
 *' privileges granted to thofe of the cflablifhed 
 " religion, and when the temper of the times 
 " fhall be favourable to fuch a mcafurc: when 
 «' thofe events take place, it is obvious that fuch 
 " a queftion may be agitated in an United Impc- 
 " rial Parliament, with much greater fafety than 
 " it could be in a fcparate legiflature. In the 
 •* fecond place, I think it certain, that even for 
 •♦ whatever period it may be thought nccelTary, 
 *• after the union, to withhold from the Catholics 
 •* the enjoyment of thofe advantages, many of the 
 " objeftions which at prcfcnt arifc out of their 
 
 •* fituation 
 
217 
 
 *' fituation would be removed, if the Proteflant 
 " legiflature were no longer feparate and local, 
 " but general and impartial.** 
 
 The fpeech, from which the foregoing is ex- 
 tracted, was circulated gratis by government 
 throughout all Ireland. It was conlidered by the 
 Catholics as a tender of emancipation ; it was 
 anxioufly read by all who could read. At the 
 Cadle if was explained, to thofe who fought for 
 explanation, as an unequivocal offer of every con* 
 ceflion ; and, in the refult, the Catholics oppofed 
 their own Parliament, and gave their fiipport to 
 Mr. Pitt ; and, by the aid of this fupport, he was 
 enabled to contend with a majority in the Houfe 
 of Commons, and to carry the meafure. 
 
 We come now to the evidence to be colle^ed 
 from the Acl of Union. 
 
 Many of the leading Catholics have not hefitat- 
 ed to declare, that the oath prefcribcd by this 
 aft, to qualify members of Parliament on taking 
 their feats, was framed under an arrangement, 
 that, immediately after the meafure was pafled, 
 t F they 
 
218 
 
 they were to enjoy the privilege of fitting in Par- 
 liament. The aft runs thus, *' That every one 
 " of the Lords and Commons of Parliament of 
 " the United Kingdom, and every member of the 
 " Houfe of Commons of the United Kingdom, in 
 «' the firfl: and every fucceeding Parliament, (hall, 
 " until the Parliament of the United Kingdom Jlmtt 
 ^^ otberivife provide, take the oaths as now en- 
 " joined to be taken." *' Do not quibble with 
 " us," the Catholics fay, " concerning terms and 
 " formalities ; it was clearly unddirftood between 
 *« us, that if we co-operated to bring about the 
 " union, as we actually did, you would effeft the 
 *' emancipation. To give a colouring to this cn- 
 ** gagement, you inferted in the articles of union 
 " an intimation of a propofed change of the oaths 
 " in our favour : when, behold ! now you roundly 
 *' tell us, that this alteration never fliall take place, 
 " and that we mud make up our minds to wear 
 " our (hackles till the end of time."* 
 
 The third head of evidence is Mr. Pitt's fpeech 
 on explaining the caufe of hisrefignation in 1801, 
 and the letters of Pitt and Lord Cornwallis. 
 
 " As 
 
 * Dr. Milner's Inquiry, p. C3. 
 
219 
 
 " As to the merits,'* Mr. Pitt faid, " of the quef- 
 " tion which led to my refignation, I am willing 
 *' to fubmit them to the Houfe. I and fome of 
 " my colleagues in office, did feel it an incumbent 
 " duty upon us to propofe a meafure on the part 
 '' of government, which, under the circumfiances 
 " of the union fo happily efFeded between the 
 " two countries, we thought of great public im- 
 " portance, and neceflary to complete the benefits 
 *^ likely to refult from that meafure ; we felt this 
 " opinion fo ftrongly, that, when we met with 
 " circumftances which rendered it impoffible for 
 *' us to propofe it as a meafure of government, we 
 " felt it equally inconfiftent with our duty and 
 " our honour any longer to remain a part of that 
 *' government. What may be the opinion of 
 *' others, I know not, but I beg to have it under- 
 " {lood to be a meafure which, if I had remained 
 *' in government, I mujl have propofed."* 
 
 Why muJl Mr. Pitt have propofed this meafure? 
 
 To this queRion one anfwer alone can be given, 
 
 becaufe his honour, as a flatefman, was fubftan- 
 
 tially engaged to the Catholics, that, if they 
 
 F F 2 fupported 
 
 ♦ Debra's Debate?, M, 161. 
 
220 
 
 fupported the union, he would propofc eiiiau- 
 cipation. 
 
 We now come to the written communications 
 which, at this time, were made to the Catholics 
 by Mr. Pitt and Lord Cornwallis, and which were 
 given by Lord Cafllereagh to Dr. Iroy, and 
 which are to the following effect : 
 
 '* The leading part of his M;'.jefly's Miniflers finding iii- 
 *• furmountable obftacles to the bnnp'ng forward mcafurcs of 
 *♦ conceflion to the Catholic body, whilft in office, have felt 
 *' it irapoifible to continue in admin-iliiition under the inability 
 *' to propofe it with the circymiianccs necefLry to carrying 
 •' the meafure with all its advantages, and they have retired 
 *' from his Majefiy's fervice, confidering this line of condu<fl 
 *• as mod likely to contribute to its oltiaiatc fucccfs. The 
 " Caih' lie body will, therefore, fee how much thtir future 
 *• hopes muft depend upon flrengthcning their caufe by good 
 *' conduct in the mean time ; they will prudently confider 
 ** their profpeOs as arifing from the perfons who now efpoufc 
 *• their inttrefts, and compare them with thofe, which they 
 *' could look to from any other quarter ; they may with con- 
 ** fidence rely on the zealous fupport of all thofe who retire, 
 *' and of many who remain in office, when it can be given 
 *' with a profpCL^ of fuccefs. They may be alTured that Mc- 
 " Pi t will do his utmort to eflabiifh their caufc in the public 
 " favour, and prepare the way for their finally attaining their 
 *' objefl«: and the Catholics will feel, that as Mr. Pitt could 
 *' not concur in a hopelefs attempt to force it now, tliat he 
 «* mull at all times reprefs with the fame decifion as if he 
 *• held an advcrfe opiniori, any unconftitutional condud in the 
 *• Catholic body. 
 
 '• Under 
 
1 
 
 " Under thefe circumftances, it cannot be doubted that the 
 ** Catholics will take the moft loyal, dutiful, and patient line 
 " of condud, that they will not fufFcr themfelves to be led 
 *' into meafures which can, by any conftrudion, give a handle 
 " to the oppofcrs of their wiihes, cither to mifinterpret their 
 ♦' principles, or to raife an argument for rpfiding their claims; 
 •• but that by their prudent and exemplary demeanour they 
 *' will aiford additional grounds to the growing number of 
 *' their advocates to enforce their claims on proper occafioDs, 
 *' until their objej^s can be finally and advantageoufly attamed. 
 
 " The Sentiments of a . 'sincere Friend (I.e. Manptk Coinn'tillii) f» 
 
 " ih,: Cdlwlu- c'oims. 
 
 " If the Catholics fhould now proceed to violence, or en- 
 ** tertain any ideas of gaining their objedt by conyulfive mea- 
 '* fures, or forming afibciations with men of jacobinicai priq- 
 " ciples, they mud of courfe lofe the fupport and aid of thufe» 
 *' who have facrificed their own fituations in their caufe, hut 
 ♦* who would at the fame time feel it to be their indifpenfable 
 " duty to oppofe every thing tending to confufion. 
 
 ♦• On the other hand, fliould the Catholics be fenfible of 
 *' the benefit they pofTcfs, by having fo many charaders of 
 *' eminence pledged not to embark in the fervice of govern- 
 " ment, except on the terms of the Catholic privileges being 
 ** obtained, it is to be hoped, that, on balancing the advan- 
 " tages qnd difadv.mtages of their ficuation, they would prefer 
 " a quiet and peaceable demeanour to any line of condu(5l of 
 *' an oppofite defcription." 
 
 The originals of thefe two declarations were 
 handed to Dr. Troy and afterwards to Lord 
 Fingal on the farne day, by Marquis Cornwallis, 
 
 in 
 
in the prcfence of Lieutenant-Colonel Littlehalcs, 
 in the beginning of May, 1801, fliortly before 
 his departure from the government of Ireland, 
 and before the arrival of Lord Hardwicke, his 
 fucceiTor. His Excellency defired they fhould be 
 difcrcetly communicated to the Bifliops and prin- 
 cipal Catholics, but not inferted in the newfpapers. 
 They appeared, neverthelefs, in the Englifh prints 
 foon afterwards, and were copied into the Irifli 
 papers. 
 
 Under circumflances fuch as thefe, is it furprif- 
 ing that the Catholics fliould now feel that faith 
 has been broken with them by the government of 
 England ? Mr. Pitt, fo long ago as in Lord Weft- 
 morland's admiuiflration, had made no hefitation 
 to fay, in fuch a manner that his fentiments might 
 be known to the Catholics, that he would not 
 riik a rebellion by withholding emancipation. In 
 1795, he fent Lord Fitzwilliam to Ireland to 
 carry this meafure into effc(fl ; and, in 1799, ^^^ 
 held forth, in language not to be mifunderflood, 
 this meafure, as the reward which he would give 
 the Catholics for their fupport to the union. At 
 this tin^e he had governed England, for 14 years, 
 
 more 
 
21S 
 
 more like a defpotic Prince, than a Minifler of a 
 King over a free people; he was fupported by great 
 majorities in Parliament, and he pofTeiTed the un- 
 bounded confidence of the King. What other con- 
 flrudion, then, could his language on the union 
 bear, among the Catholics, than that of a pofitive 
 engagement on the part of England to give them 
 emancipation, provided they gave the union, in 
 the firft inftance, their fupport ? No one can fay 
 that they formed their expeftations that this mea- 
 fure would be conceded to them without good 
 grounds for doing fo ; and there being good 
 grounds, no correft moralift can maintain that 
 England made no fuch engagement. 
 
 Having now traced the hiflory of the penal 
 laws and the Catholics, from the treaty of Lime- 
 rick down to the union, it remains only to make 
 a conclufion of this work, by collecting the feveral 
 inferences which may be drawn from the faCls 
 contained in it. 
 
 In the firft place, the Catholics have to com- 
 plain of a diftinft breach of faith by the govern- 
 ment of England. 
 
 Secondly, 
 
224 
 
 Secondly, They have to complain of having 
 endured a greater fhare cf infult and of oppref- 
 fion than it ever was the lot of any other people 
 in any other country to be expofed to. 
 
 Thirdly, They have it in their power to repel 
 all thofe charges which have been made againft 
 them for being diPioyal to the Houfe of Brunfwick, 
 1 ft. By their conduft in 1715; sdly, By their coQ- 
 duft in 1745 j 3dly, By their conduft during the 
 American war j and, laftly, By their conduct in 
 1798. 
 
 Fourthly, 1 hey have it in their power to fiiew, 
 that their clergy have, at all times, inculcated 
 found doctrines of morality, of peace and fubraif- 
 fion to the government, and of brotherly affeftion 
 for their Froteftant fellow countrymen. 
 
 Fifthly, They can prove that their religious 
 principles have been wholly mifunderftood j and 
 that they ure not, in any degree, repugnant with 
 their duty as loyal fubjefts.* 
 
 Sixthly, 
 f Vide Appendix, No. 3. and No. 4. and Note B. 
 
225 
 
 And, laftly, it may be laid down as incontro- 
 vertibly proved, that the penal code is the folc 
 caufe of any inferiority which can now be difco- 
 vered in the (late and condition of Ireland, as com- 
 pared with the flate and condition of any other 
 country, whether in refpefl to the poverty, the 
 ignorance, the mifery, or the difpofition of the 
 loweft orders of her inhabitants, or to any 
 other circumftance which enables England to 
 boaft her more advanced progrefs in refinement 
 and civilization. To the penal code it is that 
 England has to look for the fource of all afarm 
 flic now entertains for the fafety of Ireland; and 
 to England Ireland has to look for the caufe of all 
 the mifery and degradation which, at this day 
 even, peculiarly mark her charafter among the 
 nations of the world. Yet it is fome confolation 
 to reflecl, that Ireland contains in herfelf a heal- 
 ing principle, in the liberality which the Irifh 
 Prolcftants have lately difplayed in fupport of the 
 claims of their Catholic countrymen. A fupport 
 which has nobly vindicated the origin which the 
 Proteftant Church deduces from reafon and tole. 
 ration.* 
 
 G G It 
 
 * Vide Note 6. 
 
226 
 
 It flicws that the bigotry, which there have been 
 fo much mifchicvous pains taken to excite, is not 
 natural to Irifhmcn. Indeed, what vice is lefs 
 congenial to the Iriih chara61er than bigotry ? 
 Bigotry is gloomy and exclufive, the Irifh charac- 
 ter is chearful and fecial ; bigotry is perverfe and 
 diflngcnoous, querulous, four, and malignant; the 
 Irt£h chara6Ver is candid, full of quick, expanding 
 fympathy, kind and facile to a fault, flow to 
 hatred, free from fufpicion and captioufnefs. The 
 tint of bigotry that it has worn is not its com- 
 plexion, but the ftains that have tarniflied its 
 native hue ; even thefe are not fixed nor pcrraa- 
 iient— they bleach and fade in the light, and, to 
 be entirely effaced, require nothing but conftant 
 cxpofure. 
 
 APPENDIX, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 The feveral Arguments of Sir Theobald Butler, Counfellor Malone, 
 ftnd Sir Stephen Rice, at the Bar of the Houfe of Commons of 
 Ireland, February 22^; and at the Bar of the Houfe of Lords, 
 February 28th, 1 703, againj pajing the Bill entitled. An A£l 
 to prevent the further Groivth of Popery, 
 
 X HE papifls of Ireland obferving that the Houfe of Com- 
 mons were preparing the heads of a bill, to be tranfmitted to 
 England, to be drawn up into an a£l, to prevent the further 
 growth of popery, and having in vain endeavoured to put a flop 
 to it there ; at its remittance back again to Ireland, prefented to 
 the Houfe of Commons a petition, in the names of Nicholas 
 Lord Vifcount Kingfland, Colonel J. Brown, c^olonel Burk, 
 Colonel Robert Nugent, Major Pat. Allen, Captain Arthur 
 French, and other Roman Catholics of Ireland, praying to be 
 heard by their counfel againft the paffing the faid bill, then under 
 confideration of the faid Houfe ; and to have a copy of the bill, 
 and a reafonable time to fpeak to it before it paffed. Which 
 petition being referred to the committee of the whole Houfe, to 
 whom the confideration of the faid bill was referred, it was 
 ordered, that the petitioners fiiould have a copy of the faid bill, 
 and be heard by their counfel, before the faid committee. 
 
 And, in purfuance of that order, Sir Theobald Butler, Coun- 
 fellor Malone, and Sir Stephen Rice, (the two firft in their 
 gov/ns as counfel for the petitioners in general, and the lad 
 without a gown, only as a petitioner in his private capacity), to- 
 gether with many others, upon Tuefday the 22d of February, 
 1703, appeared at tlie bar of the faid Houfe of Commons, 
 where Sir Theobald Butler firft moved and acquainted the 
 Houfe, that, *' by the permifTion of that Houfe, he was come 
 thither in behalf of himfllf, and the reft of the Roman Catholics 
 G G 2; of 
 
H APPENDIX. No. I. 
 
 of Ireland comprtfed in the Articles of I.imer'icl and Galrvay, 
 to cffcr fome reafons, which he and the re it of the petitioners 
 judp^f^d very material agaJnft pafling the bill, entitled, An a8 
 to fm>ent the further growth of popery : thaf , by leave of thfC 
 Houfe, he had taktn a copy of the faid bill (vi/hich he had 
 there in his hand^ and, with fubmiifion, looked upon it to tend 
 to the deHi eying of the faid articles, granted upon tlx; moft 
 valuable confiderations of furrendering the faid garrifons, at a 
 time when they had the fword in their hands j and, for any 
 thing that appeared to the contrary, might i)ave been in a con- 
 dition to hold out much longer, and when it was in their pc^.ver 
 to demand, and make for themfelves fuch terms, as might be for 
 their then future liberty, fafety, ar.d fecuiity; and that, too, 
 ^vhen the allowing fuch terms were highly advantageous to the 
 government to wliich they fiibmkted ; as well for uniting the 
 people that were then divided, cjuieting and fettling vhe diftrac- 
 tions and diforders of this then niiferable kingdom, as for the 
 other advantages the government would thereby reap in its own 
 affairs, both at home and abroad ; when its enemies were fo 
 powerfjl both by fea and land, as to give doubt of interruptioo 
 to its peace and fcttlement. 
 
 ♦' That, by fuch their power» thofe of Limerick did for them- 
 felves, and others comprifed, obtain, and make fuch articles, as 
 by which, all the Iriili inhabitants in the city and county of 
 Limerick, and in the counties of Clare, Kerry, Cork, Sligo, 
 and Mayo, had full and free pardon of and for all attainders, 
 outlawries, treafons, mifprifion of treafons, felonies, trefpafles, 
 and other crimes whatever, which at any time from the begin- 
 ning of King Jan^cs the Second, to the 3d of Odober, 1691, 
 had been aded, committed, or done by thcnx, or any of them ; 
 and by which they and their htks were to be forilvwith put in 
 pofTcflion of, and for ever pofftfs, and enjoy all and every of 
 their freeholds and inheritance ; and all their rights, titles, and 
 interefts, privileges and immunities, which they and €very of 
 them held and enjoyed, and by the laws in force were entitled 
 unto, in the reign of King Charles II. or at any time fince, by 
 the laws and ftatutes that were in force in that reign, &c. And 
 thereupon read fo much of the fecond article of Limerick, as 
 tended to tliat purpofe. 
 
 " That in the reign of King Charles the Second, the peti- 
 tioners, and all that were entitled to the benefit of thofc articles, 
 were in fuch full and free polTtllion of their ellate? ; and had the 
 fame power to fell, or othcrwifc to difpofe, or convey them, or 
 any other tiling th^y enjoyed ; and were as rightfully entitled to 
 all the privileges, immunities, and other advantages whatever, 
 
 according 
 
No. L APPENDIX. Hi 
 
 according to the laws then in force, as any other fubj^cls what- 
 foever, and which, therefore, without the highed injuilice, could 
 not be taken from them, unlefs they had forfeited them them- 
 felves. 
 
 " That if they had made any fuch forfeiture, it was either 
 before or after the making of the faid articles : if before, they 
 had a full and free pardon for that by the faid articles, Sec. and 
 therefore are not accountable by any law now in force for the 
 fame, and for that reafon not now to be charged with it ; ard 
 fince they cannot be charged with any general forfeiture of thofe 
 articles fince, they at the fame time remained as abfolutely en- 
 titled to all the privileges, advantages, and benefits of the laws 
 both already made, and hereafter to be made, as any other of 
 her Majefty's fubjeiSts whatfoever. 
 
 " That among all focieties there were fome ill people, but 
 that, by the 10th article of Limerick, the whole community is 
 not to be charged with, nor forfeit by, the crimes of particular 
 perfons. 
 
 " That there were already wholefome laws in force fufficient, 
 and if not, fuch as were wanting might be made, to punifh every 
 offender according to the nature of the crime: and in the name 
 of God let the guilty fuffer for their own faults ; but the inno- 
 cent ought not to fuffer for the guilty, nor the whole for any 
 particular. That furely they would not now (they had tamely 
 got the fword out of their hands) rob them of what was in their 
 power to have kept; for that would be unjuft, and not accord- 
 ing to that golden rule, to do as they would be done by, was the 
 cafe reverfcd, and the contrary fide their own. 
 
 " That the faid articles were firft granted them by the general 
 ^f the Englifh army, upon the moft important confideration of 
 getting the city of Limerick into his hands (when it was in a 
 condition to have held out, till it might have been relieved by 
 the fuccours then coming to it from France) and for preventing 
 the further effufion of blood, and the other ill confequences 
 which (by reafon of the then divifions and diforders) the nation 
 then laboured under ; and for reducing thofe in arms againft the 
 Englifh government to its obedience. 
 
 •' That the faid articles were figned and perfedled by the faid 
 general, and the then lords jufHces of this kingdom: and after- 
 wards ratified by their late Majefties, for themfelves, their heirs 
 and fuccefibrs : and have been fince confirmed by an adl of Par- 
 liament in this kingdom, viz. Ibt. 9- Guil, 3. fes. 4. chap. 27. 
 (which he there produced and pleaded), and faid could not be 
 avoided without breaking the faid articles, and the public faith 
 thereby plighted to all thofe comprifed under the faid articles. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 in the mod folemn and engaging manner it is pofTible for any 
 people to lay themfelves under ; and than which nothing could 
 be more facred and binding. That therefore to violate, or break 
 tliofe articles, would on the contrary be the greateft injuftice pof- 
 fible for any one people of the wliole world to infiid upon an- 
 other, and which is contrary to both the laws of God and man. 
 " That, purfuant to thefe articles, all thofe Irirti then in arms 
 againft the government did fubmit thereunto, and furrendered 
 the faid city of Limerick, and ail other garrifons then remain- 
 ing in their pofleflion ; and did take fuch oaths of fidelity to the 
 King and Queen, &.c. as by the faid articles they were obliged 
 to, and were put into jofleflion of their e/lates, &c. 
 
 " That fuch their uibmifTion was upon fuch terras, as ought 
 now, and at all times, to be made good to them : but that if the 
 bill then before the Houfe, entitled, An aft to prevent the fur- 
 ther growth of popery, (hould pafs into a law (which, faid he, 
 God forbid ! it would be not only a violation of thofe articles, 
 but alfo a manifeft breach of the public faith, of which the Eng- 
 liHi had always been mofl tender in many inftances, fome of 
 which he there quoted ; and that, in particular, in the preamble 
 of the a<5l before mentioned, made for confirmation of thefe 
 articles, wherein there is a particular regard and refpeft had to 
 the public faith. 
 
 " That fincc the faid articles were thus under the moll folemn 
 ties, and for fuch valuable confiderations granted the petitioners, 
 by nothing lefs than the General of the army, the Lords Juftices 
 of the kingdom, the King, Queen, and Parliament, the public 
 faith of the nation was therein concerned, obliged, bound, and 
 engaged, as fully and firmly as was polfible for one people to 
 pledge faith to another ; that therefore this Parliament could 
 not pafs fuch a bill, as that entitled. An aft to prevent the fur- 
 ther growth of popery, then before the Houfe, into a law, 
 without infringing thofe articles and a manifeft breach of the 
 public faith ; of which he hoped that Houfe would be no lefs 
 regardful and tender than their predecefTors, who made the aft 
 for confirming thofe articles, had been. 
 
 " That the cafe of the Gibeonites, 2 Sam. xxi. 1. was a 
 fearful example of breaking of public faith, which, above 100 
 years after, brought nothing lefs than a three years famine upon 
 the land, and flayed not till the lives of all Saul's family atoned 
 for it. 
 
 " That even among the heathens, and moft barbarous of 
 nations all the world over, the public faith had always been held 
 moft facred and binding, that furcly it would find no lefs a 
 legard in that augult aflcmbly. 
 
 «' That 
 
No. L APPENDIX. v 
 
 " That if he provad that the pafling that aft was fuch a 
 manifeft breach of thofc articles, and confequently of the public 
 faith, he hoped that honourable Houfe would be very tender 
 how they paffed the faid bill before thero into a law, to the ap- 
 parent prejudice of the petitioners, and the hazard of bringing 
 upon themfelves 4nd poderity fuch evils, reproach, and infamy, 
 as the doing the like had brought upon other nations aiid people. 
 
 •' Now, that the pafiing fuch a bill as that then ber(,i _• the 
 Houfe, to prevent the further grotuth of popery, will be a breach 
 of thofe articles, and confequently of the public faith, I prove 
 (faid he) by the following argument. 
 
 " The argument then is (laid he) whatever (hall be enaded 
 to the prejudice or dtllroying of any obligation, covenant, or 
 contrad, in the moft folemn manner, and for the mod valuable 
 confideration entered into, is a manifeft violation and defttudion 
 of every fuch obligation, covenant, and contrad ; but the paf- 
 Cng that bill into a law will evidently and abfolutely deftroy thq 
 articles of Limerick and Galway, to all intents and purpofes, 
 and therefore the pafling that bill into a law will be fuch a 
 breach of thofe articles, and confequently of the public faith 
 plighted for performing thofe articles, which remained to be 
 proved. 
 
 ■** The major is proved (faid he), for that whatever deftroys 
 or violates any contrad or obligation, upon the moft valuable, 
 confiderations, moft folemnly made and entered into, deftroys 
 and violates the end of every fuch contrad or obligation ; but 
 the end and defign of thofe articles was, that all thofe therein 
 comprifed, and every of their heirs, fhouid hold, polTefs, and 
 enjoy all and every of their eftates of freehold and inheritance, 
 and all the rights, titles, and interefts, privileges and immunities, 
 which they and every of them held, enjoyed, or were rightfully 
 entitled to, in the reign of King Charles the Second ; or at 
 any time fince, by the laws and ftatutes that were in foice in the 
 faid reign in this realm: but that the defign of this bill was to 
 take away every fuch right, title, intereft, &.c fiom every father 
 being a papift, and to make the popifh father, who, by the articles 
 and laws aforefaid, had an undoubted right, either to fell or 
 Otherwife at pleafure to difpofe of his eftate, at any time of his 
 life, as he thought fit ; only tenant for life : and confequently 
 difj^bled from felling, or otherwife difpofing thereof, after his fon 
 or other heir fhould become proteftant ; though otherv-'ife never 
 fo difobedient, profligate, or extravagant : Ergo, this a6t tends 
 to the deftroying the end for which thofe articles were made, 
 and confequently the breal^ing of the pubHc faiih, plighted fof 
 their performance. 
 
 " The 
 
ti APPENDIX. No. I. 
 
 *' The minor Is proved by the 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 
 JJih, 15th, I6l1i, and 17th claufes of the fiid bill, all which 
 (fdid he) 1 fhal) conlidcr and fpeak to, in the order as they arc 
 placed in the bill. 
 
 *• By the firrt of thefc claufes (which is the third of the bill), 
 I that am the popifh father, without committing any crinre 
 againft the ft^te, or the laws of the land, (by which only I 
 ouglit to be governed) or any other fault ; but merely for being 
 of the religion of my forefathers, and that which, till of late 
 years, w;is the ancient leligion of thefc kingdoms, contrary to 
 the exprefs words of the fecond article of Limerick, and the 
 public faith plighted as aforcfaid for their performance ; am de- 
 prived of my inheritance, freehold, 8fc. and of all other advan» 
 tages, which, by thofe articles, and the laws of the land, I am 
 entitled to enjoy, equally with eveiy other of my fellow-fubjefts, 
 whether proieftant or popifh. And though fuch my cltate be 
 even the purchafc of my own hard labour and induitry, yet I 
 (hall not (though my occafions be never fo prefling) have liberty 
 (after my eldeft fon or other heir becomes a protellant) to feli» 
 mortgage, or otherwife difpofe of, or charge it for payment of 
 my debts ; or hare leave, cut of my own eltate, to order por- 
 tions for my other children ; or leave a legacy, though never fo 
 fmall, to my poor father or mother, or other poor relations; 
 but duiing my own life, my eftate fliall be given to my fon or 
 other heir, being a proteftant, though never fo undutiful, profli- 
 gate, extravagant, or otherwife undcferving ; and I that am the 
 put chafing father fhall become tenant, for life only, to my own 
 purchafe, inheritance, and freehold, which I purchafed with 
 my own money ; and fuch my fon or other heir, by this z£i, 
 (hall be at liberty to fell, or otherwife at pleafure to difpofe of 
 ipy eftate, the fwtat of my brows, before my face ; and I that 
 am the purchafer, fliall not have liberty to raife one farthing 
 upon the eftate of my own purchafe, either to pay my debts or 
 portion my daughters (if any I have), or make provifions for 
 my other male children, though never fo deferving and dutiful : 
 but piy eftate, and the iflues and profits of it, ftiall, before niy 
 face, be at the difpofal of another, who cannot pofFibly know 
 how to diftinguifh between the dutiful and undutifvil, deferving 
 or undcferving. Is not this, gentlemen, (fiid he), a hard cafe ? 
 I befeech. you, gentlemen, to confider, whether you would not 
 think fo, if the fcale was changed, and the cafe your own, as it 
 is like to be ours, if this bill pafs into a law. 
 
 •• It is natural for the father to love the child, but we all 
 know (fays he) that children are but too apt and fubje<fl, with- 
 9ut any fuch liberty as this bill gives, to flight and ncglcv^ thcrr 
 
 duty 
 
No. I. APPENDIX. vii 
 
 duty to their parents ; and furely fuch an a«fl as this will not 
 be an inftrument of reftraint, but rather encourage them more 
 to it. 
 
 " It is but too common with the fon, who has a profpe^l of 
 an eftate, when once he arrives at the age of one and twenty, to 
 think the old father too long in the way between him and it ; 
 and how much more will he be fubjed to it, when, by this aft, 
 he fliall have liberty, before he comes to that age, to compel 
 and force my eflate from me, withoiy; aflcing my leave, or being 
 liable to account with me for it, or out of his (hare thereof, to 
 a moiety of the debts, portions, or other incumbrances, with 
 which the eftate might have been charged before the parting 
 this aft. 
 
 " Is not this againft the laws of God and man ? againfl the 
 
 rules of reafon and juftice ; by which all men ought to be 
 
 governed ? Is not this the only way in the world to make 
 
 children become undutiful ? and to bring the grey head of the 
 
 \j)arent to the grave with grief and tears ? 
 
 " It would be hard from any man ; but from a fon, a child, 
 the fruit of my body, whom I have nurft in my bofom, and 
 tendered more dearly than my own life, to become my plun- 
 derer, to rob me of my eftate, to cut my throat, and to take 
 away my bread, is much more grievous than from any other ; 
 and enough to make the moft flinty of hearts to bleed to think 
 on it. And yet this will be the cafe if this bill pafs into a law ; 
 which I hope this honourable alTcmbly will not think of, when 
 they (hall more ferioufly confider, and have weighed thefe 
 matters. 
 
 " For God's fake, gentlemen, will you confider whether this 
 is according to the golden rule, to do as you would be done 
 unto ? And if not, furely you will not, nay you cannot, without 
 being liable to be charged with the moft manifeft injuftice ima- 
 ginable, take from us our birth-rights, and inveft them in others 
 before our faces. 
 
 " By the 4th claufe of the bill, the popi(h father is under the 
 penalty of 500l. debarred from being guardian to, or having the 
 tuition or cuftody of his own child or children ; but if the 
 child pretends to be a proteftant, though never fo young, or in- 
 capable of judging of the principles of any religion, it (hall be 
 taken from its own father, and put into the hands or care of a 
 proteftant relation, if any there be quali(ied as this aft direfts, 
 for tuition, though never fo great an enemy to the popilh parent; 
 and for want of relations fo quali(ied, into the hands and tuition 
 of fuch proteftant ftranger as the court of chancery (hall think 
 fit to appoint ; who perhaps may likewife be my enemy, and 
 H H out 
 
tiii APPENDIX. No. I, 
 
 out of prejudice to me, who am the popifh father, (hall infufe 
 into my child, not only fuch principles of religion as ate wholly 
 inconfiflent with my liking, but alfo againfl the duty which, by 
 the laws both of God and nature, is due from every child to its 
 parents : And it fhall not be in my power to remedy, or quef- 
 tion him for it ; and yet I fliall be obliged to pay for fuch edu- 
 cation, how pernicious foever. Nay, if a legacy or eftate fall 
 to any of my children, .being minors, 1 that am the popifh father 
 fhall not have the liberty to take care of it, but it fliall be put 
 into the hands of a ftranger ; and though I fee it confotinded 
 before my face, it fliall not be in my power to help it. Is not 
 this a hard cafe, gentlemen .' I am fure you cannot bat allow it 
 to be a very hard cafe. 
 
 " The 5th claufe provides, that no proteftant or proteftams, 
 having any eftate real or perlonal, within this kingdom, fliall, at 
 any time after the 24th of March, 1703, intermarry with any 
 papift, either in or out of this kingdom, under the penalties in 
 an aft made in the 9th of King William, entitled. An aft to 
 prevent proteftants intermarrying with papifts ; which penalties 
 fee in the 5th claufe of the aft itfelf. 
 
 " Surely, gentlemen, this is fuch a law as was never heard 
 of before, and againft the law of right, and the law of nations ; 
 and therefore a law which is not in the power of mankind to 
 make, without breaking through the laws which our wife ar»- 
 ccftors prudently provided for the fecurity of pofterity, and 
 which you cannot infringe without hazarding the undermining 
 the whole legiflature, and encroaching upon the privileges of 
 your neighbouring nations, which it is not reafonable to believe 
 they will allow. 
 
 " It has indeed been known, that there hath been laws made 
 m England that have been binding in Ireland ; but furely it 
 never was known, that any law made in Ireland could affeft 
 England or any other country. But, by this aft, a perfon 
 committing matrimony (an ordinance of the Almighty) in Eng- 
 land, or any other part beyond the feas (where it is lawful both 
 by the laws of God and man fo to do) if ever they come to 
 live in Ireland, and have an inheritance or title to any intcrcft 
 to the value of 5001. they fliall be puniflied for a faft confonant 
 with the laws of the land where it was committed. But, gen- 
 tlemen, by your favour, this is what, with fubmiffion, is not in 
 your power lo do ; for no law that either now is, or that here- 
 after fliall be in force in this kingdom, fliall be able to take cog- 
 nizance of any faft committed in another nation : nor can any 
 one nation make laws for any other nation, but what is fubordi- 
 nate to it, as Ireland is to England ; but- no other nation is fub- 
 
 ordinatft 
 
No. I. APPENDIX. IK 
 
 wdinate to Ireland, and therefore any laws made in Ireland 
 cannot punifh me for any fad committed in any other nation, 
 but more efpecially England, to whom Ireland is fuborJinate. 
 And the reafon is, every free nation, fuch as all our neighbour- 
 ing nations are, by the great law of nature, and the univerfal 
 privileges of all nations, have an undoubted right to make, and 
 be ruled and governed by laws of their own making ; for 
 that, to fubmit to any other, would be to give away their own 
 birth-right and native freedom, and become fubordinate to their 
 neighbours, as we of this kingdom, fince the making of Poyning's 
 ad, have been, and are to England. A right which England 
 would never fo much as endure to hear pf, much leis to fub- 
 mit to. 
 
 ** We fee how careful our forefathers have been to provide 
 that no man ftiall be punifhed in one county (even of the fame 
 nation) for crimes committed in another county ; and furely it 
 would be highly unreafonable, and contrary to the laws of all 
 nations in the whole world, to punifli me in this kingdom for a 
 fad committed in England, or any other nation, which was not 
 againft, but confident with the laws of the nation where it was 
 committed. I am fure there is not any law in any other nation 
 of the world that would do it. 
 
 " The 6ih. claufe of this bill is likewife a manifeft breach 
 of the fecond of Limerick articles ; for, by that article, all per- 
 foos comprifed under thofe articles were to enjoy, and have the 
 full benefit of, all the rights, titles, privileges, and immunities 
 whatfoever, which they enjoyed, or by the laws of the land then 
 in force were en tilled to enjoy, in the reign of King Charles II. 
 And by the laws then in force^ all the papifts of Ireland had 
 the fame liberty that any of their fellow- fubjeds had, to purchafe 
 jany manors, lands, tenements, hereditaments, leafes of lives, 
 pr for yiears, rents, or any other thing of profit whatfoever; 
 but by this claufe of this bill, every papift or perfon profefling 
 the popifh religion, after the 24th of March, 1703, is made 
 incapable pf purchafing any manors, lands, tenements, heredita- 
 ments, or any rents or profits out of the fame; or holding any 
 leafe of lives, or any other leafe whatfoever, for any term ex- 
 ceeding thirty-one years ; wherein a rent, not lefs than two- 
 thirds of the improved yearly value, (hall be referved, and made 
 payable during the whole term ; and, therefore, this claufe of 
 this bill, if made into a law, will be a manifeft breach of thofe 
 articles. 
 
 " T'he 7th iclaufe Is yet of much more general confequence, 
 
 and not only a like breach of thofe articles, but alfo a manifell 
 
 robjping of all the Roman catholics of the kisgdom of their 
 
 H H 2 birth-right; 
 
I APPENDIX. No. I. 
 
 birth-right ; for, by thofe articles, all thofe therein comprifed 
 were (faid he) pardoned all mifdemeanours whatfoever, of 
 •which they had in any manner of way been guilty ; and reftored 
 to all the rights, liberties, privileges, and immunities whatever, 
 which, by the laws of the land, and cuftoms, conftitutions, and 
 native birth-right, they, any, and every of them, were, equally 
 with every other of their fellow-fubje<fls, entitled unto. And 
 by the laws of nature and nations, as well as by the laws of the 
 land, every native of any country has an undoubted riglit and 
 juft title to all the privileges and advantages which fuch their 
 native country affords : And furely no man but will allow, that, 
 by fuch a native right, every one born in any country hath an 
 undoubted right to the inheritance of his father, or any other, 
 to whom he or they may be heir at law ; but if this bill pafs into 
 a law, every native of this kingdom, that is, and (hall remain a 
 papift, is, tpfo fa£lo, during lite, or his or their continuing a 
 papift, deprived of fuch inheritance, devife, gift, remainder, or 
 truft, of any lands, tenements, or hereditaments, of which any 
 proteftant now is, or hereafter fhall be feized in fee-fimple ab- 
 iblute, or fee-tail, which, by the death of fuch protellant, or his 
 wife, ought to defcend immediately to his fon or fons, or other 
 iffue in tail, being fuch papifts, and 18 years of age; or, if 
 under that age, within fix months after coming to that age, 
 ihall not conform to the church of Ireland, as by law eftablifhed; 
 and every fuch devife, gift, remainder, or trult, which, accor- 
 ding to the laws of the land, and fuch native right, ought to 
 defcend to fuch papift, fhall, during the life of fuch papill (unlefs 
 he forfake his religion) defcend to the nearefl relation that is a 
 proteftant, and his htits, being and continuing proteftants, as 
 though the faid popifh heir and all other popiih relations were 
 dead ; without being accountable for the fame : which is nothing 
 lefs than robbing fuch popifli heir of fuch his birth right; for no 
 other reufon, but his being and continuing of that religion, 
 which by the fjrft of Limerick articles, the Roman catholics of 
 this kingdom were to enjoy, as they did in the reign of King 
 Cliarles II. and then there was no law in force, that deprived 
 any Roman. catholic of this kingdom of any fuch their native 
 birth-right, or any other thing, which, by the laws of the land 
 then in force, any other fellow- fubj^ifls were entitled unto. 
 
 " The 8ih claufe of tliis bill, is to ere(5t in this kingdom a 
 law 0^ gavel-kind, a law in itfelf fo monftrous and ftrange, that I 
 dare fay, this is the firll time it was ever heard of in the world ; 
 a law fo pernicious and dcflruflive to the well-being of fanulies 
 ;4nd focieties, that, in an age or two, there will hardly be any 
 remembrance of a'y of the anciest Roman catholic families 
 
 known 
 
No. I. APPENDIX. xl 
 
 known in the kingdom : a law which, therefore, 1 may again 
 venture to fay, was never before known or heard of in the 
 univerfe ! 
 
 " There is, indeed, in Kent, a cudom, called the Cuftom 
 of Gavelkind ; but 1 never heard of any law for it till now ; 
 and that cuftom is far different from what by this bill is intended 
 to be made a law ; for there, and by that cu(lom, the father, or 
 other perfon, dying poflefTed of any eflate of his own acquifuion, 
 or not entailed, (let him be of what perfuafion he will), may by 
 will bequeath it at pleafure : Or if he dies without will, the 
 eftate Ihall not be divided, if there be any male heir to inherit 
 it; but for want of male heir, then it fliall defcend in Gavel- 
 kind among the daughters, and not otherwife. But by this ad, 
 for want of a proteftant heir, enrolled as fuch within three 
 months after the death of fuch papift, to be divided, fhare and 
 fhare alike, among all his fons ; for want of fons, among his 
 daughters ; for want of fuch, among the collateral kindred of 
 his tather ; and in want of fuch, among thofe of his mother ; 
 and this is to take place of any grant, fettlement, &c. other 
 than falc, for valuable confideration of money, really, bonaJiJe, 
 paid. And ftiall I not call this a ftrange law ? Surely it is a 
 {trange law, which, contrary to the laws of all nations, thus con- 
 founds all fettlements, how ancient foever, or otherwife war- 
 rantable by all the laws heretofore in force, in this, or any other 
 kingdom ! 
 
 " The 9th ckufe of this ad, is another manifeft breach of* 
 the articles of Limerick ; for, by the 9th of thofe articles, no 
 oath is to be a^miniftered to, nor impofed upon fuch Roman 
 Catholics, as fhould fubmit to the government, but the oath of 
 allegiance, appointed by an ad of Parliament made in England, 
 in the firft year of the reign of their late iVIajefties King 
 William and Queen Mary, (which is the fame with the 
 £rft of thofe appointed by the 10th claufe of this ad;) But by 
 this claufe, none Ihall have the benefit of this ad, that fliall not 
 conform to the church of Ireland, fubfcribe the declaration, 
 and take and fubfcribe the oath of abjuration, appointed by -the 
 9th claufe of this ad; and therefore this ad is a roanifeft breach, 
 of thofe articles, &c. and a force upon all the Roman catholics 
 •therein cornprifed, either to abjure their religion, or part with 
 their birth-rights ; which, by thofe articles, they were, and are, 
 as fully, and as rightfully entitled unto, as any other fubjeds 
 whatever. 
 
 ;' The 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, and 14th ciaufes of this bill, 
 (faid he) relate to offices and employments, which the papifls of 
 Ireland cannot hope for the enjoyment of, otherwife than by 
 
 grace 
 
xli APPENDIX. No. I. 
 
 grace and favour extraordinary ; and therefore, do not fo much 
 affeft them, as it docs the protcftant diflenters, who (if this 
 biU pais into a law) are equally wiih the papifts deprived of 
 bearing any office, civil or military, under the government, to 
 ■which by right of birth, and the laws of the land, they are as 
 indifputably entitled, as any other their proteftant brethren : 
 And if what the Irift did in the late diforders of this kingdom 
 made them rebels, (which the prefence of a King, they had 
 before been obliged to own, and fwear obedience to, gave them 
 a reafoflable colour of concluding it did not), yet furely the dif- 
 fenters did not do any thing to make them fo ; or to deferve 
 woiTe at the hands of the government, than other proteftants ; 
 but, on the contrary, it is mote than probable, that if they, (I 
 mean the diffenters), had not put a (lop to the career of the 
 Irifh army at Ennilkillen and Londonderry, the fettJement of 
 the government, both in England and Scotland, might not have 
 proved fo eafy, as it thereby did ; for if that army had got tcf 
 Scotland, (as there was nothing at that time to have hindered 
 them, but the bravery of thofe people, who were moftly dilTen- 
 ters, and chargeable with no other crime fince ; unlefs their 
 elofe adhering to, and early appearing for the then government, 
 and the many faithful fcrvices they did their country, were 
 crimes) I fay (faid he) if they had got to Scotland, when they 
 had boats, barks, and all things elfe ready for their tranfpor- 
 tation, and a great many friends there in arms, waiting only 
 their coming to join them ; it is eafy to think, what the confe- 
 quence would have been to both thef^ kingdoms ; and thcfe 
 diflenters then were thought fit for command, both civil and 
 military, and were no lefs inftrumental in contributing to the 
 reducing the kingdom, than any other proteftants : And to pafs 
 a bill now, to deprive them of their birth-rights, (for thofe their 
 good fervices), would furely be a mof^ unkind return, and the 
 worft reward ever granted to a people fo deferving. Whatever 
 the papifts may be fuppofed to have deferved, the dilTenters cer- 
 tainly ftand as clean in the face of the prefeot government, as 
 any other people whatfoever : And if this is ail the return they 
 aie like to get, it will be but a flender encouragement, if ever 
 occafion fhould require, for others to purfue their examples. 
 
 " By the 15th, 16th. and 17th claufes of this bill, all papifts, 
 after the 24th of March 1703, are prohibited from purchafing 
 any houfes or tenements, or coming to dwell in any in Limerick 
 or Galway, or the fuburbs of either, and even fuch as were 
 under the articles, and by virtue thereof have ever fince lived 
 there, from flaying there ; without giving fuch fe^urity as nei- 
 ther thofe articles, nor any law heretofore in force, do require ; 
 
 except 
 
No. I. APPENDIX. xtli 
 
 except feamen, fifheimen, and day-labourers, nvho pay not above 
 forty {hillings a year rent ; and from voting for the eledion of 
 members of Parliament, unlefs they take the oath of abjuration ; 
 which, to oblige them to, is contrary to the 9th of Limerick 
 articles ; which, as aforefaid, fays the oath of allegiance, and 
 no other, fhall be impofed upon them ; and, unlefs they abjure 
 their religion, takes away their advowfons and right of prefen- 
 tation, contrary to the privilege of right, the law of nations, and 
 the great charter of Magna Charta ; which provides, that no 
 man fhall be difleized of his birth-right, without committing forae 
 crime againft the known laws of the land in which he is born, 
 or inhabits. And if there was no law in force, in the reign of 
 King Charles the Second, againft thefe things (as there certainly 
 was not), and if the Roman catholics of this kingdom have not 
 fince forfeited their right to the laws that then were in force, (as 
 for certain they have not), then with humble fubmiffion, all the 
 aforefaid claufes and matters contained in this bill, entitled, 
 y^fl aS to prevent the further growth of popery, are diredly againft 
 the plain words and true intent and meaning of the faid articles, 
 and a violation of the public faith, and the laws made for their 
 performance ; and what I therefore hope (faid he) this honour- 
 able houfe will confider accordingly." 
 
 Counfellor Malone and Sir Stephen Rice naade difcourfes on 
 the fame fide ; the latter, not as a counfel, but as a petitioner, 
 likely to be aggrieved by the pafling of the faid aft : But in the 
 courfe of the reply to the arguments of thofe gentlemen, it was 
 objedled, that they had not demonftrated how and when (fince 
 the making of the articles of Limerick) the papifts of Ireland 
 had addreffed the Queen or government, when all other fubjedls 
 were fo doing, or had otherwife declared their fidelity and 
 obedience to the Queen. « 
 
 It was (among other things) obferved, that by a provifo at 
 the latter end of the fecond of thofe articles, none was to have 
 or enjoy the benefit thereof, that (hould refufe to take the oath 
 of allegiance. 
 
 That any right which the papifts pretended to be taken from 
 them by the bill, was in their own power to remedy, by con- 
 forming ; as in prudence, they ougtit to do ; and that they 
 ought not to blame a^y but themfelves. 
 
 The next day the bill was ordered to be engrofTed and fent 
 to the Lords. 
 
 The petitioners having applied to the Lords alfo, for Ie*-vc 
 to be heard by their counfel againft the bill, the fame was 
 granted ; and the fame counfel, upon Monday, February 2;St4j, 
 appeared there, and offered fuch like arguments as they had 
 
 nude 
 
xiT APPENDIX. No. I. 
 
 made ufe of in the other Houfe : They told their Lord(hips, 
 that it had been objeded by the Commons, that the pafling that 
 bill would not be a breach of the articles of L imerick, as had 
 been fuggefled : becaufe, the pcrfons therein com])rifed were 
 only to be put into the fame ftate they were in the reign of 
 Charles the Second, and becaufe, that in that reign there was 
 no law in force which hindered the pafling any other law 
 thought needful for the futuie fafety of the government. That 
 the Commons had further faid, that the paifing this bill was 
 needful at prefent, for the fccurity of the kingdom ; and that 
 there was not any thing in the articles of Limerick that prohi- 
 bited their fo doing. 
 
 It was admitted, on the part of the petitioners, that the 
 legiflative power cannot be confined from altering and making 
 fuch laws as (hall be thought neceflary for fecuring the quiet 
 and fafety of the government ; that in time of war or danger, 
 or when there (hall be juft reafon to fufpe(fl any ill dedgns to 
 difturb the public peace, no articles or previous obligations (hall 
 tie up the hands of the leglflators from providing for its fafety, 
 or bind the government from difarming and fecuring any who 
 may be reafonably fufpetfled of favouring or correfponding with 
 its enemies, or to be otherwife guilty of ill pradices : " Or 
 indeed to enad any other law," faid Sir Stephen Rice, ** that 
 may be abfolutely needful for the fafety and advantage of the 
 public ; fuch a law cannot be a breach either of thefe, or any- 
 other like articles. But then fuch laws ought to be in general, 
 and fliould not fingle out, or affed, any one particular part or 
 party of the people, who gave no provocation to any fuch law, 
 and whofe condu<5t flood hitherto unimpeached, ever fince the 
 ratification of the aforefaid articles of Limerick. — To make any 
 Uw that fhall fingle any particular part of the people out from 
 the red, and take from them what, by right of birth, and all 
 the preceding laws of the land had been confirmed to, and en- 
 tailed upon them, will be an apparent violation of the original 
 inftitution of all right, and an ill precedent to any that hereafter 
 might diflike either the prefent or any other fettlement, which 
 fliould be in their power to alter ; the confequence of which is 
 hard to imagine." ^ 
 
 The Lord Chancellor having fummed up all that had been 
 cyffered at the bar, the Houfe proceeded tiiereupon ; the bill 
 was read through ; and, to the great mortification of thac un- 
 happy party, was pafl'ed ; and upon the 4th of March obtained 
 the royal afllnt. 
 
 No. 
 
xWir. APPENDIX. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 Declaration of the Catholic Nobility ^ Gentlemen, and Clergy p 
 May 6, 1798. 
 
 Dublin, May 6, nSS. 
 •' To fuch of the deluded people, now in rebellion againft his 
 •' Majefty's Government, in this Kingdom, as profefs the 
 *♦ Roman Catholic religion. 
 
 *♦ THE underfigned Roman Catholics of Ireland feel them* 
 " felves earneftly called on to remonflrate with fuch of the 
 " deluded people of that perfuafion as are now engaged in open 
 " rebellion againft his majefty's government, on the wicked 
 •' tendency and confequences of the condud which they have 
 ** embraced ; they apprehend, with equal horror and concern, 
 " that fuch deluded men, in addition to the crime committed 
 " againft the allegiance which they owe to his majefty, have, 
 " in fome inftances, attempted to give their defigns a colour of 
 " zeal for the religion which they profefs. The underfigned 
 " profefs equally with them the Roman catholic religion ; fbme 
 *♦ of them are bifhops of that perfuafion, others are heads of 
 " the leading families who profefs that religion ; and others are 
 " men of the fame perfuafion, who, by an honourable induftry, 
 " have, under the conftitution, now fought to be fubvertea, 
 " raifed themfelves to a fituation which affords them, in the 
 " moft extenfive fenfe, all the comforts of life. The under- 
 ♦♦ figned of each defcription concur in entreating fuch of %hs. 
 " deluded who have taken up arms againft the eftabliihed 
 " government, or entered into engagements tending to that 
 *• effedl, to return to their allegiance ; and, by relinquifhing 
 *' the treafonable plans in which they are engaged, to entitle 
 " themfelves to that mercy which their lawful governors 
 *' anxioufly wilh to extend to them ; a contrary condud will 
 *' inevitably /ubjedl them to lofs of life and property, and ex- 
 ** pofe their families to ignominy and beggary ; whilft at the 
 *' fame time it will throw on their religion, of which they pro- 
 *' fefs to be the advocates, the moft indelible ftain : on this 
 " point, the unfortunately deluded will do well to confider 
 " whether the true intereils and honour of the Roman catholic 
 ** religion are likely to be moft confidered by the bifticps of 
 i/ '* tha^ 
 
^i\ A P P E N D I X. No. II. 
 
 •• that perfuafion ; by the ancient familie? who profefs that reli- 
 '• gion, and who have refiflcd every temptation to relinquifh it ; 
 '* by men, who at once profcning it, and fubTiitting to the 
 *' prcfent conftitution, have arrived at a llate of affluence which 
 *' gratifies every wilh ; or by a fet of dcfperate and profligate 
 •• men, availing themfelves of the want of education and cxpe- 
 •• rience in tiiofe whom they feek to ufe as inllruments for grati- 
 " fying their own wicked and intercHed views. At all events, 
 " the underligned feel themfelves bound to refcue their names, 
 *' and, as far as in them lies, the religion which they profefs, 
 ** from the ignominy which each would incur, from an appear- 
 " ance of acquiefcence in fuch criminal and irreligious condudl : 
 " and they hefitate not to declare, that the accomplifhment of 
 *• the views of the deluded of their perfuafion, if effeded, mull 
 *' be effefted by the downfall of the clergy, of the ancient fami- 
 •' lies and refpedable commercial men of the Roman catholic 
 " religion, the underfigned. individuals of each of which de- 
 ** fcription hereby publicly declare their determination to (land 
 *• or fall with the prefent exilling conftitution. 
 
 " FiNGALL, 
 
 " g0r.manstown, 
 
 '* Southwell, 
 
 " Ken MARE, 
 
 " Sir Edward Bellew, with 41 gen- 
 " tlemen and profefTors of divinity, 
 '• together with the Rev. Peter 
 " Flood, D. D. prefident of the 
 " Royal College of St. Patrick, 
 " Mnynooth, for iiimfelf, the pro- 
 " fciltirs, and Iludents of faid col- 
 ■ " lege." 
 
 No. 
 
No. II. APPENDIX. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 The principles of the Roman CalheUcs, from the Prayer Book 
 
 ivh'ich is in general rfe amongfl the Catholics of Ireland, ami 
 
 •which was publijhd by Dr. Coppinger, Titular Bi/hop of 
 Cloyne.' 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 1. THE fruition of God, and the remiffion of fin, are not 
 attainable by man, otherwife than in and by the merits of Jefus 
 Chrift, who gratuitoufly purchafed them for tis. 
 
 2. Thefe merits of Chrirt are not applied to us otherwife 
 than by a right faith in him. 
 
 3. 'i'his faith is but one, entire and conformable to its objcdl, 
 which is divine revelation, and to which faith gives an undoubt- 
 ing aflent. 
 
 4. This revelation contains many myfteries tranfcending the 
 natural reach of human underftanding. Wherefore, 
 
 5. It became the Divine Wifdom and Goodnefs to provide 
 fome way or means whereby man might arrive to the knowledge 
 of thefe myrteries ; means vifible and apparent to all ; means 
 proportioned to the capacities of all ; means furc and certain 
 to all. 
 
 6. This ivay or means is not the reading of the Scripture Inter- 
 preted according to the pri'vate rertfon or judgment of each particular 
 perfon or nation; but, 
 
 7. It is an attention and fuhmijpon to the voice of the Catholic or 
 vni'verfal Church eflahhjhed by Chrijl for the inftrudion of all ; 
 fpread for that end through all nations, and vifibly continued io 
 the fuccefTion of paftors and people through all ages. From this 
 Church, guided in truth, and fecured from error in matters 
 of faith, by the promifed affirtance of the Holy Ghoft, every 
 one may learn the right fenfe of the Scriptures, and fuch Chris- 
 tian myfteries and duties as are neceflary to falvation. 
 
 8. This church, thus eftabiifhed, thus fpread, thus continued, 
 thus guided in one uniform faith, and fubordination of govern- 
 ment, is that which is termed the Roman Catholic Church; 
 the qualities juft mentioned, unity, indeficiency, vifibility, fuc- 
 €eiT;on, and univerfality, being evidently applicable to her. 
 
 I I 2 9. From 
 
xvlii APPENDIX. No. 11. 
 
 9. From the tcftimony and authority of this Church, it is 
 that we receive the Scriptures, and believe them to be the word 
 of God : and as flie can affuredly tell us what particular book is 
 the word of God, fo can (he, with the like aflurance, tell us 
 alfo the true fenfe and meaning of it in controverted points of 
 faith ; the fame fpirit that wrote the Scriptures directs her to 
 underftand both them and all matters neceflary to falvation. 
 From thefe grounds it follows : 
 
 10. Only truths revealed by Almighty Go J, and propofed by the 
 Church, to be belie'ved as fuch, are, and ought to be, ejleemed articles 
 of Catholic faith. 
 
 11. As an obftinate feparation from the unity of the Churoh, 
 in known matters of faith, is herefy ; fo a wilful feparation from 
 the vifible unity of the fame Church, in matters of fuboidinajion 
 and government, is fchifm. 
 
 la. The Church propofes unto us matters of faith, firft and 
 chiefly by the Holy Scripture, in points plain and intelligiUle in 
 it ; — iecondly, by definitions of general councils, in points not 
 fufficiently plain in Scripture ; — thirdly, by apoltolical traditions 
 derived from Chrift and his Apoftles to all fucceeding a^jfs. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. The paflors of the Church, ivho are the body reprefintativ;, 
 either difperfed or convened in council, have received no commifflon 
 
 from Chrifl to frame nciu articles of faith, thefe being folely 
 divine revelation; but only to explain and to afcertain to us 
 what anciently was and is received and retained as of faith in 
 the Church, when debates and controverfies arifc about them, 
 'i'hefe definitions in matters of faith only, and propofcd as fuch, 
 oblige all the Faithful to an. interior aflent. But, 
 
 2. // is no article of faith that the Church cannot err either in 
 matters of fatl, or in matters of /peculation or civil policy, Jeprnding 
 on mere human reajon : thefe not being divine revelations depifued in 
 the Catholic Church — Hence is reduced, 
 
 3. If a General Council, much lef-; a Papal Confillory, flioiild 
 prefume to depofe a King, and to abfolve his fubjcds from thtir 
 allegiance, no Catholic could be bound to fubmit to Inch a de- 
 cree. — Hence it follows, that, 
 
 4. The lubjet^s of the king of Epglnnd lawfully may, with- 
 out the leaft breach of any Catholic principle, renounce, upon 
 oath, the teaching or pradifing the do(Jhinc of dcpofing kings 
 cxcommunicattd fur herefy, by any authofity whatfoever, as 
 rej^'Ugnani to tiie lundanicntal laws of the nation, as injurious 
 
 to 
 
Ko. II. APPENDIX. %i\ 
 
 to fovereign power, and as deftrucftive to peace and govern-" 
 mcnt. 
 
 5. Catholics believe that the Bj/iop of Rome, fuccefTor to 
 St. Peter, h the head of the ivhole Catholic Church ; in nuhich fenfe 
 this Church may therefore be fiiled Roman Catholic, becaufe an 
 univerfal body united under one vifible head. Neverthelefs, 
 
 6. It is no matter of faith to believe that the Pope is in him- 
 felf infallible, feparated from the Church, even in expounding 
 the faith ; by confequence, papal definitions or decrees, taken 
 exclufively from a General Council, or univerfal acceptance of 
 the Church, oblige none, under the pain of herefy, to an in- 
 terior aflent. 
 
 7. Nor do Catholics, as Catholics, believe that the Pope 
 has any dired or indireft authority over the temporal power 
 and jurifdidion of Princes. Hence, if the Pope fhould pretend 
 to abfolve or difpenfe with his Majefty's fubjedts from their alle- 
 giance, on account of herefy or fchifm, fuch difpenfation would 
 be vain and null, and all Catholic fubjeds, notwithftanding 
 fuch difpenfation or ablblution, would be ftill bound in con- 
 fcience to defend their King and country, at the hazard of their 
 lives and fortunes (as far as Proteftants would be bound) even 
 againft the Pope himfeif, (hould he invade the nation. 
 
 8. As for the problematical dijputes or errors of particular 
 Hvines, in this or any other matter whatfoever, we are in no 
 wife refponGble for them ; nor are Catholics, as fuch, judly 
 puniihable on their account. But, 
 
 9. As for the King killing dodrine, or murder of Princes 
 excommunicated for herefy, it is univerfally admitted in the 
 Catho'lic Church, and exprefsly fo declared in the Council of 
 ConAiyjce, that fuch dodrine is impious and execrable, being 
 contrary to the known laws of God and nature. 
 
 10. Perfosal ml/demeanors, of what nature foever, ought not 
 to be impute J to the body of Cat holies, luhen not juflifiabk by the tenets 
 of their faith and doctrine. For which reafon, though the {lories 
 of the Iriih cruelties, or powder-plot, had been exadly true, 
 (which yet, for the moft part, are notoricufly mis-related) never- 
 thelefs Catholics, as fuch, ought not to fuffer for fuch offences, 
 any more than the eleven Apoftles ought to have fu6Fered for 
 the treachery of Judas. 
 
 11. It is a fundamental truth in our religion, that no power 
 on earth can licenfe men to lie, to forfwear or perjure themfclves, 
 to maflfacre their neighbours, or deflroy their native country, en 
 pretence of promoting the Catholic Caufe or Religion. Fur- 
 :h?vmore, all pardons or difpenfations, granted, or pretended to 
 
 be 
 
XX APPENDIX. No. 11. 
 
 be granted, in order to any fuch ends or defigns, could have no 
 ofber validity or elTcfl than to add facrilege and blafphemy to 
 the aboTC mentioned crimes. 
 
 12 The doctrine of equivocation, or mental refervation, 
 however wrongfully imputed to the Catholic religion, was never 
 uught or approved by the Churcli as any pait of her belief: on 
 the contr.<ry, (implicity and godly finccrity are conrtanily incul- 
 c.»tcd by her as truly Chrifhan virtues, neceflary to the confcr- 
 vatio.n of juflice, truth, and common fccurity. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 7. Every Catholic believes that when a Tinner repents of bis 
 Cms, from the bottom of his heart, and acknowledges his tranf- 
 prciTions to God and his minillers, the difpenfers of the mylte- 
 ries of Chrift, refolving to turn from his evil ways, and bring 
 forth fruits worthy of repentance, there is then, and not other- 
 wife, an authority left by Chrift to abfolve fuch a penitent iinner 
 from his fins ; which authority Chrift gave to his ApofUcs and 
 their fucpeflbrs, the Bifiiops and Prielh of his Church, in thofe 
 words, when he faid, Receive ye the Holy Ghojl, 'whofe/ini you 
 Jhall forg'ii'c , they are forgiven un'o them. 
 
 2. Though no creature whatfoever can make condign fatis- 
 faflion, either for the guilt of fin or the pain eternal due to it, 
 this' fatisRidion being proper to Chrift our Saviour only, yet 
 penitent finners, redeemed by Chrift, may. as members of 
 Chrift, in fome meafure fatisfy by prayer, fafting, alms-deeds, 
 and other works of piety, for temporal pain, which, in the order 
 of Divine jullice, fometimes remains due, after the guilt of lin 
 ^nd pain eternal have been rejnitted. Such penitential works 
 are, notwitiiftanding, no othcrwife fatisfadory, than as joined 
 and applied to that fatisfaclion which Jefws made upon the 
 Crof., in virtue of which ail our good works find a grattfu! 
 acceptance in the fight of God. 
 
 3. The guilt of iin, or pain eternal due to it, i? never reniit- 
 ffd by what Catholics call Indulgences; but only fuch tempouil 
 pimiihifients as remain due after the guilt is remiited : thofe iii- 
 tlulgetices bang nothing elfc than a mitigation or relaxation of cimou- 
 iral penancts, tfijoiiied by the paftors of the Church on penitent 
 finners, according to their feveral degrees of demerit. And if 
 ribufus and miltakes have been fomctimes committed, cither in 
 point of granting or gaining indu gence« through the remifinefs 
 or ignorance of ])ariicular perfons, contrary to the ancient cuf- 
 toii) and difciplint of the Church, fucliabufes or miftakes cannot 
 
 rcafonably 
 
No. ir. APPENDIX. xxi 
 
 reafonably be charged on the Church, or rendered ."natters of 
 dcrifion, in prejudice to her faith and difcipline. 
 
 4. Catholics hold there is a purgatory, that is to fay, a place 
 or Itate where fouls departing thi? life, with remi/Tion of their 
 fins as to the eternal guiit or pain, but yet obnoxious to fome 
 temporal punid^njent Itill remaining due, or not perfedly freed 
 from the blemifii of fome defeds or deordinations, are purged 
 \»efore their admittance into heaven, where nothing that is de- 
 filed can enter. 
 
 5. Catholics alfo hold, that fuch fouls, fo detained in purga- 
 tory, being the living members of Jefus Chrift, are relieved by 
 the prayers and fuffrages of their fellow-members here on earth : 
 but where this place is, or of what nature or quality the pains 
 are, how lorg fouls may be there detained, in what manner the 
 fuffrages made in their behalf are applied, whether by way of 
 fatisfaflion or interceffion, &c. are queftions fuperfluous, and 
 impertinent, as to faith. 
 
 6. No man, though juft, can merit either an increafe of 
 fandity in this life, or eternal glory in the next, independently 
 on the merits and paffion of Jtfjs Chriil ; but the good worki 
 ofajuft man proceeding from grace and charity, are fo for 
 acceptable to God, as to be, through his goodnefs and facred 
 promifes, truly meritorious of eternal life. 
 
 7. It is an article of the Catholic faith, that, in the mofl: holy 
 Sacrament of the Eucharift, there is truly and really contained 
 the body of Chrilt, which was delivered for us, and his blood 
 which was Ihed for the remiilion of fins: the fubftance of bread 
 and wine being, by the power of Chrift, changed into the fjb- 
 ftance of his blefled body and blood, the fpecies or appearances 
 of bread and wine ItiU remaining — But, 
 
 8. Chriil is not prefent in this facrament according to his 
 natural way of exigence, that is, with extenfion of parts, &c. 
 but in a fupernatural manner, one and the fame in many places, 
 his prefence therefore is real and fubdantial, but facramenui, 
 not expofed to the external fenfes, or obnoxious to corporal 
 contingencies. 
 
 9. Neither is the body of Chrift in this holy facrament 
 feparated from his blood, or his blood from his body, or either 
 of them difunited from his foul and divinity, but all and whole 
 living Jefus is entirely contj;ined under each fpecies ; fo that 
 whofoevcr receives under one kind is truly partaker of the 
 whole f*rament, and no wife deprived either of the body or 
 blood of Chiirt. True it is, 
 
 10. Our Saviour Jefus Chrift left unto us his body and blood 
 under two diftindl fpecies or kinds : in doing of which, he in- 
 
 iHtuteJ 
 
xxU APPENDIX. No. II. 
 
 flituted not only a facrament, but alfo a facrificc, a commcnio- 
 rative facrifice diftindly Hiewing his death and bloody jjaflion 
 until he come ; for as the facrifice of the Crofs was performed 
 by a diftin<fl effufion of blood, fo i< that facrifice commemorated 
 in that of the altar, by a diftinflion of the fymbols. Jefu$ 
 therefore is here given not only to us, but for us, and the 
 Church is thereby enriched with a true, pjoper, and propitia- 
 tory facrifice ufually termed the Mafs. 
 
 1 1 . CathoFtcs renounce all divine nvorjbip and adoration of 
 images or pidures. God alone <we tvorjhip and adore ; neverthc- 
 lefs we place pidures in Churches to reduce our wandering 
 thoughts, and enliven our memories towards heavenly things. 
 Further, we allow a certain honour to be ihewn to the images 
 ofChriftand his faints, beyond what is due to every profane 
 figure ; not that we believe any divinity or virtue to rcfide in 
 them, for which they ought to be honoured, but becaufe the 
 honour given to pidures is referred to the prototype or thing 
 reprefented. In like manner, 
 
 12. There is a kind of honour and refpeifl due to the Bible, 
 to the Crofs, to the name of Jefus, to Churche--, to the Sacra- 
 ments, he. as things peculiarly appertaining to God, alfo to 
 the glorious Saints in heaven, a* the friends of God, and to 
 Kings, Magiftrates, and Superiors on earth ; to whom honour 
 is due, honour may be given, without any derogation lo the 
 majefty of God, or that divine worfhip which is appropriate to 
 him. — Moreover, 
 
 13. Catholics believe that the blefled Saints in heaven, re- 
 plenifhed with charity, pray for us their fellow-members here 
 on earth ; that they rejoice at our convcrlion ; that, feeing God, 
 they lee and know him in all things fuitable to their happy ftats: 
 I»ut God may be inclined to hear their requelb made in our 
 behalf, and for their fakes may grant us manv favours ; there- 
 fore we believe it is good and profitable to defire their inter- 
 cellion ; and that this manner of invocation is no more injurious 
 to Chrilt our Mediator, than it is for one Chriftiar. to b-'g the 
 prayers of another in this world. Nocwithflanding which. 
 Catholics are not taught fo to rely on the prsyers of others, as 
 to neglc(5l their own duty to God ; in imploring his divine 
 mercy and goodnefs ; in mortifying the deeds of the ritfli ; in 
 defpiling the world ; in loving and ferving God and their neigh- 
 bour ; in following the footileps of Chrill our Lord, who is 
 the way, the truth, and the life, to when) be hunour aad 
 glory for ever and ever. Amen. 
 
No, IV. APPENDIX. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 Copy of tht Convention between the French Government and his 
 Hol'wefs the Pope Pius VII. 
 
 Rat;fi(d tJ.e '23d Fniclidor, Year 9, (10th September, 1801). 
 
 The Chief Conful of the French Republic, and his Holinefs 
 the Sovereign Pontiff, Pius the VII. have named as their re» 
 fpe<5live plenipotentiaries, 
 
 The Chief Conful, the Citizens Jofeph Bonaparte, Coun- 
 fellor of State; Cretet, Counfellor of State, and Bernier, 
 Dodor of Divinity, Curate of St. Laud d' Angers ; furnilhed 
 with full powers : 
 
 His Holinefs, his Eminence Monfeigneur Hercule Confalvi, 
 Cardinal of the Holy Roman Church, Deacon of St. Agathc 
 ad Suburram, his Secretary of State ; Jofeph Spina, Archbifhop 
 of Corinth, Domeftic Prelate to his Holinefs, Attendant on 
 the Pontifical Throne ; and Father Cafelli, his Holinefs's Ad- 
 vifer on points of Theology ; in like manner furnifhed with full 
 powers in due form : 
 
 Who, after exchanging their full powers, have concluded the 
 following Convention : 
 
 Convention between tht French Government and his Holinefs tht 
 Pope Pirn VII. 
 
 The Government of the Republic acknowledges that the 
 Catholic, Apoftolical, and Roman Religion, is the religion of 
 the great majority of French citizens. 
 
 His Holinefs, in like manner, acknowledges that this fame 
 religion has derived, and is likely to derive, the greateft benefit 
 and the greateft fplendour from the eftabhftimentof the Catholic 
 worfliip in France, and from its being openly profefTed by the 
 Confuls of the Republic. 
 
 This mutual acknowledgment being made, in confequence. as 
 well for the good of religion, as for the maintenance of inteiior 
 tranquillity, they have agreed as follows : 
 
 Article 1. The Catholic, Apoftolical, and Roman religion 
 fhall be freely exerclfed in France. Its fervice /hall be publicly 
 performed, conformably to the regulations of police which the g(n<ern- 
 meat Jhall judge neceffary for the public tranquillity. 
 
 K K H. 
 
xxiv APPENDIX. No. IV. 
 
 II. Tficre fliall be made by the Holy Sec, in concert with 
 the government, a new divifion of French dioccfcs. 
 
 III. His Holinefs (hall declare to the ti-ular French Bifiiops 
 ♦hat he exptc^s from them, with the firmed confidence, every 
 fcicrifice for the fake of peace and unity — even that of their fees. 
 
 After this exhortation, if they fliould refufe the facrificc 
 commanded for the good of the chnrch, (a refufal, neverthelef?, 
 which his Holinefs by no means exptiHs), the fees of the ncvj 
 iUv'ifmnJball be governed b\< bi/hops appointed as folloivs : 
 
 IV. Wtth'in three months after the publication of his Ho^wefs^s 
 bull, the Chief Conful Jhall prefent to the nrchbifhoprics and bijhop- 
 r'tcs of the neiv dtvifion. His Holinefs fh all confer canijnicalinjlitu- 
 ticn, according to the forms eflablifhed for France before the revo- 
 lution (avant le changement de government\ 
 
 V. The nomination to the bijhoprics ivhich become vacant in future 
 Jhall liietvife belong to the Chief Conful, and canonical inftiwtion 
 
 Ihall be adminiftered by the Holy See, conformably to the pre- 
 ceding article. 
 
 VI. The bifhops, before they enter upon their funflions, 
 fiiall take, before the Chief Conful, the oath of fidelity which 
 was in ufe before the revolution, exprefled in the following 
 words : 
 
 " I fwear and promife to God, upon the Holy Evangelifls, 
 to preferve obedience and fidelity to the government eftabliflied 
 by the conftitution of the French Republic. I likcwife promife 
 to carry on no corrcfpondence, to be prefent at no converfation, 
 to form no connexion, whether within the territories of the 
 Republic or without, which may. In any degree, difturb the 
 public tranquillity : and if, in my diocefe or elfewhere, I dif- 
 cover that any thing is going forward to the prejudice of the 
 flate, I will immediately communicate to government all the 
 information I ])ofltfs." 
 
 VII. Kcclefiaflics of the fccond order fiiall take the fame 
 oath before the civil authorities appointed by the government. 
 
 VIII. The following formula of prayer (hall be recited at 
 the end of divine fervice in all the Catholic churches of France. 
 
 Dominc, falvam he Rempublicam, 
 Domine, ialvos fac Confutes 
 
 IX. The bifhops fhall make a new divifion of the parifljes in 
 their dioccfes ; which, however, fliall not lake et?c<fl till after 
 it is ratitied by governinent. 
 
 X. '^J'he bifhops fliall have th? appointment of the parifh 
 
 ntielts. ^*'" 
 
 Their 
 
No. IV. APPENDIX. XXV 
 
 Their choice fhall no: fall but on perfons approved by go- 
 vernment. 
 
 XI. The bifhops may have a chapter in their cathedral, and 
 a feminary for the diocefe, without the government being obliged 
 to endow them. 
 
 XII. All the metropolitan, cathedral, parochial, and other 
 churches, which have not been alienated, necefTary to public 
 worfhip, (hall be placed at the difpofal of the bifhops. 
 
 XIII. His Holinefs, for the fake of peace and the happy 
 re-eftabliHiment of the Catholic religion, declares, that neither 
 he nor his fucceflbrs will difturb in any manner thofe who have 
 acquired the alienated property of the church ; and that in con- 
 fequence, that property, and every part of it, fiiall belong for 
 ever to them, their heirs and affigns. 
 
 XIV. The government fhall grant a fuitable falary to bifliops 
 and parifl) priefts, whofe dioceffs and parifhes are comprif^d in 
 the new divilion. 
 
 XV. Tl^.e government (hall likewife take meafures to enable 
 French Catholics, who are fo inclined, to difuofe of their pro- 
 perty for the fupport of religion. 
 
 XVI. His Holinefs recognifes in the Chief Conful of the 
 French Republic the fame rights and prerogatives in religious 
 matters which the ancient government enjoyed. 
 
 XVII. It is agreed between the contrading parties, that in 
 cafe any of the fuccefTors of the prefent Chief Conful (hould not 
 be a Roman Catholic, the rights and prerogatives mentioned in 
 the foregoing articles, as well as the nomination to the bifhops' 
 fees, fhall be regulated, with regard to him, by a new conven- 
 tion. 
 
 The ratification (liall be exchanged at Paris in the fpace of 
 forty days. 
 
 Done at Paris, the 26th MeiTidor, year 9 of the French 
 Republic. 
 
 (Signed) Joseph Bonapartf. 
 
 Hekcules, Cardinalis Confalvi. 
 Joseph, Archiep. Corinthi. 
 
 BtKNICR. 
 
 F. Carolus Caselli. 
 
 r. K 2 Note 
 
APPENDIX. Note A. 
 
 Note A. 
 
 " Some officers of the garrlfon urged Lord Lucan and Lord 
 Gallmoy, the commanders of the Irifli army, to break off the 
 treaty, alleging that they could now raife the ficgc. which would 
 give fuch fpirits to the Catholics, and fo deprefe the befiegers, 
 that they might yet recover Ireland ; and the more fo as they 
 were certain of more aid from France. What was the reply of 
 Lords Lwcan and Gallmoy ? They faid they conCdered them- 
 felvcs pledged in honour to deliver up Lin>crick and Ireland to 
 the Proteftants ; and they did fo, depending on their faith and 
 truth to prcferve inviolate the rights of the Catholics under 
 
 the articles." Mr. Keogb't Speech at the Catholic Meet'mgi 
 
 Oa. 3.1, 1792. 
 
 Note B. 
 
 A Letter from Dr. Butler, Titular Archhi/bop of CafheU fo 
 
 Lord KSNMARS. 
 
 Tliurlts, December 27, 17S('.. 
 
 My dear and honoured Lord, 
 
 1 am not a little impatient to impart to your Lordrtiip my 
 though'v.s on a late publication, entitled, '* The prejentflate of the 
 Church of Ireland." It is written by Dr. Woodward, BiHiop 
 cf Cloyne ; and, in the (hort fpice of twelve days, has already 
 pafll'd through four editions. Whoev;:r has feen the Addrefs 
 to the Nobility and Gentry of the Proleihn. Church, and reads 
 this Second Pamphlet, cannot but looic upon them as both de- 
 signed to undo all that has been done in favour of Roman 
 Catholics ; as they tend to undermine the primary title the 
 Roman Catholics had to the proteilion of government and the 
 confidence of their fellow-fubjeas. The unjuft and falfe Uric- 
 Hrfti his Lordfhip makes on the fincerity of the oaths of the 
 
 Roman 
 
Note B. APPENDIX. xxvu 
 
 Roman Catholic Bifliops, concur to effeft this in the minds of 
 fhofe who can or will be impofed on by what his Lordlhip fo 
 confidently a/Terts. For certainly, if the oaths of the Romao 
 Catholic Prelates can no more be depended on, all claim to a 
 legal exigence for us in the ftate ccafes. We are all defigoing 
 and moft dangerous enemies : like the viper in the fable, we only 
 fought the warmth of prote<Sion to gnaw the bofom which gave 
 the reviving heat. His Lordfliip, to eilablilh and enforce what 
 he advances with regard to our oaths, by fome new argument 
 which, from not having been ufed before, had never been blunted 
 by the ftiield of truth, brings forth a letter of a Monfignor 
 Glnl'mu Nuncio at Bruffels, ivrUten In the year 1768, from 
 amidft the dull of oblivion, where it would otherwife have, as it 
 deferved, remained till doomfday ; notwithftanding the moft 
 ftrangely mifapplied encomiums hejlomued on it by Dr. Bourke : 
 encomiums, which I know, from the letters the faid Nuneio 
 wrote to me, before 1 left the Continent, expreflive of his own 
 alarmed feelings, after cool reflexion, on the impropriety and 
 indifcretion of faid letter, he would have willingly fpared the 
 Dodor. Nothing, to be fure, but an enthuftnjiic partiality for 
 fchofajltc opinions, which Dr. Bourke, perhaps, had formerly, 
 when profelTor, defended, (zs/ome Ultromaiuanifts have done, 
 to their reproach and the difcredit of religion, with as much 
 warmth of debate as if thofe opinions had been acknowledged 
 Articles of Faith, which they were fupporting againd unbe- 
 lievers) can any way extenuate Dr. Bourke's imprudence, to 
 call it by no harfher name, in publiftiing fuch a letter. Tfar 
 Dodor (hould have refledled, that the opinions alluded to by 
 the Nuncio, however unnoticed they may be fufFered to pafs in 
 a country like Italy, where the Sovereign and all the fubje<a5 
 are of the Roman Catholic religion, they cannot be confidered 
 in the fame light in this kingdom, whereof the King and prin- 
 cipal fubjedts are proteftants, and two thirds, at leall, oi t!ie- 
 inhabitants are of our communion. Here fuch opinions, if 
 maintained, could not but be prejudicial, by alarming the Sov^e- 
 reign, and becoming a conftant fource of jealoufy and di/Tenfion 
 betwixt fellow-fubjefts. — This, I recal to mind, was what 1 
 alleged to Cardinal Marefufchi, who was, at the time the oath 
 waspropofed, our Cardinal Proteiaor, (that is, as your Lord&ip 
 knows, the Cardinal entrufted by his Holinefs with the /u/>er- 
 intendance of our ecclefiaftical affairs in Ireland), as a reaftm 
 why the Roman Catholic birtiops thought themfelves calJed 
 upon to declare, in the public manner they did, that they found 
 nothing in the teft of allegiance, held out by the legillature to 
 the R.man Catholics of Ireland, contrary to the principles of 
 
 ihc 
 
xxviii APPENDIX. Note B. 
 
 the Roman Catholic faith ; and, therefore^ that the opinions dtf- 
 clamed by that oath never made part of our creed. The Cardinal, 
 in his anfiuery cxprejfed the fuHeJl approbation of my fentimentt ; 
 luhich approlatiou oi his Eminence was afterwards confirmed ly 
 the Pope and the Congregation de Propaganda Fide, approving 
 alfo of the faid teft of allegiance ; of all which approbations I 
 have authentic 'vouchert by me ; the very letters written on the 
 occallon to and from the Sacred Congregation. I Ihewed thefe 
 letters to Loid Pery, when he was Speaker of the Houfe of 
 Commons, at bir Robert Staples's, and J fliewed him again, in 
 Dublin, another letter which I received from the fame Congre- 
 gation, two years after, exprefllve of their Eminencies' thanks 
 for my diligence in fulfilling what 1 owed to my flation and reli- 
 gion, fince the time 1 canie into the kingdom Now, my dear 
 Lord, I hope I may venture to fay, without riflcing the imputa- 
 tion of vanity or falfehood, that 1 was mofl particularly warm 
 and a<ftive in promoting the taking of the Tell Oath*, after 1 
 had publicly approved of it at the head of my Suffragans, in the 
 year 1775 ; an jera which 1 always called to mind with new felt 
 pleafure ; and confequently, the approbation of my conduct, 
 during all that time, was of itfelf, had 1 no other proofs of the 
 Congregation's having approved the Teit, tantamount to an ap- 
 probation. Lord Pery, when 1 fhewed him that letter of the 
 Congregation acknowledged it was ; fo did his Grace the 
 Primate, when I had the honour, on being introduced to him 
 by your Lordfhip, to mention it to him. 
 
 But that nothing might be wanting, in our power, to confign 
 the letter of the Nuncio to eternal oblivion, and that no one of 
 our people might be ever afre<5ted by it, We, (I mean the Ro- 
 man Catholic Prelates of Munfter) in a meeting we held at 
 Thutles, foon after the one near Cork, in 1775, pafTed our 
 decided cenfure upon the Hibernia Dominicana and its Supple- 
 ment : which cen'fure we, indeed, at firil, fignified only to our 
 clergy ; not thinking it prudent to make kriown to the people a 
 work of the (lamp of the Hibtrnia Dominicana ; which, from its 
 Icing written in Latin, and bearing a title which was not likely 
 to attract the attention of thofe who underllood that language, 
 would, as I Lid before, in all probability have remained for 
 over unknown to them. Our cenlure was well known at Rome, 
 without being conildered there, in tlie fmallefl dcgice, obnoxious 
 to the Holy See. The original, fubfcribed to by the biihops, 
 J providentially kept by me ; not knowing bat the time might 
 coiue, when fume one or other would, through ignorance or 
 falfe zeal, profit of a difcovery of the Nuncio's letter, and 
 *ji!;ike i:!e of it as a proper weapon to give what he mi^ht think 
 
 the 
 
Note B. APPENDIX. xxix 
 
 the deadly blow to all our fond hopes of proteflion and con^ 
 fidence from government and our feilow-fubjec^s. My appre- 
 henfion of fuch an event, your Lordfhip fees, by Dr. Wood- 
 ward's work, was not groundlefs. At the fame time, had I 
 not fuch a formal and avowed condemnation to produce, the 
 letters from the Sacred Congregation and the Roman Catholic 
 Bifhops of the whole kingdom after the mofl mature deliberation, 
 approving the Teft, whereby they folemnly declared, in the 
 face of the whole world, their difbelief and abhorrence of the 
 opinions alluded to by the Nuncio, was more than fufficient to 
 obviate the ill-grounded infinuations his Loidfliip of Cloyne has 
 held forth. 
 
 As a public and formal anfwer will, I hope, be given to his 
 Lordfhip of Cloyne's Striflures, I'll leave to the writer thereof 
 i(that I may not fpin out this letter to an unneceffiiry length) to 
 enlarge more fully on what I here only n<etch out. For a 
 public anfwer mult be given. The confcioufnefs of our tuviolahle 
 attachment to our oaths of allegiance ; our lively fenfe of what 
 we owe to our facred characters ; our Jinceri wifh to promote 
 and preferve that long defired mutual confidence, which had 
 happily begun to warm and link in fecial union the minds or 
 perfons of different perfuafions, call on us to repel, in the mod 
 earneft and public manner, any attempt to undermine,, what 
 cannot but be moft precious to us. 
 
 The author of the public reply to his Lordfhip's ftrlcftures 
 'will not fail, I am confident, to paint in the molt pathetic 
 •manner what our feelings mud be, on feeing ourfelves traduced 
 as we .are to the public ; and that by the very Bishop to the 
 neighbourhood of whofe diocefs 1 and my Suffragans, the Ro- 
 man Catholic Prelates of Munfter, had fpeedily repaired, to 
 ■oppofe, as far as in us lay, with our united efforts, in the morn- 
 ing of thefe troubles, the unwarrantable attempts made againlt 
 ecclefiaftical authority. His Lordfliipmay be alfo more clearly 
 informed by him of the nature of a Nuncio's commiffion, wirli 
 regard to the Roman Catholics of this kingdom : his Lordlhip 
 Vj'xW find It quite different from what he reprefents it; and that 
 ib far are a Numcio's fentiments from being looked upon as 
 decifions of the Church, that Roman Catholic Bifliops have 
 diffented, and may di/Tent from the Roman Legate, without 
 apprehenfion of guilt in all that does not affect the eftabiifhed 
 principles of faith and chriftian morality. In the letter alluded 
 to, your Lordfhip cannot but have obferved, the Nuncio give'; 
 only his oivn nations ; which, ftrange as they appear, can be 
 cafily accounted for, in one, who being educated in the PopeV. 
 dominions, and being his public AmbafTador, may, from to<i 
 
XXX APPENDIX. Note B- 
 
 warm a defire of aggrandizing the temporal power of his 
 Sovereign, extend too far the prerogatives of his fpiritual jurif- 
 didion. 
 
 As to the oath taken by the Roman Catholic Bifhops at 
 their conftcration, and printed in the Roman Pontifical, which 
 Dr, Woodward brings forth as an auxiliary proof how little 
 our oaihs of allegiance ai e to be depended on, 1 fhall juft ob- 
 fcrve, that his Lordlhip has entirely mifconceived both the 
 inttntion and words of the oath. A little refle<flion would 
 have made his Lordlhip fenfible, that faid oath is by no meani 
 inconjijlent with the fubjed's allegiance to his Prince; that Sove- 
 reigns as jealous and tenacious of their rights as Sovereigns 
 can be, permit faid oath to be taken by the Roman Catholic 
 liifliops in their dominions : which they evidently never would 
 confent lo, but would, on the contrary, ftrenuoufly oppofe, if 
 they could think it infringed in the leaft on their rights, or 
 paved the way to papal eniroachments. It is well known this 
 very oath, of which Dr. Woodward fpeaks, is uken by all the 
 Bifliops confecrated in France, Germany, Spain, and in al! 
 the different kingdoms and republics on the continent — The 
 Bifhops of the republic of Venice all take it. Fra. Paoli him- 
 felf, in his warm Defence of the Rights of the Venetian Re- 
 public againft the claims of the Court of Rome, (a work Dr. 
 Voodward cannot be a ftranger to), never points out to that 
 jealous Senate the oaths taken by Roman Catholic Bifhops at 
 their confecration, as affording a ground to fufpt^ their fealty 
 to the ftatc. This oath was even taken in Holland, under the 
 eyes of the States themfelvej, by the Pope's Vicar Apoflolic for 
 that country, who mufl generally be a Bifhop, and confequently 
 conform to the Rubrics of the Pontifical, which he does with- 
 out becoming obnoxious to the Dutch. The King of Pni/fia 
 apprehends no danger from it to his dominions, though he 
 knows full well the Bifhops of Silefia, of whofe loyal fenti- 
 ments he is more particularly intcref^cd in being fecure. take 
 alfo faid oath at their conftcration. Nay, the King of Grtat 
 Britain, our moll gracious Sovereign, whom may the Almighty 
 long prcfeivc, is no way alarmed at having a Roman Catholic 
 Bifiiup in Canada ; being fully afTured that a Roman Catholic 
 Bifhop in Canada will be as earneit to oppofe all papal encioath- 
 ments as his confreres in England were in oppofing, (according 
 even to his Lordfhip of Cloyne's acknowledgment, p. 48) in 
 the earlier days of the Britilh empire, thofe of the Sovereign 
 l^orttiffs. Fur every difcerning perfon cannot but know, on the 
 Itall refle<f>ion, that none of us, to make ufc of the very words 
 of the gicai B'Juety Bijhop of MeatiXy ever engage ourfelvts by 
 
 this 
 
Note B. APPENDIX. xxxi 
 
 this oath to any thing that is contrary to our confcience, or the 
 fervice of our King and country : far from thinking we pre- 
 judice any of thefe, it is even exprefTed in the oath, that we take 
 it without prejudice to our ftnte, faho meo orcline. The fub- 
 miflion which is fworn to the Pope in fpirituals, is of a different 
 order from what we naturally owe our Prince in temporals, and 
 without protefting, we have always well underftood, that one 
 does not interfere with the other. — So far that learned and 
 judicious Prelate. 
 
 Your Lordfhip will find thefe very words of Bofluet, in the 
 beginning of the firil chapter of the 7th book of the Variations : 
 — they clearly account for faid oath's being fo univerfally taken 
 by all the Roman Catholic Bidiops in both Catholic and Protef- 
 tant ftates. The SALVO MEO ORDINE removes all fear 
 of the oath's injuring the allegiance due to other Princes. The 
 oath itfelf, at the beginning, was only taken by the Bifhops of 
 the Pope's ecclefiaftical territories, who from being fufajefts of 
 the Pope, as a temporal Sovereign, fwear fealty to him both in 
 fpirituals and temporals, which is not the cafe with Bifhops, 
 who do not belong to the Pope's dominions ; and hence, when 
 a defire of conformity with the Bifhops that are immediately 
 fubjeft to the Pope, made it, by degrees, cuttomary for the 
 Roman Catholic Bifliops throughout the whole world to take 
 the faid oath at their confecration, they all took care to profefs 
 plainly and publicly, by the claufe SALVO MEO ORDINE, 
 that they did not bind themfelves down to any thing in faid 
 oath, but in as far as it was compatible with the fituation of 
 every Bifhop under their refpeftive Sovereigns, and the duty he 
 efTentially owes to them. The oath is almoft of 800 years date; 
 time, furely, fufficient for every Sovereign to know the mean- 
 ing of it. 
 
 The words of the oath, Hereticos perfequar et impugnaio, 
 which his Lordfhip of Cloyne reprefents as/o alarming to the 
 Proteflant intereft, far from meaning what his Lordfhip feems 
 to think, imply nothing more than the obligation every Bifhop 
 takes upon himfelf, to be ever earned in oppofing and refuting, 
 by the fpiritual weapons of the gofpel, all broachers of dodrines 
 contrary to its principles. 
 
 Thefe, my dear Lord, are the thoughts which occurred to 
 me on reading that part of Dr. Woodward's work, which 
 attacks the confcientious fincerity of Roman Catholic Bifhops. 
 Thoughts, which I was mofl anxious to communicate to a 
 Nobleman of my own religion, whofe zealous and fuccefsful 
 exertions in fupprefTing the difturbances in the county of Kerry, 
 have met with the deferyed applaufe of government and of the 
 I L Clergy 
 
xxxii APPENDIX. . NoteC. 
 
 Clergy of both communions. On that account, I look up to 
 your Lordfhip as the bed entitled to avail yourfelf, with every 
 advantage, of the faifls I have mentioned, in order to prevent 
 or efface the very unfavourable impreflions Dr. Woodward's 
 ftri(ftures on us may make, or have made, on the public, by mif- 
 reprefenting the Nuncio's letter as a decifion of our Church, 
 and the oath Bifliops take at their confccration, as incompatible 
 with our allegiance. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 
 
 With the fincereft attachment and efteem, 
 My Dear Lord, 
 
 Your Lordfliip's moft obedient Servant, 
 And affedionatc Kinfman, 
 
 JAMES BUTLER. 
 
 Note C. 
 
 Befides the various inftances which have been ftated of the 
 difpofition of the Proteftants in various parts of Ireland to atfl 
 with liberality towards the Catholics, the following have oc- 
 curred within the lalt twelve months — Refolutions have been 
 publifhed by the Grand Juries of the counties of Kilkenny 
 and Galway in favour of emancipation — The Proteftant in- 
 habitants of Newry, at a public meeting convened by the 
 Senefchal, agreed to a declaration expreffing their wiAi to have 
 every thing conceded to them, provided they would confent 
 to permit the King to nominate their Bifhops. — The principal 
 Nobility and Gentry of the counties of Tipperary, Meath, and 
 Waterford, have publifhed declarations of their fentimcnts in 
 favour of emancipation. — At general meetings of the Free- 
 holders of the counties of Galway, Rofcommon, and Sligo, 
 unanimous refolutions have been agreed to, approving of that 
 meafure. — Thirty Orange Lodges in the North of Ireland 
 publiflied an expofiiion of their principles lafl July, wherein 
 they ftated that the objeft of their inftitution was to refiil 
 republicanifm, and not religious confiderations. — Thty like- 
 wife declared their Inieniion not again to celebrate the Battle 
 of the Boyne. 
 
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