THE ABORIG-INAL RACES OF NORTH AMERICA; COMPRISING BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF EMINENT INDIVIDUALS, AND AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE DIFFERENT TRIBES, FROM THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE CONTINENT TO THE PKESENT PERIOD WITH A DISSERTATION ON THEIR (Origin, Jtettqmtira, Manners nnb Customs, ILLUSTRATIVE NARRATIVES AND ANECDOTES, AND A COPIOUS ANALYTICAL INDEX BY SAMUEL G. DRAKE. FIFTEENTH EDITION, REVISED, WITH VALUABLE ADDITIONS, BY J. W. O'NEILL. toitj Itawtts Cotafc jzfil-plate npbings. They waste us; ay, like the April snow In the warm noon we shrink away; And fast they follow as we go Toward the setting day; Till they shall fill the land, and we Are driven into the western sea. BRYANT. PHILADELPHIA : CHARLES DESILVER, No. 714 CHESTNUT STREET. 1860. Entered, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1859, by CHARLES DESILVER, in the Clerk's Office of the Distrifct Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. PRINTED BY SMITH & PETERS, Franklin Buildings. Sixth Street, below Arch. Philadelphia, 507? THE history of the aboriginal races of the American Continent is an interesting study, not only to the people of this Union, but also to those of other lands, who regard them as the congeners of the nomadic hordes, which in times long past swarmed over the plains of now civilized Europe. In many respects there is a very close resemblance between the characters and final fate of all the primitive tribes and nations of the world their mode of government, habits, customs, &c., being somewhat similar and their recession before the onward march of civilization, as well as their final absorption or disappearance, following an inexorable natural law, which decrees the submission of the animal to intellectual development. Prom the study of past events alon-e can an opinion be formed of the causes which gave origin to them, and for this reason should every American citizen, who desires to understand the true history of his country, peruse with attention the records of the former owners of that soil, which ere long will no more give sustenance to any of their descendants. No ordinary task is it for the faithful chronicler to trace the history of a people who have no written annals, and no written language; whose only records are of a pictographic character ; and whose traditions are so vague and unconnected as to be very unreliable. Such are the difficulties he has to encounter anterior to the discovery of America by Columbus; and even subsequent to that period, owing to the unsettled condition of the country until within the last half century, years of research and comparison are rendered necessary in order to reconcile conflicting statements, and unravel the tangled web of confused narra tives. Believing, however, that the end to be attained, that of giving to the world a reliable history of the Indians of the North American 4 PREFACE. Continent was one which justified the author in making any sacrifice of time and labor in its accomplishment, he, for many years, toiled unremittingly to accomplish this purpose ; sparing neither trouble nor expense in the collection of facts and their sectional arrangement. Whether he has succeeded in accordance with his hopes he does not pretend to say; leaving to the judgment of the intelligent reader the decision of the question, after a thorough and attentive perusal of the work. The Indian has been traced through all his misfortunes, wanderings, and forced transmigrations, to his present home on the western shores of the Mississippi, where there is every prospect of his speedy absorp tion in the Anglo-Saxon current which is so steadily flowing toward the setting sun ; and the last remnant of the race will soon in spirit, if not in words, echo the language of a poetic writer, who thus portrays the sole survivor as apostrophizing the Deity : "Where is my home my forest home? the proud land of my sires? Where stands the wigwam of my pride ? where gleam the council fires ? Where are my fathers' hallowed graves? my friends so light and free? Gone, gone, forever from my view! Great Spirit! can it be?" CONTENTS. AN ALPHABETICAL ENUMERATION OF THE INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS, 9 BOOK I. ORIGIN, ANTIQUITIES, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, &c., OF THE AMERICAN IN DIANS. CHAP. t. Origin of the name Indian Why applied to the people found in America Ancient author supposed to have referred to America in tliei writings Theopompus Voyage of Hanno Di odorus Sieuluj Plato Aristotle Seneca, .19 CHAP. II. Modern theorists upon the first peo pling of America, 2S CHAP. I[I. Anecdotes and Narratives, illustra tive of the Manners, Customs, Traditions, and Antiquities of the Indians, 34 CHAP. IV. American antiquities Few Indian antiquities Of mounds and their contents Account of those in Cincinnati In the Miami country Works supposed to have been huilt for defences or fortifications Some at Piqua Near Hamilton Milford Deerfield Six miles above Lebanon On Paint Creek At Marietta At Circleville Their age uncertain Works on Licking River Ancient excavations or wells near Newark Various other works, 55 BOOK II. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN OR NEW ENGLAND IN DIANS. CHAP. I. Conduct of the early voyagers towards the Indians Some account of the individuals, 67 CHAP. II. Arrival and first proceedings of the English who settle at Plimouth Their first discovery of Indians Their first battle with them Samoset Squanto Massasoit and others, 75 CHAP. III. Some account of the Massachusetts Indians Geography of their country Its chiefs Chikataubut Wampatuck His war with the Mohawks, 106 CHAP. IV. Of the great nation of the Narragan- setts Geography of their country Canonicus Miantunnoinoh His relations Aids the Eng lish in destroying the Pequots Sells Rhode Island His difficulties with the English Vis its Boston His maznanimity and independence His capture and death Circumstances of his execution Participation of the whites therein Impartial view of that affair Traditions Ninigret Mexam Cuttaquin Ascassassotk-k Ninijret Present condition of his descend ants Pessacus Killed by the Mohawks,. ..117 CHAP. V. Uncas His character Connections Geography of the Mohegan country Pequots Uncas Visits Boston His speech to Gov ernor Winthrop Specimen of the Mohegan language Minor chiefs, 149 CHAP. VI. Of the Pequot nation Geography of their country Sassacus, their first chief, known to the English War The cause of it, 165 CHAP. VII. Of the Praying or Christian Indians in New England Labors of John Eliot Wan- ban the first Christian sagamore Indian laws Uncas protests against the attempt to convert his people Ninigret refuses to receive mission aries The Indian Bible Wattassacomponuin Hiacoomes Miohqsoo Occum, 175 BOOK III. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NEW ENGLAND INDIANS, CONTINUED. CHAP. I. Wampanoag chiefs Alexander Events which led to the war with Philip Ninigret Death of Alexander Sassamon, 187 1* CHAP. II. Life of King Philip His real name The name of his wife Makes fiequent sales of his lands Account of them His first treaty at Plimoutb Expedition to Nantucket Events of 1671 Begins the war of 1675 First acts of hostility Fights the English under Mosely The great Fight at Narraganset Flies his country Visits the Mohawks Ill-devised stratagem Events of 1676 Is hunted by Cap tain Church Akkompoin His wife and son fall into the hands of Church Flies to Po- kanoket Is surprised and slain Specimen of the Wampanoag Language, 197 CHAP. III. Lives OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAP TAINS Nanuntenoo Reasons for his aiding Philip His former name Meets the English and Indians under Captain Peirse Fights and destroys his whole company at Paw tucket Surprised and taken His magnanimity Speech to his captors Is executed and his body burnt Cassassinnamon Catapazet Mono- poide Annawou is put to death Quinnapin His connections and marriage At the cap ture of Lancaster Account of his wives Wetamoo He is taken and shot Tuspaquin His operations in Philip's war Surrenders himself, and is put to death Tatoson Captures a garrison in Plimouth Tyasks Other chiefs and incidents, 230 CHAP. IV. Chief women conspicuous in Philip's war Magnus Her country and relations Her capture and death Awashonks Her men dis armed Philip endeavors to engage her against the English Is finally in the power of Philip Reclaimed by Church Some particulars of her family, 248 CHAP. V. A further account of chiefs conspicu ous it) Philip's war Pumham Taken and slain His son Quaqualh Chickon Socononoco Pptock Complaint against Wildbow Delivers himself up Put to death Stone-wall-Jolm A great captain His men greatly annoy the English army in Narraganset Kills several of them They burn a garrison, and kill fifteen persons A traffic in Indian prisoners The burning of Rehoboth and Providence John'* discourse with Roger Williams Is killed Sagamore John Fate of Mntoonas Put to death on Boston Common His son hanged for murder Monoco David Andrew Jamcs- the-printer Old Jetliero Sagamore-Sam Visited by Eliot in 165:3 Anecdote Peter Jc- thero, 257 CHAP. VI. Friendly Indians Captain Amoa Escapes the slaughter at Pawtucket Com mands a company in the eastern war Captain Lightfoot His services in Philip's war In the eastern war Kettenanit Quannapohit Mau- tamp Monoco Nepanet Employed to treat with the enemy Brings letters from them Effects an exchange of prisoners Peter Con- way Peter Ephraim,, 269 !HAP. VII. Of the Indians in New Hampshire and Maine previous to their wars with the whites Dominions of the bashaba Perishes in war Passaconaway His dominions His last speech to his people Petitions the court of Massachusetts Lands allotted to him English sends a force to disarm him Their fears of his enmity unfounded They seize and ill treat his son He escapes Traditions concerning him- Wannalancet His situation in Philip's war Messengers and letters sent him by the English He again retires into the wilderness Mosely destroys his village Imprisoned for debt Fa vors Christianity A speech Wehanownowit, sachem of New Hampshire Robinhood Hi* sales of land in Maine Monquine Kennebis Assiminasqua Abbigadasnet Their residen ces and sales of land Melancholy fate of Chocorua, 277 HAP. VIII. Squando sachem of Saco Attacks CONTENTS. the jwnof Saco Singular account of him by a contemporary The ill treatment of his wife a cause of war His humanity in restoring a cap tive Madokawando Causes of his hostility Assiminasqua His speech Speech of Tarum- tin Mugg Is carried to Boston to execute a treaty Is Madokawando's ambassador Re lease of Thomas Cobbet Madokawando's kind ness to prisoners Moxus attacks Wells and is beaten off Attacked the next year by the In dians under Madokawaudo and a company of Frenchmen Are repulsed with great loss In cidents of the siege Mons. Castiens A further account of Moxus Wanungonet Assacambuit Further account of Mugg His death Sy- mon, Andrew, Jeoffrey, Peter, and Joseph Ac count of their depredations Life of Kankama- gus Treated with neglect Flies his country Becomes an enemy Surprise of Dover and murder of Major Waldron Masandowet Wo- rombo His fort captured by Church Kankani- agus's wife and children taken Hopehood Conspicuous in the massacre at Salmon Falls His death Mattahando Megunneway,... .286 C/HAP. IX. Bomazeen Treachery of the whites towards him Is imprisoned at Boston Saves the life of a female captive Captures Saco Is killed Arruhawikwabemt His capture and death Egeremet Seized at Pemmaquid Bar barously murdered Treachery of Chubb Its requital Captain Tom Surprises Hampton Dony His fort captured by Colonel Church Events of Church's expedition -Captain Simmo Treats with the English at Casco His speech Wattanummon Captain Samuel His fight at Damaris Cove Hegan One of the name bar barously destroyed by the whites Mogg Westbrook burns Nerigwok Some account of the Jesuit Rasle Moulton's expedition to Ner igwok Death of Mogg Death of Father Rasle Notice ofMoulton Charlevoix's account of this affair Paugus Bounty offered for Indian scalps Captain John Lovewell's first expedi tion His second hunt for Indians Falls in with Paugus Fights him and is slain Incidents Songs composed on the event, 303 JHAP. X. The St. Francis Indians Rogers's ex pedition against them Philip Sabatis Ar nold's expedition Natanis The modern Pe- nobscots Aitteon Neptune Capt. Francis Susup murders an Englishman Specimen of the Penobscot language Rowles His prophecy Blind Will Killed by the Mohawks Assacam buit Visits France and is knighted by the king Attacks and burns Haverhill His death,. 318 CHAP. XI. Destruction of Deerfield, and captiv ity of Reverend John Williams and family, in 1704, 325 CHAP. XII. Various incidents in the history ot the New England Indians, embracing several important events, with a sequel to some pre vious memoirs, -328 BOOK IV. BIOGRAPHY AND BISTORT OF THE SOUTHERN INDIANS. CHAP. 1. Preliminary observations respecting the country of the southern Indians Wingina, the first Virginia chief known to the English De stroys the first colony settled there Menatonon Skiko Ensenore Second colony abandons the country Tobacco first carried to England Granganemeo His kindnesses His family His death Powhatan Boundaries of his coun trySurprises the Payankatanks Captain Smith fights his people Opekankanough takes Smith prisoner Takes him to Powhatan, who condemns him to be put to death Smith's life saved at the intercession of Pocahontas Inso lence of Powhatan increased by Newport's folly Smith brings him to terms A crown sent over to Powhatan from England Is crowned em peror Speech Uses stratagems to kill Smith Is baffled in every attempt Smith visits him -Speeches Pocahontas again saves Smith and his comrades from being murdered by her father Tomocomo 343 CHAP. II. Reflection upon the character of Pow hatan Pocahontas She singularly entertains Captain Smith Disaster of a boat's crew Smith's attempt to surprise Powhatan frus trated in consequence Pocahontas saves the life of Wyffin Betrayed into the hands of the English Japazaws Mr. Rolfe marries Poca- hontae Opachisco Pocahontas visits England Her interview with Smith Dies at Gravesend Her son Opekankanough Made prisoner by Smith Is set at liberty Conducts the mas sacre of 1622 Plots the extirpation of the English Conducts the horrid massacre of 1644 Is taken prisoner His conduct upon the oc casion Barbarously wounded by the guard Last speech, and magnanimity in death Re flections Nickotawance Totopotomoi Joins the English against the Rechahecrians Is de feated and slain,. 355 CHAP. III. Of the Creek Indians Muskogees Prohibit the use of ardent spirits Their rise and importance Their origin Catawhas Chikasaus Cherokees A mode of flattening their heads Complexion lighter than other Indians Seminoles Ruins at Oakmulgee Fields Expedition of Soto He kills 2000 In dians Laudonniere Gourges' expedition Grijalva Moytoy made emperor of the Cher okees Sir Alexander Cumming His travels among the Cherokees Seven chiefs accompany him to England Attakullakulla Skijagustah His speech to the king His death, 363 CHAP. IV. Settlement of Carolina and Georgia Tomochichi receives the English Goes to England with General Oglethorpe Makes a speech to the king His death War with the Spaniards Outacitie Malachty Attakulla kulla Indians murdered Attakullakulla pre vents retaliation upon whites in his power Cherokee war begins Governor Littleton's expedition Imprisons their Ambassadors They are massacred Colonel Montgomery sent against them Battle near Keowee Chero kees take Fort London Siloue Saves the life of Colonel Byrd Colonel Grant subdues the Cherokees, and they make peace with the Whites Chlucco, 369 CHAP. V. Moncachtape, the Yazoo Narrative of his adventures to the Pacific Ocean Grand sun, chief of the Natchez Receives great in justice from the French Concerts their de struction 700 French are cut off War with them The Natchez destroyed in their turn Great-Mortar M'Gillivray His birth and edu cation Visits New York Troubles of his na tion His death Tame-king Mad-dog, ...380 CHAP. VI. Weatherford His character and country The corner-stone of the Creek confed eracyFavors the designs of Tecumseh Cap tures Fort Mimtns Dreadful massacre Sub jection of the Creeks Weatherford surrenders himself His speeches M'Intosh Aids the Americans Battle of Autossee Great slaugh ter of the Indians Battle of the Horse-shoe- bend Late troubles in the Creek nation M'Intosh makes illegal sale of lands Exe cuted for breaking the laws of his country Menawway Tustenugge Hawkins Chilly M'Intosh, son of William Marriage of his sis ter Lovett, 388 CHAP. VII. Creek war continued View of the Creek country General Jackson ordered out against them Relieves Chinnaby Shrlokta Path-killer Capture of Littafutche The Tal- lushatches destroyed by General Coffee Battle of Talladega Anecriote Massacre of the Hallibees Further account of Autossee battle Battle of Camp Defiance Timpoochie Battle of Eckanakaka Pushnmata Weath erford Jim Fife Battle of Emukfau A sec ond battle Fife's intrepidity Battle of Enoto- chopko Tohopeka End of the Creek war CONTENTS. Death ofthroe Prophets Monohoe M'Qunen Colbert, alias Piomingo His exploits Anec dote Murder of John Morris Mushalatubee Pushamata Speech of Mushalatubee and of Pusharmita to Lafayette at Washington Pu- shamata dies there Hillishago visits England Excites the Seminoles to war A modern Pocahontas Hornotlimed Massacres a boat's crew in Apalachicola River Is captured with Hillishago, and hanged Nearaathla Removal of the Florida Indians Their wretched condi tion M'Uueen Rich in lands and slaves Flies to Florida, and loses his effects, 394 CHAP. VIII. Grounds of the Seminole war Circumstances of those Indians misunderstood Unjustness of the war Neamathla deposed Treaties Of Moultrie Creek Payne's Land ing Council at Camp King Is broken up by Osceola It is renewed, and a party agrees to emigrate Osceola's opposition Is seized and put in irons Feigns a submission, and is re leased Executes an agreement to comply with the demands of the whites The physical con dition of the Indians, 410 CHAP. IX. The Indians prepare for war Affair of Hogtown A mail carrier killed Sales of the Indians' cattle and horses advertised by the Indian agent, but none takes place Burnings and murders are committed Settlement at New River destroyed Remarkable preserva tion of a Mr. Godfrey's family Colunel War ren's defeat Swamp fight Destruction of New Smyrna Defeat and death of Major Dade, with the destruction of nearly his whole party Visit to his battle-ground, 414 CHAP. X. Of the principal chiefs and war lead ers of the Seminoles Osceola Micanopy Jumper Massacre of General Thompson and others at Fort King Battle of the Ouithle- coochee Fight near Wetumka Great distress of the country Action of Congress upon it Battle at Musqaito Many Greeks join the Semjnoles Fight on the Suanee River,. ...420 OHAP. XI. Congress makes an appropriation for carrying on the war Remarks in the Senate of the United States on the war with the Semi noles Debate in the House of Representatives on the bill for the relief of the inhabitants of Florida Attack on some Creeks at Bryant's Ferry General Gaines's campaign in Florida Fights the Indians on the Ouithlecoochee His conference with Osceola Resigns his com mand, and leaves the country Captain Alli son's skirmish The chief Ouchee Billy killed Siege of Catnp McLcmore Great sufferings of its garrison Delivered by Captain Read The chief Mad Wolf slain, 426 CHAP. XII. Creek War Murders and devasta tions begin Eleven persons killed near Colum bus Mail routes in possession of the Indians A steamboat attacked and men killed Chiefs of the war parties Mail stages destroyed The town of Roanoke burnt Colonel Lindsay's Florida affair Excessive dismay of the people of Georgia Murder of families Fight on the Chattahoochie Capture of Jim Henry and Ne amathla Account of the chiefs Surrender of the Indians, 433 CHAP. XIII. History of the expatriation of the Cherokee*, 437 CHAP. XIV. Expatriation of the Cherokees, con tinued 443 CHAP. XV. History of the Chcrokees, contin ued, 449 CHAP. XVI. History of the Cherokees, conclud ed, 454 CHAP. XVII. The Seminole war resumed Further account of the causes of the war Nu merous casea of gross imposition Bad conduct of government officers A new treaty of remo val urged A deputation visits the west Their report Another treaty Speeches 01 the chiefs Examination of the policy of tne government relative to a removal of the Indians Character of borderers Review of the manner treaties of suit were procured The president angry at the Indians' presumption Barbarous treatment of three Mickasuukies, 461 CHAP. XVIII. Carrying the events of t* war to the close of the year 1830 Review of early diffi culties The Hogtown murder The insult to Osceola Micanopy King Payno General Clinch's expedition Gen. Scott attacked Massacre at Charlotte Harbor Fort Micanopy besieged Death of officers Lighthouse affair Battle of Welika Creeks and Cherokee affairs Indians surprised Murders Battle of San Felasco Col. Lane's expedition His melancholy death Gov. Call in command Battles of the Wahoo Swamp Gen. Jesup resumes command His expedition to the Wa hoo, 470 CHAP. XIX. Events of the war during the year 1837 Expedition to Ahapopka Osuchee killed Jesup parleys with the chiefs Col. Hender son's expedition Battle of Lake Monroe Treaty of Fort Dade Unobserved Osceola at Fort Mellon Numbers of the Seminoles Sudden abduction of emigrants Jesup requests to be relieved from command Western Indians applied to Gen. Hernandez's expedition Cap ture of King Philip Surprise of the Uchees Surrender of chiefs Mediation of Ross Cap ture of Osceola and others View of the affair Wild Cat's escape Battle of Okechobee, 477 CHAP. XX. Embracing the events of 1838 and 1839 Battle of Wacasa Swamp Defeat of Lieut. Powell Battle of Lucha Hatcha Gen. Jesup wounded Death of Osceola His char acter Gen. Jesup desires to give up the war, and allow the Indians to live in Florida Not allowed by the government His talk with Tos- kegee Indians seized at Fort Jupiter Gen. Jesup leaves Florida Death of Philip and Jumper Capt. Ellis's exploit Indians surprise Capt. Beall Families murdered Crews of vessels murdered Death of Mushalatubee Camp Forbes attacked Numerous murders Capt. Russell and Maj. Noel killed Capt. Rowell defeated Gen. Macomb takes command in Florida Endeavors to make a treaty Lieut. Hulbert killed Reward for Indians Massacre at Colooshatchie Indians surprised at Fort Mellon Murders on the Waculla Blood hounds to be employed against the Seminoles Depredations continue, 484 OHAP. XXI. Events of the year 1840 A train of wagons taken Lieut. Whedan killed Dog exploits Families destroyed Defeat of Capt. Rains Lieut. Sanderson's defeat Col. Riley's exploit Col. Green's Col. Harney's A com pany of players attacked Cow Creek skirmish Indian Key destroyed Lieut. Arthur's ex ploit Eleven families destroyed Capt. Beall's fight Lieut. Hanson's battle Indian hanged Pacification attempted through a deputation of Seminoles from Arkansas It fails Whites taken in aiding Indians Wild Cat's exploit Sad accident Lieut. Judd ambushed Fort Hanson burnt Col. Harney's voyage to the Everglades Hangs nine Indians The chief Chiakika killed Fort Walker attacked Capt. Davidson dies Lieut. Sherwood's ambush, and death of Mrs. Montgomery, 491 BOOK V. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE IRO- QUOIS OR FIVE NATIONS, AND OTHEB NEIGHBORING TRIBES OF THE WEST. CHAP. I. Particulars in the history of the Iro- quois or Five Nations Extent of their domin ions Antiquities and traditions Destroy the Eries War with the Adirondaks Specimen of their language Account of the chiefs Grangula Black-kettle His bloody wars with the French Adario His singular stratagem to unite his countrymen against the French De stroys Montreal and near a thousand inhabitants Dies in peace with the French Deknnisora a renowned orator Peiskarct The miraculous 8 CONTENTS. stories concerning him History of the journey of live Iroquois chiefs to England, 499 CHAP II. Tamany, a famoiu ancient Delaware His history Shikellimus Favon the Mora vian Brethren His reception of Count Zinzin- dorf His death Canassatego Visits Phila delphia His speech to the fielawares Anec dotes of him Glikhikan His speech to Half- king His attachment to the Christian Indians Meets with much trouble from Captain Pipe Conduct of Half-king Of Pipe Glikhikan per ishes in the massacre at Gnadenhuetten Pa- kanke His history Netawatwees Becomes a Christian His speech to Pakanke His deutli Paxnous Tadeuskund His history and death White-eyes His transactions with the mis sionaries Skenando His celebrated speech Curious anecdote of him His death, 512 CHAP. III. Washington's embassy to the French on the Ohio Battle near Great Meadows, and death of Jumonville Chiefs met with by Washington Shingis Monacatoocha Half- king Juskakaka White-thunder Alliquipa Capt. Jacobs Hendrick His history Cu rious anecdote of Logan Cresap's war Bat tle of Point Pleasant Logan's famous speech Cornstalk His history Red-hawk Ellin ip- sico The barbarous murder of these three Melancholy death of Logan Pontiac A re nowned warrior Colonel Roger's account of him His policy Fall of Michilimakinak Me- nehwehna Siege of Detroit Pontiac's strata gem to surprise it Is discovered Official ac count of the affair at Bloody Bridge Pontiac abandons the siege Becomes the friend of the English Is assassinated, 530 CHAP. IV. Capt. Pipe Situation of affairs on the frontiers at the period of the revolution Sad condition of the Moravian Indians at this period Half-king engages to take them to Can ada His speech to them They remonstrate Hull-king Inclines not to molest them, but Capt. Pipe's counsel prevails, and they are seized Pipe's conduct thereupon Missionaries taken to Detroit and examined Pipe goes to accuse them Changes his conduct towards them, and they are acquitted Remarkable deliverance Captain White-eyes opposes the conduct of Pipe His speech to his people Colonel Broad- head's expedition Brutal massacre of a chief Gelelemend Buokongahelas Reproves the murder of Major Trueman and others In the battle of Presq'lsle His death His intre pidity Further particulars of Captain Pipe His famous speech Expedition and defeat of Colonel Crawford, who is burnt at the stake Chiktommo King-crane Little-turtle De feats General St. Glair's army Incidents in that affair Little-turtle's opinion of General Wayne Visits Philadelphia His interview with C. F. Volney Anecdotes Blue-jacket Defeated by Gen. Wayne in the battle of Presq : Isle,..554 CHAP. V. Life of Thayandaneca, called by the whites Brant His education Visits England Commissioned there His sister a companion to Sir Wm. Johnson His letter to the Oneidas Affair with Herkimer at Unadilla Cuts off Herkimer and 200 men at Oriskana Anecdote of Herkimer Burns Springfield Horrid affair of Wyoming Incidents Destroys Cherry Val leyBarbarities of the lories Sullivan's dep redations among the Five Nations Brant de feated by the Americans at Newtown De struction of Minisink, and slaughter of 100 peo ple Destruction of Harpersfield Brant's letter to M'Causland Marriage of his daughter Her husband killed Brant becomes the friend of peace Visits Philadelphia His marriage Lands granted him by the king His death His son John Traits of character One of his sons killed by him, in an attempt to kill his father Account of Brant's arrival in England Somo account of his children, 577 CHAP. VI. Facts in the history of the Seneca nation Sagoyewatha, or Red-jacket His fa- " mous speech to a missionary His interview with Colonel Snelling British invade his coun try Resolves to repel them His speech upon the event Governor Clinton's account of him Witchcraft affair Complains of encroach ments One of his people put to death for being a witch He defends the executioner His in terview with Lafayette Council at Canandai- gua Farmers-brother Red-jacket visits Phil adelphia His speech to the governor of Penn sylvania Speech of Agwelondongwas, or Good- peter Narrative of his capture during the rev olutionary war Farmers-brother, or Honaya- wus Visits Philadelphia Peter-jaquette Visits France Account of his death Memo rable speech of Farmers-brother His letter to the secretary of war Notice of several other Seneca chiefs Koyingquatah, or Young-king Juskakaka, or Little-billy Achiout, or Half- town Kiandogewa, or Big-tree Gyantwaia, or Corn-plant Address of the three latter to President Washington Grant of land to Big- tree His visit to Philadelphia, and death Further account of Corn-plant His own ac count of himself Interesting events in his life His sous, 593 CHAP. VII. Tecumseh His great exertions to prevent the whites from overrunning his coun try His expedition on Hacker's Creek Co operation of his brother, the Prophet Rise of the difficulties between Tecumseh and Gover nor Harrison Speech of the former in a coun cil at Vincennes Fearful occurrence in that council Winnemak Tecumseh visited by Governor Harrison at his camp Determination of war the result of the interview on both sides Characteristic anecdote of the chief Deter mines, in the event of war, to prevent barbar ities Battle of Tippecanoe Battle of the Thames, and death of Tecumseh Description of his person Important events in his life Pukeesheno, father of Tecumseh His death Battle of Magaugo Specimen of the Shawanee language Particular account of Ellskwatawa, or the Prophet Account of Round-head Cap ture and massacre of General Winchester's army at the River Raisin Myeerah, or the Crane, commonly called Walk-in-the-Water Black-bird Wawnahton Black-thunder Ongpatonga, 616 CHAP. VIII. Black-hawk's war Historical ac count of the tribes engaged in it Treaty be tween them Murders among the Sioux and Chippewas Red-bird Black-hawk Indians insulted Their country sold without their con sent This occasions the war, 637 CHAP. IX. March of Major Stillman Kills some of Black-hawk's men Stillman's defeat Menomonies join the whites Settlement de stroyed Captivity of two young women Con gress orders out troops Indians cut off by Gen eral Dodge Snider's defeat Stevenson's de feat Defeat of Major Dement Battle of the Ouisconsin Battle of the 2d of August, and end of the war, 644 CHAP. X. History of the chiefs under Black- hawk Neapope Surrender of Black-hawk Wabokieskie Indians at Washington, 654 CHAP. XI. Observations on the causes of the war Indians visit the Atlantic States, 661 CHAP. XII. From the time Black-hawk was set at liberty in his own country, in 1833, to his death, on October 3d, 1838, with other impor tant matters connected with the Indians in the west, 672 CHAP. XIII. Some further particulars of early events on the borders of Pennsylvania, 678 CHAP. XIV. Early western history Incidents of battles Skirmishes and defeats, 669 CHAP. XV. Events of the Indian war of 17C3 and 1764, on the Ohio, 689 APPENDIX, 697716 IKDEX, 717736 AN OF THE INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS Ax attempt is made, in the following Table, to locate the various bands of Aborigines, ancient and modern, and to convey the best information respect ing their numbers our multifarious sources will warrant. Modern writers hare been, for several years, endeavoring to divide North America into cer tain districts, each of which should include all the Indians speaking the same, or dialects of the same, language ; but whoever has paid any attention to the subject, must undoubtedly have been convinced that it can never be done with any degree of accuracy. This has been undertaken in reference to an approximation of the great question of the origin of this people, from a com parison of the various languages used among them. An unwritten language is easily varied, and there can be no barrier to innovation. A continual in termixing of tribes has gone on from the period of their origin to the present time, judging from what we have daily seen ; and when any two tribes unite, speaking different languages, or dialects of the same, a new dialect is pro duced by such amalgamation. Hence the accumulation of vocabularies would be like the pursuit of an infinite series in mathematics ; with this difference, however in the one we recede from the object in pursuit, while in the other we approach it But I would not be understood to speak dispar agingly of this attempt at classification ; for, if it be unimportant in the main design, it will be of considerable service to the student in Indian history on other accounts. Thus, the Uchees are said to speak a primitive language, and they were districted in a small territory south of the Cherokees ; but, some 200 years ago, if they then existed as a tribe, and their tradition be true, they were bounded on the north by one of the great lakes. And they are said to be descended from the Shawanees by some of themselves. We know an important community of them is still in existence in Florida. Have they created a new language in the course of their wanderings? or have those from whom they separated done so ? Such are the difficulties we meet with at every step of a classification. But a dissertation upon these matters cannot now be attempted. In the following analysis, the names of the tribes have been generally given in the singular number, for the sake of brevity ; and the word Indians, after such names, is omitted from the same cause. Few abbreviations have been used: W. R., west of the Rocky Mountains ; m., miles ; r., river ; 1., lake ; and perhaps a few others. In some instances, reference is made to the body of the work, where a more extended account of a tribe is to be found. Such references are to the Book and Page, the same as in the Index. ABEKAS, probably Muskogees, under the French at Tombeckbee in 1750. ABENAKIES, over Maine till 1754, then went to Canada; 200 in 1689; 150 in 1780. ABSOROKA, (Minetare.) S. branch Yellowstone; lat. 46, Ion. 105 ; 45,000 in 1834. ACCOKESAW, W. side Colorado, about 200 m. S. W. Nacogdoches, in 1805. ACOMAK, one of the six tribes in Virginia when settled by the English in 1607. ADAIZE, 4 m. from Nachitoches, on Lake Macdon ; 40 men in 1805. ADIUOXDAKS, (Algonkin,) along the N. shore St. Lawrence ; 100 in 1786. 10 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. AITAGOTTLA, small clan in 1783, on Mississippi r., 8 m. above Point Coupe. AGAWOM, (Wampanoags,) at Sandwich, Mass. ; others at Ipswich, in 1620, &c. AHWAHAWAY, (Minetare,) S. W. Missouri 1820, 3 m. above Mandans ; 200 in 1SC5. AJOUES, S. of the Missouri, and N. of the Padoucas ; 1,100 in 1760. ALANSAR, (Fall,) head branches S. fork Saskashawan ; 2,500 in 1804. ALGONKIN, over Canada ; from low down the St. Lawrence to Lake of the "Woods. ALIATAN, three tribes in 1805 among the Rocky Mountains, on heads Platte. ALICHE, near Nacogdoches in 1805, then nearly extinct ; spoke Caddo. ALLAKAWEAH, (Paunch,) both sides Yellowstone, heads Big Horn r. ; 2,300 in 1805. ALLIBAMA, (Creeks,) formerly on that r., but removed to Red River in 1761. AMALISTES, (Algonkins,) once on St. Lawrence; 500 in 1760. ANASAGUNTAKOOK, (Abenaki,) on sources Androscoggin, in Maine, till 1750. ANDASTES, once on S. shore Lake Erie, S. W. Senecas, who destroyed them in 16"2. APACHES, (Lapane,) between Rio del Norte and sources of Nuaces r. ; 3,500 in 1S17. APALACHICOLA, once on that r. in W. Florida ; removed to Red River in 1764. APPALOUSA, aboriginal in the country of their name ; but 40 men in 1805. AQ.UANUSCHIONI, the name by which the Iroquois knew themselves. AKAPAHAS, S. side main Canada River ; 4,000 in 1836, on Kanzas River. ARMOUCHIQUOIS, or MARACHITE, (Abenaki,) on River St. John, New Brunswick. ARREN AMUSE, on St. Antonio River, near its mouth, in Texas ; 120 in 1818. ASSINNABOIN, (Sioux,) between Assinn. and Missouri r. ; 1,000 on Ottawa r. in 1836. ATENAS, in a village with the Faculli in 1836, west of the Rocky Mountains. ATHAPASCOW, about the shores of the great lake of their name. ATNAS, (Ojibewas,) next S. of the Athapascow, about lat. 57 N., in 1790. ATTACAPAS, in a district of their name in Louisiana ; but 50 men in 1805. ATTAPULGAS, (Seminoles,) on Little r., a branch of Oloklikana, 1820, and 220 souls. ATTIK.AMIGUES, in N. of Canada, destroyed by pestilence in 1670. Aucosisco, (Abenaki,) between the Saco and Androscoggin River in 1630, &c. AUGHQUAGA, on E. branch Susquehannah River ; 150 in 1768 ; since extinct. AYAUAIS, 40 leagues up the Des Moines, S. E. side ; 800 in 1805. AYUTANS, 8,000 in 1820, S. W. the Missouri, near the Rocky Mountains. BAYAGOTTLA, TV. bank Mississippi, opposite the Colipasa ; important in 1699. BEDIES, on Trinity River, La., about 60 m. S. of Nacogdoches ; 100 in 1805. BIG-DEVILS, (Yonktons,) 2,500 in 1836 ; about the heads of Red River. BILOXI, at Biloxi, Gulf Mex., 1699 ; a few on Red r., 1804, where they had removed. BLACKFEET, sources Missouri ; 30,000 in 1834 ; nearly destroyed by small-pox, 1838. BLANCHE, (Bearded, or White,) upper S. branches of the Missouri in 1820. BLUE-MUD, W., and in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains in 1820. BROTHERTON, near Oneida Lake ; composed of various tribes ; 350 in 1836. CADDO, on Red River in 1717, powerful ; on Sodo Bay in 1800 ; in 1804, 100 men. CADODACHE, (Nacogdochet,) on Angelina r., 100 m. above the Nechez ; 60 in 1820. CAIWAS, or KAIWA, on main Canada River, and S. of it in 1830. CALASTHOCLE, N. Columbia, on the Pacific, next N. the Chillates ; 200 in 1820. CALLIMIX, coast of the Pacific, 40 m. N. Columbia River ; 1,200 in 1820. CAMANCHES, (Shoshone,) warlike and numerous; in interior of Texas. CANARSEE, on Long Island, N. Y., in 1610, from the W. end to Jamaica. CAXCES, (Kansas,) 1805, from Bay of St. Bernard, over Grand r., toward Vera Cruz. CANIBAS, (Abenaki,) numerous in 1607, and after ; on both sides Kennebeck River. CARANKOUA, on peninsula of Bay of St. Bernard, Louisiana ; 1,500 in 1805. CAREE, on the coast between the Nuaces and Rio del Norte ; 2,600 in 1817. CARRIERS, (Nateotetains,) a name given the natives of N. Caledonia by traders. CASTAHANA, between sources Padouca fork and Yellowstone ; 5,000 in 1805. CATAKA, between N. and S. forks of Chien River ; about 3,000 in 1804. CATAWBA, till late, on their river in S. Carolina ; 1,500 in 1743, and 450 in 1764. CATHLACUMUPS, on main shore Columbia River, S. W. Wappatoo i. ; 450 in 1820. CATHLAKAHIKIT, at the rapids of the Columbia, 160 m. up ; 900 in 1820. CATHLAKAMAPS, 80 m. up Columbia River ; about 700 in 1820. CATHLAMAT, on the Pacific, 30 m. S. mouth of Columbia River ; 600 in 1820. CATHLANAMENAMEN, on an island in mouth of Wallaumut River ; 400 in 1820. CATHLANAQUIAH, (Wappatoo,) S. W. side Wappatoo Island ; 400 in 1820. CATHLAPOOTLE, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakamaps ; 1,100 in 1820. CATHLAPOOYA, 500 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. from its mouth. CATHLASKO, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Chippanchikchiks. CATHLATHXA, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakahikits. CATHLATH, 500 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. from its mouth. CATTANAHAW, between the Saskashawan and Missouri Rivers, in 1805. CAUGHNEWAGA, places where Christians lived were so called. CHACTOO, on Red River ; in 1805, but 100 ; indigenous ; always lived there. CHAOUANONS, the French so called the Shawanese ; (Chowaiis ?) CHEEGEE, (Cherokees,) 50 to 80 m. S. of them; called also Mid. Settlement, 1780. CHEHAWS, small tribe on Flint River, destroyed by Georgia militia in 1817- CHEPEYAN, claim from lat. 60 to 65, Ion. 100 to 110 W. ; 7,500 in 1812. CHEROKEE, in Georgia, S. Carolina, &c., till 1836; then forced beyond the Mississ. INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. f| tjHESKlTALOWA, (Seminoles,) 580 in 1820, "W. side Chattahoochee. CHIEN, (Dog,) near the sources Chien River ; 300 in 1805 ; 200 in 1820. CHIHEELEESH, 40 m. N. of Columbia River ; 1,400 in 1820. CHICKASAW, between heads of Mobile River in 1780; once 10,000; now in Arkansaa CHIPPANCHIKCHIKS, 60 in 1820, N. side Columbia River, 220 in. from its mouth. CHIKAHOMINI, on Matapony River, Va., in 1661 ; but 3 or 4 in 1790; now extinct. CHIKAMAUGAS, on Tennessee River, 90 m. below the Cherokees, in 1790. CHILLATES, 150 in 1820, on the Pacific, N. Columbia River, beyond the Quieetsos. CHILLUKITTEQUAU, on the Columbia, next below the Narrows ; 1,400 in 1820. CHILTZ, N. of Columbia River, on the Pacific, next N. of the Killaxthocles. CHIMNAHPUM, on Lewis River, N. W. side of the Columbia ; 1,800 in 1820. CHIXXOOK, on N. side Columbia River ; in 1820, about 400 in 28 lodges. CHIPPEWAS, about Lake Superior, and other vast regions of the N., very numerous. CHITIMICHA, on W. bank Miss. River in 1722; once powerful, then slaves. CHOKTAW, S. of the Creeks ; 15,000 in 1812 ; in 1848 in Arkansas. CHOPUNXISH, on Kooskoosk.ee River; 4,300 in 1806, in 73 lodges. CHOWANOK, (Shawanese ?) in N. Carolina, on Bennet's Creek,' in 1708; 3,000 in 1630. CHOWANS, E. of the Tuscaroras in N. Carolina ; 60 join the Tuscaroras in 1720. CHRISTKNAUX, only another spelling of KNISTENAUX, which see. CLAHCLELLAH, 700 in 1820, on the Columbia River, below the rapids. CLAKSTAR, W. R., on a river flowing into the Columbia at Wappatoo Island. CLAMOCTOMICH, on the Pacific, next N. of the Chiltz ; 260 in 1820. CLANIMATAS, on the S. W. side of Wappatoo Island ; 200 in 1820, W. R. CLANNARMINIMUXS, S. W. side of Wappatoo Island ; 280 in 1820, W. R. CLATSOPS, about 2 m. N. of the mouth of Columbia River; 1,300 in 1820. CLARK.AMES, on a river of their name flowing into the Wallaumut ; 1,800 in 1820. CXEIS, on a river flowing into Sabine Lake, 1690; the COEXIS of Hennepin, probably. COHAKIES, nearly destroyed in Pontiak's time; in 1800, a few near Lake Winnebago. COLAPISSAS, on E. bank Mississippi in 1720, opposite head of Lake Pontchartrain. CONCHATTAS came to Appalousas in 1794, from E. the Mississ. ; in 1801, on Sabine. COXGAREES, a small tribe on Congaree River, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; long since gone. CONOYS. perhaps Kanhawas, being once on that river ; (Canais, and variations.) COOKKOO-OOSE, 1,500 in 1806, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., and S. of Killawata COOPSPELLAR, on a river falling into the Columbia, N. of Clark's ; 1,600 in 1806. COOSADAS, (Creeks,) once resided near the River Tallapoosie. COPPER, so called from their copper ornaments, on Coppermine River, in the north. COREES, (Tuscaroras,) on Neus River, N Carolina, in 1700, and subsequently. COROXKAWA, on St. Jacintho River, between Trinity and Brazos ; 3-50 in 1820. COWLITSICK, on Columbia River, 62 m. from its mouth, in 3 villages ; 2,400 in 1820. CREEKS, (Muscogees,) Savannah r. to St. Augustine, thence to Flint r., 1730. CREES, (Lynx, or Cat,) another name of the Knistenaux, or a part of them. CROWS, (Absorokas,) S. branches of the Yellowstone River; 45,000 in 1834. CUTSAHNIM, on both sides Columbia River, above the Sokulks ; 1,200 in 1820. DAHCOTA, or DOCOTA, the name by which the Sioux know themselves. DELAWARE, (Lenna-lenape,) those once on Delaware River and Bay; 500 in 1750. DIXOXDADIES, (Hurons,) same called by the French Tionontaties. DOEGS, small tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River, in 1675. DOGRIBS, (Blackfeet,) but speak a different language. DOGS, the Chiens of the French. See CHIEN. DOTAME, 120 in 1805 ; about the heads of Chien River, in the open country. EAMUSES. See EMUSAS. ECHEMINS, (Canoe-men,) on R. St. Johns ; include Passamaquoddies and St. Johns. EDISTOES, in S. Carolina in 1670 ; a place still bears their name there. EMUSAS, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoochee, 2 m. above the Wekisas ; 20 in 1820. EXKSHURES, at the great Narrows of the Columbia; 1,200 in 1820, in 41 lodges. ERIES, along E. side of Lake Erie, destroyed by the Iroquois about 1654. ESAWS, on River Pedee, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; then powerful ; Catawbas, probably. ESKELOOTS, about 1,000 in 1820, in 21 lodges, or clans, on the Columbia. ESQUIMAUX, all along the northern coasts of the frozen ocean, N. of 60 N. lat. ETOHUSSEWAK.K.ES, (Semin.,) on Chattahoochee, 3 m. above Ft. Gaines ; 100 in 1820. FACULLIES, 100 in 1820 ; on Stuart Lake, W. Rocky Mount. ; lat. 54, Ion. 125o AV. FALL, so called from their residence at the falls of the Kooskooskee See ALANSARS. FIVE NATIONS, Mohawks, Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, and Oneidas ; which see. FLAT-HEADS, (Tutseewas,) on a large river W. R. ; on S. fork Columbia r. FOLLES AVOIXES, the French so called the Menominies. FOXD DU LAC, roam from Snake River to the Sandy Lakes. FOWL-TOWNS, (Seminoles,) 12 m. E. Fort Scott; about 300 in 1820. FOXES, (Ottagamies,) called Renards by the French ; dispossessed by B. Hawk's war GAXAWESE, on the heads of Potomac River; same as Kanhaways, probably. GAYHEAD, Martha's Vineyard; 200 in 1800; in 1820, 340. GIIAXU RITKK, on Grand r., N. side L. Ontario ; Mohawks, Senecas, and oth. ; 2,000. |2 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. GKOS VBNTRES, W. Mississippi, on Maria River, in 1806 ; in 1834, 3,000. HARE-FOOT, nest S. of the Esquimaux, and in perpetual war with them. HALLIBEES, a tribe of Creeks, destroyed in 1813. HANNAKALLAL, 600 in 1820, on Pacific, S. Columbia, next beyond the Luckkarso. HASSANAMESITS, a tribe of Nipmuks, embraced Christianity in 1660. HIHIGHENIMMO, 1,300 in 1820, from mouth of Lastaw River, up it to the forks. HELLWITS, 100 m. along the Columbia, from the tails upward, on the N. side. HERRING POND, a remnant of Wampanoags, in Sandwich, Mass. ; about 40. HIETANS, (Camanches,) erratic bands ; from Trinity to Brazos, and Red River. HINI, (Cadodache,) 200 in 1820, on Angelina r., between Red r. and Rio del Norte. HITCHITTEES, once on Chattahoochee r. ; 600 now in Arkansas ; speak Muskogee. HOHILPOS, (Tushepahas,) 300 in 1820, above great falls on Clark's River. HUMAS, (Oumas,) " Red nation," in Ixsussees Parish, La., in 1805, below Manchak. HURONS, (Wyandots, Quatoghies,) adjacent, and N. gt. lakes ; subd. by Iroq., 1650. ILLINOIS, " the lake of men," both sides Illinois r. ; 12,000 in 1670 ; 60 towns in 1700. INIES, or TACHIES, [Texas ?] branch Sabine; 80 men in 1806; speak Caddo. IOWAYS, on loway River before Black Hawk's war ; 1,100 beyond the Mississippi. IROQUOIS, 1606, on St. Lawrence, below Quebec; 1687, both sides Ohio, to Miss. ISATIS, sometimes a name of tl'e Sioux before 1755. ITHKYEMAMITS, 600 in 1820, on N. side Columbia, near the Cathlaskos. JELA.N, one of the three tribes of Camanches, on sources Brazos, Bel Norte, &c. KADAPAUS, a tribe in N. Carolina in 1707. KAHUNK.LES, 400 in 1820, W. Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown. KALOOSAS, a tribe found early in Florida, long since extinct. KANENAVISH, on the Padoucas' fork of the Platte ; 400 in 1805. KANHAWAS, Ganawese or Canhaways ; on the River Kanhawa, formerly. KANSAS, on the Arkansas River; about 1,000 in 1836; in 1820, 1,850. KASKASK.IAS, (Illin.) on a river of same name flowing into the Mississ. ; 250 in 1797. KASKAYAS, between sources of the Platte and Rocky Mountains; 3,000 in 1836. KATTEKA, (Padoucas,) not located by travellers. See PADOUCAS. KEEKATSA, (Crows,) both sides Yellowstone, above mouth Big Horn r. ; 3,500 in 1805. KEYCHE, E. branch Trinity River in 1806 ; once on the Sabine ; 260 in 1820. KIAWAS, on Padouca River, beyond the Kites ; 1,000 in 1806. KIGENE, on the shore of Pacific Ocean in 1821, under the chief Skittegates. KIKAPOO, formerly in Illinois ; now about 300, chiefly beyond the Mississippi. KILLAMUK, a branch of the Clatsops, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean ; about 1,000. KILLAWAT, in a large town on the coast of the Pacific, R. of the Luktons. KILLAXTHOCLES, 100 in 1820, at the mouth of Columbia River, on N. side. KIMOENIMS, a band of the Chopunnish, on Lewis's River; 800 in 1820, in 33 clans. KINAI, about Cook's Inlet, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean. KITES, (Staetans,) between sources Platte and Rocky Mountains; about 500 in 1820. KISKAKONS inhabited Michilimakinak in 1680 ; a Huron tribe. KNISTENAUX, on Assinnaboin River; 5,000 in 1812; numerous ; women comely. KONAGENS, Esquimaux, inhabiting Kadjak Island, lat. 58, Ion. 152 W. KOOK-K.OO-OOSE, on the coast of the Pacific, S. of the Killawats ; 1,500 in 1835. KUSKARAWAOKS, one of six tribes on E. shore of Chesapeak in 1607 ; (Tuscaroras ?1 LAHANNA, 2,000 in 1820, both sides Columbia, above the mouth of Clark's River. LAPANNE. See APACHES. L.YRTIELO, 600 in 1820, at the falls of Lastaw River, below "Wayton Lake. LEAF, (Sioux,) 600 in 1820, on the Missouri, above Prairie du Chien. LEECH RIVER, about 350 in 1820, near Sandy Lake, lat. 46 9' N. LENNA LENAPE, once from Hudson to Delaware River ; now scattered in the M'est LIPANIS, 800 in 1816, from Rio Grande to the interior of Texas ; light hair. LOUCHEUX, next N. of the Esquimaux, or S. of lat. 67 15 7 N. LUKAWIS, 800 in 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown. LVKKARSO, 1,200 in 1820, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., beyond the Shallalah. LUK.TONS, 20 in 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown. MACHAPUNGAS, in N. Carolina in 1700 ; practised circumcision. MANDANS, 1,250 in 1805, 1200 m. fm. mouth of Misso. ; 1838, reduced to 21 by sm. pox MANGOAGS, or TUTELOES, (Iroquois,) Nottoway River, formerly ; now extinct. MANHATTANS, (Mohicans,) once on the island where New York city now stands. MANNAHOAKS, once on the upper waters of the Rappahannock r. ; extinct long ago MARACHITES, (Abenakies,) on the St. John's ; a remnant remains. MARSAPEAGUES, once on Long Island, S. side of Oyster Bay ; extinct. MARSHPEES, (Wampanoags,) 315 in 1832; Barnstable Co., Mass. ; mixed with blacks. MASCOUTINS, or FIRE IND., betw. Mississ. and L. Michigan, 1665 ; (Sacs and Foxes ri MASSACHUSETTS, the state perpetuates their name. MASSAWOMES, (Iroquois,) once spread over Kentucky. MATKLANOBS, 500 in 1820, on an island in the mouth of "Wallaumut River, W. R. INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 13 MATES, 600 in 1805, St. Gabriel Creek, mouth of Guadaloupe River, Louisiana. MENOMIXIES, (Algonkins,) once on Illinois r. ; now 300 W. Mississippi. MESSASSAGXES, 2,000 in 1764, N. of, and adjacent to, L. Huron and Superior. MIAMIS, (Algonkins,) once on the r. of their name ; now 1,500, beyond the Mississ. MIKASAUKIES, (Seminoles,) about 1,000 in 1821 ; very warlike. MIKMAKS, (Algonkins,) 3,000 in 1760, in Nova Scotia ; the Suriquois of the French. MIKSUKSEALTOX, (Tushepaha,) 300 in 1820, Clark's River, above great falls, W. R. MINKTAK.ES, 2,500 in 1805, 5 m. above the Mandans, on both sides Knife River. MINDAWARCAHTON, in 1805, on both sides Mississippi, from St. Peter's upward. MIXGOES, once such of the Iroquois were so called as resided upon the Scioto River. MIXSI, Wolf tribe of the Lenna Lenape, once over New Jersey and part of Penn. MISSOURIES, once on that part of the River just below Grand r., in 1820. MITCHIGAMIES, one of the five tribes of the Illinois ; location uncertain. MOHAWKS, head of Five Nations ; formerly on Mohawk r. ; a few now in Canada. MOHEGAXS, or MOHEAK.UXXUKS, in 1610, Hudson r. from Esopus to Albany. MOXACAXS, (Tuscaroras,) once near where Richmond, Virginia, now is. MOXGOULATCHES, on the W. side of the Mississippi. See BAYAGOULAS. MOXTAGXES, (Algonkins,) N. side St. Law., betw. Saguenayand Tadousac, in 1609. MOXTAUKS, on E. end of Long Island, formerly ; head of 13 tribes of that island. MORATOK.S, 80 in 1607 ; 40 in 1669, in Lancaster and Richmond counties, Virginia. MOSQUITOS, once a numerous race on the E. side of the Isthmus of Darien. MULTXOMAHS, (Wappatoo,) 800 in 1820, mouth of Multnomah River, W. R. MUXSEYS, (Delawares,) in 1780, N. branch Susquehannah r. ; to the Wabash in 1808. MUSKOGEES, 17,000 in 1775, on Alabama and Apalachicola Rivers. See B. iv. NABEDACHES, (Caddo,) on branch Sabine, 15 m. above the Inies ; 400 in 1805. NABIJOS, between N. Mexico and the Pacific ; live in stone houses, and manufacture. NANDAKOES, 120 in 1805, on Sabine, 60 m. W. of the Yattassees ; (Caddo.) NANTIKOKES, 1711, on Nantikoke River ; 1755, at Wyoming ; same year went west. NAKCOTAH, the name by which the Sioux know themselves. NARUAGAXSETS, S. side of the bay which perpetuates their name ; nearly extinct. NASHUAYS, (Nipmuks,) on that river from its mouth, in Massachusetts. NATCHEZ, at Natchez ; discovered, 1701 ; chiefly destroyed by French, 1720. NATCHITOCHES, once at that place ; 100 in 1804 ; now upon Red River. NATEOTETAIXS, 200 in 1820, W. R., on a river of their name, W. of the Faculties. NATIKS, (Nipmuks,) in Massachusetts, in a town now called after them. NECHACOKE, (Wappatoo,) 100 in 1820, S. side Columbia, near Quicksand r., W. R. NEEKEETOO, 700 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. of. the Columbia, beyond the Youicone. NEMALQUIXNER, (Wappatoo,) 200 in 1820, N. side Wallaumut River, 3 m. up. NIANTIKS, a tribe of the Narragansets, and in alliance with them, p. 131. NICARIAGAS, once about Michilimakinak ; joined Iroquois in 1723, as seventh nation. NIPISSIXS, (original Algonkins,) 400 in 1764, near the source of Ottoway River. NIPMUKS, eastern interior of Mass. ; 1,500 in 1775 ; extinct. See p. 82, 104, 164, 27-5. NOHRIDGEWOKS, (Abenakies,) on Penobscot River. See Book iii. 303, 311. NOTTOWAYS, on Nottoway River, in Virginia ; but 2 of clear blood in 1817. NYACKS, (Mohicans,) or MAXHATTAXS, once about the Narrows, in New York. OAKMULGES, (Muskogees,) to the E. of Flint River; about 200 in 1834. OCAMECHES, in Virginia in 1607; had before been powerful; then reduced. OCHEES. See UCHEES. Perhaps Ochesos ; 230 in Florida in 1826, at Ochee BlufE OCONAS, (Creeks.) See Book iv. 369. OJIBWAS, (Chippeways,) 30,000 in 1836, about the great lakes, and N. of them. OKATIOKIXANS, (Seminoles,) 580 in 1820, near Fort Gaines, E. side Mississippi. OMAHAS, 2,200 in 1820, on Elkhora River, 80 m. from Council Bluffs. OXEIDAS, one of the Five Nations; chief seat near Oneida Lake, New York. ONONDAGAS, one of the Five Nations ; formerly in New York ; 300 in 1840. OOTLASHOOTS, (Tushepahas,) 400 in 1820, on Clark's River, W. Rocky Mountains. OSAGES, 4,000 in 1830, about Arkansas and Osage Rivers ; many tribes. OTAGAMIES, (Winnebagoes,) 300 in 1780, betw. Lake of the Woods and the Mississ. OTOES, 1,500 in 1820; in 1805, 500; 15 leagues up the River Platte, on S. side. OTTAWAS, 1670, removed from L. Superior to Michilimakinak ; 2,800 in 1820. OCIATANOXS, or WAAS, (Kikapoos,) mouth of Eel r., Ind., 1791, in a village 3 m. long OUMAS, E. bank Mississippi in 1722, in 2 villages, quarter of a mile from the river. OWASSISSAS, (Seminoles,) 100 in 1820, on E. waters of St. Mark's River. Oz AS, 2,000 in 1750 ; on Ozaw River in 1780, which flows into the Mississippi. OZIMIES, one of the six tribes on E. shore of Maryland and Virginia in 1607. PACANAS, on Quelquechose River, La. ; 30 men in 1805 ; 40 m. S. W. Natchitoches. PADOUCAS, 2,000 warriors in 1724, on the Kansas ; dispersed before 1805. PADOWAGAS, by some the Senecas were so called ; uncertain. PAILSH, 200 in 1820, on coast of the Pacific, N. Columbia r., beyond the Potoashs. PALACHES, a tribe found early in Florida, but long since extinct. PAMLICO, but 15 in 1708, about Pamlico Sound, in N. Carolina ; extinct. PANCAS, once on Red River, of Winnipec 1. ; afterwards joined the Omahas. PANIS, (Tonicas,) 48 villages in 1750, S. br. Missouri; 70 villages on Red r., 1755. 2 14 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. PANNEH. See ALLAKAWEAH, 2,300 in 1805, on heads Big Horn River. PASCATAWAYS, once a considerable tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River. PASCAGOULAS, 25 men in 1805, on Red r., 60 m. below Natchitoches ; from Florida. PASSAMAOUODDIE, on Schoodak r., Me., in Perry Pleasant Point, a small number. PAUNEE, 10,000 in 1820, on the Platte and Kansas; Republicans, Loupes, and Picts. PAWISTUCIENEMUK, 500 in 1820 ; small, brave tribe, in the prairies of Missouri. PAWTUCKETS, (Nipmuks,) on Merrimac River, where Chelmsford now is ; extinct. PECANS. (Nipmuks,) 10 in 1793, in Dudley, Mass., on a reservation of 200 acres. PELLOATPALLAH, (Chopunnish,) 1,600 in 1820, on Kooskooskee r., above forks, W. R PENOBSCOTS, (Abenakies,) 330, on an island in Penobscot r., 12 m. above Bangor. PENNAKOOKS, (Nipmuks,) along Merrimac r., where is now Concord, N. H., &c. PEOKIAS, 97 in 1820, on Current River ; one of the five tribes of the Illinois. PEQUAKETS, (Abenakies,) on sources Saco River ; destroyed by English in 1725. PEQUOTS, about the mouth of Connecticut River; subdued in 1637. PHILLIMEES, (Seminoles,) on or near the Suane River, Florida, in 1817. PIANK.ASHAWS, 3,000 once, on the Wabash ; in 1780, but 950 ; since driven west. PIANKATANK, a tribe in Virginia when first settled ; unlocated. PINESHOW, (Sioux,) 150 in 1820, on the St. Peter's, 15 m. from its mouth. PISHQUITPAH, 2,600 in 1815, N. side Columbia River, at Muscleshell Rapids, "W. R. POTOASH, 200 in 1820, coast Pacific, N. mouth Columbia, beyond Clamoctomichs. POTTOWATTOMIE, 1671, on Noquet i., L. Michigan ; 1681, at Chicago. POWHATANS, 32 tribes spread over Virginia when first discovered by the English. PUANS, the Winnebagoes were so called by the French at one period. QUABAOOS, (Nipmuks,) at a place of the same name, now Brookfield, Mass. QUAPAW, 700 in 1820, on Arkansas r., opp. Little Rock ; reduced by sm. pox in 1720. QUATHLAHPOHTLES, on S. W. side Columbia, above mouth Tahwahnahiook River. QUATOGHIE, (Wyandots,) once S. side L. Michigan ; sold their lands to Eng. in 1707. QUESADAS. See COOSADAS. QUIEETSOS, on the Pacific ; 250 in 1820; N. Columbia r., next N. of the Quiniilts. QUINIILTS, on coast of the Pacific, N. of Columbia r. ; 250 in 1820; nest the Pailshs. QUINNECHAIVT, coast Pacific, next N. Calasthocles, N. Columbia r. ; 2,000 in 1820. QUINNIPISSA are those called Bayagoulas by the Chevalier Tonti. QUODDIES. See PASSAMAQUODDIE. 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 181. RAPIDS. See PAWISTUCIENEMUKS. REDGROUND, (Seminoles,) 100 in 1820, on Chattahoochie r., 12 m. above Florida line. REDKNIFE, so called from their copper knives ; roam in the region of Slave Lake. RED-STICK, (Seminoles,) the Baton Rouge of the French. RED-WING, (Sioux,) on Lake Pepin, under a chief of their name ; 100 in 1820. RICAREE, (Paunees,) before 180o, 10 large vill. on Missouri r. ; reduced by small pox. RIVER, (Mohegans,) S. of the Iroquois, down the N. side of Hudson r. ROUND-HEADS, (Hurons,) E. side Lake Superior; 2,500 in 1764. RYAWAS, on the Padouca fork of the Missouri ; 900 in 1820. SACHDAGTJGHS, (Powhatans,) perhaps the true name of the Powhatans. SANKHIKANS, the Delawares knew the Mohawks by that name. SANTEES, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701, on a river perpetuating their name. SAPONIES, (Wanamies,) Sapona River, Carolina, in 1700 ; joined Tuscaroras, 1720 SATANAS, a name, it is said, given the Shawanees by the Iroquois. SAUKE, or SAC, united with Fox before 1805 ; then on Mississ., above Illinois. SAUTEURS, or FALL INDIANS of the French, about the falls of St. Mary. SAVANNAHS, so called from the river, or the river from them ; perhaps Yamasees SCATTAK.OOK.S, upper part of Troy, N. Y. ; went from New England about 1672. SEMINOLES have been established in Florida a hundred years. SENEGAS, one of the Five Nations ; " ranged many thousand miles" in 1700. SEPONES, in Virginia in 1775, but a remnant. See SAPONIES. BERRANNA, (Savannahs ?) in Georgia ; nearly destroyed by the Westoes about 1670. BEWEES, a small tribe in N. Carolina, mentioned by Lawson in 1710. BHALLALAH, 1,200 in 1816, on the Pacific, S. Columbia r. next the Cookkoo-oosee. SHALLATTOOS, on Columbia River, above the Skaddals ; 100 in 1820. SHANWAPPONE, 400 in 1820, on the heads of Cataract and Taptul Rivers. SHAWANE, once over Ohio ; 1672, subdued by Iroquois ; 1,383 near St. Louis in 1820 SHEASTUKLE, 900 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. Columbia r., next beyond the Youitz. SHINIKOOK.S, a tribe of Long Island, about what is now South Hampton. SJOSHONEE, 30,000 in 1820, on plains N. Missouri ; at war with the Blackfeet. SHOTO, (Wappatoo,) 460 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite mouth of Wallaumut. SICAUNIES, 1,000 in 1820, among the spurs of the Rocky Mountains, W. of the Rapids Sioux, discovered by French, 1660 ; 33,000 in 1820, St. Peter's, Mississ., and Misso. r SISSATONES, upper portions of Red r., of L. Winnipec and St. Peter's, in 1820. SITIMACHA. See CHITIMICHA. SITKA, on King George III. Islands, on the coast of the Pacific, about lat. 57 N. Six NATIONS, (Iroquois,) Mohawk, Seneca, Onondaga, Oneida, Cayuga, Shawane. SKADDALS, on CaUrrct River, 25 m. N. of the Big Narrows ; 200 in 18'JO. SKEETSOMISH, 2,000 ''u 1820, on a river of their name flowing into the Lastaw. INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 15 SKILLOOT, on Columbia River, from Sturgeon Island upward ; 2,500 in 1820. SKVXXEMOX.E, or TUCKAPAS, on Vermilion River, La., 6 leagues W. of N. Iberia. SMOKSHOP, on Columbia r., at the mouth of the Labiche ; 800 in 1820, in 24 clans. SXAKE. See ALIATANS, or SHOSHOXEKS. SOK.OKIB, on Saco River, Maine, until 1725, when they withdrew to Canada. SOKULK., on the Columbia, above mouth of Lewis's River ; 2,400 in 1820. SOVRIQUOIS, (Mikmaks,) once so called by the early French. SOUTIBS, (Ottowas,) a band probably mistaken for a tribe by the French. SOYEXXOM, (Chopunnish,) on N. side E. fork of Lewis's River ; 400 in 1820; W. R. SPOKAIN, on sources Lewis's River, over a large tract of country, W. Rocky Mts. SQUAXXAROO, on Cataract r., below the Skaddals ; 120 in 1820; W. Rocky Mts. STAETAXS, on heads Chien r., with the Kanenavish ; 400 in 1805 ; resemble Kiawas. STOCKBRIDGE, NEW, (Mohegans and Iroquois,) collected in N. Y., 1786 ; 400 in 1820. STOCKBRIDGE, Mass., (Mohegans,) settled there in 1734; went to Oneida in 1786. ST. JOHN'S, (Abenakies,) about 300 still remain on that river. SUSQCEHAXXOK, on W. shore of Md. in 1607 ; that river perpetuates their name. SUSSEES, near sources of a branch of the Saskashawan, W. Rocky Mountains. SYMEROXS, a numerous race, on the . side of the Isthmus of Darien. TACULLIES, " people who go upon water ; " on head waters of Frazier's River, La. TAHSAGROCDIE, about Detroit in 1723 ; probably Tsonothouans. TAHCACAXA, on River Brazos ; 3 tribes ; 180 m. up ; 1,200 in 1820. TALLAHASSE, (Seminoles,) 15 in 1820, between Oloklikana and Mikasaukie. TALLEWHEAXA, (Seminoles,) 210 in 1820, on E. side Flint River, near the Chehaws. TAMAROXAS, a tribe of the Illinois ; perhaps Peorias, afterwards. TAMATLES, (Seminoles,) 7m. above the Ocheeses, and numbered 220 in 1820. TARRATIXES, E. of Pascataqua River ; the Nipmuks so called the Abenakies. TATTOWHEHALLYS, (Seminoles,) 130 in 1820; since scattered among other towns. TATJKAWAYS, on the sources of Trinity, Brazos, De Dios, and Colorado Rivers. TAWAKEXOE, "Three Canes," W. side Brazos r., 200 m. W. of Nacogdoches, 1804. TAWAWS, (Hurons,) on the Mawme in 1780, 18 m. from Lake Erie. TELMOCRESSE, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoochee, 15 m. above fork; 100 in 1820. TEXISAW, once on that river which flows into Mobile Bay ; went to Red r. in 1765. TETOXS, (Sioux,) " vile miscreants," on Mississ., Misso., St. Peter's; " real pirates." TIOXOXTATIES, or DIXOXDADIES, a tribe of Hurons, or their general name. TOCKWOGHS, one of the six tribes on the Chesapeak in 1607. TOXICAS, 20 warriors in 1784, on Mississippi, opp. Point Coupe ; once numerous. TOXKAHAXS, a nation or tribe of Texans, said to be cannibals. TOXKAWA, 700 in 1820, erratic, about Bay St. Bernardo. TOTEROS, on the mountains N. of the Sapones, in N. Carolina, in 1700. TOTUSKEYS. See MORATOKS. TOWACAXXO, or TOWOASH, one of three tribes on the Brazos. See TAHUACANA. TsoxoxTHOtTAxa, Hennepin so called the Senecas ; by Cox, called Sonnontovans. TUK.ABATCHE, on Tallapoosie River, 30 m. above Fort Alabama, in 1775. TUXICA, (Mobilian,) on Red River, 90 m. above its mouth ; but 30 in 1820. Tuxxis, (Mohegans,) once in Farmington, Conn. ; monument erected to them, 1840. IUSHEPAHAS, and OOTLASHOOTS, 5,600 in 1820, on Clark's and Missouri Rivers. TCSCARORA, on Neus r., N. Carolina, till 1712 ; a few now in Lewiston, Niagara r. TUTELOES. See MAXGOAKS, or MAXGOAGS. TUTSEEWA, on a river W. Rocky Mts., supposed to be a branch of the Columbia. TWIGHTWEES, (Miamies,) in 1780, on the Great Miami ; so called by the Iroquois. UCHEE, once on Chattauchee r., 4 towns ; some went to Florida, some west. UFALLAH, (Seminoles,) 670 in 1820, 12 m. above Fort Gaines, on Chattahoochee r. UGALJACHMUTZI, a tribe about Prince William's Sound, N. W. coast. ULSEAH, on coast of the Pacific, S. Columbia, beyond the Neekeetoos; 150 in 1820 UXALACHTGO, one of the three tribes once composing the Lenna Lenape. UXAMIES, the head tribe of Lenna Lenape. UXCHAGOGS, a tribe anciently on Long Island, New York. UPSAROKA, (Minetare,) commonly called Crows. WAAKICUM, 30 m. up Columbia River, opposite the Cathlamats ; 400 in 1836 WABIXGA, (Iroquois,) between W. branch of Delaware and Hudson r. WACO, (Panis,) 800 in 1820, on Brazos River, 24 m. from its mouth. WAHOWPCMS, on N. branch Columbia River, from Lapage r. upward ; 700 in 1806. WAHPATOXB, (Sioux,) rove in the country on N. W. side St. Peter's River. WAHPACOOTA, (Sioux ?) in the country S. W. St. Peter's in 1805 ; never stationary. WAMESITS, (Nipmuks,) once on Merrimac River, where Lowell, Mass., now is. WAMPANOAG, perhaps the 3d nation in importance in N. E. when settled by the Eng WAPPIXGS, at and about Esopus in 1758 ; also across the Hudson to the Minsi. WARAXAXCOXGUINS, supposed to be the same as the Wappings. WASHAWS, on Barrataria Island in 1680, considerable ; 1805, at Bay St. Fosh, 5 only. WATAXOXS, or WEAS. See OUIATIXOXS. WATEB.EES, once on the river of that name in S. Carolina, but long since extinct. \\~ATEPAXETO, on the Padouca fork of the Platte, near Rocky Mts. ; 900 in 1820. 16 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. WAWENOKS, (Abenakies,) once from Sagadahock to St. George River, in Maine. WAXSAW, once in S. Carolina, 45 m. above Camden ; name still continues. WEAS, or WAAS, (Kikapoos.) See OUIATANONS. WEKISA, (Semin.,) 250 in 1820, W. side Chattahoochee, 4 m. above the Cheskitaloas. WELCH, said to be on a southern branch of the Missouri. "WESTOES, in 1670, on Ashley and Edisto Rivers, in S. Carolina. WETEPAHATO, with the Kiawas, in 70 lodges in 1805, Padouca fork of Platte River. WHEELPO, on Clark's River, from the mouth of the Lastaw ; 2,500 in 1820 ; W. R. WHIRLPOOLS, (Chikamaugas,) so called from the place of their residence. WHITE, W. of Mississippi River ; mentioned by many travellers. WIGHCOMOCOS, one of the six tribes in Virginia in 1607, mentioned by Smith. WILLEWAHS, (Chopunnish,) 500 in 1820, on Willewah r., which falls into Lewit's. WINNEBAQO, on S. side Lake Michigan until 1832 ; Ottagamies, &c. WOLF, Loups of the French; several nations had tribes so called. WOKKON, 2 leagues from the Tuscaroras in 1701 ; long since extinct. WOLLAWALLA, on Columbia r., from above Muscleshell Rapids, W. Rocky Mts. WYANDOTS, (Hurons,) a great seat at Sandusky in 1780 ; warlike. WYCOMES, on the Susquehannah in 1648, with some Oneidas, 250. WYNIAWS, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701. YAMACRAW, at the bluff of their name in 1732, near Savannah, about 140 men. YAMASEE, S. border of S. Carolina ; nearly destroyed in 1715 by English. YAMPERACK, (Camanches,) 3 tribes about sources Brazos, del Norte, &c. ; 1817, 30,000< YANKTONS, in the plane country adjacent to E. side of the Rocky Mountains. YATTASSEE, in Louisiana, 50 m. from Natchitoches, on a creek falling into Red r. YAZOOS, formerly upon the river of their name ; extinct in 1770. YEAHTENTANEE, on banks St. Joseph's r., which flows into L. Michigan, in 1760. YEHAH, above the rapids of the Columbia in 1820 ; 2,800, with some others. YELETPOO, (Chopunnish,) 250 in 1820, on Weancum r., under S. W. Mountain. YOUICONE, on the Pacific, next N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 700 in 1820. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. BOOK I. B BOOK I. ORIGIN, ANTIQUITIES, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, &c. OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. O could their ancient Incas rise ag-.iin, How would they take up Israel's taunting strain! Art thou too fallen, Iberia ? Do we see The robber and the murderer weak as we ? Thou, that hast wasted earth, and dared despite Alike the wrath and mercy of the skies, Thy pomp is in the grave, thy glory laid Low in the pits thine avarice has made. We come with joy from our eternal rest, To see the oppressor in his turn oppressed. Art thou the God, the thunder of whose hand Rolled over all our desolated land, Shook principalities and kingdoms down, And made the mountains tremble at his frown? The sword shall light upon thy boasted powers, And waste them as they wasted ours 'Tis thus Omnipotence his law fulfils, And vengeance executes what justice wills. COWPM . CHAPTER I. Origin of the name Indian. Why applied to the people found in America. Ancient authors supposed to have referred to .America in their writings Theopompus Voyage of Hanno Diodorus Siculus Plato Aristotle Seneca. THE name Indian was erroneously applied to the original man of America* by its first discoverers. The attempt to arrive at the East Indies by sailing west, caused the discovery of the islands and continent of America. When they were at first discovered, Columbus, and many after him, supposed they had arrived at the eastern shore of the continent of India, and hence the peo ple they found there were called Indians. The error was not discovered until the name had so obtained, that it could not well be changed. It is true, that it matters but little to us by what name the indigenes of a country are known, and especially those of America, in as far as the, name is seldom used among us but in application to the aboriginal Americans. But with the people of Europe it waa not so unimportant. Situated between the two countries, India and America, the same name for the inhabitants of both must, at first, have produced considerable inconvenience, if not confusion ; because, in speaking of an Indian, no one would know whether an American or a Zealander was meant, unless by the context of the discourse. Therefore, in a historical point of view, the error is, at least, as much to be deplored as that the name of the continent itself should have been derived from Americus instead of Columbus. * So named from Vesputiits Ameriais, a Florentine, who made a discovery of some part of the coast of South America in 1499, two years after Cabot had explored the coast of Nortn America; but Americus had the fortune to confer his name upon both. 20 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [Boon L It has been the practice of almost every writer, who has written about the primitive inhabitants of a country, to give some wild theories of others, con cerning their origin, and to close the acco\mt with his own ; which generally nas been more 1 visionary, if possible, than those of his predecessors. Long, laborious, and, we may add, useless disquisitions have been daily laid before the world, from the discovery of America by Columbus to the present time, to endeavor to explain by what means the inhabitants got from the old to the new world. To act, therefore, in unison with many of our predecessors, wo will begin as far back as they have done, and so shall commence with Theo- pompus and others, from intimations in whose writings it is alleged the an cients had knowledge of America, and therefore peopled it. Theopompus, a learned historian and orator, who flourished in the time of Alexander the Great, in a book entitled Thaumasia, gives a sort of dialogue between Midas the Phrygian and Silenus. The book itself is lost, but Strabo refers to it, and JElianus has given us the substance of the dialogue which fol lows. After much conversation, Silenus said to Midas, that Europe, Asia and Africa were but islands surrounded on all sides by the sea ; but that there was a continent situated beyond these, which was of immense dimensions, even without limits ; and that it was so luxuriant, as to produce animals of prodi gious magnitude, and men grew to double the height of themselves, and that they lived to a far greater age ;* that they had many great cities ; and their usages and laws were different from ours ; that in one city there was more than a million of inhabitants ; that gold and silver were there in vast quanti- ties.f This is but an abstract from Mlianus's extract, but contains all of it that can be said to refer to a country west of Europe and Africa.^ JElian or JEli- anus lived about A. D. 200. Hanno flourished when the Carthaginians were in their greatest prosperity, but the exact time is unknown. Some place bis times 40, and others 140, years before the founding of Rome, which would be about 800 years before our era. He was an officer of great enterprise, having sailed around and ex plored the coast of Africa, set out from the Pillars of Hercules, now called the Straits of Gibraltar, and sailed westward 30 days. Hence it is inferred by many, that he must have visited America, or some of its islands. He wrote a book, which he entitled Periplus, giving an account of his voyages, which was translated and published about 1533, in Greek.j] Many, and not without tolerably good reasons, believe that an island or con tinent existed in the Atlantic Ocean about this period, but which disappeared afterwards. * Buffon and Raynal either had not read this story, or they did not believe it to have been America ; for they taught that all animals degenerated here. Many of the first adventurers to the coasts of unknown countries reported them inhabited by giants. Swift wrote Gulliver's Travels to bring such accounts into ridicule. How well he succeeded is evident from a comparison of books of voyages and travels before and after his time. Dubartas has this passage : Our fearless sailors, in far voyages (More led by gain's hope than their compasses), On th' Indian shore have sometime noted some Whose bodies covered two broad acres room ; And in the South Sea they have also seen Some like high-topped and huge-armed treen ; And other some, whose monstrous backs did bear Two mighty wheels, with whirling spokes, that were Much like the winged and wide-spreading sails Of any wind-mill turned with merry gales. IHvine Weeks, p. 117, ed. 4to, 1613. f ./Elian, Variar. Historian lib. iii. chap. viii. j Since the text was written, there has come into my hands a copy of a translation of ./Eli- air's work, " in Englishe (as well according to the truth of the Greeke texte, as of the Latine), by Abraham Fleming." London, 1576, 4to. It differs not materially from the above, whicfc is given from a French version of it. ft Encyclopaedia Perthensis. fi The best account of Hanno and his voyages, with which we are acquainted, is to be found in Mariana's Hist, of Spain, vol. i. 93, 109, 119, 122, 133, and 150, ed. Paris, 1725, 6 vols. 4to. CHAP. I.J ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS 21 Diodorus Siculus says that some "Phoenicians were cast upon a most fertile island opposite to Africa." Of this, he says, they kept the most studied secrecy, which was doubtless occasioned by their jealousy of the advantage the discov ery might be to the neighboring nations, and which they wished to secure wholly to themselves. Diodorus Siculus lived about 100 years before Christ Islands lying west of Europe and Africa are certainly mentioned by Hornet and Horace. They were called Atlantides, and were supposed to be about 10,000 furlongs from Africa. Here existed the poets' fabled Elysian fields. But to be more particular with Diodorus, we will let him speak for himself. "After having passed the islands which lie beyond the Herculean Strait, we will speak of those which lie much farther into the ocean. Towards Africa, and to the west of it, is an immense island in the broad sea, many days' sail from Lybia. Its soil is very fertile, and its surface variegated with mountains and valleys. Its coasts are indented with many navigable rivers, and its fields are well cultivated ; delicious gardens, and various kinds of plants and trees." He finally sets it down as the finest country known, where the inhabitants have spacious dwellings, and every thing in the greatest plenty. To say the least of this account of Diodorus, it corresponds very well with that given of the Mexicans when first known to the Spaniards, but perhaps it will compare as well with the Canaries. Plato's account has more weight, perhaps, than any of the ancients. He lived about 400 years before the Christian era. A part of his account is as follows : " In those first times [time of its being first known], the Atlantic was a most broad island, and there were extant most powerful kings in it, who, with joint forces, appointed to occupy Asia and Europe : And so a most grievous war was carried on ; in which the Athenians, with the common consent of the Greeks, opposed themselves, and they became the conquerors But that Atlantic island, by a flood and earthquake, was indeed suddenly destroyed, and so that warlike people were swallowed up." He adds, in an other place, "An island in the mouth of the sea, in the passage to those straits, called the Pillars of Hercules, did exist ; and that island was greater and larger than Lybia and Asia ; from which there was an easy passage over to othei islands, and from those islands to that continent, which is situated out of that reeion."* " Neptune settled in this island, from whose son, Mas, its name was derived, and divided it among his ten sons. To the youngest fell the extremity of the island, called Gadir, which, in the language of the country, signifies fertile or abounding in sheep. The descendants of Neptune reigned here, from father to son, for a great number of generations in the order of primogeniture, during the space of 9000 years. They also possessed several other islands ; and, passing into Europe and Africa, subdued all Lybia as far as Egypt, and all Europe to Asia Minor. At length the island sunk under water ; and for a long time afterwards the sea thereabouts was full of rocks and shelves." f This account, although mixed with fable, cannot, we think, be entirely rejected; and that the ancients had knowledge of countries westward of Europe appears as plain and as well authenticated as any passage of history of that period. Aristotle, or the author of a book which is generally attributed to him, | speaks of an island beyond the Straits of Gibraltar ; but the passage savors something of hearsay, and is as follows: " Some say that, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, the Carthaginians have found a very fertile island, but without inhabitants, full of forests, navigable rivers, and fruit in abundance. It is several days' voyage from the main land. Some Carthaginians, charmed by the fertility of the country, thought to marry and settle there ; but some say that the government of Carthage forbid the settlement upon pain of death, from the fear that it would increase in power so as to deprive the mother- country of her possessions there." IfJlristotk had uttered this as a prediction, * America known to the Ancients, 10, 8vo. Boston, 1773. \ Encyclopaedia Perthensis, art. ATLANTIS. j De liiirabil. auscultat. Opera, vol. i. Voltaire says of this book, " On en fesait honneui a< x Carthaginois, et on citait un livre d'Aristote qu'ij n'a pas compose." Essai sur /; Maeurs et Fesprit des nations, chap. cxlv. p. 703. vol iv- of his works. Edit. Paris, J8J7, 22 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. \ROOK I that such a thing would take place in regard to some future nation, no one, perhaps, would have called him a false prophet, for the American revolution v ould have been its fulfilment. This philosopher lived about 384 years before Christ. Seneca lived about the commencement of the vulgar era. He wrote trage dies, and in one of them occurs this passage : Venient annis Saecula seris, quibus oceanus Vincula reruin laxet, et ingens Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos Detegat orbes ; nee sit terris Ultima Thule." Medea, Act 3. v. 375. This is nearer prophecy, and may be rendered in English thus : " The time will come when the ocean will loosen the chains of nature, and we shall behold a vast country. A new Typhis shall discover new worlds : Thule shall no longer be considered the last country of the known world." Not only these passages from the ancient authors have been cited and re cited by moderns, but many more, though less to the point, to show that, in some way or other, America must have been peopled from some of the eastern continents. Almost every country has claimed the honor of having been its first discoverer, and hence the progenitor of the Indians. But since the recent discoveries in the north, writers upon the subject say but little about getting over inhabitants from Europe, Asia, or Africa, through the difficult way of the Atlantic seas and islands, as it is much easier to pass them over the narrow chan nels of the north in canoes, or upon the ice. Grotius, C. Mather, Hubbard, and after them Robertson, are glad to meet with so easy a method of solving a question which they consider as having puzzled their predecessors so much. CHAPTER II. Of modern theorists upon the peopling of America St. Gregory Herrera T. Morton Williamson Wood Josselyn Thoroicgood A&air R. Williams C. Mather Hubbard Robertson Smith Voltaire Mitchill AT Culloch Lord Kaim Swinton Cabrera. ST. GREGORY, who flourished in the 7th century, in an epistle to St. Clement, said that beyond the ocean there was another world.* Herrera argues, that the new world could not have been known to the ancients ; and that what Seneca has said was not true. For that God had kept it hid from the old world, giving them no certain knowledge of it ; and that, in the secrecy and incomprehensibility of his providence, he has been pleased to give it to the Castilian nation. That Seneca's prediction (if so it may be considered) was a false one, because he said that a new world would be dis covered in the north, and that it was found in the west.f Herrera wrote about 1598,| before which time little knowledge was obtained of North America. This may account for his impeachment of Seneca's prophecy. Thomas Morton, who came to New England in 1622, published in 1637 an account of its natural history, with much other curious matter. In speaking upon the peopling of America, he thinks it altogether out of the question to * " S. Gregoire sur 1'epistre de S. Clement, dit que passe 1'ocean, il y a vn autre mond.' ; (Herrera, I Decade, 2.) This is the whole passage. t Ibid. 3. j He died 27 March, 1625, at the age of about 66 years. His name was Tordesillas Antonio de Herrera one of the best Spanish historians. His history of the voyages to, and settlement of America is very minute, and very valuable. The original in Spanish is very rare. Acos- Ui's translation (into French) 3 v. 4to. ; 1660, is also scarce and valuable. It is this we cite. CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 23 suppose that it was peopled by the Tartars from the north, because "a people, once settled, must be removed by compulsion, or else tempted thereunto in hopes of better fortunes, upon commendations of the place unto which they should be drawn to remove. And if it may bo thought that these people came over the frozen sea, then would it be by compulsion. If so, then by whom, or when ? Or what part of this main continent may be thought to border upon the country of the Tartars ? It is yet unknown ; and it is not like that a people well enough at ease, will, of their own accord, undertake to travel ovei a sea of ice, considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with. As, 1st, whether there be any land at the end of their unknown way, no land being in view ; then want of food to sustain life in the mean time upon that sea of ice. Or how shall they do for fuel, to keep them at night from freezing to death ? which will not be had in such a place. But it may perhaps be granted, that the natives of this country might originally come of the scattered Trojans ; for after that Brutus, who was the fourth from Eneas, left Latium upon the conflict held with the Latins (where although he gave them a great overthrow, to the slaughter of their grand captain and many others of the heroes of Latium, yet he held it more safely to depart unto some other place and people, than, by staying, to run the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtful conquest ; which, as history maketh mention, he performed.) This people was dispersed, there is no question, but the people that lived with him, by reason of their conversation with the Grecians and Latins, had a mixed lan guage, that participated of both."* This is the main ground of Morton, but he says much more upon the subject; as that the similarity of the languages of the Indians to the Greek and Roman is very great. From the examples he gives, we presume he knew as little about the Indian languages as Dr. Mather, Adair, and Boudinot, who thought them almost to coincide with the Hebrew. Though Morton thinks it very improbable that the Tartars came over by the north from Asia, because they could not see land beyond the ice, yet he finds no difficulty in getting them across the wide Atlantic, although he allows them no compass. That the Indians have a Latin origin he thinks evident, because he fancied he heard among their words Pasco-pan, and hence thinks, w' hout doubt, their ancestors were acquainted with the god Pan.\ Dr. Williamson\ says, " It can hardly be questioned that the Indians of South America are descended from a class of the Hindoos, in the southern parts of Asia." That they could not have come from the north, because the South American Indians are unlike those of the north. This seems to clash with the more rational views of Father Venegas.^ He writes as follows: "Of all the parts of America hitherto discovered, the Californians lie nearest to Asia. We are acquainted with the mode of writing in all the eastern nations. We can distinguish between the characters of the Japanese, the Chinese, the Chinese Tartars, the Mogul Tartars, and other nations extending as far as the Bay of Kamschathka ; and learned dissertations on them, by Mr. Boyer, are to be found in the acts of the imperial academy of sciences at Petersburg. What discovery would it be to meet with any of these characters, or others like them, among the American Indians nearest to Asia ! But as to the Cali fornians, if ever they were possessed of any invention to perpetuate their me moirs, they have entirely lost it; and all that is now found among them, amounts to no more than some obscure oral traditions, probably more and more adulterated by a long succession of time. They have not so much as retained any knowledge of the particular country from which they emi grated." This is the account of one who lived many years among the Indians of California. Mr. William JFoorf,|| who left New England in 1633,11 after a short stay, says, -" Of their language, which is only peculiar to themselves, not inclining to any of the refined tongues : Some have thought they might be of the dispersed * New Canaan, book i, pares 17 and 18. t Ibid. 18. J In his Hisl. N. Carolina, i. 216. 6 Hist. California, i. 60. His work was published at Madrid, in 1758. || The author of a work entitled New England's Prospect, published in London, 163d, iu tto. It is a very rare, and, in some respects, a curious and valuable work. 1i Prospect, 51. 24 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. '[BOOK I Jews, because some of their words be near unto the Hebrew ; but by the sam rule, they may conclude them to be some of the gleanings of all nations, be cause they have words which sound after the Greek, Latin, French, and other tongues."* Mr. John Josselyn, who resided some time in New England, from the year 1638, says, "The Mohawks are about 500: their speech a dialect of the Tar tars (as also is the Turkish tongue)."-)- In another work,} he says, " N. Eng land is by some affirmed to be an island, bounded on the north with the River of Canada (so called from Monsieur Cane), on the south with the River Mon- hegan or Hudson's River, so called because he was the first that discovered it. Some will have America to be an island, which out of question must needs be, if there be a north-east passage found out into the South Sea. It contains 1,152,400,000 acres. The discovery of the north-west passage (which lies with in the River of Canada) was undertaken with the help of some Protestant Frenchmen, which left Canada, and retired to Boston about the year 1G69. The north-east people of America, that is, N. England, &c., are judged to be Tartars, called Samoades, being alike in complexion, shape, habit and man ners." We have given here a larger extract than the immediate subject re quired, because we would let the reader enjoy his curiosity, as well as we ours, in seeing how people understood things in that day. Barlow, looking but a small distance beyond those times, with great elegance says, " In those blank periods, where no man can trace The gleams of thought that first illumed his race, His errors, twined with science, took their birth, And forged their fetlers for this child of earth, And when, as oft, he dared expand his view, And work with nature on the line she drew, Some monster, gendered in his fears, unmanned His opening soul, and marred the works he planned. Fear, the first passion of his helpless state, Redoubles all the woes that round him wait, Blocks nature's path, and sends him wandering wide, Without a guardian, and without a guide." Cohimbiad, ix. 137, &e. Reverend Thomas Thoroicgood published a small quarto, in 1652, to prove that the inoinns were the Jews, who had been " lost in the world for the space of near 2000 ysars." But whoever has read Mair or Boudinot, has, beside a good deal that is irrational, read all that in Thorowgood can be termed rational Reverend Roger Williams was, at one time, as appeal's from Thorowgood's work,|| of foe same opinion. Being written to for his opinion of the origin of the natives, " he kindly answers to those letters from Salem in N. Eng. 20th of the 10th month, more than 10 yeers since, in h&c verba" That they did not come into America from the north-east, as some had imagined, he thought evident for these reasons : 1. their ancestors affirm they came from the south west, and return thence when they die : 2. because they " separate their wo men in a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine seasons:" and 3. "be side their god Kuttand to the S. West, they hold that NanawitnatviW .(a goa over head) made the heavens and the earth ; and some last of affinity with the Hebrew I have found." Doctor Cotton Mather is an author of such singular qualities, that we almost hesitate to name him, lest we be thought without seriousness in so weighty a matter. But we will assure the reader, that he is an author with whom we wouM in no wiso part ; and if sometimes we appear not serious in our intro- ducuon of him, what is of more importance, we believe him really to be so \nd we are persuaded that we should not be pardoned did we not allow hire to speak upon thfl miAtsr before us. * Ibid. 11?. ed. 17<54. t rtis account of tw -> voya^s to New England, printed London, 1673, page 124. j Vew England Rent'ei. 4, fl, printed London, 1672. Its title commeucts, '' Dig^us Dei : New Discoveries, with sure A rguments to prove" &c Fages 5 and 6. Getannitmoit is n reference to the Indians. 4 In his Notes on Virginia, Quer. vii. || Perthensis, i. fi37. (Art. AMF.R. $ 38.) IT Samuel Smith, who published a history of New Jersey, in 1765, printed at Burlinglon. ** See Hist. N. J. 8. tt Essai sur les Mceurs et 1'Esp'rit dcs Nations. (CEuvres, iv. 18.) ft Ibid. 708. CEuvres, t. vii. 197, 198. U!l Will the reader of this call VoUudre an atheist 7 CHAP. 11.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 29 in the same latitude, other negroes with beards, some of them having wool and some hair on their heads ; and among them other animals quite white, having neither hair nor wool, but a kind of white silk. It does not very clearly appear what should have prevented God from placing on another continent animals of the same species, of a copper color, in the same latitude in which, in Africa and Asia, they are found black ; or even from making them without beards in the very same latitude in which others possess them. To what lengths are we carried by the rage for systems joined with the tyranny of prejudice ! We see these animals ; it is agreed that God has had the power to place them where they are ; yet it is not agreed that he has so placed them. The same persons who readily admit that the beavers of Canada are of Canadian origin, assert that the men must have come there in boats, and that Mexico must have been peopled by some of the descendants of Magog. As well might it be said, that, if there be men in the moon, they must have been taken there by Astolpho on his hippogriff, when he Went to fetch Roland's senses, which were corked up in a bottle. If America had been discovered in his time, and there had then been men in Europe system atic enough to have advanced, with the Jesuit Lajitau,* that the Caribbees descended from the inhabitants of -Caria, and the Hurons from the Jews, he would have done well to have brought back the bottle containing the wits of these reasoners, which he would doubtless have found in the moon, along with those of Angelica's lover. The first thing done when an inhabited island is discovered in the Indian Ocean, or in the South Sea, is to inquire, Whence came these people ? but as for the trees and the tortoises, they are, without any hesitation, pronounced to be indigenous ; as if it were more difficult for nature to make men than to make tortoises. One thing, however, which seems to countenance this system, is, that there is scarcely an island in the eastern or western ocean, which does not contain jugglers, quacks, knaves, and fools. This, it is probable, gave rise to the opinion, that these animals are of the same race with ourselves." Some account of what the Indians themselves have said upon the subject of their origin may be very naturally looked for in this place. Their notions in this respect can no more be relied upon than the fabled stories of the gods in ancient mythology. Indeed, their accounts of primitive inhabitants do not agree beyond their own neighborhood, and often disagree with themselves at different times. Some say their ancestors came from the north, others from the north-west, others from the east, and others from the west ; some from the regions of the air, and some from under the earth. Hence to raise any theory upon any thing corning from them upon the subject, would show only that the theorist himself was as ignorant as his informants. We might as well ask the forest trees how they came planted upon the soil in which they grow. Not that the Indians are unintelligent in other affairs, any further than the necessary consequence growing out of their situation implies ; nor are they less so than many who have written upon their history. " In one grave maxim let us all agree Nature ne'er meant her secrets should be found, And man's a riddle, which man can't expound ! " Paine's RULING PASSION. The different notions of the Indians will be best gathered from their lives in their proper places in the following work. Dr. Z>. Mitchill, of New York, a man who wrote learnedly, if not widely, on almost every subject, has, in his opinion, like hundreds before him, set the great question, Hoio ioas America peopled 1 } at rest. He has no doubt but the Indians, in the first place, are of the same color originally as the north-eastern nations of Asia, and hence sprung from them. What time he settles them in the country he does not tell us, but gets them into Greenland about the year 8 or 900. Thinks he saw the Scandinavians as far as the shores of thn St. Lawrence, but what time this was he does not say. He must of course make * He wrote a history of the savages of America, and maintained that the Caribbee laa ge was radically Hebrew. 3* 30 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. these people the builders of the mounds scattered all over the western coun try. After all, we apprehend the doctor would have short time for his emi- f rants to do all that nature and art have done touching these matters. In the rst place, it is evident that many ages passed away from the time these tumuli were begun until they were finished : 2d, a multitude of ages must have passed since the use for which they were reared has been known ; for trees of the age cf 200 years grow from the ruins of others which must have had as great age : and, 3d, no Indian nation or tribe has the least tradition concerning them.* This could not have happened had the ancestors of the present Indians been the erectors of them, in the nature of things, f .The observation of an author in Dr. Rees's Encyclopedia,! although saying no more than has been already said in our synopsis, is, nevertheless, so happy, that we should not feel clear to omit it: "As to those who pretend that the human race has only of late found its way into America, by crossing the sea at Kamschatka, or the Straits of Tschutski, either upon the fields of ice or in canoes, they do not consider that this opinion, besides that it is extremely difficult of comprehension, has not the least tendency to diminish the prodi gy; for it would be surprising indeed that one half of our planet should have remaned without inhabitants during thousands of years, while the other half was peopled. What renders this opinion less probable is, that America is supposed in it to have had animals, since we cannot bring those species of animals from the old world which do not exist in it, as those of the tapir, the glama, and the tajactu. Neither can we admit of the recent organization of matter for the western hemisphere ; because, independently of the accumu lated difficulties in this hypothesis, and which can by no means be solved, we shall observe, that the fossil bones discovered in so many parts of Ameri ca, and at such small depths, prove that certain species of animals, so far from having been recently organized, have been annihilated a long while ago." Before we had known, that, if we were in error, it was in the company of philosophers, such as we have in this chapter introduced to our readers, we felt a hesitancy in avowing our opinions upon a matter of so great moment. But, after all, as it is only matter of honest opinion, no one should be intoler ant, although he may be allowed to make himself and even his friends merry at our expense. When, in the days of Chrysostom, some ventured to assert their opinions of the rotundity of the earth, that learned father "did laugh at then)." And, when science shall have progressed sufficiently, (if it be possible,) to set tle this question, there is a possibility that the Chrysostoms of these days will not have the same excuse for their infidelity. But as it is a day of prodigies, there is some danger of treating lightly even the most seemingly absurd con jectures. We therefore feel very safe, and more especially as it required con siderable hardihood to laugh even at the theory of the late Mr. Si/mmes. When we lately took up a book entitled "Researches, Philosophical and Anti quarian, concerning the Aboriginal History of America, by J. H. M'CULLOH, Jr. M. D." || we did think, from the imposing appearance of it, that some new matters on the subject had been discovered; and more particularly when we read in the preface, that " his first object was to explain the origin of the men and animals of America, so far as that question is involved with the apparent physical impediments that have so long kept the subject in total obscurity." Now, with what success this has been done, to do the author justice, he shall speak for himself, and the reader then may judge for himself. "Before we attempt to explain in what manner the men and animals of America reached this continent, it is necessary to ascertain, if possible, the ciicumstances of their original creation ; for upon this essential particular de pends the great interest of our present investigation. [We are not able to discover that he has said any thing further upon it.] It must be evident that we can arrive at no satisfactory conclusion, if it be doubtful whether the Crea tor of the universe made man and the animals but in one locality, from * Or none but such as are at variance with all history and rationality. f Archseologia Americana, i. 325, 326, 341, &c. J Art. AMERICA. See Acosta's Hit. E. and W. Indies, p. 1. ed. London, 1604. f Published at Baltimore, 1829, in 8\o. CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 31 whence they were dispersed over the earth ; or whether he created them in each of those various situations where we now find them living. So far aa this inquiry respects mankind, there can be no reasonable ground to doubt the one origin of the species. This fact may be proved botli physically and morally. [If the reader can discover any thing that amounts to proof in what follows, he will have made a discovery that we could not] That man, notwithstanding all the diversities of their appearance, are but of one species, is a truth now universally admitted by every physiological naturalist. [That is, notwithstanding a negro be black, an Indian brown, a European white, still, they are all men. And then follows a quotation from Doctor Lawrence* to corroborate the fact that men are all of one species.] It is true, this physiologist does not admit that the human species had their origin but from one pair; for he observes, the same species might have been created at the same time in very different parts of the earth. But when we have analyzed the moral history of mankind, to which Mr. Lawrence seems to have paid'little attention, [and if our author has done it, we would thank him to show us where we can find it,] we find such strongly-marked analogies in abstract matters existing among nations the most widely separated from each other, -that we cannot doubt there has been a time, when the whole human family have intimately participated in one common system of things, whether it be of truth or of error, of science or of prejudice. [This does not at all agree with what he says afterwards, ' We have been unable to discern any traces of Asiatic or of European civilization in America prior to the discovery of Columbus.' And again : ' In comparing the barbarian nations of America with those of the eastern continent, we perceive no points of resemblance between them, in their moral institutions or in their habits, that are not appar ently founded in the necessities of human life.' If, then, there is no affinity, other than what would accidentally happen from similar circumstances, where fore this prating about ' strongly -marked analogies' &c. just copied?] As re spects the origin of animals, [we have given his best proofs of the origin of man and their transportation to America,] the subject is much more refractory. We find them living all over the surface of the earth, and suited by their phys ical conformity to a great variety of climates and peculiar localities. Every one will admit the impossibility of ascertaining the history of their original creation from the mere natural history of the animals themselves." Now, as " refractory " as this subject is, we did not ..tpect to see it fathered off upon a miracle, because this was the easy and convenient manner in which the superstitious of every age accounted for every thing which they at once could not comprehend. And we do not expect, when it is gravely announced, that a discovery in any science ^s to be shown, that the undertaker is going to tell us it is accomplished by u miracle, and that, therefore, " he knows not why he should be called upon to answer objections," &c. As it would be tedious to the reader, as well as incompatible with our plan, to quote larger from Mr. JWddloh's book, we shall finish with him after a few remarks. We do not object to the capacity of the ark for all animals, but we do object to its introduction in the question undertaken by Mr. JirCidloh .; for every child knows that affair to have been miraculous ; and if any part of the question depended upon the truth or falsity of a miracle, why plague the world with a book of some 500 pages, merely to promulgate such a belief, when a sentence would be all that is required? No one, that admits an overruling power, or the existence of God, will doubt of his ability to create a myriad of men, animals, and all matter, by a breath ; or that an ark ten feet square could contain, comfortably, ten thousand men, as well as one of the dimensions given in Scripture to contain what that did. Therefore, if one in these days should make a book expressly to explain the cause of the different lengths of days, or the changes of the seasons, and find, after he had written a vast deal, that he could in no wise unravel the mystery, and, to close his account, de clares it was all a miracle, such an author would be precisely in the predica ment of Mr. MOidloh. * The celebrated author of Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and tlie Natural History of A/an 32 N T HE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [BOOK 1 We do not pretend that the subject can be pursued with the certainty of mathematical calculations ; and so long as it is contended that the whole spe cies of man spring from one pair, so long will the subject admit of contro versy : therefore it makes but little or no difference whether the inhabitants are got into America by the north or the south, the east or the west, as it regards the main question. For it is very certain that, if there were but one pair originally, and these placed upon a certain spot, all other places where people are now found must have been settled by people from the primitive ppot, who found their way thither, some how or other, and it is very unimpor tant how, as we have just observed. Lord Kaimes, a writer of great good sense, has not omitted to say some thing upon this subject.* He very judiciously asks those who maintain that America was peopled from Kamskatka, whether the inhabitants of that region speak the same language with their American neighbors on the opposite shores. That they do not, he observes, is fully confirmed by recent accounts from thence ; and " whence we may conclude, with great certainty, that the hitter are not a colony of the former."f We have confirmation upon confirma tion, that these nations speak languages entirely different ; and for the satisfac tion of the curious, we will give a short vocabulary of words in both, with the English against them. English, Kamskadale. Aleoutean.\. God Nionstichtchitch Aghogoch. Father. Iskh Athan. Mother Nas-kh Anaan. Son Pa-atch L'laan. Daughter Souguing Aschkinn. Brother Ktchidsch Koyota. Sister. Kos-Khou Angiin. Husband Skoch Ougiinn. Woman Skoua-aou A'i-yagar. Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinn. Young boy Pahatch Auckthok. Child Pahatchitch v Ouskolik. A man Ouskaams. . .V. Toyoch. The people Kouaskou. Pereons Ouskaamsit The head T-Khousa. Kamgha. The face Koua-agh Soghimaginn. The nose Kaankang Aughosinn. The nostrils Kaanga Gouakik. The eye Nanit Thack. After observing that "there are several cogent arguments to evince that tne Americans are not descended from any people in the north of Asia, or in the north of Europe," Lord Kaimes continues, " I venture still further ; which is, to conjecture, that America has not been peopled from any part of the old world/' But although this last conjecture is in unison with those of many others, yet his lordship is greatly out in some of the proofs which he adduces in its support As we have no ground on which to controvert this opinion, we may be excused from examining its proofs ; but this we will observe, that Lord Kaimes is in the same error about the beardlessness of the Americans as gome other learned Europeans. The learned Doctor Siointon, in a dissertation upon the peopling of Ameri- * See his " Sketches of the History of Alan," a work which he published in 1774, at Edin burgh, in 2 vols. 4to. t Vol. ii. 71. j The Aleouteans inhabit the chain of islands which stretch from the north-west point of America into the neighborhood of Kamskatka. It must be remembered that these names are in the French orthography, being taken from a French translation of Billings's voyage into those regions, from 1785 to 1794. Doctor John Swinton, the eminent author of many parts of the Ancient Universal His tory. He died in 1777. aged 74. CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN 1 OF THE INDIANS. 33 ca,* after stating the different opinions of various authors who have advocated in favor of the "dispersed people," the Phoenicians, and other eastern nations, observes, "that, therefore, the Americans in general were descended from some people who inhabited a country not so far distant from them as Egypt and Plioenicia, our readers will, as we apprehend, readily admk. Now, no country can he pitched upon so proper and convenient for this purpose as the north-eastern part of Asia, particularly Great Tartary, Siberia, and more espe cially the peninsula of Kamtschatka. That probably was the tract through which many Tartarian colonies passed into America, and peopled the most considerable part of the new world." This, it is not to be denied, is the most rational way of getting inhabitants into America, if it must be allowed that it was peopled from the "old world." But it is not quite so easy to account for the existence of equatorial animals in America, when all authors agree that they never could have passed that way, as they could not have survived the coldness of the climate, at any sea son of the year. Moreover, the vocabulary \ve have given, if it prove any thing, proves that either the inhabitants of North America did not come in from the north-west, or that, if they did, some unknown cause must have, for ages, suspended all communication between the emigrants and their ancestors upon the neighboring shores of Asia. In 1822, there appeared in London a work which attracted some attention, as most works have upon similar subjects. It was entitled, " Description of the ruins of an ancient city, discovered near Palenque, in the kingdom of Guatemala, in Spanish America : translated from the original manuscript re port of Capt. Don Jlntonio Del Rio: followed by a critical investigation and research into the History of the Americans, by Dr. Paul Felix Cabrera, of the city of New Guatemala." Captain Del Rio was ordered by the Spanish king, in the year 1786, to make an examination of whatever ruins he might find, which he accordingly did. From the manuscript he left, which afterwards fell into the hands of Doctor Cabrera, his work was composed, and is that part of the work which concerns us in our view of systems or conjectures concerning the peopling of America. We shall be short with this author, as his system differs very little from some which we have already sketched. He is very confident that he has settled the question how South America received its inhabitants, namely, from the Phoenicians, who sailed across the Atlantic Ocean, and that the ruined city described by Captain Del Rio was built by the first adventurers. Doctor Cabrera calls any system, which, in his view, does not harmonize with the Scriptures, an innovation upon the "holy Catholic religion ;" and rather than resort to any such, he says, "It is better to believe his [God's] works miraculous, than endeavor to make an ostentatious display of our talents by the cunning invention of new systems, in attributing them to natural causes."-]' The same reasoning will apply in this case as in a former. If we are to at tribute every thing to miracles, wherefore the necessity of investigation? These authors are fond of investigating matters in their way, but are dis pleased if others take the same liberty. And should we follow an author in his theories, who cuts the whole business short by declaring all to be a mira cle, when he can no longer grope in the labyrinth of his own forming, oui reader would be just in condemning such waste of time. When every thing which we cannot at first sight understand or comprehend must not be in quired into, from superstitious doubts, then and there will be fixed the hounds of all science ; but, as Lord Byron said upon another occasion, not till then* u If it be allowed (says Dr. LAWRESCE) f that all men are of the same pecies, it does not follow that they are all descended from the same family \Ve have no data for determining this point : it could indeed only be settled by a knowledge of facts, which have long ago been involved in the impene trable darkness of antiquity." That climate has nothing to do with the com plexion, he offers the following in proof: * Universal History, xx. 162, 1G3. See Malone's edition of Bostcell's Life Dr. John&on. v. 271. ed. in 5 v. 12mo. London, 1821 * Page 30. \ Lectures on Zoology. &c. 442. ed. 8vo. Salem, 1828, c 34 INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [BooK I, "The establishments of the Europeans in Asia and America have now sub sisted about three centuries. Vasquez de Gama landed at Calicut in 1498; and the Portuguese empire in India was founded in the beginning of the fol lowing century. Brazil was discovered and taken possession of by the same nation in the very first year of the 16th century. Towards the end of the J5th, and the beginning of the 16th century, Columbus, Cortcz, and Pizarro, subjugated for the Spaniards the West Indian islands, with the empires of Mexico and Peru. Sir Walter Ralegh planted an English colony in Virginia in 1584 ; and the French settlement of Canada has rather a later date. The colonists have, in no instance, approached to the natives of these countries, and their descendants, where the blood has been kept pure, have, at this time, the same characters as native Europeans." * The eminent antiquary De Witt Clinton] supposed that the ancient works found in this country were similar to those supposed to be Roman by Pennant in Wales. He adds, " The Danes, as well as the nations which erected our fortifications, were in all probability of Scythian origin. According to Pliny, the name of Scythian was common to all the nations living in the north of Asia and Europe." f CHAPTER III. dnecdotes, Narratives, fyc. illustrative of the Manners and Customs, Antiquities and Traditions, of the Indians. ]Vii. AN Ottaway chief, known to the French by the name of Wlritejohn, uj.s a great drunkard. Count Frontenac asked him what he thought brandy to be made of; he replied, that it must be made of hearts and tongues "For," said he, "when I have drunken plentifully of it, my heart is a thousand strong, and I can talk, too, with astonishing freedom and rapidity." { Honor. A chief of the Five Nations, who fought on the side of the English in the French ware, chanced to meet in battle his own father, who was fight ing on the side of the French. Just as he was about to deal a deadly blow upon his head, he discovered who he was, and said to him, "You have once given me life, and now I give it to you. Let me meet you no more ; for I have paid the debt I owed you." Recklessness. In Connecticut River, about " 200 miles from Long Island Sound, is a narrow of 5 yards only, formed by two shelving mountains of solid rock. Through this chasm are compelled to pass all the waters which in the time of the floods bury the northern country." It is a frightful passage of about 400 yards in length. No boat, or, as my author expresses it, "no living creature, was ever known to pass through this narrow, except an Indian woman." This woman had undertaken to cross the river just above, and although she had the god Bacchus by her side, yet Neptune prevailed in spite of their united efforts, and the canoe was hurried down the frightful gulf. While this Indian woman was thus hurrying to certain destruction, as she had every reason to expect, she seized upon her bottle of rum, and did not take it from her mouth until the last drop was quaffed. She was marvellously pre served, and was actually picked up several miles below, floating in the canoe, siill quite drunk. When it was known what she had done, and being asked how she dared to drink so much rum with the prospect of certain death before her, she answered that she knew it was too much for one time, but she was unwilling that any of it should be lost. || * Lectures on Zoology, &c. 464, 465. ed. 8vo. Salem, 1828. t A Memoir on the Antiquities of the Western Parts of the State of N. York, pages 9, 10 Bvo. Albany, 1818. ; Universal Museum for 1763. $ Ibid. || Peters' s Hist. Connecticut CHAP. III.J INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. 35 Jiuhce. A missionary residing among a certain tribe of Indians, was one day, after he had been preaching to them, invited by their chief to visit his wigwam. After having been kindly entertained, and being about to depart, the chief took him by the hand and said, " I have very bad squaw. She had two little children. One she loved well, the other she hated. In a cold night, when I was gone hunting in the woods, she shut it out of the wigwam, and it froze to death. What must be done with her?" The missionary replied, "She must be hanged." "Ah!" said the chief, "go, then, and hang youi God, whom you make just like her." Magnanimity. A hunter, in his wanderings for game, fell among the back settlements of Virginia, and by reason of the inclemency of the weather, was induced to seek refuge at the house of a planter, whom he met at his door. Admission was refused him. Being both hungry and thirsty, he asked for a morsel of bread and a cup of water, but was answered in every case, " No ! you shall have nothing here ! Gd you gone, you Indian dog!" It happened, in process of time, that this same planter lost himself in the woods, and, after a fatiguing day's travel, he came to an Indian's cabin, into which he was welcomed. On inquiring the way, and the distance to the white settlements, being told by the Indian that he could not go in the night, and being kindly offered lodging and victuals, he gladly refreshed and reposed himself in the Indian's cabin. In the morning, he conducted him through the wilderness, agreeably to his promise the night before, until they came in sight of the habitations of the whites. As he was about to take his leave of the planter, he looked him full in the face, and asked him if he did not know him. Horror-struck at finding himself thus in the power of a man he had so inhumanly treated, and dumb with shame on thinking of the manner it was requited, he began at length to make excuses, and beg a thousand pardons, when the Indian interrupted him, and said, " When you see poor Indians fainting for a cup of cold water, don't say again, ' Get you gone, you Indian dog!'" He then dismissed him to return to his friends. My author adds, " It is not difficult to say, which of these two had the best claim to the name of Christian."* Deception. The captain of a vessel, having a desire to make a present to a lady of some fine oranges which he had just brought from " the sugar islands," gave them to an Indian in his employ to carry to her. Lest he should not perform the office punctually, he wrote a letter to her, to be taken along with the present, that she might detect the bearer, if he should fail to deliver the whole of what he was intrusted with. The Indian, during the journey, reflected how he should refresh himself with the oranges, and iiot be found out. Not having any apprehension of the manner of communication by writing, he concluded that it was only necessary to keep his design secret from the letter itself, supposing that would tell of him if he did not; he there fore laid it upon the ground, and rolled a large stone upon it, and retired to some distance, where he regaled himself with several of the oranges, and then proceeded on his journey. On delivering "the remainder and the letter to the lady, she asked him where the rest of the oranges were; he said he had delivered all ; she told hirn that the letter said there were several more sent ; to which he answered that the letter lied, and she must not believe it. But he was soon confronted in his falsehood, and, begging forgiveness of the offence, was pardoned, f Shrewdness. As Governor Joseph Dudley of Massachusetts was superin tending some of his workmen, he took notice of an able-bodied Indian, who, hnlf-naked, would come and look on, as a pastime, to see his men work. The governor took occasion one day to ask him why he did not ivork and get some rlothes, wherewith to cover himself. The Indian answered by asking him why he did not work. The governor, pointing with his finger to his head, said, " / work head work, and so have no need to work with my hands as you should." The Indian then said he would work if any one would employ him. The * Carey's Museum, vi. 40. f Uring's Voyage to N. England in 1709, 8vo. London. 1726. 30 INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [BOOK I governor told him he wanted a coif killed, and that, if he would go and do it, he would give him a shilling. He accepted the offer, and went immediately and killed the calf, and then went sauntering about as before. The governor, on observing what he had done, asked him why he did not dress the calf before he left it. The Indian answered, "Ao, no, Coponoh; that was not in the bargain : I was to have a shilling for killing him. .An he no dead, Copun- oA?" [governor.] The governor, seeing himself thus outwitted, told him to dress it, and he would give him another shilling. This done, and in possession of two shillings, the Indian goes directly to a grog-shop for rum. After a short stay, he returned to the governor, and told him he had given him a bad shilling-piece, and presented a brass one to be exchanged. The governor, thinking possibly it might have been the case, gave him another. It was not long before he returned a second time with another brass shilling to be exchanged ; the governor was now convinced of his knavery, but, not caring to make words at the time, gave him another ; and thus the fellow got four shillings for one. The governor determined to have the rogue corrected for his abuse, and, meeting with him soon after, told him he must take a letter to Boston for him [and gave him a half a crown for the service.] * The letter was directed to the keeper of bridewell, ordering him to give the bearer so many lashes ; but, mistrusting that all was not exactly agreeable, and meeting a servant of the governor on the road, ordered him, in the name of his master, to carry the letter immediately, as he was in haste to return. The consequence was, this servant got egregiously whipped. When the governor learned what had taken place, he felt no little chagrin at being thus twice outwitted by the Indian. He did not see the fellow for some time after this, but at length, falling in with him, asked him by what means he had cheated and deceived him so many times. Taking the governor again in his own play, he answered, pointing with his finger to his head, " Head work, Coponoh, head work ! " The governor was now so well pleased that he forgave the whole offeuce.t Equality. An Indian chief, on being asked whether his people were free, answered, "Why not, since I myself am free, although their king?"J Matrimony. "An aged Indian, who for many years had spent much time among the white people, both in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, one day, about the year 1770, observed that the Indians had not only a much easier way of getting a wife than the whites, but also a more certain way of getting a good one. 'For,' said he in broken English, 'white man court court may be one whole year ! may be two years before he marry ! Well may be then he get very good wife but may be not may be very cross ! Well, now suppose cross ! scold so soon as get awake in the morning ! scold all day! scold until sleep! all one he must keep him! White people have law forbidding throw away wife he be ever so cross must keep him always ! Well, how does Indian do? Indian, when he see industrious squaw, he go to him, place his two fore-fingers close aside each other make two like one then look squaw in the face see him smile this is all one he say yes ! so he take him home no danger he be cross ! No, no squaw know too well what Indian do if he cross ! throw him away and take another! Squaw love to eat meat no husband no meat. Squaw do every thing to please husband, he do every thing to please squaw live happy.' " Toleration. In the year 1791, two Creek chiefs accompanied an American to England, where, as usual, they attracted great attention, and many flocked around them, as well to learn their ideas of certain things as to behold " the savages." Being asked their opinion of religion, or of what religion they were, one made answer, that they had no priests in their country, or established religion, for they thought, that, upon a subject where there was no possibility of people's agreeing in opinion, and as it was altogether matter of vu.rt * A sentence added in a version of this anecdote in Carey's Museum, vi. 204. t Uring, ut supra. 120. \ Carey's Museum, vi. 482. Heckewelder's Hist. Itid. Nations. CHAP. 111.] INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. 3? opinion, "it was best that every one should paddle his canoe his own way." Here is a volume of instruction in a short answer of a savage! Justice. A white trader sold a quantity of powder to an Indian, and im posed upon him by making him believe it was a grain which grew like wheat, by sowing it upon the ground. He was greatly elated by the prospect, not only of raising his own powder, but of being able to supply others, and there by becoming immensely rich. Having prepared his ground with great care, lie sowed his powder with the utmost exactness in the spring. Month after month passed away, but his powder did not even sprout, and winter came before he was satisfied that he had been deceived. He said nothing; but some time after, when the trader had forgotten the trick, the same Indian suc ceeded in getting credit of him to a large amount. The time set for payment having expired, he sought out the Indian at his residence, and demanded pay ment for his goods. The Indian heard his demand with great complaisance; then, looking him shrewdly in the eye, said, "Me, pay you when my powder grow." This was enough. The guilty white man quickly retraced his steps, satisfied, we apprehend, to balance his account with the chagrin he had re ceived. Hunting. The Indians had methods to catch game which served them ex tremely well. The same jrionth in which the Mayflower brought over the forefathers, November, 1620, to the shores of Plirnouth, several of them ranged about the woods near by to learn what the country contained. Having wandered farther than they were apprized, in their endeavor to return, they say, " We were shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered, we came to a tree, where a young sprit was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some deer. So, as we were looking at it, William Bradford being in the rear, when he came looking also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was immediately caught up by the legs. It was (they continue) a very pretty device, made with a rope of their own making, [of bark or some kind of roots probably,] and having a noose as artificially made as any roper in England can make, and as like ours as can be; which we brought away with us."* Preaching against Practice. JOHN SIMON was a Sogkonate, who, about the year 1700, was a settled minister to that tribe. He was a man of strong mind, generally temperate, but sometimes remiss in the latter particular. The fol lowing anecdote is told as characteristic of his notions of justice. Simon, on account of his deportment, was created justice of the peace, and when dif ficulties occurred involving any of his people, he sat with the English justice to aid in making up judgment. It happened that Simon's squaw, with some others, had committed some offence. Justice Almy and Simon, in making up their minds, estimated the amount of the offence differently ; Jllmy thought each should receive eight or ten stripes, but Simon said, " No, four or Jive art enough Poor Indians are ignorant, and it is not Ckristian-hke to punish so hardly tJwse who are ignorant, as tliose who have knoivledge." Simon's judg ment prevailed. When Mr. Mmy asked John how many his wife should receive, he said, "Double, because she had knowledge to have done better;" but Colonel Almy, out of regard to John's feelings, wholly remitted his wife's punishment. John looked very serious, and made no reply while in presence of the court, but, on the first fit opportunity, remonstrated very severely against his judgment, and said to him, " To tvhat purvose do toe preach a reli gion of justice, if we do unrighteousness in judgment* Sam Hide. There are few, we imagine, who have not heard of this per sonage ; but, notwithstanding his great notoriety, we might not be though serious in the rest of our work, were we to enter seriously into his biography lor the reason, that from his day to this, his name has been a by-word in all New England, and means as much as to say the greatest of liars. It is on account of the following anecdote that he is noticed. * Mourl's Relation. 38 INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [Boo K 1. Sam Hide was a notorious cider-drinker as well as liar, and used to travel the country to and fro begging it from door to door. At one time he happened t n a region of country where cider was very hard to be procured, either from Us scarcity, or from Sam's frequent visits. However, cider he was determined 10 have, if lying, in any shape or color, would gain it. Being not far from the house of an acquaintance, who he knew had cider, but he knew, or was well satisfied, that, in the ordinary way of begging, he could not get it, he set his wits at work to lay a plan to insure it. This did not occupy him long. On arriving at the house of the gentleman, instead of asking for cider, he in quired for the man of the house, whom, on appearing, Sam requested to go aside with him, as he had something of importance to communicate to him. When they were by themselves, Sam told him he had that morning shot a fine deer, and that, if he would give him a crown, he would tell him where it was. The gentleman did not incline to do this, but offered half a crown. Finally, Sam said, as he had walked a great distance that morning, and was very dry, for a half a crown and" a mug of cider he would tell him. This was agreed upon, and the price paid. Now Sam was required to point out the spot where the deer was to be found, which he did in this manner. He said to his friend, You knoio of such a meadow, describing it Yes You know a big ash tree, with a big top by the little brook Yes Well, under that tree lies the deer. This was satisfactory, and Sam departed. It is unnecessary to mention that the meadow was found, and the tree by the brook, but no deer. The duped man could hardly contain himself on considering what he had been doing. To look after Sam for satisfaction would be worse than looking after the deer , so the farmer concluded to go home contented. Some years after, he happened to fall in with the Indian ; and he immediately began to rally him for deceiving him so, and demanded back his money and pay for his cider and trouble. Why, said Sam, would you find fault if Indian told truth half the time ? No Well, says Sam, you find him meadow? Yes You find him tree 1 ? Yes What for then you Jind fault Sam Hide, ivhen he told you tivo truth to one lie 5 The affair ended here. Sam heard no more from the farmer. This is but one of the numerous anecdotes of Sam Hide, which, could they be collected, would fill many pages. He died in Dedharn, 5 January, 1732, at the great age of 105 years. He was a great jester, and passed for an un common wit. In all the wars against the Indians during his lifetime, he served the English faithfully, and had the name of a brave soldier. He had himself killed 19 of the enemy, and tried hard to make up the 20th, but was unable. Characters contrasted. "An Indian of the Kennebeck tribe, remarka ble for his good conduct, received a grant of land from the state, and fixed himself in a new township where a number of families were settled. Though not ill treated, yet the common prejudice against Indians prevented any sym pathy with him. This was shown at the death of his only child, when none of the people came near him. Shortly afterwards he went to some of the inhabitants and said to them, When white man's child die, Indian man he sorry he help bury him. IVhen my child die, no one speak to me / make his grave alone. I can no live here. He gave up his farm, dug up the body of his child, and carried it with him 200 miles through the forests, to join the Canada Indians!"* A ludicrous Error. There was published in London, in 1762, "THE AMERICAN GAZETTEER," &c.f in which is the following account of BRISTOL, JR. I. " A county and town in N. England. The capital is remarkable for the King of Spain's having a palace in it, and being killed there ; and also for Crown the poet's begging it of Charles II." The blunder did not rest here, but is found in "THE N. AMERICAN and the WEST INDIAN GAZETTEER," \ &c. Thus Philip of Spain seems to have had the misfortune of being mistaken for Philip of the Wampanoags, alias Pometacom of Pokanoket. * Tudor's Letters on the Eastern States, 294. f 3 vols. 12mo. without name, t 2d edition, 12mo, London, 1788, also anonymous. CHAP. III.] OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS. 39 Origin or .Meaning of the. Name Canada. It is said, that Canada was discov ered by the Spaniards, before the time of Cartier, and that the Bay of Cha- leurs was discovered by them, and is the same as the Baye des Espagnoles ; and that the Spaniards, not meeting with any appearances of mines of the precious metals, said to one another, oca nada, which in their language signi fied, nothing here, and forthwith departed from the country. The Indians, having heard these words, retained them in their memories, and, when the French came among them, made use of them, probably by way of salutation, not understanding their import ; and they were supposed by the voyagers to be the name of the country. It was only necessary to drop the first letter, and use the two words as two syllables, and the word Canada was complete.* But as long ago as when Father Charlevoix wrote his admirable HISTORY OF New France, he added a note upon the derivation of the name Canada, in which he said some derived it from an Iroquois word meaning an assem blage of nouses.f Doctor J. R. Forster has a learned note upon it also, in his valuable account of Voyages and Discoveries in the North. He objects to the Aca Nada origin, because, in Spanish, the word for here is not aca, but aqui, and that to form Canada from Aquinada would be forced and unnatural. Yet he says, " In ancient maps we often find Ca: da Nada" that is, Cape Nothing. " But from a Canadian [Indian] vocabulary, annexed to the original edition of the second voyage of Jaques Cartier, Paris, 1545, it appears, that an assem blage of houses, or habitations, i. e. a town, was by the natives called Canada. Cartier says, Hz appellent une VUle. Canada? Mr. Heckewelder is of much the same opinion as Charlevoix and Forster. He says, that in a prayer-book in the Mohawk language, he read ".Ye K.yAVA.-gongh Konwayatsk Nazareth" which was a translation of "in a CITY called Nazareth." Origin of the Name Yankee. ANBURY, an author who did not respect the Americans, any more than many others who have been led captive by them, has the following paragraph upon this word I "The lower class of these Yan kees apropos, it may not be amiss here just to observe to you the etymology of this term : it is derived from a Cherokee word, eankke, which signifies coward and slave. This epithet of yankee was bestowed upon the inhabitants of N. England by the Virginians, for not assisting them in a war with the Cherokees, and they have always been held in derision by it. But the name has been more prevalent since [1775] the commencement of hostilities ; the soldiery at Boston used it as a term of reproach ; but after the affair at Bun ker's Hill, the Americans gloried in it. Yankee-doodle is now their pecan, a favorite of favorites, played in their army, esteemed as warlike as the grena dier's march it is the lover's spell, the nurse's lullaby. After our rapid suc cesses, we held the yankees in great contempt ; but it was not a little morti fying to hear them play this tune, when their army marched down to our sur render." But Mr. Heckeicelder thinks that the Indians, in endeavoring to pronounce the name English, could get that sound no nearer than these" letters give it, yengees. This was perhaps the true origin of Yankee. A singular Stratagem to escape Torture. "Some years ago the Shawano Indians, being obliged to remove from their habitations, in their way took a Muskohge warrior, known by the name of old Scrany, prisoner ; they bas tinadoed him severely, and condemned him to the fiery torture. He under- * The authors who have adopted this opinion, are Doctor Mather, [Magnalia, B. viii. 71 ;] Harris, [Voyages, ii. 349 ;] Moll, [Geog. li. 194 ;] J. Long, [Voyages and Travels, 2 ;1 Box- man, [Maryland, 35 ;] Moulton, [N. York, i. 131 ;] Martin, [Louisiana, i. 7.] Josselyn and Jeffrys seem to be without company as well as authorities for their derivations. The former [N. England Rarities, 5] says, Canada was " so called from Monsieur Cane." The latter [Hist. America, 1] says, " Canada, in the Indian language, signifies the Mouth of the. Country, from can, mouth, and ada, the country." t Quelques-unes derivent ce nom du mot Iroquois Kannata, qui se prononce Canada, et sig- nifie un amas de cabannes. Hist. Nouv. France, i. 9. t Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, 1776, &c. vol. ii. 46,47. Ankur* was an officer in General Burgoyne's army, and was among the captives surrendered at Saratoga. $ Tliis derivation is almost as ludicrous as that given by Irving in his Knickerbocker. 40 ANECDOTES, &c., ILLUSTRATIVE [Boon 1. went a great deal without showing any concern ; his countenance and beha vior were as if he suffered not the least pain. He told his persecutors with a bold voice, that he was a warrior ; that he had gained most of his n>artial reputation at the expense of their nation, and was desirous of showing them, in the act of dying, that he was still as much their superior, as when he beaded his gallant countrymen : that although he had fallen into their hands, and for feited the protection of the divine power by some impurity or other, when carrying the holy ark of war against his devoted enemies, yet he had so much remaining virtue as would enable him to punish himself more exquisitely than all their despicable, ignorant crowd possibly could; and that he would do so, if they gave him liberty by untying him, and handing him one of the red-hot gun-barrels out of the h're. The proposal, and his method of address, appeared so exceedingly bold and uncommon, that his request was granted. Then suddenly seizing one end of the red-hot barrel, and brandishing it from side to side, leaped down a prodigious steep and high bank into a branch of thw river, dived through it, ran over a small island, and passed the other branch, amidst a shower of bullets ; and though numbers of his enemies Avere in close pursuit of him, he got into a bramble-swamp, through which, though naked and in a mangled condition, he reached his own country." Jin unparalleled Case of Suffering. "The Shawano Indians captured a warrior of the Anantoocah nation, and put him to the stake, according to their usual cruel solemnities : having unconcernedly suffered much torture, he told them, with scorn, they did not know how to punish a noted enemy ; therefore he was willing to teach them, and would confirm the truth of his assertion if they allowed him the opportunity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe and some tobacco, which was given him ; as soon as he had lighted it, he sat down, naked as he was, on the women's burning torches, that were within his circle, and continued smoking his pipe without the least discomposure : On this a head warrior leaped up, and said, they saw plain enough that he was a warrior, and not afraid of dying, nor should he have died, only that he was both spoiled by the fire, and devoted to it by their laws ; however, though he was a very dangerous enemy, and his nation a treacherous people, it should be seen that they paid a regard to bravery, even in one who was marked with war streaks at the cost of many of the lives of their beloved kindred ; and then by way'of favor, he with his friendly tomahawk instantly put an end to all his pains." * Ignorance the Offspring of absurd Opinions. The resolution rnd courage of the Indians, says Colonel Rogers, "under sickness and pain, is truly surpris ing. A young woman will be in labor a whole day without uttering one groan or cry ; should she betray such a weakness, they would immediately say, that she was unworthy to be a mother, and that her offspring could not fail of being cowards." f Ji Northern Custom. When Mr. Hearne was on the Coppermine River, in 1771, some of the Copper Indians in his company killed a number of Esqui maux, by which act they considered themselves unclean ; and all concerned in the murder were not allowed to cook any provisions, either for themselves or others. They were, however, allowed to eat of others' cooking, but not until they had painted, with a kind of red earth, all the space between their nose and chin, as well as a greater part of their cheeks, almost to their ears. Neither would they use any other dish or pipe, than their own. J Another Pocahontas. While Lewis and Clarice were on the shore of the Pacific Ocean, in 1805, one of their men went one evening into a village of the Killamuk Indians, alone, a small distance from his party, and on the opposite side of a creek from that of the encampment. A strange Indian happened to be there also, who expressed great respect and love for the white * The two preceding relations arc from Lono-'x Voi/fges and Trarels,T2, and 73. a book of small pretensions, bul one of the best on Indian history. Its author lived among the Indians of the North- West, as an Indian trader, about 19 yeais. t Concise Account of N. America, 212. }: Journey to the Northern Ocean, 205. CHAP. III.] OF MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 41 man-; but in reality he meant to murder him for the articles he had about him This happened to come to the knowledge of a Cbinnook woman, and she determined at once to save his life : therefore, when the white man was about to return to his companions, the Indian was going to accompany him, and kill him in the way. As they were about to set out, the woman caught the white man by the clothes, to prevent his going with the Indian. He, not under standing her intention, pulled away from her ; but as a last resort, she ran out and shrieked, which raised the men in every direction ; and the Indian became alarmed for his own safety, and made his escape before the white man knew he had been in danger. Sdf-command in Time of Danger. There was in Carolina a noted chief of the Yamoisees, who, in the year 1702, with about COO of his countrymen, went with Colonel Daniel and Colonel Moore against the Spaniards in Flori da. His name was Arratommakaw. When the English were obliged to abandon their undertaking, and as they were retreating to their boats, they became alarmed, supposing the Spaniards were upon them. Jlrratommakaw, having arrived at the boats, was reposing himself upon his oars, and was fast asleep. The soldiers rallied him for being so slow in his retreat, and ordered him to make more haste: "But he replied, 'No THOUGH TOUR GOVERNOR LEAVES YOU, I WILL NOT STIR TILL I HAVE SEEN ALL MY MEN BEFORE ME.' " Indifference. Jlrchihau was a sachem of Maryland, whose residence was upon the Potomack, when that country was settled by the English in 1633-4. The place of his residence was named, like the river, Potomack. As usual with the Indians, he received the English under Governor Calvert with great attention. It should be noted, that Archihau was not head sachem of the Potomacks, but governed instead of his nephew, who was a child, and who, like the head men of Virginia, was called iverowance. From this place the colonists sailed 20 leagues farther up the river, to a place called Piscattaway. Here a werowance went on board the governor's pinnace, to treat with him. On being asked whether he was willing the English should settle in his country, in case they found a place convenient lor them, he made answer, " / will not bid you go, neither will I bid you stay, but you may use your own discretion." * Their Notions of the Learning of the Whites. At the congress at Lancaster, in 1744, between the government of Virginia and the Five Nations, the Indians were told that, if they would send some of their young men to Vir ginia, the English would give them an education at their college. An orator replied to this offer as follows : "We know that you highly esteem the kind of learning taught in those colleges, and that the maintenance of our young men, while with you, would be very expensive to you. We are convinced, therefore, that you mean to do us good by your proposal, and we thank you heartily. But you who are wise must know, that different nations have differ ent conceptions of things ; and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our ideas of this kind of education happen not to be the same with yours. We have had some experience of it : several of our young people were formerly brought up at the colleges of the northern provinces ; they were instructed in all your sciences ; but when they came back to us, they were bad runners ; ignorant of eveiy means of living in the woods; unable to bear either cold or hunger; knew neither how to build a cabin, take a deer, or kill an enemy ; spoke our language imperfectly; were therefore neither fit for hunters, warriors, or counsellors; they were totally good for nothing. We are, however, not the less obliged by your kind offer, though we decline accepting it: and to show our grateful sense of it, if the gentlemen of Virginia will send us a dozen of their sons, we will take great care of their education, instruct them in all we know, and make men of them." f Success of a Missionary. Those who have attempted to Christianize the Indians complain that they are too silent, and that their taciturnity was the greatest difficulty with which they have to contend. Their notions of pro * Oldmijrnn, [Hist. Maryland.] f Franklin's Essays. 4* 42 ANECDOTES, &c., ILLUSTRATIVE [BOOK 1 priety upon mattcra of conversation are so nice, tliat they deem it improper, in tlie highest degree, even to deny or contradict any thing that is said, at the time ; and hence the difficulty of knowing what effect any thing has upon their minds at the time of delivery. In this they have a proper advantage ; for how often does it happen that people would answer very differently upon a matter, were they to consider upon it but a short time ! The Indians seldom answer a matter of importance the same day, lest, in so doing, they should be thought to have treated it as though it was of small consequence. Wt oftener repent of a hasty decision, than that we have lost time in maturing our judg ments. Now for the anecdote : and as it is from the Essays of Dr. F>a,\klin, it shall be told in his own way. " A Swedish minister, having assembled the chiefs of the Susquehannah Indians, made a sermon to them, acquainting them with the principal historical facts on which our religion is founded ; such as the fall of our first parents by eating an apple ; the coming of Christ to repair the mischief; his miracles and sufferings, &c. When he had finished, an Indian orator stood up to thank him. ' What you have told s,' said he, 'is all very good. It is indeed bad to eat apples. It is better to make them all into cider. We are much obliged by your kindness in coming so far to tell us those things, which you have heard from your mothers. 1 "When the Indian had told the missionary one of the legends of his nation, now they had been supplied with maize or corn, beans, and tobacco,* he treated it with contempt, and said, ' What I delivered to you were sacred truths ; but what you tell me is mere fable, fiction, and falsehood.' The Indian felt indignant, and replied, ' My brother, it seems your friends have net done you justice in your education ; they have not ivell instructed you in the rules of common civility. You see that we, who understand and practise those rules, believe all your stories : why do you refuse to believe ours ? ' * Curiosity. "When any of the Indians come into our towns, our people are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them where they defeire to be private ; this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners. ' We have,' 1 say they, ' as much curiosity as you, and when you come into our toions, ice wish for opportunities of looking at you ; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your company. 1 " Rules of Conversation. "The business of the women is to take exact notice of what passes, imprint it in their memories, (for they have no writing,) and communicate it to their children. They are the records of the council, and they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hundred years back ; which, when we compare with our writings, we always find exact. He that would speak rises. The rest observe a profound silence. When he has finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that, if he has omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may rite again, and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common conversa tion, is reckoned highly indecent. How different this is from the conduct of a polite British House of Commons, where scarce a day passes without some confusion, that makes the speaker hoarse in calling to order; and how different from the mode of conversation in many polite companies of Europe, where, if you do not deliver your sentence with great rapidity, you are cut off in the middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you converse with, and never suffered to finish it!" Instead of being better since the days of Franklin, we apprehend it has grown worse. The modest and unassuming often find it exceeding difficult to gain a hearing at all. Ladies, and many who consider themselves examples of good manners, transgress to an insufferable degree, in breaking in upon the conversations of others. Some of these, like a ship * The story of the beautiful woman, who descended to the earth, and was fed by the Indians, Black-Hawk is made to tell, in his life, page 78. It is the same often told, and alluded to by Franklin, in the text. To reward the Indians for their kindness, she caused corn to grow where her right hand touched the earth, beans where the left rested, and tobacco where she was seated. CHAP. III.] OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS. 43 driven by a north-wester, bearing down the small craft in her course, come upon us by surprise, and it' we attempt to proceed by raising our voices a little, we are sure to be drowned by a much greater elevation on their part. It is a want of good breeding, which, it is hoped, every young person whose eye this may inert, will not be guilty of through life. There is great oppor tunity for many of mature years to profit by it. Lost Confidence. An Indian runner, arriving in a village of his countrymen) requested the immediate attendance of its inhabitants in council, as he wanted their answer to important information. The people accordingly assembled, but when the messenger had with great anxiety delivered his message, and waited for an answer, none was given, and he soon observed that he was like ly to be left alone in his place. A stranger present asked a principal chief the meaning of this strange proceeding, who gave this answer, " He once told us a lie" Comic. An Indian having been found frozen to death, an inquest of his countrymen was convened to determine by what means he came to such a death/ Their verdict was, "Death from the freezing of a great quantity of water inside of him, which they were of opinion he had drunken for rum." A serious Question. About 1794, an officer presented a western chief with a medal, on one side of which President Washington was represented as armed with a sword, and on the other an Indian was seen in the act of burying the hatchet The chief at once saw the wrong done his countrymen, and very wisely asked, " Why does not the President bury his sword too ? " * Self-esteem. A white man, meeting an Indian, accosted him as brother. The red man, with a great expression of meaning in his countenance, inquired how they came to be brothers; the white man replied, O, by way of Adam, I suppose. The Indian added, " Me thank him Great Spirit ice no nearer brothers." A Preacher taken at his Word. A certain clergyman had for his text on a time, " Vmo and pay unto the Lord thy vows." An Indian happened to be present, who stepped up to the priest as soon as he had finished, and said to him, " Now me vow me go home with you, Mr. Minister." The priest, having no language of evasion at command, said, " You must go then." When he had arrived at the home of the minister, the Indian vowed again, saying, " Now me VOID me have supper." When this was finished he said, " Me vow me stay all night," The priest, by this time, thinking himself sufficiently taxed, re plied, " It may be so, but I vow you shall go in the morning." The Indian, judging from the tone of his host, that more vows would be useless, departed in the morning sans ceremonie. A case of signal Barbarity. It is related by BLACK HAWK, in his life, that some time before the war of 1812, one of the Indians had killed a French man at Prairie des Chiens. " The British soon after took him prisoner, and said they would shoot him next day ! His family were encamped a short dis tance below the mouth of the Ouisconsin. He begged permission to go and see them that night, as he was to die the next day ! They permitted him to go, after promising to return the next morning by sunrise. He visited his family, which consisted of a wife and six children. I cannot describe their meeting and parting, to be understood by the whites ; as it appears that their feelings are acted upon by certain rules laid down by their preachers ! whilst ours are governed only by the monitor within us. He parted from his wife and chil dren, hurried through the prairie to the fort, and arrived in time ! The sol diers were ready, and immediately marched out and shot him down !! " If this were not cold-blooded, deliberate murder, on the part of the whites, I have no conception of what constitutes that crime. What were the circumstances >f the murder we are not informed ; but whatever they may have been, they cannot excuse a still greater barbarity. I would not by any means be under stood to advocate the cause of a murderer; but I will ask, whether crime is to be prevented by crime : murder for murder is only a brutal retaliation, ex cept where the safety of a community requires the sacrifice. Elliot's Works, 178. 44 NARRATIVES, &c., ILLUSTRATIVE [BOOK I Mourning much in a short Time. " A young widow, whose husband had been dead about eight days, was hastening to finish her grief, in order that she might be married to a young warrior: she was determined, therefore, to grieve much in a short time ; to this end she tore her hair, drank spirits, and beat her breast, to make the tears flow abundantly, by which means, on the evening of the eighth day, she was ready again to marry, having grieved suf ficiently." * How to evade a hard Question. " When Mr. Gist went over the Alleganies, in Feb. 1751, on a tour of discovery for the Ohio Company, ' an Indian, who spoke good English, came to him, and said that their great man, the Beaver ,f and Captain Oppamyluah, (two chiefs of the Delawares,) desired to know where the Indians' land lay; for the French claimed all the land on one side of the Ohio River, and .the English on the other.' This question Mr. Gist found it hard to answer, and he evaded it by saying, that the Indians and white men were all subjects to the same king, and all had an equal privilege of taking up and possessing the laud in conformity with the conditions prescribed by the king."! Credulity its own Punishment. The traveller Wansey, according to his own account, would not enter into conversation with an eminent chief, because he had heard that it had been said of him, that he had, in his time, "shed blood enough to swim in." He had a great desire to become acquainted with the Indian character, but his credulity debarred him effectually from the gratifi cation. The chief was a Creek, named FLAMINGO, who, in company with another called Double-head, visited Philadelphia as ambassadors, in the sum mer of 1794. Few travellers discover such scrupulousness, especially those who come to America. That Flamingo was more bloody than other Indian warriors, is in no wise probable ; but a mere report of his heing a great shed- der of blood kept Mr. Wansey from saying any more about him. Just Indignation. HATUAY, a powerful chief of Hispaniola, having fled from thence to avoid slavery or death when that island was ravaged by the Spaniards, was taken in 1511, when they conquered Cuba, and burnt at the Btake. After being bound to the stake, a Franciscan friar labored to convert him to the Catholic faith, by promises of immediate and eternal bliss in the world to come if he would believe ; and that, if he would not, eternal tor ments were his only portion. The cazique, with seeming composure, asked if there were any Spaniards in those regions of bliss. On being answered that there were, he replied, " Then I will not go to a place ichere 1 may meet with one of that accursed race." Harmless Deception. In a time of Indian troubles, an Indian visited the house of Governor Jenks, of Rhode Island, when the governor took occasion to request him, that, if any strange Indian should come to his wigwam, to let him know it, which the Indian promised to do; but to secure his fidelity, the governor told him that when he should give him such information, he would give him a mug of flip. Some time after the Indian came again : " Well, Mr. Gubenor, strange Indian come my house last night! " "Ah," says the govern or, "and what did he say?" "He no speak," replied the Indian. "What, no speak at all ? " added the governor. " No, he no speak at all." " That certainly looks suspicious," said his excellency, and inquired if he were still there, and being told that he was, ordered the promised mug of flip. When this was disposed of, and the Iwdian was about to depart, he mildly said, "Mr. Gube nor, my squaw have child last night; "and thus the governor's alarm was suddenly changed into disappointment, and the strange Indian into a new born pappoose. Mammoth Bones. The following very interesting tradition concerning these bones, among the Indians, will always be read with interest. The ani mal to which they once belonged, they called the Big Buffalo ; and on the * Account of the United States by Mr. faarw Holmes, 36. t Probably the same we have noticed in Book V. as King Beaver. \ Sparks's Washington, ii, 15. CHAP. IIT.l EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTOX. 45 early maps of the country of the Ohio, we see marked, "Elephants' bones paid to be found here." They were, for some time, by many supposed to have been the bones of that animal ; but they are pretty generally now believed to have belonged to a species of animal long since extinct. They have been found in various parts of the country ; but in the greatest abundance about the suit licks or springs in Kentucky and Ohio. There has never been an entire skeleton found, although the one in Peale's museum, in Philadelphia, was so near perfect, that, by a little ingenuity in supplying its defects with wood work, it passes extremely well for such. The tradition of the Indians concerning this animal is, that he was carniv orous, and existed, as late as 1780, in the northern parts of America. Some Delawares, in the time of the revolutionary war, visited the governor of Vir ginia on business, which having been finished, some questions were put to them concerning their country, and especially what they knew or had heard respecting the animals whose bones had been found about the salt licks on the Ohio River. " The chief speaker," continues our author, Mr. Jefferson, "immediately put himself into an attitude of oratory, and, with a pomp suited to what he conceived the elevation of his subject," began and repeated as follows : " In ancient times, a herd of these tremendous animals came to the Big-bone Licks, and began an universal destruction of the bear, deer, elks, buffa loes, and other animals, which had been created for the use of the Indians : the great man above, looking down and seeing this, ivas so enraged, that he seized his lightning, descended to the earth, and seated himself on a neighboring mountain, on a rock of which his seat and the print of his feet are still to be seen, and hurled his bolts among them till the whole were, slaughtered, except the big bull, who, presenting his forehead to the shafts, shook them off as they Jell ; but missing one at length, it wounded him in the side ; whereon, springing round, he bounded over the Ohio, over the Wabash, the Illinois, and, finally, over the great lakes, where he is living at this day." Such, say the Indians, is the account handed down to them from their ancestors, and they could furnish no other information. JVarrative of the Captivity and bold Exploit of Hannah Duston. The rela tion of this affair forms the XXV. article in the Decenuium Luctuosum of the Magnalia Christ! Americana, by Dr. Cotton Mather, and is one of the best- written articles of all we have read from his pen. At its head is this signifi cant sentence Dux Fa3mina Facti. On the 15 March, 1697, a band of about 20 Indians came unexpectedly upon Haverhill, in Massachusetts ; and, as their numbers were small, they made their attack with the swiftness of the whirlwind, and as suddenly disap peared. The war, of which this irruption was a part, had continued nearly ten years, and soon afterwards it came to a close. The house which this party of Indians had singled out as their object of attack, belonged to one Mr. Thomas * Duston or Dunstan, f in the outskirts of the town. { Mr. Duston was at work, at some distance from his house, at the time, and whether he was alarmed for the safety of his family by the shouts of the Indians, or other cause, we are not informed ; but he seems to have arrived there time enough before the arrival of the Indians, to make some arrangements for the preserva tion of his children ; but his wife, who, but about a week before, had been confined by a child, was unable to rise from her bed, to the distraction of her agonized husband. No time was to be lost ; Mr. Duston had only time to direct his children's flight, (seven in number,) the extremes of whose ages were two and seventeen, and the Indians were upon them. With his gun, the distressed father mounted his horse, and rode away in the direction of the children, whom he overtook but about 40 rods from the house. His first intention was to take up one, if possible, and escape with it. He had no sooner overtaken them, than this resolution was destroyed ; for to rescue either to the exclusion of the rest, was worse than death itself to him. He therefore faced about and met the enemy, who had closely pursued him ; each fired * Mr. Myrick's Hist. Haverhill, 86. t Hulcliinson. t Kighl houses were destroyed at this time, 27 persons killed, and 13 carried away captive In Mr. B. L. Myrick's History of Haverhill, are the names of the slain, &c. 46 EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON. [BooK 1. npon the other, and it is almost a miracle that none of the little retreating party were hurt. The Indians did not pursue long, from fear of raising tlie neighboring English before they could complete their object, and hence this part of the family escaped to a place of safety. We are now. to enter fully into the relation of this very tragedy. There was living in the house of Mr. Duston, as nurse, Mrs. Mary Neff,* a widow, whose heroic conduct in sharing the fate of her mistress, when escape was in her power, will always be viewed with admiration. The Indians were now in the undisturbed possession of the house, and having driven the sick woman from her bed, compelled her to sit quietly in the corner of the fire-place, while they completed the pillage of the house. This business being finished, it was set on fire, and Mrs. Duston, who before considered herself unable to walk, was, at the approach of night, obliged to march into the wilderness, and take her bed upon the cold ground. Mrs. Neff too late attempted to escape with the infant child, but was intercepted, the child taken from her, and its brains beat out against a neighboring apple-tree, while its nurse was compelled to accompany her new and frightful masters also The captives amounted in all to 13, some of whom, as they became unable to travel, were murdered, and left exposed upon the way. Although it was near night when they quitted Haverhill, they travelled, as they judged, 12 miles before encamping; "and then," says Dr. Mather, "kept up with their new masters in a long travel of an hundred and fifty miles, more or less, within a few days ensuing."! After journeying awhile, according to their custom, the Indians divided their prisoners. Mrs. Duston, Mrs. Neff, and a boy named Samuel Leonardson, \ who had been captivated at Worcester, about 18 months before, fell to the lot of an Indian family, consisting of twelve persons, two men, three women, and seven children. These, so far as our accounts go, were veiy kind to their prisoners, but told them there was one ceremony which they could not avoid, and to which they would be subjected when they should arrive at their place of destination, which was to run the gantlet. The place where this was to be performed, was at an Indian village, 250 miles from Haverhill, according to the reckoning of the Indians. In their meandering course, they at length arrived at an island in the mouth of Contookook River, about six miles above Concord, in New Hampshire. Here one of the Indian men resided. It had been determined by the captives, before their arrival, that an effort should be made to free themselves from their wretched captivity ; and not only to gain their liberty, but, as we shall presently see, something by way of remuneration from those who held them in bondage. The heroine, Duston, had resolved, upon the first opportunity that offered any chance of success, to kill her captors and scalp them, and to return home with such trophies as would clearly establish her reputation for heroism, as well as insure her a bounty from the public. She therefore communicated her design to Mrs. Neff and the English boy, who, it would seem, readily enough agreed to it. To the art of killing and scalping she was a stranger ; and, that there should be no failure in the business, Mrs. Duston instructed the boy, who, from his long residence with them, had become as one of the Indians, to inquire of one of the men how it was done. He did so, and the Indian showed him, with out mistrusting the origin of the inquiry. It was now March the 31, and in the dead of the night following, this bloody tragedy was acted. When the Indians were in the most sound sleep, these three captives arose, and softly arming themselves with the tomahawks of their masters, allotted the number each should kill ; and so truly did they direct their blows, that but one escaped that they designed to kill. This was a woman, whom they badly wounded, and one boy, for some reason they did not wish to harm, and accordingly he was allowed to escape unhurt. Mrs. Duston killed her master, and Leonard- son killed the man who had so freely told him, but one day before, where to deal a deadly blow, and how to take off a scalp. * She was a daughter of George Corliss, and married William Neff, who went after the army, and died at Pemmaquid, Feb. 1688. Myrick, Hist. Havl. 87. t Their course was probably very indirect, to eluH pursuit. \ Hist. Haverhill, 89 CHAP. III.] DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. 47 All" was over before the dawn of day, and all things were got ready for leaving this place of blood. All the boats but one were scuttled, to prevent being pursued, and, with what provisions and arms the Indian camp afforded, they embarked on board the other, and slowly and silently took the course of the Merrimack River for their homes, where they all soon after arrived with out accident. The whole country was astonished at the relation of the affair, the truth of which was never for a moment doubted. The ten scalps, and the arms of the Indians, were evidences not to be questioned ; and the general court gave them fifty pounds as a reward, and numerous other gratuities were showered upon them. Colonel Nicholson, governor of Maryland, hearing of the transac tion, sent them a generous present also. Eight other houses were attacked besides Dustorfs, the owners of which, says the historian of that town, Mr. Mynck, in every case, were slain while defending them, and the blood of each stained his own door-sill. Narrative of the Destruction of Schenectady.* This was an event of great distress to the whole country, at the time it happened, and we are able to give some new facts in relation to it from a manuscript, which, we believe, has never before been published. These facts are contained in a letter from Gov- srnor Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, to Governor Hinckley, of Plimouth, dated about a month after the affair. They are as follow: " Tho' you cannot but have heard of the horrid massacre committed by the French and Indians at Senectada, a fortified and well compacted town 20 miles above Albany (which we had an account of by an express,) yet. we think we have not discharged our duty till you hear of it from us. 'Twas upon the EigJdh of February, [1689-90] at midnight when those poor secure wretches were surprised by the enemy. Their gates were open, no watch kept, and hardly any order observed in giving and obeying commands. Sixty of them were butchered in the place ; of whom Lieut. Tdlmage and four more were of Capt. Bull's com pany, besides five of said company carried captive. By this action the French have given us to understand what we may expect from them as to the fron tier towns and seaports of New England. We are not so well acquainted what number of convenient Havens you have in your colony, besides those of Plimouth and Bristol. We hope your prudence and vigilance will lead you to take such measures as to prevent the landing of the enemy at either of those or any such like place." f We now proceed to give such other facts as can be gathered from the numerous printed accounts. It appears that the government of Canada had planned several expeditions, previous to the setting out of this, against various important points of the English frontier, as much to gain the warriors of the Five Nations to their interest, as to distress the English. Governor De Non- ville had sent over several chief sachems of the Iroquois to France, where, as usual upon such embassies, great pains were taken to cause them to enter tain the highest opinions of the glory and greatness of the French nation. Among them was Taweraket, a renowned warrior, and two others. It appears that, during their absence in France, the great war between their countrymen and the French had ended in the destruction of Montreal, and other places, as will be seen detailed in our Fifth Book. Hence, when Count Prontenac arrived in Canada, in the fall of 1689, instead of finding the Iroquois ready to join him and his forces which he had brought from France for the conquest of New York, he found himself obliged to set about a reconciliation of them. He therefore wisely despatched Taweraket, and the two others, upon that design. The Five Nations, on being called upon by these chiefs, would take no step without first notifying the English at Albany that a council was to be called. The blows which bad been so lately given the French of Canada, had lulled the English into a fatal security, and they let this council pass with too little attention to its proceedings. On the other hand, the French were * This was the German name of a pine barren, such as stretches itself between Albany and Scheneclady, over which is now a rail-road. t French ships, with land forces and munitions, had, but a short time before, hovered upoo Ihe coast 48 DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. [KooK ( fully and ably represented ; and the result was, the existing breach was set in a fair way to be closed up. This great council was begun 22 January, 1690 and consisted of eighty sachems. It was opened by Sadekanaghtief a great Oneida chief. Meanwhile, to give employment to the Indians who yet remained thcii friends, the expedition was begun which ended in the destruction of Scheneo- tady. Chief Justice Smith\ wrote his account of that affair from a manuscript letter left by Colonel Schuyler, at that time mayor of Albany ; and it is the most particular of any account yet published. It is as follows, and bears date 15 February, 1689: After two-and-twenty days' march, the enemy fell in with Schenectady, February 8. There were about 200 French, and perhaps 50 Caughnewaga Mohawks, and they at first intended to have surprised Albany ; but their march had been so long and tedious, occasioned by the deepness of the snow and coldness of the weather, that, instead of attempting any thing offensive, they had nearly decided to surrender themselves to the first English they should meet, such was their distressed situation, in a camp of snow, but a few miles from the devoted settlement. The Indians, however, saved them from the disgrace. They had sent out a small scout from their party, who entered Schenectady without even exciting suspicion of their errand. When they had staid as long as the nature of their business required, they withdrew to their fellows. Seeing that Schenectady offered such an easy prey, it put new courage into the French, and they came upon it as above related. The bloody tragedy commenced between 11 and 12 o'clock, on Saturday night ; and, that every house might be surprised at nearly the same time, the enemy divided theni- selves into parties of six or seven men each. Although the town was impaled, no one thought it necessary to close the gates, even at night, presuming the severity of the season was a sufficient security ; hence the first news of the approach of the enemy was at every door of every house, which doors were broken as soon as the profound slumbers of those they were intended to guard. The same inhuman barbarities now followed, that were afterwards perpetrated upon the wretched inhabitants of Montreal.; "No tongue," said Colonel Schuykr, " can express the cruelties that were committed." Sixty-three houses, and the church, were immediately in a blaze. Enciente women, in their expiring agonies, saw their infants cast into the flames, being first delivered by the knife of the midnight assassin ! Sixty-three || persons were put to death, and twenty-seven were carried into captivity. A few persons fled towards Albany, with no other covering but their night- clothes ; the horror of whose condition was greatly enhanced by a great fall of snow ; 25 of whom lost their limbs from the severity of the frost. With these poor fugitives came the intelligence to Albany, and that place was in dismal confusion, having, as usual upon such occasions, supposed the enemy to have been seven times more numerous than they really were. About noon, the next day, the enemy set off from Schenectady, taking all the plunder they could carry with them, among which were forty of the best horses. The rest, with all the cattle and other domestic animals, lay slaughtered in the streets. One of the most considerable men of Schenectady, at this time, was Captain Alexander Glen. IT He lived on the opposite side of the river, and was suffered to escape, because he had delivered many French prisoners from torture and slavery, who had been taken by the Indians in the former wars. They had passed his house in the night, and, during the massacre, he had taken the alarm, and in the morning he was found ready to defend himself. Before leaving the village, a French officer summoned him to a council, upon the shore of the river, with the tender of personal safety. He at length adventured down, and had the great satisfaction of having all his captured friends and relatives delivered to him ; and the enemy departed, keeping good their promise that no injury should be done him. || * Sadageenaglilie in Pownal on the Colonies. I. 398. f Hist. N. York. t See Book V. Spaford. \\Colden. llo 11 Cliarlevoix calls him The Sieur Coudre. CHAP. III.] DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. 49 Tlie great Alohawk castle was about 17 miles from Schenectady, and they did not hear of the massacre until two days after, owing to the state of travelling. On receiving the news, they immediately joined a party of men from Albany, and pursued the enemy. After a tedious pursuit, they fell upon their rear, killed and took 25 of them, and did them some other damage. Sev eral chief sachems soon assembled at Albany, to condole with the people, and animate them against leaving the place, which, it seems, they were about to do. From a speech of one of the chiefs on this occasion, the following extract is preserved : " Brethren, we do not think that what the French have done can be called a victory ; it is only a further proof of their cruel deceit The governor of Canada sent to Onondago, and talks to us of peace with our whole house ; but war was in MS heart, as you now see by woful experience. He did the same formerly at Cadaracqui,* and in the Senecas' country. This is the third time he has acted so deceitfully. He has broken open our house at both ends ; formerly in he Senecas' country, and now here. We hope to be revenged on them." Accordingly, when messengers came to renew and conclude the treaty which had been begun by Taweraket, before mentioned, they were seized and handed over to the English. They also kept out scouts, and harassed the French in every direction. We will now proceed to draw from Charlevoix 1 account of this affair, which is very minute, as it respects the operations of the French and Indians. Not withstanding its great importance in a correct history of the sacking of Sche- nectady, none of our historians seem to have given themselves the trouble of laying it before their readers. Governor Frontenac, having determined upon an expedition, gave notice to M. de la Durantaye, who then commanded at Michilimakinak, that he might assure the Hurons and Ottawas, that in a short time they would see a great change in affairs for the better. He prepared at the same time a large convoy to rem force that post, and he took measures also to raise three war parties, who should enter by three different routes the country of the English. The first assembled at Montreal, and consisted of about 110 men, French and Indians, and was put under the command of MM. cTJlillebout de Mantet, and le Maine de St. Helene, two lieutenants, under whom MM. de Repentigny, d'Iberville, DE BO>'REPOS, DE LA BROSSE, and DE MONTIGM, requested permis sion to serve as volunteers. This party marched out before they had determined against what part of the English frontier they would carry their arms, though some part of New York was understood. Count Frontenac had left that to the two commanders. After they had marched five or six days, they called a council to determine upon what place they would attempt. In this council, it was debated, on the part of the French, that Albany would be the smallest place they ought to undertake; but the Indians would not agree to it. They contended that, with their small force, an attack upon Albany would be attended with extreme hazard. The French being strenuous, the debate grew warm, and an Indian chief asked them "how Jong it was since they had so much courage." To this severe rebuke it was answered, that, if by some past actions they had discovered cowardice, they should see that now they would retrieve their character ; they would take Albany or die in the attempt. The Indians, how ever, would not consent, and the council broke up without agreeing upon any thing but to proceed on. They continued their march until they came to a place where their path divided into two ; one of which led to Albany, and the other to Schenectady : here Mantel gave up his design upon Albany, and they marched on harmoni ously for the former village. The weather was very severe, and for the nine following days the little army suffered incredible hardships. The men were often obliged to wade through water up to their knees, breaking its ice at every step. * See Book V. 5 D 50 DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. [BooK 1 At, 4 o'clock in the morning, the beginning of February, they arrived within two leagues of Schenectady. Here they halted, and the Great Jlgnier, chief of the Iroquois of the Falls of St. Louis, made a speech to them. He exhorted every one to^ forget the hardships they had endured, in the hope of avenging tiie wrongs they had for a long time suffered from the perfidious English, who were the authors of them ; and in the close added, that they could not doubt of the assistance of Heaven against the enemies of God, in a cause so just. Hardly had they taken up their line of march, when they met 40 Indian women, who gave them all the necessary information for approaching the place in safety. A Canadian, named Giguiere, was detached immediately with nine Indians upon discovery, who acquitted himself to the entire satisfaction of his officers. He reconnoitred Schenectady at his leisure, and then rejoined liis comrades. It had been determined by the party to put off the attack one day longer ; but on the arrival of the scout under Giguiere, it was resolved to proceed without delay. Schenectady was then in form like that of a long square, and entered by two gates, one at each end. One opened towards Albany, the other upon the great road leading into the back country, and which was now possessed by the French and Indians. Mantet and St. Helens charged at the second gate, which the Indian women before mentioned had assured them was always open, and they found it so. D'Iberville and Repentigni passed to the left, in order to enter by the other gate, but, after losing some time in vainly endeavoring to find it, were obliged to return and enter with their comrades. The gate was not only open but unguarded, and the whole party entered without being discovered. Dividing themselves into several parties, they waylaid every portal, and then the war-whoop was raised. Mantet formed and attacked a garrison, where the only resistance of any account was made. The gate of it was soon forced, and all of the English fell by the sword, and the garrison was burned. Montigni was wounded, in forcing a house, in his arm and body by two blows of a halberd, which put him kors du combat ; but St. Helene being come to his assistance, the house was taken, and the wounds of Montigni revenged by the death of all who had shut themselves up in it. Nothing was now to be seen but massacre and pillage in eveiy place. At the end of about two hours, the chiefs, believing it due to their safety, posted bodies of guards at all the avenues, to prevent surprise, and the rest of the night was spent in refreshing themselves. Mantet had given orders that the minister of the place should be spared, whom he had intended for his own prisoner ; but he was found among the promiscuous dead, and no one knew when he was killed, and all his papers were burned. After the place was destroyed, the chiefs ordered all the casks of intoxicat ing liquors to be staved, to prevent their men from getting drunk. They next set all the houses on fire, excepting that of a widow, into which Montigni had been carried, and another belonging to Major Coudre : they were in num ber about 40, all well built and furnished ; no booty but that winch could be easily transported was saved. The lives of about 60 persons were spared ; chiefly women, children, and old men, who had escaped the fury of the onset, and 30 Indians who happened to be then in the place. The lives of the Indians were spared that they might carry the news of what had happened to their countrymen, whom they were requested to inform, that it was not against them that they intended any harm, but to the English only, whom they had now despoiled of property to the amount of four hundred thousand pounds. They were too near Albany to remain long among the ruins, and they decamped about noon. The plunder Montigni, whom it was necessary to carry the prisoners, who were to the number of 40 and the want of provisions, with which they had in their hurry neglected to provide them selves retarded much their retreat. Many would have even died of famine, had they not had 50 horses, of which there remained but six when they CHAP. III.] MURDER OF MISS M'CREA. 51 arrived at Montreal, upon the 27 March following.* Their want of provisions obliged them to separate, and in an attack which was made upon one party, three Indians and six Frenchmen were killed or taken ; an attack, which, for want of proper caution, cost the army more lives than the capture of Sche- uectady ; in which they lost but two men, a Frenchman and an Indian. Murder of .Miss Jane McCrea, This young lady " was the second daughter of James McCrea^ minister of Lamington, New Jersey, who died before the revolution. After his death, she resided with her brother, Colonel John McCrea of Albany, who removed in 1773 to the neighborhood of Fort Edward. His house was in what is now Northumberland, on the west side of the Hudson, three miles north of Fort Miller Falls. In July or August, 1777, being on a visit to the family of Mrs. McNeil, near Fort Edward, at the close of the week, she was asked to remain until Monday. On Sunday morning, when the Indians came to the house, she concealed herself in the cellar ; but they dragged her out by the hair, and, p!."-* : -.jr her on a horse, proceeded on the road towards Sandy Hill. They sou, IKJI another party of Indians, returning from Argyle, where they had killed tlie family of Mr. Bains ; these Indians disapproved the pur pose of taking the captive to the British camp, and one of them struck her with a tomahawk and tore off her scalp. This is the account given by her nephew. The account of Mrs. McNeil is, that her lover, anxious for her safety, employed two Indians, with the promise of a barrel of rum, to bring her to him ; and that, in consequence of their dispute for the right of conduct ing her, one of them murdered her. Gen. Gates, in his letter toljen. Burgoyne of 2 September, says, ' she was dressed to receive her promised husband.' " Her brother, on hearing of her fate, sent his family the next day to Albany, and, repairing to the American camp, buried his sister, with one Lieutenant Fan Vechten, three miles south of Fort Edward. She was 23 years old, of an amiable and virtuous character, and highly esteemed by all her acquaintance. It is said, and was believed, that she was engaged in marriage to Captain David Jones, of the British army, a loyalist, who survived her only a few years, and died, as was supposed, of grief for her loss. Her nephew, Colonel James McCrea, lived at Saratoga, in 1823." f Under the name of Lucinda, Barlow has dwelt upon this murder in a strain that may be imitated, but not surpassed. We select from him as follows : "One deed shall tell what fame great Albion draws From these auxiliars in her barb'rous cause, Lttcinda's fate. The tale, ye nations, hear j Eternal ages, trace it with a tear." The poet then makes Lucinda, during a battle, wander from her home to watch her lover, whom he calls Heartly. She distinguishes him in the con flict, and, when his squadron is routed by the Americans, she proceeds to the contested ground, fancying she had seen him fall at a certain point. But " He hurries to his tent ; oh, rage ! despair ! No glimpse, no tidings, of the frantic fair ; Save that some carmen, as a-camp they drove, Had seen her coursing for the western grove. Faint with fatigue, and choked with burning thirst, Forth from his friends, with bounding leap, he burst,. Vaults o'er the palisade, with eyes on flame, And fills the welkin with Luanda's name." " The fair one, too, of every aid forlorn, Had raved and wandered, till officious morn Awaked the Mohawks from their short repose, To glean the plunder ere their comrades rose. Two Mohawks met the maid historian, hold ! '' " She starts with eyes upturned and fleeting breath, In their raised axes views her instant death. Her hair, half lost along the shrubs she passed, Rolls, in loose tangles, round her lovely waist ; Her kerchief torn betrays the globes of snow, Thai heave responsive to her weight of woe. There is no doubt but that they were obliged to subsist chiefly upon their horse*, t President Allen's American Biographical Dictionary, 574. 52 HEROISM OF MRS. MERRIL. WHITE INDIANS. [B >OK 1 With calculating pause and demon grin They seize her hands, and, through her face divine, Drive the descending axe ! the shriek she sent Attained her lover's ear; he thither bent With all the speed his wearied limbs could yield, Whirled his keen blade, and stretched upon the field The yelling fiends, who there disputing stood Her gory scalp, their horrid prize of blood ! He sunk, delirious, on her lifeless clay, And passed, in starts of sense, the dreadful'day." In a note to the above passages, Mr. Barlow says this tragical story of Miss McCrea is detailed almost literally. " Extraordinary instance of female heroism, extracted from a letter written by Col. James Perry to the Rev. Jordan Dodge, dated Nelson Co., Ky., 20 .April, 1788." "On the first of April inst., a number of Indians surrounded the house of one John JMerril, which was discovered by the barking of a dog. Merril stepped to the door to see what he could discover, and received three musket-balls, which caused him to fall back into the house with a bioken leg and arm. The Indians rushed on to the door ; but it being instantly fastened by his wife, who, witli a girl of about 15 years of age, stood against it, the savages could not immediately enter. They broke one part of the door, and one of them crowded partly through. The heroic mother, in the midst of her screaming children and groaning husband, seized an axe, and gave a fatal blow to the savage ; and he falling headlong into the house, the others, sup posing they had gained their end, rushed after him, until four of them fell in like manner before they discovered their mistake. The rest retreated, which gave opportunity again to secure the door. The conquerors rejoiced in their victory, hoping they had killed the whole company ; but their expectations were soon dashed, by finding the door again attacked, which the bold mother endeavored once more to secure, with the assistance of the young woman. Their fears now came on them like a flood ; and they soon heard a noise on the top of the house, and then found the Indians were coming down the chimney. All hopes of deliverance seemed now at an end ; but the wounded man ordered his little child to tumble a couch, that was filled with hair and feathers, on the fire, which made such a smoke that two stout Indians came tumbling down into it The wounded man, at this critical moment, seized a billet of wood, wounded as he was, and with it succeeded in despatching the half-smothered Indians. At the same moment, the door was attempted by another ; but the heroine's arm had become too enfeebled by her over-exertions to deal a deadly blow. She however caused him to retreat wounded. They then again set to work to make their house more secure, not knowing but another attack would be made ; but they were not further disturbed. This affair happened in the evening, and the victors carefully watched with their new family until morning. A prisoner, that escaped immediately after, said the Indian last mentioned was the only one that escaped. He, on returning to his friends, was asked, ' What news ? ' said, ' Plaguy bad news, for the squaws fight worse than the long-knives.' This affair happened at Newbardstown, about 15 miles from Sandy Creek, and may be depended upon, as I had the pleasure to assist in tumbling them into a hole, after they were stripped of their head-dresses, and about 20 dollars' worth of silver furniture." WELSH OR WHITE INDIANS. " Narrative of Capt. Isaac Stuart, of the Provincial Cavalry of South Carolina, taken from his own mouth, by I. C., Esq., March, 1782. " I was taken prisoner, about 50 miles to the westward of Fort Pitt, about 18 years ago, by the Indians, and carried to the Wabash, with other white men. They were executed, with circumstances of horrid barbarity ; but it was my good fortune to call forth the sympathy of a good woman of the village, who was permitted to redeem me from those who held me prisoner, by giving them a horse as a ransom. After remaining two years in bondage. a Spaniard came to the nation, having been sent from Mexico on discoveries CHAP. III.] WHITE INDIANS. 53 He made application to the chiefs of the Indians for hiring me, and another white man who was in the like situation, a native of Wales, and named John Davey, which was complied with. We took our departure and travelled to the westward, crossing the Mississippi near Red River, up which we travelled upwards of 700 miles. Here we came to a nation of Indians remarkably white, and whose hair was of a reddish color, at least, mostly so. They lived on a small river which emptied itself into Red River, which they called the River Post ; and in the morning, the day after our arrival, the Welshman informed me that he was determined to remain with the nation of Indians, giving as a reason that he understood their language, it being very little dif ferent from the Welsh. My curiosity was excited very much by this informa tion, and I went with my companion to the chief men of the town, who in formed him, in a language that I had no knowledge of, and which had no affin ity with that of any other Indian tongue that I ever heard, that the forefathers of this nation came from a foreign country, and landed on the east side of the Mississippi (describing particularly the country now called West Florida); and that, on the Spaniards taking possession of the country, they fled to their then abode ; and, as a proof of what they advanced, they brought out rolls of parch ment wrote with blue ink, at least it had a bluish cast The characters I did not understand, and the Welshman being unacquainted with letters of any language, I was not able to know what the meaning of the writing was. They were a bold, hardy, intrepid people, very warlike, and their women were beau tiful, compared with other Indians." Thus we have given so much of Captain Sluarfs narrative as relates to the WHITE INDIANS. The remainder of it is taken up in details of several ex cursions, of many hundred miles, in the interior of the continent, without any extraordinary occurrence, except the finding of a gold mine. He returned by way of the Mississippi, and was considered a man of veracity by the late Lieutenant-colonel Cniger, of South Carolina, who recommended him to the gentleman who communicated his narrative. I had determined formerly to devote a chapter to the examination of the subject of the White Indians ; but, on reference to all the sources of informa tion in my possession, I found that the whole rested upon no other authority than such as we have given above, and therefore concluded to give the most interesting parts of the accounts without comment, and let the reader draw his own conclusions. There seem to have been a good many accounts con cerning the White Indians in circulation about the same period, and the next we shall notice is found in Mr. Charles Beatly's journal, the substance of which is as follows : At the foot of the Alleghany Mountains, in Pennsylvania, Mr. Bealty stopped at the house of a Mr. John Miller, where he " met with one Benjamin Sutton, who had been taken captive by the Indians, and had been in different nations, and lived many years among them. When he was with the Choctaws, at the Mississippi River, he went to an Indian town, a very considerable distance from New Orleans, whose inhabitants were of different complexions, not so tawny as those of the other Indians, and who spoke Welsh. He saw a book among them, which he supposed was a Welsh Bible, which they carefully kept wrapped up in a skin, but they could not read it ; and he heard some of those Indians afterwards, in the lower Shawanee town, speak Welsh with one Lewis, a Welshman, captive there. This \Velsh tribe now live on the west side of the Mississippi, a great way above New Orleans." At Tuscarora valley he met with another man, named Levi Hicks, who had been a captive from his youth with the Indians. He said he was once attend ing an embassy at an Indiai *own, on the west side of the Mississippi, where the inhabitants spoke Welsh, ' as he was told, for he did not understand them " himself. An Indian, named Joseph Peepy, Mr. Beatty's interpreter, said he once saw some Indians, whom he supposed to be of the same tribe, who talked Welsh. He was sure thy talked Welsh, for he had been acquainted with Welsh people, and knew some words they used. To the above Mr. Beatty adds : " I have been informed, that many years ago, a clergyman went from Britain to Virginia, and having lived some time there, went from thence to S. Carolina : but after some time, for some reason. 5* 54 WHITE INDIANS. [Boojcl. he resolved to return to Virginia, and accordingly set out by land, accom panied with some other persons. In travelling through the back parts of the country, which was then very thinly inhabited, he fell in with a party of In dian warriors, going to attack thje inhabitants of Virginia. Upon examining the clergyman, and finding he was going to Virginia, they looked upon him and his companions as belonging to that province, and took them all prisoners, and told them they must die. The clergyman, in preparation for another world, went to prayer, and, being a Welshman, prayed in the Welsh language. One or more of the Indians was much surprised to hear him pray in their own language. Upon this they spoke to him, and finding he could understand them, got the sentence of death reversed, and his life was saved. They took him with them into their country, where he found a tribe whose native language was Welsh, though the dialect was a little different from his own, which he soon came to understand. They showed him a book, Avhich he found to be the Bible, but which they could not read ; and on his reading and explaining it, their regard for him was much heightened." After some time, the minister proposed to these people to return to his own country, and prom ised to return again to them with others of his friends, who would instruct them in Christianity ; but not long after his return to England, he died, which put an end to his design. It is very natural to inquire how these Indians, though descended from the Welsh, came by books ; for it is well known that the period at which the Welsh must have come to America, was long before printing was discovered, or that any writings assumed the form of books as we now have them. It should be here noted that Mr. Beatty travelled in the autumn of 1766. Major Rogers, in his " Concise Account of North America," published in 1765, notices the White Indians ; but the geography of their country he leaves any where on the west of the Mississippi ; probably never having visited them himself, although he tells us he had travelled very extensively in the interior. "This fruitful country," he says, "is at present inhabited by a nation of Indi ans, called by the others the White Indians, on account of their complexion ; they being much the fairest Indians on the continent. They have, however, Indian eyes, and a certain guilty Jewish cast with them. This nation is very numerous, being able to raise between 20 and 30,000 fighting men. They have no weapons but bows and arrows, tomahawks, and a kind of wooden pikes, for which reason they often suffer greatly from the eastern Indians, who have the use of fire-arms, and frequently visit the White Indians on the banks of the easterly branch, [of Muddy River?] and kill or captivate them in great numbers. Such as fall alive into their hands, they generally sell for slaves. These Indians live in large towns, and have commodious houses ; they raise corn, tame the wild cows, and use both their milk and flesh ; they keep groat numbers of dogs, and are very dexterous in hunting; they have little or no commerce with any nation that we at present are acquainted with." In the account of Kentucky, written in 1784, by an excellent writer, Mr. Jo/171 Filson, we find as follows : After noticing the voyage of Madoc, who with his ten ships with emigrants sailed west about 1170, and who were, ac cording to the Welsh historians, never heard of after, he proceeds: "This account has at several times drawn the attention of the world ; but as no ves tiges of them had then been found, it was concluded, perhaps too rashly, to be a fable, or at least that no remains of the colony existed. Of late years, how ever, the western settlers have received frequent accounts of a nation, inhab iting at a great distance up the Missouri, in manners and appearance resem bling the other Indians, but speaking Welsh, and retaining some ceremonies of the Christian worship , and at length this is universally believed there to be a fact. Capt. Abraham Chaplain, of Kentucky, a gentleman whose veracity may be entirely depended upon, assured the author that in the late war [revo lution] being with his company in garrison, at Kaskaskia, some Indians came there, and, speaking the Welsh dialect, were perfectly understood and con versed with by two Welshmen in his company, and that they informed them of the situation of their nation as mentioned above." Henry Ker, who travelled among 13 tribes of Indians in 1810, &c., names one near a great mountain which he calls Mnacedeus. He said Dr. Siblev CHAP. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 55 had -told him, when at Natch itoches, that a number of travellers had assured him, that there wa,s a strong similarity between the Indian language and many words of the Welsh. Mr. Ker found nothing among any of the Indians to indicate a Welsh origin until he arrived among the Mnacedeus. Here he found many customs which were Welsh, or common to that people, and he adds; "I did not understand the Welsh language, or I should have been enabled to have thrown more light upon so interesting a subject," as they had " printed books among them which were preserved with great care, they having a tradition that they were brought there by their forefathers." Upon this, in another place, he observes, " The books appeared very old, and were evidently printed at a time when there had been very little improvement made in the casting of types. I obtained a few leaves from one of the chiefs, sufficient to have thrown light on the subject; but in my subsequent disputes with the Indians, I lost them, and all my endeavors to obtain more were inef fectual." How or at what time these Indians obtained " printed books," Mr. Ker does not give us his opinion ; although he says much more about them. There are a great number of others who have nc..ced those Indians; but after an examination of them all, I am unable to add much to the above stock of information concerning them. Upon the whole, we think it may be pretty safely said, that the existence of a race of Welsh about the regions of the Missouri does not rest on so good authority as that which has been adduced to establish the existence of the sea-serpent. Should any one, however, choose to investigate the subject further, he will find pretty ample references to au thors in which the subject has been noticed, in a note to the life of Madoka- wando, in our third book. In addition to which, he may consult the authorities of Moullon, as pointed out in his history of New York. CHAPTER IV. AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES Few Indian Antiquities Of Mounds and their con tents Account of those in Cincinnati In the .Miami country Works sup posed to have been built for defences or fortifications Some at Piqua J\~i:tir Hamilton Milford Deerfield Six miles above Lebanon On Paint Creek At Marietta At Circleville Their age uncertain Works on Licking River Jlncient excavations or wells near Newark Various other works. To describe the antiquities of America would not require a very great amount of time or space, if we consider only those which are in reality such. And as to Indian antiquities, they consist in nothing like monuments, says Mr. Jefferson ; " for," he observes, " I would not honor with that name, arrow- points, stone hatchets, stone pipes, and half-shapen images. Of labor on the large scale, I think there is no remain as respectable as would be a common ditch for the draining of lands, unless indeed it would be the Barrows, of which many are to be found all over in this country. These are of differ ent sizes, some of them constructed of earth, and some of loose stones. That they were repositories of the dead, has been obvious to all ; but on what par ticular occasion constructed, was a matter of doubt. Some have thought they covered the bones of those who have fallen in battles fought on the spot of interment. Some ascribe them to the custom, said to prevail among the In dians, of collecting at certain periods the bones of all their dead, wheresoever deposited at the time of death. Others again suppose them the general sepul chres for towns, conjectured to have been on or near these grounds ; and this opinion was supported by the quality of the lands in which they are found, 'those constructed of earth being generally in the softest and most fertile meadow-grounds on river sides,) and by a tradition, said to be handed down from the aboriginal Indians, that when they settled in a town, the first person who died was placed erect, and earth put about him, so as to cover and support him ; and that when another died, a narrow passage was dug to the first, the 56 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [BOOK I second reclined against him, and the cover of earth replaced, and so on. There being one of these in my neighborhood, I wished to satisfy myself whether any, and which of these opinions were just. For this purpose, I determined to open and examine it thoroughly. It was situated on the low grounds of the Rivanna, about two miles above its principal fork, and opposite to some hills, on which had been an Indian town. It was of a spheroidal form, of about 40 feet diameter at the base, and had been of about 12 feet altitude, though now reduced by the plough to seven and a half, having been under cultivation about a dozen years. Before this it was covered with trees of 12 inches diameter, and round the base was an excavation of five feet depth and width, from whence the earth had been taken of which the hillock was formed." In this mound my author found abundance of human bones, which, from their position, it was evident had been thrown or piled promiscuously there together ; bones of the head and feet being in contact ; " some vertical, some oblique, some horizontal, and directed to every point of the compass." These bones, when exposed to the air, crumbled to dust Some of the skulls, jaw bones, and teeth, were taken out nearly in a perfect state, but would fall to pieces on being examined. It was evident that this assemblage of bones was made up from persons of all ages, and at different periods of time. The mound was composed of alternate strata of bones, stones, and earth. Hence it would seem that barrows, or mounds, as they are most usually called, were formed by the Indians, whose custom it was to collect the bones of their de ceased friends at certain periods, and deposit them together in this manner. " But," Mr. Jefferson observes, " on whatever occasion they may have been made, they are of considerable notoriety among the Indians : for a party pass ing, about 30 years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow is, went through the woods directly to it, without any instructions or inquiry, and having staid about it some time, with expressions which were construed to be those of sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left about half a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey." In these tumuli are usually found, with the bones, such instruments only as appear to have been used for superstitious purposes, ornaments or war. Of the latter kind, no more formidable weapons have been discovered than toma hawks, spears and arrow-heads, which can be supposed to have been deposited before the arrival of Europeans in America. What Mr. Jefferson found in the barrow he dissected besides bones, or whether any thing, he does not inform us. In several of these depositories in the city of Cincinnati, which Dr. Daniel Drake examined, numerous utensils were found. He has given a most accurate account of them, in which he has shown himself no less a phi losopher than antiquary. He divides them into two classes, ancient and mod ern, or ancient and more ancient. " Among the latter," he says, " there is not a single edifice, nor any ruins which prove the existence, in former ages, of a building composed of imperishable materials. No fragment of a column, no bricks, nor a single hewn stone large enough to have been incorporated into a wall, has been discovered." There were several of these mounds or tumuli, 20 years ago, within a short space in and about Cincinnati ; but it is a remarkable fact, that the plains on the opposite side of the River Ohio have no vestiges of the kind. The largest of those in Cincinnati was, in 1794, about 35 feet in height ; but at this time it was cut down to 27 by order of General Wayne, to make it serve as a watch- tower for a sentinel. It was about 440 feet in circumference. Almost every traveller of late years has said something upon the mounds or fortifications, scattered over the south and west, from Florida to the lakes, and from the Hudson to Mexico and the Pacific Ocean. By some they are reckoned at several thousands. Mr. Brachenridge supposes there may be 3000 ; but it would not outrage probability, I presume, to. set them down at twice that number. Indeed no one can form any just estimate in respect to the number of mounds and fortifications which have been built, any more than of the period of time which has passed since they were originally erected, for several obvious reasons ; one or two of which may be mentioned : the plough, excavations and levellings for towns, roads, and various other works, have entirely destroyed hundreds of them, which had never been described, CHAP. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 57 and whose sites cannot now be ascertained. Another great destruction of them has been effected by the changing of the course of rivers. There are various opinions about the uses for which these ancient rnmaing were constructed: while some of them are too much like modern fortifications to admit of a doubt of their having been used for defences, others, nearly 'sim ilar in design, from their situation entirely exclude the adoption of such an opinion. Hence we find four kinds of remains formed of earth : two kinds of mounds or barrows, and two which have been viewed as fortifications. The barrows or burial piles are distinguished by such as contain articles which were inhumed with the dead, and those which do not contain them. From what cause they differ in this respect it is difficult to determine. Some have supposed the former to contain bones only of warriors, but in such mounds the bones of infants are found, and hence that hypothesis is over thrown ; and indeed an hypothesis can scarcely be raised upon any one matter concerning them without almost a positive assurance that it has been created to be destroyed. As a specimen of the contents of the mounds generally, the following may be taken ; being such as Dr. Drake found in those he examined: 1. Cylin drical stones, such as jasper, rock-crystal, and granite ; with a groove near one end. 2. A circular piece of cannel coal, with a large opening in the centre, as though made for the reception of an axis ; and a deep groove in the circum ference, suitable for a band. 3. A smaller article of the same shape, but composed of polished argillaceous earth. 4. A bone, ornamented with several carved lines, supposed by some to be hieroglyphics. 5. A sculptural repre sentation of the head and beak of some rapacious bird. 6. Lumps of lead ore. 7. Isinglass (mica membranacea). This article is very common in mounds, and seems to have been held in high estimation among the people that con structed them ; but we know not that modern Indians have any particular attachment to it. A superior article, though much like it, was also in great esteem among the ancient Mexicans. 8. Small pieces of sheet copper, with perforations. 9. Larger oblong pieces of the same metal, with longitudinal grooves and ridges. 10. Beads, or sections of small hollow cylinders, appar ently of bone or shell. 11. Teeth of carnivorous animals. 12. Large marine shells, belonging, perhaps, to the genus buccinum ; cut in such a manner as to serve for domestic utensils. These, and also the teeth of animals, are generally found almost entirely decomposed, or in a state resembling chalk. 13. Earthern ware. This seems to have been made of the same material as that employed by the Indians of Louisiana within our recollection, viz. pounded muscle and other river shells, and earth. Some perfect articles have been found, but they are rare. Pieces, or fragments, are very common. Upon most of them, confused lines are traced, which doubtless had some meaning ; but no specimen has yet been found having glazing upon it like modern pot tery. Some entire vases, of most uncouth appearance, have been found. Mr. Atwater of Ohio, who has pretty fully described the western antiquities, gives an account of a vessel, which seems to have been used as a jug. It was found in an ancient work on Cany Fork of Cumberland River, about four feet below the surface. The body of the vessel is made by three heads, all joined to gether at their backs. From these places of contact a neck is formed, which rises about three inches above the heads. The orifice of this neck is near two inches in diameter, and the three necks of the heads form the legs of the ves sel on which it stands when upright. The heads are all of a size, being about four inches from the top to the chin. The faces at the eyes are about three inches broad, which increase in breadth all the way to the chin. Of the works called fortifications, though already mentioned in general terms, their importance demands a further consideration. At Piqua, on the western side of the Great Miami, there is a circular wall of earth inclosing a space of about 100 feet in diameter, with an opening on Uie side most remote from the river. " The adjacent hill, at the distance of naif a mile, and at the greater elevation of about 100 feet, is the site of a stone wall, nearly circular, and inclosing perhaps 20 acres. The valley of the river on one side, and a deep ravine on the other, render the access to three fourths of this fortification extremely difficult. The wall was carried generally along 58 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [BooK 1 the brow of the hill, in one place descending a short distance so as to include a spring. The silicious limestone of which it was built, must have been trans ported from the bed of the river, which, for two miles opposite these works, does not at present afford one of 10 pounds weight. They exhibit no marks of the hammer, or any other tool. The wall was laid up without mortar, and is now in ruins. " Lower down the same river, near the mouth of Hole's Creek, on the plain, there are remains of great extent. The principal wall or bank, which is of earth, incloses about 1GO acres, and is in some parts nearly 12 feet high. Also below Hamilton, there is a fortification upon the top of a high hill, out of view from the river, of very difficult approach. This incloses about 50 acres. Adjacent to this work is a mound 25 feet in diameter at its base, and about seven feet perpendicular altitude. " On the elevated point of land above the confluence of the Great Miami and Ohio, there are extensive and complicated traces, which, in the opinion of military men, eminently qualified to judge, are the remains of very strong de fensive works." In the vicinity of Milford, on the Little Miami, are fortifications, the largest of which are upon the top of the first hill above the confluence of the East Fork with the Miami. " On the opposite side of the Miami River, above Round Bottom, are similar antiquities of considerable extent. On the East Fork, at its head waters, other remains have been discovered, of which the principal bears a striking resemblance to those above mentioned ; but within, it differs from any which have yet been examined in this quarter, in having nine parallel banks or long parapets united at one end, exhibiting very exactly the figure of a gridiron. "Further up the Little Miami, at Deerfield, are other interesting remains; but those which have attracted more attention than any others in the Miami country, are situated six miles from Lebanon, above the mouth of Todd's Fork, an eastern branch of the Miami. On the summit of a ridge at least 200 feet above the valley of the river, there are two irregular trapezoidal figures, connected at a point where the ridge is very much narrowed by a ravine. The wall, which is entirely of earth, is generally eight or ten feet high ; but in one place, where it is conducted over level ground for a short distance, it rises to 18. Its situation is accurately adjusted to the brow of the hill ; and as there is, in addition to the Miami on the west, deep ravines on the north, the south east, and south, it is a position of great strength. The angles in this wall, both retreating and salient, are numerous, and generally acute. The openings or gateways are not less than 80 ! They are rarely at equal distances, and are sometimes within two or three rods of one another. They are not opposite to, or connected with any existing artificial objects or topographical peculiarities, and present, therefore, a paradox of some difficulty." These works inclose almost 100 acres, and one of the state roads from Cincinnati to Chillicothe passes over its northern part. On Paint Creek, 10 miles from Chillicothe, are also very extensive as well as wonderful works. " The wall, which had been conducted along the verge of the hill, is by estimation about a mile and a half in length. It was formed en tirely of undressed freestone, brought chiefly from the streams 250 feet below, and laid up without mortar or cement of any sort It is now, like all the walla of a similar kind which have been discovered in the western country, in a state of ruins. It exhibits the appearance of having been shaken down by an earthquake, not a single stone being found upon another in such a manner as to indicate that to have been its situation in the wall. In several places there are openings, immediately opposite which, inside, lie piles of stone." Dr. Harris, in 1803, very accurately described the remains at Marietta, at the confluence of the Muskingum and Ohio Rivers. "The largest SQUARE FORT," he observes, " by some called the town, contains 40 acres, encompassed by a wall of earth from 6 to 10 feet high, and from 25 to 36 in breadth at the base. On each side are three openings at equal distances, resembling 12 gate ways. The entrances at the middle are the largest, particularly that on the side next the Muskingum. From this outlet is a COVERT WAT, formed of two parallel walls of earth, 231 feet distant from each other, measuring from cen- CHAP. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 59 tre to centre. The walls at the most elevated part on the inside are 21 feet in height, and 42 in breadth at the base, but on the outside average only of five feet high. This forms a passage of about 3GO feet in length, leading by a gradual descent to the low grounds, where it, probably, at the time of its con struction, reached the margin of the river. Its walls commence at 60 feet from the ramparts of the fort, and increase in elevation as the way descends tawards the river; and the bottom is crowned in the centre, in the manner of a well-formed turnpike road. Within the walls of the fort, at the north-west corner, is an oblong, elevated square, 188 feet long, 132 broad, and nine feet high ; level on the summit, and nearly perpendicular at the sides. At the centre of each of the sides the earth is projected, forming gradual ascents to the top, equally regular, and about six feet in width. Near the south wall is another elevated square, 150 feet by 120, and eight feet high. At the south east corner is the third elevated square, 108 by 54 feet, with ascents at the ends. At the south-east corner of the fort is a semicircular parapet, crowned with a mound, which guards the opening in the wall. Towards the south-east is A SIMILAR FORT, containing 20 acres, with a gateway in the centre of each side and at each corner. .These openings are defended with circular mounds." There are also other works at Marietta, but a mere description of them can not interest, as there is so much of sameness about them. And to describe all that may be met with would fill a volume of no moderate size: for Dr. Harris says, " You cannot ride 20 miles in any direction without finding some of the mounds, or vestiges of the ramparts." We shall, therefore, only notice the most prominent. Of first importance are doubtless the works upon the Scioto. The most magnificent is situated 26 miles south from Columbus, and consists of two nearly exact figures, a circle and a square, which are contiguous to each other. A town, having been built within the former, appropriately received the name of Circleville from that circumstance. According to Mr. Jltivater, who has surveyed these works with great exactness and attention, the circle was origi nally 1138 feet in diameter, from external parallel tangents, and the square was 907 feet upon a side ; giving an area to the latter of 3025 square rods, and to the circle 3739 nearly ; both making almost 44 acres. The rampart of the circular fort consists of two parallel walls, and were, at least in the opinion of my author, 20 feet in height, measuring from the bottom of the ditch between the circumvallations, before the town of Circleville was built. " The inner wall was of clay, taken up probably in the northern part of the fort, where was a low place, and is still considerably lower than any other part of the work. The outside wall was taken from the ditch which is be tween these walls, and is alluvial, consisting of pebbles worn smooth in water and sand, to a very considerable depth, more than 50 feet at least." At the time Mr. JltwaUr wrote his account, (about 1819,) the outside of the walls was but about five or six feet high, and the ditch not more than 15 feet deep. The walls of the square fort were, at the same time, about 10 feet high. This fort had eight gateways or openings, about 20 feet broad, each of which was de fended by a rnound four or five feet high, all within the fort, arranged in the most exact manner ; equidistant and parallel. The circular fort had but one gateway, which was at its south-east point, and at the place. of contact with the square. In the centre of the square was a remarkable mound, with a semicircular pavement adjacent to its eastern half, and nearly facing the pas sage way into the square fort. Just without the square fort, upon the north side, and to the east of the centre gateway, rises a large mound. In the op posite point of the compass, without the circular one, is another. These, probably, were the places of burial. As the walls of the square fort lie pretty nearly in a line with the cardinal points of the horizon, some have supposed they were originally projected in strict regard to them; their variation not being more than that of the compass ; but a single fact of this kind can estab lish nothing, as mere accident may have, given them such direction. " What surprised me," says my authority, " on measuring these forts, was the exact manner in which, they had laid down their circle and square ; so that after every effort, by the most careful survey, to detect some error in their measure* ment, we found that it was impossible." 60 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Boon I. As it is not my design to waste time in conjectures upon the authors of these antiquities, or the remoteness of the period in which they were con structed, I will continue my account of them, after an observation upon a single circumstance. I refer to the fact of the immense trees found growing upon the mounds and other ancient works. Their having existed for a thou sand years, or at least some of them, can scarcely be questioned, when we know from unerring data that trees have been cut upon them of the age of near 500 years ; and from the vegetable mould out of which they spring, there is every appearance of several generations of decayed trees of the same kind ; and no forest trees of the present day appear older than those upon the very works under consideration. There are in the Forks of Licking River, above Newark, in the county of Licking, very remarkable remains of antiquity, said by many to be as much so as any in the west. Here, as at Circleville, the same singular fact is observa ble, respecting the openings into the forts ; the square ones having several, but the round ones only one, with a single exception. Not far below Newark, on the south side of the Licking, are found numer ous wells or holes in the earth. " There are," says Mr. Jllwater, " at least a thousand of them, many of which are now more than 20 feet deep." Though called wells, my author says they were not dug for that purpose. They have the appearance of being of the same age as the mounds, and were doubtless made by the same people ; but for what purpose they could have been made, few seem willing to hazard a conjecture. Four or five miles to the north-west of Somerset, in the county of Perry, and southwardly from the works on the Licking, is a stone fort, inclosing about 40 acres. Its shape is that of a heart, though bounded by straight lines. In or near its centre is a circular stone mound, which rises like a sugar-loaf from 12 to 15 feet. Near this large work is another small fort, whose walls are of earth, inclosing but about half an acre. I give these the name of forts, al though Mr. Atwater says he does not believe they were ever constructed for defence. There are curious remains on both sides of the Ohio, above and opposite the mouth of the Scioto. Those on the north side, at Portsmouth, are the most extensive, and those on the other side, directly opposite Alexandria, are the most regular. They are not more remarkable than many already de scribed. What the true height of these ruined works originally was, cannot be very well ascertained, as it is almost impossible to know the rate of their diminu tion, even were the space of time given ; but there can be no doubt that most of them are much diminished from the action of tempests which have swept over them for ages. That they were the works of a different race from the present Indians, has been pretty confidently asserted ; but as yet, proof is en tirely wanting to support such conclusion. In a few instances, some European articles have been found deposited in or about some of the works ; but few persons of intelligence pronounce them older than others of the same kind belonging to the period of the French wars. As it respects inscriptions upon stones, about which much has been said and written, I am of the opinion, that such are purely Indian, if they were not made by some white maniac, as some of them most unquestionably have been, or other persons who deserve to be classed among such ; but I would not be understood to include those of South America, for there the inhabitants evidently had a hieroglyphic language. Among the inscriptions upon stone in New England, the " Inscribed Rock," as it is called, at Dighton, Mass., is doubtless the most remarkable. It is in Taunton River, about six miles below the town of Taunton, and is partly immersed by the tide. If this inscription was made by the Indians, it doubtless had some meaning to it ; but I doubt whether any of them, except such as happened to know what it was done for, knew any thing of its import The divers faces, figures of half-formed animals, and zigzag lines, occupy a space of about 20 square feet. The whim- eical conjectures of many persons about the origin of the inscription might amuse, but could not instruct ; and it would be a waste of time to give an account of them. CHAP. 1V.J AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 61 A stone, once thought to contain some marvellous inscription, was deposit ed a few years since in the Antiquarian Hall, at Worcester, Mass. ; and it wua with some surprise, that, on examining it, I found nothing but a few lines of quartz upon one of its surfaces. The stone was singular in no respect beyond what may be found in half the farmers' fields and stone fences in New Eng land. In a cave on the bank of the Ohio River, about 20 miles below the mouth of the Wabash, called Wilson's or Murderer's Cave, are figures engraven upon stone, which have attracted great attention. It was very early possessed by one Wilson, who lived in it with his family. He at length turned robber, and, collecting about 40 other wretches like himself about him, took all the boats which passed on the river with any valuable goods in them, and murdered the crews. He was himself murdered by one of his own gang, to get the reward which was offered for his apprehension. Never having had any drawings of the hieroglyphics in this cave, we cannot form any very conclusive opinion upon them. As a proof of their antiquity, it has been mentioned, that among those unknown characters are many figures of animals not known now to be in existence ; but in my opinion, this is in no wise a conclusive argument of their antiquity ; for the same may be said of the uncouth figures of the Indian manitos of the present day, as well as those of the days of Powhatan. At Harmony, on the Mississippi, are to be seen the prints of two feet imbed ded in hard limestone. The celebrated Rappe conveyed the stone containing them from St. Louis, and kept it upon his premises to show to travellers. They are about the size of those made by a common man of our times, unac customed to shoes. Some conclude them to be remains of high antiquity. They may, or may not be : there are arguments for and against such conclu sion ; but on which side the weight of argument lies is a matter not easily to be settled. If these impressions of feet were made in the soft earth before it was changed into fossil stone, we should not expect to find impressions, but a formation filling them of another kind of stone (called organic) from that in which the impressions were made ; for thus do organic remains discover them selves, and not by their absence. A review of the theories and opinions concerning the race or races anterior to the present race of Indians would perhaps be interesting to many, and it would be a pleasing subject to write upon : but, as I have elsewhere intimated, my only object is to present facts as I find them, without wasting time in com mentaries ; unless where deductions cannot well be avoided without leaving the subject more obscure than it would evidently be without them. Every conjecture is attended with objections when they are hazarded upon a subject that cannot be settled. It is time enough to argue a subject of the nature of this we are upon when all the facts are collected. To write volumes about Shem, Ham, and Japhet, in connection with a few isolated facts, is a most ludicrous and worse than useless business. Some have said, it is an argument that the first population came from the north, because the works of which we have been speaking increase in importance as we proceed south ; but why they should not begin until the people who constructed them had ar rived within 40 of the equator, (for this seems to be their boundary north,) it is not stated. Perhaps this people came in by way of the St. Lawrence, and did not need any works to defend them before arriving at the 40 of north latitude. The reader will readily enough ask, perhaps, For what purpose could fortifications have been built by the first people ? To defend themselves from wild beasts, or from one another ? With this matter, however, we have nothing to do, but were led to these remarks, preparatory to a comparison be. tween the antiquities of the north with those of the south. On the other hand, it is said the original people of North America must have come from the south, and that their progress northward is evident from the same works ; with this difference, that as the people advanced, they dwindled into insignificance ; and hence the remains which they left are proportionate to their ability to make them. But there is nothing artificial among the ancient ruins of North America that will compare with the artificial mountain of Ana- huac, called Cholula, or Chloluia, which to this day is about 164 feet in perpen dicular height, whose base occupies a square, the sides of which measure 14ofl 62 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [BooK I feel. Upon this the Mexicans had an immense wooden temple when Cortez overrun their empire. A city now bears the name of Cholula, in Puebla, GO miles east of Mexico. Yet it appears from Dr. Beck's Gazetteer of Illinois, that there is standing between Belleville and St. Louia, a mound GOO yards in circumference at its base, and 90 feet in height. Mount Joliet, so named from the Sieur Joliet. a Frenchman, who travelled upon the Mississippi in 1673, is a most distinguished mound. It is on a plain about 600 yards west of the River Des Plaines, and 150 miles above Fort Clark. Mr. Schoolcraft computed its height at 60 feet, its length about 450 yards, and its width 75. Its sides are so steep that they are ascended with difficulty. Its top is a beautiful plain, from which a most delightful prospect is had of the surrounding country. It seems to have been composed of the earth of the plain on which it stands. Lake Joliet is situated in front of it ; being a small body of water about a mile in length. Although the remains of the ancient inhabitants of South America differ considerably from those of North America, yet I have no doubt but that the people are of the same race. The condition even of savages changes. No nation remains stationary. The western Indians in the neighborhood of the lakes do not make pottery at the present day, but earthen utensils are still in use among the remote tribes of the west, which is similar to that dug up in Ohio, and both are similar to that found in South America. In speaking of ancient pottery, Mr. Schoolcraft observes, " It is common, in digging at these salt mines, [in Illinois,] to find fragments of antique pottery, and even entire pots of a coarse earthenware, at great depths below the sur face. One of these pots, which was, until a very recent period, preserved by a gentleman at Shawaneetown, was disinterred at a depth of 80 feet, and was of a capacity to contain eight or ten gallons." We see announced from time to time, in the various newspapers,, and other periodicals, discoveries of wonderful things in various places ; but on examina tion it is generally found that they fall far short of what we are led to ex pect from the descriptions given of them. We hear of the ruins of cities in the banks of the Mississippi ; copper and iron utensils found at great depths below the surface, and in situations indicating that they must have been de posited there for three, four, or five hundred years ! Dr. McMurtrie relates, in his " Sketches of Louisville," that an iron hatchet was found beneath the roots of a tree at Shippingsport, upwards of 200 years old. He said he had no doubt that the tree had grown over the hatchet after it was deposited there, because " no human power could have placed it in the particular position in which it was found." Upon some other matters about which we have already remarked, the same author says, " That walls, constructed of bricks and hewn stones, have been discovered in the western country, is a fact as clear as that the sun shines when he is in his meridian splendor ; the dogmatical assertion of writers to the contrary notwithstanding." My author, however, had not seen such remains himself, but was well assured of their existence by a gentleman of undoubted veracity. Unfortunately for the case he relates, the persons who discovered the ruins came upon them in digging, at about 18 feet below the surface of the ground, and when about to make investigation, water broke in upon them, and they were obliged to make a hasty retreat. " A fortified town of considerable extent, near the River St. Francis," upon the Mississippi, was said to have been discovered by a Mr. Savage, of Louis ville. He found its walls standing in some places, and " part of the walls of a citadel, built of bricks, cemented by mortar" Upon some of these ruins were trees growing whose annual rings numbered 300. Some of the bricks, says Dr. McMurtrie, were at Louisville when he wrote his Sketches ; and they were " composed of clay, mixed with chopped and twisted straw, of regular figures, hardened by the action of fire or the sun." Mr. Priest, in his " American Antiquities," mentions the ruins of two cities within a few miles of each other, nearly opposite St. Louis ; but from what he eays of them I am unable to determine what those ruins are composed of. After pointing out the sight of them, he continues, "Here is situated one of those pyramids, which is 150 rods in circumference at its base, and 100 feet CHAP. IV] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 63 high." He speaks of "cities," but describes pyramids and mounds. If there be any thing like the works of men, at the places he points out, different from what is common in the west, it is very singular that they should not have at tracted the notice of some one of the many thousands of people who have for 50 years passed by them. Mr. Brackenridge speaks of the antiquities at this place, but does not say any thing about cities. He observes, " The most re markable appearances are two groups of mounds or pyramids, the one about 10 miles above Cahokia, the other nearly the same distance below it, which, in all, exceed 150, of various sizes. The western side also contains a considera ble number. " A more minute description of those about Cahokia, which I visited in the fall of 1811, will give a tolerable idea of them all. I crossed the Mississippi at St. Louis, and after passing through the wood which borders the river, about half a mile in width, entered an extensive open plain. In 15 minutes I found myself in the midst of a group of mounds, mostly of a circular shape, and at a distance resembling enormous haystacks scattered through a meadow. One of the largest which I ascended was about 200 paces in circumference at the bottom, the form nearly square, though it had evidently undergone considerable alteration from the washing of the rains. The top was level, with an area suf ficient to contain several hundred men." When Mr. Barlram travelled into South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, be tween the years 1773 and 1776, he saw many interesting antiquities. At the Cherokee town of Cowe, on the Tennessee River, which then contained about 100 houses, he noticed that " The council or town-house was a large rotunda, eapable of accommodating several hundred people : it stands on the top of an ancient artificial mount of earth, of about 20 feet perpendicular, and the ro tunda on the top of it being about 30 feet more, gives the whole fabric an elevation of about 60 feet from the common surface of the ground. But," Mr. Bartram continues, " it may be proper to observe, that this mount, on which the rotunda stands, is of a much ancienter date than the building, and perhaps was raised for another purpose. The Cherokees themselves are as ignorant as we are, by what people or for what purpose these artificial hills were raised ; they have various stories concerning them, the best of which amount to no more than mere conjecture, and leave us entirely in the dark ; but they have a tra dition common with the other nations of Indians, that they found them in much the same condition as they now appear, when their forefathers arrived from the west and possessed themselves of the country, after vanquishing the nations of red men who then inhabited it, who themselves found these mounts when they took possession of the country, the former possessors delivering the same story concerning them." Hence it is to be observed that the mounds in the south are not only the same as those in the north, but Indian traditions concerning them are the same also. At Ottasse, an important town of the Cherokees, the same traveller saw a most singular column. It stood adjacent to the town, in the centre of an ob long square, and was about 40 feet high, and only from two to three feet thick at its base, and tapered gradually from the ground to its top. What is very remarkable about this pillar is, that, notwithstanding it is formed of a single stick of pine timber, the Indians or white traders could give no account for what purpose it was erected ; and to the inquiries which Mr. Bartram made of the Indians concerning it, the same answer was given as when questioned about the mounds ; viz., that their ancestors found it there, and the people that those ancestors dispossessed knew nothing of its origin. This is not singular when reference is had to mounds of earth, but when the same account is given con cerning perishable material, the shade, at least, of a suspicion is seen lurking in the back ground. As another singular circumstance, it is observed that no trees of the kind of which this column was made (pin. palustris) were to be found at that time nearer than 12 or 15 miles. In the great council-houses at Ottasse were observed, upon the pillars and walls, various paintings and sculptures, supposed to be hieroglyphics of his torical legends, and political and sacerdotal affairs. " They are," observes Mr. Bartram, " extremely picturesque or caricature, as men in a variety of at- 64 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Booi I titudes, some ludicrous enough, others having the head of some kind of ani mal, as those of a duck, turkey, bear, fox, wolf, buck, &c., and again those kind of creatures are represented having.the human head. These designs are not ill executed ; the outlines bold, free and well proportioned. The pillars supporting the front or piazza of the council-house of the square are ingenious ly formed in the likeness of vast speckled serpents, ascending upwards ; the Ottasses being of the Snake tribe." In the fourth book of this work mention has been made of the great high ways in Florida. Mr. Bartram mentions them, but not in a very particular manner, upon the St. John's River. As his sentiments seem to be those of a man of intelligence, I will offer here his concluding remarks upon the Indian antiquities of the country he visited. " I deem it necessary to observe, as my opinion, that none of them that I have seen discover the least signs of the arts, sciences, or architecture of the Europeans or other inhabitants of the old world, yet evidently betray every sign or mark of the most distant antiquity." The above remark is cited to show how different different people make up their minds upon the same subject ; it shows how futile it is for us to spend time in speculating upon such matters. And, as I have before observed, it is time enough to build theories after facts have been collected. It can add noth ing to our stock of knowledge respecting our antiquities, to talk or write forever about Nebuchadnezzar and the lost tribes of Jews ; but if the time which has been spent in this manner had been devoted to some useful pursuit, some use ful object would have been attained. As the matter now stands, one object, nevertheless, is clearly attained, namely, that of misleading or confounding the understandings of many uninformed people. I am led to make these observa tions to put the unwary upon their guard. In the preceding chapter I have given various accounts of, or accounts from various authors, who imagine that a colony of Welsh came to America 7 or 800 years ago. It is as truly astonishing as any thing we meet with to observe how many persons had found proofs of the existence of tribes of Welsh In dians, about the same period. As a case exactly in point with that mentioned at the beginning of the last paragraph, I offer what Mr. Brackenridge says upon this matter. " That no Welsh nation exists," he observes, " at present, on this continent, is beyond a doubt. Dr. Barton has taken great pains to ascertain the languages spoken by those tribes east of the Mississippi, and the Welsh finds no place amongst them ; since the cession of Louisiana, the tribes west of the Mississippi have been sufficiently known ; we have had intercourse with them all, but no Welsh are yet found. In the year 1798, a young Welshman of the name of Evans ascended the Missouri, in company with Makey, and remained two years in that country ; he spoke both the ancient and modern Welsh, and addressed himself to every nation between that river and New Spain, but found no Welshmen." This, it would seem, is conclusive enough. Mr. Peck, in his " Gazetteer of Illinois," has aimed so happy a stroke at the writers on our antiquity, that, had I met with his rod before I had made the previous remarks, I should most certainly have made use of it. I shall never theless use it. After saying something upon the antiquities of Illinois, he pro ceeds : " Of one thing the writer is satisfied, that very imperfect and incorrect data have been relied upon, and very erroneous conclusions drawn, upon west ern antiquities. Whoever has time and patience, and is in other respects qual ified to explore this field of science, and will use his spade and eyes together, and restrain his imagination from running riot amongst mounds, fortifications, horseshoes, medals, and whole cabinets of relics of the 'olden time,' will find very little more than the indications of rude savages, the ancestors of the present race of Indians." END OF BOOK FIRST. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. BOOK II. BOOK II. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN OR NEW ENGLAND INDIANS. ; 'Tis pood to muse on nations passed away Forever from the land we call our own." YAMOYDEK. CHAPTER I. Conduct of the early voyagers towards the Indians Some account of the individ uals Donaconn Qgonn Tasquantum, or Squanto Dehamda Skettwarroes Assacumct Manida Pechmo Monopet Pekenimne Sakaweston Epanow Manawet Wanape Coneconam. THE first voyagers to a country were anxious to confirm the truth of their accounts, and therefore took from their newly-discovered lands whatever seemed best suited to that object. The inhabitants of America carried off by Europeans were not, perhaps, in any instance, taken away by voyagers merely for this object, but that they might, in time, learn from them the value of the country from whence they took them. Besides those forcibly carried away, there were many, doubtless, who went through overpersuasion, and ignorance both of the distance and usage they should meet with in a land of strangers ; which was not always as it should have been, and hence such as were ill used, if they ever returned to their own country, were prepared to be revenged on any strangers of the same color, that chanced to come among them. In the first voyage of Columbus to America, he took along with him, on his return to Spain, a considerable number of Indians ; how many we do not know ; but several died on their passage, and seven were presented to the king. Vincente Yanez Pinzon, a captain under Columbus, kidnapped four natives, whom he intended to sell in Spain for slaves ; but Columbus took them from him, and restored them to their friends. In this first voyage to the islands of the new world, the blood of several Indians was shed by the hostile arms of the Spaniards.* There were three natives presented to Henry VII. by Sebastian Cabot, in 1502, which he had taken from Newfoundland. What were their names, or what became of them, we are not informed ; but from the notice of historians, we learn that, when found, " they were clothed with the skins of beasts, and lived on raw flesh ; but after two years, [residence in England,] were seen in the king's court clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from Englishmen." f These were the first Indians ever seen in England.}: They My present concern not being with the Indians of South America, I beg leave to refer the reader to a little work lately published, entitled THE OLD INDIAN CHKONICLE, in which all the prominent facts concerning the atrocities of the Spaniards towards them will be found stated. f Rapin's Hist. England, i. 685. ed. fol. See also Purchas, 738. + This is upon the authority of Berkely. Instead of England, however, he says Eu rope ; but, by saying the six, which Columbus had before taken from St. Salvador, made their escape, he shows his superficial knowledge of those affairs. Hear Herrera : " En suitte de cela, [that is, after Columbus had replied to the king's letter about a sec ond voyage,} il [Columbus] partit pour alter ni Barcelona aucc sept tndiens, parce que les autres estoient marts en ctiemin. II Jit porter aueque luy des perroquets verds, et dt 68 CONDUCT OF EARLY YO\AGERS [BOOK II. were brought to the English court " in their country habit," and " spoke a lan guage never heard before out of their own country." * The French discovered the river St. Lawrence in 1508, and the captain of the ship who made the discovery, carried several natives to Paris, which were the first ever seen in France. What were their names, or even how many they were in number, is not set down in the accounts of this voyage. The name of this captain was Thomas Jlubert.\ John Verazzini, in the service of Francis I., in 1524, sailed along the Amer ican coast, and landed in several places. At one place, which we judge to be some part of the coast of Connecticut, "20 of his men landed, and went about two leagues up into the country. The inhabitants fled before them, but they caught an old woman who had hid herself in the high grass, with a young woman about 18 years of age. The old woman carried a child on her back, and had, besides, two little boys with her. The young woman, too, carried three children of her own sex. Seeing themselves discovered, they began to shriek, and the old one gave them to understand, by signs, that the men were fled to the woods. They offered her something to eat, which she accepted, but the maiden refused it This girl, who was tall and well shaped, they were desirous of taking along with them, but as she made a violent outcry, they contented themselves with taking a boy away with them."}: The name of NEW FRANCE was given to North America in this voyage. In another voyage here, Verazzini was killed, and, as some say, eaten by the Indians. In the year 1576, Capt. Martin, afterwards Sir Martin, Frobisher sailed from England for the discovery of a north-west passage ; " the only thing of the world," says a writer of his voyage, " that was left yet vndone." After the usual vicissitudes attending such an undertaking, at this early period of Eng lish navigation, he discovered a strait which has ever since borne his name. About 60 miles within that strait, he went on shore to make discovery of the country, and was suddenly attacked by the natives, " who had stolen secretly behinde the rockes ;" and though he "bent himselfe to his halberd," he narrowly escaped with his life. Hence there was a well-grounded suspicion in all future communications with the Indians in this region ; yet, after considerable intercourse, Frobisher's men became less wary, and five of them, going on shore from a boat, were sur prised and carried off, and never heard of again. After this "the subtile trai- tours were so wary, as they would after that never come within our men's danger." Notwithstanding, Frobisher found means to entice some of them alongside of his ship, and after considerable manurevering, one of them had his fears so far overcome by the alluring sound of a cow-bell, that he came so near in his canoe, to obtain one of them, that " the captain, being ready pro vided, let the bell fall, and caught the man fast, and plucked him with maine force, boat and all," into his ship. Whereupon this savage finding himself in captivity, " for very choler and disdaine he bit his tongue in twaine within his mouth : notwithstanding he died not thereof, but liued vntil he came in Eng land, and then he died of cold which he had taken at sea." The next year (1577) Frobisher made another voyage to the same coasts of America, and on some excursion on land he was attacked and wounded by the Indians. In York Sound he attacked a party, and killed five or six of them, and shortly after took two women prisoners. Such were the impressions given and received between the Europeans and Indians in that early day of American history. This was indeed a comparatively barbarous age. Few of the early voyagers were better than demi-savages ; for they measured the conduct of the Indians by their own scale of justice ; in which might was too often taken for right But we of this age what will be said of us by generations to come, by * Berkely's Naval' Hist. Brit.'ZQS. ed. 17-56, fol. and Hams, Voyages, ii. 191. t Forster, 432. J Ibid. 434, 435. Cm p. I.] TOWARDS THE INDIANS. 69 the enlightened of distant ages. when they inquire for the causes and reasons for our conduct in our wars with the Indians in our own times? The next early voyager we shall notice is Capt. Hendrick Hudson. From Robert JueCs journal of his voyage it appears that Hudson discovered the river which bears vhom he set on shore at Cape Cod. CHAP. I.] EPANOW. 73 martin, and as many otters, the most of them within the distance of 20 leagues," and his own departure for Europe, Capt Smith proceeds: "The other ship staid to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish, which was sold at Malaga at 4 rials the quintal, each hundred weight two quintals and a half. But one Thomas Hunt, the master of this ship, (when I was gone,) thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a plantation, thereby to keep this abounding country still in obscurity, that only he and some few mer chants more might enjoy wholly the benefit of the trade, and profit of this country, betrayed four and twenty of those poor salvages aboard his ship, and nost dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind usage of me and all our men, carried them with him to Malaga ; and there, for a little private gain, sold these sill-j salvages for rials of eight ; but this vile act kept him ever after from any mort employment to those parts." F. Gorges, the younger, is rather confused in his account of Hunfs voyage, as well as the elder. But the former intimates that it was on account of Hunt's selling vhe Indians he took as slaves, the news of which having got into Eng land before Epanow was sent out, caused this Indian to make his escape, and consequently the overthrow of the vogage ; whereas the latter, Sir Ferdinando, does not attribute it to that. We will now hear him again upon this interest ing subject-. " The reasons of my undertaking the employment for the island of Capawick. " At the time this new savage [Epanow] came unto me, I had recovered Issacumet, one of the natives I sent with Capt. Chaloivnes in his unhappy em- oloyment, with whom I lodged Epenaw, who at the first -hardly understood one the other's speech, till after a while ; I perceived the difference was no more than that as ours is between the northern and southern people, so that I was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, whom I engaged to give account of what he learned by conference between themselves, and he as faithfully performed it." There seems but little doubt that Epanow and JJssacumet had contrived a plan of escape before they left England, and also, by finding out what the Eng lish most valued, and assuring them that it was in abundance to be had at a certain place in their own country, prevailed upon them, or by this pretended discovery were the means of the voyage being undertaken, of which we are now to speak. Still, as will be seen, Sir Ferdinando does not speak as though he had been quite so handsomely duped by his cunning man of the woods. Gold, it has been said, was the valuable commodity to which Epanow was to pilot the English. Gorges proceeds : " They [Capt Hobson and those who accompanied him] set sail in June, in Anno 1614, being fully instructed how to demean themselves in every kind, carrying with them Epenow, Assacomet, and Wanape,* another native of those parts sent me out of tne Isle of Wight,f for my better information in the parts of the country of his knowledge: when as it pleased God that they were arrived upon the coast, they were piloted from place to place, by the natives themselves, as well as their hearts could desire. And coming to the harbor where Epenow was to make good his undertaking, [to point out the gold mine, no doubt,] the principal inhabitants of the place came aboard ; some of them being his brothers, others his near cousins, [or relatives,] who, after they had communed together, and were kindly entertained by the captain, departed in their canoes, promising the next morning to come aboard again, and bring some trade with them. But Epenow privately (as it appeared) had contracted with his friends, how he might make his escape without performing what he had undertaken, being in truth no more than he had told me he was to do though with loss of his life. For otherwise, if it were found that he had dis- * Doubtless the same called by others Manawet, who, it would seem from Mr. Hiib- bard, (Hist. N. Eng. 39,) died before Epanow escaped, "soon after the ship's arrival." f How he came there, we are at a loss to determine, unless natives were carried off, of whom no mention is made. This was unquestionably the case, for when it came to be a common thing for vessels to bring home Indians, no mention, of course, would b made of them, especially if they went voluntarily, as, no doubt, many did. 7 74 EPANOW. [Boo* II covered the secrets of his country,* he was sure to have his brains knockt out as soon as he came ashore ; f for that cause I gave the captain strict charge to endeavor by all means to prevent his escaping from them. And for the more surety, I gave order to have three gentlemen of my own kindred to be ever at hand with him ; clothing him with long garments, fitly to be laid hold on, if occasion should require. Notwithstanding all this, his friends being all come at the time appointed with twenty canoes, and lying at a certain disfance with their bows ready, the captain calls to them to come aboard ; but they not mov ing, he speaks to Epenow to come unto him, where he was in the forecastle of the ship, he being then in the waste of the ship, between the two gentle men that had him in guard ; starts suddenly from them, and coming to the cap tain, calls to his friends in English to come aboard, in the interim slips himself overboard : And although he were taken hold of by one of the company, yet, being a strong and heavy man, could not be stayed, and was no sooner in the water, but the natives, [his friends in the boats,] sent such a shower of arrows, and came withal desperately so near the ship, that they carried him sway in despight of all the musquetteers aboard, who were, for the number, as good as our nation did afford. And thus were my hopes of that particular [voy age] made void and frustrate." From the whole of this narration it is evident that Epanow was forcibly retained, if not forcibly carried off, by English. And some relate J that he attacked Capt. Dermer and his men, supposing they had come to seize and carry him back to England. It is more probable, we think, that he meant to be revenged for his late captivity, and, according to real Indian custom, resolved that the first whites should atone for it, either with their life or liberty. Gorges does not tell us what his brave " musquetteers " did when Epanow escaped, but from other sources we learn that they fired upon his liberators, killing and wounding some, but how many, they could only conjecture. But there is no room for conjecture about the damage sustained on the part of the ship's crew, for it is distinctly stated that when they received the " shower of arrows," Capt Hobson and many of his men were wounded. And Smith \\ says, "So well he had contrived his businesse, as many reported he intended to have surprised the ship ; but seeing it could not be effected to his liking, before them all he leaped ouer boord." We next meet with Epanow in 1619. Capt Thomas Dormer, or Dermer, in the employ of Sir F. Gorges, met with him at Capoge, the place where, five years before, he made his escape from Capt. Hobson. Gorges writes, " This savage, speaking some English, laughed at his owne escape, and re ported the story of it. Mr. Dormer told him he came from me, and was one of my servants, and that I was much grieved he had been so ill used as to be forced to steal away. This savage was so cunning, that, after he had ques tioned him about me, and all he knew belonged unto me, conceived he was come on purpose to betray him ; and [so] conspired with some of his fellows to take the captain ; thereupon they laid hands upon him. But he being a brave, stout gentleman, drew his sword and freed himself, but not without 14 wounds. This disaster forced him to make all possible haste to Virginia to be cured of his wounds. At the second return [he having just come from there] he had the misfortune to fall sick and die, of the infirmity many of our nation are subject unto at their first coming into those parts." The ship's crew being at the same time on shore, a fight ensued, in which some of Epanoius company were slain. " This is the last time," says a writer in the Historical Collections, " that the soil of Martha's Vineyard was stained with human blood ; for from that day to the present [1807] no Indian has been killed by a white man, nor white man by an Indian." Ir relation to the fight which Dermer and his men had with the Indians at the Vineyard, Morton H relates that the English went on shore to trade with them, when they were assaulted and all the men slain but one that kept the * The secrets of the sandy island Capoge, or the neighboring shores of Cape Cod, whatever they are now, existed only in faith of such sanguine minds as Sir Ferdinando and his adherents. t "We need no better display of the craft of Epanmc, or proof of his cunning in deep plots. t- Belknap. Amer. Biog. i. 362. 6 Smith's N. England, ii. 178. U Ibid. H N. Eng. IVlemorial, 58, 59. CF.AI-. 11.1 FIRST SETTLEMENT AT PLIMOUTH. 75 boat' "But the [captain] himself got on board very sore wounded, and they had cut ofl" his head upon the cuddy of the boat, had not' his man rescued him with a sword, and so they got him away." Squanto was with Capt. Denner at this time, as will be seen in the life of Massasoil. CHAPTER II. Arrival and first Proceedings of the English who settle at Plimouth TJicir first discovery of Indians Their first battle with them Samoset Squanto MASSA- SOIT lyanough ^spinet Cauneconam CAUNBITANT WITTUWAMET PEK- SUOT HOBOMOK Tokamnhamon Obbatinewat NANEPASHAMET Squaw- Sa chem of Massachusetts Webcowet. IN IG'20 some determined white people, with the most astonishing and in vincible firmness, undertook to wander 3000 miles from the land of their birth, and, in the most hazardous manner, to take up a permanent abode upon the borders of a boundless wilderness, a wilderness as great, or far greater, for aught they knew, than the expanse of ocean which they were to pass. But all dangers and difficulties, there to be encountered, weighed nothing in com parison with the liberty of conscience which they might enjoy when once beyond the control of their bigoted persecutors. These singular people had liberty from their oppressor, James T., to go and settle in this wilderness, and to possess themselves of some of the lands of the Indians, provided they paid him or some of his friends for them. No one seems then to have questioned how this king came by the right and title to lands here, any more than how he came by his crown. They were less scru pulous, perhaps, in this matter, as the king told them, in a charter * which he granted them, though not till after they had sailed for America, " THAT HE HAD BEEN GIVEN CERTAINLY TO KNOWE, THAT WITHIN THESE LATE YEARES THERE HATH, BY GOD'S VISITATION, RAIGNED A WONDERFUL PLAGUE, TO GETHER WITH MANY HORRIBLE SLAUGHTERS AND MURTHERS, COMMITTED AMOUNGST THE SAUAGES AND BRUTISH PEOPLE THERE HEERTOFORE INHABIT ING, IN A MANNER TO THE UTTER DESTRUCTION, DEVASTACION AND DEPOP- ULACION OF THAT WHOLE TERRITORYE, SO THAT THERE IS NOT LEFT, FOR MANY LEAGUES TOGETHER IN A MANNER, ANY THAT DOE CLAIME OR CHAL LENGE ANY KIND OF INTERESTS THEREIN." f This was, doubtless, as wel known, if not better, to the Pilgrims (as they were aptly called) as to King James After numerous delays and disappointments, the Pilgrims, to the number of 41, with their wives, J children, and servants, sailed from Plimouth, in England, in one small ship, called the Mayflower, on Wednesday, the 6th of September. Their passage was attended with great peril ; but they safely arrived at. Cape Cod, 9 Nov. following, without the loss of any of their number. They now proceeded to make the necessary discoveries to seat themselves on the barren coast One of the first things they found necessary to do, to preserve ordei among themselves, was, to form a kind of constitution, or general outline of government. Having done this, it was signed by the 41, two days after their arrival, viz. 11 Nov. The same day, 15 or 16 of their number, covered with armor, proceeded to the land, and commenced discoveries. The Indians did not show themselves to the English until the 15th, and then they would have nothing to say to them. About 5 or 6 at first only appeared, who fled into the woods as soon as they had discovered themselves. The Englishmen followed them many miles, but could not overtake them. First Battle with the Indians. This was upon 8 Dec. 1620, and we will give the account of it in the language of one that was an actor in it. " We went ranging up and, down till the sun began to draw low, and then we hasted out * This charter bears date 3 Nov. 1620. Chalmers, Polit. Annals, 81. f Hazard's Hist. Collections, I, 105, where the entire charter may be seen. It wai afterwards called THE GUAND PLIMOUTH PATENT. CJialmers, ib. J There were, in all, 28 females. 76 FIRST BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. SAMOSET. [Boon II. of the woods that we might come to our shallop. By that time we had done, and our shallop come to us, it was within night [7 Dec.], and we betook us to our rest, after we had set our watch. " About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry, and our Sentinell called Arm, arm. So we bestirred ourselues, and shot off a couple of Muskets, and [the] noyse ceased. We concluded that it was a company of Wolues and Foxes, for one [of our company] told vs he had heard such a noyse in New-found-land. About fine a clocke in the morning [8 Dec.] wee began to be stirring. Vpon a sudden we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the same voyces, though they varied their notes. One of our company, being abroad, came running in and cryed, They are men, Indians, Indians ; and withall their arrowes came flying amongst vs. Our men ran out with all speed to recover their armes. The cry of our enemies was dreadfull, especially when our men ran out to recover their Armes. Their note was after this manner, Wba/A, ivoach, ha ha hack woach. Our men were no sooner come to their Armes, but the enemy was ready to assault them. There was a lusty man, and no whit lesse valiant, who was thought to bee their Captain, stood behind a tree, within half a musket shot of vs, and there let his arrawes fly at vs. Hee stood three shots of a musket. At length one of vs, as he said, taking full ayme at him, he gave an extraordinary cry, and away they went all." It is not certain that any blood was shed in this battle ; but it was pretty strongly presumed that the big captain of the Indians was wounded. The Indians having retreated, the conquerors were left in possession of the battle ground, and they proceeded to gather together the trophies of this their first victory. They picked up 18 arrows, which they sent to their friends in Eng land by the return of the Mayflower. Some of these were curiously " headed with brasse, some with Harts' home, and others with Eagles' clawes." * It appeared afterwards that this attack was made by the Nauset Indians, whose chief's name was Aspinet. Whether he was the leader in this fight, is not known ; but he probably was. The place where the affair happened was called by the Indians Namskeket; but the English now called it The First Encounter. The ELEVENTH OF DECEMBER, ever memorable in the history of New England, was now come, and this was the day of the LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS. A place upon the inhospitable shore had been fixed upon, and was this day taken possession of, and never again deserted. The ship until then had been their permanent abode, which now they gladly exchanged for the sandy shore of the bay of Cape Cod. Welcome, Englishmen ! Welcome, Englishmen ! are words so inseparably associated with the name of Samoset, that we can never hear the one without the pleasing recollection of the other. These were the first accents our pil grim fathers heard, on the American strand, from any native. We mean intel ligible accents, for when they were attacked at Namskeket, on their first arrival, they heard only the frightful war-whoop. The first time Indians were seen by the pilgrims, was upon 15th Nov. 1620. " They espied fiue or sixe people, with a Dogge, coming towards them, who were Savages ; who, when they saw them, ran into the Wood, and whistled the Dogge after them." f And though the English ran towards them, when the Indians perceived it "they ran away might and mainland the English "could not come near them." Soon after this, Morton says the Indians " got all the powaws in the country, who, for three days together, in a ho rid and devilish manner did curse and execrate them with their conjurations, which assembly * Mourt's Relation, in 1 Mass. Hist. Col. VIII, 218, 219 ; or, original ed. p. 19 & 20. t Relation or Journal of a Plantation settled at Plymouth, in N. E. usually cited Mourt's Relation. It was, no doubt, written by several of the company, or the writer was assisted by several. Mourt seems to have been the publisher. He appears not to have written any part of it but the " To the Reader," and I am inclined to believe that this G. Mourt, being zealous in the cause of the Pilgrims, may have published the work at his own expense. He published, at least, one other kindred work. I have no scru ple but that Richard Gardner was the principal author. About the early settlement oi any country, there never was a more important document. It was printed in 1622, and is now reprinted in the Mass. Hist. Col., and we hope soon to see it printed in a volume by itself in a style worthy of its importance. As it stands in the Hist. Collections, it is very difficult to consult, a part of it being contained in one volume, and the remain der in another. CHAP. 11.] THE PLAGUE. NEW INTERVIEW 77 and service they held in a dark and dismal swamp. Behold how Satan labor ed to hinder the gospel from coming into New England ! " It was on Friday, 16th March, 1G21, that Samoset suddenly appeared at Plimouth, and, says Mourt, " He very boldly came all alone, and along the houses, strait to the rendezvous, where we intercepted him, riot suffering him to go in, as undoubtedly he would, out of his boldness." He was naked, "only a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long." The weather waa very cold, and this author adds, " We cast a horseman's coat about him." To reward them for their hospitality, Samoset gave them whatever information they desired. u He had, say they, learned some broken English amongst the Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon, and knew by name the most of the captains, commanders, and masters, that usually come [there]. He was a man free in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of seemly car riage. We questioned him of many things : he was the first savage we could meet withal. He said he was not of those parts, but of Moratiggon, and one of the sagamores or lords thereof: had been 8 months hi these parts, it lying hence [to the eastward] a day's sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He discoursed of die whole country, and of every province, and of their sag amores, and their number of men, and strength." " He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. He was a tall, strait man ; the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before ; none on his face at all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of a mallard ; all which he liked well." " He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that about 4 years ago all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none ; so as there is none to hinder our possession, or lay claim unto it. All the afternoon we spent in communication with him. We would gladly been rid of him at night, but he was not willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry him on ship-board, wherewith he was well content, and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high and water scant, that it could not return back. We lodged [with him] that night at Stephen Hopkins' house, and watched him." Thus, through the means of this innocent Indian, was a correspondence happily begun. He left Plimouth the next morning to return to Massasoit. who, he said, was a sachem having under him 60 men. The English having left some tools exposed in the woods, on finding that they were missing, rightly judged the Indians had taken them. They complained of this to Samoset hi rather a threatening air. " We willed him (say they) that they should be brought again, otherwise we would right ourselves." When he left them " he promised within a night or two to come again," and bring some of MassasoiCs men to trade with them in beaver skins. As good as his word, Samoset came the next Sunday, " and brought with him 5 other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's skin on him ; and the principal of them had a wild cat's skin, or such like, on one arm. They had most of them long hosen up to theii groins, close made ; and aboue then* groins, to their waist, another leather they were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of complexion like oui English gipsies ; no hair, or very little, on their faces ; on then- heads long hail to their shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before with a feather, broadwise like a fan ; another a fox-tail hanging out." The English had charged Samoset not to let any who came with him bring their arms ; these, therefore, left "their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our town! We gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally of our English victuals," and appeared very friendly ; " sang and danced after their manner, like anticks." "Some of them had their faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four or five fingers broad : others after other fashions, as they liked. They brought three or four skins, but we would not truck with them all that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would truck for all; which they promised within a night or two, and would leave these behind them, though we were not willing they should ; and they brought all our tools again, which were taken in the woods, in our absence. So, because of the day [Sunday], we dismissed them so soon as we 78 CAPT. HUNT. 1YANOUGH OF CUMMAQUID. [BOOK II could. But Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick, or feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning. Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not according to their words ; and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist." Sarnoset returned again, the next day, bringing with him Squanto, mentioned in the last chapter. He was "the only native (says MOURT'S RELATION) of Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of the 20 [or 24] captives, that by Hunt were carried away, and had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill with master John Slaine, a merchant, and could speak a little English, with three others." They brought a few articles for trade, but the more important news "that their great sagamore, MASSASOYT, was hard by," whose introduc tion to them accordingly followed. In June, 1621, a boy, John Billington, having been lost in the woods, several English, with Squanto and Tokamahamon, undertook a voyage to Nauset in search for him. Squanto was their interpreter ; " the other, Tokamahamon, a special friend." The weather was fair when they set out, " but ere they had been long at sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with much lightning and thunder, insomuch that a [water] spout arose not far from them." How ever, they escaped danger, and arrived at night at Cummaquid. Here they met with some Indians, who informed them that the boy was at Nauset. These Indians treated them with great kindness, inviting them on shore to eat with them. lyanough was sachem of this place, and these were his men. " They brought us to their sachim (says Mourt) or governor, whom they call lyanough" who then appeared about 26 years of age, " but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fair-conditioned, indeed, not like a savage, save for his attire. His enter tainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various." Thus is portrayed the amiable character, lyanough, by those who knew him. We can add but little of him except his wretched fate. The severity executed upon Wittuivamet and Peksuot caused such consternation and dread of the English among many, that they forsook their wonted habitations, fled into swamps, and lived in unhealthy places, in a state of starvation, until many died with diseases which they had thus contracted. Among such victims were lyanough, Jlspinet, Coneconam, and many more. Hence the English supposed they were in Peksuofs conspiracy, as will be more particularly related here after. . While the English were with lyanough, at Cummaquid, they relate that there was an old woman, whom they judged to be no less than 100 years old, who came to see them, because she had never seen English; "yet (say they) [she] could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessively." They inquired the reason of it, and were told that she had three sons, " who, when master Hunt was in these parts, went aboard nis ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain." Squanto being present, who was carried away at the same time, was acquainted with the circumstances, and thus the English became knowing to her distress, and told her they were sorry, that Hunt was a bad man, but that all the other Eng lish were well disposed, and would never injure her. They then gave her a few trinkets, which considerably appeased her. Our voyagers now proceed to Nauset, accompanied by lyanough and two of his men. Jlspinet was the sachem of this place, to whom Squanto was sent, lyanough and his men having gone before. Squanto having informed Aspinet that his English friends had come for the boy, he "came (they relate) with a great train, and brought the boy with him," one carrying him through the water. This being at or near the place where an attack was made on the English, on their first arrival in the country, as has been related, caused them to be on their guard at this time. At this time, Asm/net had in his company "not less than an hundred ;" half of whom attended the boy to the boat, and the rest "stood aloof," with their bows and arrows, looking on. Aspinet delivered up the boy in a formal man ner, "behung with beads, and made peace with us ; we bestowing a knife on him, and likewise on another, that first entertained the boy, and brought him thitlter." CHAP. II.] IYANOUGH. ASPIMET. DEATH OF SQUANTO. 79 lyanough did not accompany the expedition in their return from Nauset, but went home by land, and was ready to entertain the company on their return. From contrary winds and a want of fresh water, the voyagers were obliged to touch again at Curnmaquid. " There (say they) we met again with lyanough, and the most of his town." "He, being still willing to gratify us, took a rund- et, and led our men in the dark a great way for water, but could find none good, yet brought such as there was on his neck with them. In the meantime the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing before the shallop ;* the men also showing all the kindness they could, lyanough himself taking a bracelet from about his neck, and hanging it about one of us." They were not able to get out of the harbor of Cummaquid from baffling winds and tides, which lyanough seeing, the next morning he ran along the shore after them, and they took him into then* shallop, and returned with him to his town, where he entertained them in a manner not inferior to what he had done before. They now succeeded in getting water, and shortly after returned home in safety. While at Nauset, the English heard that Massasoit had been attacked and carried off by the Narragansets, which led to the expedition of Standish and Jlllerton against Caunbitant, as will be found related hi his life. About this time, six sachems of the neighboring country had their fidelity tested, by being called upon to sign a treaty subjecting themselves to King James, as will be found, also, in that life. But to return again to Jlspinet, and other sachems of Cape Cod. By the improvidence of a company settled at Wessaguscus, under the direc tion of Mr. Thomas Weston, in 1622, they had been brought to the very brink of starvation in the whiter of that year. In fact, the Plimouth people were but very little better off; and but for the kindness of the Indians, the worst of consequences might have ensued to both these infant colonies. As the winter progressed, the two colonies entered into articles of agreement to go on a trading voyage among the Indians of Cape Cod to buy corn, and whatever else might conduce to their livelihood. Squanto was pilot in this expedition; but he died before it was accomplished, and the record of his death stands thus in WINSLOW'S RELATION : " But here [at Manamoyk, since Chatham], though they had determined to make a second essay [to pass within the shoals of Cape Cod] ; yet God had otherwise disposed, who struck Tisquantum with sickness, insomuch as he there died, which crossed their southward trading, and the more, because the master's sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them." His disorder, according to Prince, was a fever, "bleeding much at the nose, which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom." He desired the governor would pray for him, that he might go to the Englishmen's God, " bequeathing his things to sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his love ; of whom we have a great loss." Thus died the famous Squanto, or Tasquantum, in December, 1622. To him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, although he often, through extreme folly and shortsightedness, gave them, as well as himself and others, a great deal of trouble, as hi the life of Massasoit and Hobomok will appear. Thus, at the commencement of the voyage, the pilot was taken away by death, and the expedition came near being abandoned. However, before Squanto died, he succeeded in introducing his friends to the sachem of Mana- moick and his people, where they were received and entertained in a manner that would do honor to any people hi any age. It is the more worthy of remark, as none of the English had ever been there before, and were utter strangers to them. After they had refreshed them " with store of venison and other victuals, which they brought them hi great abundance," they sold then? " 8 hogsheads of corn and beans, though the people were but feto" From Manamoick they proceeded to Massachusetts, but could do nothing * It was a custom with most Indian nations to dance when strangers came among them. Baron Lahontan says it was the manner of the Iroqi'ois to dance " lorsqw ies elrangers var'ent dans lenr pals, ou que leurs eimemis envoient det imbassadeurs pour faire des propo tit- is de paix.''Memcires de L'Amet-ique, ii. 110. 80 SQUANTO. [BOOK II there, as Mr. Weston's men had ruined the market by giving "as much for a quart of corn, as we used to do for a beaver's skin." Therefore they returned again to Cape Cod, to Nauset, " where the sachem ^spinet used the governor very kindly, and where they bought 8 or 10 hogsheads of corn and beans: also at a place called Maitachiest, whore they had like kind entertainment and corn also." While here, a violent storm drove on shore and so damaged their pinnace, that they could not get their corn on board the ship : so they made a stack of it, and secured it from the weather, by covering it with mats and sedge. Jlspinet was desired to watch and keep wild animals from destroying it, until they could send for it ; also, not to suffer their boat to be concerned with. All this lie faithfully did, and the governor returned home by land, "receiving great kindness from the Indians by the way." At this time there was a great sick ness among the Massachusetts Indians, "not unlike the plague, if not the same ;" but no particulars of it are recorded. Some time after, Standish went to bring the corn left at Nauset, and, as usual, gets himself into difficulty with the Indians. One of Jlspinefs men happening to come to one of Standish's boats, which being left entirely without guard, he took out a few trinkets, such as " beads, scissors, and other trifles," which when the English captain found out, "he took certain of his company with him, and went to the sachem, telling him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party that stole them," " or else he would revenge it on them before his departure" and so departed for the night, "refusing lohatsoever kindness they offered." However, the next morning, Jlspinet, attended by many of his men, went to the English, "in a stately manner, and restored all the "trifles;" for the exposing of which the English deserved ten times as much reprehension as the man for taking them. Squanto being the only person that escaped the great sickness at Patuxet, inquirers for an account of that calamity will very reasonably expect to find it in a history of his life. We therefore will relate all that is known of it, not elsewhere to be noticed in our progress. The extent of its ravages, as near as we can judge, was from Narraganset Bay to Kennebeck, or perhaps Penob- ecot, and was supposed to have commenced about 1617, and the length of its duration seems to have been between two and three years, as it was nearly abated in 1619. The Indians gave a frightful account of it, saying that they died so fast " that the living were not able to bury the dead." When the Eng lish arrived in the country, their bones were thick upon the ground in many places. This they looked upon as a great providence, inasmuch as it had destroyed " multitudes of the barbarous heathen to make way for the chosen people of God." " Some had expired in fight, the brands Still rusted in their bony hands, In plague and famine some." CAMPBELL. All wars and disasters, in those days, were thought to be preceded by some strange natural appearance, or, as appeared to them, unnatural appearance or phenomenon ; hence the appearance of a comet, in 1618, was considered by some the precursor of this pestilence.* We will give here, from a curious work.f in the language of the author, an interesting passage, relating to this melancholy period of the history of the people of Massasoit, in which he refers to Squanto. After relating the fate of a French ship's crew among the Wampanoags, as extracted in the life of Mas sasoit, in continuation of the account, he proceeds thus: "But contrary wise, [the Indians having said "they were so many that God could not kill them," when one of the Frenchmen rebuked them for their " wickedness," telling them God would destroy them,] in short time after, the hand of God fell heavily upon them, with such a mortall stroake, that they died on heaps, as they lay in their houses, and the living, that were able to shift for themselves, would runne away and let them dy, and let their carkases ly above the ground * The year 1618 seems to have been very fruitful in comets, "as therein no less than four were observed." /. Mather's Dincourse concerning Comets, 108. Boston, 12inu. 1683. There may be seen a curious passage concerning the comet of 1618 in Rush worth' ' Hist. Col. of that year. f New English Canaan, 23, by Thomas Morton, 4to. Amsterdam, 1637. CHAP. II.] SQUANTO. MASSASOIT. 81 without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, there hath been but one left alive to tell what became of the rest ; the living being (as it seems) not able to bury the dead. They were left for crowes, kites, and vermine to pray upon. And the bones and skulls, upon the several! places of their habitations, made such a spectacle, after my comming into those parts,* that, as I travailed in that forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to me a new-found Golgotha." Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as we have seen, was well acquainted with the coast of New England. After his design failed at Sagadahock, he tells us that he sent over a ship upon his own account, which was to leave a company under one Vinesfi to remain and trade in the country. These were his own servants, and he ordered " them to leave the ship and ship's company, for to follow their business in the usual place, (for, he says, I knew they would not be drawn to seek by any means,) by these, and the help of those natives formerly sent over, I come to be truly informed of so much as gave me assurance that in time I should want no undertakers, though as yet I was forced to hire men to stay there the winter quarter, at extreme rates, and not without danger, for that the warj had consumed the Bashaba, and the most of the great sagamores, with such men of action as followed them, and those that remained were sore afflicted with the plague ; for that the country was in a manner left void of inhabitants. Notwithstanding, Vines, and the rest with him that lay in the cabins with those people that died, some more, some less, mightily, (blessed be God for it) not one of them ever felt their heads to ache while they stayed there." Here, although we are put in possession of several of the most impor tant facts, yet our venerable author is deficient in one of the main particulars I mean that of dates. Therefore we gain no further data as to the time or continuance of this plague among the Indians ; for Sir Ferdinando adds to the above, " and this course I held some years together, but nothing to my private profit," &c. In Capt. SmiiWs account of New England, published in 1631, he has a pjissage about the plague, which is much like that we have given above from Morton. The ship cast away, he says, was a fishing vessel, and the man that they kept a prisoner, on telling them he feared his God would destroy them, their king made him stand on the top of a hill, and collected his people about it that the man might see how numerous they were. When he had done this, he demanded of the Frenchman whether his God, that he told so much about, had so many men, and whether they could kill all those. On his assuring the king that he could, they derided him as before. Soon after, the plague carried off all of the Massachusetts, 5 or 600, leaving only 30, of whom 28 were killed by their neighbors, the other two escaping until the English came, to whom they gave their country. The English told the Indians that the disease was the plague. Capt. Smith says this account is second hand to him, and therefore begs to be excused if it be not true in all its particulars. We have now come to one of the most interesting characters in Indian history. MASSASOIT, chief of the Wampanoags, resided at a place called Pokanoket or Pawkunnawkut, by the Indians, which is now included in the town of Bris tol, Rhode Island. He was a chief renowned more in peace than war, arid was, as long as he lived, a friend to the English, notwithstanding they committed repeated usurpations upon his lands and liberties. This chief's name has been written with great variation, as Woosamequin, Jlsuh- mequin, Oosamequen, Osamekin, Oiosamequin,Owsamequine,Ussamequen, Wasam- egin, &c. ; but the name by which he is generally known in history, is that with which we commence his life. Mr. Prince, in his Annals, says of that name, * Mr. Morton first came over in 1622. He settled near Weymouth. After great trouble and losses from those of a different religion, he was banished out of the country, and had his property sequestered, but soon after returned. He died in York, Me., 1646. If it be pretended that Morton had no religion, we say, " Judge not." He professed to have. t Mr. Richard Vines. America painted to tlte Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. 4-to. Lond. 1659. J A great war among the Indians at this time is mentioned by most of the first writers, but {he particulars of it cannot be known. It seems to have been between the Tarratines and Iribes to the west of Pascataqua. Some have derived the name of Massachusetts from this chief, but that conjecture is not to be heeded. If any man knew, we may be allowed to suppose that Roger Williams did, F 82 MASSASOIT. [BOOK II " the printed accounts generally spell him Massasoit ; Gov. Bradford writes him Massasoyt, and Massasoyet ; but I find the ancient people, from theil fathers in Plimouth colony, pronounced his name Ma-sas-so-it" Still we find no inclination to change a letter in a name so venerable, and which has been so long established ; for if a writer suffer the spirit of innovation in himself, he knows not where to stop, and we pronounce him no antiquary. It has often been thought strange, that so mild a sachem as Massasoit should have possessed so great a country, and our wonder has been increased when we consider, that Indian possessions are generally obtained by prowess and great personal courage. We know of none who could boast of such extensive dominions, where all were contented to consider themselves his friends and children. Powhatan, Pontiac, Little-turtle, Tecumseh, and many more that we could name, have swayed many tribes, but theirs was a temporary union, in an emergency of war. That Massasoit should be able to hold so many tribes together, without constant war, required qualities belonging only to few. That he was not a warrior no one will allow, when the testimony of Annawon is so direct to the point. For that great chief gave Capt. Church "an account of what mighty success he had had formerly, in the wars against many nations of Indians, when he served Jlsuhmequin, Philip's father." The limits of his country towards the Nipmuks, or inland Indians, are not precise, but upon the east and west we are sure. It is evident, however, from the following extract, that, in 1647, the Nipmuks were rather uncertain about their sachem, and probably belonged at one time to Massasoit, and at another to the Narragansets, or others, as circumstances impelled. "The Nopnat (Nipnet, or Nipmuk) Indians having noe sachem of their own are at liberty ; part of them, by their own choice, doe appertaine to the Narraganset sachem, and parte to the Mohegens." * And certainly, in 1660, those of Quabaog belonged to Massasoit or Wassamegin, as he was then called (if he be the same), as will be evident from facts, to be found in the life of Uncos. He owned Cape Cod, and all that part of Massachusetts and Rhode Island between Narraganset and Massachusetts bays; extending inland between Pawtucket and Charles rivers, a distance not satisfactorily ascertained, as was said before, together with all the contiguous islands. It was filled with many tribes or nations, and all looking up to him, to sanction all their expeditions, and settle all theii- difficulties. And we may remark, further, with regard to the Nipmuks, that at one time they were his tributaries. And this seems the more probable, for in Philip's war there was a constant intercourse between them, and when any of his men made an escape, their course was directly into the country of the Nipmuks. No such intercourse subsisted between the Narra gansets and either of these. But, on the contrary, when a messenger from the Narragansets arrived in the countiy of the Nipmuks, with the heads of some of the English, to show that they bad joined in the war, he was at first fired upon, though afterwards, when two additional heads were brought, he was received with them. Massasoit had several places of residence, but the principal was Mount Hope, or Pokanoket. The English early gave it the name of Mount Hope, but from what jircumstance we have not learned. Some suppose the words Mount Hope corrupted from the Indian words Mon-top,\ but with what reason we are not informed. Since we have thus early noticed the seat of the ancient chiefs, be fore proceeding with the life of the first of the Wampanoags, we will give a description of it It appears to the best advantage from the village of Fall River, in the town of Troy, Massachusetts, from which it is distant about four miles. From this place, its top very much resembles the dome of the state- He learned from the Indian themselves, "thai the Massachusetts were calif d so from the Blue Hills." In the vocabulary of Indian words, by Rev. John Cotton, the definition of Massa- ehusrtt is, " an hill in the' form of an arrow's head." * Records of the U. Col. ir. Hazard, ii. 92. t Alden's Collection of Epnaphs, iv. G85. President Stilu, in his notes to the second edition of CHURCH'S HIST. PHILIP'S WAR, p. 7, spells it Mont-haup ; but it is not so in the text of either edition. Moreover, we have not been able to discover that Mon-top is derived from Indian word or words, and do not hesitate to pronounce it a corruption of thfi twc English words commonly used in naming it. CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 83 house-in Boston, as seen from many places in the vicinity, at four or five miles distan-e. Its height hy admeasurement is said to be about 200 feet.* It is very steep on the side towards Pocasset, and its appearance is very regular To its natural appearance a gentleman of Bristol has contributed to add materially, by placing upon its summit a circular summer-house, and this is a principal reason why it so much resembles the Massachusetts state-house. This mount, therefore, since some time previous to 1824, does not appear as in the days of Massasoit, and as it did to his early friends and visitors, Winsloio and Hamden. It was sufficiently picturesque without such addition, as an immense stone originally formed its summit, and completed its domelike appearance. The octagonal summer-house being placed upon this, completes the cupola or turret. From this the view of Providence, Warren, Bristol, and, indeed, the whole surrounding country, is very beautiful. This eminence was known among the Narragansets by the name Pokanoket, which signified in their language the wood or land on the other side of the water, and to the Wampanoags by the name Somcams. And it is worthy remark here that Kiiequenaku was the name of the place where Philadelphia now stands. Mr. Htckewelder says, it signified the grove of the long pine trees. There was a place in Middleborough, and another in Raynham, where he spent some part of particular seasons, perhaps the summer. The place in Raynham was near Fowling Pond, and he no doubt had many others. Sir Francis Drake is the first, of whom we have any account, that set foot upon the shores of New England. This was in 1586, about seven years after he had taken possession, and named the same country New England or New Albion, upon the western side of the continent It is an error of long standing, that Prince Charles named the country New England, and it even now so stands upon the pages of history. But it is very clear that Sir Francis is justly entitled tyo the credit of it. American historians seem to have looked no fur ther than Prince and Robertson, and hence assert that Capt. Smith named the country New England. We will now hear Smith f on this matter. " New England is that part of America, in the Ocean sea, opposite to Nona Jllbwn. in the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake, in his voyage about the world, in regard whereof, this is stiled New England." Capt. Smith, in 1614, made a survey of the coast of what is now New Eng land, and because the country was already named New England, or, which is the same, New Albion, upon its western coast, he thought it most proper to stamp it anew upon the eastern. Therefore Capt. Smith neither takes to him self the honor of naming New England, as some writers of authority assert, nor does he give it to King Charles, as Dr. Robertson and many others, copying him, have done. The noble and generous minded Smith, unlike Jlmericus, would not permit or suffer his respected friend and cotemporary to be deprived of any honor due to him in his day ; and to which we may attribute the revival of the name New England in 1614. It was upon some part of Cape Cod that the great circumnavigator landed. He was visited by the " king of the country," who submitted his territories to him, as Hioh had done on the western coast. After several days of mutual trade, and exchange of kindnesses, during which time the natives became greatly attached to Sir Francis, he departed for England. Whether the "king of the country " here mentioned were Massasoit, we have not the means of knowing, as our accounts do not give any name ; but it was upon his domin ions that this first landing was made, and we have therefore thought it proper to be thus particular, and which, we venture to predict, will not be unaccepta ble to our readers.1 * Yamoyden, 259. t See Ins " Description of N. England," and the error may henceforth be dispensed with. t The first authority which we found for these interesting- facts, (interesting to every son of New England,) is a work entitled " Naval Biography," &c. of Great Britain, 2 vols. 8vo. London. 1805, and is in these words : " The first attempt towards a regular colonization of N England, occurs in the year 1606. It will easily be recollected, that this part of the Amer ican continent was first distinguished by the captains Rarlmo and Amidas ; that Sir Francis Druke, when he touched here on his return from the West Indies, in 1586, was the first Eng lishman who landed in these parts, and to whom one of the Indian kings submitted his territory i 84 MASSASOIT. [BOOK II. Smith landed in many places upon the shores of Massasoifs dominions, one of which places he named Plimouth, which happened to be the same which now bears that name. Our accounts make Capt. Bartholomeio Gosnold the next visitor to the shores of Massasoit, after Sir Francis Drake. His voyage was in 1602, and he was the first who came in a direct course from Old to New England. He landed in the same place where Sir Francis did 16 years before. The route had hith erto been by the Canaries and West India Islands, and a voyage to and from New England took up nearly a year. We can know nothing of the early times of Massasoit. Our next visitor to his country, that we shall here notice, was Capt. Thomas Dermer. This was in May, 1619. He sailed for Mouhigon ; thence, in that month, for Virginia, in an open pinnace ; consequently was obliged to keep close in shore. He found places which had been inhabited, but at that time contained no people ; and farther onward nearly all were dead, of a great sickness, which was then prevailing, but nearly abated. When he came to Plimouth, all were dead. From thence he traveled a day's journey into the country westward, to Na- masket, now Middleborough. From this place he sent a messenger to visit Massasoit. In this expedition, he redeemed two Frenchmen from Massasoit's people, who had been cast away on the coast three years before. But to be more particular with Capt. Dermer, we will hear him in his own manner, which is by a letter he wrote to Samuel Purchas, the compiler of the Pilgrimage, dated 27 Dec. 1619. " When I arrived at my savage's [Squanto's'] native country, (finding all dead,) I travelled alongst a day's journey, to a place called Nummastaquyt, where finding inhabitants, I despatched a messenger, a day's journey farther west, to Pocanokit, which bordereth on the sea ; whence came to see me two kings, attended with a guard of 50 armed men, who being well satisfied with that my savage and I discoursed unto them, (being desirous of novelty,) gave me content in whatsoever I demanded ; where I found that former relations were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at Massta- and that Capt. Gosnoll, who made a little stay in the same place, gave such a report of N. England as to attract the attention of his adventurous countrymen, some of whom immediately procured a charter," &c. Vol. I. p. 337, 338. If we could know from whence the above was taken (that is, the authority the writer of that work made use of), it might at once, perhaps, settle the question. Oldmixon, I. 25, has the same fact, though not quite so circumstantially related. Mr. Bancroft, in his I. Vol. of the Hist. United States, supposes Oldmixon, through carelessness, mistakes Drake's landing in California, in 1579, for that in N. England, in 1586, because, as we suppose, he had not seen the fact elsewhere stated. But Drake was 40 days from Virginia to Plymouth, which would give him time enough to have visited N. England. See " The Life and'Dangerous Voyages of Sir Francis Drake," &.C., small 12mo., London, (without dale), page 133. See also Stith's Virginia, p. 16. What is said in Blome's account of America, p. 210, is not very conclusive. His words are, " The year following (1585), Sir Richard Greenvile conveyed an English colony thither [this author mistakes the situation of the places he describes, in a wretched manner], under the le e by printed ni 1687, ancf may have been Oldmijcon's authority. In the Gent. Mag., Vol. XXV., p. 291, it is said. " Sir Francis Drake, who made a discent on the coast, continued there but a short tin . ing that any one, pretending to be an historian, should copy it. See Forster, 295, and Anspach, Newfoundland, 74. In Prince's Worthies of Devon, an account of Sir Bernard Drake's expedition to the New England seas, in 1585, may be seen ; also in Purchase, v. 1882. Queen Elizabeth sent over Sir Bernard, with a naval force, to dispossess any Portuguese, or otters, that he might find fishing there. He found many vessels employed in that business, some of which he captured, and dispersed the rest, and returned to England with several Portuguese prizes. Now it is not at all improbable that Elizabeth had instructed Sir Francis to coast ujj into these seas, when he had finished his designs in South America and Virginia, to see if there were any vessels of other nations usurping the rights of her citizens ; and hence inattentive writers have confounded the names of Sir Bernard and Sir Francis, they being both distin guished admirals at that time, and both having the same surname, and originally of the same family. The expedition of Sir Bernard was the year before that of Sir Francis, and hence arose the anachronism. Several English navigators had been on this coast before 1600. Capt. Gearge Drake made a voyage to the river St. Lawrence in 1593 ; but whether any of them landed in what is now New England, is at present unknown. CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 85 chusit who three years since escaped shipwreck at the north-east of Cape Cod." We have mentioned his interview with Massasoit, whom we suppose was one of the kings mentioned hi the letter, and Quadequina was no doubt the other. In another letter, Mr. Derme,r says the Indians would have killed him at Namasket, had not Squanto entreated hard for him. " Their desire of revenge (he adds) was occasioned by an Englishman, who, having many of them on board, made great slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when (as they say) they offered no injury on their parts." Mr. Thomas Morton,* the author who made himself so merry at the expense of the Pilgrims of Plimouth, has the following passage concerning these Frenchmen: "It fortuned some few yeares before the English came to inhabit at new Plimmouth in New England, that, upon some distast given in the Massachussets Bay, by Frenchmen, then trading there with the natives for beaver, they set upon the men, at such advantage, that they killed manie of them, burned their shipp, then riding at anchor by an island there, now called Peddock's Island, in memory of Leonard Peddock that landed there, (where many wilde anckiesf haunted that time, which hee thought had bin tame,) dis tributing them unto five sachems which were lords of the severall territories adjoyning, they did keep them so long as they lived, only to sport themselves at them, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is the generall worke they require of a servant One of these five men outliving the rest, had learned so much of their language, as to rebuke them for their bloudy deede : saying that God would be angry with them for it ; and that he would in his displeasure destroy them ; but the salvages (it seems, boasting of their strength) replyed, and said, that they were so many that God could not kill them." This seems to be the same story, only differently told from that related above from Smith. Dec. 11, O. S.,| 1620, the pilgrims had arrived at Plimouth, and possessed themselves of a portion of Massasoifs country. With the nature of their proceedings, he was at first unacquainted, and sent occasionally some of his men to observe then- strange motions. Very few of these Indians, however, were seen by the pilgrims. At length he sent one of his men, who had been some time with the English fishing vessels about the country of the Kenne- beck, and had learned a little of their language, to observe more strictly what was progressing among the strangers at his place of Patuxet, which these intruders now called Plimouth. This was in March, 1621. * In his " New Canaan." 22, 23. \ Modern naturalists do not seem to have been acquainted with this animal ! t The length of a year was fixed by Julius Ccesar at 365 days and 6 hours, or 3G5} days. This J of a day being omitted for 4 years amounted to a whole day, and was then added to the 365 in the month of February, which 4th year was called leap year, because it leaped forward one day. But by this supputation it was perceived that the year was too long, and consequently the seasons were getting out of place. Pope Gregory found, in 1582, tha'l the vernal equinox, which at the time of the Nicene council, A. D. 325, fell on 21 March, fell now 10 days beyond it ; therefore he ordered 10 days to be struck out of October, 1582' ; and to prevent the recurrence of the difficulty in future, decreed that 3 days should be abated in every 400 years, by restoring leap years to'common years at the end of 3 successive centuries and making leap year again at the close of every 4th century. Thus 1700, 1800, 1900, 2100' &c. though divisible by 4, are common years, but 2000, 2400, 2800, &c. are leap years. 'This method of keeping the year is called NEW STYLE, and that before the reformation by Gregory, OLD STYLE. Even this correction does not set the year exactly right ; but the erro'r is so small that it amounts to scarce a day and a half in 5000 years, and we need cot trouble ourselves about a nearer approximation. Because this correction had a Catholic or Popish origin, Protestants would not for a long time adopt it. At length, in the year 1751, the English Parliament enacted, that the 3d of Sept. of that year should be called the 14lh, thereby striking out 11 days, which their calendar at that late period required, to reduce it to the Gregorian. And hence the reason of our calling the 11 Dec. O. S., the 22 N. S. The reason also of our adding ] 1 days instead of 10 is obvious, because, in adopting the Catholic method 170 years afterlt had been iutroduced by Gregory, mother day was gained, and therefore 10+1=11. 86 MASSASOIT. [BooK II We have, in speaking of Samoset and Squanto, observed that it was through the agency of the former that a knowledge was gained by the pilgrims of Mas- sasoit. It was upon 22 March, 1621, that they brought the welcome news to Plimouth, that their chief was near at hand ;* " and they brought with them (say the Pilgrims) some few skins to truck, and some red herrings, newly taken and dried, but not salted ; and signified unto us, that their great sagamore, Massasoit, was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother. They could not well express in English what they would ; but after an hour the king came to the top of an hill [supposed to be that now called Watson's, on the south side of Town-brook] over against us, and had in his train 60 men, that we could well behold them, and they us. We were not willing to send our governor to them, and they unwilling to come to us: so Squanto went again unto him, Avho brought word that we should send one to parley with him, which we did, which was Edioard Winslow, to know his mind, and to signify the mind and will of our governor, which was to have trading and peace with him. We sent to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain, with a jewel in it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter, which were all willingly accepted." The Englishman then made a speech to him about his king's love and good ness to him and his people, and that he accepted of him as his friend and ally " He liked well of the speech, (say the English,) and heard it attentively, though the interpreters did not well express it. After he had eaten and drunk himself, and given the rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's sword and armor, which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it ; but, on the other side, our messenger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In the end he left him in the custody of Quadequina, his brother, and came over the brook, and some 20 men following him. We kept six or seven as hostages for our messenger." As Massasoit proceeded to meet the English, they met him with six soldiers, who saluted each other. Several of his men were with him, but all left their bows and arrows behind. They were conducted to a new house which was partly finished, and a green rug was spread upon the floor, and several cush ions for Massasoit and his chiefs to sit down upon. Then came the English governor, followed by a drummer and trumpeter and a few soldiers, and after kissing one another, all sat down. Some strong water being brought, the governor drank to Massasoit, who in his turn " drank a great draught, that made him sweat all the while after." They now proceeded to make a treaty, which stipulated, that neither Massa soit nor any of his people should do hurt to the English, and that if they did they should be given up to be punished by them ; and that if the English did any harm to him or any of his people, they (the English) would do the like to them. That if any did unjustly war against him, the English were to aid him, and he was to do the same in his turn, and by so doing King James would esteem him his friend and ally. "All which (they say) the king seemed to like well, and it was applauded of his followers." And they add, " All the while he sat by the governor, he trembled for fear." At this time he is described as "a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his attire little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, only in a great chain of white bone beads about his neck; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of tobacco, which he drank, and gave us to drink.f His face was painted with a sad red * Mourl's narrative is here continued from the last extract in p. 10, without any omission. 1 1 presume that by " drinking tobacco," smoking is meant. The pilgrims were probably not acquainted with the practice of smoking at all, and hence this sort of misnomer is not strange, though it may be thought a little odd. How long smoking went by the name of drinking at Plimouth I do not learn ; but in 1646 this entry is found in the Plimouth records : " Anthony Tliacherand George Pole were chosen a committee to draw up an order con cerning disorderly drinking of Tobacco." Roger Williams says, In his Key, " Generally all the men throughout the country have a tobacco-bag, with a pipe in it, hanging at their back." Dr. Ttiaciier says, that an aged man in Plimouth, who was a great smoker, used to term CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 87 like murrey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily. All his followers likewise were, in their face.-;, in part or in whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, and some white ; some with crosses and other antic works ; some had skins on them, and some naked ; all strong, tall men in ap pearance. The king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knife. He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as they could. Samoset and Squanto stayed all night with us." Massasoit retired into the woods, about half a mile from the English, and there encamped at night with his men, women and children. Thus ended March 22d, 1621. During his first visit to the English, he expressed great signs of fear, and during the treaty could not refrain from trembling.* Thus it is easy to see how much hand he had in making it, but would that there had never been loorst ones made. It was agreed that some of his people should come and plant near by, in a few days, and live there all summer. "That night we kept good watch, but there was no appearance of danger. The next morning divers of their people came over to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some of them told us the king would have some of us come to see him. Capt. Standish and Isaac Mderton went venterously, who were welcomed of him after their man ner. He gave them three or four ground nuts and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceive, (they continue,) but that he is willing to have peace with us ; for they have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work and fowling, when as they offered them no harm, as they might easily have done ; and especially because he hath a potent adversary, the Narrohigansets,* that are at war with him, against whom he thinks we may be some strength to him ; for our pieces are terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till 10 or 11 of the clock ; and our governor bid them send the king's kettle, and filled it with peas, which pleased them well ; and so they went their way." Thus ended the first visit ot'Massasoit to the pilgrims. We should here note that he ever after treated the English with kindness, and the peace now concluded was undisturbed for nearly 40 years. Not that any writing or articles of a treaty, of which he never had any adequate idea, was the cause of his friendly behavior, but it was the natural goodness of his heart. The pilgrims report, that at this *time he was at war with the Narragansets. But if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than some small skirmishing. Meanwhile Squanto and Samoset remained with the English, instructing them how to live in their country ; equal in all respects to Robinson Crusoe's man Friday, and had De Foe lived in that age he might have made as good a story from their history as he did from that of Alexander Selkirk. "Squanto went to fish [a day or two after Massasoii left] for eels. At night he came home with as many as he could lift in one hand, which our people were glad of. They were fat and sweet. He trod them out with his feet, and so caught them with his hands, without any other instrument." it drinking tobacco. Hist. Plim. 34. This we infer was wilhin the recollection of the au thor. The notion that tobacco is so called from the island Tobago, is erroneously entertained hy many. When Sir Francis Drake discovered the country to the north of California, in 1579, the writer of the account of his voyage says, the Indians presented the admiral with a small basket made of rushes, filled with an Herb they called tabah. From another passage it appears, that the Indians of that region, like those of New England, had bags in which tobacco ^as carried. Barney's Voyages, \. 3447. * Ana, with this fact before him, the author of " Tales of the Indians" says, the treaty was made with deliberation and cheerfulness on the part of Massasoit! fFew Indian names have beeu spelt more ways than this. From the nature of the Indian language, it is evident that no r should be used in it. Nahigonsik and Nantigansick, R. Williams. Nechejransitt, Gookin. \antyijgaiisiks, Callender. Nanohigganset, Winslmo's Good News from N. Encr, Nanhyganset, Jnd^e Johnson's Life of Gen. Greene. These are bul few of the permutations without the r, and those with it are still more numerous. The meaning of the name is still uncertain. Madam Knight, in her Journal, 22 and 23, says, at a place where she happened to put up for a night in that country, she heard some of the " town topers " disputing about the origin of the word Narraganset. " One said it was so named by Indians, because there grew a brier there of a prodigious height and bigness, who quoted an Indian of so barbarous a name for his author that she could not write it. Another said it meant a celebrated spring, which was very cold in summer, and " as hot as could be imagined in the winter." 88 MASSASOIT. *" [Boox II This Squanto became afterwards an important personage in Indian politics, and some of his mano3uvres remind us of some managing politicians of oui own times. In 1622, he forfeited his life by plotting to destroy that of Massa- soit, as will be found related in the life of Hobomok. On that occasion, Massasoit went himself to Plimouth, " being much offended and enraged against Tisquan- tum ; " but the governor succeeded in allaying his wrath for that time. Soon after, he sent a messenger to entreat the governor to consent to his being put tc death ; the governor said he deserved death, but as he knew not how to get along without him in his intercourse with the Indians, he would spare him. Determined in his purpose, Massasoit soon sent the same messenger again, accompanied by many others, who offered many beaver skins that Tisquanlum might be given up to them. They demanded him in the name of Massasoit, as being one of his subjects, whom, (says Winsloio,) by our first articles of peace, we could not retain. But out of respect to the English, they would not seize him without their consent. Massasoit had sent his own knife to be used in cutting off his head and hands, which were to be brought to him. Meantime Squanto came and delivered himself up to the govemor, charging Hobomok with his overthrow, and telling him to deliver him or not to the mes sengers of Massasoit, as he thought fit. It seems from the narrative that, as the governor was about to do it, they grew impatient at the delay, and went off in a rage. The delay was occasioned by the appearance of a boat in the harbor, which the governor pretended might be that of an enemy, as there had been a rumor that the French had meditated breaking up the settlement of the English in this region. This, however, was doubtless only a pretence, and employed to wear out the patience of his unwelcome visitors. Hence that Massasoit should for some time after "seem to frown" on the English, as they complain, is certainly no wonder. The next summer, in June or July, Massasoit was visited by several of the English, among whom was Mr. Edward Winsloiv, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and Squanto as their interpreter. Their object was to find out his place of resi dence, in case they should have to call upon him for assistance ; to keep good the friendly correspondence commenced at Plimouth ; and especially to cause him to prevent his men from hanging about them, and living upon them, which was then considered very burdensome, as they had begun to grow short of provisions. That their visit might be acceptable, they took along, for a present, a trooper's red coat, with some lace upon it, and a copper chain ; with these Massasoit was exceedingly well pleased. The chain, they told him, he must send as a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so that they might not be imposed upon by strangers. When the English arrived at Pokanoket, Massasoit was absent, but was immediately sent for. Being informed that he was coming, the English began to prepare to shoot off their guns ; this so frightened the women and children, that they ran away, and would not return until the interpreter assured them that they need not fear ; and when Massasoit arrived, they saluted him by a discharge, at which he was very much elated ; and " who, after their manner, (says one of the company,) kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him, where, having delivered our message and presents, and having put the coat on his back, and the chain about his neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also, to see their king so bravely attired." * A new treaty was now held with him, and he very good-naturedly assented to all that was desired. He then made a speech to his men, many of them being assembled to see the English, which, as near as they could learn its meaning, acquainted them with what course they might pursue in regard to the English. Among other things, he said, " Am I not Massasoit, commander of the countiy about us ? Is not such and such places mine, and the people of them ? They shall take their skins to the English. This his people applauded. In his speech, " he named at least thirty places," over which he had control. "This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of Eng land and oi the king's majesty, marvelling that he should live without a wife.' He seems to have been embittered against the French, and wished " us not to Buffer them to come to Narraganset, for it was King James's country, and he * Mourt's Relation, in Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. S9 was King James's man." He had no victuals at this time to give to the Eng lish, and night coming on, they retired to rest supperless. He had but one bed, if so it might be called, "being only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a thin mat upon them."* "He laid us on the bed with himself and his witV, they at the one end, and we at the other. Two more of his men, for want of room, pressed by and upon us; so that we were worse weary of our lodging than of our journey." " The next day, many of their sachims or petty governors came to see us, and many of their men also. There they went to their manner of games for skins and knives." It is amusing to learn that the English tried to get chance in this gambling affair. They say, "There we challenged them to shoot with them for skins," but they were too cunning for them, " only they desired to see one of us shoot at a mark ; who shooting with hail shot, they wondered to see the mark so full of holes." The next day, about one o'clock, Massasoit brought two large fishes and boiled them ; but the pilgrims still thought their chance for refreshment very small, as "there were at least forty looking for a share in them;" but scanty as it was, it came very timely, as they had fasted two nights and a day. The English now left him, at which he was veiy sorrowful. " Very importunate he was (says our author) to have us stay with them longer. But we desired to keep the sabbath at home, and feared we should either be light-headed for want of sleep ; for what with bad lodging, the sav ages' barbarous singing, (for they used to sing themselves asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, and musketoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our being there ; we much fearing, that if we should stay any longer, we should not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that, on Friday morn ing, before sunrising, we took our leave, and departed, Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed, that he could no better entertain us. And retaining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure truck for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, hi his place, whom we had found faithful before and after upon all occasions." This faithful servant, Tokamahamon, was in the famous "voyage to the kingdom of Nauset," and was conspicuous for his courage in the expedition against Caunbitant. In 1623, Massasoit sent to his friends in Plimouth to inform them that he was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if possible, the gov ernor despatched Mr. H'insloiv again, with some medicines and cordials, and Hobbomok as interpreter ; " having one Master John Hamdm, a gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country, for my consort." f In their way they found many of his subjects were gone to Pokanoket, it being their custom for all friends to attend on such occasions. " When we came thither (says Mr. Winslow) we found the house so full of men, as we could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and, therefore, unlike to ease him that was sick. About him were six or eight women, who chafed his arms, legs and thighs, to keep heat in him. When they had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, who was come. They told him Winsnow, (for they cannot pronounce the letter I, * La Salle says ( Expedition in America, p. 11.) of the Indians' beds in general, that " they are made up with some pieces of wood, upon which they lay skins full of wool or straw, but, for their covering, they use the finest sort of skins, or else mats finely wrought." t Winslow's Relation. The Mr. Hamden mentioned, is supposed, by some, to be the celebrated John Hamden, famous in the time of Charles I., and who died of a wound received in an attempt to intercept Prince Rupert, near Oxford, while supporting the cause of the parliament. See Rapin's England, ii. 477, and Kennet, iii. 137. It would be highly gratifying, could the certainly of this matter be known ; but, as yet, we must acknowledge that all is mere speculation. Nevertheless, we are pleased to meet with the names of such valued martyrs <-f liberty upon any page, and even though they should onetime* seem rather mal apropos to the case in hand. We cannot learn that any of Hamden' s biographers have discovered that he visited America. Still there is a presumptioj; " The villaie Ifampden, that, with dauntless breast, The little tyrant of his fields withstood." Gtvtr't EI.IOT 90 MASSASOIT. [BOOK II but ordinarily n in the place thereof.)* He desired to speak with me. When I canie to him, and they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very inwardly, Keen Winsnow ? which is to say, Jlrt thou Winslow? I answered, Jlhhe, that is, Yes. Then he doubled these words : Malta neen wonckanet namen, Winsnow ! that is to say, O Wins- loiv, I shall never see thee again ! " But contrary to his own expectations, as well as all his friends, by the kind exertions of Mr. Winsloiv, he in a short time entirely recovered. This being a passage of great interest in the life of the great Massasoit, we will here go more into detail concerning it. When he had become able to speak, he desired Mr. Winslow to provide him a broth from some kind of fowl : " so (says he) I took a man with me, and made a shot at a couple of ducks, some sixscore paces off, and killed one, at which he wondered : so we returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth therewith, which he much desired ; never did I see a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did eat it ; this he acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would not be persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, showing the strength thereof, and the weak ness of his stomach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in health." As Winslow had said, it made him very sick, and he vomited with such violence that it made the blood stream from his nose. This bleeding caused them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. When his nose ceased bleeding, he fell asleep, and did not awake for 6 or 8 hours more. After he awoke, Mr. Winsloiv washed his face "and supplied his beard and nose with a linnen cloth," when taking a quantity of water into his nose, by fiercely eject ing it, the blood began again to flow, and again his attendants thought he could not recover, but, to their great satisfaction, it soon stopped, and he gained strength rapidly. For this attention of the English he was very grateful, and always believed that his preservation at this time was owing to the benefit he received from Mr. Winslow. In his way on his visit to Massasoit, Mr. Winslow broke a bottle containing some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the sachem's recov ery, wrote a letter to the governor of Plimouth for another, and some chickens in which he gave him an account of his success thus far. The intention waa no sooner made known to Massasoit, than one of his men was sent off, at two o'clock at night, for Plimouth, who returned again with astonishing quickness. The chickens being alive, Massasoit was so pleased with them, and, being better would not suffer them to be killed, and kept them with the idea of rais ing more. While at Massasoifs residence, and just as they were about to depart, the sachem told Hobomok of a plot laid by some of his subordinate chiefs for the purpose of cutting off the two English plantations, which he charged him to acquaint the English with, which he did. Massasoit stated that he had been urged to join in it, or give his consent thereunto, but had always refused, and used his endeavors to prevent it. The particulars of the evils which that plot brought upon its authors will be found in the history of Wittuwamd. At this time the English became more sensible of the real virtues of Massa soit than ever before. His great anxiety for the welfare of his people was manifested by his desiring Mr. Winslow, or, as Winslow himself expresses it, " He caused me to go from one to another, [in his village,] requesting me to wash their mouths also, [many of his people being sick at that time,] and give to each of them some of the same I gave him, saying they were good folk" * Every people, and consequently every language, have their peculiarities. Baron Lahon- tan, Memoires de la Amerique, ii. 236, 237, says, " Je dirai de la langue des Hurons et des Iroquois line chose assez curieuse, qui est qu'il ne s'y trouve point de lettres lahiaks ; c'est a dire, de b, f, m, p. Cependant, cette langue des Hurons paroit Hre fort belle et de un son tout a dire bon, ils diroient ouon, au lieu de fils, Us prononceroient rils ; au lieu de monsieur, caoun- sieur, au lieu de Pontchartrain, Conchartrain." Hence it seems their languages are aaalo goat. CHAP. IF.] MASSASOIT. 91 All account of his character as given by Hobomok will be found in the lift: of that chief or paniese. "Many whilst we were there (says Wmdmc] came to see him ; some, by their report, from a place not less than 100 miles from thence." In 1(>32, a short war was carried on between Massasoit and Canonicus, the sachem of the Narragansets, but the English interfering with a force under the spirited Captain Standish, ended it with very little bloodshed. Massasoit expected a serious contest ; and, as usual on such occasions, changed his name, and was ever after known by the name of Owsamequin, or Ousamequin. Our historical records furnish no particulars of his war with the Narragansets, fur ther than we have stated. AVe may infer from a letter written by Roger Williams, that some of Plimouth instigated Massasoit, or Ousamequin, as we should now call him, to lay claim to Providence, which gave that good man some trouble, because, in that case, his lands were considered as belonging to Plimouth, in whose juris diction he was not suffered to reside : and, moreover, he had bought and paid for all he possessed, of the Narraganset sachems. It was in 1635 that Mr. Williams fled to that country, to avoid being seized and sent to England. He found that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh were at bitter enmity w r ith Ousame quin, but by his great exertions he restored peace, without which he could not have been secure, in a border of the dominion of either. Ousamequin was well acquainted with Mr. Williams, whom he had often seen during his two years' residence at Plimouth, and was a great friend to him, and therefore he listened readily to his benevolent instructions ; giving up the land in dispute between himself and the Narraganset sachems, which was the island now called Rhode Island, Prudence Island, and perhaps some others, together with Providence. "And (says Mr. Williams) I never denied him, nor Meantinomy, whatever they desired of me." Hence their love and attachment for him, for this is their own mode of living. It appears that, before Miantunnomoh'' s reverses of fortune, he had, by some means or other, got possession of some of the dominions of Ousamequin, For at the meeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in the autumn of 1643, they order, "That Plymouth labor by all due means to restore Woosamequin to his full liberties, in respect of any encroachments by the Nanohiggansetts, or any other natives ; that so the properties of the Indians may be preserved to themselves, and that no one sagamore encroach upon the rest as of late : and that Woosamequin be reduced to those former terms and agreements between Plymouth and him." * Under date 1638, Gov. Winthrop says, " Owsamekin, the sachem of Acooine- meck, on this side Connecticut, came to [him] the governor, and brought a present of 18 skins of beaver from himself and the sachems of Mohegan beyond Connecticut and Pakontuckett." They having heard that the English were about to make war upon them was the cause of their sending this present. The governor accepted it, and told Ousamequin, that if they had not wronged the English, nor assisted their enemies, they had nothing to fear ; and, giving him a letter to the governor of Connecticut, dismissed him well satisfied.! In 1649, Ousamequin sold to Miles Standish, and the other inhabitants of Duxbury, " a tract of land usually called Saughtucket" seven miles square. This was Bridgewater. It had been before granted to them, only, however, hi preemption. They agreed to pay Ousamequin seven coats, of a yard and a half each, nine hatchets, eight hoes, twenty knives, four moose skins, and ten and a half yards of cotton cloth. By a deed bearing date 9th March, 1653, Ousemaquin and his son Wamsitto, [Wamsutta,] afterwards called Alexander, sold to the English of Plimouth "all those severall parcells of land lyeing on the south-easterly side of Sinkunke, alias Rehoboth, bounded by a little brooke of water called Moskituash westerly, and soe runiug by a dead swamp eastward, and soe by marked trees as Ousa~ mequin and Wamsitto directed, unto the great riuer, and all the meadow abom * Records of the U. Colonies. t Journal, i. 264. 92 MASSASOIT. {Boon II the sides of both, and about the neck called Chachacust, also Papasquash neck, also the meadow from the bay to Keecomewett," &c. For this the considera tion was " 35 sterling." By a writing bearing date " this twenty-one of September, 1657," Ousame- quin says, " I Vssamequen do by these presents ratify and allow the sale of a certain island called Chesewanocke, or Hogg Island, which my sou WamsiUa sold to Richard Smith, of Portsmouth in R. L, with my consent, which deed of sale or bargain made the 7th of February in the year 1653, 1 do ratify, own and confirm." In 1656, Roger Williams says that Ousamequin, by one of his sachems, " was at daily feud with Pumham about the title and lordship of Warwick ; " and that hostility was daily expected. But we are not informed that any thing serious took place. This is the year in which it has been generally supposed that Ousamequin died, but it is an error of Hutchinsori's transplanting from Mr. Hubbard's work into his own. That an error should flourish in so good a soil as that of the " History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay," is no wonder ; but it is a wonder that the " accurate Hutchinson " should set down that date, from that passage of the Indian Wars, which was evidently made without reflection. It being at that time thought a circumstance of no consequence. That the sachem of Pokanoket should be scarcely known to our records between 1657 and 1661, a'space of only about three years, as we have shown, is not very surprising, when we reflect that he was entirely subservient to the English, and nearly or quite all of his lands being before disposed of, or given up to them. This, therefore, is a plain reason why we do not meet with his name to deeds and other instruments. And, besides this consideration, another sachem was known to be associated with him at the former period, who seems to have acted as Ousamequin's representative. He was alive in 1661, and as late in that year as September.* Several months previous to this, Oneko, with about seventy men, fell upon a defence less town within the dominions of Ousamequin, killing three persons, and car rying away six others captive. He complained to the General Court of Massachusetts, which interfered in his behalf, and the matter was soon settled, f From the " Relation " of Dr. /. Mather, it is clear that he lived until 1662. His words are, " Alexander being dead, [having died in 1662,] his brother Philip, of late cursed memory, rose up in his stead, and he was no sooner styled sachem, but immediately, in the year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of his bloody treachery against the English." \ Hence, as we do not hear of Alexander as sachem until 1662, which is also the year of his death, it is fair to conclude that he could not have been long in office at the time of his death ; nor could he have been styled " chief sachem " until after the death of his father. Whether Massasoit had more than two sons, is not certain, although it is confidently believed that he had. It is probable that his family was large. A company of soldiers from Bridgewater, in a skirmish with Philip, took his sister, and killed a brother of Ousamequin, whose name was Unkompoen, or Akkompoin. || That he had another brother, called Quadequina, has been mentioned. Gov. Winthrop gives the following anecdote of Ousamequin. As Mr. Ed ward Winslow was returning from a trading voyage southward, having left his vessel, he traveled home by land, and in the way stopped with his old friend Massasoit, who agreed to accompany him the rest of the way. In the mean time, Ousamequin sent one of his men forward to Plimouth, to surprise the people with the news of Mr. Winslow' 's death. By his manner of relating it, and the particular circumstances attending, no one doubted of its truth, and every one was grieved and mourned exceedingly at their great loss. But * Some records which Mr. Daggett consulted in preparing his History of Attleborougli. led him to conclude that Massasoit died previous to June, 10(iO. f Original manuscript documents. The particulars of these matters will be given at large, n-hen we come lo treat of the life of I'ncas. t Relation, 72. $ /. Matlier, 44. || Church, 38, edit. 4lo CHAP. II.] EXPEDITION AGAINST CAUNBITANT. 93 presently they were as much surprised at seeing him coming in company with Ousamequin. When it was known among the people that the sachem had sent thins news to them, they demanded why he should thus deceive them. lie replied that it was to make him the more welcome wheii he did return, and that this was a custom of his people. One of the most renowned captains within the dominions of Massasoit was CAUNBITANT,* whose residence was at a place called Mettapoiset, in the present town of Swansey. His character was much the same as that of the famous J\fdafomet. The English were always viewed by him as intruders and enemies of his race, and there is little doubt but he intended to wreet the country out of their hands on the first opportunity. In August, 1621, Caunbitant was supposed to be in the interest of the Nar- ragansets, and plotting with them to overthrow Massasoit ; and, being at Namasket seeking, say the Pilgrims, " to draw the hearts of Massasoi/t's sub jects from him ; speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace be tween Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquantum, the worker of it ; also at Tokamahamon, and one Hobomok, (two Indians or Lemes, one of which he would treacherously have murdered a little before, being a special and trusty man of Massasoyt's,) Tokamahamon went to him, but the other two would not ; yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see if they could hear of their king, and, lodging at Namaschet, were dicovered to Coubatant, who set a guard to beset the house, and took Tisquantum, (for he had said, if he were dead, the English had lost their tongue.) Hobbamok see ing that Tisquantum was taken, and Coubatant held [holding] a knife at his breast, being a strong and stout man, brake from them, and came to New Pli- mouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought to be slain." Upon this the Plimouth people sent an expedition, under Standish, of 14 men,f " and Hobbamok for their guide, to revenge the supposed death of Tisquantum on Coubatant our bitter enemy, and to retain Nepeof, another sachem, or governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard what was become of our friend Massasoyt." After much toil, the little army arrived near the place they expected to find Caunbitant. " Before we came to the town (says the narrator) we sat down and eat such as our knapsacks afforded ; that being done, we threw them aside, and all such things as might hinder us, and so went on and beset the house, according to our last resolution. Those that entered, demanded if Coubatant were not there ; but fear had bereft the savages of speech. We charged them not to stir, for if Coubatant were not there, we would not med die with them ; if he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Tisquantum, and other matters : but howso ever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding, some of them pressed out at a private door, and escaped, but with some wounds. At length perceiving our principal ends, they told us Coubatant was returned [home] with all his train, and that Tisquantum was yet living, and in the town ; [then] offering some tobacco, [and] other, such as they had to eat" In this hurley hurley, (as they call it,) two guns were fired " at random," to the great terror of all but Squanto and Tokamahamon, " who, though they knew not our end in coming, yet assured them [so frightened] of our honesty, [and] that we would not hurt them." The Indian boys, seeing the squaws protected, cried out, Neensquaes! Neensquaes ! that is, I am a squaw! I am a squaw ! and the women tried to screen themselves in Hobomok's presence, reminding him that he was their friend. This attack upon a defenceless house was made at midnight, and must have been terrible, in an inconceivable degree, to its inmates, especially the sound of the English guns, which few, if any of them, had ever heard before. The relator proceeds : " But to be short, we kept them we had, and made them make a fire that we might see to search the house ; in the meantime, * Corbitant, Coubalant, and Cotibitant, were ways of writing his name also, by his con temporaries, t Ten, says the Relation. 94 TREATY WITH THE INDIANS. [BOOK II Hobbamik gut on the top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokama- hamon." They soon came, with some others with them, some armed and others naked. The English took away the bows and arrows from those that were armed, but promised to return them as soon as it was day, which they probably did. They kept possession of the captured wigwam until daylight, when they re\ased their prisoners, and marched into the town (as they call it) of the Namaskets. Here, it appears, Squanto had a house, to which they went, and t )ok breakfast, and held a court afterward, from which they issued forth the following decree against Caunbitant : " Thither came all whose hearts were upright towards us, but all Couba- tnnCs faction were fled away. There in the midst of them we manifested again our intendment, assuring them, that, although Coubitant had now escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from us, if he continued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, who had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so justly deserved it. Moreover, ii'Massasoyt did not return in safety from Nar- rohigganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against him, or offer violence to Tisquantum, Hobomok, or any of Massasoi/fs subjects, we would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those [who] were wounded, [how many is not mentioned,] we were sorry for it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the house at our command : yet, if they would return home with us, our surgeon should heal them. At this offer one man and a woman that were wounded went home with us, Tisquantum and many other known friends accompanying us, and offering all help that might be by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that by God's good providence we safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth." * Notwithstanding these rough passages, Caunbitant became in appearance reconciled to the English, and on the 13th Sept. following (1621) went to Plimouth and signed a treaty of amity. It was through the intercession of Massasoit that he became again reconciled, but the English always doubted his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The treaty or submission was in these words : " Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are underwritten, do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal subjects of King James, king of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. In witness whereof, and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names, or marks, as followeth : OHQUAMEHUD, NATTAWAHUNT, QUADAQUINA, CAWNACOME, CAUNBATANT, HUTTMOIDEN, OBBATINNUA, CHIKKATABAK, APANNOW." Of some of these sachems nothing is known beyond this transaction, and of others very little. Obbatinua is supposed to have been sachem of Shawmut, where Boston now stands. Cawnacome and Jipannow may be the same before spoken of as Comconam and Epanoiv, though I am rather of opinion that Apannow means Jlspinet of Nausetf Nattawahunt we shall again meet with, under the name Nashoonon. Coneconam was sachem ofManomet, on Cape Cod. When, in the winter of 1623, the English traversed the country to trade with the Indians for corn, they visited him among other chiefs; who, they say, " it seemed was of good respect, and authority, amongst the Indians. For whilst the governor was there, within night, in bitter cold weather, came two men from Manamoyck, before spoken of, and having set aside their bows * From Mourt, tit supra, and signed only with the capital letter A, which is supposed to Btand for Isaac Allerton, who accompanied Stinidisli perhaps. From the use of the pronoun in the first person, the writer, whoever lie was. must have been present 4 See chapter i. of b. ii. CHAP. II. J CAUNBITANT. 95 and quivers, according to their manner, sat down by the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacum; and one of them made a short speech, and delivered a present to him, from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco, and many beads, which the other received thankfully. After which he made a long speech to him," the meaning of which Hobomok said was, that two of their men fell out in a game, " for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away all, even their skin from their backs, yea their wive's skins also," and one killed the other. That the murderer was a powow, " one of special note amongst them," and one whom they did not like to part with ; yet they were threatened with war, if they did not kill the murderer. That, therefore, their sachem deferred acting until the advice of Coneconam was first obtained. After consulting with this chief, and some of his head men, these messen gers desired Hobomok's judgment upon the matter. With some deference he replied, that " he thought it was better that one should die than many, since he had deserved it ; " " whereupon he passed the sentence of death upon him." We shall have occasion again to notice this chief, at whose house the first act of a tragic scene was acted, which in its course brought ruin upon its projectors. When Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. John Hctmden went to visit Massasoit in his sickness, in 1623, they heard by some Indians, when near Caunbitanfs residence, that Massasoit was really dead : they, therefore, though with much hesitation, ventured to his house, hoping they might treat with him, he being then thought the successor of Massasoit. But he was not at home. The squaw sachem, his wife, treated them with great kindness, and learning here that Massasoit was still alive, they made all haste to Pokanoket. When they returned, they staid all night with Caunbitant, at his house, who accompanied them there from MassasoiCs. Mr. Winslow gives the account in these words : " That night, through the earnest request of Conbatant, who, till now, remained at Sowaams, or Puckanokick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way, I had much conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the like are returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in case he were thus dangerously sick, as Massasoit had been, and should send word thereof to Patuxet, for maskifst,* [that is, physic,] whether their master governor would send it ; and if he would, whether I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered, yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks." He then expressed his surprise that two Englishmen should 'ad venture so far alone into their country, and asked them if they were not afraid. Mr. Winsloio said, "where was true love, there was no fear." "But,' J said Caunbitant, "if your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh it to pass, that ichen we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, with the mouth of your pieces presented towards its?" Mr. Winsloio told him that was a mark of respect, and that they received their best friends in that manner; but to this he shook his head, and answered, that he did not like such salu tations. f When Caunbitant saw his visiters crave a blessing before eating, and return thanks afterwards, he desired to knoAV what it meant. " Hereupon 1 took occasion (says our author) to tell them of God's works of creation and preservation, of the laws and ordinances, especially of the ten con.i.iand ments." They found no particular fault with the commandments, except the seventh, but said there were many inconveniences in that a man should be tied to one woman. About which they reasoned a good while. When Mr. Winslow explained the goodness of God in bestowing on tliem all their comforts, and that for this reason they thanked and blessed iiim. * In Williams's Key. Maskit is translated, " Give me some physic." t Good News from N. England, CoU. Alass. Hist. Soc. 96 WITT UWA MET. PEKSUOT. [BOOK II. "this all of them concluded to be very well ; and said they believed almost all the same things, and that the same po\ver that we call God they called Kichtan. n " Here we remained only that night, but never had better enter tainmeut amongst any of them." What became of this chief is unknown. His name appearing no more in our records, leads us to suppose that he either fled his country on the n;ur der of Ji'ittuwamet, Peksuot, and others, or that he died about that time. WITTUWAMET was a Massachusetts chief, as was his companion Peksuot, but their particular residence has not been assigned. Wittuivamd was a des perate and bold fellow, and, like most other warriors, delighted in shedding the blood of his enemies. It is not improbable but that he became exasper ated against the English from the many abuses some of them had practised upon his countrymen. This will account, perhaps, for all the severity and malignity portrayed by the forefathers in his character. He was one of those, they say, who murdered some of the crew of the French ship, cast away upon Cape Cod, as we have before mentioned. That Wittuwamet, Peksuot, and some other chiefs, intended to have freed their country of intruders in the year 1623, there can be no doubt, and in re lating the rise, progress and termination of their league to effect this object, we shall, to avoid the charge of partiality, adhere closely to the record. We have before, in speaking of Caunecum, or Coneconam, mentioned the voyage of the governor of Plimouth to that sachem's country to trade for corn ; that was in January, 1623. Not being able to bring away all he ob tained, Captain Mites Standish\vas sent the next month to take it to Plimouth, also to purchase more at the same place, but he did not meet with very good reception, which led him to apprehend there was mischief at hand. And immediately after, while at Coneconam's house with two or three of his com pany, " in came two of the Massachusetts men. The chief of them was called Wiltuwamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued his hands in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his own valor, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, they died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men. This villain took a dagger from about his neck, which he had gotten of Master Wesion's people, and presented it to the sachem, [Coneconam,] and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort as the captain, though he be the best linguist among us, could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was afterwards discovered to be as followeth. The Massachu- seucks formerly concluded to ruinate Mr. Westorfs colony; and thought themselves, being about 30 or 40 men, strong enough to execute the same : yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more strength to themselves, to make their party good against us at Plimouth : concluding that if we remained, though they had no other arguments to use against us, yet we would never leave the death of our countrymen unre- venged ; and therefore their safety could not be without the overthrow of both plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this sachem, as also the other, called lanough, and many others, to assist them ; and now again came to prosecute the same ; and since there was so fair an opportu nity offered by the captain's presence, they thought best to make sure of him and his company." Coneconam, after this speech, treated Standish with neglect, and was very partial to Wittuwamct, which much increased the jealousy of the former. These Indians meantime contrived to kill Standish, having employed a "lusty Indian of Paomet " to execute the plan. The weather was severely cold, and Standish lodged on shore at night, and this was the time he was to have been killed. But the extreme coldness of the night kept him from sleeping, and thus he avoided assassination. We have had occasion, in the life ofMassasoit, to mention that that chief had been solicited to engage in this confederacy, and of his charging Hobomok to warn the English of it. The people of the places named at that time by Massasoit, as in the plot, were Nauset, Paomet, Succonet, Mattachiest, Mano- met, Agowaywam, and the Island of Capawack. "Therefore, (says Mr Winslow in his Relation,) as we respected the lives of our countrymen and CHAP. Il.J WTTTUWASDET. WESTON'S COLONY. 97 our own safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began, If, said he, [Massasoit to Hobomok,] upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they not being able to defend themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their lives," and it would be with difficulty that they preserved their own; "and therefore he coun selled, without delay, to take away the principals, and then the plot would cease." Meanwhile Westorfs men had fallen into a miserable and wretched condi tion ; some, to procure a daily sustenance, became servants to the Indians, " fetching them wood and water, &c., and all for a meal's meat." Those who were thus degraded, were, of course, only a few who had abandoned themselves to riot and dissipation, but whose conduct had affected the well being of the whole, notwithstanding. Some of these wretches, in their ex tremities, had stolen corn from the Indians, on whose complaint they had been put in the stocks and whipped. This not giving the Indians satisfac tion, one was hanged. This was in February, 1623. About this capital punishment much has been written ; some doubting the fact that any one was hanged, others that it was the real offender, &c. But in our opinion the facts are incontestable that one was hanged ; but whether the one really guilty or not, is not quite so easily settled. The fact that one was hanged for another appears to have been of common notoriety, both in Old and New England, from shortly after the affair until the beginning of the next century.* Mr. Hubbard f has this passage upon the affair : " Certain it is, they [the Indians] were so provoked with their filching and stealing, that they thi*t- ened them, as the Philistines did Samson's father-in-law, after the loss of their corn ; insomuch that the company, as some report, pretended, in way of satis faction, to punish him that did the theft, but, in his stead, hanged a poor, de crepit old man, that was unserviceable to the company, [an old bed-rid weaver,|] ana< burdensome to keep alive, which was the ground of the story with which the merry gentleman, that wrote the poem called HUDIBRAS, did, in his poetical fancy, make so much sport." And from the same author it ap pears that the circumstance was well known at Plimouth, but they pretended that the right person was hanged, or, in our author's own words, " as if the person hanged was really guilty of stealing, as may be were many of the rest, and if they were driven by necessity to content the Indians, at that time, to do justice, there being some of Mr. Westorfs company living, it is possible it might be executed not on him that most deserved, but on him that could be best spared, or who was not like to live long if he had been let alone." It will now be expected that we produce the passage of Hudibras. Here it is : " Though nice and dark the point appear, The mighty Tottipottymoy , (Quoth Ralph,) it may hold up, and clear. Sent to our Elders an Envoy, That Sinners may supply the place Complaining sorely of the Breach Of suffering Saints, is a plain Case. Of League, neld forth by Brother Patch, Justice gives Sentence, many times, Against the Articles in force, On one Man for another's crimes. Between both churches, his and ours, Our Brethren of New England use For which he craved the Saints to render Choice Malefactors to excuse. Into his Hands, or hang th' Offender: And hang the Guiltless in their stead, But they, maturely having weighed, Of whom the Churches have less need : They had no more but him o' th' Trade, As lately 't happened : In a town (A Man that served them in a double There lived a Cobbler, and but one, Capacity, to Teach and Cobble,) That out of Doctrine could cut Use, Resolved to spare him ; yet to do And mend Men's Lives, as well as Shoes. The Indian Iloghan Aloghgan, too, This precious Brother having slain, Impartial Justice, in his stead, did In times of Peace, an Indian, Hang an old Weaver that was Bed-rid. (Not out of Malice, but mere Zeal, Then wherefore may not you be skipp'd, Because he was an infidel,) And in your Room another Whipp'd f " See Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. iii. 148. and b. i. chap. iii. ante. ] H.t. N. Eng. 77. J Col. N. H. Hist Soc. iii. 148 9 G 98 WITTUWAMET. WESTON'S COLONY. L BooK II. The following note was early printed to this passage: "The history of the cobbler had been attested by persons of good credit, who were upon the place when it was done." Mr. Butler wrote this part of his Hudibras before 1663. Thomas Morton, who was one of the company, though perhaps absent at the time, pretends that there was no plot of the Indians, and insinuates that the Plimoutheans caused all the trouble, and that their rashness caused the Indians to massacre some of their men, as we shall presently relate from a book which Mr. Morton published.* " Master Westorfs plantation being settled at Wessaguscus, his servants, many of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavor to take the benefit of the country, some of them fell sick and died. a One amongst the rest, an able-bodied man, that ranged the woods, to see what it would afford, lighted by accident on an Indian barn, and from thence did take a cap full of corn. The salvage owner of it, finding by the foot [track] some English had been there, came to the plantation, and made com plaint after this manner. The chief commander of the company, on this occasion, called a Parliament of all his people, but those that were sick and ill at ease.f And wisely now they must consult, upon this huge complaint, that a privy [paltry] knife or string of beads would well enough have quali fied: And Edward lohnson was a special judge of this business. The fact was there in repetition, construction made, that it was fellony, and by the laws of England punished with death, and this in execution must be put for an example, and likewise to appease the salvage ; when straightways one arose, moved as it were with some compassion, and said he could not well gainsay the former sentence ; yet he had conceived, within the compass of his brain, an embrio, that was of special consequence to be delivered, and cherished, he said ; that it would most aptly serve to pacify the salvage's complaint, and save the life of one that might (if need should be) stand them in some good stead ; being young and strong, fit for resistance against an enemy, which might come unexpectedly, for any thing they knew. "The oration made was liked of every one, and he intreated to show the means how this may be performed. Says he, you all agree that one must die, and one shall die. This young man's clothes we will take off, and put upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape death ; such is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must. Put the young man's clothes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in the other's stead. Amen, says one, and so says many more. And this had like to have proved their final sentence ; and being there confirmed by act of Parliament to after ages for a precedent. But that one, with a ravenous voice, begun to croak and bellow for revenge, and put by that conclusive motion ; alleging such deceits might be a means hereafter to exasperate the minds of the com plaining salvages, and that, by his death, the salvages should see their zeal to justice, and, therefore, he should die. This was concluded ; yet, never theless, a scruple was made ; now to countermand this act did represent itself unto their minds, which was how they should do to get the man's good will : this was indeed a special obstacle : for without that (they all agreed) it would be dangerous, for any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mis chief should befall them every man. He was a person that, in his wrath, did seem to be a second Sampson, able to beat out their brains with the jaw bone of an ass: therefore they called the man, and by persuasion got him fast bound in jest, and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest, who with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all these wise judges of this Parliament to a pittiful non plus, (as it hath been credibly reported,) and made the chief judge of them all buckle to him." This is an entire chapter of the NEW CANAAN, which, on account of its great rarity, we have given in full. In his next chapter Mr. Morton proceeds to narrate the circumstances of the " massacre " of Wittwvamet, Peksuot. and other Massachusetts Indians, and the consequences of it. But we shall now * Entitled New English Canaan, 4to. Amsterdam, 1637. t Against this sentence, in the margin, is " A poor comp'aint." CH.VP. IT.] WASSAPIXEWAT. MASSACRE AT WESSAGUSCUS. 99 draw from the Plimouth historian, and afterwards use Morton's chapter as we find occasion. Mr. Winslow says that Mr. Jf 'estori's men " knew not of this conspiracy of the Indians before his [John Sanders, their overseer '] going ; neither was it known to any of us till our return from Sowaams, or Puckanokick : at which time also another sachim, called Wassapinewai, brother to Obtakiest, the sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for partaking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the same thing," [as Massasoit had done.] It was now the 23d March, 1623, "a yearly court day" at Plimouth, en which war was proclaimed, " in public court," against the Massachusetts Indians. " We came to this conclusion, (says Winslow,) that Captain Standish should take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the Indians in the Massachusetts Bay ; and as because, as all men know that have to do with them in that kind, it is impossible to deal with them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay for others ; therefore he should pretend trade as at other times : but first go to the English, [at Wessaguscus,] and acquaint them with the plot, and the end of their own coming, that, comparing it with their own carriages towards them, he might better judge of the certainty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same: but should forbare, if it were possible, till such time as he could make sure Wittuwamat, that bloody and bold villain before spoken of; whose head he had order to bring with him, that he might be a warning and terror to all that disposition." We will now hear a word of what Mr. Morton has to say upon this trans action. " After the end of that Parliament, [which ended in the hanging of one,*] some of the plantation there, about three persons, went to live with Checatawback and his company, and had very good quarter, for all the former quarrel with the Plimouth planters.! They are not like Will Som- mers, J to take one for another. There they purposed to stay until Master Weston's arrival : but the Plimouth men intending no good to him, (as appeared by the consequence,) came in the mean time to Wessaguscus, and there pretended to feast the salvages of those parts, bringing with them pork, and things for the purpose, which they set before the salvages. They eat thereof without suspicion of any mischief, [and] who were taken upon a watchword given, and with their own knives (hanging about their necks) were, by the Plimouth planters, stabbed and slain. One of which was hanged up there, after the slaughter." When this came to the knowledge of Chikataubufs people, they murdered the three English who had taken up their residence with them, as they lay asleep, in revenge for the murder of then* countrymen.]) After Standish was ready to. proceed against JFittuwamet, but before he set out, one arrived from Wessaguscus almost famished,1T and gave the people of Plimouth a lamentable account of the situation of his fellows ; that not the least of their calamities was their being insulted by the Indians, * whose boldness increased abundantly ; insomuch as the victuals they got, * As mentioned in our last extract from this author. f Referring, it is supposed, to the quarrel with Caunbitant. t The person who proposed hanging a sick man instead of the real offender. (> New English "Canaan, 111. ]| Ibid. IT His name was Phinehas Prat. An Indian followed him to kill him, but, by losing the direct path, the Indian missed him. In 1662, the general court of Massachusetts, in answer to a petition of Phinehas Prat, then of Charlestown, which was accompanied " with a nar rative of the straights and hardships that the first planters of this colony underwent in their endeavors to plant themselves at Plimouth, and since, whereof he was one ; the court judgeth it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, where it is to be had, not hir dering a plantation." JUS. among thejiles in mir state-house. I have not been able to discover the narrative of Prat, after long soarch. Mr. Hubbard probably used it in compiling his Hist, of New England. At the court. 3 May, 1665, land was ordered to be laid out for Prat, "in the wilderness on Ihe east of ihe Mcrrimack P ; -er, near the upper end of Nacook Brook, on the south-east of it." Conrt Files, ut supra. Prat married, in Plimouth, a daughter of Cuthbert Cutlibertson. in 1630. See 2 Col. Hist. Boc. vii. 122. 100 MASSACRE AT WESSAGUSCUS. [BOOK II they [the Indians] would take it out of their pots, and eat [it] before their faces," and that if they tried to prevent them, they would hold a knife at their breasts : and to satisfy them, they had hanged one of their company : " That they had sold their clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to get victuals b^ reason of their nakedness." This truly was a wretched picture of this second colony of Massachusetts, the knowledge of which (says Winslow) " gave us good encouragement tc proceed in our intendments." Accordingly, the next day, Standish, with Hobomok and eight Englishmen, set out upon the expedition. His taking so lew men shows how a few English guns were yet feared by the Indians. Nevertheless, the historians would have us understand that Standish would take no more, because he would not have the Indians mistrust that he came to fight them ; and they would insinuate that it was owing to his great valor. When Standish arrived at Wessaguscus, he found the people scattered about, apprehending no danger whatever, engaged in their ordinary affairs. When he told them of the danger they were in from the Indians, they said "they feared not the Indians, but lived, and suffered them to lodge with them, not having sword or gun, or needing the same." Standish now in formed them of the plot, which was the first intimation, it appears, they had of it. He ordered them to call in their men, and enjoined secrecy of his intended massacre. But it seems from Winsloic's Relation, that the Indians got word of it, or mistrusted his design ; probably some of the Wessagus cus men warned them of it, who did not believe there was any plot. Meantime, an Indian came to trade, and afterwards went away in friend ship. Standish, more sagacious than the rest, said he saw treachery in his eye, and suspected his end in coming there was discovered. Shortly after, Peksuot, "who was a paniese,* being a man of a notable spirit," came to Hobomok, and told him, He understood the captain ivas come to kill him and the rest of the Indians there. "Tell him, (said Peksuot,) we know it, but fear him not, neither will we shun him ; but let him begin w r hen he dare [s], he will not take us unawares." The Indians now, as we might expect, began to prepare to meet the danger, and the English say many of them came divers times into their presence, and " would whet and sharpen the point of their knives," " and use many other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest, Wittu- wamat bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle there was pictured a woman's face ; but, said he, I have another at home, wherewith 1 have killed both French and English, and that hath a man's face on it ; and by and by these two must marry" To this he added, HINNAIM NAMEN, HINNAIM MI- CHEN, MATTA CUTS : that is, By and by it should see, and by and by it should eat, but not speak. "Also Pecksuot, (continues Winslow,} being a man of greater stature than the captain, told him though he were a great captain, yet he was but a little man : and, said he, though I be no sachem, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These things the captain observed, yet bare with pa tience for the present." It will be seen, in what we have related, as well as what we are about to add, that Thomas Morton's account, in some of the main facts, agrees with that of Winslow. From the latter it appears that Standish, after considerable manceuvering, could get advantage over but few of the Indians. At length having got Peksuot and Wittuwamat "both together, with another man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to Jfittuwamat, and, villain like, trod in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about as many of his own company in a room with them, gave the word to his men, and, the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and, snatching his oivn knife from his neck, though with much * " The Panieses are men of rreat courage and wisedome, and to these also the Deuill appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as wee conceiue, maketh couenant with them to preserue them from death by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &,c." Winslmc's Rela tion. In speaking of the origin of calumet, Charleroix says, some Indians told him that i was given by the sun to Panis, a nation upon the Missouri. Voyage dans PAmeriq-te. CHAP. II.] OBTAKIEST. HOBOMOK. 101 struggling, and killed him therewith the point whereof he had made as sharp as a needle, and ground the back also to an edge. Wittmoamet and the other man the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the captain caused to be hanged." We could now wish this bloody tale were finished, but we have promised to keep close to the record. Mr. Winslow continues, " But it is incredible how many tcounds these two panieses received before they died, not making any fearfid noise, but catching at their weapons, and striving to the last. u Hobbamock stood by all this time,* and meddled not, observing how our men demeaned themselves in this action." After the affray was ended, he said to Standish, "Yesterday Pecksuot bragged of his own strength and stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you were but a little man but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground." Standish was now sent to a company of Weston's men, who ordered them to kill the Indians that were among them. They killed two. Himself with some of his men killed another, at another place. As they were pursuing this business, intending to kill all they could lay hands upon, "through the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered [disclosed] and crossed their proceedings." Joined by some of Mr. JPestori's men, Standish discovered a few Indians, and pursued them. Standish gained a hill which the Indians also strove to occupy, and who, after shooting a few arrows, fled. " Whereupon Hobba- mock cast off his coat, and being a known paniese, theirs being now killed, chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him." One who made a stand to shoot Standish had his arm broken by a shot, which is all the advantage claimed by the English. The Indians got into a swamp, and after some bravadoing on both sides, the parties separated. After assisting the settlers of Wessaguscus to leave the place, the English returned to Plimouth, taking along the head of Wittuwamet, which they set up in their fort. Meanwhile the Indian that followed Prat from Wessaguscus, as he returned from Manomet, called at Plimouth in a friendly manner, and was there seized and put in irons. Being asked if he knew the head of Wittuwamet, said he did, and "looked piteously" upon it. "Then he confessed the plot," and said his sachem, Obtakiest, had been drawn into it by the impor tunity of all the people. He denied any hand in it himself, and begged his life might be spared. Said he was not a Massachuset, but only resided as a stranger among them. Hobomok " also gave a good report of him, and be sought for him ; but was bribed so to do it." They finally concluded to spare him, "the rather, because we desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest." The message they charged him with was this, that they had never intended to deal so with him, until they were forced to it by their treachery, and, therefore, they might thank themselves for their own overthrow ; and as he had now began, if he persisted in his course, " his country should not hold him:" that he should forthwith send to Plimouth "the three Englishmen he had, and not kill them."f The English heard nothing from Obtakwst for a long time ; at length lie sent a woman to them, (probably no man would venture,) to tell them he was sorry that the English were killed, before he heard from them, also that he wished for peace, but none of his men durst come to treat about it. The English learned from this woman, that he was in great consternation, " having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to place, ex pecting when we would take further vengeance on him." The terror was now general among them, and many, as we have elsewhere said, died through fear and want. To this dismal narrative Mr. Winslow adds, " And certainly occasion. f Moi-tqn, in his New Canaan. Ill, says, these three men went to reside with Chitcatautrut ; hence Morton very reasonably suggests, that if the Plimouth people intended the men of Wessaguscus any good, why did they not first see that all of them were out of danger, before beginning war? 9* 102 H013OMOK. SQUAIS'TO'S PERFIDY. [Boo K II. it is strange to hear how many of" late have, and still daily die amongst them ; neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease ; because through fear they set little or no corn, which is the staff of life, and without which they cannot long preserve health and strength." These affairs call for no commentary, that must accompany every mind through every step of the relation. It would be weakness, as appears to us, to attempt a vindication of the rash conduct of the English. Amid their sufferings, some poor Indians resolved to attempt to appease the wrath of the English governor by presents. Four set out by water in a boat for Plirnouth, but by accident were overset, and three of them were drowned ; the other returned back. When Mr. Robinson, the father of the Plimouth church, heard how his people had conducted in this affair with the Indians, he wrote to them, to consider of the disposition of Captain Standish, "who was of a warm tem per," but he hoped the Lord had sent him among them for a good end, if they used him as they ought "He doubted," he said, "whether there was not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made after God's image," which was so necessary ; and above all, that " it would have been happy if they had converted some before they had killed any." The reader has now passed through a period of Indian history of much interest, wherein he will doubtless have found much to admire, and more that he could have wished otherwise. Our business, however, we will here remind him, is that of a dealer in facts altogether, and he must take them, dry as they are, without any labored commentaries from us. Although we have had occasion to introduce Hobomok several times, yet there remain transactions of considerable interest in his life yet to be noticed. HOBOMOK, or Hobbamock, was a great paniese or war captain among the Wampanoags, as we have already had occasion to observe. He came to Plimouth about the end of July, 1621, and continued with the English as long as he lived. He was a principal means of the lasting friendship of Massasoit, which Morton says, he " much furthered ; and that he was a proper lusty young man, and one that was in account among the Indians in those parts for his valor." He was of the greatest service in learning them how to cultivate such fruits as were peculiar to the country, such as corn, beans, &c. The account of his mission to Massasoit, to learn the truth of a report that the Narragansets had made war upon him, and his interruption and trouble from Cauribitant are already related. Being a favorite of Massasoit, and one of his chief captains, the pilgrims found that they need not apprehend any treachery on his part, as Hobomok was so completely in their interest, and also in that of the great sachem, that he would advise them if any thing evil were on foot against them. What strengthened them in this opinion was the following circumstance. The Massachusetts Indians had for some time been inviting the English into their country to trade for furs. When, in March, 1622, they began to make ready for the voyage, Hobomok " told us, (says Winsloic,} that he feared the Massachusetts, or Massachusetts, for they so called the people of that place, were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganneuks, a people of Nanohigganset, and that they, therefore, would take this opportunity to cut off Capt. Standish and his company abroad ; but howsoever, in the mean time, it was to be feared, [he said,] that the Nanohigganeuks would assault the town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy ; as also that Tis- quantum was in the confederacy, who, [he said,] we should find, would use many persuasions to draw us from our shallops to the Indians' houses for their better advantage." Nevertheless, they proceeded on their voyage, and when they had turned the point called the Gurnet's Nose, a false messenger came running into Plimouth town, apparently in a great fright, out of breath, and bleeding from a wound in his face. He told them that Caunbitant, with many of the Narragansets, and he believed Massasoit with them, were coming to de stroy the English. No one doubted of his sincerity, and the first thought of the people was to bring back their military leader, who had just gone in the boat with Hobomok. Apiece of cannon was immediately discharged CHAP. II.] HOBOMOK. SQUANTO'S PERFIDY. 103 whicli,-to their great joy, soon causod the bout to return, not having got out of hetirinir. They had'no sooner arrived, than Hobomok told them there was no truth in the report, and said it was a plot of Squanto, who was then with them, and even one of those in the boat; that he knew Massasoit would not undertake such an enterprise without consulting him. Hobomok was confi dent, because he was himself a great chief, and one of Massasoit's counsel lors. Squanto denied all knowledge of any plot, and thus ended the affair. The English, however, seemed well satisfied that Squanto had laid this shal low plotto set them against Massasoit, thinking they would destroy him, by which means he expected to become chief sachem himself; and this seems the more probable, as Massasoit was for some time irreconcilable because they withheld him from him, when he had forfeited his life, as in our nar ration has been set forth. But entirely to satisfy the English, Hobwnok sent his wife to Pokanoket privately to gain exact intelligence, and her return only verified what her husband had said. " Thus by degrees (continues Wlnslow) we began to discover Tisquantum, whose ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and favor with us ; not caring who fell, so he stood. In general, his course was, to persuade them he could lead us to peace or war at his pleasure ; and would ol't threaten the Indians, sending them word, in a private manner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himself, to work their peace, insomuch as they had him in greater esteem than many of their sachems , yea, they them selves sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of us ; yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas divers were wont to rely on Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode, now they began to leave him, and seek after Tisquantum. But when we understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency therein ; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have no cause to fear : and if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liars, and seekers of their and our disturbance; which gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides." "For these and the like abuses, the governor sharply reproved him, yet was he so necessary and profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him." To the end that he might possess his countrymen with great fear of the' English, Tisquantum told them the English kept the plague buried in their store-house, and that they could send it, at any time, and to any place, to destroy whatever persons or people they would, though they themselves stirred not out of doors. Among the rest, he had made Hobomok believe this tale, who asked the English if it were true, and being informed that it w r as not, it exploded like his other impostures. There is but little doubt that Squanto was in the interest of Caunbitant, and lived among the English as a spy, while Hobomok was honestly, as he pretended, a strong friend to them ; but for some time it was nearly impos sible for them to know which was their best friend, as each seemed emu lous to outvie the other in good offices. They were, however, at this time satisfied ; for, Hobomok'g wite having told Massasoit what had happened, and that it was one of Squanto's men that gave the alarm, satisfied him that that sagamore had caused it, and he therefore" demanded him of the English, that he might put him to death, according to their law, as has been related. But the English, regarding the benefit resulting to them from saving his life, more than keeping inviolate the treaty before made with Massasoit, evaded the demand, and thus Squanto was permitted to escape. Hobomok was greatly beloved by Massasoit, notwithstanding he became a professed Christian, and Massasoit was always opposed to the English religion himself. It has been told in the life of the great Massasoit, how valuable was the agency of Hobomok, in faithfully revealing the mischievous plot of Caunbitant, which terminated in the death of Wittuwamet and Peksuot. He was the pilot of the English when they visited Massasoit in his sickness, whom before their arrival they considered dead, which caused great mani festations of grief in Hobomok. He often exclaimed, as they were on their way, " JVeen womasu Sagimus, neen icomasu Sagimus? &c., which is 104 A VOYAGE. NANEPASHEMET. OBBATINEWAT. [BooK II "My loving Sachein, my loving Sachem ! muny have I known, but never any like thee." Then, turning to Mr. Winslow, said, " While you live you will never see his like among the Indians ; that he was no liar, nor bloody and zruel like other Indians. In auger and passion he was soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards such as had offended him ; that his reason wa? such as to cause him to receive advice of mean men ; and that he governed his people better with few blows, than others did with many." In the division of the land at Plimouth among the inhabitants, Hobomok received a lot as his share, on which he resided after the English manner and died a Christian among them. The year of his death does not appear, but was previous to 1642. It has already been mentioned that the pilgrims made a voyage to Massa chusetts in the autumn of 1621. It was in this voyage that they became acquainted with the fame of JVanepashemet. The English had heard that the Indians in the Massachusetts had threatened them, and they went (says Mourt) "partly to see the country, partly to make peace with them, and partly to procure their truck." Sqitanto was pilot in this voyage. They went ashore in the bottom of the bay, and landed under a cliff which some * have supposed was what hag been since called Copp's Hill,f now the north part of Boston. This was on 20th Sept. 1621. They saw no Indians until some time after they went ashore, but found a parcel of lobsters which they had collected, with which they refreshed themselves. Soon after, as they were proceeding on an excursion, " they met a woman coming for her lobsters." They told her what they had done, and paid her for them. She told them where to find Indians, and Squanto went to them to prepare them for meeting with the English. Obbatinewat now received the voyagers. This sachem (if he be the same) had made peace with the English at Plimouth only seven days pre vious, as we have had occasion to notice. He told them he was sachem of the place, and was subject to Massasoit ; and that he dared not remain long in any place, from fear of the Tarratines, who were " wont to come at har vest and take away their corn, and many times kill them." Also that Squaw- Sachem of Massachusetts was his enemy. This Squaw-Sachem, J as we be lieve, was chief of those inland Indians since denominated the Nipnets, or Nipmucks, and lived at this time near Wachuset Mountain. The English intended to have visited her at this time, but found the distance too great to proceed. They received the greatest kindness from all the Indians they met with, and mentioned that of Obbatinewat in particular. And they say, " We told him of divers sachims that had acknowledged themselves to be King James his men, and if he also would submit himself, \\ we would be his safeguard from his enemies, which he did." At another place, " having gone three miles, in arms, up in the countiy, we came (say they) to a place where corn had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemet, their king, in his life-time had lived.H His house was not like others, but a scaffold was largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot from [the] ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of a hill. NOA far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort," built by Nanepashemet. It * Dr. Belknap appears to have been the first who suggested this. See his Biog. ii. 224. t We had supposed this eminence to have been so called from a copse or clump of trees, which for a longtime remained upon it, after it became known to the whites ; but Shaw, Descrip. Boston, 67, says it was named from one Copp, a shoemaker. And Snow, Hist. Boston, 105, says William Copp was the proprietor of " a portion of the hill." {: "Sachems or sagamores, which are but one and the same title, the first more usual with the southward, the other with the northward Indians, to express the title of him that hath the chief command of a place or people." Hist. N. E. 60. Shattuck (Hist. Concord, 2) says she was visited at this time by these voyagers, but I am not able to arrive at any such conclusion from any source of information in my pos- session. || It does not seem from this that he is the same who before had submitted at Plimouth, as Mr. Prince supposes. IT Mr. Shattuck in bis Hist. Concord, says, this " was in Medford, near Mystic Pond." CHAP II. J NANEPASHE3IET. HIS DEATH, dtc 105 was macte with "poles some 30 or 40 foot long, stuck in the ground, as thick as they could be set one by another, and with these they enclosed a ring some 40 or 50 loot over. A trench, breast high, was digged on each side.* One way there was to get into it with a bridge. In the midst of this pali- sado stood the frame of an house, wherein, being dead, he lay buried. About a mile from hence, we came to such another, but seated on the top of an hill. Here Nanepashemet was killed, none dwelling in it since the time of his death." According to Mr. Leu-is, J\'anepashemet was killed about the year 1619, and his widow, who was Squaio-Saehem before named, continued the government! He left five children,! four of whose names we gather from the interesting History of Lynn ; viz. 1. Montowampate, called by the English Sagamore James. He was sachem of Saugus. 2. Abigail, a daughter. 3. Wonohaqua- ham, called Sagamore John, sachem of Winnesimet. 4. Winnepurkitt, called Sagamore George, or George Rumneymarsh, the successor of Montowampate at Saugus. Of most of these we shall speak in detail hereafter. Squaw-Sachem, according to the authority last mentioned, was the spouse of Wappacowet& or Webcowii, in 1635. She and her husband, four years after, 1639, deeded to Jotham Gibbones " the reversion of all that parcel of land which lies against the ponds of Mystic, together with the said ponds, all which we reserved from Charlestowu and Cambridge, late called New- town, after the death of me, the said Squaw-Sachem." The consideration was, "the many kindnesses and benefits we have received from the hands of Captain Edward Gibbones, of Boston." The SQUA-SACHEM'S mark ^-> WEBCOWIT'S mark - 1 "- Webcowit was a powwow priest, or magical physician, and was considered next in importance to Nanepashemet among the subjects of that chief, after his death ; as a matter of course, his widow took him to her bed. It does lot appear, that he was either much respected or thought much of; especial ly by his wife, as in the above extract from their deed, no provision seems to have been made for him after her death, if he outlived her. At all events, we may conclude, without hazard we think, that if breeches had been in fashion among Indians, the wife of Webcowit would have been ac countable for the article in this case. In 1643, Massachusetts covenanted with " Wassamequin, Nashoonon, Kuich- amaquin, Massacononiet, and Squaw- Sachem," \\ to the end that mutual bene fit might accrue to each party. The sachems put themselves under the government of the English, agreeing to observe their laws, in as far as they should be made to understand them. For this confidence and concession of their persons and lands into their hands, the English on their part agreed to extend the same protection to them and their people as to then: English $ubjects.H What had become of Webcoieit at this time does not appear ; perhaps he rfvas off powwowing, or at home, doing the ordinary labor of the household. We hear of him, however, four years after, (1647,) "taking an active part" in the endeavors made by the English to Christianize his countrymen. " He asked the English why some of them had been 27 years in the land, and never taught them to know God till then. Had you done it sooner, (said he,) we might have known much of God by this time, and much sin might have been prevented, but now some of us are grown [too] old in sin." * Might not, then, the western mounds have been formed by Indians ? t Hist. Lynn, 16. j Shattuck, ib. who fixes her residence at Concord ; she, doubtless, had several places of residence. His name is spelt \Vebcoicits to MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. Shattuck' s MSS \\*ibbM:owitts , as appears from his History. || In the History of the Narraganset Country, these names are written IVassamegitn, Aos/uuca/Mm, Cutshamacke. Alassanomell, and Sana- Sachem. See 3 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc If See Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indie ns. 106 SOME ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACHUSETTS. [BOOK H. The English said they repented of their neglect; but recollecting themselves answered, "You were not willing to heare till now," and that God had not turned their hearts till then.* Of the sachems who made the covenant above named, the first we suppose to have been Massasoit, on the part of the Wampanoags, who at this time was, perhaps, among the Nipmuks ; Nashoonon, a Nipmuk chief, with whom Mossasoit now resided. His residence was near what was since Magus Hill, in Worcester county. He was probably at Plimouth, 13 Sept., 1621, where he signed a treaty with eight others, as we have set down in the life of Coun- bitant His name is there spelt Nattawahunt. In Winthrop's Journal, it is Nashacoivam, and we suppose he was father of Nassowanno, mentioned by Whitney.} Kutchamaquin was sachem of Dorchester and vicinity, and Massaconomet was Mascononomo. CHAPTER ffl. Some account of the Massachusetts Geography of their country CHIKATAUBUT WAMPATUCK his war with the Mohawks MASCONONOMO CANONICTJS MON- TOWAMPATE Small-pox distresses the Indians WONOHAQUAHAM WINNEPUR- KIT MANATAHQ.UA SCITTERYGUSSET NATTAHATTAWANTS WAHGUMACUT- JACK-STRAW JAMES. NOT long before the settlement of Plimouth, the Massachusetts had been a numerous people, but were greatly reduced at this time ; partly from the great plague, of which we have already spoken, and subsequently from their wars with the Tarratines. Of this war none but the scanty records of the first settlers are to be had, and in them few particulars are preserved ; J therefore it will not be expected that ever a complete account of the territo ries and power of the Massachusetts can be given ; broken down as they were at the time they became known to the Europeans ; for we have seen that their sachems, when first visited by the Plimouth people, were shifting for their lives not daring to lodge 'a second night in the same place, from their fear of the Tarratines. Hence, if these Indians had existed as an independ ent tribe, their history was long since swept away " in gloomy tempests," and obscured in " a night of clouds," and nothing but a meagre tradition re mained. For some time after the country was settled, they would fly for protection from the Tarratines to the houses of the English. It is said, by Mr. Gookin, that " their chief sachem held dominion over many other petty governors ; as those of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Punka- paog, Nonantum, Nashaway, some of the Nipmuck people, as far as Pokom- takuke, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in former times, arm for war about 3000 men, as the old Indians declare. They were in hostility very often with the Narragansitts ; but held amity, for the most part, with the Pawkunnawkutts." Near the mouth of Charles River " used to be the general rendezvous of all the Indians, both on the south and north side of the country."|| Hutchinson^ says, "That circle which now makes the harbors of Boston and Charlestown, round by Mai den, Chelsea, Nantasket, Hingham, Weymouth, Braintree, and Dorchester, was the capital of a great sachem,** much revered by all the plantations round about. The tradition is, that this sachem had his principal seat upon a small hill, or rising upland, in the midst of a body of salt marsh in the township of Dorchester, near to a place called Squantum."ft Hence it will * Hist. Concord, 25. t Hist. Worcester Co. 174. J This war was caused, says Mr. Hubbard, " upon the account of some treachery " on the part of the western tribes, i. e. the tribes west of the Merrimaek. Hist. New. Eng. 30. 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 148. || Hist. N. Eng. 32. IT From Ne.al's Hist. N. Eng., probably, which see. ** It will be a good while before the present possessors of the country can boast of such a sapital. ft Hist. Mass. i. 460. And here it was, I suppose, that the Plimouth people landed in their CHAP. Ill] CH1KATAUBUT VISITS BOSTON. 107 be observed, that among the accounts of the earliest writers, the dominions of the different sachems were considered as comprehended within very different limits ; a kind of general idea, therefore, can only be had oi the extent of their possessions. It is evident that the Massachusetts were either subject to the Narragansetts, or in alliance with them; for when the latter were at war with the Pequots, Chikataubut and Sagamore John both went with many men to aid Canonicus, who had sent for them. This war began in 163-2, and ended in 1635, to the advantage of the Pequots. We shall now proceed to speak of the chiefs agreeably to our plan. Chikataubut, or Chikkatabak,in English, a house-a-Jire, was a sachem of considerable note, and generally supposed to have had dominion over the Massachusetts Indians. Thomas Morton mentions him in his NEW CANAAN, as sachem of Passonagesit, (about Weymouth,) and says his mother was buried there. I need make no comments upon the authority, or warn the reader concerning the stories of Morton, as this is done in almost every book, early and late, about New England ; but shall relate the following from him. In the first settling of Pli mouth, some of the company, in wandering about upon discovery, came upon an Indian grave, which was that of the mother of Chikataubut. Over the body a stake was set in the ground, and two bear-skins, sewed together, spread over it; these the English took away. When this came to the knowledge of Chikataubut, he complained to his people, and demanded immediate vengeance. When they were as sembled, he thus harangued them : " When last the glorious light of all the sky was underneath this globe, and birds grew silent, I began to settle, as my custom is, to take repose. Before mine eyes were fast closed, me tho't I saw a vision, at which my spirit was much troubled, and trembling at that doleful sight, a spirit cried'aloud, 'Behold! my son, whom I have cherished; see the paps that gave thee suck, the hands that clasped thee warm, and fed thee oft ; canst thou forget to take revenge of those wild people, that hath my monument defaced in a despiteful manner ; disdaining our ancient anti quities, and honorable customs. See now the sachem's grave lies like unto the common people, of ignoble race defaced. Thy mother doth complain, implores thy aid against this thievish people new come hither ; if this be suffered, I shall not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation.' w Battle was the unanimous resolve, and the English were watched, and followed from place to place, until at length, as some were going ashore in a boat, they fell upon them, but gained no advantage. After maintaining the fight for some time, and being driven from tree to tree, the chief captain was wounded in the arm, and the whole took to flight. This action caused the natives about Plimouth to look upon the English as invincible, and this was the reason why peace was so long maintained between them. Of the time and circumstances of this battle or fight we have detailed at length in a previous chapter. M onder-working Providence. " flU Spelt also IVinnajx:* tt 112 MANATAHQUA. NATTAH ATT A WANTS. [BOOK n marsh, and at one time he was proprietor of Deer Island, in Boston harbor In the latter pait of his life, he weut to Barbadoes. It is supposed that he was carried there with the prisoners who were sold for slaves, at the end of Philip's war. He died soon after his return, in 1684, at the house of Mumin- quash, aged 68 years." Jlhawaydsquaine, daughter of Poquanum, is also men tioned as his wife, by whom he had several children.* Manatahqua, called also Black-william, was a sachem, and proprietor o f Na- hant, when the adjacent country was settled by the whites. His father ..ved at Swampscot, and was also a sagamore, but probably was dead befor< the English settled in the country .f A traveller in this then f wilderness \v irld, thus notices William, and his possessing Nahant. " One Black-william, an Indian Duke, out of his generosity gave this place in general to the plantation of Saugus, so that no other can appropriate it to himself." He was a great friend to the whites, but his friendship was repaid, as was that of many others of that and even much later times. There was a man by the name of Walter Bagnall, nicknamed Great Wot, " a wicked fellow," who had much wronged the Indians,^ killed near the mouth of Saco River, probably by some of those whom he had defrauded. This was in October, 1631. As some vessels were upon the eastern coast in search of pirates, in January, 1633, they put in at Richmond's Island, where they fell in with Black-ivilliam. This was the place where Bagnall had been killed about two years before ; but whether he had any thing to do with it, does not appear, nor do I find that any one, even his murderers, pretended he was any way implicated ; but, out of revenge for BagnalVs death, these pirate-hunters hanged Black-wuUam. On the contrary, it was particularly mentioned || that Bagnall was killed by Squidrayset and his men, some Indians belonging to that part of the country. This Squidrayset, or Scitterygusset, for whose act Manatahqua suffered, was the first sachem who deeded land in Falmouth, Maine. A creek near the mouth of Presumpscot River perpetuates his name to this day. JVfr. Willis supposes he was sachem of the Aucocisco tribe, who inliabited L U^v.^en the Androscoggin and Saco rivers; and that from Aucocisco come.) Casco.H There can be but little doubt that Bagnall deserved his fate,** if anj t'eserve such ; but the other was the act of white men, and we leave the i\v der to draw the parallel between the two : perhaps he will inquire, Were the mi 1 * it.re.rs of MANATAHQUA brougld to justice? All we can answer is, The records are si lent. Perhaps it was considered an offset to the murder of Bagnall. Nattahattaivants, in the year 1642, sold to Simon Willard, in behalf of " Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Noivell, and Mr. Alden" a large tract of land upon both sides Concord River. "Mr. Winthrop, our present governor, 1260 acres, Mr. Dudley, 1500 acres, on the S. E. side of the river, Mr. Nowell, 500 acres, and Mr. Allen, 500 acres, on the N. E. side of the river, and in consideration hereof the said Simon giueth to the said Nattahattawants six fadom of waom- pampege, one wastcoat, and one breeches, and the said Nattahattawants doth covenant and bind himself, that hee nor any other Indians shall set traps with in this ground, so as any cattle might recieve hurt thereby, and what cattle shall receive hurt by this meanes, hee shall be lyable to make it good." [In the deed, Nattahattawants is called sachem of that land.] Witnessed by The mark of NATAHATTAWANTS. three whites. The mark of WINNIPIN, an Indian that traded for him.\\ The name of this chief, as appears from documents copied by Mr. Shattuck,\\ was understood Tahattawan, Tahattaivants, Jlttawan, Jlttawanee, and Jlhataiva- nee. He was sachem of Musketaquid, since Concord, and a supporter and * Hist. Lynn. t Hist. N. Eng. \ 1633. William Wood, author of New Eng. Prospect. Winthrop's Journal, i. 62, 63. || Winthrop, ib. IT Col. Maine Hist. Soc. i. 68. **He had, in about three years, by extortion, as we infer from Winthrop, accumulated about 400 from among the Indians. See Journal id supra. ft Suffolk Records of Deeds, vol. i. No. 34. $ Hist. Concord, Mass, passim chap. i. CHAP. III.J \VAIIGUMACUT. JACK-STRAW. 113 propagator of Christianity among his people, and an honest and upright man. The celebrated Waban married his eldest daughter. John Tahattawan was his son, who lived at Nashoba, where he was chief ruler of the praying Indians a deserving Indian. He died about 1670. His widow was daughter of Jo/m, sagamore of Patucket, upon the Merrimack, who married Oonamog, another ruler of the praying Indians, of Marlborough. Her only son by Tahattmcan * was killed by some white ruffians, who came upon them while in their wig wains, and his mother was badly wounded at the same time. Of this affair we shall have occasion elsewhere to be more particular. Naanashquaiv, ap other daughter, married Naanishcow, called John Thomas, who died at Natick, aged 110 years. We know very little of a sachem of the name of Wahgumaciit,} except that he lived upon Connecticut River, and came to Boston in 1631, with a request to the governor " to have some English to plant in his country ;" and as an inducement, said he would " find them corn, and give them, yearly, 80 skins of beaver." The governor, however, dismissed him without giving him any encouragement; doubting, it seems, the reality of his friendship. But it is more probable that he was sincere, as he was at this time in great fear of the Pequots, and judged that if some of the English would reside with him, he should be able to maintain his country. There accompanied Wahgumacut to Boston an Indian named Jackstraw.i who was his interpreter, and Sagamore John. We have labored to find some further particulars of him, but all that we can ascertain with certainty, is, that he had lived some time in England with Sir Walter Ralegh. How S. ir Walter * Mr. Gookin writes this name Tohatooner, that of the father Tahattawarre. MS. Hist. Pratfing Indians, 105. t \Vahginnacut, according to Mr. Savage's reading of Winthrop. Our text is according to Prince, who also used Winthrop in MS. It is truly diverting to see how the author of Tales of the Indians has displayed his invention upon the passage in Winthrop' s Journal bringing to our knowledge this chief. We will give the passage of Winthrop, that the reader may judge whether great ignorance, or misrepresentation " of set purpose " be chargeable 10 him. " He [Gov. Winthrop'] discovered after [ Wahginnacut was gone], that the said sagamore is a very treacherous man, and at war with the Pekoath (a far greater sagamore.") Now, every child that has read about the Indians, it seems to us, ought to know that the meaning of Pekoath was mistaken by the governor, and no more meant a chief than the Alassasoits meant what the Plimouth people first supposed it to mean. In the one case, the name of a tribe was mistaken for that of a chief, and in the other the chief for the tribe. Mistakes of this kind were not uncommon before our fathers became acquainted with the Country. Winthrop says, too, the Mohawks was a great sachem. Now, who ever thought there was a chief of that name ? \ Probably so named from the Maidstone minister, who flourished in Wat Tyler's rebellion, and whose real name was John Ball, but afterwards nick-named Jack Straw. He became chaplain to Wat's army, they having let him out of prison. A text which he made great use of in preaching to his liberators was this : When Adam dalfe and Eve span, Who was then a gentleman ? This we apprehend was construed, Down tcith the nobility! See Rapin's Eng. i. 457. la Kennet, i. 247, John Wraw is called Jack Straw. He was beheaded. " The imputation of the first bringing in of tobacco into England lies on this heroic knight." Winstanlry's Worthies, 259. " Besides the consumption of the purse, and impairing of our inward parts, the immoderate, vain and phantastical abuse of the hellish weed, corrupteth the natural sweetness of the breath, stupifieth the brain ; and indeed is so prejudicial to the general esteem of our country." Aid. 211. Whether Jack-straw were the servant who acted a part in the often-told anecdote of Sir Walter Ralegh's smoking tobacco, on its first being taken to England, we shall not presume to assert ; but, for the sake of the anecdote, we will admit the fact; it is variously related, but is said to be, in substance, as follows. At one ,---,- __ _stily obeyed summons, and Sir Walter, forgetting to cease smoking, was in the act of spouting a volume of smoke from his mouth when his servant entered. Jack, seeing his master smoking prodigiously at the mouth, thought DO other but he was all on fire inside, having never seen such a phenomenon in all England before ; dashed the quart of liquor at once in his face, and ran out screaming, " Massa's a fire ! Massa's a fire ! " Having dismissed the servant, every one might reasonably expect a few words concerning his master. Sir Walter Ralegh may truly be said lo have lived in an age fruitful in great and worthy characters. Captain John Smith comes to our notice through his agency, and th< 10* H 1 14 JAMES-PRINTER, OR JAMES-THE-PRINTER. [BooK D came by him, does not satisfactorily appear. Captains Amidas and Barlow sailed to America in his employ, and on their return carried over two natives from Virginia, whose names were Wanchese and Manteo.* It is barely possible that one of these was afterwards Jack-straio. A Nipmuck Indian, of no small note in his time, it may in the next place be proper to notice. James Printer, or James-the-printer, was the son of Naoas, brother of Tuka- pewillin\ and Jlnaweakin. When a child, he was instructed at the Indian charity school, at Cambridge. In 1659, he was put apprentice to Samuel Green, to learn the printer's business ; \ and he is spoken of as having run away from his master in 1675. If, after an apprenticeship of 16 years, one could not leave his master without the charge of absconding, at least, both the master and apprentice should be pitied. In relation to this matter, Mr. Hub- renowned first English circumnavigator was his contemporary. He, like the last named, was born in the county of Devonshire, in 1552. in the parish of Budley. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, so well known in our annals, was his half-brother, his father having married Sir Humphrey's mother, a widow*, by whom he had Walter, a fourth son.f The great successes and dis coveries of the celebrated admiral Sir Francis Drake gave a new impetus to the English nation in maritime affairs, and consequent thereupon was the settlement of North America ; as great an era, to say the least, as was ever recorded in history. No one shone more conspicuous in those undertakings than Sir Waller Ralegh. After persevering a long time, he established a colony in Virginia, in 1G07. He was a man of great valor and address, and a favorite with the great Queen Elizabeth, the promoter of his undertakings, one of whose " maids of honor " he married. In this affair some charge him with having first dishonored that lady, and was for a time under the queen's displeasure in consequence, but marrying her restored him to favor. The city of Ralegh in Virginia was so named by his direction. He was conspicuous with Drake and Hmoard in the destruction of the Spanish armada in 1588. On the death of the queen, he was imprisoned almost 13 years in the tower of London, upon the charge of treason. It was during his imprisonment that he wrote his great and learned work, the History of the World. The alleged crime of treason has long since been viewed by all the world as without foundation, and the punishment of Ralegh reflects all its blackness upon (he character of James I. The ground of the charge was, that Ralegh and others were in a conspiracy against the king, and were designing to place on the throne Arabella Stewart.^ He was never pardoned, although the king set him at liberty, and permitted him to go on an expedition to South America in search of a gold mine of which he had gained some intima tions in a previous visit to those countries. His attempt to find gold failed, but he took the town of St. Thomas, and established in it a garrison. This was a depredation, as Spain and England were then at peace, but Ralegh had the king's commission. The Spanish ambassador complained loudly against the transaction, and the miserable James, to extricate himself, and appease the Spanish king, ordered Ralegh to be seized on his return, who, upon the old charge of treason, was sentenced to be beheaded, which was executed upon him 29th Oct. 1G18. " I shall only hint," says Dr. Polwhele,\\ "that the execution of this great man, whom James was advised to sacrifice to the advancement of the peace with Spain, hath left an indelible stain on the memory of that misguided monarch." It appears from another account IT that Sir Walter, on arriving at the mouth of the Oronoko, was taken " desperately sick," and sent forward a company under one of his captains in search of the gold mine. That they were met by the Spaniards, who attacked them, and that this was the cause of their assault ing St. Thomas, and being obliged to descend the river without effecting the object they were upon. The following circumstance respecting the celebrated History of the World, not being generally known, cannot but be acceptable to the reader. The first volume (which is what we have of it) was published before he was imprisoned the last time. Just before his execu tion, he sent for the publisher of it. When he came, Sir Walter took him by the hand, and, " after some discourse, askt him how that work of his sold. Mr. Burre [the name of the publisher] returned this answer, that it had sold so slowly that it had undone him. At which words of his, Sir Walter Ralegh, stepping to his desk, reaches his other part of his history to Mr. Burre, which he had brought down to the times he lived in; clapping his hand on his breast, he took the other unprinted part of his works into his hand, with a sigh, saying, ' Ah, my friend, hath the first part undone thee, the second volume shall undo no more; this ungrateful world is unworthy of it.' When, immediately going to the fire-side, threw it in and set his foot on it till it was consumed."** *See Cayley's Life Sir W. Ralegh, i. 70. ed. Lond. 1816, 2 vols. 8vo. t Some author of Indian tales might delight himself for a long time in ringing changes on tbi-i Indian preacher's name, without inventing any new ones ; for it is not, as I remember, EfH?U twice alike in our authorities. j: Thomas, Hist. Printing. *" Of Otho Gilbert, of Compton, Esq." Polwhele's Hist. Devon, ii. 219. t Stitfi, Hi?t. Virginia, 7. Second son, says Mr. Polwhele, Devon, ii. 919. j Rapin's Eng. ii. 161. $ Tindal's notes in Rapin, ii. 195. || Hist. Devonshire, i. 259. TT Winstanley, Worthies, 256. ** Winstanley, Worthies, 257. CHAP III.] JAMES-THE-PRINTER. KUTCHMAKIN. 115 "He had attained some skill in printing, and might have attained , had he not, like a false villain, ran away from his master before his t : me was out." And the same author observes that the name printer .vas ruperadded to distinguish him from others named James. Or. I. Mather^ has this record of James-printer. "July 8, [1(576.] Wheieas the council at Boston had lately emitted a declaration, signifying, that such Indians as d:c' s within 14 days, come in to the English, might hope for mercy, divers of them did this day return from among the Nipmucks. Among others, Jamec, en Indian, who could not only read and write, but had learned the art of printing, notwithstanding his apostasy, did venture himself upon the mercy and truth of the English declaration, which he had seen and read, promising for the future to venture his life against the common enemy. He and the other now -ome in, affirm that very many of the Indians are dead since this war began and f :>at more have died by the hand of God, in respect of diseases, fluxes and fevers, which have been amongst them, than have been killed with the sword." Mr. Thomas says, \ it was owing to the amor patri ral demanded to see " the other sachem, &c." which was doubtless Mononotto. \ 3 Coll. Hist. Soc. iii. 141, &c. UHAP. IV.l OF THE NARRAGANSETS. TASHTASSUCK 117 and posterity might know how and why so many honest men had their blood shed, yea, and some flayed alive, others cut in pieces, and some roasted alive, only because Kickamokin, a Bay Indian, killed one Pequot." To say the least of our author, he had the best possible means to be correctly informed of these matters, and we know not that he had any motive to mis represent them. Governor Wlnthrop mentions, under date 1646, that Mr. Eliot lectured constantly "one week at the wigwamuof one Wabon, a new sachem near Watertown mill, and the other the next week in the wigwam of Cutsharwkin, near Dorchester mill." We shall have occasion in another chapter to speak of Kutshamakin. In 1648, Cutchamekin, as he was then called, and Jojeuny appear as witnesses to a deed made by another Indian called Cato, alias Goodman. Lane and Griffin were the grantees " in behalf of the rest of the people of Sudbury." The tract of land sold adjoined Sudbury, and was five miles square ; for which Goto received five pounds. Jojeuny was brother to Cato.* CHAPTER IV. Of the great nation of the JYarraganscts Geography of their country CANONICUS MIAKTUNNOMOH His relations Aids the English in destroying the Pequots Sells Rhode Island His difficulties with the English Visits Boston His mag nanimity and independence Charged with a conspiracy against the whites Ably repels it WAIANDASCE becomes his secret enemy His speech to Waiandance ana his people His war with Uncos His capture and death Circumstances of his execution Participation of the whites therein Impartial view of that affair Traditions NIXIGRET MEXAM, alias MEXANO Affair of Cuttnquin and Uncas Character of Ascassassotick .N'inigret visits the Dutch Accused by the English of plotting with them Ably defends himself Notices of various other Indians War between Ninigrct and Ascassassotick Present condition of his descendants Further account of Pessacus Killed by the Mohawks, THE bounds of Narraganset were, as described in the times of the sachems, f " Pautuckit River, Quenebage[Quinebauge]andNipmuck,"northerly;" westerly by a brook called Wequapaug, not fart from Paquatuck River; southerly by the sea, or main ocean ; and easterly by the Nanhiganset Bay, wherein lieth many islands, by deeds bought of the Nanhiganset sachems." Coweesett and Niantick, though sometimes applied to this country, were names only of places within it. According to Mr. Gookin, " the territory of their sachem extended about 30 or 40 miles from Sekunk River and Narragansitt Bay, including Rhode Island and other islands in that bay." Pawcatuck River separated them from the Pequots. This nation, under Canonicus, had, in 1642, arrived at the zenith of its greatness, and was supposed to have contained a population of thirty thousand. This estimate was by Richard Smith, jr., who, with his father, lived in their country. In 1766, or about that year, Mr. Samuel Drake made a catalogue of the Narraganset Indians. This catalogue contained the names of about 315 per sons. Mr. Drake spent 14 years among them, chiefly in the capacity of a schoolmaster. He wrote an account of them, but whether it was ever pub lished I cannot learn. A census of those calling themselves a remnant of the Narragansets, taken Feb. 1832, was 315 ; only seven of whom were unmixed. The Indians themselves make their number 364. || Of the early times of this nation, some of the first English inhabitants learned from the old Indians, that they had, previous to their arrival, a sachem named Tashtassuck, and their encomiums upon his wisdom and valor were * Suffolk Reg. Deeds. There is no name signed to the deed, but in the place thereof, is the picture of some four-les^ed animal drawn on his back. t See 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 210. f Four or five miles, says Gookin. $ See Beatty's Journal, 106. || MS. letter of Rev. Mr. Ely. 1 18 CANONICUS. much the same as the Delawares reported of their great chief Tamany , that since, there had not been his equal, &c. Tashtassuck had but two children, a son and daughter; these he joined in marriage, because he could find none worthy of them out of his family. The product of this marriage was four sons, of whom Cananicus was the oldest.* CANONICUS^ the great sachem of the Narragansets, was contemporary with Miantunnomoh, who was his nephew. We know not the time of his birth, but a son of his was at Boston in 1631, the next year after it was settled. But the time of his death is minutely recorded by Governor ffinthrop, in his "Journal," thus: "June 4, 1647. Canonicus, the great sachem of Narraganset, died, a very old man." He is generally supposed to have been about 85 years of age when he died. The Wampanoags were in great fear of the Narragansets about the time the English came to Plimouth, and at one time war actually existed, and Massasoii fled" before Canonicus, and applied to the English for protection. Edward Wlnslow relates, in his GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND, that, in Feb. 1622, Canonicus sent into Plimouth, by one of his men, a bundle of arrows, bound with a rattlesnake's skin, and there left them, and retired. The Narragansets, who were reported at this time " many thousand strong," hearing of the weakness of the English, " began, (says the above-named author,) to breath forth many threats against us," although they had the last summer '' desired and obtained peace with us." " Insomuch as the common talk of our neighbor Indians on all sides was of the preparation they made to come against us." They were now imboldened from the circumstance that the English had just added to their numbers, but not to their arms nor provisions. The ship Fortune had, not long before, landed 35 persons at Plimouth, and the Narragansets seem to have been well informed of all the circumstances. This, (says Mr. Winslow,} " occasioned them to slight and brave us with so many threats as they did. At length came one of them to us, who was sent by Conaucus, their chief sachem or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly Indian. This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our interpreter, who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry ; and leaving for him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake's skin, desired to depart with all expedition." When Squanto was made acquainted with the circumstance, he told the English that it was a challenge for war. Governor Bradford took the rattle snake's skin, and filled it with powder and shot, and returned it to Canonicus ; at the same time instructing the messenger to bid him defiance, and invite him to a trial of strength. The messenger, and his insulting carriage, had the desired effect upon Canonicus, for he would not receive the skin, and it was cast out of every community of the Indians, until it at last was returned to Plimouth, and all its contents. This was a demonstration that he was awed into silence and respect of the English, by the decided stand and hostile attitude they assumed. In 1(521, soon after the war with Caunbitant was over, among those who sought the friendship of the English, was Canonicus himself, notwithstanding he was now courting war again so soon. He had doubtless nearly got rid of the fear that the news of Standish's conduct first inspired, and had taken up again his old resolution of fighting the strangers at Plimouth. He is mentioned with great respect by Rev. Roger Williams, J in the year 1654. After observing that many hundreds of the English were witnesses to the friendly disposition of the Narragansets, he says, "Their late famous long- lived Caunonicus so lived and died, and in the same most honorable manner and solemnity, (in their way,) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace-maker, Mr. Winthrop, did they honor this their prudent and peaceable prince ; yea, * Hutchinson, i. 458, who met with this account in MS. ; but we do not give implicit credit to it, as, at best, it is tradition. t'l'his spelling 1 does not convey the true pronunciation of the name; other spelliigs will ba noticed in the course of his biography. Its sound approached so near the Latin wor-i canoni* fiis, that it became confounded with it. Qunnoune was early written. t Manuscript letter to the governor of Massachusetts. CHAP. IV.] CANONICUS. MASCUS. 119 through all their towns and countries how frequently do many, and oft times, our Englishmon travel alone with safety and loving kindness?" The following statement of Roger Williams is in a deposition, dated Narra ganset, 18 June, 1682, and, although varying a little from the above, contains facts very pertinent to our purpose. He says, " I testify that it was the general and constant declaration, that Canonfrus his father had three sons, whereof Canonicus was the heir, and his youngest brother's son Meantinomy (because of his youth) was his marshal and executioner, and did nothing without his uncle Canonicus' consent. And therefore I declare to posterity, that were it not for the favor that God gave me with Canonicus, none of these parts, no, not Rhode Island, had been purchased or obtained ; for I never got any thing of Canonicus but by gift." When Mr. John OUlham was killed near Block Island, and an investigation set on foot by the English to ascertain the murderers, they were fully satisfied that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh had no hand in the affair, but that " the six other Narraganset sachems had." No wonder he took great offence at the conduct of the English concerning the death of Miantunnomoh. The Warwick settlers considered it a great piece of injustice, and Mr. Samuel Gorton wrote a letter for Canonicus to the government of Massachusetts, notifying them that he had resolved to be revenged upon the Mohegans. Upon this the English despatched messengers to Narraganset to inquire of Canonicus whether he authorized the letter. He treated them with great coldness, and would not admit them into his wigwam for the space of two horn's after their arrival, although it was exceedingly rainy. When they were admitted, he frowned upon them, and gave them answers foreign to the purpose, and referred them to Pessacus. This was a veiy cold reception, compared with that which the messengers received when sent to him for information respecting the death of Mr. Oldham. " They returned with acceptance and good success of their business ; observing in the sachem much state, great command of his men, and marvellous wisdom in his answers; and in the carriage of the whole treaty, clearing himself and his neighbors of the murder, and offering revenge of it, yet upon very safe and wary conditions." This sachem is said to have governed in great harmony with his nephew. "The chiefest government in the country is divided between a younger sachem, Miantunnomu, and an elder sachem, Caunaunacus, of about fourscore years old,* this young man's uncle ; and their agreement in the government is remarkable. The old sachem will not be offended at what the young sachem doth ; and the young sachem will not do what he conceives will displease his uncle."f With this passage before him, Mr. Durfee versifies as follows, in his poem called Jf'hatcheer : " Two mighty chiefs, one cautious, wise, and old, One young 1 , and strong, and terrible in fight, All Narraganset and Coweset hold ; One lodge they build one counsel fire they light." " At a meeting of the commissioners of the United Colonies at Boston, vij Sept., 1643," it was agreed that Massachusetts, in behalf of the other colonies, "give Conoonacus and the Nanohiggunsets to understand, that from time to time " they have taken notice of their violation of the covenant between them, notwithstanding the great manifestations of their love to them by the English ; that they had concurred with Miantunnomoh in his late mischievous plots, by which he had intended "to root out the body of the English" from the coun try* b y gifts and allurements to other Indians ; and that he had invaded Uncas, contrary to the "tripartie covenant" between himself, Uncas, and Connecticut. Therefore, knowing " how peaceable Conanacus and Mascvs, the late father of Myantenomo, governed that great people/' they ascribed the late " tumults and outbreakings" to the malicious, rash and ambitious spirit of Miantunnomoh, more than to " any affected way of their own." Notwithstanding, Miantunnomoh being now put to death, the English and their confederate Indian sachems, namely, " Vncus, sagamore of the Mohegins, * This was written about 1&13. fCol. R. I. Hist. Soc vol. i. 120 CANONICUS. HIS WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS. [BOOK II and his people, Woosamequine and his people, Sacanocoe and his people, Pum- Tiam and his people, were disposed, they said, still to have peace with the Narragansets ; but should expect a more faithful observance of their agree ment than they had shown hitherto." This determination was to be imme diately laid before them, and a prompt answer demanded. In a grave assembly, upon a certain occasion, Canonicus thus addressed Roger Williams: "I have never suffered any wrong to be offered to the English since they landed, nor never will;" and often repeated the word Wunnaunewayean. " If the Englishman speak true, if he mean truly, then shall I go to my grave in peace, and hope that the English and my posterity shall live in love and peace together." When Mr. Williams said he hoped he had no cause to question the English men's wunnaumivauonck, that is, faithfulness, having long been acquainted with it, Canonicus took a stick, and, breaking it into ten pieces, related ten instances wherein they had proved false ; laying down a piece at each instance. Mr. Williams satisfied him that he was mistaken in some of them, and as to others he agreed to intercede with the governor, who, he doubted not, would make satisfaction for them. In 1635, Rev. Roger Williams found Canonicus and Miantunnomoh carrying on a bloody war against the Warnpanoags. By his intercession an end was put to it, and he grew much in favor with all the sachems ; especially Canonicus, whose " heart (he says) was stirred up to love rne as his son to his last gasp.'" He sold the Island of Rhode Island to William Coddington, Roger Williams, and others. A son of Canonicus, named Mriksah, is named by Williams as inheriting his father's spirit. This son is also called Meika, who, after his father's death, was chief sachem of the Narragausets, and was said to have been his eldest son. Many particulars of him will be found in our progress onward. At the time of the Pequot war, much pains was taken to secure the friend ship of Canonicus more firmly. Mr. Williams wrote to Governor Winthrop concerning him as follows: "Sir, if any thing be sent to the princes, I find Canounicus would gladly accept of a box of eight or ten pounds of sugar, and indeed he told me he would thank Mr. Governor for a box full." In another letter which Mr. Williams sent to the same by Miantunnomoh himself, he says, " I am bold to request a word of advice of you concerning a proposition made by Caunounicus and Miantunnomu to me some half year since. Caunouniciis gave an island in this bay to Mr. Oldham, by name Chibachuwese, upon condition, as it should seem, that he would dwell there near unto them." The death of Mr. Oldham, it appears, prevented bis accepting it, and they offered it to Mr. Williams upon the same conditions; but he first desired to know whether, in so doing, ifr would be perfectly agreeable to Massachusetts, and that he had no idea of accepting, without paying the chiefs for it ; said he told them "once and again, that for the present he mind not to remove ; but if he had it, would give them satisfaction for it, and build a little house and put in some swine, as understanding the place to have store of fish and good feeding for swine." When Miantunnomoh heard that some of the Massachusetts men thought of occupying some of the islands, Canonicus, he says, desired he would accept of half of it, " it being spectacle- wise, and between a mile 01 two in circuit;" but Mr. Williams wrote to inform them that, if he had any he desired the whole. This was not long before the Pequot war, which probably put a stop to further negotiation upon the subject. There was another chief of the same name in Philip's war, which Mr. Hubbard denominates "the great sachem of the Narragansets," and who, "distrusting the proffers of the English, was slain in the woods by the Mohawks, his squaw surrendering herself: by this means her life was spared." He was probably a younger son of Canonicus, or an immediate descendant. In 1632, a war broke out between the Narragansets and the Pequots, on account of disputed right to the lands between Paucatuck River and Wecapaug Brook.* It was a tract of considerable consequence, being about ten miles * " The natives are very exact aud punctual in the bounds of their lands, beiong-ing to (his CHAP. IV.] CANONICUS. SOKOSO. 121 wide, and fifteen or twenty long. Canonicus drew along with him, besides his own men, several of the Massachusetts sagamores. This was maintained with ferocity and various success, until 1035, when the Pequots were driven from it, but who, it would seem, considered themselves b:;t little worsted ; for Canonicus, doubting his ability to hold possession long, and ashamed to have it retaken from him, made a present of it to one of his captains, who had fought heroically in Conquering it; but he never held possession : however, alter the Pequots were subdued by the English, these lands were possessed by the Narragansets again. The name of this Pequot captain was SOKCSO, sometimes called Soso, Sosoa, &c. He had killed one of his countrymen and fled to the Narragansets, who protected him. This tract of country was afterwu-ds in dispute between the English. Sokoso having deeded it to some of them, (9 June, 1650,) an English man afterwards testified, that Sokoso had acknowledged, that, although he had received money for it, he never owned it. But, according to the testimony of If awaloam, the wife of ^Miantunnomoh, there was doubtless some false swearing about it. It was reckoned to contain 20,000 acres, and the following is attested concerning it: "I, Wawaloam, do affirm it to be Socho's or his assigns', and further, whereas my uncle Nenegrad sayeth that it is his land, I do utterly deny it before all men ; for it was conquered by my husband Miantonomy, and my uncle Canonicus, long before the English had any wars with the Pequots ; and my uncle Ninfgrad had no hand in the war. This laud was given and past over to the valiant Captain Socho, for service done for us before the English had any ware with the Pequots." * It is said that, in the war between Uncos and Miantunnomoh, two of the sons of Canonicus fought on the side of Miantunnomoh, and were wounded when he was taken prisoner at Sachem's Plain. Canonicus has been the subject of a poem which was published at Boston, in 1803. f Among the tolerable passages are the following: " A mighty prince, of venerable age, A peerless warrior, but of peace the friend ; His breast a treasury of maxims sage His arm, a host to punish or defend." Canonicus, at the age of 84 years, is made to announce his approaching dissolution to his people thus: " I die. My friends, you have no cause to grieve : To abler hands my regal power I leave. Our god commands to fertile realms I hasle, Compared with which your gardens are a waste. There in full bloom eternal spring abides, And swarming fishes glide through azure tides ; Continual sunshine gilds the cloudless skies, No mists conceal Keesuckquand from our eyes." About 1642, a son of Canonicus died, at which his grief was very great; insomuch that, " having buried his son, he burned his own palace, and all his goods in it, to a great value, in solemn remembrance of his son." Like other men ignorant of science, Canonicus was superstitious, and was greatly in fear of the English, chiefly, perhaps, from a belief in their ability to hurt him by enchantment, which belief, very probably, was occasioned by the stoiy that Squanto circulated, of which, in a previous chapter, we have spoken. When Roger Williams fled into his country, he at first viewed him with dis trust, and would only frown upon him ; at length he accused him, as well as the other English, of sending the plague among the Indians ; but, as we have said before, he soon became reconciled to him, gave him lands, and even protected him. They became mutual helps to each other, and, but for ani mosities among the English themselves, it may be fair to conclude, friendship would have continued with the Narragansets through several generations. , s ^. ,....., .., . ii^iii wi iiemiiei] s minis Sec Potter's History of Narraganset, in Col. R. I. Hist. Soc. iii. 248. Uv John Lathrop, A. M. in 8vo. 11 122 MIAN1 UNNOMOH. THE PEQUOT WAR. [BOOK II MIANTUNNOMOH * was the son of a chief called Mascus, nephew of Canoni- CMS, brother or brother-in-law to Ninigret,\ and brother of Otash. And, from a manuscript | among the papers of the late Dr. Trumbull, it appears thai Mossup, or Mosipe, and Canjanaquond,\\ were also his brothers. " This Miantonimo," says Mr. Hubbard, " was a veiy good personage, [that is, well made,] of tall stature, subtil and cunning in his contrivements, as well as haughty in his designs."1T As early as 3 Aug. 1632, this chief came with his wife to Boston, where he staid two nights. He was then known by the name of Mecumeh. While here he went to church with the English, and in the mean while, some of his men, twelve of whom had accompanied him, it seems, broke into a house, and committed a theft, on 5 March. Complaint was made to the English gov ernor, who "told the sachem of it, and with some difficulty caused him to make one of his sannaps** beat them." The authors of the mischief were immediately sent out of town, but Miantunnomoli and the others, the governor took to his house, " and made much of them."ft The English seem always to have been more favorably inclined towards other tribes than to the Narragansets, as appears from the stand they took in the wars between them and their enemies. And so long as other tribes suc ceeded against them, the English were idle spectators; but whenever the scale turned in their favor, they were not slow to intercede. In the Life of Canonicus, the part Miantunnomoh exercised in the govern ment of the great nation of the Narragansets is related. In 1634, Captains Stone and Norton were killed by the Pequots, and in 1636, Mr. John Oldham, by the Indians " near Block Island." Miantunnomoh did all in his power to assist in apprehending the murderers, and was at much pains and trouble in furnishing the English with facts relative thereto, from time to time. And when it was told at Boston that there was a cessation of hostilities between the Narragansets and Pequots, Miantunnomoh was immediately or dered to appear there, which he did without delay, and agreed to assist them in a war against the Pequots ; without whose aid and concurrence, the English would hardly have dared to engage in a war against them at that time. Early in 1637, (March 21,) to show the governor of Massachusetts that he kept his promise of warring against the Pequots, Miantunnomoh sent him, by 26 of his men, a Pequot's hand and 40 fathom of wampom. The war with them now commenced, and though of short duration, destroyed them to such a degree, that they appeared no more as a nation. One hundred of the Nar ragansets joined themselves with the English in its accomplishment, and re ceived a part of the prisoners as slaves for their services.:):! When the war was over, Miantunnomoh still adhered to the English, and seized upon such of the Pequots as had made their escape from bondage, and returned them to their English masters ; gave up to them his claim of Block Island, and other places where the English had found Pequots, and which they considered as belonging to them by right of conquest. About the same time, or in the coui-se of the year 1638, troubles had grown to an alarming height between the Narragansets and Mohegans, and, as usual, * This spelling is according- to Winthrop: we prefer Williams' s method, as more correct, which is Miantunnomu ; but, having employed the former in our f.rst edition, it is retained in this. It is, however, oflener written Myantonimo now, which only shows another pronuncia tion. The accent is usually upon the penultimate syllable. Gee Calender's Cent. Dis course, page 1. fMSS. of R. Williams. JNow published in the Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. ^Called also Cussnsquench, or Sucquaneh, and P 'aliens ; that is, Pessacus. He "was killed by the Mocjui, [Mohawks.] in the wilderness, about 20 miles above Pisataqua, in his travel eastward, in the time of the Indian wars, and ether Indians with him, and were buried by order of Major Waldron." 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. || " Receaued this First of luly, 1659, of Maj r . Humfrey Aderton, [Atherton,] and the rest of his friends, the sume of 75 pounds in Wampam peag w* seueral other things as gratuity for certaine lands giuen y e said Maj r . Aderton and his fncads, as may ap,->eare by two seuerall deeds of gift. I say receaued by me. COGINAQUAN ^^ his mark.* [MS. Documents. IT Hist. New Eng. 446. ** A name the sachems gave their attendants, ft Winthrop's Journal. Jt Miantunnomoh received eighty. Mather's Relation, 39. CHAP. IV.] MIANTUNNO.MOH. INTRIGUES OF UNCAS. 123 Roger Williams exercised all his skill to restore tranquillity. Many of the IV<|iiots who had escaped the sword of the war of 1(537, were among the MooegaiM, and seem to have taken part with them against Miantunnomoh. Tlifv did this, no doubt, that the Mohegans might screen them from the English, who were still seizing on all of that nation against whom they could find any cause of suspicion of having beeu engaged in murdering the English, or in arms against them. Miantu-iinomoh, it is probable, had been ordered before the magistrates of Connecticut, to give some account of the Pequot refugees in the hands of the Mohegans, as well as of those in his nation ; which may have been a main cause of the war they had now waged against him. For, when he set out for Hartford, he had a guard of "upwards of 150 men, and many sachems, and his wife and children." Mr. Williams was with him, and strongly urged him not to venture upon the journey, even with this force, because of the hostility of the Mohegans; but the sachem would not be dissuaded, although he had no doubt that the Mohegans and their Pequots were in great force not far off. And while they were on their march, "about 660 "of them fell upon the Wunnashowatuckoogs, a tribe under Canonicus, where they committed exten sive robl>eries, and destroyed " about 23 fields of corn." Notwithstanding this great Mohegan army had prepared an ambush to intercept and cut off Miantunnomoh, and gave out a threat tliat they would boil him in a kettle, yet he went to, and returned safe from, Connecticut.* On this occasion he discovers great bravery, if it border not too closely upon temerity ; for, when Williams urged him to retreat, they had performed half their journey, or about 50 miles ; and Miantunnomoh 's answer was, after holding a council with his chiefs, " that no man should turn back, resolving rather all to die." The Mohegan sachem, Uncas, was at the same time ordered to appear at Hartford, to give an account of the Pequot warriors, or murderers, as the English called them, in his keeping, as well as to effect a reconciliation of differences between him and Miantunnomoh; but, instead of appearing, he sent a messenger, with word that he was lame and could not come. The governor of Connecticut, Mr. Haynes, at once saw through the artifice, and observed that it was a lame excuse, and immediately sent for him to come without delay. Whether cured of his lameness or not before coming, we are not informed ; but, in a few days after, the subtle sachem appeared, not daring to forfeit the friendship of the English, which, it seems, he preferred to hiding longer his guilty face from the presence of the magnanimous Miantunnomoh. Now before /the English, Uncos was charged with the depredations, some of which were too well attested to admit of a denial, and others were dis owned in part. The inquiry seems to have ended after the parties were tired of it, without any advantage to the injured Narragansets, and we hear of no measures taken for their relief. The next thing in order was a call upon Uncos for an account of the Pequots which he was sheltering, which resulted only in a new series of falsehoods from him. When he was requested to give their names, he said he knew none of them, and that there were but 20 in his dominions. Whereupon witnesses were called, whose testimonies proved, in his presence, that hia statement was false. " Then he acknowledged that he had 30." At length Mr. Haynes dismissed him, with orders to bring in their names in 10 days, or he would take those Indians by force out of his country. But, when Mian tunnomoh was called upon for the names of those with him, nothing waa withheld. At this time, at the request of the English, Miantunnomoh consented to lay aside all animosities, and take Uncas by the hand. When he had done this, he urged Uncos to dine with him ; but the guilty sachem would not, though pressed by the English for some time to do so ; and thus all efforts to bring about a peace vanished, f Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc. iii. 145. flbid. iii. 146, 147. 124 M1ANTUNNOMOH SELLS AQUIDNICK. [BOOK II Rev. Samuel Gorton and his associates purchased Shaomet, afterwards called Warwick, from the Earl of Warwick, of Miantunnomoh ; but, as Gorton could do nothing right in the eyes of the Puritans of Massachusetts, Pumham was instigated to claim said tract of country ; and, although a Eachein under Miantunnomoh,* did not hesitate, when supported by the Eng lish, to assert his claim as chief sachem. And the government of Massachu setts, to give to their interference the appearance of disinterestediaess, which it would seem, from their own vindication, they thought there was a chance to doubt, ' Send for the foresaid sachems, [who had complained of Mr. Gorton and others, through the instigation of the English,] and upon examination find, both by English and Indian testimony, that Miantonomo was only a usurper, and had no title to the foresaid lands." f This is against the testi mony of every record, and could no more have been believed then, than that Philip was not sachem of Pokanoket. In all cases of purchase, in those times, the chief sachem's grant was valid, and maintained, in almost every instance, by the purchaser or grantee. It was customary, generally, to make the inferior sachems, and sometimes all their men, presents, but it was by no means a law. The chief sachems often permitted those under them to dispose of lands also, without being called to account. This was precisely the situation of things in the Warwick controversy, of which we shall have occasion again to speak, when we come to the life of Pumham. In March, 1638, Miantunnomoh, with four other sachems, sold to William Coddington and others, the island now called Rhode Island, also most of the others in Narraganset bay, "for the full payment of 40 fathom of white peag, to be equally divided " between them. Hence Miantunnomoh received eight fathom. He was to " have ten coats and twenty hoes to give to the present in habitants, that they shall remove themselves from the island before next winter." The deed of this purchase, a copy of which is in my possession, is dated 24th March, and runs thus: "We, Canonicas and Meantinomie, the two chief Bachems of Naragansets, by virtue of our general command of this Bay, as also the particular subjecting of the dead sachems of Aquednick, Kitacka- mucknut, themselves and lands unto us, have sold unto Mr. Coddington and his friends * * the great Island of Aquidnick, lying from hence [Providence] eastward * * also the marshes, grass upon Qunnonigat and the rest of the islands in the bay, excepting Chabatewece, formerly sold unto Mr. Winthrop, the now Gov. of Mass, and Mr. Williams of Providence, also the grass upon the rivers and coves about Kitackamuckqut, and from thence to Pau- pasquat." " The mark of 4* CONONICUS. The mark of @ YOTNESH, [OTASH, brother of MIANTUNNOMOH.] The mark of &> MEANTINOMIE. The mark of , > ASOTAMNET. The mark of ~w MEIHAMMOH, CANONIC us his son. " This witnesseth that I, Wanamatanamet, the present sachem of the island, have received five fathom of wampum and consent to the contents. The mark of <& WANAMATANAMET. "Memorandum. I, Osemequon, freely consent" that they may "make use of any grass or trees on the main land on Pocasicke side," having receiued five fathom of wampum also. The mark of A OSAMEQUEN- As late as 21 Sept. 1638, the hand of Miantunnomoh is set to an instrument, with that of Uncos. Said instrument was a treaty of peace, a bond for the Bettling of difficulties between these two sachems and their men, and an *"The law of the Indians in all America is, that the inferior sachems and subjects shall plant and remove at the pleasure of the highest and supreme sachems." Roger Williams This is authority, and we need no other commentary on the arbitrary proceedings of the court f Massachusetts. t In manuscript on file, at the state-house, Boston. CHAP. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOH. TREATY WITH UNCAS. 125 obligation from both to appeal to the English when any difficulty should arise between them. This treaty was done at Hartford, the substance of which follows : 1st. Peace and friendship is established between Miajitunnomoh on the part of the Narragansets, and Poquim, as Uncos was then sometimes called, on the part of the Mohegans. And all former injuries and wrongs to be forgiven, and never to be renewed. 2d. Each of the sachems agree, "that if there fall out injuries" from either side, they will not revenge them, but that they will appeal to the English, whose decision shall stand ; and if either party refuse to submit, "it shall be lawful for the English to compel him." 3d. The sachems further covenant with the English, that they nor none of their people shall harbor any Indians who shall be enemies to them, or shall have murdered any white people. They further agree that they will, "as soon as they can, either bring the chief sachem of our late enemies the Peaquots, that had the chief hand in killing the English, to the sd English, or take of" his head. As to the " murders that are now agreed upon amongst us that are living, they shall, as soon as they can possibly, take off their heads." 4th. And whereas it is agreed that there are now among the Narragansets and Mohegans, 200 Pequot men, besides squaws and papooses; this article is to provide, that the Narragansets have enough of them to make up 80, with the 11 they have already, "and Poquime his number, and that after they, the Peaquots, shall be divided as above, shall no more be called Peaquots, but Narragansets and Mohegans." They agree to pay for every sanop one fathom of wamporn, and for every youth half as much "and for every sanop papoose one hand to be paid at killing-time of corn at Connecticut yearly, and shall not suffer them for to live in the country that was formerly theirs, but is now the English's. Neither shall the Narragansets or Mohegana possess any part of the Pequot country without leaue of them." JOHN RAINES, MIANTINOMMT, , ROG'R LUDLOW, POQUIAM, alias UNKAS. -}-" EDW'RD HOPKINS. The wife of Miantunnomoh, named WAWALOAM, was alive as late as 1661, as appears by an information which she gave, dated 25 June, concerning the right of Sokoso to sell the lands adjacent to Wecapaug. On a time previous to 1643, Roger Williams delivered a discourse to some Indians at their residence, as he was passing through their country. Mian- tunnomoh was present, and seemed inclined to believe in Christianity. Mr. Williams, being much fatigued, retired to rest, while Jffiantunnomoh and others remained to converse upon what they had heard. One said to the chief, " Our fathers have told us that our souls go to the south-west ; " Miantunno- moh rejoined, "tjow do you know your souls go to the south-west? did you ever see a soul go that way ? " (Still he was rather inclined to believe, as Mr. Williams had just said, that they went up to heaven or down to hell.) The other added, "When did he (meaning Williams) ever see a soul go up to heaven or down to hell ? " We have given the above anecdote, which is thought a good illustration of the mind of man under the influence of a superstitious or prejudiced education. When it was reported, in 1640, that Miantunnomoh was plotting to cut off the English, as will be found mentioned in the account of Ninigret, and several English were sent to him in July, to know the truth of the matter, he would not talk with them through a Pequot interpreter, because he was then at war with that nation. In other respects he complied with their wishes, and treated them respectfully, agreeing to come to Boston, for the gratification of the government, if they would allow Mr. Williams to accompany him. Tliis they would not consent to, and yet he came, agreeably to their desires. We shall presently see who acted best 'the part of civilized men in this affair 11* 126 MIANTUNNOMOH ACCUSED OF A CONSPIRACY. [BOOK II He had refused to use a Pequot interpreter for good reasons, but when he wag at Boston, and surrounded by armed men, he was obliged to submit. "The governor being as resolute as lie, refused to use any other interpreter, thinking it a dishonor to us to give so much way to them ! " The great wisdom of the government now displayed itself in the person of Governor Thomas Diulley. It is not to be expected but that Miantunnomoh should resent their proceedings ; for to the above insult they added others ; " would show him no countenance, nor admit him to dine at our table, as formerly he had done, till he had acknowledged his failing, &c., which he readily did." * By their own folly, the English had made themselves jealous of a powerful chief, and they appear ever ready afterwards to credit evil reports of him. That an independent chief should be obliged to conform to transitory notions upon such an occasion, is absolutely ridiculous ; and the justness of the following remark from him was enough to have shamed good men into their senses. He said, " When your people come to me, they are permitted to use their own fashions, and I expect the same liberty when / come to you." In 1642, Connecticut became very suspicious of Miantunnomoh, and urged Massachusetts to join them in a Avar against him. Their fears no doubt grew out of the consideration of the probable issue of a war with Uncos in his favor, which was now on the point of breaking out. Even Massachusetts did not think their suspicions well founded ; yet, according to their request, they sent to Miantunnomoh, who, as usual, gave them satisfactory answers, and, agreeably to their request, came again to Boston. Two days were employed by the court of Massachusetts in deliberating with him, and we are aston ished at the wisdom of the great chief, even as reported by his enemies. That a simple man of nature, who never knew courts or law, should cause such acknowledgments as follow, from the civilized and wise, will always be contemplated with intense admiration. "When he came," says Winthrop, " the court was assembled, and before his admission, we considered how to treat with him, for we knew him to be a very subtle man." When he was admitted, " he was set down at the lower end of the table, over against the governor," but would not at any tune speak upon business, unless some of his counsellors were present; saying, "he would have them present, that they might bear witness with him, at his return home, of all his sayings." The same author further says, "In all his answers he was very deliberate, and showed good understanding in the principles of justice and equity, and ingenuity withal." He now asked for his accusers, urging, that if they could not establish their allegations, they ought to suffer what he expected to, if they did; but the court said they kneio of none ; that is, they knew not whom they were, and therefore gave no credit to the reports until they had advised him according to a former agreement. He then said, " If you did not give credit to it, why then did you disarm the Indians?" Massachusetts having just then disarmed some of the Merrimacks under some pretence. "He gave divers reasons," says Governor Winthrop, f " why we should hold him free of any such con spiracy, and why we should conceive it was a report raised by Uncas, &c. and therefore offered to meet Uncas, and would prove to his face his treachery against the English, &c., and told us he would come to us at any time," al though he said some had tried to dissuade him, saying that the English would put him to death, yet he feared nothing, as he was innocent of the charges against him. J The punishment due to those who had raised the accusations, bore heavily upon his breast, and "he put it to our consideration what damage it had been to him, in that he was forced to keep his men at home, and not suffer them to go forth on hunting, &c., till he had given the English satisfaction." After two days spent in talk, the council issued to the satisfaction of the English. During the council, a table was set by itself for the Indians, which Mian- *\\ r in'krnp's Journal. t See book Hi. chap. vii. | Here, the reader may with propriety exclaim, was another Michael Serretus: " Pour* qnoij, Messeigneurs, je demunde que man faulx accusatfur soit puni poena talionis," eseech you, but resolve with us to act like men. All the sachems both to the east and west have joined with us, and we are all resolved to fall upon them, at c 128 MIANTUNNOMOH DEFEATED AND T *KEN PRISONER. [BooK It day appointed, and therefore I have come secretly to you, because you can persuade the Indians to do what you will. Brothers, I will send over 50 Indians to Manisses, and 30 to you from thence, and take an 100 of Southampton Indians, with an 100 of your own here. And, when you eee the three fires that will be made at the end of 40 days hence, in a clear night, then act as we act, and the next day fall on and kill men, women and children, but no cows; they must be killed as we need them for pro visions, till the deer come again." To this speech all the old men said, " Wurregen" i. e. " IT is WELL." But this great plot, if the account given by Waiandance, be true, was by him brought to the knowledge of the English, and so failed. " And the plotter," says Gardener, "next spring after, did as Mob did at Ramoth-Gilead. So he to Mohegan,* and there had his fall."f Capture and death of Miantunnomoh. The war brought on between Uncos and Miantunnomoh was not within the jurisdiction of the English, nor is it to be expected that they could with certainty determine the justness of its cause. The broil had long existed, but the open rupture was brought on by Uncos' making war upon Sequasson, one of the sachems under Miantunnomoh. The English accounts say, (and we have no other,) that about 1000 warriors were raised by Miantunnomoh, who came upon Uncas unprepared, having only about 400 men ; yet, after an obstinate battle, in which many were killed on both sides, the Narragansets were put to flight, and Miantunnomoh taken prisoner ; that he endeavored to save himself by flight, but, having on a coat of mail, was known from the rest, and seized by two J of his own men, who hoped by their treachery to save their own lives. Whereupon they imme diately delivered him up to the conqueror. Uncas slew them both instantly ; probably with his own hand. This specimen of his bravery must have had a salutary effect on all such as afterwards -chanced to think of acting the part of traitors in their wars, at least among the Narragansets. The English of Rhode Island rather favored the cause of the Narragansets, nor could a different course be expected of them, satisfied as they were, that that nation were greatly wronged ; while, on the other hand, Connecticut and Massachusetts rather favored the Mohegans. That Miantunnomoh should not suffer in his person, in battles which, it was now seen, were inevitable, Samuel Gorton furnished him with a heavy old English armor, or coat of mail ; and this, instead of being beneficial, as it was intended, proved the destruction of his friend. For, when a retreat became necessary, not being used to mis kind of caparison, it both obstructed his efforts at resistance and his means of flight. About 30 of his men were killed, and many more were wounded. Being brought before Uncas, he remained without speaking a word, until Uncas spoke to him, and said, "If you had taken me, I would liave besought you for my life" He then took his prisoner to Hartford, and at his request left him a prisoner with the English, until the mind of the United Colonies should be known as to what disposition should be made of him. The sorrowful part of the tale is yet to be told. The commissioners of the United Colonies, having convened at Boston, " taking into serious considera tion, they say, what was safest and best to be done, were all of opinion that it would not be safe to set him at liberty, neither had we sufficient ground for us to put him to death." The awful design of putting to death their friend they had not yet fixed upon ; but, calling to their aid in council "Jive of the most judicious elders" " they all agreed that he ought to be put to death" This was the final decision ; and, to complete the deed of darkness, secrecy was enjoin ed upon all. And their determination was to be made known to Uncas *This goes to show that Miantunnomoh was not killed above Hartford, as Winthrop states ; for the country at some distance from the mouth of Pequot River was called Mohegan. It probably included Windsor. 1 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 155. {In the records, (Hazard, ii. 48,) but one person is mentioned as having taken Miantwmo moh, whose name was Tantoqueson; and there he is called a Mohegan captain. That there fore the Narragansets tried to kill him ; came upon him once in the night, and dangerous!} wounded him, as he lay in his wigwam asleep. See note in the Life of Ninigret. $ Winthrop, ii. 131 CHAP. IV.] MIANTCNNOMOII. CONDUCT OF THE ENGLISH. 12'.) privately, with direction that he should execute him within his own jurisdic tion, and without torture. From their own account of this affair, the English (of the United Colonies) stand condemned in the trial of time at the bar of history. It is allowed that Uncas had made war upon Sequasson, in July, 1643, and done him much injury;* and that, according to a previous agreement with the English, Mian tunnomoh had complained to the governor of Massachusetts of the conduct of Uncas, and had received answer from him, "that, if Uncas had done him or his friends wrong, and would not give satisfaction, he was left to take his own course." No account is given that Sequasson had injured Uncas, but that Uncas " set upon Sequasson, and killed 7 or 8 of his men, wounded 13, burnt his wigwams, and earned away the booty." * We will now go to the record, which will enable u* to judge of the justness of this matter. When the English had determined that Uncas should execute Miantunnomoh, Uncos was ordered to be sent for to Hartford, "with some considerable number of his best and trustiest men," to take him to a place for execution, "carrying him into the next part of his own government, and there put him to death: provided that some discreet and faithful persons of the English accompany them, and see the execution, for our more full satisfac tion ; and that the English meddle not with the head or body at all." f The commissioners at the same time ordered, " that Hartford furnish Uncas with a competent strength of English to defend him against any present fury or assault, of the Nanohiggunsetts or any other." And "that in case Uncas shall refuse to execute justice upon Myantenomo, that then Myantenomo be sent by sea to the Massachusetts, there to be kept in safe durance till the com missioners may consider further how to dispose of him."} Here, then, we see fully developed the real state of the case. The Mohe- gans had, by accident, captured Miantunnomoh, after which event, they were more in fear of his nation than before ; which proves, beyond doubt, that they would never have dared to put him to death, had they not been promised the protection of the English No one can read this account without being reminded of the fate of Napo leon. We do not say that the English of New England dreaded the power of Miantunnomoh as much as those of Old England did that of Napoleon afterwards ; but that both were sacrificed in consequence of the fears of those into whose power the fortune of wars cast them, will not, we presume, be denied. When the determination of the commissioners and elders was made known to Uncas, he "readily undertook the execution, and taking Miantunnomoh along with him, in the way between Hartford and Windsor, (where Uncas hath some men dwell,) Uncos' brother, following after Miantunnomoh, clave his head with an hatchet." J Mather says, they "very fairly cut off his head." Dr. Trumbutt || records an account of cannibalism, at this time, which we ought to caution the reader against receiving as true history, as it no doubt rests on the authority of tradition, which is wont to transfer even the transac tions of one continent to another, which is this : " Uncas cut out a large piece of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph ; " saying, " ' it was the sweetest meat he ever ate ; it made his heart strong.' " IT - llubbard, N. E. 450. t Records of the U. Colonies. i Winlhrop's Journal, ii. 134. As to the place of Miantunnomoh' s execution, Winthrop seems to have been in a mistake. It is not very likely that he was taken in the opposite direction, from Uncaps own country, as Windsor was from Hartford. It is also unlikely that Uncas had men dwell so far from his country upon the Thames. A gentleman who lately visited his sepulchre, says the wandering Indians have made a heap of stones upon his grave. It is a well-known custom of the race, to add to a monu- BMfltal pile of the dead whenever they pass by it. See 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 135. and ""'s Notes. O= Some wretchedly ignorant neighbors to this sacred pile (whites, of i have, not long since, taken stones from it to make wall ! but enough remain to mark the spot. It is in the east part of Norwich. Colls. Ibid. * Magnalia. || History of Connecticut, i. 135. I hat this is tradition, may be inferred from the circumstance of an eminently obscure vnte''s publishing nearly the same story, which he says, in his book, took place upon m 130 DEATH OF MIANTUNNOMOH. TRADITIONS. [BOOK II. We are now certain that what Dr. Trumbull has given us as unquestionable history, from a " manuscript of Mr. Hyde" is only tradition. Having been put in possession of a copy of that manuscript,* we deem it highly important that it should be laid before the world, that its true weight may be considered by all who would be correctly informed in this important transaction. By way of preliminary to his communication, Mr. Hyde says, " The follow ing facts being communicated to me from some of the ancient fathers of this town, who were contemporary with Uncas" &c. " That before the settlement of Norwich, the sachem of the Narraganset tribe [Miantunnomoh] had a per sonal quarrel with Uncas, and proclaimed war with the Moheg[an]s: and marched with an army of 900 fighting men, equipped with bows and arrows and hatchets. Uncas be[ing] informed by spies of their march towards his seat, Uncas called his warriors together, about 600, stout, hard men, light of foot, and skilled in the use of the bow; and, upon. a conference, Uncas told his men that it would not do to let y e Narragansets come to their town, but they must go and meet them. Accordingly, they marched, and about three miles, on a large plain, the armies met, and both halted within bow-shot. A ])arley was sounded, and gallant Uncas proposed a conference with the Narra ganset sachem, who agreed. And being met, Uncas saith to his enemy word[s] to this effect : ' You have got a number of brave men ivith you, and so have I. .ffnt it n, pity that such brave men should be killed for a quarrel between you and /? Only come like a man, as you pretend to be, and we ivill fight it out. If you kill me, my men shall be yours ; but if I kill you, your men shall be mine.' Upon which the Narraganset sachem replied: ' My men came to fight, and they shall fight: " Tineas having before told his men, that if his enemy should refuse to fight him, he would fall down, and then they were to discharge their artillery [arrows] on them, and fall right on them as fast as they could;" this was done, and the Mohegans rushed upon Miantunnomoh's army " like lions," put them to flight, and killed " a number on the spot." They " pursued the rest driving some down ledges of rocks." The foremost of Uncas's men got ahead of Miantunnomoh, and impeded his flight, drawing him back as they passed him, "to give Uncas opportunity to take him himself." " In the pursuit, at a place now called Sachem's Plain, Uncas took him by the shoulder. He then set down, knowing Uncas. Uncas then gave a whoop, and his men returned to him ; and in a council then held, 'twas concluded by them, that Uncas, with a guard, should carry said sachem to Hartford, to the governor and magistrates, (it being before the charter,) to advise what they should do with him." " Uncas was told by them, as there was no war with the English and Narragansets, it was not proper for them to intermeddle, in the affair, and advised him to take his own way. Accordingly, they brought said Narraganset sachem back to the same spot of ground where he was took : where Uncas killed him, and cut out a large piece of his shoulder, roasted, and eat it ; and said, ' It was the sweetest meel \ he ever eat ; it made him have strong hart. 1 There they bury him, and made a pillar, which I have seen but a few years since." This communication was in the form of a letter, and dated at Norwich, 9 Oct. 1769, and signed Richard Hide. The just remark of Mr. Ely upon it I cannot withhold, in justice to my subject. " The above ' Manuscript of Mr. Hyde? as a tradition, is a valuable paper, and worthy of preservation ; yet, being written 125 years after the event which it describes, it is surprising that Dr. Trumlull should have inserted it, in his History of Connecticut, in its principal particulars, as matter of fact." J In the proceedings of the commissioners of the United Colonies, the main death of Philip. Oneko, he says, cut out a pound of Philip's bleeding body and ate it. The book is by one Henry TrumbiiU. and purports to be a history of the discovery of Amer ica, the Indian wars, &c. The reader will find it about stalls by the street-side, but rarely in a respectable book-store. It has been forced through many editions, but there is scarce a word of true history in it. * By Rev. Wm. "Ely, of Connecticut. t Trumbull says meat, but the MS. is plain, and means mtal. \ Manuscript letter, 1 Mar. 1833. CHAP. IV.] NINIGRET. TROUBLE WITH MIANTUNNOMOH. 131 facts in reference to the death of Miantunnomoh, contained in the above account, are corroborated. The records of the commissioners say, that Uncos, before the battle, told Miantunnomoh, that he had many ways sought his life, and now, if he dared, he would fight him in single combat; but that Mian tunnomoh, " presuming upon his numbers of men, would have nothing but a battle."* It does not appear from these records, that Uncos had any idea of putting JWwmlunnomo& to death, but to extort a great price from his countrymen, for his ransom. That a large amount in wampum was collected for this purpose, appears certain ; but, before it was paid, Uncos received the decision of t':ie English, and then pretended that he had made no such agreement, or that the quantity or quality was not as agreed upon, as will more at length be seen in the lite of Uncos. NINIGRET was often called Ninicraft, and sometimes Nenekunat,} JVtni- glud, Ncnegdett ; and his name was written almost as many other ways as times mentioned, by some early writers. Jammo\ was the first name by which he was known to the English. He was generally styled sachem of the Nianticks, a tribe of the Narragansets, whose principal residence was at We- kapaug, now Westerly, in Rhode Island. He was cousin to Miantunnomoh, and is commonly mentioned in history as the chief sachem of the Nianticks, which always made a part of the great nation of the Narragansets. Ninigret married a sister of Cashaivashett, otherwise called Harmon Garret, who was his uncle. The relation in which the Nianticks stood to the Narragansets is plain, from the representation given by Miantunnomoh, to the government of Massachu setts in 1G42. In treating with him, at that time, Governor Winthrop says, " Some difficulty we had, to bring him to desert the Nianticks, if we had just cause of war with them. They were," he said, "as his own flesh, being allied by continual intermarriages, &c. But at last he condescended, that if they should do us wrong, as he could not draw them to give us satisfaction for, nor himself could satisfy, as if it were for blood, &c. then he would leave them to us." On the 12 July, 1637, Jlyammo, as his name was written by Governor Winthrop at this time, came to Boston with 17 men. The objects of his visit being stated to the governor, he promised him an answer the next day ; but the governor, understanding meanwhile, that he had received many of the Pequots, who had taken refuge in his country after their defeat at Mystic, first demanded their delivery to the English. Ninigret was very loath to comply with the demand ; but, finding he could get no answer to his propositions without, he consented to give up the Pequots, after a day's consideration. The governor shortly after dismissed him, with instructions to treat with the English captains then in the Pequot country. On the 9 Mar. 1638, "Miantunnomoh came to Boston. The governor, deputy and treasurer treated with him, and they parted upon fab' terms/' " We gave him leave to right himself for the wrongs which Janemoh and Wequash Cook had done him ; and, for the wrong they had done us, we would right ourselves, in our own time." || Hence, it appeal's that, at this period, they were not so closely allied as they were afterwards. The next year, Janemo was complained of by the Long Island Indians, who paid tribute to the English, that he had committed some robberies upon them. Captain Mason was sent from Connecticut with seven men to require satisfac tion. Janemo went immediately to the English, and the matter was amicably settled. U When it was rumored that Miantunnomoh was plotting to cut off the * See Hazard's Historical Collections, ii. 7, 10. t So written by Roger Williams. \ Mr. Prince, in Ins edition of Hiibbarrake the contract they made with the English last year, for I helped to cure one Tantiquieson, a Moheague captain, who first fingered [laid hands on] Jfuptfmovtao. Some cunning squaws of Narraganset led two of them to Tantiquiesorfs wigwam, where, in the night, they struck him on the breast through the coat with an hatchet, and had he not fenced it with his arm, no hope could be had of his life," &c. * " The English thought it their concern," says Dr. /. Mather,^ " not to suffer him to be swallowed up by those adversaries, since he had, (though for his * Winthrop's Jour. ii. 380, 381. f Relation. 58. 12 134 NINIGRET. NARRAGANSET WAR. [BOOK II. own ends,) approved himself faithful to the English from time to time." An army was accordingly raised for the relief of Uncas. "But as they were just marching out of Boston, many of the principal Narraganset Indians, viz. Pessecus, Alexano, * and Witawash, sagamores, and 4icasequin, deputy for the Nianticks ; these, with a large train, came to Boston, suing for peace, being willing to submit to what terms the English should see cause to impose upon them. It was demanded of them, that they should defray the charges they had put the English to, f and that the sachems should send their sons to be kept as hostages in the hands of the English, until such time as the money should be paid." After remarking that from this time the Narragan sets harbored venom in their hearts against the English, Mr. Mather pro ceeds : " In the first place, they endeavored to play legerdemain in their Bending hostages ; for, instead of sachems' children, they thought to send some other, and to make the English believe that those base papooses were of a royal progeny ; but they had those to deal with, who were too wise to be so eluded. After the expected hostages were in the hands of the English, the Narragansets, notwithstanding that, were slow in the performance of what they stood engaged for. And when, upon an impartial discharge of the debt, their hostages were restored to them, they became more backward than formerly, until they were, by hostile preparations, again and again terrified into better obedience. At last, Capt. Atherton, of Dorchester, was sent with a small party J of 20 English soldiers to demand what was due. He at first entered into the wigwam, where old Ninigret resided, with only two or three soldiers, appointing the rest by degrees to follow him, two or three dropping in at once ; when his small company were come about him, the Indians in the mean time supposing that there had been many more behind, he caught the sachem by the hair of his head, and setting a pistol to his breast, protesting whoever escaped he should surely die, if he did not forth with comply with what was required. Hereupon- a great trembling and consternation surprised the Indians ; albeit, multitudes of them were then present, with spiked arrows at their bow-strings ready to let fly. The event was, the Indians submitted, and not one drop of blood was shed." This, it must be confessed, was a high-handed proceeding. "Some space after that, Ninigret was raising new trouble against us, amongst his Nianticks and other Indians ; but upon the speedy sending up of Capt Davis, with a party of horse to reduce him to the former peace, who, upon the news of the captain's approach, was put into such a panic fear, that he durst not come out of his wigwam to treat with the captain, till secured of his life by him, which he was, if he quietly yielded to his message, about which he was sent from the Bay. To which he freely consenting, that storm was graciously blown over." || Thus having, through these extracts, summarily glanced at some prominent passages in the life of Ninigret, we will now go more into particulars. The case of the Narragansets, at the period of the treaty before spoken of, had become rather desperate ; two years having passed since they agreed to pay 2000 fathom of "good white wampum," as a remuneration for the trouble and damage they had caused the English and Mohegans, and they were now pressed to fulfil their engagements. J\finigret, then called Janemo, was not at Boston at that time, but Jlumsaaquen was his deputy, and signed the treaty then made, with Pessacus and others. At their meeting, in July, 1647, Pessacus and others, chiefs of the Narragansets and Nianticks, were * Tlie editor of Johnson's Wonder-working Providence, in Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. makes a great mistake in noting this chief as Miantunnomoh. Mriksah, Mixanno, Meika, &c., are names of the same person, who was the eldest son of Canonicus. After the death of his father, he was chief sachem of the Narragansets. He married a sister of Ninigret, who was " a woman of great power," and no other than the famous Qttaiapen, at one time called Matan- tuck, from which, probably, was derived Magnus. By some writers mistaking him for Mian- tunnomoh, an error has spread, that has occasioned much confusion in accounts of their gene- tA yearly tribute in wampum was agreed upon. Manuscript Narrative of the Rev. T Gobbet, which places the affair in 1645. i MS. document among our state papers. $ Relation of the Troubles, &c., 4to, 1677. l| Gobbet's MS. Narrative CHAF. TV] MNIGRET MOIIF.GAN C >NTK. -V.^USY. 135 sent to by the English commissioners, us will bo found in the life of Peasants. Being warned to come to Boston, Pessams, not being willing to get any fur ther into trouble by being obliged to sign whatever articles the English might draw up, feigned himself sick, and told the messengers he had agreed to leave all the business to JVinigret. This seems to have been well understood, and we shall next see with what grace JVinigret acted his part with the com missioners, at Boston. Their record runs thus : "August 3d, [1647,] Ninegratt, with some of theNyantick Indians and two ofPessack's men, came to Boston, and desiring Mr. John Winthrop, that came from Pequatt plantation, might be present, they were admitted. The com missioners asked JVinegratt for whom he came, whither as a publick person on the behalf of Pessack's and the rest of the Narragansets' confederates, or only for himself as a particular sagamore ? He at first answered that he had spoke with Pessack, but had no such commission from him ; " and said there had not been so good an understanding between them as he desired ; but, from 3Ir. Winthrop's testimony, and the answer Thos. Stanton and Benedict Arnold brought from Pessacus, and also the testimony of Pessacus' two men, " it appeared to the commissioners that whatever formality might be wanting in Pessack's expressions to JVwiegro//, yet Pessack had fully engaged himself to stand to whatsoever J\"inegraU should conclude." Therefore they pro ceeded to demand of him why the wampum had not been paid, and why the covenant had not been observed in other particulars. JVinigret pretended he did not know what covenants had been made. He was then reminded that his deputy executed the covenant, and that a copy was carried into his coun try, and his ignorance of it was no excuse for him, for Mr. Williams was at all times ready to explain it, if he had taken the pains to request it of him. " There could, therefore, be no truth in his answere." JVinigret next demanded, " For what are the JVarragansets to pay so much wampum'? I know not that they are indebted to the English!" The commis sioners then repeated the old charges the breach ot covenant, ill treating messengers, and what he had said himself to the English messengers, namely, that he knew the English would try to bring about a peace at their meeting at Hartford, but he was resolved on war, nor would he inquire who began it that if the English did not withdraw their men from assisting Uncas, he would kill them and their cattle, &c. According to the records of the commissioners, JVinigret did not deny these charges with a very good face. He said, however, their messengers provoked him to say w r hat he did. In order to waive the criminating discourse, Wnigret called for documents; or wished the English to make a statement of their account against him, that he might know "how the reckoninge stood." The English answered, that they had received of Pessacus, 170 fathom of wampum at one time : After wards some kettles and about 15 fathom more, "which heinge a contemptible some, was refused." As to the kettles, they said, "The Narraganset messen gers had sould them to Mr. Shrimpton,* a brasier in Boston," for a shilling a pound. Their weight was 285 los., (not altogether so contemptible as one might be led to imagine,) which came to 1 4. 5s., and the wampum to 4. is. 6d. f Of the amount in Mr. Shrimpton's hands, the messengers took up 1. probably to defray their necessary expenses while at Boston. The remainder an Englishman attached to satisfy "for goods stolleu from him by a Narragan- set Indian." J\~nigret said the attachment was not valid, ~for that neither the kettles nor wampum did belonge to Pessacks himself, nor to the Indian that had stolleu the goods," and therefore must be deducted from the amount now due. " The commissioners thought it not fit to press the attachment," but reckoned the kettles and wampum at 70 fathom, and acknowledged the receipt of 240 fathom, [in all,] besides a parcel sent by JVinigret himself to the governor ; and though this was sent as a present, yet, as it was not accepted by the governor, they left it to JVinigret to say whether it should be now so r.ou- * Samuel Shrimpton, probably, who bought a house and lands of Ephraim Tumtr, brasier, itiiatod in Hoslon, in 1671. t Hence 4. 4*. 6rf. -f 15 = 5s. ~%d. = value of a fathom of wampum in 1647. 136 NINIGRET. MOHEGAN CONTROVERSY., [BOOK II. sidered, or whether it should be taken in payment of the debt. Ninigret said the governor should do as he pleased about it. It was then inquired how much he had sent ; (it being deposited in Cutshamokin's hands, as we have elsewhere stated ;) fie said he had sent 30 fathom of black, and 45 of white, in value together 105 fathom. Cutshamokin was sent for to state what he had received in trust He had produced two girdles, "with a string of wampum, all which himself rated at 45 fathom, affirming he had received no more, except 8*. which he had used, and would repay." He was brought before Ninigret and questioned, as there appeared a great difference in their ac counts. "He at first persisted," says our record, "and added to his lyes, but was at last convinced [confronted] by Ninigret, and his messengers who then brought the present, and besides Cutsliamokin had sent him at the same time 10 fathom as a present also." It still remained to be settled, whether this wampum should be received as a part of the debt, or as a present; and Ninigrd was urged to say how it should be. With great magnanimity lie answered : "My tongue shall not bdie my heart. Whether tJie debt be paid or not, I in tended it as a present to the governor." It is unpleasant to contrast the characters of the two chiefs, Cutshamokin and Ninigret, because the former had long had the advantage of a civilized neighborhood, and the latter was from the depths of the forest, where he saw an Englishman but seldom. We could say much upon it; but, as it is thought by many that such disquisitions are unprofitable, we decline going into them here. What we have related seems to have finished the business of the day, and doubtless the shades of night were very welcome to Cutshamokin. The next day, Ninigret came into court, with the deputies of Pessacus, and spoke to the following effect : "Before I came here I expected the burden had been thrown upon me, Pessacus not having done what he agreed to do. However, I have considered upon the treaty of 1645, and am resolved to give the English satisfaction in all things. I will send some of my men immediately to Narraganset and Niantick, to raise the wampum now due to them, and hope to hear what they will do in three days. In ten days I think the wampum will arrive, and I will stay here until it comes. I will tell this to the Narraganset confederates. But if there should not enough at this time be raised, I desire some forbear ance as to time, as I assure you that the remainder shall be shortly paid, and you shall see me true to the English, henceforth." This speech gave the commissioners great satisfaction, and they proceeded to other business. The messengers sent out by Ninigret did not return so soon as was ex pected ; but, on the 16 August, notice was given of their arrival ; sadly, however, to the disappointment of the commissioners, for they brought only 200 fathom of wampum. The feelings of the court were somewhat changed, and they rather sternly demanded " what the reason was, that, so much being due, so little was brought, and from whom this 200 fathom came." Ninigret answered that he was disappointed that more had not been brought, but said, if he had been at home, more would have been obtained : that 100 fathom was sent by Pessacus, and the other 100 by his people. The commissioners say, that, "not thinking it meet to begin a present war, if satisfaction, (though with a little forbearance, may be had otherwise,)" told Ninigret, that, since he had said the wampum would have been gathered and paid if he had been at home himself, they would now give him 20 days to go and get it in ; and, if he could not procure enough by 500 fathom, still they would not molest him until " next spring planting time." That, as so much was still due, they would reckon the present before mentioned ; but, if they did not bring 1000 fathom in twenty days, the commissioners would send no more messengers into his country, "but take course to right themselves." That, if they were " forced to seek satisfaction by arms, he and his confede rates must not expect to make their peace, as lately they had done, by a little wampum. In the mean time, though for breach o. covenants they might put their hostages to death, yet the commissioners would forthwith deliver the CHAP. IV.] NIMGRET. THE ENGLISH PREPARE FOR WAR. 137 children to Ninigret,* expecting from him the more care to see engage ments fully satisfied. And, if they find him real in his performance, they will charge all former neglects upon Pessacus," and " in such case they expect from Ninigret his best assistance, when he shall he required to recover the whole remainder from him. All which Ninigret cheerfully accepted, and promised to perform accordingly." Notwithstanding all their promises, the Narragansets had not discharged their debt at the end of two years more, though in that time they had paid about 1100 fathom of wampum. At their meeting this year, 1649, at Boston, "the commissioners were minded of the continued complaint of Uncos" against the Narragansets, that they were "still vndermining his peace and seeking his mine," and had lately endeavored "to bring in the Mowhaukes vppon him," which failing, they next tried to take away his life by witchcraft. A Narraganset Indian, named Cuttaquin, " in an English vessel, in Mohegan River, ran a sword into his breast, wherby hee receeved, to all appearance, a mortal wound, which murtherus acte the assalant then confessed hee was, foi a considerable .sum of wampum, by the Narragansett and Nianticke sachems, hired to attempt." Meanwhile Ninigret, understanding what was to be urged against him, appeared suddenly at Boston before the commissioners. The old catalogue of delinquencies was read over to him, with several new ones appended. As it respected Cuttaquirfs attempt upon the life of Uncos, Ninigret said that neither he nor Pessacus had any hand in it, but that "he [C'uttaquin] was drawn thereunto by torture from the Mohegans ; " " but he was told, that the assailant, before he came into the hands of the Mohegans, presently after the fact was committed, laved the charge upon him, with the rest, which he confirmed, the day following, to Capt. Mason, in the presence of the English that were in the bark with him, and often reiterated it at Hartford, though since he hath denied it : that he was presented to Uncos under the notion of one appertaining to Vssamequin, whereby he was acknowledged as his friend, and no provocation given him." Cuttaquin had affirmed, it was said, that hia desperate condition caused him to attempt the life of Uncos, "through his great engagement to the said sachems, having received a considerable quan tity of wampum, which he had spent, who otherwise would have taken away his life." The judgment of the court was, that the sachems were guilty, and we next find them engaged in settling the old account of wampum. Ninigret had got the commissioners debited more than they at first were willing to allow. They say that it appeared by the auditor's account, that no more than 1529 fathom hath been credited, " nor could Ninigret by any evidence make any more to appear, only he alleged that about 600 fathom was paid by measure which he accounted by tale, wherein there was considerable difference. The commissioners, not willing to adhere to any strict terms in that particular, (and though by agreement it was to be paid by measure and not by tale,) were willing to allow 62 fathom and half in that respect, so that there remains due 408 fathom. But Ninigret persisting in his former affirmation, and not endeavoring to give any reasonable satisfaction to the commissioners in the premises, a small inconsiderable parcel of beaver being all that was tendered to them, though they understood he was better provided." They therefore gave him to understand that they were altogether dissatisfied, and that he nii cut off the English, and to be at his command whenever he had use of them, and he was to find them powder and shot till he had need of them. Further lie sent one Govert, a Dutchman, to Marsey, on Long Island, to Nittanahom, the sagamore, to assist him and to do for him what he would have [him] do : But the sagamore told him he would have nothing to [do] with it: whereupon Govert gave the sagamore a great kettle to be silent. JVittanaham told him he had but 20 men, and the English had never done him wrong, [and] he had no cause to fight against them. Further, he saith that JVTnnegreft, the fiscal,* and the Dutch governor were up two days in a close room, with other sagamores ; and there was no speaking with any of them except when they came for a coal of fire, f or the like. And much sewan was seen at that time in JVinnegret s hand, and he carried none away with him ; " and that Ronnesseoke told him that the governor bid him fly for his life, for the plot was now discovered. Nevertheless, as for any positive testimony that JVinigret was plotting against the English, there is none. That he was in a room to avoid company, while his physician was attending him, is very probable. In a long letter, dated 26th May, 1653, which the governor of New Amster dam, Peter Stuyvesant, wrote to the English, is the following passage : " It is in part true, as your worships conclude, that, about January, there came a strange Indian from the north, called J^lnnigrett, commander of the Narragtn- sets. But he came hither with a pass from Mr. John Wintiurop. Upon which pass, as we remember, the occasion of his coming was expressed, namely, to l>e cured and healed ; and if, upon the other side of the river, there hath been any assembly or meeting of the Indians, or of their sagamores, we know not [of it.] We heard that he hath been upon Long Island, about Nayacke, where he hath been for the most part of the winter, and hath had several Indians with him, but what he hath negotiated with them remains to us unknown : only this we know, that what your worships lay unto our charge are false reports, and feigned informations." The war with Ascassasbtic, of which we shall give all the particulars in our possession, was the next affair of any considerable moment in the life of .\~nigret. In 1654, the government of Rhode Island communicated to Massachusetts, that the last summer, JYtnigre/, without any cause, " that he doth so much as allege, fell upon the Long Island Indians, our friends and tributaries," and killi'd many of them, and took others prisoners, and would not restore them. "This summer he hath made two assaults upon them; in one whereof he killed a man and woman, that lived upon the land of the English, and withir. * A Dutch officer, whose duty is similar to thai of treasurer among- the English, t To lis^ht their pipes, doubtless the Dutch agreeing well, in the particular of smoking with the Indians. 144 NINIGRET. ASCASSASOTICK'S WAR. [BOOK II. one of their townships ; and another Indian, that kept the cows of the Eng lish." He had drawn many of the foreign Indians down from Connecticut and Hudson Rivers, who rendezvoused upon Winthrop's Island, where they killed some of his cattle.* This war began in 1653, and continued " several years." f The commissioners of the United Colonies seemed blind to all complaints against Unca-s ; but the Narragansets were watched and harassed without ceasing. Wherever we meet with an unpublished document of those times, the fact is very apparent. The chief of the writers of the history of that period copy from the records of the United Colonies, which accounts for their making out a good case for the English and Mohegans. The spirit which actuated the grave commissioners is easily discovered, and I need only refer my readers to the case of Miantunnomoh, Desperate errors require others, oftentimes still more desperate, until the first appear small compared with the magnitude of the last! It is all along discoverable, that those venerable records are made up from one kind of evidence, and that when a Narraganset appeared in his own defence, so many of his enemies stood ready to give him the lie. that his indignant spirit could not stoop to contra dict or parley with them ; and thus his assumed guilt passed on for history, The long-silenced and borne-down friend of the Indians of Moosehausic,| no longer sleeps. Amidst his toils and perils, he found time to raise his pen in their defence ; and though his letters for a season slept with him, they are now awaking at the voice of day. When the English had resolved, in 1654, to send a force against the Nar- ragansets, because they had had difficulties and wars with JJscassasutic, as we have related, Mr. Williams expressed his views of the matter in a letter to the governor of Massachusetts as follows : "The cause and root of all the present mischiefs is the pride of two barbarians, Jlscassasvtick, the Long Island sachem, and JVenckunai of the Narigenset. The former is proud and foolish, the latter is proud and fierce. 1 have not seen him these many years, yet, from their sober men, I hear he pleads, 1st. that Jlscassasotick, a very inferior sachem, (bearing himself upon the English,) hath slain three or four of his people, and since that sent him challenges and darings to fight and mend himself. 2d. He, Nenekunat, consulted by solemn messengers, with the chief of the Eng lish governors, Maj. Endicot, then governor of the Massachusetts, who sent him an implicit consent to right himself: upon which they all plead that the English have just occasion of displeasure. 3d. After he had taken revenge upon the Long Islanders, and brought away about 14 captives, (divers of them chief women,) yet he restored them all again, upon the mediation and desire of the English. 4th. After this peace [was] made, the Long Islanders pretending to visit Nenekunat at Block Island, slaughtered of his Narragansets near 30 persons, at midnight ; two of them of great note, especially Wtpiteammock's son, to whom Nenekunat was uncle. 5th. In the prosecution of this war, although he had drawn down the inlanders to his assistance, yet, upon pro testation of the English against his proceedings, he retreated and dissolved his army. The great Indian apostle looked not so much into these particulars, being entirely engaged in the cause of the praying Indians ; but yet we occasionally meet with him, and will here introduce him, as an evidence against the proceedings of Uncos, and his friends the commissioners : " The case of the Nipmuk Indians, so far as by the best and most credible in telligence, I have understood, presented to the honored general court, [of Mas sachusetts,] 1. Uncos his men, at unawares, set upon an unarmed poor people, and slew eight persons, and carried captive twenty-four women and children. 2. Some of these were subjects to Massachusetts government, by being the subjects of Josias. || 3. They sued for relief to the worshipful governor and magistrates. 4. They were pleased to send, (by some Indians,) a commission to Capt. Denison, [of Stonington,] to demand these captives. 5. Uncas hia * Manuscript documents. \ Wood's Hist. Lonj Island. J Providence. From the anginal letter, in manuscript, among the files in our state-house 2 Son of Cliikataubut CHAP. IV.] N1MGRET. 145 answer was, (as I heard,) insolent. 6. They did not only abuse the women by filthiness, but have, since this demand, sold away (as I hear) some or all of those captives. 7. The poor bereaved Indians wait to see what you please to do. 8. You were pleased to tell them, you would present it to the free court, and they should expect their answer from them, which they now wait for. !'. .Vine croft, yea, all the Indians of the country, wait to see the issue of this matter." * This memorial is dated 12th May, 1659, and signed by John Eliot ; from which it is evident there had been great delay in relieving those distressed by the haughty Uncos. And yet, if he were caused to make remuneration in any way, we do not find any account of it. In 1660, " the general court of Connecticut did, by their letters directed to the commissioners of the other colonies, this last summer, represent an intolerable affront done by the Narraganset Indians, and the same was now complained of by the English living at a new plantation at Mohegan, viz : that some Indians did, in the dead time of the night, shoot eight bullets into an English house, and fired the same ; wherein five Englishmen were asleep. Of which insolency the Narraganset sachems have so far taken notice, as to send a slight excuse by Maj. Jltherton, that they did neither consent to nor allow of such practices, but make no tender of satisfaction." \ But they asked the privilege to meet the commissioners at their next session, at which time they gave them to understand that satisfaction should be made. This could not have been other than a reasonable request, but it was not granted ; and messengers were forthwith ordered to " repair to Ninigret, Pessicus, Jf'oquacanoose, and the rest of the Narraganset sachems," to demand " at least four of the chief of them that shot into the English house." And hi case they should not be delivered, to demand five hundred fathoms of wampum. They were directed, in particular, to " charge Ninigret with breach of cove nant, and high neglect of their order, sent them by Maj. Willard, six years since, not to invade the Long Island Indians ; and [that they] do account the surprising the Long Island Indians at Gull Island, and murdering of them, to be an insolent carriage to the English, and a barbarous and inhuman act." These are only a few of the most prominent charges, and five hundred and ninety-five J fathoms of wampum was the price demanded for them ; and " the general court of Connecticut is desired and empowered to send a convenient company of men, under some discreet leader, to force satisfaction of the same above said, and the charges of recovering the same ; and in case the persons be delivered, they shall be sent to Barbadoes," and sold for slaves. It appears that the force sent by Connecticut could not collect the wampum, nor secure the offenders ; but for the payment, condescended to take a mortgage of all the Narraganset country, with the provision that it should be void, if it were paid in four months. Quissoyuus, || Neneglud, and Scuttup, IF signed the deed. Ninigret did not engage with the other Narraganset chiefs, in Philip's war. Dr. Mather ** calls him an " old crafty sachem, who had with some of his men withdrawn himself from the rest." He must at this time have been " an old sachem," for we meet with him as a chief, as early as 1632. Although Ninigret was not personally engaged in Philip's war, still he must have suffered considerably from it ; often being obliged to send his people to the English, to gratify some whim or caprice, and at other times to appear himself. On 10 Sept. 1675, eight of his men came as ambassadors to Boston, " having a certificate from Capt. Smith," \\ who owned a large ' Manuscript state paper. t Record of (he United Colonies, in Hazard. i The additional ninety-five was for another offence, viz. " for the insolencies committed at Mr. Brewster's, in killing an Indian servant at Mrs. Brewsler's feet, to her great affrightment, *nd stealing corn, &c., and other affronts." Hazard, ii. 433. j Records of the United Colonies, in Hazard. (| The same called Quequegunent, the son of Magma. Neiocffm and Awaslmrs wei witnesses. The deed itself may be seen on tile among our State Paperi. II Grandson of Canonicus, son of Magnus, and brother of Oueouee arti cles. As the children were to be sent for, Witoivash, Pomamse, Jaivansoe, and ll'augliwamino offered their persons as security for their delivery, who were accepted. 9. Both the securities and hostages were to be supported at the charge of the English. 10. That if any hostilities were committed while this treaty was making, and before its provisions were known, such acts not to be considered a viola tion thereof. 1 1. They agree not to sell any of their lands without the consent of the commissioners. 12. If any Pequots should be found among them who had murdered Eng lish, they were to be delivered to the English. Here follow the names, with a mark to each. PESSECUS, AUMSAAQUEN, IT deputy for the Nianticto, ABDAS, POMMUSH, COTCHAMAKINS, WEEKESANNO, WITTOWASH. We do not see Mexani's or Mixanno's name among the signers, although he is mentioned as being present, unless another name was then applied to him. There were four interpreters employed upon the occasion, namely, Sergeant Cvllicut and his Indian man, Cuichamakin and Josias.** From this time to the next meeting of the commissioners, the country seems not to have been much disturbed. In the mean time, however, Uncos, without any regard to the promise and obligations the English had laid them selves under for him, undertook to chastise a Narraganset sachem for some alleged offence. On opening their congress, at New Haven, letters from Mr. Morton and Mr. Peters, at Pequot, were read by the commissioners, giving accounts of Uncas's perfidy. The complainants were sent to, and informed that Uncas was shortly to be there, and that they should bring their proof in order to a trial. Meanwhile Uncas came, who, after waiting a few days, and his accusers not appearing, was examined and dismissed. It appears that the English at Nameoke, since Saybrook, were the suffering party, as their neighborhood was the scene of Uncas's depredations. Of some of the charges he acknowl edged himself guilty, especially of fighting JYeckwash [Wequash] Cooke so near to the plantation at Pequot ; although' he alleged that some of the Eng lish there had encouraged Wequash to hunt upon his lands. He was informed * Onmimequin. t Perhaps Slioslianim, or Sholan. i:e 61, ante. \Veqtuish Cook. \\ Wepiteamock. I Aicfucquin. ** Son of Ckikataubut, probably. 160 UNCAS. NUMEROUS CHARGES AGALN'ST HIM. [BooK H that his brother had also been guilty of some offence, but neither the accuser nor the accused were present, and, therefore, it could not be acted upon. So, after a kiud of reprimand, Uncas was dismissed, as we have just mentioned. But before he had left the town, Mr. Wm. Morton arrived at court, with three Indians, to maintain the action against him ; he was, therefore, called in, and a hearing was had, " but the commissioners founde noe cause to alter the former writinge giuen him." This was as regarded the affair with Wequash. Mr. Morton then produced a Pequot powwow, named Wampushtt, who, he said, had charged Uncas with having hired him to do violence to another Indian, or to procure it to be done, which accordingly was effected, the Indian being wounded with a hatchet. This crime was at first laid to the charge of We quash, as Uncns had intended. " But after [wards,] the Pequat's powwow, troubled in conscience, could have no rest till he had discoured Vncus to be the author." He first related his guilt to Robin,* an Indian servant of Mr. Winthrop ; but, to the surprise of the whole court, Wampushet, the only wit ness, on being questioned through Mr. Stanton, the interpreter, told a story diametrically the reverse of what he had before stated. " He cleared Vncus, and cast the plot and guilt vpon Neckwash Cooke and Robin;" "and though the other two Pequats, whereof the one was Robin's brother, seemed much offended," and said Uncas had hired him to alter his charge, "yet he persisted, and said Neckwash Cooke and Robin had giuen him a payre of breeches, and promised him 25 fadome of wampum, to cast the plot upon Vncus, and that the English plantacon and Pequats knew it. The commissioners abhorring this diuilish falshoode, and advisinge Vncus, if he expected any favoure and respect from the English, to haue no hand in any such designes or vniust wayes." Hence it appears that the court did not doubt much of the villany of Uncas, but, for reasons not required here to be named, he was treated as a fond parent often treats a disobedient child ; reminded of the end to which such crimes lead ; and seem to threaten chastisement in their words, while their deportment holds out quite different language. At the congress of the United Colonies, at Boston, in July, 1647, Mr. John Winthrop of Connecticut presented a petition, "in the name of many Pequatts," in the preamble of which Casmamon and Obechiquod are named, requesting that they might have liberty to dwell somewhere under the protection of the English, which they might appoint. They acknowledged that their sachems and people had done very ill against the English formerly, for which they had justly suffered and been rightfully conquered by the English ; but that they had had no hand, by consent or otherwise, in shedding the blood of the English, and that it was by the advice of Necquash f that they fled from their country, being promised by him that the English would not hurt them, if they did not join against them. The names of 62 craving pardon and protection were at the same time communicated. In answer the commissioners say, that while Wequash lived he had made no mention of " such innocent Pequats, or from any other person since ;" and on " enquiry from Thomas Stanton, from Foxon, one of Uncus his men, and at last by confession of the Pequats present, found that some of the petitioners were in Mistick fort in fight against the English, and fled away in the smoke,'' and that others were at other times in arms against the English and Mohegans, and, therefore, the ground of their petition was false and deceitful. It appears that they had taken refuge under Uncas, who had promised them good usage, which was probably on condition that they should pay him a tribute. They resided at this time at Namyok. At the same court, Obechiquod complained that Uncas had forcibly taken away his wife, and criminally obliged her to live with him. " Foxon being present, as Uncas's deputy, was questioned about this base and uusufferable outrage ; he denied that Uncas either took or kept away Obechiquod's wife by force, and affirmed that [on] Obechiquod's withdrawing, with other Pequote, * His Indian name was Casmamon, perhaps the same as Cassassinnamon, or Casa.smem.an, &c. t Wequash, the traitor. He became a noted praying Indian, after the Pequot war, and was supposed to have died by poi:on. Frequent mention will be found of him elsewhere in our work. CHAP. V.] UNCAS ACCUSED OF PERFIDY. 161 from Uncas, his wife refused to go with him ; and that, among the Indians, it is usual when a wife so deserts her husband, another may take her. Obechiquod affirmed that Uncos had dealt criminally before, and still kept her against her will." Though not satisfied in point of proof, the commissioners said, " Yet ab- horing that lustful adulterous carriage of Uncas, as it is acknowledged and mittigated by Foxon, n and ordered that he should restore the wife, and that Obechiquod have liberty to settle under the protection of the English, where they should direct* Complaints at this time were as thick upon the head of Uncas as can wel be conceived of, and still we do not imagine that half the crimes he was guilty of, are on record. Another Indian named Sanaps, at the same time, complain ed that he had dealt in like manner with the wife of another chief, since dead ; that he had taken away his com and beans, and attempted his life also. The court say they found no proof, " first or last, of these charges," still, as to the corn and beans, " Foxon conceives Uncas seized it because Sannop, with a Pequot, in a disorderly manner withdrew himself from Uncas" Hence it seems not much evidence was required, as Uncas's deputy uniformly pleaded guilty ; and the court could do no less than order that, on investigation, he should make restitution. As to Sannop, who was "no Pequot," but a "Con necticut Indian," he had liberty to live under the protection of the English also. To the charges of the Pequots against Uncas, of "his vnjustice and tyranny, drawinge wampam from them vpon new pretences," "they say they haue giuen him wampam 40 times since they came vnder him, and that they haue sent wampam by him to the English 25 times," and had no account that he ever delivered it ; it was answered by Foxon, that Uncas had received wam pum divers times as tribute, but denied that, in particular, any had been given him for the English, and that "he thinks the nomber of 25 times to be altogether false." There were a long train of charges against Uncas for his oppression of the Pequots, which when the commissioners had heard through, they " ordered that Vncus be duly reproved, and seriously enformed that the English cannot owne or protect him in any vnlawful, much lesse trecherous and outrageous courses." And notwithstanding the commissioners seem not to doubt of the rascality of their ally, yet nothing seems to have been done to relieve the distressed Pequots, because that "after the [Pequot] warre they spared the lines of such as had noe hand in the blonde of the English." To say the least of which, it is a most extraordinary consideration, that because some innocent people had not been destroyed in war, they might be harassed according as the caprice of abandoned minds might dictate. Mr. John Winthrop next prefers a complaint against Uncas from another quarter : the Nipmuks had been attacked, in 1646, by 130 Mohegans, under Noicequa, a brother of Uncos. It does not appear that he killed any of them, but robbed them of effects to a great amount ; among which are enumerated 35 fathom of wampum, 10 copper kettles, 10 " great hempen baskets," many bear skins, deer skins, &c. Of this charge Foxon said Uncas was not guilty, for that he knew nothing of Nbicequa's proceedings in it ; that at the time of it [September] Uncas, with his chief counsellors, was at New Haven with the commissioners of the United Colonies ; and that JVowequa had at the same time robbed some of Uncas's own people. It was also urged by Winthrop, that not long before the meeting of the com missioners in September, 1647, this same Nowequa had been with 40 or 50 men to Fisher's Island, where he had broken up a canoe belonging to him, and greatly alarmed his man and an Indian who were there at that time. That Nowequa next "hovered against the English plantation, in a suspicious manner, with 40 or 50 of his men, many of them armed with gunns, to the affrightment not onely of the Indians on the shore (soe that some of them began to bring their goods to the English bouses) but divers of the English themselues." * This chief is the same, we believe, called in a later part of the records (Hazard, ii. 413) Abbachickicood. He was fined, with seven others, ten fathom of wampum for going to fight the Pocompluck Indians with Uncas, in the summer of 1659. 14* L 162 UNCAS. WAR WITH THE NIPMUKS. ' [BOOK II. These charges being admitted by Foxon, the commissioners " ordered that Vncus from them be fully informed, that he must either regulate and continue his brother in a righteous and peaceable frame for the future vnderstandiuge, and providing that vpon due proof due restitution to be made to such as haue been wronged by him, or else wholy disert and leaue him, that the Narragen- sett and others may requere and recouer satisfaction as they can." We pass now to the year 1651, omitting to notice some few events more or less connected with our subject, which, in another chapter, may properly pass under review. Last year, Thomas Stanton had been ordered "to get a/i account of the num ber and names of the several Pequots living among the Narragansets, Nianticks, or Mohegan Indians, &c. ; who, by an agreement made after the Pequot war, are justly tributaries to the English colonies, and to receive the tribute due for this Jast year." Stanton now appeared as interpreter, and with him came also Uncos and several of his men, Wequash Cook and some of "Ninnacrafi's" men, " Robert, a Pequot, sometimes a servant to Mr. Winthrop, and some with him, and some Pequots living on Long Island." They at this time delivered 312 fathom of wampum. Of this Uncos brought 79, Ninigrtfs men 91, &c. "This wampum being laid down, Uncas and others of the Pequots demanded why this tribute was required, how long it was to continue, and whether the children to be bom hereafter were to pay it." They were answered that the tribute had been due yearly from the Pequots since 1638, on account of their murders, wars, &c. upon the English. "Wherefore the commissioners might have required both account and payment, as of a just debt, for time past, but are contented, if it lie thankfully accepted, to remit what is past, accounting only from 1650, when Thomas Stantorfs employment and salary began." Also that the tribute should end in ten years more, and that children hereafter born should be exempt. Hitherto all male children were taxed. The next matter with which we shall proceed, has, in the life of Omame- quin, been merely glanced at, and reserved for this place, to which it more DTOperly belongs. We have now arrived to the year 1661, and it was in the spring of this year that a war broke out between Uncas and the old sachem before named. It seems very clear that the Wampanoags had been friendly to the Narragansets, for a long time previous; being separated from them, were not often involved in their troubles. They saw how Uncas was favored by t'he English, and were, therefore, careful to have nothing to do with the Mohegans, from wliom they were still farther removed. Of the rise, progress and termination of their war upon the Quabaogs, a tribe of Nipmuks belonging to Wasamagin, the reader may gather the most important facts from some documents,* which we shall in the next place lay before him. "MERCURIUS DE Q.CTABACONK, or a declaration of the dealings of Uncas and the Mohegiu Indians, to certain Indians the inhabitants of Quabaconk, 21, 3d mo. 1661. " About ten weeks since Uncos' son, accompanied with 70 Indians, set upon the Indians at Quabaconk, and slew three persons, and carried away six pris oners ; among which were one squaw and her two children, whom when he had brought to the fort, Uncas dismissed the squaw, on conditions that she would go home and bring him 25 in peag, two guns and two blankets, fcr the release of herself and her children, which as yet she hath not done, being retained by the sagamore of Weshakeim, in hopes that their league with the English -will free them. " At the same time he carried away also, in stuff and money, to the value of 37, and at such time as Uncas received notice of the displeasure of the English in the Massachusetts by the worshipful Mr. Winlhrop, he insolently laughed them to scorn, and professed that he would still go on as he had begun, and assay who dares to control! him. Moreover, four days since there came home a prisoner that escaped ; two yet remaining, whom Uncat * In manuscript, and never before published. CHAP. V.] REFLECTIONS. MESSAGE TO UNCAS. 1G3 threatens, the one of them to kill, and the other to sell away as a slave, and etill threatens to continue his war against them, notwithstanding any prohibi tion whatsoever; whose very threats are so terrible, that our Indians dare not wander far from the towns about the Indians for fear of surprise. From the relation of PAMBASSUA, and testimony of WASAMAGIN, QCAQUEQUUNSET, and others." From this narrative it is very plain that Uncos cared very little for the dis pleasure of the English : it is plain, also, that he knew as well as they what kept them from dealing as severely with him as with the Narragansets, his neighbors. They must succumb to him, to keep him in a temper to aid in fighting their battles when called upon. Hence, when he had committed the grossest insults on other Indians, the wheels of justice often moved so slow, that they arrived not at their object until it had become quite another matter. It must, however, be considered, that the English were very peculiarly sit uated upon the very margin of an unknown wilderness, inclosed but on one side by Indians, whose chief business was war. They had destroyed the Pequots, but this only added to their fears, for they knew that revenge lurked still in the breasts of many, who only were waiting for an opportunity to gratify it ; therefore, so long as one of the most numerous tribes could possi bly be kept on their side, the English considered themselves in safety. They had made many missteps in their proceedings with the Indians, owing some times to one cause and sometimes to another, for which now there was no remedy ; and it is doubtful whether, even at this day, if any set of men were to go into an unknown region and settle among wild men, that they would get along with them so much better than our fathers did with the Indians here, as some may have imagined. These are considerations which must be taken into account in estimating the " wrongs of the Indians." They seem the more necessary in this place ; for, in the biography of Uncos, there is as much, perhaps, to censure regarding the acts of the English, as in any other article of Indian history. The narrative just recited, being sent in to the court of Massachusetts, was referred to a select committee, who, on the 1 June, reported, That letters should be sent to Uncos, signifying how sensible the court was of the injuries he had done them, by his outrage upon the Indians of Quaba- conk, who lived under their sagamore, Wassamagin, as set forth in the narrative. That, therefore, they now desired him to give up the captives and make restitution for all the goods taken from them, and to forbear for time to come all such unlawful acts. That, if Wassamagin or his subjects had or should do him or his subjects any wrong, the English would, upon due proof, cause recompense to be made. Also that Uncos be given to under stand and assured, that if he refuse to comply with the request, they were then resolved to right the injuries upon him and his, and for all costs they might be put to in the service. That for the encouragement and safety of the sayd Wassamagin and his subjects, there be by order of Major Willard three or four armed men, well accomodate in all respects, with a proporcon of powder, bulletts and match sent from Lancaster to Quabaconk vnto the sayd Wassamagin, there to stay a night or two, and to shoote of their mus- quets so often, and in such wise, as the major shall direct, to terrific the enemies of Wassamagin, and so to return home again." To inform Wassama gin and his subjects, that the authorities of Massachusetts would esteem it an ;knowledgment of their regard, if they would permit them to have the captives to be recovered from Uncos, to bring them up in a proper manner, that they might be serviceable to their friends, &c. Also, "aduice and re quire Wassamagin and his men to be verie carefull of iniuring or any ways prouoking of Vncas, or any of his men, as he will answer our displeasure 164 UNCAS WAR WITH ALEXANDER. [Boos II. therein, and incurr due punishment for the same." That if Uncos committed any other hostile acts, he must complain to them, &c.* Thus Wassamegin was as much threatened as Uncos. Matters seem to have remained thus until the meeting of the commission ers in September following ; when, in due course, the business was called up, and acted upon as follows : " Vpon complaint made to the comissionars of the Massachusetts against Vrikas, this following message was sent to him : " Vncas, wee haue receiued information and complaint from the generall court of the Massachusetts of youer hostile invading of Wosamequin and the Indians of Quabakutt, whoe are and longe haue bine subjects to the English, killing some and carrying away others ; spoyling theire goods to the vallue of 331b. as they allege." That he had done this contrary to his covenants, and had taken no notice of the demands of the Massachusetts, though some time since they had ordered him to deliver up the captives, make remuneration, &c. And to all he had returned no answer ; " which," continues the letter, "seemes to bee an insolent and proud carriage of youers. We cannot but wonder att it, and must beare witness against it," He was, as before, required to return the captives, &c. and give reasons for his operations; and if he neglected to do so, the Massachusetts were at liberty to right themselves. In the mean time, as we apprehend, a letter from Uncos was received, writ ten by Captain Mason, which was as follows : " Whereas there was a warrant sent from the court of Boston, dated in my last to Vncas, sachem of Mohegen, wherin it was declared vpon the com plaint of Wesamequen, \ a sachem subject to the Massachusetts, that the said Vncas had offered great violence to theire subjects at Quabauk, killing some and taking others captiue ; which warrant came not to Uncas, not aboue 20 daies before these presents, who, being summoned by Major John Mason, in full scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged if he did not return the captiues, and 33 damage, then the Massachusetts would recouer it by force of armes, which to him was uery grieuous : professing he was altogether ignorant that they were subjects belonging to the Massachusetts ; and further said that they were none of Wesamequerfs men, but belonging to Onopequin, his deadly enemie, whoe was there borne ; one of the men then taken was his own cousin, who had formerly fought against him in his own person ; and yett sett him att libertie ; and further saith that all the captiues were sent home. Alsoe that Wesamequin\?s~\ son J and diners of his men had fought against him diuers times. This he desired might bee returned as his answare to the comissioners. " Alexander allis Wamsutta, sachem of Sowamsett, being now att Plymouth, hee challenged Quabauke Indians to belong to him ; and further said that hee did warr against Vncas this summer on that account Signed by JOHN MASON." * Here end our MSS. relating to this affair. t By this it would seem that Massasoit had, for some time, resided among the Nipmucks. He had, probably, given up Pokanoket to his sons. t There can scarce be a doubt that this refers to Alexander, and that the next paragraph confirms it; hence Massasoit was alive in May, 1661, as we have before stated. And the above letter of Mason was probably written in September, or while the commissioners were in session. $ It seems always to have been uncertain to whom the Nipmucks belonged. Roger Williams says, in 1668, " That all the Neepmucks were unquestionably subject to the Nan- higonset sachems, and, in a special manner, to Mejksali, the son of Caunoumcus, and late husband to this old Squaw- Sachem, now only surviving. I have abundant and daily proof of it," &c. MS. letter. See life Massasoit, b. ii. ch. ii. At one time, Kutshamalrin claimed some of the Nipmucks, or consented to be made a tool of by some of them, for some private end. But Mr. Pynchon said they would not own him aa a sachem any longer " than the sun shined upon him." Had they belonged to him, Massa chusetts must have owned them, which would have involved them in much difficulty in 1648 by reason of several murders among them. CHAP. VI.] UNCAS. SASSACUS. 165 The particulars of the issue of these troubles were not recorded, and the presumption is, that Uncos complied with the reasonable requests of the Eng lish, and the old, peaceable Ousamequin, being umvilling to get into difficulty, put up with the result without avenging his wrongs. His son, Wamsutta, as will be seen, about this time found himself involved in difficulties nearer home, which probably prevented him from continuing the war against Uncos, had he been otherwise disposed. CHAPTER VL Of the Pequot nation Geography of their country SASSACUS, their first chief, known to the English Tassaqitanott War The cause of it WEQUASH Canonicus and Miantunnomoh accused of harboring fugitive Pequots Sassamon MONONOTTO Otash CASSASSINNAMON. " But since I've mentioned Sassacus' great name, That day so much a terror where it came ; Let me, in prosecution of my story, Say something of his pride and kingdom's glory." WOLCOTT. IT is said by Mr. Hubbard,* that the Pequots, f "being a more fierce, cruel, and warlike people than the rest of the Indians, came down out of the more inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest places near the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbors." The time of their emigration is unknown. They made all the other tribes " stand in awe, though fewer in number than the Narragansets, that bordered next upon them"."t Their country, according to Mr. Gookin, " the English of Connecticut jurisdiction, doth now, [1674,] for the most part, possess." Their dominion, or that of their chief sachem, was, according to the same author, "over divers petty sagamores ; as over part of Long Island, over the Mohegans, and over the sagamores of Quinapeake, [now New Haven,] yea, over all the people that dwelt upon Connecticut River, and over some of the most southerly inhabit ants of the Nipmuck country, about Quinabaag." The principal seat of the sagamores was near the mouth of Pequot River, now called the Thames, where New London stands. " These Pequots, as old Indians relate, could, in former times, raise 4000 men fit for war." || The first great chief of this nation, known to the English, was SASSACUS, whose name was a terror to all the neighboring tribes of Indians. From the fruitful letters of the Reverend Roger Williams, we learn that he had a brother by the name of Puppompoges, whose residence was at Monahiganick, probably Mohegan. Although Sassacus's principal residence was upon the Thames, yet, in his highest prosperity, he had under him no less than 26 sachems, and his dominions were from Narraganset Bay to Hudson's River, in the direction of the sea-coast. Long Island was also under him, and his authority was undisputed far into the country. A brother of Sassacus, named Tassaquanott, survived the Pequot war, and was one of those complained of by Uncos in 1647, for giving his countrymen " crooked counsell " about a present of wampum, which he had advised to be given to the English instead of him. It appears that on the death of a child of Uncos, the Pequots had presented him with 100 fathom of wampum,1T which, when Tassaquanott Itnew, he disapproved of it, politicly urging, that if the English were conciliated by any means towards them, it mattered not much about Uncos. * Narrative, i. 116. t We believe this name meant Gray foxes, hence Gray-fox Indians, or Pequots. t Hist. New England, 33. 6 See his Collections in 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 147. II Ibid. IT Hazard, Hist. Col. ii. 90. 166 SASSACUS. PEQUOT WARS. [Boon II. We are informed,* that Connecticut was claimed by right of conquest at $ne time by the first white settlers, who found much of it cultivated and set tled by its Indian inhabitants, although they endeavored that it should be understood otherwise. The numbers of the natives in that region were " thousands, who had three kings, viz. Connedicote, Quinnipiog, and SASSA CUS." Connecticole was "emperor," or chief of chiefs, an elevation in which he and his ancestors had stood for about 400 years, according to their tra ditions. About the time the English had determined on the subjugation of the Pe- quots, Roger Williams wrote to Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, giving him important directions how they should proceed to advantage, and what was very important then, gave the following rude draft of their country : River Qunnihticnt.f O a fort of the NiantaquitJ men, confederate with the Pequts. Mohiganic River. Ohom- I . I . owauke,$ thn O \Veinshauks, where swamp | ] | | 3 or 4 miles from Sasacous, the chief sacliim, is. Mis- O tick, where is J\Ianu>ho,\\ another chief sadiim. River. Nayan- O taquit,J where is Wcpiteammok and our fiiends River. In the same letter, Mr. Wittiams urges the necessity of employing faithful guides for the English forces; "as shall be best liked of [to] be taken along to direct, especially two Pequts ; viz. Wequash, [whose name signified a swan,] and Wvltackquiackommin, valiant men, especially the latter, who have lived these three or four years with the Nanhiggonticks, and know every pass and passage amongst them, who desire armor to enter their houses." In 1634, as has been before incidentally mentioned, one Captain Stone was killed by the Pequots, while upon a trading expedition in Connecticut River. Without knowing the reason of their killing Stone, the English demanded the murderers soon after, and as Sassacus was involved in troubles with the Nar- ragansets and all his neighbors, he thought it not best entirely to slight the demand of the English ; he therefore sent messengers to Boston, where they arrived 6 November, with offers of peace, which, after considerable delibera tion on the part of the English, were accepted, and a treaty was entered into on the 9th following. A messenger had been sent, in October, upon the same errand, but was dismissed with orders to inform Sassacus, that he must send persons of greater quality, and then the English would treat with him. " He brought," says Winthrop, " two bundles of sticks, whereby he signified how many beaver and otter skins he would give us for that end, and great store of wampompeage, (about two bushels, by his description.)" He had a small present with him, which was accepted by the English, who gave him in return, " a moose coat of as good value." The treaty entered into on the 9 November, 1634, between the Pequots and English, stipulated that the murderers of Captain Stone should be given up to the English, of whom there were at that time left but two, as attested by the ambassadors of Sassacus, who further observed in explanation, that the sachem in whose time the act was committed, was dead, having been slain in a war with the Dutch, and that all the men concerned in it, except two, had also died of the small-pox. This, together with the facts given in concerning the death of Stone, inclined the English to believe the account altogether ; and, but for what happened afterwards, it is probable that the historians of that * But with what truth I know not, for it rests upon the authority of Peters. t Connecticut. J Niantick. A name signifying an Girl's nest. Same letter || Probably Mononotto. CHAP. VI.] SASSACUS. TREATY. 167 period would have relied more upon the Pequots' own account than the gen eral rumor. Such are the events of time a circumstance may change the fate, nay, the character of a nation, for a period, in the eyes of many genera tions ! .But " O Time ! the bcautifier of the dead ! Adorner of the ruin ! comforter, And only healer, when the heart hath bled ! Time, the corrector where our judgments err." the progress of the treaty, the Pequot ambassadors said, that if the twc then living who had been concerned in Stone's death, " were worthy of In men then death, they would move their sachem to deliver them " to the English, but that as to themselves, they had no power to do so, and at once urged the justness of their act without qualification. Stone, they said, came into their river and seized upon two of their men, and bound them hand and foot, and, in that situation, obliged them to pilot him up the river. When he had gone up as far as he desired, himself and two other white men, and the two manacled Indians, went on shore. Meanwhile they had been watched by nine Indians, who, when they found the Englishmen asleep on the following night, fell upon them and massacred them. Considering the state of the Indians, no blame could be attached to them for this act ; two of their countrymen were in the hands of an unknown people, who, from every appearance, were about to put them to death, and it was by an act of pure benevolence and heroism that they delivered them out of the hands of an invading foe. Therefore, being satisfied with the account, the English agreed to have peace with them, provided they would give up the two men when they should send for them ; " to yeld up Connecticut ; " to give 400 fathom of wamporn, and 40 beaver and 30 otter skins ; and that the English should immediately send a vessel with a cargo of cloth to trade with them. The names of these ambassadors are not recorded ; but one signed the treaty with the mark of a bow and arrow, and the other with that of a hand. The same day about 2 or 300 Narragansets were discovered at Neponset, who had marched out for the purpose of killing these ambassadors. This discovery being made before the treaty was concluded, the English met them at Roxbury, and there negotiated a treaty between the Pequots and them. For the furtherance of which, the Pequots instructed the English to present them with a portion of the warnpom which they were to give to them ; but. not as coming from them, because they disdained to purchase peace of that nation The Narragansets readily conceding to the wishes of the English, all partiea retired satisfied. Distrust soon grew again into antipathy ; it having been reported that Stone and those with him were treacherously surprised by the Pequots who had gone on board his vessel in a friendly manner to trade ; and seeing Captain Stone asleep in his cabin, they killed him, and the other men one after the other, except Captain Norton, who, it seems, was with him ; he being a resolute man, defended himself for some time in the cook-room, but at length, some powder, which for the more ready use he had placed in an open vessel, took fire and exploded, by which he was so seriously injured, especially in his eyes, that he could hold out no longer, and he was forthwith despatched by them. This matter at length having become fixed in the minds of the English according to the latter relation, they were the more ready to charge other circumstances of a like nature upon the Pequots. On the 20 July, 1636, as Mr. John Oldham was on his passage passing near Manisses, that is, Block Island, in a small pinnace, 14 Narraganset Indians attacked and killed him, and made his crew prisoners, which consisted only of two boys and two Narraganset Indians. The same day, as John Gallop was on his passage from Connecticut, in a bark of 20 tons, an adverse wind drove him near the same island. On seeing a vessel in possession of Indians, he bore down upon her, and itn mediately knew her to be Captain Oldham's. He hailed those on board, but received no answer, and soon saw a boat pass from the vessel to the shore full of men and goods. As Gallop neared the suspicious vessel, she slipped her fastening, and the wind being off the land drifted her towards Narragan- 168 SEA-FIGHT. JOHN GALLOP. ' [Boon II set. Notwithstanding some of the Indians were armed with guns and swords, Gallop, being in a stouter vessel, resolved on running them down ; he there fore made all sail, and immediately stemmed the pirate vessel on the quarter with such force as nearly to overset her, and in their fright six Indians jumped Overboard and were drowned. The rest standing upon the defensive, and being yet far superior in numbers to Gallop's crew, which consisted of two little boys and one man, to board them was thought too hazardous ; Gallop therefore stood off to repeat his broadside method of attack. Meanwhile he contrived to lash his anchor to his bows in such a manner, that when he came down upon the Indians a second time, the force was sufficient to drive the fluke of the anchor through their quarter ; which, holding there, both vessels floated along together. The Indians had now become so terrified, that they stood not to the fight, but kept in the hold of the pinnace. Gallop fired in upon them sundry times, but without much execution, and meantime the vessels got loose iTom one another, and Gallop stood off again for a third attack. As soon as he was clear of them, four more of the Indians jumped overboard, and were also drowned. Gallop now ventured to board his prize. One of the remaining Indians came up and surrendered, and was bound ; another came up and submitted, whom they also bound, but fearing to have both on board, this last was cast into the sea. Two out of the 14 now remained, who had got posses sion of the hold of the pinnace, and there successfully defended themselves with their swords against, their enemy. Captain Oldham was found dead in the vessel, concealed under an old seine, and as his body was not entirely cold, it was evident that he had been killed about the time his pinnace was discov ered by Gallop. From the condition in which Oldham's body was found, it was quite uncer tain whether he had fallen in an affray, or been murdered deliberately ; but it is very probable that the former was the fact, because it was uncommon for the Indians to disfigure the slain, unless killed as enemies, and Oldham's body was shockingly mangled. But Captain Oldham had been killed by the Indians, and the cry of vengeance was up, and cool investigation must not be looked for. The murder had been committed by the Indians of Manisses, but Ma- nisses was under the Narragansets ; therefore it was believed that the Narra- gansets had contrived his death because he was carrying into effect the articles of the late treaty between the Pequots and English. The two boys who were with Mr. Oldham were not injured, and were immediately given up and sent to Boston, where they arrived the 30th of the same month. As soon as Miantunnomoh heard of the affair of Captain Oldham, he ordered Ninigret to send for the boys and goods to Block Island. The boys he caused to be delivered to Mr. Williams, and the goods he held subject to the order of the English of Massachusetts. Meanwhile, 26 July, the two Indians who were in Mr. Oldham's pinnace when she was taken, were sent by Canonicus to Governor Vane. They brought a letter from Roger Williams, which gave an account of the whole affair, and some circumstances led the English to believe these messengers were accessory to the death of Oldham; but we know not if any thing farmer were ever done about it. The same letter informed the governor that Mian tunnomoh had gone, with 200 men in 17 canoes, " to take revenge, &c." These events and transactions soon caused the convening of the governor and council of Massachusetts, who forthwith declared war against the Indians of Manisses. Accordingly 90 men were raised and put under the command of Captain John Endecott, who was general of the expedition. John Underbill and Nathaniel Turner were captains, and Jenyson and Davenport ensigns. Endecotfs instructions were .to put to death the men of Block Island, but to make captives of the women and children. This armament set forth in three pinnaces, with two Indians as guides, 25 September, 1636. On arriving at Manisses they saw many Indians, but could not get near them. At Pequot harbor, a part of the armament seized a quantity of corn belonging to the Pequots, and were attacked and obliged to fly. However, the Narragansets reported that there were 13 Pequots killed during the expedition. The English were satisfied that they had harbored the murderers of Oldham, which occasioned their sailing to Pequot harbor. It being now late in the season, the expedition was given up, to be resumed early in the spring. CHAP. VI.] PEQUOT DEPREDATIONS. 169 The Pequots, being now left to themselves, commenced depredations wher ever they dared appear. About the beginning of October, as five men from Saybrook were collecting hay at a meadow four miles above that place, they were attacked, and one of them, named Butterjidd, was taken and killed ; from which circumstance the meadow still bears his name. About 14 days after, two men were taken in a cornfield two miles from Saybrook fort. There were six of the whites, and they were surrounded by 2 or 300 Indians, yet all escaped but two. Thus imboldened by success, they carried their depredations within bowshot of Saybrook fort, killing one cow and shooting arrows into sundry others. On the 21 October, Miantunnomoh, fearing fbr the safety of his English friends, came to Boston, accompanied by two of Canonicus's sons, another sachem, and about 20 men. Kutshamakin had given notice of his coming, and a company of soldiers met him at Roxbury and escorted him into the town. Here he entered into a treaty with the English, by which it was mutually agreed that neither should make peace with the Pequots without the consent of the other ; and to put to death or deliver up murderers. About the same time, John Tilley was taken and killed, and tortured in a most barbarous manner. As he was sailing down Connecticut River in his bark, he landed about three miles above Saybrook fort, and having shot at some fowl, the report of his gun directed the Indians to the spot. They took him prisoner at first, and then cut off' his hands and feet He lived three days after his hands were cut oft', and bore this torture without complaint, which gained him the reputation of being "a stout man" among his tormentors. These facts were reported by the Indians themselves. Another man who was with Tilley was at the same time killed. On the 22 February, Lieutenant Gardner and nine men went out of Saybrook fort, and were drawn into an ambush, where four of them were killed, and the rest escaped with great difficulty. On April 12, six men and three women were killed at Weathersfield. They at the same time killed 20 cows and a horse, and carried away two young women. Alarm was now general throughout the English plantations. Miantunnomoh having sent a messenger to Boston to notify the English that the Pequots had sent away their women and children to an island, 40 men were immediately sent to Narraganset to join others raised by Miantunnomoh, with the intention of falling upon them by surprise. In the mean time, Captain Mason, with a company of 90 men, had been raised by Connecticut and sent into the Pequot country. He was accom panied by Uiicas and a large body of his warriors, who, in their march to Saybrook, 15 May, fell upon about 30 Pequots and killed 7 of them. One being taken alive, to their everlasting disgrace it will be remembered, that the English caused him to be tortured ; and the heads of all the slain were cut off, and set up on the walls of the fort.* Immediately after Captains Mason and Underhitt set out to attack one of the forts of Sassacus. This fort was situated upon an eminence in the present town of Groton, Connecticut. The English arrived in its vicinity on the 25th of May ; and on the 26th, before day, with about 500 Indians, encompassed it, and began a furious attack. The Mohegans and Narragansets discovered great fear on approaching the fort, and could not believe that the English would dare to attack it. When they came to the foot of the hill on which it was situated, Captain Mason was apprehensive of being abandoned by them, and, making a halt, sent for Uncas, who led the Mohegans, and Wequash, their pilot, who was a fugitive Pequot chief.f and urged them not to desert him, but to follow him at any distance they pleased. These Indians had all along told the English they dared not fight the Pequots, but boasted how they themselves would fight Mason told them now they should see whether Englishmen * Winthrop's Journal, and Mason's Hist. Pequot War. Dr. Mather's account of this affair has been given in the life of Uncas. t The same, it is believed, elsewhere called Waqnash Cook ; "which Wequash (says Dr 1. Mather) was by birth a sachem of that place [where Sassacus lived], but upon some disgust received, he went from the Pequots to the Narragansets, and became a chief captain under AJiantunnoinoh." Relation, 47. 15 170 DESTRUCTION OF THE PEQUOTS. ' [Bo OK II would fight or not. Notwithstanding their boastings, they could not oveicome the terror which the name of Sassacus had inspired in them, and they kept at a safe distance until the fight was over; hut assisted considerably in repelling the attacks of the Pequots, in the retreat from the fort ; for their warriors, on recovering from their consternation, collected in a considerable body, and fought the confederates for many miles. The English had but 77 men, which were divided into two companies, one led by Mason, and the other by Underhill. The Indians were all within their fort, asleep in their wigwams, and the barking of a dog was the first notice they had of the approach of the enemy, yet. very few knew the cause of the alarm, until met by the naked swords of the foe. The fort had two entrances at opposite points, into which each party of English were led, sword in hand. "Wanux! Wanux!"* was the cry of Sassacus's men ; and such was their surprise, that they made very feeble resistance. Having only their own missile weapons, they could do nothing at hand to hand with the English rapiers. They were pursued from wigwam to wigwam, and slaughtered in eveiy secret place. Women and children were cut to pieces, while endeavor ing to hide themselves in and under their beds. At length fire was set in the mats that covered the wigwams, which furiously spread over the whole fort, and the dead and dying were together consumed. A part of the English had formed a circumference upon the outside, and shot such as attempted to fly. Many ascended the pickets to escape the flames, but were shot down by those stationed for that purpose. About 600 persons were supposed to have perish ed in this fight; or, perhaps I should say, massacre, f There were but two English killed, and but one of those by the enemy, and about 20 wounded. Sassacus himself was in another fort ; and, being informed of the ravages of the English, destroyed his habitations, and, with about 80 others, fled to the Mohawks, who treacherously beheaded him, and sent his scalp to the English. The author of the following lines in " Yamoyden," alludes to this melan choly event happily, though not truly : "And SassacOus, now no more, On Mystic's banks, in one red night: Lord of a thousand bowmen, fled ; The once far-dreaded king in vain And all the chiefs, his boast before, Sought safety in inglorious flight ; Were mingled with the unhonored dead. And reft of all his regal pride, Samiap and Sagamore were slain, By the fierce Maqua's hand he died." One of the most unfeeling passages flows from the pen of Hubbard, in hia account of this war ; which, together with the fact he records, forms a most distressing picture of depravity. We would gladly turn from it, but justice to the Indians demands it, and we give it in his own words : The Narragansets had surrounded " some hundreds " of the Pequots, and kept them until some of Captain Stoughtori's soldiers "made an easy con quest of them." " The men among them to the number of 30, were presently turned into Charon's ferry-boat, under the command of Skipper Gallop, who dispatched them a little without the harbor ! " Thus were 30 Indians taken into a vessel, earned out to sea, murdered, and, in the agonies of death, thrown overboard, to be buried under the silent waves ! Whereabouts they were captured, or " without " what " harbor " they perished, we are not informed ; but, from the nature of the circumstances, it would seem that they were taken on the borders of the Narraganset country, and murdered at the mouth of some of the adjacent harbors. That these poor wretches were thus revengefully sacrificed, should have been enough to allay the hatred in the human breast of all who knew it, especially the historian ! But he must imagine that, in their passage to their grave, they did not go in a vessel of human contrivance, but in a boat belong ing to a river of hell ! thereby forestalling his reader's mind that they had been sent to that abode. * Allen's History of the Pequot War. It signified, Englishmen! Englishmen! In Mason' 's history, it is written Owanux. Allen merely copied from Mason, with a few such variations. t "It was supposed," says Mather, " that no less than 500 or 600 Pequot souls were brought down to hell that day." Relation, 47. We in charity suppose, that by hell the doctc r oaij meant death. CHAP. VI.] LETTER OF CAPTAIN STOUGHTON. 171 Notwithstanding the great slaughter at Mistick, there were great numbers of Pequots in the country, who were hunted from swamp to swamp, and their numbers thinned continually, until a remnant promised to appear no more as a nation. The English, under Captain Stoughton, came into Pequot River ahout a fortnight after the Mistick fight, and assisted in the work of their extermina tion. After his arrival in the enemy's country, he wrote to the governor of Massachusetts, as follows: "By this pinnace, you shall receive 48 or 50 women and children, unless there stay any here to be helpful, &c. Concern ing which, there is one, I formerly mentioned, that is the fairest and largest that I saw amongst them, to whom I have given a coate to cloathe her. It is my desire to have her for a servant, if it may stand with your good liking, else not. There is a little squaw that steward Culacut desireth, to whom he hath given a coate. Lieut. Davenport also desireth one, to wit, a small one, that hath three strokes upon her stomach, thus : \\\ -)-. He desireth her, if it will stand with your good liking. Sosomon, the Indian, desireth a young little squaw, which I know not " At present, Mr. Haynes, Mr. Ludlo, Captain Mason, and 30 men are with us in Pequot River, and we shall the next week joine in seeing what we can do against Sassacus, and another great sagamore, Monowattuck, [Mononotto.] Here is yet good work to be done, and how dear it will cost is unknown. Sassacus is resolved to sell his life, and so the other with their company, as dear as they can." * Perhaps it will be judged that Stoughton was looking more after the profit arising from the sale of captives, than for warriors to fight with. Indeed, Mason's account does not give him much credit Speaking of the English employed in this expedition, Wolcott thus im mortalizes them : " These were the men, this was the little band, That durst the force of the new world withstand. These were the men that by their swords made way For peace and safety in America." VACANT HOURS, 44. There was a manifest disposition on the part of Uncas, Canonicus, Miantunnomoh and Ninigret, and perhaps other chiefs, to screen the poor, denounced, and flying Pequots, who had escaped the flames and sworda of the English in their war with them. Part of a correspondence about these sachems' harboring them, between JR. Williams and the governor of Massachusetts, is preserved in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society ; from which it appears, that Massachusetts had requested Mr. Williams to explain to the chiefs the consequences to be depended upon, if they did not strictly observe their agreement in regard to the fugitive Pequots. Otash^ carried to Mr. Williams a letter from the Massachusetts governor upon this subject. After he had obeyed its contents, as far as he was able, he answered, that he went with Olash u to the Nanhiggonticks, and having got Canounicus and Miantunnomu, with their council, together, I acquainted them faithfully with the contents of your letter, both grievances and threatenings ; and to demonstrate, I produced the copy of the league, (which Mr. [Sir Henry] Vane sent me,) and, with breaking of a straw in two or three places, I showed them what they had done." These chiefs gave 5lr. fyittianis to understand, that, when Mr. Governor understood what they had to say, he would be satisfied with then- conduct; that they did not wish to make trouble, but they "could relate many particulars wherein the English had broken their promises" since the war. In regard to^some squaws that had escaped from the English, Canonicus said he had not seen any, but heard of some, and immediately ordered them to be carried back again, and had not since heard of them, but would now have the country searched for them, to satisfy the governor. Miantunnomoh said he had never heard of but six, nor saw but four of them * Map'' Jt -npt letter of Captain Stoughton, on file among our state papers. * sotaask, Mr. Williams writes his iiame. 172 OF THE PEQUOT NATION. ' V [BOOK II. which heing brought to him, he was angry, and asked those who brought them why they did not carry them to Mr. Williams, that he might convey them to the English. They told him the squaws were lame, and could not go ; upon which Miantunnomoh sent to Mr. Williams to come and take them. Mr. Wil liams could not attend to it, and in his turn ordered Miantunnomoh to do it, who said he was busy and could not ; " as indeed he was (says Williams] in a strange kind of solemnity, wherein the sachims eat nothing but at night, and all the natives round about the country were feasted." In the mean time the squaws escaped. Miantunnomoh said he was sorry that the governor should think he wanted these squaws, for he did not. Mr. Williams told him he knew of his sending for one. Of this charge he fairly cleared himself, saying, the one sent for was not for himself, but for Sassamun,* who was lying lame at his house ; that Sassamun fell in there in his way to Pequt, whither he had been sent by the governor. The squaw he wanted was a sachem's daughter, who had been a particular friend of Miantunnomoh during his lifetime ; therefore, in kindness to his dead friend, he wished to ransom her. Moreover, Miantunnomoh said, he and his people were true "to the English in life or death," and but for which, he said, Okase [Unkus] and his Mohiga- neucks had long since proved false, as he still feared they would. For, he said, they had never found a Pequot, and added, " Chenock ejuse wdompati- muckst" that is, "Did ever friends deal so with friends?" Mr. Williams requiring more particular explanation, Miantunnomoh proceeded : "My brother, Yotaash, had seized upon Puttaquppuunck, Qwame, and 20 Pequots, and 60 squaws ; they killed three and bound the rest, whom they watched all night. Then they sent for the English, and delivered them in the morning to them. I came by land, according to promise, with 200 men, killing 10 Pequots by the way. I desired to see the great sachem Puttaquppu unck, whom my brother had taken, who was now in the English houses, but the English thrust at me with a pike many times, that I durst not come near the door." Mr. Williams told him they did not know him, else they would not ; but Miantunnomoh answered, " All my company were disheartened, and they all, and Cutshamoquene, desired to be gone." Besides, he said, " two of my men, Wagonckwhut \ and Maunamoh [Mdhamoh] were their guides to Sesquankit, from the river's mouth." Upon which, Mr. Williams adds to the governor : " Sir, I dare not stir coals, but I saw them too much disregarded by many." Mr. Williams told the sachems " they received Pequts and wampom without Mr. Governor's consent. Cannounicus replied, that although he and Miantun- nomu had paid many hundred fathom of wampum to their soldiers, as Mr. Governor did, yet he had not received one yard of beads nor a Pequt. Nor, saith Miantunnomu, did I, but one small present from four women of Long Island, which were no Pequts, but of that isle, being afraid, desired to put themselves under my protection." The Pequot war has generally been looked upon with regret, by all good men, since. To exterminate a people before they had any opportunity to become enlightened, that is, to be made acquainted with the reason of other usages towards their fellow beings than those in which they had been brought up, is a great cause of lamentation ; and if it proves any thing, it proves that great ignorance and barbarism lurked in the hearts of their exterminators. We do not mean to exclude by this remark the great body of the present inhabitants of the earth from the charge of such barbarism. In the records of the United Colonies for the year 1647, it is mentioned that " Mr. John Winthrop making claim to a great quantity of land at Niantic by purchase from the Indians, gave in to the commissioners a petition in those words : ' Whereas I had the land of Niantick by a deed of gift and purchase from the sachem [Sassacus] before the [Pequot] wars, I desire the commis sioners will be pleased to confirm it unto me, and clear it from any claim of * Probably the same mentioned afterwards. He mi^ht have been the famous John Sassa- non, or his brother Ron-land. t Perhaps Waligunuiciil, or Waliginnacut. CHAP. VI.] MONONOTTO. 173 English and Indians, according to the equity of the case.' " JPinthrop had no writing from Sassacus, and full ten years had elapsed since the transaction, but Fromatush, lf r amberquaske, and Anluppo testified some time after, that " upon their knowledge before the wars were against the Pequots, Sassaciis their sachem of Niantic did call them and all his men together, and told that he was resolved to give his country to the governor's son of the Massachusetts, who lived then at Pattaquassat alias Connecticut River's mouth, and all his men declared themselves willing therewith. Thereupon he went to him to Patta- quassets, and when he came back he told them he had granted all his country to him the said governor's son, and said he was his good friend, and he hoped he would send some English thither some time hereafter. Moreover, he told him he had received coats from him for it, which they saw him bring home." This was not said by those Indians themselves, but several English said they heard them say so. The commissioners, however, set aside his claim with considerable appearance of independence. Dr. Dicight thus closes his poem upon the destruction of the Pequots: " Undaunted, on their foes they fiercely flew ; As fierce the dusky warriors crowd the fight ; Despair inspires ; to combat's face they glue ; With groans and shouts, they rage, unknowing flight, And close their sullen eyes, in shades of endless night. Indulge, my native land, indulge the tear That steals, impassioned, o'er a nation's doom. To me, each twig from Adam's stock is near, And sorrows fall upon an Indian's tomb." And, O ye chiefs ! in yonder starry home, Accept the humble tribute of this rhyme. Your gallant deeds, in Greece, or haughty Rome, Bv Maro sun?, or Homer's harp sublime, Ffacl charmecl the world's wide round, and triumphed over time.'' Another, already mentioned, and the next in consequence to Sassacus, was MONONOTTO. Hubbard calls him a "noted Indian," whose wife and children fell into the hands of the English, and as " it was known to be by her media tion that two English maids (that were taken away from Weathersfield, upon Connecticut River) were saved from death, in requittal of whose pity and humanity, the life of herself and children was not only granted her, but she was in special recommended to the care of Gov. Winthrop, of Massachusetts." Mononotto fled with Sassacus to the Mohawks, for protection, with several more chiefs. He was not killed by them, as Sassacus was, but escaped from them wounded, and probably died by the hands of his English enemies. He is thus mentioned by Governor Jfb/coft, in his poem upon Winthrop's agen cy, &c. " Prince Mononotto sees his squadrons fly, And on our general having fixed his eye, Rage and revenge his spirits quickening, He set a mortal arrow in the string." On the 5 August, 1637, Governor Wlnthrop makes the following entry in hia journal : " Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Pincheon, and about 12 more, came by land from Connecticut, and brought with them a part of the skin and lock of hair of Sasacus and his brother and 5 other Pequod sachems, who being fled to the Mohawks for shelter, with their wampom (being to the value of 500) were by them surprised and slain, with 20 of their best men. Mononottoh was also taken, but escaped wounded. They brought news also of divers other Pequods which had been slain by other Indians, and their heads brought to the English ; so that now there had been slain and taken between 8 and 900." The first troubles with the Pequots have already been noticed. It was among the people of Mononotto, that the English caused the blood of a Pequot to flow. Some English had been killed, but there is no more to excuse the murder of a Pequot than an Englishman. The English had injured the Indians of Block Island all in their power, which, it seems, did not satisfy them, and they next undertook to make spoil upon them in their own country lo 174 MONONOTTO. CASSASSINNAMON. ' IBoiK II upon Connecticut River. "As they were sailing up the river, says Dr. /. Mather, many of the Pequots on both sides of the river called to them, desirous to know what was their end in coming thither." * They answered, that they desired 'to speak with Sassacus ; being told that Sassacus had gone to Long Island, they then demanded that Mononotto should appear, and they pretended he was from home also. However, they went on shore and demanded the murderers of Captain Stone, and were told that if they would wait they would send for them, and that Mononotto would come immediately. But very wisely the Pequots, in the mean time, "transported their goods, women and children to another place." f One of them then told the English that Mononotto would not come. Then the English began to do what mischief they could to them, and a skirmish followed, wherein one Indian was killed, and an Englishman was wounded." { The name of Mononotto j s wife appears to have been WINCUMBONE. She should not be overlooked in speaking of Mononotto, as she was instrumental in saving the life of an Englishman, as disinterestedly as Pocahontas saved that of Captain Smith. Some English had gone to trade with the Pequots, and to recover some horses which they had stolen, or picked up on their lands. Two of the English went on shore, and one went into the sachem's wigwam and demanded the horses. The Indians within slyly absented themselves, and Mincumbone, knowing their intention, told him to fly, for the Indians were making preparations to kill him. He barely escaped to the boat, being follow ed by a crowd to the shore. CASSASSINNAMON was a noted Pequot chief, of whom we have some account as early as 1659. In that year a difficulty arose about the limits of Southerton, since called Stouington, in Connecticut, and several English were sent to settle the difficulty, which was concerning the location of Wekapauge. "For to help us (they say) to understand where Wekapauge is, we desired some Po- quatucke Indians to go with us." Cassassinnamon was one who assisted. They told the English that " Cashaivassd (the governor of Wekapauge) did charge them that they should not go any further than the east side of a little swamp, near the east end of the first great pond, where they did pitch down a stake, and told us [the English] that Cashawasset said that that very place was Wekapauge ; said that he said it and not them ; and if they should say that Wekapauge did go any further, Cashawasset would be angry." Cashawasset after this had confirmed to him and those under him, 8000 acres of land in the Pequot country, with the provision that they continued subjects of Massachu setts, and should " not sell or alienate the said lands, or any part thereof to any English man or men, without the court's approbation." The neck of land called Quinicuntauge was claimed by both parties ; but Cassassinnamon said that when a whale was some time before cast ashore there, no one disputed Cashaivassefs claim to it, which, it is believed, settled the question : Cashawasset was known generally by the name of Harmon Garrett. We next meet with Cassassinnamon in Philip's war, in which he command ed a company of Pequots, and accompanied Captain Denison in his successful career, and was present at the capture of Canonchet. \\ In November, 1651, Cassassinnamon and eight others executed a sort of an agreement "with the townsmen of Pequot," afterward called J\"eiv London. What kind of agreement it was we are not told. His name was subscribed Casesymamon. Among the other names we see Obbachickwood, Neesouiveegun alias Daniel, Cutchdmaquin and Mahmaioambam. Cassassinnamon, it is said, signed "in his own behalf and the behalf of the rest of Narneeag Indians." If * Relation, 44. t Ibid. t Ibid. Captain Lion Gardener, who had some men in this affair, gives qiite a different account. See life of Kutshamoqttin , pkas Kutshamakin. 6 Several manuscript documents. II Httbbard. U 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. x. 101. CHAP. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS. 175 CHAPTER VII. Of the Praying or Christian Indians in New England Difficult to Christianize them iMbors of John Eliot WAUBAN the first Christian sagamore Indian laws Uncas protests against the attempt to convert his people Ninigret refuses to receive missionaries The Indian Bible PIAMUOUHOU SPEEN PENNAHANNIT TUKAPEWILLIN OoNAMOG AHATAWANCE WATTASSACOMPONUM HlACOOMES MlOHQSOO OcCUM TlTUBA. IT must be exceedingly difficult, as all experience has shown, to cause any people to abandon a belief or faith in a matter, unless it be one on which the reasoning powers of the mind can be brought to act. The most ignorant people must be convinced, that many effects which they witness are produced by obvious causes ; but there are so many others for which they cannot dis cover a cause, that they hesitate not to deny any natural cause for them at once. And notwithstanding that, from day to day, causes are developing themselves, and showing them, that many results which they had viewed as proceeding from a super natural cause hitherto, was nothing but a natural one, and which, when discovered, appeared perfectly simple, too, yet, for the want of the means of investigation, they would be looked upon as miraculous. These facts have been more than enough, among the scientific world, to cause them to look upon the most latent causes, with a hope that, in due time, they would unfold themselves also; and, finally, leave nothing for any agent to perform but nature itself. When the Indian, therefore, is driven by reason, or the light of science, from his strong-hold of ignorance, or, in other words, superstition, he is extremely liable to fall into the opposite extreme, to which allusion has just been made, because he will unhesitatingly say, what once appeared past all discovery has been shown to be most plain, and therefore it is not only possible, but even probable, that others will be disclosed of a like character. It so happens, that in attempting to substitute one faith for another, in the minds of Indians, that the one proposed admits of no better demonstration than the one already possessed by them; for their manner of transmitting things to be remembered, is the most impressive and sacred, as will be else where observed in our work. That any thing false should be handed down from their aged matrons and sires, could not be for a moment believed ; and hence, that the stories of a strange people should be credited, instead of what they had heard from day to day from their youth up, from those who could have no possible motive to deceive them, could not be expected ; and there fore no one will wonder for a moment that the gospel has met with so few believers among the Indians. All this, aside from their dealers in mysteries, the powwows, conjurers or priests, as they are variously denominated, whose office is healing the sick, appeasing the wrath of the invisible spirits by charms and unintelligible mummery. These characters took upon them selves, also, the important affair of determining the happiness each was to enjoy after death ; assuring the brave and the virtuous that they should go to a place of perpetual spring, where game in the greatest plenty abounded, and every thing that the most perfect happiness required. Now, as a belief in any other religion promised no more, is it strange that a new one should be slow in gaining credence ? Considerations of this nature inevitably press in upon us, and cause us not to wonder, as many have done, that, for the first thirty years after the settle ment of New England, so little was effected by the gospel among the Indians. The great difficulty of communicating with them by interpreters must have been slow in the extreme ; and it must be considered, also, that a great length of time must have been consumed before any of these could perform their office with any degree of accuracy; the Indian language being unlike every other, and bearing no analogy to any known tongue whatever ; and then, the peculiar custom of the Indians must be considered ; their long delays before they would answer to any proposition ; but more than all, we hav e to con 176 PRAYING INDIANS. NESUTAN. [Boos II. sider the natural distrust that must necessarily arise in the minds of every people, at the sudden influx of strangers among them. When any new theoiy was presented to their minds, the first questions that would present themselves, would most unquestionably be, What are the real motives of this new people? Do they really love us, as they pretend? Do they really love one another ? or do they not live, many of them, upon one another ? Is not this new state of things, which they desire, to enable them to subsist by us, and in time to enslave us, or deprive us of our possessions? Does it not appear that these strangers are full of selfishness, and, therefore, have every motive which that passion gives rise to for deceiving us ? Hence, we repeat, that it can hardly be thought strange that Christianity has made bo slow progress among the Indians. Notwithstanding one of the ostensible objects of nearly all the royal char ters and patents issued for British North America was the Christianizing of the Indians, few could be found equal to the task on arriving here ; where wants of every kind required nearly all their labors, few could be found willing to forego every comfort to engage in a work which presented so many difficulties. Adventurers were those, generally, who emigrated with a view to bettering their own condition, instead of that of others. At length Mr. John Eliot, seeing that little or nothing could be effected through the medium of his own language, resolved to make himself maste) of the Indian, and then to devote himself to their service. Accordingly he hired * an old f Indian, named Job JVesutan, J to live in his family, and to teach him his language. When he had accomplished this arduous task, which he did in " a few rnonths," he set out upon his first attempt ; having given notice to some Indians at Nonantum,\\ since Newton,1[ of his intention. With three others he met the Indians for the first time, 28 October, 1646. Waau- bon,** whose name signified tcindtf "a wise and grave man, though no Sachem, with five or six Indians met them at some distance from their wig wams, and bidding them welcome, conducted them into a large apartment, where a great number of the natives were gathered together, to hear this new doctrine." || After prayers, and an explanation of the ten commandments, Mr. Eliot informed them "of the dreadful curse of God that would fall upon all those that brake them : He then told them who Jesus Christ was, where he was now gone, and how he would one day come again to judge the world in flaming fire." After about an hour spent in this manner, the Indians had liberty to ask any questions in relation to what had been said. Whereupon one stood up and asked, How he. could know Jesus Christ ? Another, Whether Englishmen were ever so ignorant of him as the Indians ? A third, Jfliether Jesus Christ could understand prayers in Indian ? Another, How there could be an image of God, since it was forbidden in the second commandment ? Another, Whether, according to the second commandment, the child must suffer, though he be good, for the sins of its parents ? And lastly, How all the world became full of people, if they were all once droumed in the flood '? The second meeting was upon 11 November, following. Mr. Eliot met the Indians again, and after catechising the children, and preaching an hour to the congregation, heard and answered, among others, the following ques tions. Hoio the English came to differ so much from the Indians in their knowl edge of Cod and Jesus Christ, since they had all at first but one Father ? An other desired to know, How it came to pass that sea-water was salt and river water fresh ? And another, That if the ivater was higher than the earth, how it happened that it did not overflow it ? The third meeting took place soon after, namely, on 26 of the same month, * Neal, Hist. N. Eng. i. 222. t N. En. Bio ff . Dictionary, art. ELIOT. t See p. 51 of this book, ante. Neal.. Hist. N. Eng. i. 123. || " Near Watertown mill, upon the south side of Charles River, about four or five miles trom his own house, [in Roxbury,] where lived at that time Waban, one of their principal men, and some Indians with him." Gookin, (Hist. Col.) 168. TI Nonantum, or Noonatomen, signified a place of rejoicing, or rejoicing. Neal, i. 216. * Wauban, Magnolia, iii. 196. ft Ibid. it Dajf-breaking of the Gospel in N. Eng., in Neal, i. 223. CHAP. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS. THEIR LAWS. 177 but was not so well attended. The powwows and sachems had dissuaded some, and by threats deterred others from meeting upon such occasions. Still there were considerable numbers that got attached to Mr. Eliot, and in a few days after, Wampas, "a wise and sage Indian," and two others, with some of his children, came to the English. He desired that these might be edu cated in the Christian faith. At the next meeting all the Indians present " offered their children to be catechised and instructed by the English, who upon this motion resolved to set up a school among them." Mr. Eliot, notwithstanding his zeal, seems well to have understood, that something beside preaching was necessary to reform the lives of the Indians ; and that was, their civilization by education. It is said that one of his noted sayings was, The Indians must be civilized as well as, if not in order to their be'ing, Christianized.* Therefore, the request of the Indians at Nonantum was not carried into effect until a place could be fixed upon where a regular settlement should be made, and the catechumens had shown their zeal for the cause by assembling themselves there, and conforming to the English mode of living. In the end this was agreed upon, and Natick was fixed as the place for a town, and the following short code of laws was set up and agreed to : I. If any man be idle a week, or at most a fortnight, he shall pay five shillings. IL If any unmarried man shall lie with a young woman unmarried, he shah 1 pay twenty shillings. in. If any man shall beat his wife, his hands shall be tied behind him, and he shall be carried to the place of justice to be severely punished. IV. Every young man, if not another's servant, and if unmarried, shall be compelled to set up a wigwam, and plant for himself, and not shift up and down in other wigwams. V. If any woman shall not have her hah* tied up, but hang loose, or be cut as men's hair, she shall pay five shillings. VI. If any woman shall go with naked breasts, she shall pay two shillings. VII. All men that wear long locks shall pay five shillings. VIIL If any shall kill their lice between their teeth, they shall pay five shillings. In January following another company of praying Indians was established at Concord ; and there were soon several other places where meetings were held throughout the country, from Cape Cod to Narraganset.f Of these, Mr. Eliot visited as many and as often as he was able. From the following pas sage in a letter which he wrote to Mr. Winslow of Plimouth, some idea may be formed of the hardships he underwent in his pious labors. He says, " 1 have not been dry night nor day, from the third day of the week unto the sixth, but so travelled, and at night pull off my boots, wring my stockings, and on with them again, and so continue. But God steps in and helps." \ The chiefs and powwows would not have suffered even so much ground to have been gained by the gospel, but for the awe they were in of the Eng lish power. "Nor is this to be wondered at," says the very good historian, Mr. Need, " for if it be very difficult to civilize barbarous nations, 'tis rot ch more so to make them Christians : All men have naturally a veneratior for the religion of their ancestors, and the prejudices of education are insupera ble without the extraordinary grace of God." " The Monhegin Indians were so jealous of the general court's obliging them to pray to God, that Uncos, their sachem, went to the court at Hartford to protest against it. Cutshamoquin, another sachem, came to the Indian lecture, and openly protested against their building a town, telling the Eng lish, that all the sachems in the country were against it. He was so honest as to tell Mr. Eliot the reason of it ; for (says he) the Indians that pray to God do not pay me tribute, as formerly they did ; which was in part true, for whereas before the sachem was absolute master of his subjects ; their lives and fortunes being at his disposal ; they gave him now no more than they thought reasonable ; but to wipe off the reproach that Cidshamoquin had laid upon them, those few praying Indians present, told Mr. Eliot what they had Hntchinson, Hist. Mass. i. 163. f Neal, i. 226230. J Magnalia, in. 196. This word, when applied to the education of the Indians among themselves, is to be UH derstood in an opposite sense from its common acceptation : thus, to instruct in superstition* nd idolatry, is what is not meant by education among us. M 178 PRAYING INDIANS. INDIAN BIBLE. ' [BooK II. done for their sachem the two last years, leaving him to judge whether their prince had any reason to complain." They said they had given him 26 bushels of corn at one time, and six at another ; that, in hunting for him two days, they had killed him 15 deers ; broke up for him two acres of land ; made him a great wigwam; "made him 20 rods of fence with a ditch and two rails about it ; " paid a debt for him of 3, 10s. " One of them gave him a skin of beaver of two pounds, besides many days works in planting corn altogether ; yea, they said they would willingly do more if he would govern them justly by the word of God. But the sachem swelling with indignation, at this unmannerly discourse of his vassals, turned his back upon the com pany and went away in the greatest rage imaginable ; though upon better consideration, himself turned Christian not long after." Mr. Experience Mayheio met with similar occurrences many years after. Upon a visit to the Narragansets, he sent for Ninigret, the sachem, and desired of him leave to preach to his people ; but the sachem told him to go and make the English good first ; and observed, further, that some of the English kept Saturday, others Sunday, and others no day at all for worship ; so that if his people should have a mind to turn Christians, they could not tell what religion to be of. Ninigret further added, that Mr. Mayhew might try his skill first with the Pequots and Mohegans, and if they submitted to the Christian religion, possibly he and his people might, but they would not be the first.* In the meanwhile, Mr. Eliot had translated the whole BIBLE into Indian, f also BAXTER'S CALL, Mr. Shepherd's SINCERE CONVERT, and his SOUND BE LIEVER, J besides some other performances, as a Grammar, Psalter, Primers, Catechisms, the PRACTICE OF PIETY, &c. It is amusing to hear what our old valued friend, Dr. C. Mather, says of Eliot's Bible. " This Bible," he says, " was printed here at our Cambridge ; and it is the only Bible that ever was printed in all America, from the very foundation of the world." || The same author observes, that " the whole translation was writ with but one pen, which pen had it not been lost, would have certainly deserved a richer case than was bestowed upon that pen, with which Holland^ writ his translation of Plutarch," It was long since inquired, " What benefit has all this toil and suffering produced ? Is there a vestige of it remaining ? -Were the Indians in reality bettered by the great efforts of their friends ? " " Mr. Eliot" says Dr. Doug lass, " with immense labor translated and printed our Bible into Indian. It was done with a good, pious design, but it must be reconed among the Otio- sorum hominum negotia : It was done in the Natick [Nipmuk] language. Of the Naticks, at present, there are not 20 families subsisting, and scarce any of these can read. Cui boni ! " ** By the accounts left us, it will be perceived, that for many years after the exertions of Eliot, Gookin, Mayhew and others, had been put in operation, there was no inconsiderable progress made in the great undertaking of Christianizing the Indians. Natick, the oldest praying town, contained, in 1674, 29 families, in which perhaps were about 145 persons. The name Natick signified a place of hills. Waban was the chief man here, " who," says Mr. Gookin, " is now about 70 years of age. He is a person of great prudence and piety : I do not know any Indian mat excels him." Pakemitt, or Punkapaog, (" which takes its name from a spring, that riseth out of red earth,") is the next town in order, and contained 12 families, or * Neat's N. England, i. 257. t See book ii. chap. iii. p. 57, ante. f Moore's Life Eliot, 144. Magnalia, b. iii. 197. || Ibid. TT Philemon Holland was called the translator-general of his age ; he wrote several of his translations with one pen, upon which he made the following verses: With one sole pen I writ this book, Made of a grey goose quill j A pen it was, when I it took, And a pen I leave it still. Fuller's Worthies of England. ** Douglass, Hist. America, i. 172, note. See also Halket, Hist. Notes, 248, &.c. Doug lass wrote aSout 17-Jo, CHAP. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS. WAUBAN. 179 about 60 persons. It was 14 miles south of Boston, and is now included in Stoughton. The Indians here removed from the iNeponset. Hassanamesit is the tliird town, and is now included in Grafton, and contained, like the second, GO souls. Okommakamesit, now in Marlborough, contained about 50 people, and was the fourth town. Wamesit, since included in Tewks- bury, the fifth town, was upon a neck of land in Merrimack River, and contained about 75 souls, of five to a family. Nashobah, now Littleton, was the sixth, and contained but about 50 inhabitants. Magunkaquog, now Hop- kititon, signified a place of great trees. Here were about 55 persons, and this was the seventh town. There were, besides these, seven other towns, which were called the new praying towns. These were among the Nipmuks. The first was Manchage, since Oxford, and contained about 60 inhabitants. The second was about six miles from the first, and its name was Chabanakongkomun, since Dudley, and contained about 45 persons. The third was Maanexit, in the north-east part of Woodstock, and contained about 100 souls. The fourth was Quan- tisset, also in Woodstock, and containing 100 persons likewise. Wabquissit, the fifth town, also in Woodstock, (but now included in Connecticut,) con tained 150 souls. Pakachoog, a sixth town, partly in Worcester and partly in Ward, also contained 100 people. Weshakim, or Nashaway, a seventh, contained about 75 persons. Waeuntug was also a praying town, included now by Uxbridge ; but the number of people there is not set down by Mr. Gookin, our chief authority. Hence it seems there were now supposed to be about 1150 praying Indians in the places enumerated above. There is, however, not the least probability, that even one fourth of these were ever sincere believers in Cliristianity. This calculation, or rather supposition, was made the year before Philip's war began; and how many do we find who adhered to their profession through that war ? That event not only shook the faith of the common sort, but many that had been at the head of the praying towns, the Indian minis ters themselves, were found in arms against their white Christian neighbors. At the close of Philip's war, in 1677, Mr. Gookin enumerates "seven places where they met to worship God and keep the sabbath, viz. at Nonatum, at Pakemit, or Punkapog; at Cowate, alias the Fall of Charles River, at Natik and Medfield, at Concord, at Namekeake, near Chelmsford." There were, at each of these places, be says, " a teacher, and schools for the youth." But, notwithstanding they had occupied seven towns in the spring of 1676, on their return from imprisonment upon the bleak islands in Boston harbor, they were too feeble long to maintain so many. The appearance of some straggling Mohawks greatly alarmed these Indians, and they were glad to come within the protection of the English ; and so the remote towns soon became abandoned. We have seen that 1150 praying Indians were claimed before the war, in the end of the year 1674, but not half this number could be found when it was proclaimed that all such must come out of their towns, and go by themselves to a place of safety. Mr. Gookin says, at one time there were about 500 upon the islands ; but when some had been employed in the army, and other ways, (generally such as were indifferent to religion,) there were but about 300 remaining. Six years after that disastrous war, Mr. Eliot could claim but four towns! viz. "Natick, Punkapaog, Wamesit, and Chachaubunkkakowok." Before we pass to notice other towns in Plimouth colony, we will give an account of some of the most noted of the praying Indians. JFauban we have several times introduced, and will now close our account of him. He is supposed to have been originally of Concord ; but, at the time Mr. Eliot began his labors, he resided at Nonantum, since Newton. At Xatik, or Natick, he was one of the most efficient officers until his death. When a kind of civil community was established at Natik, Waithan was intule a ruler of fifty, and subsequently a justice of the peace. The follow- 'ii is said to be a copy of a warrant which he issued against some of the 180 PRAYING INDIANS. PI AMBO.TUK APE WILLlrv. J.BOOK " transgressors. " You, you bis constable, quick you catch um Jeremiah Offscow strong you hold um, safe you bring um, afore me, \Vaban, justice peace." * A young justice asked Wauban what he would do when Indians got drunk and quarrelled ; he replied, " Tie um all up, and whip um plaintiff', and whip umfendant, and whip um witness." We have not learned the precise time of IVaubarfs death, f but he was certainly alive in the end of the year 1676, and, we think, in 1677. For he was among those sent to Deer Island, 30 October, 1675, and was among the sick that returned in May, 1676 ; and it is particularly mentioned that he was one that recovered. Piambouhou\ was the next man to W 'auban, and the next after him that received the gospel. At the second meeting at Nonantum, he brought a great many of his people. At Natik he was made ruler of ten. When the church at Hass-anamesit was gathered, he was called to be a ruler in it. When that town was broken up in Philip's war, he returned again to Natik. where he died. He was one of those also confined to Deer Island ; hence, he lived until after the war. The ruling elder of Hassanamesit, called by some Piambow, was the same person. John Speen was another teacher, contemporary with Piambo, and, like him, was a " grave and pious man." In 1661, Timothy Divight, of Dedham, sued John Speen and his brother, Thomas, for the recovery of a debt of sixty pounds, and Mr. Eliot bailed them. This he probably did with safety, as John Speen and "his kindred" owned nearly all the Natik lands, when the Christian commonwealth was established there. This valuable possession he gave up freely, to be used in common, in 1650. Notwithstanding "he was among the first that prayed to God " at Nonantum, and " was a diligent reader," yet he died a drunkard ; having been some time before discarded from the church at Natik. Pennahannit, called Captain Josiah, was " Marshal General " over all the praying towns. He used to attend the courts at Natik; but his residence was at Nashobah. Tukapewillin was teacher at Hassanamesit, and his brother, Anaweakin, ruler. He was, according to Major Gookin, " a pious and able man, and apt to teach." He suffered exceedingly in Philip's war; himself and his congregation, together with those of the two praying towns, "Magunkog and Chobonekonhonom," having been enticed away by Philip's followers. His father, Naoas, was deacon of his church, and among the number. They, however, tried to make their escape to the English soon after, agree ably to a plan concerted with Job Kattenanit, when he was among Philip's people as a spy ; but, as it happened, in the attempt, they fell in with an English scout, under Captain Gibbs, who treated them as prisoners, and with not a little barbarity ; robbing them of every thing they had, even the minis ter of a pewter cup which he used at sacraments. At Marlborough, though under the protection of officers, they were so insulted and abused, " espe cially by women," that Tukapetvillin's wife, from fear of being murdered, escaped into the woods, leaving a sucking child to be taken care of by its father. With her went also her son, 12 years old, and two others. The others, JVaocw and Tukapeitnllin, with six or , a even children, were, soon after, sent to Deer Island. JVaoas was, at this time, about 80 years old. Oonamog was ruler at Marlborough, and a sachem, who died in the summer of 1674. His death "was a great blow to the place. He was a pious and discreet man, and the very soul, as it were, of the place." The troubles of the war fell very heavily upon his family. A barn containing corn and hay was burnt at Chelmsford, by some of the war party, as it proved afterwards ; but some of the violent English of that place determined to make the Wamesits suffer for it. Accordingly, about 14 men armed * Allen's Biog. Diet. art. WABAN. t Dr. Homer, Hist. Newton, says he died in 1674, but gives no authority. We have cited several authorities, showing that he was alive a year later, (see b. iii. pp. 10 and 79.) t Piam Boolian, Gookin's Hist. Coll. 184. Piambow, his Hist. Praying Indians. CHAP. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS. WANNALANCET. 181 themselves, and, under a pretence of scouting, went to the \> igvvains of the Wamesits, and ordered them to corne out. They obeyed without hesitation, being chiefly helpless women and children, and not conceiving any harm could be intended them ; but they were no sooner out than fired upon, when five were wounded and one killed. Whether the courage of the brave Eng lish now failed them, or whether they were satisfied with what blood wag already shed, is not clear ; but they did no more at this time. The one slain was a little son of Tahatooner ; arid Oonamog's widow was severely wounded, whose name was Sarah, " a woman of good report for religion." She was daughter of Sagamore-John, who lived and died at the same place, before the war, " a great friend to the English." Sarah had had two husbands : the first was Oonamog, the second Tahatooner, who was son of Tahattawan, sachem of Musketaquid. This affair took place on the 15 November, 1675. Numphow was ruler of the praying Indians at Wamesit, and Samuel, his son, was teacher, "a young man of good parts," says Mr. Gookin, "and can speak, read and write English and Indian competently;" being one of those taught at the expense of the corporation. Numphow experienced wretched trials in the time of the war ; he with his people having fled away from their homes immediately after the horrid barbarity of which we have just spoken, fearing to be murdered if they should continue there. However, after wandering a while up and down in the woods, in the dismal month of December, they returned to Wamesit, in a forlorn condition, and hoped the carriage of their neighbors would be such that they might .continue there. It did not turn out so, for in February they again quitted their habitations, and went off towards Canada. Six or seven old persons remained behind, who were hindered from going by infirmity. These poor blind and lame Indians were all burnt to death in their wigwams. This act, had it occurred by accident, would have called forth the deepest pity from the breast of every human creature to whose knowledge it should come. But horror, anguish and indignation take the place of pity, at being told that the flames which consumed them were lighted by the savage hands of white men ! ! It was so and whites are only left to remember in sorrow this act of those of their own color ! But to return During the wanderings of Numphow and his friends, famine and sickness destroyed many of them. Himself and Mistic George, or George Mistic, a teacher, were numbered with the dead. The others, having joined Wannalan- cet to avoid falling in with war parties on both sides, at the close of the war, surrendered themselves to the English, at Dover, in August, 1676. New troubles now came upon them. Some English captives testified that some of them had been in arms against them, and such were either sold into slavery, or executed at Boston. Sevemi shared the latter fate. Numphow's son Samuel barely escaped, and another son, named Jonathan George, was pardoned ; also Symon Betokatn. Numphow was in some public business as early as 1656. On S June that vear, lie, John Line and George Mistic, were, upon the part of the " Indian court," employed to run the line from Chelmsford to Wamesit.* Arid 23 years after he accompanied Captain Jonathan Danforth of Billerica in renew ing the bounds of Brcnton's Farm, now Litchfield, N. H. f fi'annalancet, whose history will be found spoken upon at large in our next book, countenanced religion, and it was at his wigwam that Mr. Eliot and Mr. Gookin held a meeting on the 5 May, 1674. His house was near Pawtucket Falls, on the Merrimack. " He is," said Major Gookin, " a sober and grave person, and of years, between 50 and 60." John Jlhatawance was ruler of Nashobah, a pious man, who died previous to 1674. After his decease, Pennahannit was chief. John Thomas was their teacher. " His father was murdered by the Maquas in a secret manner, as he was fishing for eels at his wear, some years since, during the war" with them. Wattasacompanum, called also Captain Tom, is thus spoken of by Mr. Gookin, who was with him at Pakachoog, 17 September, 1674. " My chief assistant was Wattasacompanum, ruler of the Nipmuk Indians, a grave and pious man, of the chief sachem's blood of the Nipmuk country. He resides at Hassana- * Allen's Hist. Chelmsford. t MS. letter of John Farmer. Esq. 16 183 PRAYING INDIANS. HIACOOMES. [BOOK 11 .Tiesit ; but by former appointment, calleth here, together with some others." Captain Tom was among Tukapeivillin's company, that went off with the enemy, as in speaking of him we have made mention. In that company there were about 200, men, women and children. The enemy, being about 300 strong, obliged the praying Indians to go off with, or be killed by them. There were, however, many who doubtless preferred their company to that of their friends on Deer Island. This was about the beginning of December, 1675. Captain Tom afterwards fell into the hands of the English, and, being tried and condemned as a rebel, was, on 26 June, 1676, executed at Boston ; much to the grief of such excellent men as Gookin and Eliot. Although something had been done towards Christianizing the Indians in Plimouth colony, about a year before Mr. Eliofs first visit to Nonantum, yet for some years after, Massachusetts was considerably in advance in this respect. Sc me of the principal congregations or praying towns follow : At Meeshawn, since Provincetown or Truro, and Punonakanit, since Bil lingsgate, were 72 persons ; at Potanumaquut, or Nauset, in Eastham, 44 ; at Monamoyik, since Chatham, 71 ; at Sawkattukett, in Harwich ; Nobsqassit, in Yarmouth ; at Matakees, in Barnstable and Yarmouth ; and Weequakut, in Barnstable, 122 ; at Satuit, Pawpoesit, Coatuit, in Barnstable, Mashpee, Wako- quet, near Mashpee, 95 ; at Codtanmut, in Mashpee, Ashimuit, on the west line of Mashpee, Weesquobs, in Sandwich, 22 ; Pispogutt, Wawayoutat, in Wareham, Sokones, in Falmouth, 36. In all these places were 462 souls ; 142 of whom could read, and 72 write Indian, and 9 could read English. This account was furnished Major Gookin in 1674, by the Rev. Richard Bourne of Sandwich. Philip's war broke up many of these communities, but the work continued long after it dwindled to almost nothing in Massachusetts. In 1685 there were 1439 considered as Christian Indians in Plimouth colony. Mr. Thomas Mai/hew Jr. settled in Martha's Vineyard, called by the Indians JVope, in 1642. He was accompanied by a few English families, who made him their minister; but not being satisfied with so limited usefulness, he learn ed the Indian language, and began to preach to them. His first convert was Hiacoomes, in 1643, a man of small repute among his own people, whose residence was at Great Harbor, near where the English first settled. He was regularly ordained 22 August, 1670, but he began to preach in 1646. John Tokinosh was at the same time ordained teacher. His residence was at Num- pang, on the east end of the island. He died 22 January, 1684, and Hiacoomes preached his funeral sermon. For some years before his death Hiacoomes was ijnable to preach. He was supposed to have been about 80 years old at the time of his death, which happened about 1690. Pahkehpunnassoo, sachem of Chappequiddik, was a great opposer of the gospel, and at one time beat Hiacoomes for professing a belief of it. Not long after, as himself and another were at work upon a chimney of their cabin, they were both knocked down by lightning, and the latter killed. Pahkehpunnassoo fell partly in the fire, and but for his friends would have perished. Whether this escape awakened him, is not mentioned ; but he soon after became a Christian, and Mr. Mayheiv aptly observes that " at last he was a brand plucked out of the Jire." Miohqsoo, or Myoxeo, was another noted Indian of Nope. He was a convert of Hiacoomes, whom he had sent for to inquire of him about his God. He asked Hiacoomes how many gods he had, and on being told but ONE, imme diately reckoned up 37 of his, and desired to know whether he should throw them all away for one. On being told by Hiacoomes that he had thrown away all those and many more, and was better off by so doing, Miohqsoo said, he would forthwith throw away his, which he did, and became one of the most eminent of the Indian converts. One of his children, a son, sailed for England in 1657, with Mr. Thomas Mayhew Jr., in a ship commanded by Captain James Garrett, and was never heard of after. The time of the death of Miohqsoo is unknown, but he lived to a great age. Among the Mohegans and Narragansets nothing of any account Avas effect ed, in the way of Christianizing them, for a long time. The chief sachems of those nations were determined and fixed against it, and though it was from time to time urged upon them, yet very little was ever done. CHAP. VII. j PRAYING INDIANS. OCCUM. 183 SAMPSON OCCUM, or, as his name is spelt in a sermon * of hi?, Occo.n, was a Mohegan, of the family of Benoni Occum, who resided near New London, in Connecticut He was" the first of that tribe who was conspicuous in religion, if not the only one. He was born in 1723, and becoming attached to the Rev. Eleazar Ji'hedock, the minister of Lebanon in Connecticut, in 1741 he became a Christian/)- Possessing talents and great piety, Mr. Wliedock entertained sanguine hopes that he would be able to effect much among his countrymen as a preacher of the gospel. He went to England in 1765 to procure aid for the keeping up of a school for the instruction of Indian children, which was begun by Mr. Wheelock, and furthered by a Mr. Moore, by a donation of a school house and land, about 1763. While in England he was introduced to Lord Dartmouth, and other eminent persons. He preached there to crowds of people, and returned to America in September, 1768, having landed at Boston on his return. { It is said he was the first Indian that preached in England. He was ordained, in 1759, a preacher to the Montauks on L. Island. About this time he visited the Cherokees. He finally settled among the Oneida Indians, with many of his Mohegan brethren, about 1768 ; they having been invited by the Oneidas. He died in July, 1792, at N. Stock- bridge, N. York, aged 69. Tititba is noticed in the annals of New England, from her participation in the witch tragedies acted here in 1691. In a valuable work giving a history of that horrible delusion, mention is thus made of her. " It was the latter end of February, 1691, when divers young persons belonging to [Rev.] Mr. Perms' || family, and one more of the neighborhood, began to act after a strange and unusual manner, viz., as by getting into holes, and creeping under chairs and stools, and to use other sundry odd postures, and antic gestures, uttering fool ish, ridiculous speeches, which neither they themselves nor any others could make sense of." " March the llth, Mr. Parris invited several neighboring ministers to join with him in keeping a solemn day of prayer at his own house ; the time of the exercise those persons were, for the most part, silent, out after any one prayer was ended, they would act and speak strangely, and ridiculously, yet were such as had been well educated and of good behavior, the one a girl of 11 or 12 years old, would sometimes seem to be in a convul sion fit, her limbs being twisted several ways, and very stiff, but presently her fit would be over. A few days before this solemn day of prayer, Mr. Pom's* Indian man and woman, made a cake of rye meal, with the children's water, and baked it in the ashes, and, as it is said, gave to the dog ; this was done as a means to discover witchcraft. Soon after which those ill-affected or afflicted persons named several that tney said they saw, when in their fits, afflicting of them. The first complained of, was the said Indian woman, named TUuba. She confessed that the devil urged her to sign a book, which he presented to her, and also to work mischief to the children, &c. She was afterwards com mitted to prison, and lay there till sold for her fees. The account she since gives of it is, that her master did beat her, and otherwise abuse her, to make her confess and accuse (such as he called) her sister witches ; and that what soever she said by way of confessing or accusing others, was the effect of such usage ; her master refused to pay her fees, unless she would stand to what she had said." We are able to add to our information of Tituba from another old and curious work,H as follows : That when she was examined she " confessed the making a cake, as is above mentioned, and said her mistress in her own country was a witch, and had taught her some means to be used for the discovery of a witch and for the prevention of being bewitched, &c., but said "that she herself wa not a witch." The children who accused her said "that ehe did pinch, prick, and grievously torment them ; and that they saw her here * At the execution of Moses Paul, for murder, at New Haven, 2 September, 1772. To his letter to Mr. Keen, his name is Occum. t Life Dr. \Vheelock, 16. t His Letter to Mr. Kern, in Life Wlieelock, 175. Wonders of the Invisible World, by R. Calef, 90, 91, 4to. London, 1700. " Samuel Paris, pastor of the church in Salem- village." Modest Enquiry into the Nature vf Witchcraft, by John Hale, pastor of the church in Beverly, p. 23, 16mo. Boston. 1702. U Modest Enquiry, &c. 25. 184 TITUB A. WITCHCRAFT. [BooK ]L and there, where nobody else could. Yea, they could tell where she was, and what she did, when out of their human sight." Whether the author was a witness to this he does not say ; but probably he was not. Go through the whole of our early writers, and you will scarce find one who witnessed such matters : (Dr. Cotton Mather is nearest to an exception.) But they generally preface such marvellous accounts by observing, "I am slow to believe rumors of this nature, nevertheless, some things I have had certain information of." * The Rev. Mr. Felt f gives the following extract from the " Quarterly Court Papers." "March 1st. Sarah Osborn, Sarah and Dorothy Good, Tituba, servant of Mr. Parris, Martha Cory, Rebecca Nurse, Sarah Cloyce, John Proctor and his wife Elizabeth, all of Salern village, are committed to Boston jail on charge of witchcraft." The other servant of Mr. Parris was the husband of Tituba, whose name was John. It was a charge against them that they had tried means to discover witches. But there is little probability that these ignorant and simple Indians would ever have thought of "trying a project" for the detection of witches^ had they not learned it from some more miserably superstitious white persons. We have the very record to justify this stricture. }: Take the words. " Mary Sibly having confessed, that she innocently counselled John, the Indian, to attempt a discovery of witches, is permitted to commune with Mr. Parris' church. She had been previously disciplined for such counsel and appeared well." We are not told ivho disciplined her for the examination. Was it Mr. Farm? This is the only instance I have met with of Indians being implicated in white witchcraft. * /. Mather's Brief Hist. Philip's War, 34. t In his valuable Annals of Salem, 303. j Danvers Records, published by the author last cited. END OF BOOK SECOND. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. BOOK III. BOOK III. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NEW ENG LAND INDIANS CONTINUED. CHAPTER I. Life of ALEXANDER alias WAMSCTTA Events which led to the war with Philip WEETAMOO his wife Early events in tier life PETANANCET, her second husband Wcetamoo's latter career and death Ninigret Death of Alexander JOHN SAS- SAMOS His country and connections Becomes a Christian Schoolmaster Min ister Settles at Jissawomset FELIX marries his daughter Sassamon discovers the plots of Philip Is murdered Proceedings against the murderers They are condemned and executed. ALEXANDER was the English name of the elder son of Massasoit. His real name appears at first to have been Mooanam, and afterwards Wamsutla, and lastly Alexander. The name of Mooanam he bore as early as 1639 ; in 1(541 we tmd him noticed under the name Wamsutla. About the year 1656, he and his younger brother, Metacomet, or rather Pometacom, were brought to the court of Plimouth, and being solicitous to receive English names, the gov ernor called the elder Alexander, and the younger Philip, probably from the two Macedonian heroes, which, on being explained to them, might have flat tered their vanities ; and which was probably the intention of the governor. Alexander appears pretty early to have set up for himself, as will be seen in the course of this chapter ; occasioned, perhaps, by his marrying a female sachem of very considerable authority, and in great esteem among her neighbors. NAMCMPUM, afterwards called Weelamoo, squaw-sachem of Pocasset, was the wife of Alexander ; and who, as says an anonymous writer,* was more willing to join Philip when he began war upon the English, being persuaded by him that they had poisoned her husband. This author calls her " as potent a prince as any round about her, and hath as much corn, land, and men, at her command." Alexander having, in 1653, sold a tract of the territory acquired by his wife, as has been related in the life of Massasoit, about six years after, Weetamoo came to Plimouth, and the following account of her business is contained in the records. " I, Namumpum, of Pokeesett, hauing, in open court, June last, fifty-nine, [1659,] before the governour and majestrates, surrendered up all that right and title of such lands as Woosamequin and Wamsdta sould to the purchasers ; as appeeres by deeds giuen vnder theire hands, as alsoe the said Namumpum promise to remoue the Indians of from those lands ; and alsoe att the same court the said Wamsutta promised Namumpum the third part of the pay, as is * Old Indian Chronicle, p. 6 188 ALEXANDER. WEETAMO. [Boon III expressed in the deed of which payment Namumpum haue receiued of John Cooke, this 6 of Oct. 1059 : these particulars as followeth : item ; 20 yards blew trading cloth, 2 yards red cotton, 2 paire ofshooes, 2 paire stockings, 6 broade hoes and 1 axe ; And doe acknowledge receiued by me, NAMUMPUM." Witnessed by Squabsen, Wahatunchquatt, and two English. Thus this land affair seems to have been amicably settled ; but the same year of Alexander's death, whether before or after we are not assured, Namum pum appeared at Plimouth, and complained that Wamsutta had sold some of her land without her consent. " The couit agreed to doe what they could in conuenient time for her relief." We apprehend there was some little difficulty between Alexander and his wife about this time, especially if her complaint were before his death, and we are rather of the opinion that it was, for it was June when her complaint was made, and we should assign a little later date for the death of her husband ; and therefore all difficulty was settled in his death. On the 8 April, 1661, Wamsulta deeded the tract of country since called Rehoboth to Thomas Willet " for a valuable consideration."* What that was the deed does not inform us ; but we may venture to question the fact, for if the consideration had in truth been valuable, it would have appeared in the deed, and not have been kept out of sight. What time Namumpum deeded land to John Sanford and John Archer, we arc not informed, but it was probably about the beginning of 1662. It was a deed of gift, and appears to have been only deeded to them to prevent her husband's selling it ; but these men, it seems, attempted to hold the land in violation of their promise ; however, being a woman of perseverance, she so managed the matter, that, in the year 1668, she found witnesses who deposed to the true meaning of the deed, and thus was, we presume, restored to her rightful possessions. Since we have been thus particular in acquainting the reader with the wife of Wamsutta, we will, before proceeding with our account of the husband, say all that we have to say of the interesting Weetamoo. Soon after the death of Alexander, we find Namumpum, or Weetamoo, asso ciated with another husband, named Petonotvoivet, He was well known to the English, and went by the familiar name of Ben. Now, unless Peto-now- owet, or Pe-tan-a-nuet has been corrupted into PETER NUNNUIT, we must allow her to have had a third husband in 1675. We, however, are well satis fied that these two names are, as they appear to be, one and the same name. This husband of Weetamoo does not appear to have been of so much impor tance as her first, Wamsutta ; and as he only appears occasionally hi the crowd, we are of opinion that she took good care hi taking a second husband, and fixed upon one that she was better able to manage than she was the de termined Wamsutta. On the 8 May, 1673, Tatamomock, Petonowowett, and William alias Ijasocke, sold to Nathaniel Paine of Rehoboth, and Hugh Cole of SAvansey, a lot of land hi Swansey, near Mattapoiset, and Showamet neck, for 35 5s. Weetamoo, Philip alias Wagusoke, and Steven alias Nucano, were the Indian witnesses. About the same time, one Piowant was intruded upon by some others claiming his lands, or otherwise molesting him, and the business seems to have undergone a legal scrutiny ; in this affair both Weetamoo and her hus band appear upon our records. They testify that the tract of land bounded by a small river or brook called Mastucksett, which compasseth said tract to Assonett River, and so to Taunton River, [by trees, &c.] hath for many years been in the possession of Piowant. The place of the bounds on Taunton River was called Chippascuitt, which was a little south of Mastucksett. Pantauset, Quanowin, Nescanoo, and Panowivin, testified the same. It does not appear that Peta-nan-u-et was at all concerned in Philip's war against the English, but, on the contrary, forsook his wife and joined them against her. Under such a leader as Church, he must have been employed against his countrymen with great advantage. At the time he came over to * See the Hist, of Aulcborough, by John Daggett, Esq., p. 6. where the deed is preserved. CHAP. I.] ALEXANDER. WEETAMO. 189 the English, he no doubt expected his wife would do the same, as she gave Church to understand as much. After the war he was honored with a com mand over the prisoners, who were permitted to reside in the country be tween Sepecan and Dartmouth. Numpus, or Nompash, and Isaac were also in the same office. After Mr. Church left Awashonks' council, a few days before the war broke out, he met with both Weetamoo and her husband at Pocasset. He first met with the husband, Petananuet, who had just arrived hi a canoe from Philip's nead quarters at Mount Hope. He told Church there would certainly be war, for that Philip had held a war dance of several weeks, and had entertained the young men from all parts of the country. He said, also, that Philip ex pected to be sent for to Plimouth, about Sassamon's death, knowing himself guilty of contriving that murder. Petananuet further said, that he saw Mr. James Brown of Swansey, and Mr. Samuel Gorton, who was an interpreter, and two other men that brought a letter from the govenior of Plimouth to Philip. Philip 's young warriors, he said, would have killed Mr. Broion, but Philip told them they must not, for his father had charged him to show kind ness to him ; but to satisfy them, told them, that on the next Sunday, when the English had gone to meeting, they might plunder then* houses, and after wards kill then- cattle. Meanwhile Weetamoo was at her camp just back from Pocasset shore, on the high hill a little to the north of what is now Rowland's ferry, and Petana nuet requested Mr. Church to go up and see her. He did so, and found her in rather a melancholy mood, all her men having feft her and gone to Philip's war dance, much, she said, against her will. Church, elated with his success at Jlwashonks' camp, and thinking both " queens " secured to the English interest, hastened to Plimouth to give the governor an account of his discoveries. This was a day big to Philip ; he immediately took measures to reclaim Weetamoo, and had nearly drawn off Jlwashonks with the vivid hopes of conquest and booty. Weetamoo could no longer remain neutral ; the idea still harrowed upon her mind, that the authorities of Plimouth had poisoned her former husband,* and was now sure that they had Seduced her present one ; therefore, from the power of such arguments, when urged by the artful Philip, there was no escape or resistance. Hence his fortune became her own, and she moved with him from place to place about her dominions, in the country of Pocasset, until the 30 July, when all the Wampanoags escaped out of a swamp, and retired into the country of the Nipmuks. From this time Weetamoo's opera tions become so blended with those of her allies, that the life of Philip takes up the narration. When, by intestine divisions, the power of Philip was destroyed among the Nipmucks, Weetamoo seems to have been deserted by almost all her followers, and, like Philip, she sought refuge again hi her own country. It was upon the 6 August, 1676, when she arrived upon the western bank of Tehticut River in Mettapoiset, where, as was then supposed, she was drowned by accident, in attempting to cross the river to Pocasset, at the same point she had crossed the year before hi her flight with Philip. Her company consisted now of no more than 26 men, whereas, in the be- ginning of the war, they amounted to 300 ; and she was considered by the English "next unto Philip in respect of the mischief that hath been done."f The English at Taunton were notified by a deserter of her situation, who offered to lead any that would go, hi a way that they might easily surprise her and her company. Accordingly, 20 men volunteered upon this enterprise, and succeeded hi capturing all but Weetamoo, "who," according to Mr. Hub- bardl " intending to make an escape from the danger, attempted to get over a river or arm of the sea near by, upon a raft, or some pieces of broken wood ; but whether tired and spent with swimming, or starved with cold and hunger she was found stark naked in Metapoiset, not far from the water side, which made some think she was first half drowned, and so ended her wretched life." Her head being cut off and set upon a pole in Taunton, was known by some * OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE, p. 8. 1 1. Mather. \ Narrative, 103 and 109. 190 ALEXANDER. '" [BOOK III. Indians then prisoners [there,] which set them into a horrible lamentation." Mr. Mather improves upon this passage, giving it in a style more to suit the taste of the times : " They made a most horid and diabolical lamentation, crying out that it was then- queen's head." The authors of YAMOYDEN thus represent Philip escaping from the cold grasp of the ghostly form of Weetamoo ; " As from the water's depth she came, Her hollow scream he heard behind With dripping- locks and bloated frame, Come mingling with the howling wind : Wild her discolored arms she threw ' Why fly from Wetamoe ? she died To grasp him ; and, as swift he flew, Bearing the war-axe on thy side.' " Although Weetamoo doubtless escaped from Pocasset with Philip, yet it appears that instead of flying to the Nipmuks she soon went down into the Niantic country, and the English immediately had news of it, which occa sioned their sending for Ninigret to answer for harboring then' enemy, as in his life has been related. In this connection it should be noted, that the time had expired, in which JVinigrtt by his deputies agreed to deliver up Weetamoo, some time previous to the great fight in Narraganset, and hence this was seized upon, as one pretext for invading the Narragansets. And moreover, it was said, that if she were taken by that formidable army of a 1000 men, " her lands would more than pay all the charge " the English had been at in the whole war.* Weetamoo, it is presumed, left JVinigret and joined the hostile Narragansets and the Wampanoags in their strong fort, some time previous to the English expedition against it, in December. And it was about this time that she connected herself with the Narraganset chief Quinnapin, as will be found related in his life. She is mentioned by some writers as Philip's kinswoman, which seems to have been the case in a two-fold manner; first from her being sister to his wife, and secondly from her marrying Alexander, his brother. To return to Wamsutta. A lasting and permanent interest will always be felt, and peculiar feelings associated with the name of this chief. Not on account of a career of battles, devastations or murders, for there were few ofthese,f but there is left for us to relate the melancholy account of his death. Mr. HubbarcTs account of this event is in the hands of almost every reader, and cited by every writer upon our early history, and hence is too extensively known to be repeated here. Dr. /. Mather agrees very nearly in his account with Mr. Hubbard, but being more minute, and rarely to be met with, we give it entire : " In A. D. 16(32, Plimouth colony was hi some danger of being involved in trouble by the Wampanoag Indians. After Massasoit was dead, his two sons, called Wamsutta and Metacomet, came to the court at Plimouth, pretending high respect for the English, and, therefore, desired English names might be imposed on them, whereupon the court there named Wamsutta, the elder brother, Alexander, and Metacomet, the younger brother, Philip. This Alexan der, Philip's immediate predecessor, was not so faithful and friendly to the English as his father had been. For some of Boston, having been occasionally at Narraganset, wrote to Mr. Prince, who was then governor of Plimouth, that Alexander was contriving mischief against the English, and that he had solicit ed the Narragansets to engage with him in his designed rebellion. Hereupon, Capt. Willet, who lived near to Mount Hope, the place where Alexander did reside, was appointed to speak with him, and to desire him to attend the next court in Plimouth, for then- satisfaction, and his own vindication. He seemed to take the message in good part, professing that the Narragansets, whom, he said, were his enemies, had put an abuse upon him, and he readily promised to attend at the next court. But when the day for his appearance was come, instead of that, he at that veiy time went over to the Narragansets, Ins pretended enemies, which, compared with other circumstances, caused the gentlemen at Plimouth to suspect there was more of truth in the infor- * Old Indian Chronicle, p. 31, 32. t In 1661, he was forced into a war with Uncos, the account of which, properly belonging to the life of that chief, will be found there related. CHAP I.] ALEXANDER. 191 mation given, than at first they were aware of. Wherefore the governor and magistrates there ordered Major Winsloio, (who is since, and at this day [1077] governor of that colony,) to take a party of men, and fetch down Alexander. The major considering that semper nocuit deferre paratis, lie took but 10 armed men with him from IVlarshfield, intending to have taken more at the towns that lay nearer Mount Hope. But Divine Providence so ordered, as that when they were about the midway between Plimouth and Bridgewater,* observing an hunting house, they rode up to it, and there did they find Alexander and many of his menf well armed, but their guns standing together without the house. The major, with his small party, possessed themselves of the Indians' arms, and beset the house ; then did he go in amongst them, acquainting the sachem with the reason of his coming in such a way ; desiring Alexander with his interpreter to walk out with him, who did so a little distance from the house, and then understood what commission the major had received con cerning him. The proud sachem fell into a raging passion at this surprise saying the governor had no reason to credit rumors, or to send for him in such a way, nor would he go to Plimouth, but when he saw cause. It was replied to him, that his breach of word touching appearance at Plimouth court, and, instead thereof, going at the same time to his pretended enemies, augmented jealousies concerning him. In fine, the major told him, that his order was to bring him to Plimouth, and that, by the help of God, he would do it, or else he would die on the place ; also declaring to him that if he would submit, he might expect respective usage, but if he once more denied to go, he should never stir from the ground whereon he stood ; and with a pistol at the sachem's breast, required that his next words should be a positive and clear answer to what was demanded. Hereupon his interpreter, a discreet Indian, brother to John Sausaman,l being sensible of Alexander's passionate disposition, entreated that he might speak a few words to the sachem before he gave his answer. The prudent discourse of this Indian prevailed so far as that Alexander yielded to go, only requesting that he might go like a sachem, with his men attending him, which, although there was some hazard in it, they being many, and the English but a few, was granted to him. The weather being hot, the major offered him an horse to ride on, but his squaw and divers Indian women being in company, he refused, saying he could go on foot as well as they, entreating only that there might be a complying with their pace, which was done. And resting several times by the way, Alexan der and his Indians were refreshed by the English. No other discourse hap pening while they were upon their march, but what was pleasant and amicable. The major sent a man before, to entreat that as many of the magistrates of that colony as could would meet at Duxbury. Wherefore having there had some treaty with Alexander, not willing to commit him to prison, they en treated Major Winslow to receive him to his house, until the governor, who then lived at Eastham, could come up. Accordingly, he and his train were courteously entertained by the major. And albeit, not so much as an angry word passed between them whilst at Marshfield ; yet proud Alexander, vexing and fretting in his spirit, that such a check was given him, he suddenly fell sick of a fever. He was then nursed as a choice friend. Mr. Fuller, the physician, coming providentially thither at that time, the sachem and his men earnestly desired that he would administer to him, which he was unwilling to do, but by their importunity was prevailed with to do the best he could to help him, and therefore gave him a portion of working physic, which the Indians thought did him good. But his distemper afterwards prevailing, they entreated to dismiss him, in order to a return home, which upon engagement * Within six miles of the English towns. Hubbard, 10, (Edition, 1677.) Massasoit, and /ikcwise Philip, used to have temporary residences in eligible places for fishing, at various sue-; between the two bays, Narraganset and Massachusetts, as at Raynham, Namasket, Titi- rut. [in Micldleborough,] and Munponset Pond in Halifax. At which of these places ho was, we cannot, with certainty, decide : that at Halifax would, perhaps, agree best with Mr. Hub- bard's account. t Eighty, says Hubbard, 6. t He had a brother by the name of Roland. $ " Entreating those that held him prisoner, that he might have liberty to return home, 2 ALEXANDER |BooK m . of appearance at the next court was granted to him. Soon after his being returned home he died." * Thus ends Dr. Mather's " relation " of the short reign of Alexander. And although a document lately published by Judge Davis of Boston sets the con duct of the English in a very favorable light, yet it is very difficult to con ceive how Mather and Hubbard could have been altogether deceived in theii information. We mean in respect to the treatment Alexander received at the hands of his captors. They both wrote at the same time, and at different places, and neither knew what the other had written. Of this we are confi dent, if, as we are assured, there was, at this time, rather a misunderstanding between these two reverend authors. This affair caused much excitement, and, judging from the writers of that tune, particularly Hubbard, some recrimination upon the conduct of the gov ernment of Plimouth, by some of the English, who were more in the habit of using or recommending mild measures towards Indians than the Pliiuouth people appear to have been, seems to have been indulged in. After thus premising, we will offer the document, which is a letter written by the Rev. John Cotton, of Plimouth, to Dr. /. Mather, and now printed by Judge Davis, in his edition of Morton's Memorial. There is no date to it, at least the editor gives none ; but if it were written hi answer to one from Mr. Mather to him, desiring information on that head, dated 21st April, 1677,f we may conclude it was about this tune ; but Mr. Mather's " Relation " would not lead us to suppose that he was hi possession of such information, and, there fore, he either was not in possession of it when he published his account, or that he had other testimony which invalidated it. The letter begins, "Major Bradford, [who was with Mr. Winslow when Alexander was surprised,] confidently assures me, that hi the narrative de Alexandra | there are many mistakes, and, fearing lest you should, through misinformation, print some mistakes on that subject, from his mouth I this writ 3. Reports being here that Alexander was plotting or privy to plots, against the English, authority sent to him to come down. He came not. Whereupon Major Winslow was sent to fetch him. Major Bradford, with some others, went with him. At Munponset River, a place not many miles hence, they found Alexander with about eight men and sundry squaws. He was there about getting canoes. He and his men were at breakfast under their shelter, then* guns being without. They saw the English coming, but continued eating ; and Mr. Winslow telling then* business, Alexander, freely and readily, without the least hesitancy, consented to go, giving his reason why he came not to the court before, viz., because he waited for Captain Willefs return from the Dutch, being desirous to speak with him first. They brought hhii to Mr. Collier's that day, and Governor Prince living remote at Eastham, those few magistrates who were at hand issued the matter peace ably, and immediately dismissed Alexander to return home, which he did part of the way ; but, hi two or three days after, he returned and went to Major Winslow's house, intending thence to travel into the bay and so home ; but, at the major's house, he was taken very sick, and was, by water, con veyed to Major Bradford's, and thene carried upon the shoulders of his men to Tethquet River, and thence hi canoes home, and, about two or three days after, died." Thus it is evident that there is error somewhere, and it would be very sat isfactory if we could erase it from our history ; but, at present, we are able only to agitate it, and wait for the further discovery of documents before Alexander's true history can be given ; and to suspend judgment, although promising 1 to return again if he recovered, and to send his son as hostage till he could so do. On that consideration, he was fairly dismissed, but died before he got half way home." Hubbard. * It is a pity that such an able historian as Grahams, should not have been in possession of other authorities upon this matter than those who have copied from the above. See his Hist. N. America, i. 401. t See his Memorial, 288. \ A paper drawn up by the authorities of Plimouth, and now, I believe, among the MSS. in the library of the Hist. Soc. of Mass. This was, probably, Mr. Hubbard' s authority. CHAP. I.] SASSAMON 193 Borne may readily decide that the evidence is in favor of the old printed accounts. It is the business of a historian, where a point is in dispute, to exhibit existing evidence, and let the reader make up his own judgment. We are able, from the first extract given upon this head, to limit the time of his sachemship to a portion of the year 1662. It will have appeared already, that enough had transpired to inflame the minds of the Indians, and especially that of the sachem Philip, if, indeed, the evidence adduced be considered valid, regarding the blamableness of the English. Nevertheless, our next step onward will more fully develop the causes of Philip's deep-rooted animosities. We come now to speak of JOHN SASSAMON, who deserves a particular notice ; more especially as, from several manuscripts, we are able not only to correct some important errors in former histories, but to give a more minute account of a character which must always be noticed in entering upon the study of this part of our history. Not that he would otherwise demand more notice than many of his brethren almost silently passed over, but for his agency in bringing about a war, the interest of which increases in proportion as time carries us from its period. John Sassamon was a subject of Philip, an unstable-minded fellow ; and, living in the neighborhood* of the English, became a convert to Christianity, learned their language, and was able to read and write, and had translated some of the Bible into Indian. Being rather insinuating and artful, he was employed to teach his countrymen at Natick, in the capacity of a school master. How long before the war this was, is not mentioned, but must have l>een about 1660, as he was Philip's secretary, or interpreter, in 1662, and this was after he had become a Christian. He left the English, from some dislike, and went to reside with Alexander, and afterwards with Philip, who, it ap pears, employed him on account of his learning. Always restless, Sassamon did not remain long with Philip before he returned again to the English ; " and he manifested such evident signs of repentance, as that he was, after his re turn from pagan Philip, reconciled to the praying Indians and baptized, and received, as a member, into one of the Indian churches ; yea, and employed as an instructor amongst them every Lord's day."f Previous to the war, we presume in the winter of 1672, Sassamon was sent to preach to the Namaskets,J and other Indians of Middleborough, who, at this time, were very numerous. The famous Watuspaquin was then the chief of this region and who appears to have been disposed to encourage the new religion taught by Sassamon. For, in 1674, he gave him a trs ct of land near his own residence, to induce him to remain among his people. The deed of gift of this land was, no doubt, drawn by Sassamon, and is in these words : "Know all men by these presents, that I, Old Watuspaquin, doe graunt vnto John Sassamon, allies Wassasoman, 27 acrees of land for a home lott at Assowamsett necke. This is my gift, giuen to him the said John Sassamon r bv me the said Watuspaquin, in Anno 1673, [or 1674, if between 1 Jan. and 25 March.] OLD WATUSPAQUIN (J>) his marke. WILLIAM TUSPAQUIN DV his marke. Witness, alsoe, NANEHEUNT -j- his marke." As a further inducement for Sassamon to settle here, Old Tuspaquin and his son deeded to Felix, an Indian who married Sassamorfs daughter, 58 and an half acres of land; as "a home lott," also. This deed was dated 11 March, 1673, 0. S., which doubtless was done at the same time with the other. "This Sassamon was by birth a Massachusett, his father and mother living in Dorchester, tnd they both died Christians." I. Mather. t .17 , !,r's Relation, 74. { The inhabitants of the place call it Nemasket. In the records, it is almost always written Puinwssakett. $ Spelt also Memeheutt. 17 N 194 SASSAMON. [BOOK III This daughter of Sassamon was called by the English name Betty,* but her orig inal name was ASSOWETOUGH. To his son-in-law, Sassamon gave his land, by a kind of will, which he wrote himself, not long before his death ; probably about the time he became tired of his new situation, which we suppose was also about the time that he discovered the design of Philip and his captains to bring about their war of extermination. Old Tuspaquin, as he called himself, and his son, not only confirmed Sassa- mon's will, but about the same time made a bequest themselves to his daugh ter, which, they say, was " with the consent of all the chieffe men of Asso- wamsett." This deed of gift from them was dated 23 Dec. 1673. It was of a neck of land at Assowamsett, called Nahteawamet. The names of some of the places which bounded this tract were Mashquomoh, a swamp, Sason- kususett, a pond, and another large pond called Chupipoggut. Tobias, Old Thomas, Pohonoho, and Kankunuki, were upon this deed as witnesses. FELIX served the English in Philip's war, and was living in 1079, in which year Governor Winslow ordered, "that all such lands as were formerly Jo AH Sctssamon's in our colonie, shall be settled on Felix his son-in-law," and to re main his and his heirs "foreuer." Felix's wife survived him, and willed her land to a daughter, named Mercy. This was in 1696, and Isacke ff r anno wit nessed said will. There was at a later period an Indian preacher at Titicutf named Thomas Felix, perhaps a son of the former.}: But to return to the more immediate subject of our discourse. There was a Sassaman, or, as my manuscript has it, Sos.omon, known to the English as early as 1637 ; but as we have no means of knowing how old John Sassamon was when he was murdered, it cannot be decided with probability, whether or not it were he. This Sosomon, as will be seen in the life of Sassa- cus, wenl with the English to fight the Pequots. Sassamon acted as interpreter, witness or scribe, as the case required, on many occasions. When Philip and Wootonekanuske his wife, sold, in 1664, Mattapoisett to William Brenton, Sassamon was a witness and interpreter. The same year he was Philip's agent " in settling the bounds of Acushenok, Coaksett, and places adjacent." Again, in 1665, he witnessed the receipt of 10 paid to Philip on account of settling the bounds the year before. There was a Rowland Sassamon, who I suppose was the brother of John. His name appears but once in all the manuscript records I have met with, and then only as a witness, with his brother, to Philip's deed of Mattapoisett, above mentioned. The name Sassamon, like most Indian names, is variously spelt, but the way it here appears is nearest as it was understood in his last years, judging from the records. But it was not so originally. Woosansaman was among the first modes of writing it. This detail may appear dry to the general reader, but we must occasion ally gratify our antiquarian friends. We now proceed in our narrative. While living among the Namaskets, Sassamon learned what was going forward among his countrymen, and, when he was convinced that their design was war, went immediately to Plimouth, and communicated his dis covery to the governor. "Nevertheless, his information," says Dr. /. Mather,^ "(because it had an Indian original, and one can hardly believe them when they do speak the truth,) was not at first much regarded." It may be noticed here, that at this time if any Indian appeared friendly, all Indians were so declaimed against, that scarcely any one among the Eng lish could be found that would allow that an Indian could be faithful or honest in any affair. And although some others besides Sassamon had inti mated, and that rather strongly, that a "rising of the Indians" was at hand, still, as Dr. Mather observes, because Indians said so, little or no attention * The English sometimes added her surname, and hence, in the account of Mr. Bennet. (1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 1.) Betty Sasemore. The noted place now called Betty's Neck, in M iddleborough, was named from her. In 1793, there were eight families of Indians there. t Cotuhticiit, Kclchiqimt, Tehticut, Keketticut, Keticut, Teighttiquid, Tetehquet, are spell ings of this name in the various books and records I have consulted. t Backus's Middlehorough, in 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 150. 6 Relation of the Troubles, &c., 74. CHAP. I.] SASSAMON. CAUSES OF THE WAR WITH PHILIP. 195 was paid to their advice. Notwithstanding, Mr. Gookin, in his MS. history,* Bays, that, previous to the war, none of the Christian Indians had "been jiistly charged, either with unfaithfulness or treachery towards the English." " But, on the contrary, some of them had discovered the treachery, particu larly Wakut the ruler, of Philip before he began any act of hostility." In another place the same author says, that, in April, 1675, Wauhan " came to one of the magistrates on purpose, and informed him that he had ground to fear that sachem Philip, and other Indians his confederates, intended some mischief shortly." Again in May, about six weeks before the war, he came and said the same, adding that Philip's men Avere only waiting for the trees to get leaved out, that they might prosecute their design with more effect. To return to Sassamon : In the mean time, some circumstances happened that gave further grounds of suspicion, that war was meditated, and it was intended that messengers should be sent to Philip, to gain, if possible, the real state of the case. But before this was effected, much of the winter of 1674 had passed away, and the Rev. Sassamon still resided with the Namaskets, and others of his countrymen in that neighborhood. And notwithstanding he had enjoined the strictest secrecy upon his English friends at Plimouth, of what he had revealed, assuring them that if it came to Philip's knowledge, he should be immediately murdered by him, yet it by some means got to the chief's knowledge, and Sassamon was considered a traitor and an outlaw ; and, by the laws of the Indians, he had forfeited his life, and was doomed to suffer death. The manner of effecting it was of no consequence with then!, so long as it was brought about, and it is probable that Philip had ordered any of his subjects who might meet with him, to kill him. Early in the spring of 1675, Sassainon was missing, and, on search being made, his body was found in Assawomset Pond, in Middleborough.f Those that killed him not caring to be known to the English, left his hat and gun upon the ice, that it might be supposed that he had drowned himself; but from several marks upon his body, and the fact that his neck was broken, it was evident he had been murdered. { Several persons were suspected, and, upon the information of one called Patuckson, Tobias one of Philip's counsellors, his son, and Mattashinnamy, were apprehended, tried by i jury, consisting of half Indians, || and in June, 1675, were all executed at Plimouth ; "one of them before his execution confessing the murder," but the other two denied all knowledge of the act, to their last breath. The truth of their guilt may reasonably be called in question, if the circumstance of the bleeding of the dead body at the approach of the murderer, had any influence upon the jury. And we are fearful it was the case, for, if the most learned were misled by such hallucinations in those days, we are not to suppose that the more ignorant were free from them. Dr." Increase Mather wrote within two years of the affair, and he has this passage : " When Tobias (the suspected murderer) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh, as if it had been newly slain ; albeit, it was buried a considerable time before that." ^ Nothing of this part of the story is upon record among the manuscripts, as we can find, but still we do not question the authenticity of Dr. Mather, who, we believe, is the first that printed an account of it. Nor do the records of Plimouth notice Sassamon until some time after his death. The first record is in these words : " The court seeing cause to require the per- * Not yet published, but is now, (April, 1836,) printing with notes by the author of this work, under the direction of the American Antiquarian Society. It will form a lasting monu ment of one of the best men of those days. The author was, as Mr. Eliot expresses himself, ' a pillar in our Indian work." He died in 1687, aged 75. Chr profession, and fidelity to the English." 4 Mis Indian name "was Poygapanossoo. jj Mather's Relation, 74. Judge Daris retains the same account, (Morton's Memorial, !89. ) which we shall presently show to be erroneous. IT Matter's Relation, 75. 196 SASSAMON. [BooK IIL sonal appearance of an Indian called Tobias before the court, to make fur ther answer to such interrogatories as shall be required of him, in reference to the sudden and violent death of an Indian called John Sassamon, late deceased." This was in March, 1674, O. S. It appears that Tobias was present, although it is not so stated, from the fact that Tuspaquin and his son William entered into bonds of 100 for the appearance of Tobias at the next court in June following. A mortgage of land was taken as security for the 100. June having arrived, three instead of one are arraigned as the murderers of Sassamon, There was no intimation of any one but Tobias being guilty at the previous court. Now, Wampapaquan, the son of Tobias, and Matta shunannamo * are arraigned with him, and the bill of indictment runs as fol lows : " For that being accused that they did with joynt consent vpon the 29 of January ann 1674, [or 1675, N. S.l att a place called Assowamsett Pond, wilfully and of sett purpose, and of mallice fore thought, and by force and armes, murder John Sassamon, an other Indian, by laying violent hands on him, and striking him, or twisting his necke vntill hee was dead ; and to hyde and conceale this theire said murder, att the tyme and place aforesaid, did cast his dead body through a hole of the iyce into the said pond." To this they pleaded " not guilty," and put themselves on trial, say the records. The jury, however, were not long in finding them guilty, which they express in these words: "Wee of the jury one and all, both English and Indians doe joyntly and with one consent agree upon a verdict." Upon this they were immediately remanded to prison, " and from thence [taken] to the place of execution and there to be hanged by the head f vntill theire bodies are dead." Accordingly, Tobias and Mattashunannamo were executed on the 8 June, 1675. "But the said Wampapaquan, on some con siderations was reprieued until a month be expired." He was, however, shot within the month. It is an error that the jury that found them guilty was composed of half Indians ; there were bflt four, while there were twelve Englishmen. We will again hear the record : "Itt was judged very expedient by the court, that, together with this English jury aboue named, some of the most indifferentest, grauest and sage Indians should be admitted to be with the said jury, and to healp to consult and aduice with, of, and concerning the premises : there names are as followeth, viz. one called by an English name Hope, and Maskippague, Wannoo, George Wampye and Acanootus ; these fully concurred with the jury in theire verdict. " The names of the jurymen were William Sabine, William Crocker, Edward Sturgis, William Brookes, Nath 1 . Winslow, John Wadsicorth, Andrew Hinge, Robert Vixon, John Done, Jon a . Bangs, Jon a . Shaw and Ben} 11 . Higgins. That nothing which can throw light upon this important affair be passed over, we will here add, from a hitherto exceeding scarce tract, the following particulars, although some parts of them are evidently erroneous: "About five or six years since, there was brought up, amongst others, at the college at Cambridge, (Mass.) an Indian, named Sosomon ; who, after some time he had spent in preaching the gospel to Uncos, a sagamore Christian hi his ter ritories, was, by the authority of New Plimouth, sent to preach in like man ner to King Philip, and his Indians. But King Philip, (heathen-like,) instead of receiving the gospel, would immediately have killed this Sosomon, but by the persuasion of some about him, did not do it, but sent him by the hands of three men to prison ; who, as he was going to prison, exhorted and taught them in the Christian religion. They, not liking his discourse, immediately murthered him after a most barbarous manner. They, return ing to King Philip, acquainted him with what they had done. About two or three months after this murther, being discovered to the authority of * The same called Matlashinnamy. His name in the records is spelt four ways. t This old phraseology reminds us of the French mode of expression, couper le cou, that is, to cut off the neck instead of the head ; but the French say, il sera pendu par son cou, and 9* do modern hangmen, alias jurist, of our times. CHAP. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP 197 New Plimouth, Josiah JVinslow being then governor of that colony, care was taken to find out the murtherers, who, upon search, were found and appre hended, and, after a fair trial, were all hanged. This so exasperated King Philip, that, from that day after, he studied to be revenged on the English judging that the English authority had nothing to do to hang an Indian for killing another." * CHAPTER II. Life of KING PHILIP His real name The name of his wife Makes frequent sales of his lands Account of them His first treaty at Plimouth Expedition to Nantucket Events of 1671 Begins the WAR of 1675 First acts of hostility Suxnnp Fight at Pocasset Narrowly escapes out of his own country is pursued by Oneko Fight at Rehoboth Plain Cuts off a company of English under Captain Beers Incidents Fight at Sugar-loaf Hill, and destruction of Captain Lathrop's company Fights the English under Mosely English raise 1500 men Philip retires to JYarraganset Strongly fortifies himself in a great swamp Description of his fortress English march to attack him The great Fight at Narraganset Again flies his country Visits the Mohawks Hi-devised stratagem Events of 1676 Returns again to his country Reduced to a wretched condition /* hunted by Church His chief counsellor, Jlkkompoin, killed, and his sister captured His wife and s&n. full into the hands of Church Flies to Pokanoket Is surprised and slain. Speci men of the Wampanoag Language Other curious matter. IN regard to the native or Indian name of PHILIP, it seems a mistake has al ways prevailed, in printed accounts. POMETACOM gives as near its Indian sound as can be approached by our letters. The first syllable was dropped in familiar discourse, and hence, in a short time, no one imagined but what it had always been so ; in nearly every original deed executed by him, which we have seen, and they are many, his name so appears. It is true that, in those of different years, it is spelt with some little variation, all which, however, conveyed very nearly the same sound. The variations are Pumatacom, Pamatacom, Pometa- come, and Pometacom; the last of which prevails in the records. We have another important discovery to communicate : f it is no other than the name of the wife of Pometacom the innocent WOOTONEKAXUSKE ! This was the name of her who, with her little son, fell into the hands of Captain Church. No wonder that Philip was "now ready to die," as some of his trai torous men told Church, and that " his heart was now ready to break ! " All that was dear to him was now swallowed up in the vortex ! But they still lived, and this most harrowed his soul lived for what ? to serve as slaves ill an unknown land ! could it be otherwise than that madness should seize upon him, and despair torment him in every place ? that in his sleep he should hear the anguishing cries and lamentations of IPootonekanuske and his son ? But we must change the scene. It seems as though, for many years before the war of 1675, Pometacom, and nearly all of his people sold off' their lands as fast as purchasers presented them selves. They saw the prosperity of the English, and they were just such phi losophers as are easily captivated by any show of ostentation. They were forsa- yng their manner of life, to which the proximity of the whites was a deadly poison, and were eager to obtain such things as their neighbors possessed ; these were only to be obtained by parting with their lands. That the reader may form some idea of the rapidity with which the Indians' lands in Plimouth colony were disposed of, we add the following items : * Present State of New England, bv a merchant of Pxiston, in respect to tlie present Bloody Indian Wars, page 3, folio, London, 1676. This, with four other tracts upon PHILIP'S WAR, (covering the whole period of it, with notes by myself, accompanied by a CHRONOLOGY of all Indian events in America from its discovery to the present time, (March 7th, 1836,) has just been published under the title of the OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE. t The author feels a peculiar satisfaction that it has fallen to his lot to be the first to publish the real name of the great sachem of the Wampanoags, and also that of the sharer of his perils, Wootonekanuske. 17* 198 PHILIP. SALES OF HIS LANDS. [BooK III In a deed dated 23 June, 1664, " William Brenton, of Newport, R. I. mer chant," " for a valuable consideration " paid by him, buys Matapoisett of Philip This deed begins, " I, Pumatacom alias Philip, chief sachem of Mount Hope, Cowsumpsit and of all territories thereunto belonging." Philip and his wife both signed this deed, and Tockomock, Wecopauhim,* Nesetaquaxon, Pompa- quase, vlperniniate, Taquanksicke, Paquonack, Watapatahue, Aquetaquish, John Sassamon the interpreter, Rowland Sassamon, and two Englishmen, signed as witnesses. In 1665, he sold the country about Acushena, [now New Bedford,] and Coaxet, [now in Compton.] Philip's father having previously sold some of the same, 10 was now given him to prevent any claim from him, and to pay for his marking out the same. John Woosansman [one of the names of Sassa mon] witnessed this deed. The same year the court of Plimouth presented Philip with a horse, hut on what account we are not informed. In 1662, Wrentham was purchased of Philip by the English of Dedham. It was then called Wollomonopoag, and, by the amount assessed, appears to have cost 24 ] Os., and was six miles square. For this tract of land the English had been endeavoring to negotiate five years.f " In Nov. 1669, upon notice oi' Philip, Sagamore of Mount Hope, now at Wollomonopoag, offering a treaty of his lands thereabouts, not yet purchased," the selectmen appoint five persons to negotiate with him " for his remaining right, provided he can show that he has any." J Whether his right were questionable or not, it seems a purchase was made, at that time, of the tract called Woollommonuppogne, " within the town bounds [of Dedham] not yet purchased." What the full consideration was, our documents do not state, but from a manuscript order which he drew on Dedham afterwards, and the accompanying receipt, some estimate may be formed. The order re quests them " to pay to this bearer, for the use O/KING PHILIP, 5, 5s. in money, and 5 in trucking cloth at money price" In a receipt signed by an agent of Philip, named Peter, the following amount is named : " In reference to the payment ofKiyo PHILIP of Mount Hope, the full and just sum of 5, 5s. in money, and 12 yards of trucking cloth, 3 Ibs. of powder, and as much lead as icill make it up ; which is in full satisfaction with 10 that he is to receive of Nathanid Paine" We next meet with a singular record of Philip, the authorship of which we attribute to John Sassamon, and which, besides extending our knowledge of Philip into his earlier times, serves to make us acquainted with Sassamon's ac quirements in the language of the pilgrims. " Know all men by these presents, that Philip haue giuen power vnto Wa- tuchpoo || and Sampson and theire brethren to hold and make sale of to whom they will by my consent, and they shall not haue itt without they be willing to lett it goe it shal be sol by my consent, but without my knowledge they cannot safely to : but with my consent there is none that can lay claime to that land which 'hey haue marked out, it is theires foreuer, soe therefore none can safely purchase any otherwise but by WatacJipoo and Sampson and their bretheren. PHILIP 1666," Whether the following letter were written earlier or later than this we have no means of knowing ; it is plain, however, from its contents, that it was written at a time when he was strongly opposed to selling his lands, and that the peo ple of Plimouth were endeavoring to get him to their court, where they had reason to believe they could succeed better in getting them than by a negotia tion in his own country. The letter follows: " To the much honored Governer, Mr. Thomas Prince, dwelling at Plimouth. "King PHILIP desire to let you understand that he could not come to the court, for Tom, his interpreter, has a pain in his back, that he could not travil * Perhaps Uncompoin. t Wortfiington's Hist. Dedham, 20 from which work it would seem that the negotiation had been carried on with Philip, but Philip was not sachem until this year. { Ibid. General Court Files. f Sometimes Tukpoo by abbreviation. A further account of htm will be found in the life of Tatoson. JHAP. II-l PHILIP. SALES OF HIS LANDS. 199 BO far, ansl Philip sister is very sick. Philip would intreat that favor of you, and any of the niajcstrats, if aney English or Engians speak about aney land, he pray you to giue them no ansewer at all. This last summer he maid that promia with you that he would not sell no land in 7 years time, for that he would have no English trouble him before that time, he has not forgot that you promis him. He will come a sune as posseble he can to speak with you, and so I rest, your very loveing friend PHILIP p dwelling at mount hope nek." * In 1G67, Philip sells to Constant Southworth, and others, all the meadow lands from Dartmouth to Matapoisett, for which he had 15. Particular bounds to ah 1 tracts are mentioned in the deeds, but as they were generally or onen stakes, trees, and heaps of stones, no one at this time can trace many of them. The same year, for " 10 sterling," he sells to Thos. Wttlet and others, " all that tract of land lying between the Riuer Wanascottaquett and Cawatoquissett, being two miles long and one broad." Paivsaquens, one of Philip's counsel lors, and Tom alias Satesuett, an interpreter, were witnesses to the sale. In 16G8, " Philip Pometacom, and Tatamumaque \ alias Cashewashed, sachems," for a " valuable consideration," sell to sundry English a tract of some square miles. A part of it was adjacent to Pokanoket. In describing it, Memenuck- quage and Towansett neck are mentioned, which we conclude to be in Swau- sey. Besides two Englishmen, Sompointeen, alias Tom, and Nananuntnew, son of Thomas Plants, were witnesses to this sale. The next year, the same sachems sell 500 acres in Swansey for 20. Wanueo, a counsellor, and Tom the interpreter, were witnesses. Ill 16(38, Philip and Uncompawen laid claim to a part of New-meadows neck, alleging that it was not intended to be conveyed in a former deed, byi Ossame- quin and ff'amsutta, to certain English, " although it appears, says the record, pretty clearly so expressed in said deed," " yet that peace and friendship may be continued," " Capt. tFttlet, Mr. Broivn and John Mien, in the behalf of them selves and the rest," agree to give Philip and Uncompawen the sum of 11 in goods. PHILIP NANUSKOOKE J his ft mark, VNCOMPAWEN his X mark. TOM SANSUWEST, interpreter, And NIMROD. The same year, we find the following record, which is doubly interesting, from the plan with which we are able to accompany it, drawn by Philip him self. He contracts or agrees, by the following writing under his hand, in these words : " this may inform the honoured court [of Plimouth,] that I Philip ame willing to sell the land within this draught ; but the Indians that are vpon it may Hue vpon it still ; but the land that is [wastel may be sould, and H'attach- poo is of the same minde. I have sed downe all the principal! names of the laud wee are willing should bee sould." " From Pacanaukett PHILLIP f> his marke" the 24 of the 12 mo. 1668." * 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. ii. 40. The original was owned by a Mr. White of Plimouth, about 30 years ago. It is probably another production of John Sassamon. t Written in another deed, Atunkamomake. This deed was in the next year. It was of 500 acres of land, " more or lesse," in Swansey ; and 20 the consideration. Hu q/"PuNCKquA>'ECK, The mark fc; )/'AquETEQUESH."f Of the uneasiness and concern of the English at this period, from the hostile movements of Philip, Mr. Hubbard, we presume, was not informed; or so important an event would not have been omitted in his minute and valuable history. Mr. Morton, as we before stated, and Mr. Mather mention it, but neither of these, or any writer since, to this day, has made the matter appear in its true light, from their neglect to produce the names of those that appeared with the sachem. * Relation, 72. f In his N. England's Memorial. $ From the records in manuscript. 202 PHILIP. PURSUIT OF GIBBS. [Boo K III For about nine years succeeding 166-2, very little is recorded concerning Philip. During this time, he became more intimately acquainted with his English neighbors, learned their weakness and his own strength, which rather increased than diminished, until his fatal war of 1675. For, during this period, not only their additional numbers gained them power, but their arms were greatly strengthened by the English instruments of war put into their hands. Roger Williams had early brought the Narragansets into friend ship with Massasoit, which alliance gained additional strength on the acces sion of the young Metacomet. And here we may look for a main cause of that war, although the death of Alexander is generally looked upon by the early historians, as almost the only one. The continual broils between the Eng lish and Narragansets, (we name the English first, as they were generally the aggressors,) could not be unknown to Philip ; and if his countrymen were wronged he knew it. And what friend will see another abused, with out feeling a glow of resentment in his breast? And who will wonder, if, when these abuses had followed each other, repetition upon repetition, for a series of years, that they should at last break out into open war? The Narraganset chiefs were not conspicuous at the period of which we speak ; there were several of them, but no one appears to have had a general com mand or ascendency over the rest ; and there can be little doubt but that they unanimously reposed their cause in the hands of Philip. Ninigret was at this time grown old, and though, for many years after the murder of Miantunnomoh, he seems to have had the chief authority, yet pusillanimity was always rather a predominant trait in his character. His age had prob ably caused his withdrawal from the others, on their resolution to second Philip. Canonchet was at this period the most conspicuous ; Pumfiam next ; Potok, Magnus, the squaw-sachem, whose husband, Mriksah, had been dead several years ; and lastly Mattatoag. Before proceeding with later events, the following short narrative, illus trative of a peculiar custom, may not be improperly introduced. Philip, as tradition reports, made an expedition to Nantucket in 1665, to punish an Indian who had profaned the name of Massasoit, his father ; and, as it was an observance or law among them, that whoever should speak evil of the dead should be put to death, Philip went there with an armed force to exe cute this law upon Gibbs. He was, however, defeated in his design, for one of Gibbs's friends, understanding Philip's intention, ran to him and gave him notice of it, just in time for him to escape ; not, however, without great ex ertions, for Philip came once in sight of him, after pursuing him some time among the English from house to house ; but Gibbs, by leaping a bank, got out of sight, and so escaped. Philip would not leave the island until the English had ransomed John at the exorbitant price of nearly all the money upon the island.* Gibbs was a Christian Indian, and his Indian name was Assasamoogh. He was a preacher to his countrymen in 1674, at which time there were belonging to his church 30 members. What grounds the English had, in the spring of the year 1671, for suspect ing that a plot was going forward for their destruction, cannot satisfactorily be ascertained ; but it is evident there were some warlike preparations made by the great chief, which very much alarmed the English, as in the life of Jlwashonks we shall have occasion again to notice. Their suspicions were further confirmed when they sent for him to come to Taunton and make known the causes for his operations ; as he discovered " shyness," and a re luctance to comply. At length, on the 10th of April, this year, he came to a place about tour miles from Tauiiton, accompanied with a band of his war riors, attired, armed and painted as for a warlike expedition. From this place he sent messengers to Taunton, to invite the English to come and treat with him. The governor either was afraid to meet the chief, or thought it beneath his dignity to comply with his request, and therefore sent several * For some of what we have given above, see 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. Hi. 159, furnished for that work by Mr. Zaccheus Macy, whose ancestor, it is said, assisted in secreting Assasamoogh. In a late work. Hist. Nanturkett by Olied Macy, an account of the affair is given, but with tome varialiou friu the above. CHAP. II.] PHILIP TREATY AT TAUNTON. 203 persons, among' whom was Roger Williams, to inform him of their determi nation, and their good disposition towards him, and to urge his attendanc. .-it Taunton. He agreed to go, and hostages were left in the hands of his warriors to warrant his safe return. On coming near the village with a few of his warriors, he made a stop, which appears to have been occasioned by the warlike parade of ihe English, many of whom were for immediately at tacking him. These were the Plimouth people that recommended this rash ness, hut they were prevented by the commissioners from Massachusetts, who met here with the governor of Plimouth to confer with Philip. In the end it was agreed that a council should be held in the meeting house, one side of which should be occupied by the Indians, and the other by the English. Philip had alleged that the English injured the planted lands of his people, but this, the English say, was in no wise sustained. He said his warlike preparations were not against the English, but the Narragansets, which the English also say was proved to his face to be false ; and that this so confounded him, that he confessed the whole plot, and "that it was the naughtiness of his own heart that put him upon that rebellion, and nothing of aiiy provocation from the Englislfe" * Therefore, with four of his counsel lors, whose names were Tavoser, Captain Wispoke, Woonkaponehunt, [Unkom- oot'n,] and ATmrorf, he signed a submission, and an engagement of frienaship, which also stipulated that he should give up all the arms among his people, into the hands of the governor of Plimouth, to be kept as long as the govern ment should "see reason." f The English of Massachusetts, having acted as umpires in this affair, were looked to, by both parties, on the next cause of complaint. Philip having delivered the arms which himself and men had with them at Taunton, J promised to deliver the rest at Plimouth by a certain time. But they not being delivered according to agreement, and some other differences occurring, a messenger was sent to Boston from Plimouth, to make complaint ; but Philip, perhaps, understanding what was intended, was quite as early at Bos ton in person ; and, by his address, did not fail to be well received, and a favorable report of him was returned to Plimouth ; and, at the same time, proposals that commissioners from all the United Colonies should meet Philip at Plimouth, where all difficulties might be settled. This meeting took place the same year, September, 1671, and the issue of the meeting was very nearly the same as that at Tauuton. "The conclusion was," says Mr. Maiher,\\ "Philip acknowledged his offence, and was appointed to give a sum of money to defray the charges which his insolent clamors had put the colo ny unto." As usual, several articles were drawn up by the English, of what Philip was to submit to, to which we find the names of three only of his captains or counsellors, Uncompaen, who was his uncle,H Wotokom, and Samkama. Great stress in those days was laid on the Indians submitting themselves as " subjects to his majesty the king of England." This they did only to get rid of the importunity of the English, as their course immediately afterwards invariably showed. The articles which the government of Plimouth drew up at this time, for Philip to sign, were not so illiberal as might be imagined, were we not to produce some of them. Article second reads, " I [Philip] am willing, and do promise to pay unto the government of Plim outh 100, in such things as I have ; but I would entreat the favor that I might have three years to pay it in, forasmuch as I cannot do it at present." And in article third, he promises "to send unto the governor, or whom he shall appoint, five wolves' heads, if he can get them; or as many as he can procure, Hubbard, I- J Jan Wars, 11, 1st edition. t The article* ot this treaty may be seen in Hubbard, MatJier, and Htttcliinson's histories thcv amount to little, and we therefore omit them. t Mather's Relation, 73. $ Perhaps this was the time Mr. Josselyn saw him there richly caparisoned, as will here after be mentioned. || Mather's Relation, 73. H CaJled by Church, Mkompoin. Hist. King Philip's War, 110 of my edition. 204 PHILIP. PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. [BOOK HI. until they come to five wolves' heads yearly." These articles were dated * 29 S jpt. 1671, and were signed by The, mark P of PHILLIP ; The, mark T of WOHKOWPAHENITT ; The mark \l O/"\VUTTAKOOSEEIM; The, mark T O^SONKANUHOO ; The. mark JJ O^WOONASHUM, alias NIMROD ; The mark Y of WOOSPASUCK, alias CAPTAIN. On the 3 Nov. following, Philip accompanied Takanumma to Plimouth, to make his submission, which he did, and acknowledged, by a writing, that he would adhere to the articles signed by Philip and the others, the 29 Sept. before. Tokamona was brother to Awashonks, and, at this time, was sachem of Seconet, or Saconett He was afterwards killed by the Narragansets.f A general disarming of the neighboring Indians was undertaken during the spring and summer of 1671, and nothing ^ut trouble could have been expect ed to follow. That nothing may be omitted which can throw light upon this important era in the biography of Philip, we will lay before the reader all the unpub lished information furnished by the records.:}: Having met in June, 1671, " The court [of Plimouth] determins all the guns in our hands, that did be long to Philip, are justly forfeit; and do at the present order the dividing of them, to be kept at the several towns, according to their equal proportions, until October court next, and then to be at the court's dispose, as reason may appeal* to them, and then to belong unto the towns, if not otherwise disposed of by the court. " That which the court grounds their judgment upon is, For that at the treaty at Taunton, Philip and his council did acknowledge that they had been in a preparation for war against us; and that not grounded upon any injury sustained from us, nor provocation given by us, but from their naughty hearts, and because he had formerly violated and broken solemn covenants made and renewed to us ; he then freely tendered, (not being in a capacity to be kept faithful by any other bonds,) to resign up all his English arms, for our future security in that respect. He failed greatly in the performance thereof, by secret[ly] conveying away, and carrying home several guns, that might and should have been then delivered, and not giving them up since, according to his engagement ; nor so far as is in his power ; as appears in that many guns are known still to be amongst the Indians that live by him, and [he] not so much as giving order to some of his men, that are under his immediate com mand, about the bringing in of their arms. " In his endeavoring, since the treaty [at Taunton,] to render us odious to our neighbor colony by false reports, complaints and suggestions ; and his refusing or avoiding a treaty with us concerning those and other matters that are justly offensive to us, notwithstanding his late engagement, &a well as for mer, to submit to the king's authority, and the authority of this colony. " It was also ordered by the court that the arrr } of the Indians of Namas- sakett and Assowamsett, that were fetched in by Major Wlnslow, and those that were with him, are confiscated, and forfeit, from the said Indians, for the grounds above expressed ; they being in a compliance with Phillipe in his late plot : And yet would neither by our governor's order, nor by Phillipe's desire, bring hi their arms, as was engaged by the treaty ; and the said guna are ordered by the court to the major and his company for their satisfaction, in that expedition. " This court have agreed and voted " to send "some" forces to " Saconettto fetch in " the arms among the Indians there. * There is no date, but the year, set to any printed copy of this treaty. Mr. Hubbard by mistake omitted it, and those who have since written, have not given themselves the pleasure of recurring- to the records. + See Church, 39. t Plimouth Colony Records, in manuscript. CHAP. II.] PHILIP. PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. 205 If then, therefore, these Indians had not already become hostile, no one would marvel had it now become the case. Bows and arrows were almost entirely out of use. Guns had so far superseded them, that undoubtedly many scarce could use them with effect, in procuring themselves game : Nor could it be expected otherwise, for the English had, by nearly 40 years' intercourse, ren dered their arms far more necessary to the existence of the Indians than to their own : hence their unwillingness to part with them. Philip, it is said, directed the Middleborough Indians to give up their guns. His object in this was to pacify the English, judging that if war should begin, these Indians would join the English, or at least many of them ; and, therefore, it affected his cause but little which party possessed them ; but not so with his immediate followers, as we have just seen in the record. A council of war having convened at Plimouth, 23 August, 1671, the follow ing, besides the matters already expressed, they took into consideration : Philip's " entertaining of many strange Indians, which might portend danger towards us. In special by his entertaining of divers Saconett Indians, professed ene mies to this colony, and this against good counsel given him by his friends. The premises considered [the council] do unanimously agree and conclude, that the said Phillip hath violated [the] covenant plighted with this colony at Taunton in April last. "2. It is unanimously agreed and concluded by the said council, that we are necessarily called to cause the said sachem to make his personal appearance to make his purgation, in reference to the premises ; which, in case of his refusal, the council, according to what at present appears, do determin it necessary to endeavor his reducement by force ; inasmuch as the controversy which hath seemed to lie more immediately between him and us, doth concern all the Eng lish plantations. It is, therefore, determined to state the case to our neighbor colonies of the Massachusetts and Rhode Island ; and if, by their weighty ad vice to the contrary, we are not diverted from our present determinations, to signify unto them, that if they look upon themselves concerned to engage in the case with us against a common enemy, it shall be well accepted as a neigh borly kindness, which we shall hold ourselves obliged to repay, when Provi dence may so dispose that we have opportunity. u Accordingly, letters were despatched and sent from the council, one unto the said Phillip the said sachem, to require his personal appearance at Plymouth, on the 13th day of September next, in reference to the particulars above men tioned against him. This letter was sent by Mr. James Walker, one of the council, and he was ordered to request the company of Mr. Roger Williams and Mr. James Brown, to go with him at the delivery of the said letter. And another letter was sent to the governor and council of the Massachusetts by the hands of Mr. John Freeman, one of our magistrates, and a third was directed to the governor and council of Rhode Island, and sent by Mr. Thomas Hinckley and Mr. Constant Southworth, two other of our magistrates, who are ordered by our council with the letter, to unfold our present state of matters relating to the premises, and to certify them, also, more certainly of the time of the meeting together, in reference to engagement with the Indians, if there be a going forth, which will be on the 20 of September next. " It was further ordered by the council, that those formerly pressed shall remain under the same impressment, until the next meeting of the said coun cil, on the 13 day of Sept. next, and so also until the intended expedition is issued, unless they shall see cause to alter them, or add or detract from them, as occasion may require : And that all other matters remain as they were, in way of preparation to the said expedition, until we shall see the mind of God further by the particulars forenamed, improved for that purpose. " It was further ordered by the council, that all the towns within this jurisdic tion shall, in the interim, be solicitously careful to provide for their safety, by convenient watches and wardings, and carrying their arms to the meetings on the Lord's days, in such manner, as will best stand with their particulars, and the common safety. a And in particular they order, that a guard shall be provided for the safety of the governor's person, during the time of the above-named trouble* and ex peditions. 18 2C6 PHILIP.. -PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. [Boon HI. " And the council were summoned by the president, [the governor of Plim- outh,] to make their personal appearance at Plymouth, on the 13th day of Sept. next, to attend such further business as shall be then presented by Pfovi- dence, in reference to the premises, [Without any intermediate entry, the records proceed :] " On the 13 Sept. 1671, the council of war appeared, according to their sum mons, but Phillip the sachem appeared not; but instead thereof repaired to the Massachusetts, and made complaint against us to divers of the gentlemen in place there ; who wrote to our governor, by way of persuasion, to advise the council to a compliance with the said sachem, and tendered their help in the achieving thereof; declaring, in sum, that they resented not his offence so deeply as we did, and that they doubted whether the covenants and engage ments that Phillip and his predecessors had plighted with us, would plainly import that he had subjected himself, and people, and country to us any further than as in a neighborly and friendly correspondency." ^Thus, whether Philip had been able by misrepresentation to lead the court of Massachusetts into a conviction that his designs had not been fairly set forth by Plimouth, or whether it be more reasonable to conclude that that body were thoroughly acquainted with the whole grounds of complaint, and, therefore, considered Plimouth nearly as much in error as Philip, by assuming authority not belonging to them, is a case, we apprehend, not difficult to be settled by the reader. The record continues : " The council having deliberated upon the premises, despatched away letters, declaring their thankful acceptance of their kind proffer, and invited the com missioners of the Massachusetts and Connecticut, they [the latter] then being there in the Bay, [Boston,] and some other gentlemen to come to Plymouth and afford us their help: And, accordingly, on the 24 of Sept. 1671, Mr, John Win- throp, Gov. of Connecticut, Maj. Gen. Levereit, Mr. Thos. Danforth, Capt. Wm. Davis, with divers others, came to Plimouth, and had a fair and deliberate hearing of the controversy between our colony and the said sachem Phillip, he being personally present ; there being also competent interpreters, both English and Indians. At which meeting it was proved by sufficient testimony to the conviction of the said Phillip, and satisfaction of all that audience, both [to] the said gentlemen and others, that he had broken his covenant made with our colony at Taunton in April last, in divers particulars : as also carried very un kindly unto us divers ways. " 1. In that he " had neglected to bring in his arms, although " competent time, yea his time enlarged " to do it in, as before stated. " 2. That he had earned insolently and proudly towards us on several occasions, in refusing to come down to our court (when sent for) to have speech with him, to procure a right understanding of matters in difference betwixt us." This, to say the least, was a wretchedly sony complaint. That an independ ent chief should refuse to obey his neighbors whenever they had a rnind to command him, of the justness of whose mandates he was not to inquire, surely calls for no comment of ours. Besides, did Philip not do as he agreed at Taunton ? which was, that in case of future troubles, both parties should lay their complaints before Massachusetts, and abide by their decision? The 3d charge is only a repetition of what was stated by the council of war, namely, harboring and abetting divers Indians not his own men, but " vaga bonds, our professed enemies, who leaving their own sachem were harbored by him." The 4th has likewise been stated, which contains the complaint of his going to Massachusetts, " with several of his council, endeavoring to insinuate him self into the magistrates, and to misrepresent matters unto them," which amounts to little else but an accusation against Massachusetts, as, from what has been before stated, it seems that the " gentlemen in place there " had, at least in part, been convinced that Philip was not so much in fault as their friends of Plim outh had pretended. "5. That he had shewed great incivility to divers of ours atvseveral times; in epecial unto Mr. James Brown, who was sent by the court on special occasion, us a messenger unto him ; and unto Hugh Cole at another time, &c. "The gent'emen forenamed taking notice of the premises, having fully heard Our. II.] PHILIP. 207 what the said Phillip could say for himself, having free liberty so to do without interruption, adjudged that he had done us a great deal of wrong and injury, (respecting the premises,) and also abused them by carrying lies and false stories to them, and so misrepresenting matters unto them ; and they persuaded him to make an acknowledgment of his fault, and to seek for reconciliation, expressing themselves, that there is a great difference between what he asserted to the government hi the Bay, and what he could now make out concerning his pretended wrongs ; and such had been the wrong and damage that he had done and procured unto the colony, as ought not to be borne without compe tent reparation and satisfaction ; yea, that he, by his iuaolencies, had (in proba bility) occasioned more mischief from the Indians amongst them, than had fallen out in many years before ; they persuaded him, therefore, to humble him self unto the magistrates, and to amend his ways, if he expected peace ; and that, if lie went on in his refractory way, he must expect to smart for it." The commissioners finally drew up the treaty of which we have before spo ken, and Philip and his counsellors subscribed it ; and thus ended the chief events of 1671. A very short time before the war of 1675 commenced, the governor of Massachusetts sent an ambassador to Philip, to demand of him why he would make war upon the English, and requested him, at the same time, to enter into a treaty. The sachem made him this answer : " Your governor is but a subject of King Charles * of England. I shall not treat with a subject. I shall treat of peace only with the king, my brother. Jfhen he comes, I am ready." \ This is literal, although we have changed the order of the words a little, and is worthy of a place upon the same page with the speech of the famous Porus, when taken captive by Alexander. J We meet with nothing of importance until the death of Sassamon, in 1674, the occasion of which was charged upon Philip, and was the cause of bringing about the war with him a year sooner than he had expected. This event pre maturely discovered his intentions, which occasioned the partial recantation of the Narragansets, who, it is reported, were to furnish 4000 men, to be ready to full upon the English in 1676. Concert, therefore, was wanting ; and although nearly all the Narragansets ultimately joined against the English, yet the pow erful effect of a general simultaneous movement was lost to the Indians. Philip's own people, many of whom were so disconcerted at the unexpected beginning of the war, continued some time to waver, doubting which side to show themselves in favor of; and it was only from their being without the vicinity of the English, or unprotected by them, that determined their course, which was. in almost all cases, in favor of Philip. Even the praying Indians, had they been left to themselves, would, no doubt, many of them, have declared in his favor also, as a great many really did. Until the execution of the three Indians, supposed to be the murderers of Sassamon, no hostility was committed by Philip or his warriors. About the time of their trial, he was said to be marching his men " up and down the country in arms," but when it was known that they were executed, he could no longer restrain many of his young men, who, having sent their wives and children to Narraganset, upon the 24th of June, provoked the people of Swan- Bey, by killing their cattle, and other injuries, until they fired upon them and * Charles II., whose reign was from 1660 to 1676. t Old Indian Chronicle, 68. t The conqueror asked him how he would be treated, who, m two words, replied, " Like a kino\" Being- asked if he had no other request to make, he said, " No. Every thing is comprehended in that." (Plutarch's Life of Alexander.) We could wish, that the English conquerors had acted with as much magnanimity towards the Indians, as Alexander did towards those he overcame. Fonts was treated as he had desired. " In the mean time King Philip mustered up about 500 of his men, and arms them com- pleat ; and had gotten about 8 or 900 of his neighboring Indians, and likewise arms them com- pleat ; (i. e. guns, powder and bullets ;) but how many he hath engaged to be of his party, is unknown to any among us. The last spring, several Indians were seen in small parties, about Rehoboth and Swansfy, which not a little affrighted the inhabitants. Who demanding the reason of them, wherefore it was so ? Answer was made, That they were only on their wn defence, for they understood that the English intended to cut them off. About the 20tb 208 PHILIP BEGINS THE WAR OF 1675. [BooK III. killed one, which was a signal to commence the war, and what they had de sired ; for the superstitious notion prevailed among the Indians, that the party who fired the first gun would be conquered.* They had probably been made to believe this by the English themselves. It was upon a fast day that this great drama was opened. As the people were returning from meeting, they were fired upon by the Indians, when one was killed and two wounded. Two others, going for a surgeon, were killed on their way. In another part of the town, six others were killed the same day. Swansey was in the midst of Philip's country, and his men were as well acquainted with all the walks of the English as they were themselves. It is not supposed that Philip directed this attack, but, on the other hand, it has been said that it was against his wishes. But there can be no doubt of his hostility and great desire to rid his country of the white intruders ; for had he not reason to say, "Exarsere ignes animo; subit ira, cadentem Ulcisci patriam, et sceleratas sumere pcenas ? " The die was cast. No other alternative appeared, but to ravage, burn and destroy as fast as was in his power. There had been no considerable war for a long time, either among themselves or with the English, and, therefore, nu merous young warriors from the neighboring tribes, entered into his cause with great ardor ; eager to perform exploits, such as had been recounted to them by their sires, and such as they had long waited an opportunity to achieve. The time, they conceived, had now arrived, and their souls expanded in pro portion to the greatness of the undertaking. To conquer the English ! to lead captive their haughty lords ! must have been to them thoughts of vast magni tude, and exhilarating in the highest degree. Town after town fell before them, and when the English forces marched in one direction, they were burning and laying waste in another. A part of Taunton, Middleborough, and Dartmouth, in the vicinity of Pocasset, upon Narraganset Bay, soon followed the destruction of Swansey, which was burnt immediately after the 24th of June, on being abandoned by the inhabitants. Though now in great consternation, the people of Swansey and its vicinity did not forget to make known their distressed situation by sending runners with the utmost despatch to Boston and Plirnouth for assistance. "But," says our chronicler of that day, " before any came to them, they of both towns, Reho- both and Swansey, were gathered together into three houses, men, women, and children, and there had all provisions in common, so that they who had nothing wanted nothing. Immediately after notice hereof came to Boston, drums beat up for volunteers, and in 3 hours time were mustered up about 110 men, Capt. Samuel Mostly being their commander. This Capt. Mosdy hath been an old privateer at Jamaica, an excellent soldier, and an undaunted spirit, one whose memory will be honorable in New England for his many eminent ser vices he hath done the public. "There were also among these men, about 10 or 12 privateers, that had been there some time before. They carried with them several dogs, that proved serviceable to them, in finding out the enemy in their swamps ; one whereof would, for several days together, go out and bring to them 6, 8 or 10 young pigs of King Philip's herds. There went out also amongst these men, one Cornelius, a Dutchman, who had lately been condemned to die for piracy, but afterwards received a pardon ; he, willing to show his gratitude therefor, went out and did several good services abroad against the enemy." All who have sought after truth in matters of this kind, are well aware of the of June last, seven or eight of King Philip's men came to Swansey on the Lord's day, and would grind a hatchet at an inhabitant's house there; the master told them, it was the sab bath day, and their God would be very angry if he should let them do it. They returned this answer : They knew not who his God was, and that they would do it, for all him, or his God either. From thence they went to another house, and took away some victuals, but hurt no man. Immediately they met a man travelling on the road, kept him in custody a shorl time, then dismist him quietly ; giving him this caution, that he should not work on his God's day, and that he should tell no lies." Chronicle, 8, 9. * ddlendar's Discourse on the Hist, of R. Island. CHAi.II] PHILIP HIS WAR OF 1675. 20'J extreme difficulty of investigation. Twenty persons may write an accoiint of an affair, to the passage of which all may have been witnesses, and no two of them agree in many of its particulars. The author of the tracts which we cite under the name of The OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE, wrote his accounts in Boston, and we have no doubt of his intention to record every event with the strictest regard to truth ; if he had erred, it is doubtless from his recording the first news of an event, which often varies in point of fact afterwards. Hubbard and Ma ther, two contemporary historians, had the advantage of a comparison of re ports, and of revising their works in their passage through the press; whereas the author of the tracts wrote them as letters to a friend in London, where they were immediately printed. With allowances for these circumstances, as full credit should be given to his relation, as to either of the others. His accounts of the first events at Swansey are detailed in his own words in a previous note, and we here proceed with another portion of his narrative. " By this time the Indians have killed several of our men, but the first that was killed was June 23, a man at Swansey ; that he and his family had left his house amongst the rest of the inhabitants, and adventuring with his wife and son (about twenty years old) to go to his house to fetch them corn, and such like things: (he having just before sent his wife and son away) as he was going out of the house, was set on and shot by Indians. His wife being not far off, heard the guns go off, went back," and fell into their hands. Dishonored, and afterwards scalped by them, she immediately died, and her son was at the same time scalped. " They also the next day [24 June] killed six or seven men at Swansey, and two more at one of the garrisons ; and as two men went out of one of the garrisons to draw a bucket of water, they were shot and carried away, and afterwards were found with their fingers and feet cut oft", and the skin of their heads flayed off," that is, scalped. " About 1 4 days after that they sent for more help ; whereupon the authority of Boston made Capt. Thomas Savage the major general in that expedition, wno, with 60 horse, and as many foot, went out of Boston ; having pressed horses for the footmen, and six carts to carry provisions with them." " They traveled day and night till they came to their garrisons, and within three days after marched, horse and foot, leaving guards in the garrisons, towards Mount Hope, where King Philip and his wife was. They came on him at unawares, so that he was forced to rise from dinner, and he and all with him fled out of that, land called Mount Hope, up further into the country. They pursued them as far as they could go for swamps, and killed 15 or 16 in that expedition, then returned and took what he had that was worth taking, and spoiled the rest ; taking all his cattle and hogs that they could find, and also took possession of Mount Hope, which had then a thousand acres under corn, which is since cut down by the English, and disposed of according to their discretion. Cornelius [before men tioned] was in this exploit, and pursued Philip so hard, that he got his cap off his head, and now wears it." It was June 26, that the English marched out of Boston for Swansey ; and they arrived there two days after, namely, June 28, a little before night.* Twelve men immediately marched out to invade Philip's territories, who were attacked by about the same number of Philip's men. The invaders were re pulsed, having one killed, and one wounded, and his horse killed under him. Of the Indians two were killed. The next day, June 29, the Indians appeared boldly in view of the English, and by their shouts, it would seem, dared them to come out and fight. Mostly sallied out at the head of a company of volunteers, and rushed furiously upon them. They fled to their coverts, but even here made a stand only for a mo ment ; for after one fire they all fled. One of the English, Ensign Savage, was wounded, the ball lodging in his thigh, and another passed through the brim of his hat.f Moscly pursued the Indians above a mile, and killed five or six of them, as they were making their retreat into a swamp. It was in this pursuit that the exploit of Cornelius took place, just related, and Philip was not seen at * Hubbard, Narrative, 18. t Church, who was in this action, says Savage was wounded by his own party : having VMM themselves into two wings, in their confusion one fired upon the other. 210 PHILIP BATTLE OF PUNKATEESET.' [BOOK 111 Mount Hope again until the next year. The next day the English forces trav ersed Mount Hope Neck, found Philip's wigwam, but himself and all his peo ple had made good their retreat. They found the heads of eight of the English that had been killed, set upon poles, at Keekamuit, which they took down anc' interred. On the morning of July 1, as Lieutenant Oakes was returning to head-quar ters at Swansey, having encamped at Rehoboth the preceding night, he dis covered a company of Indians, and attacked them. How many were killed is not stated, but two of Philip's chief captains were among the number, one of whom was named THEBE, "a sachem of Mount Hope." Of the English one was killed. The scalps of three Indians that were killed were taken off' by the English and sent to Boston, which were the first taken by them in this war.* At the solicitation of BENJAMIN CHURCH, a company of 36 men were put under him and Captain Fuller, who, on the 8 July, marched down into Pocas- set Neck. Church, who was well acquainted with the Indians, had urged the officers of the army to pursue Philip on the Pocasset side, being fully persua ded that there were no Indians in Mount Hope Neck, the part of the country they were taking so much pains to guard and fortify ; but they would not hear to his advice, and the consequence was, Philip burned and destroyed the towns towards Plimouth. But to return to the force under Church and Fuller. This, though but small at first, was divided into two. Church had 19 men, and Fuller the remaining 17. The party under Church proceeded into a point of land called Punkateeset, now the southerly extremity of Tiverton, where they were attacked by a great body of Indians, 300, as Church learned afterwards, who nearly encompassed them ; but after a few minutes fight, the English re treated to the sea shore, and thus saved themselves from immediate destruc tion. Church gave orders for a retreat the very moment he discovered that the object of the Indians was to surround them. This proved their safety, although, as they were now situated, they could expect but little else than to sell their lives at the price of a greater number of their enemies. These Indians were well armed, " their bright guns glittering in the sun," which gave them a formidable appearance. Thus hemmed in, Church had a double duty to perform ; that of preserving the spirits of his famished followers, many of whom were ready to give up all for lost, and erecting defences of stones to defend them. Many were the hair-breadth escapes of individuals in this little band on this trying occasion. In the language of Church, " they were beset with multitudes of Indians, who possessed themselves of every rock, and stump, tree or fence, that was in sight," from which they fired without ceasing. Boats had been appointed to attend upon the English in this expedition, but they had grounded on the Rhode Island shore, and could not come to their assistance ; at length, however, one got off, and came towards them, which gave them hopes of escape, but these were of short duration : the Indians fired into it, and prevented their landing. Church ordered those in it to ride off beyond musket shot, and to send a canoe ashore ; but they dared not even to do this. When Church saw that, in a moment of vexation, he ordered the boat to be gone in an instant or he would fire upon it ; she immediately left, and the peril of the English was greatly increased ; for now the Indians were en couraged, and they fired " thicker and faster than before." Night was now almost enshrouding them, their ammunition nearly spent, and the Indians had possessed themselves of a stone house that overlooked them, but as though preserved by a miracle, not one of the English in all this time was wounded. But fortune's sport was now nearly ended : a sloop was discovered bearing down towards them, and soon after, Church announced that relief was coming, for that the vessel was commanded by " Capt. GOLD- ING, whom he knew to be a man for business." True, it was Golding. He sent his canoe ashore, but it was so small that it would take but two at a time to the vessel. The embarkation immediately commenced, and meantime the Indians plied their shot with such effect that the colors, sails, and stern of the sloop were full of bullet-holes. Church was the last man to embark, * I deduce the facts in this sentence from a comparison of Hubbard, 20, with th CHRONICLE, 13. CHAP. II.] PHILIP. POCASSET SWAMP FIGHT. 211 who, as he was retreating backward to the boat, a ball grazed the hair of his head, two others struck the canoe as he entered it, and a fourth lodged in a stake, which accidentally stood just before "the middle of his breast!" Thus this little band, after a fight of about six hours, escaped. The party under Captain Fuller met with similar fortune ; they were attacked by great numbers, but escaped by getting possession of an old house close upon the water's edge and were early taken off by boats. But two of the party were wounded. Some of the Indians were killed and wounded this day, but how many is not known. The same day this fight took place, a boat's crew went from Rhode Island to Pocasset to look after some cattle, and were fired upon by the Indians, and one of their number, a servant of Captain Church, was severely wounded. Some of the acts of the English, in retrospect, do not discover that judg ment the circumstances seem to have elicited, especially that in relation to the Narragansets. They had now driven Philip out of Mount Hope Neck, and, not knowing exactly where to find him, the forces in that quarter re mained doubting what next to do. At this juncture Captain Hutchinson arrived from Boston with orders from the government there, " for them to pass into Narraganset, to treat with the sachems, and if it might be, to pre vent their joining with Philip" Accordingly they marched into that country, but all the chief men and warriors fled on their approach. The historical conclusion is, therefore, that this act was viewed by them as a declaration of war, and it is rational that they should have so considered it; because the army assumed a most hostile attitude, " resolving they would go to make peace with a sword in their hands." Having arrived in the Narraganset country, three or four days were spent in finding Indians with whom to treat ; (for they could find none to fight ;) at length, four men were found, whom the English styled sachems, and a treaty was drawn up at great length and signed by the parties. To ensure its observance the following hostages were taken into custody by the army : JOHN WOBEQUOB, WEOWTHIM,* PEWKES, and WEENEW, " four of the sachems near kinsmen and choice friends." Among the stipulations of the treaty we find these : The said sachems shall carefully seize all and every of Philip's subjects, and deliver them up to the English, alive or dead; that they shall use all acts of hostility against Philip and his subjects, to kill them wherever they can be found ; that if they seize Philip, and deliver him alive to the English, they shall receive 40 trucking cloth coats ; and for his head alone, 20 of said coats ; and for every subject of said sachem 2 coats, if alive, and one if dead. This treaty is dated Petaquanscot, 15 July, 1675 ; In presence of and signed by the marks of Daniel Henchman, TAWAGESON, Thomas Prentice, TAYTSOJY, Nicholas Paige, AGAMAUG, Joseph Stanlon, Interpreter. WAMPSH, alias Henry Hawlaws, I [Indians, GORMAN. Pecoe Bucow, probably.] Job Ne Philip commanded in person upon Pocasset, where, upon the 18th of July, he was discovered in a "dismal swamp." He had retired to this place, which is adjacent to Taunton River, with most of his Wampanoags, and such others as had joined him, to avoid falling in with the English army, which was now pursuing him. From their numbers, the English were nearly able to encompass the swamp, and the fate of Philip they now thought scaled. On arriving at its edge, a few of Philip's warriors showed them selves, and the English rushed in upon them with ardor, and by this feint were drawn far into an ambush, and "about 15 were slain." The leaves upon the trees were so thick, and the hour of the day so late, that a friend could not be distinguished from a foe, " whereby 'tis verily feared," says Dr. Matlier, ' that [the English themselves] did sometimes unhappily shoot Eng- * Probably the same called in another place NOWEQUA. 212 PHILIP. FIGHT AT REHOBOTH PLAIlV. [BOOK III lishmeu instead of Indians." A retreat was now ordered, and, considering Philip's escape impossible, the most of the forces left the place, a few only remaining, " to starve out the enemy." That Philip's force was great at this time is certain, from the fact that a hundred wigwams were found near the edge of the swamp, newly constructed of green bark. In one of those the English found an old man, who informed them that Philip was there. He lost but few men in the encounter, though, it is said, he had a brother killed.* The idle notion of building a fort here to starve out Philip, was suffi ciently censured by the historians of that day. For, as Captain Church ex presses it, to build a fort for nothing to cover the people from nobody^ was rather a ridiculous idea. This observation he made upon a fort's being built upon Mount Hope Neck, some time after every Indian had left that side of the country, and who, in fact, were laying waste the towns before mentioned. The swamp where Philip was now confined, was upon a piece of country which projected into Taunton River, and was nearly seven miles in extent. After being guarded here 13 days, which, in the end, was greatly to his advan tage, and afforded him sufficient time to provide canoes in which to make his escape, he passed the river with most of his men, and made good his retreat into the country upon Connecticut River. In effecting this retreat, an acci dent happened which deprived him of some of his choicest and bravest cap- tains, as we shall proceed to relate. About the 26 July, 1675, Oneko, with two of his brothers, and about 50 men, came to Boston, by direction of Uncos, his father, and declared their desire to assist the English against the Wampanoags. A few English and three Naticks were added to their company, and immediately despatched, by way of Pli- mouth, to the enemy's country. This circuitous route was taken, perhaps, that they might have their instructions immediately from the governor of that colony ; Massachusetts, at that time, probably, supposing the war might be ended without their direct interference. This measure, as it proved, was very detrimental to the end in view ; for if they had proceeded directly to Seekonk, they would have been there in season to have met Philip in his retreat from Pocasset ; and this force, being joined with the other English forces, then in the vicinity, they in all probability might have finished the war by a single fight with him. At least, his chance of escape would have been small, as he had to cross a large extent of clear and open country, where many of his men must have been cut down in flight, or fought man to man with their pursuers. Whereas Oneko was encamped at some dis tance, having arrived late the night before, and some time was lost in rally - ingj after Philip was discovered. They overtook him, however, about 10 o'clock in the morning of the 1st of August, and a smart fight ensued. Philip having brought his best men into the rear, many of them were slain ; among these was Nimrod, alias Woonashum, a great captain and counsellor, who had signed the treaty at Taunton, four years before. From what cause the fight was suspended is unknown, though it would seem from some relations, that it was owing to Oneko's men, who, seeing themselves in possession of considerable plunder, fell to loading themselves with it, and thus gave Philip time to escape. From this view of the case, it would appear that the Mohegans were the chief actors in the offensive. It is said that the Naticks urged immediate and further pursuit, which did not take place, in consequence of the extreme heat of the weather ; and thus the main body were permitted to escape. Mr. Newman, of Rehoboth, gave an account of the affair in a letter, in which he said that " 14 of the enemy's principal men were slain." He also mentioned, in terms of great praise, the Naticks and Mohegans under Oneko. Philip having now taken a position to annoy the back settlements of * This is upon the authority of the anonymous author of the " Present State," &c., of which we shall elsewhere have occasion to take notice. That author seems to have con- founded the fight between Thebe and Lieut. Oakes with that of Rehoboth Plain. t Hist. Philip's War, p. 6. ed. 4to. ; Gwkin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians. CHAP. II.] AMBUSH AT WIKABAUG. 213 Massachusetts, his warriors fell vigorously to the work. On 14 July, five people are killed at Meiidon, in Mass., which is the first blood shed in the colony in this war. Those that were killed were about their work in the field, and knew not their murderers ; and whether they were killed by Philip's men is unknown. Soon after the war began, Massachusetts, fearing the Nipmuks might join with Philip, sent messengers to treat with them. The young Indians were found " surly," but the old men were for a renewal of friendship ; but the person or persons sent upon this business did not acquit themselves in a manner that gave satisfaction ; and Philip, being now in the country of the Nipmuks, it was concluded by the authorities of Massachusetts to make a further test of their intentions. Accordingly, on the 28 July, Captains Hiitchinson and Wheeler, with a company of 20 mounted men, and 3 Christian Indians as pilots and interpreters, viz. Memecho, Joseph, and Sampson, went with some of the inhabitants of Brookfield, agreeably to appointment, to meet the Nipmuk sachems. It had been agreed by these sachems to meet the English in a treaty at a certain tree at Quabaog on the 2 August, on a plain 3 miles from Brookfield village. Having arrived here according to agreement, the English found no Indians to treat with. It was now a question with all but the Brookfield men, whether or not they should pro ceed to a certain place where they believed the Indians to be ; at length the confidence of the Brookfield people in the pacific disposition of the Indians, prevailed, and they marched on. The way was so bad that they could march only in single file, as they approached the place where they expected to find the Indians, and when they came near Wikabaug Pond, between a swamp on the left and a very abrupt and high hill on the right,* suddenly 2 or 300 Indians rose up, encompassed, and fired upon them. Eight were killed out right, and three fell mortally wounded. Of the latter number was Captain Hutchinson, who, though carried otf by the survivors, died on the 19 August following. Captain Wheeler had his horse shot under him, and himself was shot through the body ; but his life was saved through the bravery and presence of mind of a son then with him. This son, though his own arm was broken by a bullet, seeing the peril of his father, dismounted from his horse, and suc ceeded in mounting his father upon it. A retreat now began, and, by cutting their way through the Indians, the small remnant of English got back to Brookfield. \ The three Christian Indians of whom we have spoken, rendered most eminent service on this day ; for had they not been there, there had been no possibility of one Englishman's escaping. One of them, George Memecho, I't-ll into the hands of the Indians: the other two, by skill and bravery, led the English, by an unknown route, in safety to Bro'okfield. Yet these In dians were afterwards so badly treated by the English, that they were forced to fly to Philip for protection. Sampson was afterwards killed* in a fight by the English Indians, and Joseph was taken in Plimouth colony, and sold for a slave, and sent to Jamaica. He afterwards was suffered to return, at the intercession of Mr. Eliot, Memecho escaped from his captors, and brought beneficial intelligence to the English of the state of Philip's affairs. J The English having now arrived at Brookfield, as just related, the In dians pursued them, and arrived almost as soon ; fortunately, however, there was barely time to alarm the inhabitants, who, to the number of about 80, Hocked into a garrison house, where, through persevering efforts, they were enabled to maintain themselves until a force under Major Wtilard came to their relief; August 4. He was in the vicinity of Lancaster, with 48 dra goons and four friendly Indians, when he received the intelligence of the perilous condition of Brookfield, and had just taken up his line of march to surprise a lodge of Indians not far from that place. He now quickly * According to all tradition this place is at the north end of Wickaboag pond, ami the hill WHS a cemetery for the Indians; for when cultivated afterwards by the whiles, numerous bones were exhumed. Foot's Hist. Brookfield, 30. t Narrati.e of the affair by Captain Wheeler himself, p. 1 to 5. t GOOKIS'S MS. History of the Praying Indians. Joseph and Sampson were brothers ous of "old ROBIN PETUHANIT, deceased, a good man." Ib. 214 BURNING OF BROOKFIELD [BOOK III "hanged his course for Brookfield, distant about 30 ?niles, which, by a forced march, he reached in safety the night following. That lie was not attacked as he approached the distressed garrison, is most extraordinary, for the hostile Indians are said to have guarded every passage to it ; and there are different reasons stated for that neglect: one is, that the guard through which the English passed, suffered them to proceed, expecting another guard stationed still nearer the garrison would attack them in front while they should fall on them in the rear ; another is, that they were deceived as to the numbers of the English, thinking them many more than they really were, and dared not attack them. It would seem, however, more probable, that the Indians had no guard at all at the point in which they approached at the time they arrived ; for a drove of cattle, which had been frightened from Brookfield into the woods, followed the rear of ffillard's company to the garrison, and were not attacked, which would not have been the case, in all probability, had the Indians been aware of their approach. No sooner was it known to the besiegers that relief was come, but they fell with more fury, if possible, upon the devoted garrison than before"; shooting continually from all quarters upon it, which shows that they had accidentally let the reinforcement get into the garrison. Thus to a most fortunate circumstance did this assemblage of English owe their safety. At the very time Willard arrived at Brookfield the Indians were con triving some machinery to set the garrison on fire; and this may account for their remissness in suffering him to come in unmolested, they first endeavored by fire arrows, and rags dipped in brimstone tied to long poles spliced together, to fire the garrison, but not succeeding, those within firing upon them often with such deadly effect, they next, in the language of Mr Hubbard, " used this devilish stratagem, to fill a cart with hemp, flax, and other combustible matter, and so thrusting it backward with poles together spliced a great length, after they had kindled it ; but as soon as it had begun to take fire, a storm of rain, unexpectedly falling, put it out." * During this siege several of the whites were wounded, though but one was killed. Of the Indians 80 were supposed to have been killed,f but this was doubtless setting the number much too high, although they exposed themselves beyond what was common on simitar occasions. On the 5 August they quitted the place, satisfied they could not take it, and joined Philip, who was now about 6 miles from the place where Hutchinson was ambushed. After George Memecho's return to the English, he gave the following in formation : " Upon Friday, August 5, Philip and his company came to us at a swamp, 6 miles from the swamp where they killed our men. Philip brought with him about 48 men, but women and children many more. Philip's men were, about 30 of them, armed with guns, the rest had bows and arrows. He observed there were about 10 of Philip's men wounded. Philip was conducted to the swamp by two Indians, one of them [was] CALEB of Tatumasket, beyond Mendon. The Indians told Philip, at his first coming, what they had done to the English at Quabaog ; then he presented and gave to three Sagamores, viz. JOH.N, alias APEQTJINASH, QUANAJSSIT, and MAWTAMPS, to each of them about a peck of unstrung wompom, which they accepted. Philip, as I understood, told Quabaog and Nipmuck Indians, that when he first came towards the Nipmuck country, and left his own, he had in his company about 250 men, besides women and children, including the Squaw-Sachem [Jfeetamoo] and her company; but now they had lelt him, and some of them were killed and he was reduced to 40 men. 1 heard also that Philip said if the English had charged upon him and his people at the swamp in his own country [18 July] one or two days more, they had been all taken, for their powder was almost spent. He also said, * Captain IVheeler does not mention the rain, but says '.hey succeeded in setting the house n fire, which was extinguished al great peril by those within, who had two of their men wounded. t Hcyt's Indian Wars, 101. CHAP. II.] FIGHT AT SUGARLOAF HILi,. 215 that if the -English had pursued him closely," as he retreated to the Nip- nuick country, " he must needs have been taken." * A considerable number of partly christianized Indians belonged to the neighborhood of Hadley, near which they had a wooden fort to protect them from any hostile Indians. On the breaking out of the calamities in that region, these, with all other Indians, were watched, and suspected of con niving with Philip, and an intention of joining with him. To test their pre tensions, Captains Lothrop and Beers, who, with a force of 180 men, were MOW at Hadley, ordered triem to surrender their arms to them. They hes itated to do so then, but intimated that they would immediately ; yet on the following night, 25 August, they left their fort and fled up the river to wards Pecomptuk, since Deerfield, to join Philip. The next day Lothrop and Beers pursued and overtook them near a swamp a short distance to the south of Sugarloaf Hill, opposite to the present town of Sunderland. The Indians bravely stood their ground, and a sharp and bloody contest ensued. They were finally routed, having 26 of their number slain, while the whitea are reported to have lost but 10 in killed, and their number wounded is not mentioned, f A garrison being established at Northfield, Captain Richard Beers, of Water- town, t with 36 men, was attacked while on their way to reinforce it, Sept. 3, and 20 of the 36 were killed. Robert Pepper, of Roxbury, was taken cap tive, and the others effected their escape. Philip's men had the advantage of attacking them in a place of their own choosing, and their first fire was very destructive. Beers retreated with his men to a small eminence, and maintained the unequal fight until their ammunition was spent, at which time a cart containing ammunition fell into the hands of the Indians, and, the captain being killed, all who were able took to flight. The hill to which the English fled, at the beginning of the fight, was known afterwards by the name of Beers's Mountain. "Here," says Mr. Hubbard, " the barbarous vil lains showed their insolent rage and cruelty, more than ever before ; cutting off the heads of some of the slain, and fixing them upon poles near the highway, and not only so, but one, if not more, was found with a chain hooked into his under-jaw, and so hung up on the bough of a tree, ('tis feared he was hung up alive,) by which means they thought to daunt and discourage any that might come to their relief." The place where this fight occurred was within about two miles of the gar rison at Squakkeag, (Northfield,) and the plain on which it began is called Beers's Plain. Meanwhile the garrison was reduced to the brink of ruin, and, like that at Brookfield, was saved by the arrival of a company of soldiers. Two days after Captain Beers was cut off, Major Treat arrived there with 100 men, and conveyed the garrison safe to Hadley. Philip probably conducted both affairs ; this of Captain Beers, and that of Captain Thomas Lothrop, about to be related, although it is not positively known to be the fact. Some time in the month of August, "King Philip's men had taken a young lad alive, about 14 years old, and bound him to a tree two nights and two days, intending to be merry with him the next day, and that they would roast liim alive to make sport with him; but God, over night, touched the heart of one Indian, so that he came and loosed him, and bid him run grande, (i. e. run apace,) and by that means he escaped." About this time, some English found a single Indian, an old man, near Quabaog, whom they captured. As he would not give them any information respecting his countrymen, or, perhaps, such as they desired, they pro nounced him worthy of death; so "they laid him do wn~ Cornelius, the Dutch man, lifting up his sword to cut off his head, the Indian lifted up his hand be tween, so that his hand was first cut off, and partly his head, and the second blow finished the execution." || * Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. I, 293 4. n. Hubbard, Nar. 36, 37. Chronicle, %8.Hoyt, 102, 103. t Manuscript documents. $ Chronicle, 25. || Manuscript in library of Mass. Hist. Soc. 216 PHILIP. LOTHROP CUT OFF. [Boon III. It was about this time, as the author of the "PRESENT STATE" relates, that "King Philip, now beginning to want money, having a coat made all of wampampeag, (i. e. Indian money,) cuts his coat to pieces and distributes it plentifully among the Nipmoog sachems and others, as well as to the east ward as southward, and all round about." * On the 18 Sept. Captain Lothrop, of Beverly, was sent from Hadley with about 88 men, to bring away the corn, grain, and other valuable articles, from Deerfield. Having loaded their teams and commenced their march homeward, they were attacked at a place called Sugarloaf Hill, where almost every man was slain. This company consisted of " choice young men, the very flower of Essex county, 'none of whom were ashamed to speak with the enemy in the gate.'"f Eighteen of the men belonged to Deerfield.J Cap tain Mosely, being not far off, upon a scout, was drawn to the scene of action by the report of the guns, and, having with him 70 men, charged the Indians with great resolution, although he computed their numbers at 1000. He had two of his men killed and eleven wounded. The Indians dared him to begin the fight, and exultingly said to him, " Come, Mosely, come, you seek In dians, you want Indians ; here is Indians enough for you." On this occasion the conduct ofMosely's lieutenants, Savage and Pickering, are mentioned in high terms of praise, "as deserving no little part of the honor of that dav's service." After continuing a fight with them, from eleven o' clock until almost night, he was obliged to retreat || The Indians cut open the bags of wheat and the feather-beds, and scattered their contents to the winds. After Mosely had commenced a retreat, Major Treat, with 100 English and 60 Mohegans, came to his assistance. Their united forces obliged the Indians to retreat in their turn.lT The Indians were said to have lost, in the various encounters, 96 men. It Avas a great oversight, that Captain Lothrop should have suffered his men to stroll about, while passing a dangerous defile. " Many of the soldiers having been so foolish and secure, as to put their arms in the carts, and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear and deadly grapes to them."** The same author observes, "This was a black and fatal day, wherein there were eight persons made widows, and six-aud-twenty children made fatherless, all in one little plantation and in one day ; and above sixty persons buried in one dreadful grave ! " The place of this fight and ambush is in the southerly part of Deerfield, on which is now the village called BLOODY BROOK, so named from this memora ble tragedy. A brook which passes through the village is crossed by the road not far from the centre of it, and it was at the point of crossing that it happened, ff Until this period the Indians near Springfield remained friendly, and re fused the solicitations of Philip, to undertake in his cause. But, now that Northfield and Deerfield had fallen into his hands, they were watched closer by the whites, whose cause these great successes of Philip had occasioned them to look upon as rather precarious. They therefore, about 40 in number, on the night of the 4 Oct., admitted about 300 of Philip's men into their fort, which was situated at a place called Longhill, about a mile below the village of Springfield, and a plan was concerted for the destruction of that place. But, as in many cases afterwards, one of their number betrayed them. TOTO,|| * Old Ind. Chronicle. If this were the case, Philip must have had an immense big- coat yea, even bigger than Dr. Johnson's great coat, as represented by Boswell ; the side pockets of which, he said, were large enough each to contain one of the huge volumes of his folio dictionary ! t Hubbard's Narrative, 38. \ These were the teamsters. $ Manuscript letter, written at the time. |j " Whereupon, aAer having killed several of the Indians, he was forced to retreat, and con tinued fighting for all the time that he and his men were retreating nine miles. Capt. Mosely 'ost out of his company 9, and 13 wounded." Old. Ind. Chron. 29. This author has Dlended the two accounts of Beers and Lothrop together, and relates them as one. IT I. Mather's History of the War, 12. ** Ibid. ft Last year, (1836), a splendid celebration was held at BLOODY BROOK, in commemoration f the event, and an oration was pronounced by our Prince of Orators, the present governor >[ this commonwealth, His Excellency EDWARD EVERETT, LL. D. ft Hubbard.Tor , Hutchinson. CHAF. II.] PHILIP. SURPRISE OF HATFIELD. 217 an Indian at Windsor, revealed the plot, and the people of Springfield had time only to escape into their garrisons. The whole force of the Indiana came like a torrent upon the place the next day, and burnt the deserted houses and barns, in all 57 buildings. In this business, however, some of their number were killed * by the people in the garrisons ; but it is not known how many. They would have ..succeeded against the lives of the English as well as against their property, had not a force arrived about the same time for their relief. Animated by his successes, Philip aimed his next blow at the head- quar ters of the whites in this region. With 7 or 800 of his men he fell upon Hatfield on the 19 Oct., which, had it not been well provided with men, would have shared the fate of Springfield ; but Captain Mosety and Captain Poole, with their companies, were in the place, and Captain Samud Appldon was at Hadley on the opposite side of the river ; and against such commanders they could hardly have expected success. However, they made a bold attempt on all sides at once ; but their greatest force fell on the point where Captain Jlppkton commanded. His sergeant was mortally wounded by his side, and a bullet passed through the hair of his own head; "by that whisper telling him," says Hubbard, "that death was very near, but did him no other harm. Night coming on, it could not be discerned what loss the enemy sustained ; divers were seen to fall, some run through a small river, [now called Mill River.] others cast their guns into the water, (it being their manner to ven ture as much to recover the dead bodies of their friends, as to defend them when alive.)" And thus they were driven from the place, after killing but three, and wounding 10 of the whites, and burning a small number of buildings. They had, before their attack on the town, killed three belonging to some scouts, and seven others of Captain Mosdy's men. This was among their last important efforts on the Connecticut River before retiring to the country of the Narragansets. The Nipmuck sachems had well contrived their attack on Hatfield ; having made fires in the woods about seven miles from it, to draw out the soldiers, for whom they had prepared ambushes ; but only ten of Mosdy's men were sent out to learn the cause of the fires. These were all cut off except one, according to the CHRONICLE, but according to Hubbard, seven only were killed. The Indians probably supposed the main body was cut off) and therefore proceeded directly to the assault of the town, where a new force had just arrived ; and hence they met w ith a brave resistance and final defeaLf The Narragausets had not yet heartily engaged in the war, though there is no doubt but they stood pledged so to do. Therefore, having done all that could be expected upon the western frontier of Massachusetts, and conclu ding that his presence among his allies, the Narragansets, was necessary to keep them from abandoning his cause, Philip was next known to be in their country. An army of 1500 English was raised by the three colonies, Massachusetts, Plintouth, and Connecticut, for the purpose of breaking down the power of Philip among the Narragansets. They determined upon this course, as they had been assured that, the next spring, that nation would come with all their force upon them. It was not known that Philip was among them when this resolution was taken, and it was but a rumor that they had taken part with him. It was true, that they had promised to deliver up all the Wampanoags, who should flee to them, either alive or dead ; but it is also true, that those who made this promise, had it not in their power to do it ; being persons, chiefly in subordinate stations, who had no right or authority to bind any but themselves. And, therefore, as doubtless was foreseen bv manv, none of Philip's people were delivered up, although many were known to "have been among them. Thus, in few words, have we exhibited the main grounds of the mighty expedition against the Narragansets in the winter of 1675. * A pewter platter is still exhibited in Springfield with a hole through the middle of it, made l>> ;i bull from the garrison at this time. An Indian had taken it from one of the deserted houses, and wore it before his breast as a shield. Thus shielded, he ventured towards the garrison, and was shot. Hoyt, 110. t OLD INDIA* CHRONICLE. 36. 37. 19 218 PHILIP. NARRAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT. [Boo* 111 Upon a small island, in an immense swamp, in South Kingston, Rhode Island, Philip had fortified himselfj in a manner superior to what was com mon among his countrymen. Here he intended to pass the winter, with the chief of his friends. They had erected about 500 wigwams of a superio* construction, in which was deposited a great store of provisions. Baskets and tubs of corn* were piled one upon another, about the inside of them, which rendered them bullet proof. It was supposed that about 3000 persona had here taken up their residence. But, to be more particular upon the situation of " the scene of the destruc tion of the Narragansets," we will add as follows from the notes of a gen tleman lately upon the spot, for the express purpose of gaining information. " What was called The Island is now an upland meadow, a few feet higher than the low meadow with which it is surrounded. The island, by my esti mate, contains from three to four acres. One fourth of a mile west, is the Usquepaug ; a small stream also at a short distance on the east." The cele brated island on which the fort was built is now in the farm of J. G. Clark, Esq. a descendant of John Clark, of R. I. and about 30 rods west of the line of the " Pettyswamscot Purchase." Water still surrounds it in wet seasons. It was cleared by the father of the present possessor about 1780, and, although improved from that time to the present, charred corn arid Indian implements are yet ploughed up.f President Stiles, in his edition of CHURCH'S HISTORY OF PHILIP'S WAR, states that the Narraganset fort is seven miles nearly due west from the South Ferry. This agrees with data furnished by Mr. Ely, in stating the returning march of the English army. Pine and cedar were said to have been the former growth.f An oak 300 years old, standing upon the island, was cut down in 1782, two feet in diameter, 11 feet from the ground. From another, a bullet was cut out, surrounded by about 100 annuli, at the same time. The bullet was lodged there, no doubt, at the time of the fight. We will now return to our narrative of the expedition to this place in Decem ber, 1675. After nearly a month from their setting out, the English army arrived in the Narraganset country, and made their head-quarters about 18 miles from Philip's fort. They had been so long upon their march, that the Indians were well enough apprized of their approach, and had made the best ar rangements in their power to withstand them. The army had already suf fered much from the severity of the season, being obliged to encamp in the open field, and without tents to cover them ! The 19th of December, 1675, is a memorable day in the annals of New England. Cold, in the extreme, the air filled with snow, the English were obliged, from the low state of their provisions, to march to attack Philip in his fort. Treachery hastened his ruin. One of his men, by hope of reward, betrayed his country into their hands. This man had, probably, lived among the English, as he had an English name. He was called Peter, and it was by accident that himself, with thirty-five others, had just before fallen into the hands of the fortunate Captain Mosely. No Englishman was acquainted with the situation of Philip's fort; and, but for their pilot, Peter, there is very little probability that they could have even found, much less effected any thing against it. For it was one o'clock on that short day of the year, before they arrived within the vicinity of the swamp. There was but one point where it could be assailed with the least probability of suc cess; and this \vas fortified by a kind of block-house, directly in front of the entrance, ami had also flankers to cover a cross fire. Besides high pal isades, an immense hedge of fallen trees, of nearly a rod in thickness, * 600 bushels, says Dr. /. Mather. Hollow trees, cut off about the length of a barrel, were used by the Indians for tubs. In sucji they secured their corn and other grains. t MS. communication of Reverend Mr. Ely, accompanied by a drawing of the island. Its shape is very similar to the shell of an oyster. Average rectangular lines through it measure, one 33 rods, another 20. | Holmes's Annals, i. 376. The name of Peter among the Indians was so common, that it is per'uaps past determina tion who this one was. Mr. Hubbard calls him a fugitive from the Narragausets. CHAP. II.] PHILIP. NARRAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT. 219 surrounded it, encompassing an area of about five acres. Between the fort and the main land was a body of water, over which a great tree had been felled, on which all must pass and repass, to and from it. On coming to this place, the English soldiers, as many as could pass upon the tree, which would not admit t\vo abreast, rushed forward upon it, but were swept off in a moment by the fire of Philip's men. Still, the English soldiers, led by their captains, supplied the places of the slain. But again and again were they swept from the fatal avenue. Six captains and a great many men had fallen, and a partial, but momentary, recoil from the face of death took place. Meanwhile, a handful, under the fortunate Mosely, had, as miraculous as it may seem, got within the fort. These were contending hand to hand with the Indians, and at fearful odds, when the cry of " They run ! they run!" brought to their assistance a considerable body of their fellow-soldiers. They were now enabled to drive the Indians from their main breastwork, and their slaughter became immense. Flying from wigwam to wigwam men, women and children, indiscriminately, were hewn down, and lay in heaps upon the snow. Being now masters of the fort, at the recommenda tion of Mr. Church, who led the second party that entered the fort, General Winslow was about to quarter the army in it for the present, which offered comfortable habitations to the sick and wounded, besides a plentiful supply of provisions. But one of the captains * and a surgeon opposed the meas ure ; probably from the apprehension that the woods was full of Indians, who would continue their attacks upon them, and drive them out in their turn. There was, doubtless, some reason for this, which was strengthened from the fact that many English were killed after they had possessed themselves of the fort, by Those whom they had just dispossessed of it. Notwithstanding, had Church's advice been followed, perhaps many of the lives of the wounded would have been saved ; for he was seldom out in his judgment, as his continued successes proved afterwards. After fighting three hours, the English were obliged to march 18 miles, before the wounded could be dressed, and in a most dismal and boisterous night. Eighty English were killed in the fight, and 150 wounded, many of whom died afterwards. The shattered army left the ground in considerable haste, leaving eight of their dead in the fort. Philip, and such of his warriors as escaped unhurt, fled into a place of safety, until the enemy had retired ; when they returned again to the fort The English, no doubt, apprehended a pursuit, but Philip, not knowing their distressed situation, and, perhaps, judging of their loss from the few dead which they left behind, made no attempt to harass them in their retreat. Before the fight was over, many of the wigwams were set on fire. Into these, hundreds of innocent women and children had crowded them selves, and perished in the general conflagration ! And, as a writer of that day expresses himself, " no man knoweth how many." The English learned afterwards, from some that fell into their hands, that in all about 700 perished.f The sufferings of the English, after the fight, are almost without a par allel in history. The horrors of Moscow wih 1 not longer be remembered. The myriads of modern Europe, assembled there, bear but small propor- * Probably Mosely, who seems always to have had a large share in the direction of all af fairs when present. t There is printed in Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. i. 300. a letter which gives the particulars of the Narraganset fight. I have compared it with the original, and find it correct in the main particulars. He mistakes in ascribing it to Major Bradford, for it is signed by James Oliver, a Massachusetts captain. Hulchinson copied from a copy, which was without signature. He omits a passage concerning Tift. or Ti/e, who, Oliver" says, confirmed his narrative. That man had " married an Indian, a Wompanoag and, says Oliver, he shot 20 times at us in the swamp was taken at Providence, [by Captain Fenner,] Jan. 14th brought to us the a traitor," and traitors of those days were quartered. " As to his religion, he was found as s;m.r;uit as an heathen, which, no doubt, caused the fewer tears to be sTied a* his fuceral." A sorrowful record ! 220 PHTLIP. [BOOK 111. tlon to the number of their countrymen, compared with that of the army of New England and theirs, at the fight in Narraganset. Colonel Ckttfck, then only a volunteer, was in this fight, and we will hear a few of his observations. "By this time, the English people in the fort had begun to set fire to the wigwams and houses, which Mr. Church labored hard to prevent ; they told him they had orders from the general to burn them ; he begged them to forbear until he had discoursed the general." Then, hastening to him, he urged, that "the wigwams were musket-proof, being all lined with baskets and tubs of grain, and other provisions, suffi- cierit to supply the whole army until the spring of the year ; and every wounded man might have a good warm house to lodge in ; which, other wise, would necessarily perish with the storms and cold. And, moreover, that the army had no other provision to trust unto or depend upon ; that he knew that Plymouth forces had not so much as one biscuit left." The gen eral was for acceding to Church's proposition, but a captain and a doctor prevented it, as we have before observed ; the former threatening to shoot the general's horse under him, if he attempted to march in, and the latter said, Church should bleed to death like a dog, (he having been badly wounded on entering the fort,) before he would dress his wounds, if he gave such advice. Church then proceeds : "And, burning up all the houses and pro visions in the fort, the army returned the same night in the storm and cold. And, I suppose, every one that is acquainted with the circumstances of that night's march, deeply laments the miseries that attended them ; especially the wounded and dying men. But it mercifully came to pass that Capt. Andrew Belcher arrived at Mr. Smith's, [in Narragans:;t,] that very night from Boston, with a vessel loaden with provisions for the army, who must other wise have perished for want." * After the English army had gone into quarters at Wickford, the Connecticut troops returned home, which was considered very detrimental to the service by the other colonies ; and soon after a reinforcement of 1000 men was as sembled at Boston and ordered to the assistance of their countrymen. In their march to Narraganset in the beginning of Jan. 1676, they suffered intol erably from the cold; no less than 11 men were frozen to death, and many others were taken sick by reason of their exposure in that severe season. Meanwhile the Indians had sent deputies to the commander-in-chief to treat of peace ; but it was judged that they were insincere in their overtures, and no terms were settled. While matters were thus progressing, Philip removed his provisions, women and children to a strong place protected by rocks, in a swamp, about 20 miles from the late battle-ground in Narraganset, into the country of the Nipmuks. At length, the weather having become mild, and the Connecticut forces returned, together with a body of Mohegans under Uncos, it was resolved to suprise Philip in his rocky fortress. Accordingly the army, consisting now of 1600 men, marched out on this enterprise. On its approach, the Indians abandoned their position and fled farther northward. They were pursued a small distance, and about 60 or 70 of them killed and taken, (probably women and children.) The army soon after returned home, and was chiefly disbanded. On 27 Jan., while the army was pursuing the main body of the Indians, a party of about 300 attacked Mr. William Carpenter's plantation, and attempted to burn his house, Avhich they set on fire, but those within succeeded in put ting it out. In the skirmish, one of their number was killed, and two of the whites were wounded. The assaulting party collected and drove off from this place 180 sheep, 50 large cattle, and 15 horses, and from a Mr. Harris another drove of cattle, and killed his negro servantf Soon after this, Philip, with many of his followers, left that part of the * " Our wounded men, (iu number about 150,) being dressed, were sent into Rhode Island, as (he best place for their accommodation ; where, accordingly, they were kindly received by the governor and others, only some churlish Quakers were not free to entertain them, until compelled by the governor. Of so inhumane, peevish and untoward a disposition are these Nabals, as not to vouchsafe civility to those ihai had ventured their lives, and received dangeroui wounds in their defence." Old ~lnd. Chronicle, 74. Old Indian Chronicle, 58, 59.-Hubba.-d, 51). HAP. II. PHILIP. MEDFIELD ATTACKED. 221 countrv, and ivsi.led in d.ffercnt places upon Connecticut River. Some report that lie took' up his residence near Albany, and that lie solicited the Mohawks to aid him against the English, but without success. The story of the foul stratagem said to have been resorted to by Philip for this object, is, if true, the deepest stain upon his character. According to one of the historians * of the war, it was reported at Boston, in the end of* June, or beginning of July, 1676, that " those Indians who are known by the name of Mauqua \vogs, (or Mohawks, i. e. man-eaters,) had lately fallen upon Philip, and killed 40 of his men. And if the variance between Philip and the Mauquawogs came to pass, as is commonly reported and apprehended, there was a marvellous finger of God in it For we hear that Philip, being this winter entertained in the Mohawks' country, made it his design to breed a quarrel between the English and them ; to effect which, divers of our returned captives do report, that he resolved to kill some scattering Mohawks, and then to say that the English had done it ; but one of these, whom he thought to have killed, was only wounded, and got away to his countrymen, giving them to understand that not the English, but Philip, had killed the men that were murdered ; so that, instead of bringing the Mohawks upon the English, he brought them upon himself." The author of the anonymous " LETTERS TO LONDON" has this passage f concerning Philip's visit to the Mohawks. " King Philip, and some of these northern Indians, being wandered up towards Albany, the Mohucks marched out very strong, in a warlike posture, upon them, putting them to flight, and pursuing them as far as Hassicke River, which is about two days' march from the east side of Hudson's River to the north-east, killing divers, and bringing away some prisoners with great pride and triumph, which ill suc cess on that side, where they did not expect any enemy, having lately en deavored to make up the ancient animosities, did very much daunt and dis courage the said northern Indians, eo that some hundreds came in and sub mitted themselves to the English at Plimouth colony, and Philip himself is run skulking away into some swamp, with not above ten men attending him." Although Philip was supposed to be beyond the frontier by some, and by others to be " snugly stowed away in some swamp," yet his warriors, whether directed by him m person or not, is immaterial, as every thing was done against the English that could well be under such broken circumstances as he now labored. On the 10 Feb. 1676, they surprised Lancaster with com plete success, the particulars of which we shall fully narrate in our next chapter. Eleven days after, (21 Feb.) about 300 Indians attacked Medfield, and in spite of 200 soldiers stationed there to guard it, burnt about 50 houses, killed 18 of its inhabitants, and wounded 20 others. Among the slain were Lieutenant Adams and his wife : the latter was killed accidentally by Cap tain Jacob. She was in bed in a chamber, under which was a room occupied by the soldiers ; as Captain Jacob was about to leave the house, his gun went off, the ball from which passed through the chamber floor and killed her. The Indians managed this attack with their usual skill ; having placed some of their number prepared with fire implements in various parts of the town, they set the houses on fire, " as it were," says Major Gookin, " in one instant of tune." And as the people issued out of them, parties lay ready and shot them down. As soon as the whites were mustered to oppose them, they retired over the bridge towards Sherburne, and set it on fire, so that the sol- diei-s could not pursue them. In the pride of their success, they now wrote a letter to the whites, and stuck it up on a post of the bridge. It reads, " Know by this paper, that the Indians that thou hast provoked to lerath and anger unit war this 21 years if you icill. There are many Indians yet. We, come 300 at this time. You must consider the Indians lose nothing but their life. You must lose your fair houses and cattle."^ On the 13 March, the entire town of Groton, consisting of 4') houses. was burnt, except one garrisou, by shots from which several Indians were said to have been killed. * Dr. /. Mather, Brief Hist. 38. t Chronicle, 99. J Gookin' s MS. Hist. Praying Indians. The above letter was doubtless written by some ol ine Christian Indians who had joined Philip. $ In our Chronicle, 80, it is said that Groton was burnt on the 14th : that Major WillarcC* 19* 222 PHILIP.-SUDEURY FIGHT. ' ^BooK in Philip had for some time directed matters with such address that hia enemies could not tell where or how to meet him, or whether he actually were in the vicinity of the frontiers or not. But there can be little doubt of his special agency and direction in all the important enterprises. On the 18 March, Northampton was assaulted, but not with quite as good success as was anticipated by the besiegers ; for they lost eleven men, while the whites had but three killed and six wounded. On the 27 March, a large body of 300 Indians, as was supposed, were discovered encamped not far from Marlborough, which they had burnt the day before. A company of men belonging to that town, attached themselves to a number of soldiers under one Lieutenant Jacobs, who, falling upon them in the night while they were asleep in their wigwams, killed and wounded about 40 of them, without any loss to themselves. The Indians seem to have resolved that this midnight assassination should not go long unrequited, and events so determined, as what we are about to relate will fully exemplify. On the morning of the 20 April, the largest body of Indians which had at any time appeared, attacked Sudbury, and before resistance could be made, set fire to several buildings, which were consumed. The inhabitants, however, made a brave stand, and were soon joined by some soldiers from Watertown, under Captain Hugh Mason ; and the Indians retreated over the bridge, and were prevented from doing any further mischief during the day, against Sudbury. Some of the people of Concord hearing of the distress at Sudbury, sallied forth for its protection. As they approached a garrison house, they discovered a few Indians, and pursued them. These, as it proved, were a decoy, and they soon found themselves ambushed on every side. They fought with desperation, but were all, except one, cut off, being eleven in number. This affair took place immediately after Captain Wadsivorth had marched from Sudbury with 70 men to strengthen the garrison at Marlborough ; and the news of the situation of the place he had just left reached his destination as soon as he did ; and although he had marched all the day and night before, and his men almost exhausted with fatigue, yet, taking Captain Broddelank and about ten men from the garrison at Marlborough, he marched directly back for Sudbury. On the morning of the 21st, they arrived within about a mile and a half of the town, near where a body of about 500 Indians had pre pared an ambush behind the hills. From thence they sent out two or thren of their party, who crossed the march of the English, and, being discovered by them, affected to fly through fear, to decoy them into a pursuit. This stratagem succeeded, and with great boldness the Indians began the attack. For some time the English maintained good order, and, having retreated to an adjacent hill, lost but five men for near four hours. Meantime the Indians had lost a great number, which so increased their rage that they resolved to put in practice another stratagem, which it seems they had not before thought of. They immediately set the woods on fire to windward of the English, which spread with great rapidity, owing to an exceeding high wind and the dryness of the grass and other combustibles. This stratagem likewise succeeded, even better than the first ; that, although it served to bring on the attack, was near proving fatal to its originators, but this was crowned with complete success. The fury of the flames soon drove the English from their advantageous position, which gave the Indians an opportunity to fall upon them with their tomahawks! Many were now able to fall upon one, and resistance fast diminished. All but about twenty were killed or fell into the hands of the conquerors ; among the former were the two captains ; some of those that escaped took shelter in a mill not far off, and were saved bv the arrival of a few men under Captain Prentice, and a company under Captain CroivelL Both of these officers and their men very narrowly es caped the fate of Wadsworth,* As the former was about to fall into a fatal house was burnt first, and that " afterwards they destroyed 65 more there, leaving but six houses standing in the whole town."' * " So insolent were the Indians grown upon their first success against Captain Wadsworih, that they sent us word, to provide store of good cheer ; for they intended to dine with us fal Boston] on the election day." Chronicle, 95. CHAP. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILTP. 223 snare, he was rescued by a company from a garrison ; and as the latter ap- proached Sudlmry, he saved himself by pursuing an unexpected route ; and, though attacked, he succeeded in fighting his way through the Indians with a loss only of six or seven of his men. Captain CrowdCs arrival at this time was accidental, though fortunate ; being on his return from Quabaog, whither he had been sent to reinforce that garrison.* With' this great achievement ended the chief operations in Massachusetts ; and we have now to return towards Plimouth. When success no longer attended Philip in Massachusetts, those of his allies whom he had seduced into the war, upbraided and accused him of bringing all their misfortunes upon them ; that they had no cause of war against the English, and had not engaged in it but for his solicitations ; and many of the tribes scattered themselves in different directions. With all that would follow him, as a last retreat, Philip returned to Pokanoket. The Pecomptuck or Deerfield Indians were among the first who abandoned his cause, and many of the other Nipmucks and Narragausets soon followed their example. On the llth of July, he attempted to surprise Taunton, but was repulsedf. His camp was now at Matapoiset The English came upon him here, under Captain Church, who captured many of his people, but he escaped over Taunton River, as he had done a year before, but in the opposite direction, and screened himself once more in the woods of Pocasset. He used many stratagems to cut off Captain Church, and seems to have watched and fol lowed him from place to place, until the end of this month ; but he was continually losing one company of his men after another. Some scouts ascertained that he, and many of his men, were at a certain place upon Tauutou River, and, from appearances, were about to repass it. His camp was now at this place, and the chief of his warriors with him. Some sol diers from Bridgewater fell upon them here, on Sunday, July 30, and killed ten warriors ; but Philip, having disguised himself, escaped.! His uncle, Jlkkompoin, was among the slain, and his own sister taken prisoner. The late attempt by Philip upon Taunton had caused the people of Bridge- water to be more watchful, and some were continually on the scout. Some time in the day, Saturday, 29 July, four men, as they were ranging the woods, discovered one Indian, and, rightly judging there were more at hand, made all haste to inform the other inhabitants of Bridgewater of their discovery Comfort Willis and Joseph Edson were " pressed " to go " post " to the govern or of Plimouth, at Marshfield, who "went to Plimouth with them, the next day, [30 July,] to send Captain Church with his company. And Captain Church came with them to Monponset on the sabbath, and came no further that day, he told them he would meet them the next day." Here Willis and Edson left him, and arrived at home in the evening. Upon hearing of the arrival of Church in their neighborhood, 21 men " went out on Monday, sup posing to meet with Captain Church ; but they came upon the enemy and Ibught with them, and took 17 of them alive, and also much plunder. And they all returned, and not one of them fell by the enemy ; and received no help from Church." This account is given from an old manuscript, but who its author was is not certain. Church's account differs considerably from it. He says, that on the evening of the same day he and his company marched from Plimouth, "they heard a smart firing at a distance from them, but it i v ?' d ^L 13 " Chronicle 79 92 > W.Hubbard, SO.Gootin's MS. Hist. A son of Captain th caused a monument to be erected upon the place of this fight, with an inscription ipon it, which time has discovered to be erroneous in some of its historical particulars. It is recently standing to the west of Sudbury causeway, about a quarter of a mile from the I that leads from Boston to Worcester. Hoyt, 122. Holmes, i. 380. t A c;i|)tive negro made his escape from Philip's men, and gave notice of their intention : Hereupon the inhabitants stood upon their guard, and souldiers were limously sent in to UK-MI lor their relief and defence." Preralency of Prayer, 8. ma- 10? Sa ' d Ulal ^ had DeWly CUt ff h ' S hair> lhat he m ' ght " Ot be known -" HMard, Ii is published by Mr. Mitchell, in his valuable account of Bridgewater. and supposed to hava cvu uniteu by Comfort Willis, named above. See 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. vn. 1J7. 224 .LIFE OF KING PHILIP. " [BOOK III I cing near night, and the firing of short continuance, they missed the place, j;nd went into Bridgewater town." On the 1 August, the intrepid Church came upon Philip's head-quarters, killed and took about 130 of his people, Philip himself very narrowly escap ing. Such was his precipitation, that he left all his wampum behind, and his wife and son fell into the hands of Church. No sooner had the story of the destruction of the Indians begun to attract Attention, (which, however, was not until a long time after they had been destroyed,) much inquiry was made concerning the fate of this son of the famous Metacomet ; and it was not until considerable time had elapsed, that it was discovered that he was sold into slavery! It is gratifying to learn what did become of him, although the knowledge of the fact must cause pain ia every humane breast ; not more for the lot of young Metacomet, than lor the wretched depravity of the minds of those who advised and executed the decree of slavery upon him. Great numbers of Philip's people were sold for slaves in foreign countries. In the beginning of the war Captain Mostly captured 80, who were confined at Plimouth. In September following, 178 were put on board a vessel com manded by Captain Sprague, who sailed from Plimouth with them for Spain. Church* relates the attack of Aug. 1 upon the flying chief as follows : " Next morning, [after the skirmish in which Jlkkompoin was killed,] Capt. Church moved very early with his company, which was increased by many of Bridgewater that fisted under him for that expedition, and, by their piloting, he soon came, very still, to the top of the great tree which the enemy had fallen across the river; and the captain spied an Indian sitting upon the stump of it, on the other side of the river, and he clapped his gun up, and had doubtless despatched him, but that one of his own Indians called hastily to him not to fire, for he believed it was one of his own men ; upon which the Indian upon the stump looked about, and Capt. Church's Indian, seeing his face, perceived his mistake, for he knew him to be Philip; clapped up his gun and fired, but it was too late ; for Philip immediately threw himself off the stump, leaped down a bank on the side of the river, and made his escape. Capt. Church, as soon as possible, got over the river, and scattered in quest of Philip and his company, but the enemy scattered and fled every way ; but he picked up a considerable many of their women and children, among which were Philip's wife and son of about nine years old." The remainder of the day was spent in pursuing the flying Philip, who, with his Narragansets, was still formidable. They picked up many prisoners, from whom they learned the force of those of whom they were in pursuit. At night, Church was under obligation to return to his men he had left, but commissioned Ldghtfoot, cap tain, to lead a party on discovery. Lnghtfoot returned in the morning with good success, having made an important discovery, and taken 13 prisoners. Church immediately set out to follow up their advantage. He soon came where they had made fires, and shortly after overtook their women and chil dren, who " were faint and tired," and who informed them " that Philip, with a great number of the enemy, were a little before." It was almost sunset \vhen they came near enough to observe them, and " Philip soon came to a ."top, and fell to breaking and chopping wood, to make fires ; and a great noise they made." Church, concentrating his followers, formed them into a circle, and set down " without any noise or fire." Their prisoners showed great signs of fear, but were easily put in confidence by the conciliatory con duct of Church. Thus stood matters in Church's camp through the night of the 2 August, 1676. At dawn of day, he told his prisoners they must remain Still where they were, until the fight was over, (for he now had every reason to expect a severe one shortly to follow,) " or, as soon as the firing ceased, they must follow the tracks of his company, and come to them. (An Indian is next to a bloodhound to follow a track.) "f It being now light enough to make the onset, Church sent forward two soldiers to learn Philip's position. Philip, no less wary, had, at the same time, sent out two spies, to see if any were in pursuit of him. The re- * Hist. Philip's War, 38, ed.-4to. f Ibid. 39. CHAP. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 225 spective spies of the two famous chiefs gave the alarm to both camps at the same time ; but, unhappily for Philip, his antagonist was prepared for the f\vnt, while he was not. "All fled at the first tidings, [of the spies,] left their kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their wooden spits, and run into a swamp with no other breakfast, than what Capt. Church afterwards treated them with." Church sent his lieutenant, Mr. Isaac Rowland, on one side of the swamp, while himself ran upon the other, each with a small party, hoping, as the swamp was small, to prevent the escape of any. Ex pecting that when Philip should discover the English at the farther extremi- ry of the swamp, he would turn back in his own track, and so escape at the same place he entered, Church had, therefore, stationed an ambush to entrap him in such an event But the wariness of Philip disappointed him. He, thinking that the English would pursue him into the swamp, had formed an ambush for them also, but was, in like manner, disappointed. He had, at the same time, sent forward a band of his warriors, who fell into the hands of Church and Howland. They, at first, attempted to fly, and then offered re sistance ; but Church ordered Matthias * to tell them the impracticability of such a step. He accordingly called to them, and said, " If they fired one gun they were all dead men" This threat, with the presence of the English and Indians, so amazed them, that they suffered " the English to come and take the guns out of their hands, when they were both charged and cocked." Having secured these with a guard, armed with the guns just taken from them, Church presses through the swamp in search of Philip, towards the end at which that chief had entered. Having waited until he had no hopes of ensnaring Captain Church, Philip now moved on after the company he had sent forward, and thus the two parties met. The English had the ad vantage of the first discovery, and, covered by trees, made the first fire. Philip stood his ground for a time, and maintained a desperate fight ; but, a main body of his warriors having been captured, which, by this time, he began to apprehend, as they did not come to his aid, he, therefore, fled back to the point where he entered the swamp, and thus fell into a second am bush. Here the English were worsted, having one of their number slain, viz. Thomas Lucas, f of Plimouth : thus escaped, for a few days, Philip and some of his best captains : such were Tuspaquin and Tatoson. This was August the 3d, and Philip's numbers had decreased, since the 1st, 173, by the exertions of Church. \ Philip, having now but few followers left, was driven from place to place, and lastly to his ancient seat near Pokanoket. The English, for a long time, had endeavored to kill him, but could not find him off" his guard ; for he was always the first who was apprized of their approach. He having put to death one of his own men for advising him to make peace, this rm.n's brother, whose name was Alderman, fearing the same fate, deserted him, and gave Captain Church an account of his situation, and offered to lead him to his camp. Early on Saturday morning, 12 Aug., Church came to the swamp where Philip was encamped, and, before he was discovered, had placed a guard about it, so as to encompass it, except a small place. He then ordered Captain Golding to rush into the swamp, and fall upon Philip in his camp; which he immediately did but was discovered as he ap proached, and, as usual, Philip was the first to fly. Having but just awaked from sleep, and having on but a part of his clothes, he fled with all his might Coming directly upon an Englishman and an Indian, who composed ft part of the ambush at the edge of the swamp, the Englishman's gun missed fire, but Alderman, the Indian, whose gun was loaded with two balls, " senl * One of Church's Indian soldiers, but of whom he makes no mention, t An improvident fellow, given to intoxication, and, from Church's expression about his being killed, " not being 1 so careful as he might have been," it leaves room to doubt whether he were not, at this time, under the effects of liquor. He had been often fined, and once whipped, for getting drunk, beating his wife and children, defaming the character of deceased magistrates, and other misdemeanors. Church, 41. In the account of Tatoson, Church's narrative is continued. Captain Roger Goulden, of R. I. Plimouth granted him 100 acres of land on Pocasset, in 1676, for his eminent services. Plim. Records. P 226 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. [BOOK 11 [. one through his heart, and another not above two inches from it. He fell upon his face in the mud and water, with his gun under him." " Cold, with the beast he slew, he sleeps ; O'er him no filial spirit weeps } Even that he lived, is for his conqueror's tongue 3 By foes alone his death-song must be sung j No chronicles but theirs shall tell His mournful doom to future times ; May these upon his virtues dwell, And in his fate forget his crimes." SPRAGUE. The name of the man stationed with Alderman was Caleb Cook,* who had shared in many of Church's hazardous expeditions before the present. See ing that he could not have the honor of killing Philip, he was desirous, if possible, of having a memento of the mighty exploit. He therefore prevailed upon Alderman to exchange guns with him. This gun was kept in the family until the present century, when the late Isaac Lothrop, Esq. of Plimouth ob tained the lock of it from Mr. Sylvanus Cook, late of Kingston. Sylvanus was great-grandson of Caleb.\ The stock and barrel of the gun are still re tained by the descendants of the name of Cook.\. There is a gun-lock shown in the library of the Mass. Hist. Soc. said to be the same which Alderman used in shooting Philip. This Alderman was a subject of Weetamoo, who, in the commencement of this war, went to the governor of Plimouth, and de sired to remain in peace with the English, and immediately took up his resi dence upon an island, remote from the tribes engaged in it. But, after Philip had returned to his own country, Alderman, upon some occasion, visited him. It was at this time that he learned the fate of his brother before spoken of; or he may have been killed in his presence. This caused his flight to the English, which he thought, probably, the last resort for ven geance. He " came down from thence, says Church ; (where Philip's camp now was,) on to Sand Point over against Trips, and hollow'd, and made signs to be fetch'd over " to the island. He was immediately brought over, and gave the information desired. Captain Church had but just arrived upon Rhode Island, and was about eight miles from the upper end, where Alder man landed. He had been at home but a few minutes, when " they spy'd two horsemen coming a great pace," and, as he prophesied, " they came with tydings." Major Sanford and Capt. Golding were the horsemen, " who immediately ask'd Capt. Church what he would give to hear some neivs of Philip. He reply'd, That was what he wanted? The expedition was at once entered upon, and Alderman went as their pilot. But to return to the fall of Philip : " By this time," continues Church, " the enemy perceived they were way laid on the east side of the swamp, tacked short about," and were led out of their dangerous situation by the great Captain Annawon. " The man that had shot down Philip ran with all speed to Capt. Church, and informed him of his exploit, who commanded him to be silent about it, and let no man more know it until they had drove the swamp clean ; but when they had drove the swamp through, and found the enemy had escaped, or at least the most of them, and the sun now up, and the dew so gone that they could not easily track them, the whole company met together at the place where the enemy's night shelter was, and then Capt. Church gave them the news of Philip's death. Upon which the whole army gave three loud huzzas. Capt. Church ordered his body to be pulled out of the mire on to the upland. So some of Capt Church's Indians took hold of him by his stockings, and * Baylies, in his N. Plymouth, ii. 168, says his name was Francis; but as he gives no author ity, we adhere to older authority. t This Caleb Cook was son of Jacob, of Plimouth, and was born there 29 Mar. 1651. He had two or more brothers; Jacob, born 14 May, 1633, and Francis, 5 Jan. 1663 4. Hence it is not probable that Francis was a soldier at this time, as he was only in his 13th year. t Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iv. 63. Eighteen English and twenty-two Indians constituted his army a week before ; but we know not how many were at the taking of Philip, though we may suppose about the same number. Hence this expedition cost the colony j9. CHAP. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 227 some by his small breeches, being otherwise naked, and drew him through the mud into the upland ; and a doleful, great, naked dirty beast, he looked like." Captain Church then said, " Forasmuch as he has caused many an Eng lishman's body to lie unburied and rot above ground, not one of his bones shall be buried!" With the great chiefj fell five of his most trusty followers, one of whom was his chief captain's son,* and the very Indian who fired the first gun at the commencement of the war. " Philip having one very remarkable hand, being much scarred, occasioned by the splitting of a pistol in it formerly, Capt. Church gave the head and that hand to Alderman, the Indian who shot him, to show to such gentlemen as would bestow gratuities upon him ; and accordingly he got many a penny by it." f The barbarous usage of beheading and quartering traitors was now exe cuted upon the fallen Philip. Church, "calling his old Indian executioner, bid him behead and quarter him. Accordingly, he came with his hatchet, and stood over him, but before he struck, he made a small speech, directing it to Philip" saying, " You have been a very great man, and have made many a man afraid of you ; but so big as you be I tvitt now chop your ass for you." He then proceeded to the execution of his orders. His head was sent to Plimouth, where it was exposed upon a gibbet for 20 years, and one of his hands to Boston, where it was exhibited in savage triumph, and his mangled body was denied the right of sepulture. It having been quartered, was hung upon four trees, and there left as a monument of shocking barbarity. Church and his company returned to the island the same day, and arrived with the prisoners at Plimouth two days after, namely, Tuesday, August 15, " ranging through all the woods in their way." They now "received their premium, which was 30 shillings per head," for all enemies killed or taken, "instead of all wages, and Philip's head went at the same price." This amounted to only four and sixpence a-piece, " which was all the reward they had, except the honor of killing Philip" Having in the year 1824 visited the memorable retreat of the Wampanoag sachems, we can give the reader some idea of its situation. There is a natural angular excavation, in an almost perpendicular rock, about 6 or 7 feet from its base, where it is said Philip and some of his chief men were sur prised on the morning of the 12 August We have in the Life of Massasoit described Mount Hope, and it is at the north part of it that the high rock is situated ; variously estimated from 30 to 50 feet in height, and is nearly 2 miles from the village of Bristol. From the seat, or throne of KING PHILIP, as some have called it, a fine view of Mount Hope Bay opens upon us. Near the foot of the rock is a fine spring of water, known to this day by the name of Philip's Spring. Mr. Mden, the curious collector of epitaphs, says " the late Lieut. Gov. Bradford, [who died at Bristol in 1808,1 in early life, knew an aged squaw, who was one of Philip's tribe, was well acquainted with this sagamore in her youthful days, and had often been in his wigwam. The information, through her, is, therefore, very direct, as to the identical spot, where he fixed his abode. It was a few steps south of Capt. James De Wolfe's summer house, near the brow of a hill, but no vestige of the wigwam remains. The eastern side of this hill is very steep, vastly more so than that at Horse Nt-ck, down which the intrepid Putnam trotted his sure-footed steed, in a manner worthy of a knijrht of the tenth century." " When Church's men ^ valency of Prayer," page 10. t Ibid, page 7. ^ Such as dogs, wolves, blood-hounds, demons, devils-incarnate, caitiff's, hell-hounds, Jiendi, monsters, beasts, &c. Occasional quotations will show what authors have used these. The author of " Indian Tales" has fathered all he could think of upon Mr. Hubbard. He may be called upon to point out the passage in that valuable author'^ works where he has called one or any of the Indians " hell-hounds." Such loose, gratuitous expressions will not do at the bar of history. || Magnalia. 1T 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 200. ** Mr. Lee was taken by the French in a voyage to England, and carried into their country, where he died, in 1691. This event, it was thought, hastened his end. Perhaps the sur viving natives did not attribute the disaster to his usurping their territory, and teaching religion they could not believe ; but might they ot with equal propriety 1 CHAP. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 229 reader of its origin. The following passage from John Josselyn's work * will, besides proving him to be the author of the error, at least the first writer that so denominates him, furnish some valuable information. Speaking of the Indians in general, he says, "Their beads are their money; of these, there are two sorts, blue beads and white beads; the first is their gold, the last their silver. These they work out of certain shells, so cunningly, that neither Jew nor Devil can counterfeit, f They drill them and string them, and make many curious works with them, to adorn the persons of their sag amores and principal men, and young women, as belts, girdles, tablets, liordeM for their women's hair, bracelets, necklaces, and links to hang in their ears. Prince Philip, a little before I came for England, [1671,] coming to Boston, had a coat on and buskins set thick with these beads, in pleasant wild works, and a broad belt of the same ; his accoutrements were valued at 20. The English merchant giveth them 10*. a fathom for their white, and as much more, or near upon, for their blue beads." " The roytelet now of the Pocan- akets is prince Philip, alias Metacon, the grandson of Massasoit." J While Mrs. Rowlandson was a captive in the wilderness with the allies of Philip, she mentions meeting with him ; and although she speaks often with bitterness of the Indians in general, yet of him nothing of that nature appears in her journal. The party she was with visited PhUip on the west side of the Connecticut, about five miles above Northfield, then called Squakeag. Having arrived at the point of crossing, Mrs. Roivlandson says, " We must go over the river to Philip's crew. When I was in the canoe, I could not but be amazed at the numerous crew of pagans that were on the bank on the other side." She was much afraid they meant to kill her here, but, being assured to the contrary, become more resigned to her fate. "Then came one of them, (she says,) and gave me two spoonfuls of meal (to comfort me,) and another gave me half a pint of peas, which was worth more than many bushels at another time. Then I went to see King Philip ; he bade me come in and sit down ; and asked me whether I would smoke it ; (a usual compli ment now a days, among the saints and sinners ;) but this no ways suited me." "During my abode in this place, Philip spake to me to make a shut for his boy, which I did ; for which he gave me a shilling." " Afterward he asked me to make a cap for his boy, for which he invited me to dinner , I went, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers ; it was made of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bears' grease ; but I thought I never tasted pleasanter meat in my life." || It is extremely gratifying to hear any testimony in favor of the humanity of a chief who in his time was so much execrated. To say the least of Philip's humanity, it was as great towards captives, so far as we have any knowledge, as was that of any of the English to the captive Indians. As the Indians were returning from their recesses upon the Connecticut, (in what is now New Hampshire and Vermont,) towards Wachuset, "having indeed my life, (says Mrs. Rowandson,} but little spirit, Phti/ip, who was in the company, came up, and took me by the hand, and said, ' Two weeks more and you shidl be mistress again. 1 I asked him if he spoke true : he said, ' Yes, and quickly you shall cotne to your master^ again,' who had been gone from us three weeks." ** In bringing our account of this truly great man towards a close, we must not forget to present the reader with a specimen of the language in which he spoke. The following is the Lord's prayer in Wampanoag : JVoo-shun kes-uk-qut, qiU-tian-at-am-unch koo-we-su-onk, kuk-ket-as-soo-tam- oonk pey-au-moo-utch, kut-te-nan-tam-oo-onk ne nai, ne-ya-ne ke-suk-qut * Account of two Voyages to New England, 142, 143. Jf this he was misinformed. There was much spurious wampum, which became a sub j.-ct <,i leglatioa. See Hazard's Hist. Col. vol. ii. : Account of two Voyages to New England, 146. He is also called grandson of Masxa- '. MI ih<' work entitled Present State of Neio England, in respect to the Indian War, fol UMidon, liJTtt j the auihor of that work doubtless copied from Josselyn. v\ \Mrratmt of her Captivity, 38, 39. || Ibid. 40 ',. QMMIM} in. See his Life ** Narrative of Mrs. Rowlandson, C3 20 230 LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS. NANUXTENOO. [Coon III kah oh-ke-it. Jls-sa-ma-i-in-ne-an ko-ko-ke-suk-o-da-e nut-as-e-suk-ok-ke pe tuk-qun-neg. Kah ah-quo-an-tam-a-i-in-ne-an num-matcti-e-se-ons'-76> by Richard ; presented by Ebenezer Richard, his grandson" \ CHAPTER HI. LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS. NANUNTENOO Reasons for his aiding Philip His former name Meets the English and Indians under Captain Peirse Fights and destroys his whole company at Paw- tucket Incidents relating to that fight Notice of Captain Peirse Nanuntenoo sur prised and taken His magnanimity Speech to his captors Is executed and his body burnt Cassassmnamon Catupazet Monopoide ANNAWON His escape from the sicamp when Philip was killed Captain Church sent out to capture him Discovers his retreat Takes him prisoner His magnanimous behavior His speech to Church Presents him with Philip's ornaments Description of them Church takes Jinnaicon to Plimouth, where he is -put to death QUISNAPIN His connections and marriage At the capture of Lancaster Account of his wives Weetamoo He is taken and shot TUSPAQ.UIN His sales of lands His opera tions in Philip's War Surrenders himself, and is put to death Refections upon his executioners TATOSON Early notices of Captures a garrison in Plim outh Trial and execution of Keweenam Totoson dies of a broken heart BAR ROW cruelly murdered TYASKS. NANUNTENOO, son of Miantunnomoh, " was chief sachem of all the Narragansets, and heir of all his father's pride and insolency, as well as of his malice against the English." | Notwithstanding this branding character, drawn by a contemporary, we need only look into the life of Miantunnomoh, to find excuse for " malice and insoleucy " tenfold more than was contained in the breast of Nanuntenoo. The English had cut to pieces the women and children of his tribe, burned them to death in their wigwams, and left their mangled bodies bleaching in the wintry blast ! The swamp fight of the 19 Dec. 1675, could not be for gotten ! Nanuntenoo escaped from this scene, but we cannot doubt that he acquitted himself agreeably to the character we have of him. The first name by which he was known to the English was Canonchet, styled his name is written " Naumaumoantonneiv alias Quananchit, eldest son now living of Miantomomio." He had been in Boston the Octo ber before the war, upon a treaty, at which time he received, among other presents, a silver-laced coat. Dr. Mather says, speaking of the Narragansets, " their great sachem called Quanonchet, was a principal ringleader in the Narraganset war, and had as great an interest and influence, as can be said of * Eliot's Indian Bible, Luke xi. 2 4. f No mention is made to whom, or when it was presented. It does not appear to us to be Empire. Potter's Hist. Narraganset, Coll. R. Hist. Soc. iii. 172. CHAP. III.] NANUNTENOO. PAWTUCKET F1UHT. 231 any among the Indians ;" * and that, " when 7te was taken and slain, it. was an amazing stroke to the enemy." f The name of Canonchet stands first to the treaty, to which we have just alluded, which was entered into at Boston, 18 Oct. 1675. By that treaty, the Narragansets agreed to deliver to the English in 10 days, "all and euery one of the said Indians, whether belonging vnto Philip, the Pocasset Sqva, or the Saconett Indians, Quabaug, Hadley, or any other sachems or people that haue bin or are in hostillitie with the English, or any of their allies or abet tors.*' | The names to the treaty are as follows : " QUANANCHETT'S \/ mark, Witnesses. sachem in behalf of himself and Conanacus and the Old RICHARD SMITH, Queen and Pornharn and Quaunapeen, (seal) JAMES BROWNE, MANATANNOO counceller his -\- SAMUEL GORTON, Jr. mark, and Cannonacus in his behalf, (seal) Interpreters. AHANMANPOWETT'S -j- mark, JOHN NOWHENETT'S X mark, counceller and his (seal) Indian interpreter. CORNMAN, chciffe counceller to Ninnegrett, in his behalfe, and a seal (S.)" The Indians having carried their whirlwind of war to the very doors of Plimouth, caused the sending out of Captain Peirce, (or as his name is uni formly in the records, Peirse,) to divert them from these ravages, and destroy as many of them as he was able. He had a large company, consisting of 70 men, 20 of whom were friendly Indians. With these, no doubt, Peirsc thought himself safe against any power of the Indians in that region. Meanwhile this most valiant chief captain of the Narragansets, Nanunte noo, learning, we presume, by his spies, the direction the English were tak ing assembled his warriors at a crossing place on Pawtucket River, at a point adjacent to a place since called Attleborough- Gore, and not far distant from Pawtucket falls. It is judged that Nanuntenoo was upon an expedition to attack Plimouth, or some of the adjacent towns, for his force was estimated at upwards of 300 men. On arriving at this fatal place, some of Nanuntenoo's men showed them selves retiring, on the opposite side of the river. This stratagem succeed ed, Peirse followed. || No sooner was he upon the western side, than the warriors of Nanuntenoo, like an avalanche from a mountain, rushed down upon him ; nor striving for coverts from which to fight, more than their foes, fought them face to face with the most determined bravery. A part of Nanuntenoo's force remained on the east side of the river, to pre vent the retreat of the English, which they most effectually did, as in the event will appear. When Captain Peirse saw himself hemmed in by num bers on every side, he drew up his men upon the margin of the river, in two ranks, back to back,1f and in this manner fought until nearly all of them were slain. Peirse had timely sent a messenger to Providence for assistance, and although the distance could not have been more than six or eight miles, from some inexplicable cause, no succor arrived ; and Mr. Hubbard** adds, "As Solomon saith, a faithful messenger is as snow in harvest." This dreadful fight was on Sunday, 26 March, 1676, when, as Dr. Mather says, "Capt. Peirse was slain and forty and nine English with him, and eight, (or more,) Indians, who did assist the English." The Rev. Mr. Newman of Rehoboth wrote a letter to Plimouth, dated the day after the slaughter, in * Brief Hist. 26. t Prevalency of Prayer, 11. It may be seen at large in Hazard's Collections, \. 536, 537. $ That Nanuntenoo commanded in person in the fight wilh the force under Capt. Peirse has seen a Question ; indeed, our only authority is not very explicit upon the matter, (Huhbard, Postscript 7.) who observes that when Denison surprised him, he " was, at that moment, divertizmg himself with the recital of Capt. Peirse' s slaughter, surprized by his men a few days before." I] Dr. Mather (Brief Hist. 24.) says, " a small number of the enemy who in desperate subtlety ran away from them, and they went limping to make the English believe they were lame," and thus effected their object. f Deane's Hist. Scituate, 121. ** IS'arrative, 64. 232 NANUNTENOO. PAWTUCKET FIGHT. , [Boo K 111. which he says, "52 of our English, and 11 Indians," were slain.* The com pany was, no doubt, increased by some who volunteered as they marched through the country, or by such as were taken for pilots. Nanunte.noo's victory was complete, but, as usual on such occasions, the English consoled themselves by making the loss of the Indians appear as large as possible. Dr. Mather says, that some Indians that were afterwards taken confessed they lost 140, which, no doubt, is not far from the truth. + An Englishman, and perhaps the only one who escaped from this disas trous fight, was saved by one of the friendly Indians in this manner : The friendly Indian being taken for a Narraganset, as he was pursuing with an uplifted tomahawk the English soldier, no one interfered, seeing him pursue an unarmed Englishman at such great advantage. In this manner, covering themselves in the woods, they escaped. A friendly Indian, being pursued by one of Nanuntenoo's men, got beLmd the roots of a fallen tree. Thus screened by the earth raised upon them, the Indian that pursued waited for him to run from his natural fort, knowing he would not dare to maintain it long. The other soon thought of an expe dient, which was to make a port-hole in his breast-work, which he easily did by digging through the dirt. When he had done this, he put his gun through, and shot his pursuer, then fled in perfect safety. Another escaped in a manner very similar. In his flight he got behind a arge rock. This afforded him a good shelter, but in the end he saw nothing but certain death, and the longer he held out the more misery he must suffer. In this deplorable situation, he bethought himself to try the following device. Putting his cap upon his gun, he raised it very gradually above the rock, as though to discover the position of his enemy : it had the desired effect he fired upon it The one behind the rock now rushed upon him, before he could reload his gun, and despatched him. Thus, as Mr. Hubbard says, " it is worth the noting, what faithfulness and courage some of the Christian Indians showed in this fight" That this most excellent author did not approve of the severity exercised towards those who appeared friendly, is abundantly proved by his writings. In another place he says, " Possibly if some of the English had not been too shy in making use of such of them as were well affected to their interest, they never need have suffered so much from their enemies." A notice may be reasonably expected of the unfortunate Captain Michael Peirse, of Scituate. He was one of those adventurous spirits " who never knew fear," and who sought rather than shrunk from dangers. He was, like his great antagonist, in the Narraganset fight ; and in 1673, when the govern ment of Plimouth raised a force to go against the Dutch, who had encroached upon them in Connecticut, he was appointed ensign in one of the companies. He resided in several places before going to Plimouth. Air. Deane, in his Ilislory of Scituate, gives a genealogical account of his family, from which we learn that he had a second wife, and several sons and daughters. Of what family he was, there is no mention.^ He possessed considerable estate, and made his will on engaging in the war with the Indians. The "sore defeat" of Captain Peirse, and the tide of the Indians' successes about this time, caused the United Colonies to send out almost their whole strength. Nanuntenoo came down from the country upon Connecticut River, early in March, for the purpose of collecting seed corn to plant such ground as the English had been driven from, and to effect any other object he mijrl*. vti^ev with. Whether he had effected the first-named object before ikiiing in with Peirse, we are not able to state ; but certain it is, that he was but few days after encamped very near the ground where the fight had been, and was there fallen * See the letter giving the names of the company in Dearie's Scituate, 122, 123. \ Mr. Hubbard's account is the same. t In the Records of Plimouth, under date March, 1669, there is this entry : ahche. Peirse of Scittuate" was presented at the court for vnseemly carriages towards Sarah hichols of Scittuate," and "forasmuch as there appeared but one testimony to the p'sentment, and that the testimony was written and not read vnto the deponant, the court saw cause to remit the said p'sentment." CHAP. III.] NANUXTENOO. HIS CAPTURE AND DEATH. 233 upon at unawares, when but a few of his men were present, and there taken prisoner. Nanuntenoo was nearly as much dreaded as Philip himself, and consequently his capture caused great rejoicing among his enemies, and requires to be par ticularly related. Four volunteer companies from Connecticut began their march Into the enemy's country the next day after Pawtucket fight. Among the captains of these companies, George Denison of Southerton was the most conspicuous. The others were commanded by James Jlvery, John Staunton, and Major Palmer, who also had the chief command. With these were three companies of Indians; one led by Oneko, composed of Mohegans ; one of Pequots, by Cas- sasinnamon ; and the other of Nianticks, by Catapazet ; in all about 80. \\ lion this formidable army came near to JVamtn/enoo's camp, on the first week in April, 1676, "they met with a stout Indian of the enemie's, whom they jircst-ntly slew, and two old squaws," who informed them of the situation of Nununtenoo. At the same time, their own scouts brought the same intelligence. The news of the enemy's approach reached the chief in his tent when but seven of his men were about him ; the rest were probably in the neighborhood attending to their ordinary affairs. And although he had stationed two senti nels upon an adjacent hill, to give him timely notice if any appeared, their surprise was so great, at the sudden approach of the English, that, in their fright, they ran by their sachem's wigwam, " as if they wanted time to tell what they saw." Seeing this, the sachem sent a third, to learn the cause of the flight of the two first, but he fled in the same manner ; and lastly he sent two more, one of which, "either endued with more courage, or a better sense of his duty, informed him in great haste that all the English army was upon him : whereupon, having no time to consult, and but little to attempt an escape, and no means to defend himself, he began"* to fly with all speed. Running with great swiftness around the hill, to get out of sight upon the opposite side, he was distinguished by his wary pursuers, and they immediately followed him with that eagerness their important object was calculated to inspire. The pursuers of the flying chief were Catapazet and his Nianticks, " and a few of the English lightest of foot." Seeing these were gaining upon him, he first cast off his blanket, then his silver-laced coat, and lastly his belt of peag. On seeing these, a doubt no longer remained of its being Nanuntenoo, which rged them, if possible, faster in the chase. There was in the company of Catapazet, one Monopoide, a Pequot, who outran all his companions, and who, gaining upon Nanuntenoo, as he fled upon the side of the river, obliged him to attempt to cross it sooner than he intended. Nevertheless, but for an accident in liis passage, he would doubtless have effected his escape. As he was wa ding through the river, his foot slipped upon a stone, which brought his gun under water. Thus losing some time in recovering himself, and also the use of his gun, it probably made him despair of escaping; for Monopoide came up and seized upon him, " within 30 rods of the river side." Nanuntenoo, having made up his mind to surrender, made no resistance, although he was a man of great physical strength, of superior stature, and acknowledged bravery ; and the one who seized upon him very ordinary in that respect. One of the first Englishmen that came up was Robert Staunton, a young man, who presumed to ask the captured chief some questions. He appeared at first to regard the young man with silent indignity, but at length, casting a disdainful look upon his youthful face, " this manly sachem," said, in broken English, "YOU MUCH CHILD! NO UNDERSTAND MATTERS OF WAR! LET YOUR BROTHER OR CHIEF COME, HIM I WILL AXSVV ER." And, adds Mr. Hubbard, he " was as good as his word : acting herein, as if, by a Pythagorean metempsychosis, some old Roman ghost had possessed the body of this western pagan. And, like Jttlilius Regulusj he * This elegant passage of Mr. Hubbard brings to our mind that inimitable one of Ifiricrero, in his account of the woful days of the Mexicans : " They had neither arms to ryi'l the multitude and fury of their enemies, strength to defend themselves, nor space to Urn upon; the ground of the city was covered with dead bodies, and the water of every Mich and canal purpled with blood. Hist. Mexico, iii. 73. * Marcus Altilius Regulus, a Roman consul and general, taken prisoner by the Cartha- 234 NANUNTENOU. '* [Boon HI. would not accept of his own life, when it was tendered him." This tender of life to Nanuntenoo was, no doubt, upon the condition of his obtaining the sub mission of his nation. He met the idea with indignation; and when the English told him that he should be put to death if he did not comply, in the most composed manner he replied, that killing him would not end the war. Some of his captors endeavored to reflect upon him, by telling him, that he had said he would burn the English in their houses, and that he had boasted, hi defiance of his promise last made to the English, which was to deliver the Wampanoags to them, that he would not deliver up a Wampanoas; or the paring of a Wampanoag's nail. To this he only replied, " OTHERS WERE AS FORWARD FOR THE WAR AS MYSELF, AND I DESIRE TO HEAR NO MORE ABOUT IT." Had the English not burned his people in flieir houses ? Did they ever deliver up any that had committed depredations upon the Narragansets ? No! Who, then, will ask for an excuse for the magnanimous Nanuntenoo ? So Indignant was he at their conduct, that he would hear nothing about peace ; "refusing to send an old counsellor of his to make any motion that way," on a promise of life if he would do so. Under the eye of Denison, Nanuntenoo was taken to Stonington, where, by the "advice of the English commanders, he was shot." His head was cut off and carried to Hartford, and his body consumed by fire. The English prevailed upon some of each tribe of their allies, viz. Pequots, Mohegans and Nianticks, to be his executioners, " thereby the more firmly to engage the said Indians against the treacherous Narragansets."* "Herein," says another writer f of that day, " the English dealt wisely, for by this means the three Indian nations are become abominable to the other Indians." And a respectable writer J of our own times says, " It may be pleasing to the reader to be informed " of the fate of Nanuntenoo ! When it was announced to the noble chief that he must be put to death, he was not in the least daunted, and all he is reported to have said is this : I LIKE IT WELL ; I SHALL DIE BEFORE MY HEART IS SOFT, OR HAVE SAID ANY THING UNWORTHY OF MYSELF." With Nanuntenoo, fell into the hands of the English 43 others. The author of the anonymous "Letters to London " || says the Indians were "commanded by that famous but very bloudy and cruel sachem, Quononshot, otherwise called Myantonomy" whose "carriage was strangely proud and lofty after he was taken ; being examined why he did foment that Avar, which would certainly be the destruction of him and all the heathen Indians in the country, &c., he would make no other reply to any interrogatories, but this : that he was born a prince, and if princes came to speak with him he would answer, but none present being such, he thought himself obliged, in honor, to hold his tongue ; " and that he said he would rather die than remain a prisoner, and requested that Oneko might put him to death, as he was of equal rank. " Yet withall threatened, he had 2000 men, [who] would revenge his death severely. Wherefore our forces, fearing an escape, put the stoutest men to the sword, but preserved Myantonomy till they returned to Stoneington ; where our Indian friends, and most of the English soldiers, declaring to the commanders their fear that the English should, upon con ditions, release him, and that then he would, (though the English might ginians, 231 years B. C. They sent him to Rome to use his endeavors to effect a peace, by his solemn promise: to return within a given period. The most excruciating tortures awaited him, should he uot execute his mission according to his instructions. When arrived at Rome, he exhorted his countrymen to hold out, and maintain the war against the Carthaginians stating their situation, and the great advantages that would accrue. He knew what would be his fate on returning to Carthage, and many a noble Roman besought him not to return, and thus sacrifice his life ; but he would not break his promise, even with his barbarous ene mies. This is what is meant by not accepting his own life when tendered him. He returned, and, if history be true, no Indian nation ever tortured a prisoner, beyond what the Cartha ginians inflicted upon Marcus Attiliiis Regulus. See Echard's Roman Hist. \. 188 !). * Hubbard. \ I. Mattier. J Deane, Hist. Scituate, 124. Manuscript letter in Hist. Library. Both Hubbard and Mather say 44 ; perhaps they in eluded Nanuntenoo. || Elsewhere cited as The O!d Indian Chronicle.. CHAP 1II-1 AN\A\VO\. 235 have poaco with him,) he very pernicious to those Indians that now assisted us, the said Indians, (on these considerations, and the mischiefs and mur- thors lie had done during this war,) permitted to put him to death.* And that all might share in the glory of destroying so great t prince, and cerre under the obligation of fidelity, each to other, the Pequotfo shot him, the Mthogins cut off his head and quartered his body, and the JVi r.nTo/ly men mcdft the fire and burned his quarters, and, as a token of their Jo>^ and fidelity tc IJe English, presented his head to the council at Hartford! ' JLV.V./J/rO.Vwas a Warnpanoag, and one of Philip's wsJ famous coun sellors and captains. He was his fast friend, and resisted is long as there was a beam of hope ; and when at last every chance of sv.cce.ss had failed, he gave himself up in the most heroic manner, as will appear in the follow ing account. At the swamp, when Philip was killed, he escaped with mos! ov" his men, as has been related, by his thoroughly understanding flhe sitUt ton of his enemies. "Perceiving (says Church) they were waylaid on the ea^-t side of the swamp, tacked short about. One of the enemy, who seemed to be a great surly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and often called out, I-oo- tash, I-oo-tash. Captain Church called to his Indian Peter,] and asked him who that was that called so. He answered that it was old Jlnnaioon, Philip's great captain, calling on his soldiers to stand to it, and fight stoutly." "Captain Church had been but little while at Plimouth, [after the death of Philip,] before a post from Rehoboth came to inform the governor that old Jlnnawon, Philip's chief captain, was with his company ranging about their woods, and was very offensive and pernicious to Rehoboth and Swansey. Captain Church was immediately sent for again, and treated with to engage in one expedition more. He told them their encouragement was so poor, he feared his soldiers would be dull about going again. But being a hearty friend to the cause, he rallies again, goes to Mr. Jabez Rowland, his old lieutenant, and some of his soldiers that used to go out with him, told them how the case was circumstanced, and that he had intelligence of old Jlnnaworfs walk and haunt, and wanted hands to hunt him. They did not want much entreating, but told him they would go with him as long as there was an Indian left in the woods. He moved and ranged through the woods to Pocasset" In the early part of this expedition, some of Captain Church's Indian scouts captured a number of Jlnnaioorfs company, but from whom they could learn nothing of the old chief, only that he did not lodge " twice in a place." "Now a certain Indian soldier, that Captain Church had gained over to be on his side, prayed that he might have liberty to go and fetch in his father, who, he said, was about four miles from that place, in a swamp, with no other than a young squaw. Captain Church inclined to go with him, thinking it might be in his way to gain some intelligence of Annaioon; and so taking one Englishman and a few Indians with him, leaving the rest there, he went with his new soldier to look his father. When he came to the swamp, he bid the Indian go and see if he could find his father. He was no sooner gone, but Captain Church discovered a track coming down out of the woods, upon which he and his little company lay close, some on one side of the track, and some on the other. They heard the Indian soldier makin? a howling for his father, and at length somebody answered him ; but while they were listening, they thought they heard somebody com ing towards them. Presently they saw an old man coming up, with a gun on his shoulder, and a young woman following in the track which they lay by. They let them come between them, and then started up and laid 'hold of them both. Captain Church immediately examined them apart, telling them what they must trust to if they told false stories. He asked the young woman what company they came from last She said from Captain Anna- u-on'.t. He asked her how many were in company with him when she left ' This seems to us the most probable account of the affair of all we have seen. f The son of Aieashonks, it is supposed. 236 ANNAWON. [BOOK III. him. She eaid ' fifty or sixty.' He asked her how many miles it was to the place where she left him. She said she did not understand miles, hut he was up in Squannaconk swamp. The old man, who had been one of Philip's council, upon examination, gave exactly the same account." On being asked whether they could get there that night, answered, " If we go pres ently, and travel stoutly, we may get there by sunset." The old man said he was of Jlnnaworis company, and that Jlnnaivon had sent him down to find some Indians that were gone down into Mount Hope neck to kill pro visions. Captain Church let him know that that company were all his prisoners. The Indian who had been permitted to go after his father, now returned with him and another man. Captain Church was now at great loss what he should do. He was unwilling to miss of so good an opportunity of giving a finishing blow to the Indian power. He had, as himself says, but " half a dozen men beside himself," and yet was under the necessity of sending some one back to give Lieutenant Rowland, whom he left at the old fort in Pocasset, notice, if he should proceed. But, without wasting time in pon dering upon what course to pursue, he put the question to his men, "whether they would willingly go with him and give Annaivon a visit." All answered in the affirmative, but reminded him "that they knew this Captain Annawon was a great soldier ; that he had been a valiant captain under Asuhmequin, [Woosamequin,~\ Philip's father; and that he had been Philip's chieftain all this war." And they further told Captain Church, (and these men knew him well,) that lie was " a very subtle man, of great resolu tion, and had often said that he would never be taken alive by the English." They also reminded him that those with Jlnnawon were " resolute fellows, some of Philip's chief soldiers," and very much feared that to make the attempt with such a handful of soldiers, would be hazardous in the extreme. But nothing could shake the resolution of Captain ChurcJi, who remarked to them, " that he had a long time sought for Jlnnawon, but in vain," and doubted not in the least but Providence would protect them. All with one consent now desired to proceed. A man by the name of Cook,* belonging to Plimouth, was the only Englishman in the company, except the captain. Captain Church asked Mr. Cook what his opinion of the undertaking was. He made no other reply than this : "I am never afraid of going any where when you are with me." The Indian who brought in his father informed Captain Church, that it was impossible for him to take his horse with him, which he had brought thus far. He therefore sent him and his father, with the horse, back to Lieuten ant Hoivland, and ordered them to tell him to take his prisoners immediately to Taunton, and then to come out the next morning in the Rehoboth road, where, if alive, he hoped to meet him. Things being thus settled, all were ready for the journey. Captain Church tinned to the old man, whom he took with the young woman, and asked him whether he would be their pilot. He said, " You having given me my life, I am under obligations to serve you." They now marched for Squau- naconk. In leading the way, this old man would travel so much faster than the rest, as sometimes to be nearly out of sight, and consequently might have escaped without fear of being recaptured, but he was true to his word, and would stop until his wearied followers came up. Having travelled through swamps and thickets until the sun was setting, the pilot ordered a stop. The captain asked him if he had made any dis covery. He said, "About that hour of the day, Jlnnawon usually sent out his scouts to see if the coast was clear, and as soon as it began to grow dark the scouts returned, and then we may move securely." When it was sufficiently dark, and they were about to proceed, Captain Church asked the old man if he would take a gun and fight for him. He bowed very low, and said, "I pray you not to impose such a thing upon me as to fight against Captain Annawon, my old friend, but I will go along with you, and be helpful to you, and will lay hands on any man that shall offer to hurt you." They * Caleb, doubtless, who was present at the time Philip was killed. CHAP. III.] ANNAWON. HIS CAPTURE AND DEATH. 237 had proceeded but a short space, when they heard a noise, which thev concluded to be the pounding of a mortar. This warned them that they were in the vicinity of Annawon's retreat. And here it will be very proper to give a description of it. It is situated in the south-easterly corner of Rehoboth, about eight miles from Taunton Green, a few rods from the road which leads to Providence, and on the south-easterly side of it. If a straight line were drawn from Taunton to Providence, it would pass very nearly over this place. Within the limits of an immense swamp of nearly 1000 acres, there is a small piece of upland, separated from the main only by a brook, which in some seasons is dry. This island, as we may call it, is nearly covered with an enormous rock, which to this day is called Annaworfs Rock. Its south-east side presents an almost perpendicular precipice, and rises to the height of 25 or 30 feet. The north-west side is very sloping, and easy of ascent, being at an angle of not more than 35 or 40. A more gloomy and hidden recess, even now, although the forest tree no longer waves over it, could hardly be found by any inhabitant of the wilderness. When they arrived near the foot of the rock, Captain Church, with two of his Indian soldiers, crept to the top of it, from whence they could see distinctly the situation of the whole company, by the light of their fires. They were divided into three bodies, and lodged a short distance from one another, Annawoii's camp was formed by lelliug a tree against the rock, with bushes set up on each side. " He passed, in the heart of that ancient wood Nor paused, till the rock where a vaulted bed Had been hewn of old for the kingly dead Arose on his midnight way " HEMANS. With him lodged his son, and others of his principal men. Their guns were discovered standing and leaning against a stick resting on two crotches, safely covered from the weather by a mat. Over their fires were pots and kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their spits. Captain Church was now at some loss how to proceed, seeing no possibility of getting down the rock without discovery, which would have been fatal. He therefore creeps silently back again to the foot of the rock, and asked the old man, their pilot, if there was no other way of coining at them. He answered, " No ;" and said that himself and all others belonging to the company were ordered to come that way, and none could come any other without danger of be ing shot. The fruitful mind of Church was no longer at loss, and the following strata gem was put in successful practice. He ordered the old man and the young woman to go forward, and lead the way, with their baskets upon their backs, and when Annawon should discover them, he would take no alarm, knowing them to be those he had lately sent forth upon discovery. " Captain Church and his handful of soldiers crept down also, under the shadow of those two and their baskets. The captain himself crept close behind the old man, with his hatchet in his hand, and stepped over the young man's head to the arms. The young Annawon discovering him, whipped his blanket over his head, and shrunk up in a heap. The old Captain Annawon started up on his breech, and cried out Howoh ! ' which signified, ' Welcom.' " * All hope of escape was now fled forever, and he made no effort, but laid himself down again in perfect silence, while his captors secured the rest of the company. For he supposed the English were far more numerous than they were, and before he was undeceived, his company were all secured. * It is a curious fact, that among the tribes of the west, the same word is used to signify approbation : thus, when a speech had been made to some in that region, which pleased them, at the end of each paragraph they would exclaim, " Hoah ! Hoah!" Weld's Travels in America. The fact becomes still more curious when we find the same word used yet farther west- even on the North-west Coast, and with very nearly the same signification. See Dixon's Voyage, 189, 4lo. London, 1789. In this work it is spelt Whoah. See. also. Bu-ney't V oyages, i. M6, and Colden's Five Nations, ii. 95. 238 ANNA WON. '* [BOOK III. One circumstance much facilitated this daring project. It has been before mentioned, that they heard the pounding of a mortar, on their approach. This continued during their descent down the rock. A squaw was pounding green dried corn for their supper, and when she ceased pounding, to turn the corn, they ceased to proceed, and when she pounded again, they moved. This was the reason they were not heard as they lowered themselves down, from crag to crag, supported by small bushes that grew from the seama of the rock. The pounded com served afterwards for a supper to the captors. Jlnnawon would not have been taken at this time but for the treachery of those of his own company. And well may their Lucan exclaim, as did the Roman, " A race renowned, the world's victorious lords, Turned on themselves with their own hostile swords." Rmct's Trans. The two companies situated at a short distance from the rock knew not the fate of their captain, until those sent by Church announced it to them. And, to prevent their making resistance, they were told, that Captain Church had encompassed them with his army, and that to make resistance would be immediate death ; but if they all submitted peaceably, they should have good quarter. " Now they being old acquaintance, and many of them relations," readily consented : delivering up their guns and hatchets, they were all con ducted to head-quarters. " Things being thus far settled, Captain Church asked Jlnnawon what he had for supper, ' for,' said he, ' I am come to sup with you.' " Jlnnawon replied, " Taubut" with a " big voice," and, looking around upon his women, ordered them to hasten and provide Captain Church and his company some supper. He asked Captain Church " whether he would eat cow beef or horse beef." Church said he would prefer cow beef. It was soon ready, and, by the aid of some salt he had in his pocket, he made a good meal. And here it should be told, that a small bag of salt (which he carried in his pocket) was the only provision he took with him upon this expedition. When supper was over, Captain Church set his men to watch, telling them if they would let him sleep two hours, they should sleep all the rest of the night, he not having slept any for 36 hours before ; but after laying a half hour, and feeling no disposition to sleep, from the momentous cares upon his mind, for, as Dr. Young says in the Revenge, " The dead alone, in such a night, can rest, " he looked to see if his watch were at their posts, but they were all fast asleep. Jlnnawon felt no more like sleeping than Church, and they lay for some time looking one upon the other. Church spoke not to Jlnnawon, because he could not speak Indian, and thought Jlnnaivon could not speak English, but it now appeared that he could, from a conversation they held together. Church had laid down with Jlnnaivon to prevent his escape, of which, however, he did not seem much afraid, for after they had laid a considerable time, Jlnnawon got up and walked away out of sight, which Church considered was on a common occasion ; but being gone some time, " he began to suspect some ill design." He therefore gathered all the guns close to himself, and lay as close as he possibly could under young Jlnnawon's side, that if a shot should be made at him, it must endanger the life of young Jlnnaivon also. After laying a while in great suspense, he saw, by the light of the moon, Jlnnawon coming with something in his hands. When he had got to Captain Church, he knelt down before him, and*, after presenting him what he had brought, spoke in English as follows : " Great captain, you have killed Philip, and con quered his country. For I believe that I and my company are the last that war against the English, so suppose the war is ended by your means, and therefore these things belong unto T/OU." He then took out of his pack a beautifully wrought belt, which belonged to Philip. It was nine inches in breadth, and of such length, as when put about the shoulders of Captain Church, it reached to his ankles. This was considered, at that time, of great value CHAP. III.] QUINNAPIN. 239 being embroidered all over with money, that is, wampumpeag,* of various colors, curiously wrought into figures of birds, beasts and flowers. A second belt, of no less exquisite workmanship, was next presented, which belonged also to Philip. This, that chief used to ornament his head with ; from the back part of which flowed two flags, which decorated his back. A third was a smaller one, with a star upon the end of it, which he wore upon his breast. All three were edged with red hair, which, Annmoon said, was got in the country of the Mohawks. These belts, or some of them, it is believed, re main, at this day, the property of a family in Swansey. He next took from his pack two horns of glazed powder, and a red cloth blanket. These, it appears, were all that remained of the effects of the great chief. He told Captain Church that those were Philip's royalties, which he was wont to adom himself with, when he sat in state, and he thought himself happy in having an opportunity to present them to him. The remainder of the night they spent in discourse, in which Annawon ' gave an account of what mighty success he had had formerly in wars against many nations of Indians, when he served rfsuhmequin, Philip's father." Morning being come, they took up their march for Taunton. In the way they met Lieutenant Hoivland, according to appointment, at his no small sur prise. They lodged at Taunton that night. The next day " Capt. Church took old Annawon, and half a dozen Indian soldiers, and his own men, and went to Rhode Island ; the rest were sent to Plimouth, under Lieutenant Howl and. Annawon,\t is said, had confessed "that he had put to death several of the English, that had been taken alive ; ten in one day, and could not deny but that some of them had been tortured ;"f and therefore no mercy was to be expected from those into whose hands he had now fallen. His captor, Captain Church, did not mean that he should have been put to death, and had en treated hard for him ; but in his absence from Plimouth, not long after, he was remorselessly executed. We shall again have occasion to advert to the execution ofJlnnaioon*, and shall now pass to consider the events in the life of a sachem of nearly equal interest. Qt7AVA*4P/.Y was by birth a noble Narraganset, being the son of Cogina- quan, otherwise Conjanaquond, who was nephew to Canonicus. Therefore Miantunnomoh was uncle to Quinnapin, and Canonicus was his great uncle. We find his name spelled in almost every possible way, and for the amusement of the reader will offer a few of them Quanopin, Qteono/n'n, Qunnapin, Quannopin, Quenoquin, Panoquin, Sowagonish, and Quanepin. His name has also been confounded with that of Quaiapen, the " old queen " of Narraganset In 1672, Quinnapin confirmed, by a writing, the sale of a tract of land pre viously granted by Coginaquan, his father. This sachem took part with the Wampanoags in Philip's war, and from the punishment which the English executed upon him, on his falling into their hands, we may suppose he acted well his part in that war, although but little is recorded of him by the historians of that period. From Mrs. Row- landsorfs account of him, we must conclude he was not wanting in attentions to the fair sex, as he had certainly three wives, one of whom was a sister of Wootonekanuske ; consequently he was, according to the English method of calculating relationships, brother-in-law to the famous Metacomet himself. Quinnapin was one of the chiefs who directed the attack on Lancaster, the 10 Feb. 1675, O. S., and he purchased Mrs. Rowlandson from a Naragan- set Indian who had seized her when she came out of the garrison, among the captives of that place. And it was this circumstance which caused her to notice him in her Narrative. J JFe/fimore, whom she mentions in the follow ing extract, as his wife, we have said, was Wedamoo, the " queen of Pocasset" In the winter of 1676, when the Narragansets were at such " great straits," from the loss of their provisions, in the great swamp fight, (" corn being two \n Iroquois word signifying a muscle. t fl/Ma-d, Nar. 108. isclf. Gordon's Hist. Pennsylvania, page 598. { .Mr. Willard's edition of it, (p. 25.) Lancaster, 1828. 240 QUINNAPIN. [BOOK III. shillings a pint with them,") the English tried to bring about a peace with them ; but their terms were too hard, or some other cause prevented. " Ca- nonchet and Panoquin said they would fight it out, to the last man, rather than they would become servants to the English." * A truly noble resolution, and well worthy of the character we have of Canonchet. "My master (says Mrs. Rowlandson) had three squaws, living sometimes with one and sometimes with another. Onux, this old squaw at whose wig wam I was, and with whom my master [Quinnapiri] had been these three weeks. Another Avas Wettimore, with whom I had lived and served all this while. A severe and proud dame she was ; bestowing every day in dressing herself near as much time as any of the gentry of the land powdering her hair and painting her face, going with her necklaces, with jewels in her ears, and bracelets upon her hands. When she had dressed herself, her work was to make girdles of wampum and beads. The third squaw [or wife] was a young one, by whom he had two papooses." f While the Narragansets and Nipmucks were encamped at a place on Con necticut River at considerable distance above Northampton, perhaps near as far as Bellows Falls, Mrs. Rowlandson says, "My master's maid came home : she had been gone three weeks into the Narraganset country to fetch corn, where they hacl stored up some in the ground. She brought home about a peck and a half of corn " / k We shall relate, in the Life of Nepanet, the mission of Mr. Hoar to Philip's quarters for the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson. This was not long alter Sudbury fight, and the Indians were preparing to commemorate it by a great dance, "which was earned on by eight of them, (as Mrs. R. relates,) lour men and four squaws ; my master and mistress [Quinnapin and Wedamoo\ being two. He was dressed in his Holland shirt, with great stockings, his garters hung round with shillings, and had girdles of tvampom upon his head and shoulders. She had a Kearsey coat, covered with girdles of wampom from the loins upward. Her arms, from her elbows to her hands, were covered with bracelets ; there were handfuls of necklaces about her neck, and sev eral sorts of jewels in her ears. She had fine red stockings, and white shoes, her hair powdered, and her face painted red, that was always before black. And all the dancers were after the same manner. There were two others singing and knocking on a kettle for their music. They kept hopping up and down one after another, with a kettle of water in the midst, standing warm upon some embers, to drink of when they were dry. They held on till almost night, throwing out their wampom to the standers-by. At night I asked them again, if I should go home : they all as one said, No, except my husband would come for me. When w r e were lain down, my master went out of the wigwam, and by and by sent in an Indian called James-the-printer, who told Mr. Hoar, that my master would let me go home to-morrow, if he would let him have one pint of liquor. Then Mr. Hoar called his own Indians, Tom and Peter, and bid them all go and see if he would promise it before them three ; and if he would he should have it, which he did, and had it. Philip smelling the business, called me to him, and asked me what I would give him, to tell me some good news, and to speak a good word for me, that I might go home to-morrow? I told Lira I could not tell what to give him, I would any thing I had, and asked him what he would have. He said two coats and 20 shillings in money, half a bushel of seed corn, and some tobacco. I thanked him for his love, but 1 knew that good news as well as that crafty fox. My master, after he had his drink, quickly came ranting into the wigwam again, and called for Mr. Hoar, drinking to him and saying he was a good man ; and then again he would say, Hang him a rogue. Being almost drunk, he would drink to him, and yet presently say he should be hanged. Then he called for me ; I trembled to hear him, and yet I was fain to go to him, and he drank to me, shewing no incivility. He was the first Indian I saw drunk, all the time I was among them. At last his squaw ran .'jut, and he after her, round the wigwam, with his money jingling at his Huhbard. t Narrative, 63, 64. ("HAP. III.] DEATH OF UU1NNAPIN. TUSPAQUIX. 241 knees, but she escaped him ; but having an old squaw, he ran to her," * and troubled the others no more that night. A day or two after, the sagamores had a council, or general court, as they called it, in which the giving up of Mrs. R. was debated. All seemed to consent for her to go, except Philip, who would not come to the council. However, she was soon dismissed, and some who were at first opposed to her going, seemed now to rejoice at it. They shook her by the hand, and asked her to send them some tobacco, and some one thing and some another. When the extensive system of Avar carried on by Philip was broken in the west bv intestine bickerings, Quinnapin returned with Philip to his country of the Wampanoags. About the end of July, 1676, Captain Church learned by a captive squaw that Quinnapin and Philip were in a " great cedar swamp " near Aponaganset with "abundance of Indians." This news, together with a discovery the captain soon after made, induced him to leave that country without disturbing so formidable an enemy. Soon after, Quinnapin escaped from a company of Bridgewater men, who killed Jlkkompoin, as he and Philip's company were crossing Taunton River. The next day, Church pur sued him, but he effected his escape. Not long after this, he was taken, and, immediately after the war, 25 August, was shot at Newport in R. Island. It appears that Quinnapin had had some difficulty with the R. Island people, who, some time before the war, had cast nim into prison ; but that by some means he had escaped, and become active in the war. He was reported "n young lusty sachem, and a very rogue." f A court-martial was held at Newport, R, I., on the 24 August, 1676, by the governor and assistants of that colony, for the trial of Quinnapin, or Sowagonish, as he w r as sometimes called, and several others. He was charged with adhering to Philip in the war, which he confessed, and owned he was in the Narraganset Swamp fight of December, 1675, and next in command to Canonchet ; whereupon he was sentenced to be shot the next day. A brother of his, who had but one eye, named Sunkeejunasuc, had the same sentence passed upon him. Jlshamattan, another brother, waa tried, but at that time received no sentence.:): TUSP.QQUIN, whose biography we shall next pursue, was one of Philips most faithful captains, and sachem of Assawomset, as we have before had occasion to notice, in speaking of John Sassamon. His name in printed accounts differs but little, and is abbreviated from Watuspaquin. Also in our life of Tatoson it was necessary to speak of this chief. From a survey of the deeds which he executed of various large tracts of land, it is evident his sachemdom was very extensive. It will be necessary to glance at some of the conveyances of Waiuspaquin for several reasons, the principal of which is, that the part he acted in the great drama of 1675 and 1676 may not be underrated. His conveyances to the Reverend John Sassamon and his family are already related. On 9 August, 1667, " Tuspequin, otherwise called the Black-sachem,'" for 4, sells to Henry Wood of Plitnouth his right and title to the land on the east side of " N amassakett " River, bounded " on one end " by the pond called Black-sachem's Pond, or, in Indian, Wanpawcult ; on the other end, by a little pond called Jlsnemscutt. How much was included in the given bounds, is not mentioned, nor could we now by the description possibly tell how far said tract extended back from the river. With Tuspaquin, l.is wife, Amey, signed this deed, and it was witnessed only by two English men. On 17 July, 1669, Tuspaquin and his son William sell for 10 a tract or parcel of land near " Assowampsett," half a mile wide, and " in length from said ponds to Dartmouth path." Besides two English, Samuel Henry, Daniel and Old Harry were witnesses. Experience Mitchell, Henry Sampson, of Dux- borough, Thomas Little, of Marshfield, and Thomas Paine, of Eastham, were the purchasers. * Narrative. 73 75. t Captain Alore's account of "The Warr in N. E. visibly ended," &c. in our INDIAK CHRONICLE. J Potter's Narraganset, 98. He, however, reserved the right " to gett ceder barke in the swamps." 21 Q 242 TUSPAQUIN. BURNS BRIDGEWATER.' [BOOK III June 10, 1670, Tuspaquin and his son William sold for 6, to Edward Gray, "in the behalf of the court of Plimouth," " all that our meddow that lyeth in or neare the town of Middleberry," on the west side of a tract belonging to John Jllden and Constant Southworth, " and is between Assowamsett Pond and Taunton path, being in three parsells vpon three brookes ;" also another parcel on the other side of Taunton path. Witnessed by " Jlmie" the wife of Tuspaquin, and two English. 30 June, 1672, Tuspaquin, " sachem of Namassakett. and Mantowapuct alias William his son," sell to Edward Gray and Josias Winsloiv, lands on the easterly side of Assowamsett, to begin where Namasket River falleth out of the pond, and so south by the pond ; thence by perishable bounds to Tuspaquin's Pond, and so home to the lands formerly sold to Henry Wood. 3 July, 1673, Tuspaquin and his son William sell to Benjamin Church of Duxborough, house carpenter, and John Tompson of Barnstable, lands about Middleborough, for which they paid him 15. It is described as " lying att and neare the township of Middleberry," bounded westerly by a river called Monhiggen, which runs into a pond called Quisquasett, and so by a cedar swamp to Tuspaquin's Pond ; thence by Henry Wood's land to a place called Pochaboquett. Nahudset River is named as a northern boundary ; and the two "places" called Tuscomanest and Massapanoh are also named, like wise a pond called Sniptuett, and a " river's mouth called Tuppatuett which runneth into a pond called Quittuwashett" Two English, Sam Harry, and Joseph of Namasket, were witnesses. 1 November 1673, William Watuspaquin, Jlssaweta, Tobias and Bewat, for 10 sell to three English of Barnstable a tract of land bounded by Que- taquash Pond northerly, by Quetaquash River easterly, Snepetuitt Pond, &c. 14 May, 1675, the two Tuspaquins, father and son, " make over to John Tompson, Constant Southworth " and others, of Middleborough, " all that tract of land which we now have in possession, called commonly Assowamset neck or necks, and places adjacent," as a security against the claims of others, &c. of other lands deeded at the same time ; if, therefore, they are not dis turbed in the possession of the former lands deeded, then they " are not to be outed of Assawamsett neck." Pottawo, alias Daniel, Poyman, Pagatt,* alias Joseph, were witnesses. For the land deeded they received 33, " sterling." It consisted of uplands and meadows about the pond called Ninipoket, Quiticus,} &c., and, judging from the price paid, was, no doubt, a very large tract. Thus are a few of the acts of Watuspaquin sketched previous to the war. We are now to trace his operations in quite another sphere. In our opinion, Mr. Hubbard was right in styling him " the next noted captain to Philip," but erroneously calls Old Tuspaquin " the Black-sachem's son." He does not appear to have known of the son William. Indeed, we hear nothing of him in the war, but it is probable he shared the fate of his father. In the spring of 1676, Tuspaquin was marching from place to place with about 300 men, and was doubtless in high expectation of humbling the pride of his enemies, and, but for Philip's western disasters, occasioned by the disaffection of his Pocomptucks and others, his expectations might have been realized. It was doubtless under his direction that 19 buildings in Scituate were burnt on 20 April ; and on the 8 May, had not a shower pre vented, most, if not all, the houses in Bridgewater would have shared the same fate. Tuspaquin was known to have led his men in this attack.} The inhabitants exerted themselves to repel the Indians, but, conscious of their strength, they maintained their ground until the next day, when they retreated. Notwithstanding the rain, they succeeded in burning 17 buildings before they decamped. On 11 May, 1676, there were eleven houses and five barns burnt in Plim outh, and a few weeks after, seven houses more and two barns. These * Two names, probably ; but in the MS. there is no comma between, as is often the ca^e. f Titicut, probably, now. t Mr. Hubbard says, (Nar. 71.) the Indians were led by one Tusguogen, but we are satis fied' Tuspaquin is meant. f/i p. IH.] TUSPAUUiN. HIS COMPANY SURPRISED. 243 were probably such as \vere at a considerable distance from the village, and bad chiefly been deserted. This "mischief" was attributed to Tuspaquin and his nun. About this time, Benjamin Church was commissioned by the government of Plimoutli to lead parties in different directions over the colony ; and from the time he commenced operations, the Indians found but few opportunities to do mischief in Plimouth colony. Tuspaquin still kept his ground in the Assawomset country, and for a long time baffled all the skill Captain Church was master of in his endeavors to take him prisoner. Church received his commission 24 July, 1676, and the same night set out on an expedition against Tuspaquin. His Indian scouts brought him before day upon a company of his people in Middleborough, every one of whom fell into his hands. How many there were, Church does not say. He took them directly to Plimouth, " and disposed of them all," except " one Jeffery, who, proving very ingenious and faithful to him in informing where other parcels of the Indians harbored, Capt. Church promised him, that if he continued to be faithful to him, he should not be sold out of the country, but should be his waiting man, to take care of his horse, &c., and accord ingly he served him faithfully as long as he lived." * Thus strengthened by Tuspaquin's own men, Church pursued his successes with manifold advantage. There was a small tribe residing near Munponset Pond, which was next captured without loss on either side, and there was henceforth scarcely a week passed wherein he did not capture some of these people. Not long after this, it was found that Tuspaquin had encamped about Assawomset, and Church set out on an expedition there ; but finding Old Tuspaquin was ready for him at the neck between the two great ponds, f he was glad to make the best of his way on towards Acushnet and Dartmouth. As he was crossing Assawomset neck, a scout from Tuspaquin's camp fired upon him, but did him no injury. Meanwhile the great Jlnnawon having been surprised by the indefatigable Church, Tuspaquin saw no chance of holding out long ; he therefore appears afterwards only intent upon keeping out of the way of the English. This could not be long reasonably expected, as their scouts were ranging in every direction. On 4 Sept. 1676, according to Church's account, Tuspaquin's company were encamped near Sippican, doing " great damage to the English in kill ing their cattle, horses and swine." The next day, Church and his rangers were in their neighborhood, and, after observing their situation, which was " sitting round their fires in a thick place of bruch,"J in seeming safety, the captain "ordered every man to creep as he did; and sun-ounded them by creeping as near as they could, till they should be discovered, and then to run on upon them, and take them alive, if possible, (for their prisoners were their pay.) They did so, taking every one that was at the fires, not one escaping. Upon examination, they agreed in their story, that they belonged to Tispaquin, who was gone with John Bump and one more to Agawom and Sipicau to kill horses, and were not expected back in two or three days." Church proceeds : " This same Tispaquin had been a great captain, and the Indians reported that he was such a great pouwau, [priest or conjurer,] that no bullet could enter him. Capt Church said he would not have him killed, for there was a war broke out in the eastern part of the country, and ho would have him saved to go with them to fight the eastern Indians. Agree ably, he left two old squaws of the prisoners, and bid them tarry there until their Captain Tispaquin returned, and to tell him, that Church had been there, and had taken his wife, children and company, and carried them down to Plymouth ; and would spare all their lives, and his too, if he would Church, Narrative, 31. t Just below where Fampson's tavern now stands. t 1 suspect Mr. Hubbard mistakes the situation of this place, in saying it was " in Lakei- l iam. upon Pocassct neck.'' Church is so unrewarding of all geography, that it is quite un- rcrlain where it was. If it were near Sippican, it was a long way from any part of Pocasset. $ By this it seems the place might have been as far ofT as Pocasset. 244 TUSPAQU1N MURDERED AT PLIMOUTH. TATbSON. [BjoK III. come down to them and bring the other two that were with him, and they should be his soldiers, &c. Capt. Church then returned to Plymouth, leav ing the old squaws well provided for, and bisket for Tispaquin when he returned." This Church called laying a trap for Tuspaquin, and it turned out as he expected. We shall now see with what laith the English acted on this occasion. Church had assured him that, if he gave himself up, he should not be killed, but he was not at Plimouth when Tuspaquin came in, having gone to Boston on business for a few days ; " but when he returned he found, to his grief, the heads of Jlnnawon, Tispaquin, &c. cut off, which were the last of Philip's friends " ! It is true that those who were known to have been personally engaged in killing the English were, in the time of the greatest danger, cut off from pardon by a law; that time had now passed away, and, like many other laws of exigency, it should then have been considered a dead letter ; leaving out of the case the faith and promise of their best servant, Church. View it, therefore, in any light, and nothing can be found to justify this flagrant inroad upon that promise. To give to the conduct of the Plimouth govern ment a pretext for this murder, (a milder expression I cannot use,) Mr. Hubbard says, Tuspaquin having pretended that a bullet could not penetrate him, trial of his invulnerableness was resolved upon. So he was placed as a mark to shoot at, and " he fell down at the first shot" ! This was doubtless the end of numerous others, as we infer from the following passage in Dr. Mather's PREVALENCY OF PRAYER. He asks, "Where are the six Narraganset sachems, with all their captains and coun sellors ? Where are the Nipmuck sachems, with their captains and coun sellors ? Where is Philip and Squaiv-sachem of Pocasset, with all their captains and counsellors ? God do so to all the . implacable enemies of Christ, and of his people in N. England " ! ! The next of Philip's captains, in our arrangement, is TJ1TOSON, also a great captain in the war of 1675. It seems rather un certain whether he were a Narraganset or Wampanoag. He (or one bearing the same name) signed the treaty made with the Narragansets in the beginning of the war. It is quite certain that his residence afterwards was in Sandwich, since Rochester ; * and when he signed the treaty just named, it is probable he was only among the Narragansets upon a mission or visit. He was a son of the "noted Sam Barrow," but of his own family, or whether he had any, we are not informed. We first meet with Tatoscm, f or, as his name is commonly printed, Toto- son, in 166G, in the respectable company of Mr. Secretary Morton of Plim outh, and Acanootus, Wannoo, two " graue and sage Indians," and a number more, of whose characters we are not so well prepared to speak. Among this assemblage he is only conspicuous, however, as a witness to a deed of the lands upon Weequancett neck. Mr. Morton's name follows Tatoson's, on this instrument. There was a general disarming of the Indians in 1671, as will elsewhere be mentioned. Among a great number ordered to appear at Plimouth the same year, to bind themselves more strongly in allegiance to the English, we find the name of Tatoson, or, as his name was then written, Tautozen. Also Toby, alias Nauhnocomwit,\ and Will, alias Washaivanna. On the 12th of June, 1676, several Indians, who had been sent in by Bradford and Church, were " convented before the councell " at Plimouth ; being " such of them as were accused of working vnsufferable mischeifte vpon some of ours." Among them was one named WATUKPOO, or, as he * On the right of the main road, as you pass from Matapoiset to Rochester village, and about two miles from the former, at a small distance from the road, is a kind of island in a miry swamp. Upon this, it is said, was Tatoson's camp. This island is connected by an isthmus to the main land. t So almost always in the MSS. | Sometimes called Toby Cole. The same, we conclude, who joined Philip afterwards, and fell into the hands of Captain Church, as did his mother, and many more at the same timo CHAP III.] TATOSON. TARES A GARRISON AT PLIMOUTII. 24u was often called, Titkpoo.* Against him, several charges were brought, such as his going off' to the enemy, and trying to deceive the governor about the prospect of war ; telling him that Philip's men had deserted him, and that lie had only a few old men and boys remaining. At this time were present three other Indians, whose names were Woodcock, Quanapaivhan and John- num. The two first were accused by a squaw of destroying Clark's garrison at Eel River in Plimouth, and murdering the inhabitants. This had been done on the 12 March previous, and with such secrecy and effect, that the English knew not whom to accuse of it. Many supposed that Watuspaquin conducted the affair, and Mr. Hiibbard charges it upon him without hesita tion, but it is now quite certain that he had nothing to do with it, as in the sequel we shall show. The two just mentioned, finding themselves detected, accused their fellow prisoner, John-num. It appears that jVm not only owned himself guilty of this charge, but acknowledged, also, that he was concerned in the murder of " Jacob Mitchel and his wife, and John Pope, f and soe centance of death was pronounced against them, which accordingly emediately was executed." Before these were executed, they implicated a fourth, whose name was KEWEEJVAM. Although Taioson commanded the company that put to death the people at Clark's garrison, yet Keweenam set the expedition on foot. He lived at Sandwich, and was probably one of Tatoson's men. However, on Saturday, the 11 March, he was at Mr. William Clark's, and observed how every part of the garrison was conditioned. He then went to his chief, Taioson, and told him that it could be easily taken, as it was but slightly fortified ; and that the next day, being Sunday, would be the proper time to execute their plan, as the residents would mostly be gone to meeting; "and in case they left a man at home, or so, they might soon dispatch him." This intelligence was pleasing to Tatoson, and he found himself at the head of ten warriors the same day. Their names were as follows : Woo- nashenah, Musquash, Wapanpoivett, Tom, "the son of Tatoson's brother," Ultsooiceest, and Tom Plant ; which, with the three before named, made up the whole company. Commencing their march before night, they arrived in the borders of Plimouth, where they lay concealed until the people had gone to public worship. About 10 o'clock in the morning, they came upon 'the garrison, which fell easily into their hands. Afler killing all they met with, they took what plunder they could carry, and burned the buildings ; then again dispersed into the woods. There were some of two other families in this garrison, mostly women and children. Three only were of Mr. Clark's family, but there were eight others belonging to the other two. Mrs. Elizabeth Clark, t one of the heads of the family, was among the slain. * This Indian, whom we shall have occasion several times to mention, was not one of those sent in by Bradford, as appears from Mather, (Brief Hist. 40.) but they " informed that a bloudy Indian called Tuckpoo, (who the last summer murdered a man of Boston, at Namas- ket,) with about 20 Indians more, was at a place within 16 miles of Plimouth." Eif.ht English and fourteen Indians succeeded in taking them all, and Tuckpoo was immedia'c-ly executed. t The murder of these people is supposed to be referred to by Mr. Hubbard in his " Table." The passage follows : " In June, 1676, [1675 ?] a man and a woman were slain by the Indians ; another woman was wounded and taken ; but because she had kept an Indian child before, so much kindness was showed her, as that she was sent back, after they had dressed her wound ; the Indians guarded her till she came within sight of the English." Mr. Mitchel informs us that the name of the wounded woman was Dorothy Haywood. See 2 Coll, Muss. Hist. Soc. vii. 159. \ '' Who was the daughter of a godly father and mother, that eame to N. England on the account of religion." " They also killed her sucking child, and knocked another child (who was about eight years old) in the head, supposing they had kHIed him, but afterwards he came to himself." /. Mather, Brief Hist. 24. We relate all that is to be found in the MS. records, but the author of the Present State, dead, but afterwards taken up and revived. The house they plundered of provision anc ^oods to a great value ; eight complete arms, 301. [lb.~\ of powder, with an answerable quan 246 TATOSON. SWAMP FIGHT. [BOOK III Ktweenam was beheaded, but how the other three were disposed of, AVG are not informed ; it is very probable that the whole number suffered in dut time. At the trial of Keweenam and the other three, some of them pleaded that the governor's proclamation was now their protection ; from which il would seem that they had surrendered themselves. But there was none to plead their case, except their accusers, and they explained things in their own way. The court said, "Forasmuch as the council had before this engaged to several Indians desirous to come in and tender themselves to mercy, that they should find favor in so doing : it was fully made known to such Indians as were then present, that the said engagement was to be under stood with exception against such as by murder as above said had so acted, and not against such as killed his enemie in the field in a souldierlike way." This kind of argument would answer among duelists, but when did the Indians agree to fight the English according to their rules of war ? The former might with equal propriety demand that the English should conform to their manner, and not depend on their numbers, forts, and superior weapons. Although the murder at Clark's garrison was one of those horrible acts in Indian warfare, which would justify the most rigid retaliation, still, as the English began the war, they had no right to expect but that it would be prosecuted by the Indians in all the ways at their command. On this ground the philanthropist will ever condemn the severity of the English. When Captain Church came upon Philip and a great number of his people, the 3d of August, 1676, " Tispaquin, Totoson, &c." prevented the entire destruction of some of them, by combating the English while their chief and others extricated themselves from a small swamp into which they had fled. "In this swamp skirmish Capt. Church with his two men which always ran by his side as his guard, met with three of the enemy, two of which surrendered themselves, and the captain's guard seized them ; but the other, being a great stout surly fellow, with his two locks ty'd up with red, and a great rattlesnake's skin hanging to the back part of his head, (whom Capt. Church concluded to be Totoson,) ran from them into the swamp. Capt. Church in person pursued him close, till, coming pretty near up with him, presented his gun between his shoulders, but it missing fire, the Indian perceiving it, turned and presented at Capt. Church, and missing fire also, (their guns taking wet with the fog and dew of the morning,) but the Indian turning short for another run, his foot trip'd in a small grape vine, and he fell flat on his face. Capt. Church was by this time up with him and struck the muzzle of his gun an inch and an half into the back part of his head, which dispatched him without another blow. But Capt. Church looking behind him saw Totoson, the Indian whom he tho't he had killed, come flying at him like a dragon ; but this happened to be fair in sight of the guard that were set to keep the prisoners, who spying Totoson and others that were following him, ill the very seasonable juncture made a shot upon them, and rescued their captain, though he was in no small danger from his friends' bullets, for some came so near him that he thought he felt the wind of them." * The celebrated Church, in the skirmishes he had in these two days, August 1 and 2, took and killed 173 Indians. Little more than a month after the fall of Philip, Church surprised Tato- sons whole company, about 50 persons. He was the last that was left of the family of Barrow ; and, says Church, " the wretch reflecting upon the miser able condition he had brought himself into, his heart became a stone within him, and he died. The old squaw [that Church had employed to persuade him to submit] flung a few leaves and brush over him came into Sandwich, and gave this account of his death ; and offered to show them where she left his body, but never had an opportunity, for she immediately fell sick and died also." The fate of the father of Tatoson does not so much excite sympathy, aa tity of lead for bullets, and 1501. in ready money; the said Mr. Clark himself narrow It escaping their cruelty, by being at that instant at a meeting." * Hist. Philip's War, 41. CHAP. III.] MUKDKR OF BARROW.-TIASHQ. 247 does that of thf son, but is one of those cases more calculated to arouse the fiercer passions. The old chief fell into the hands of Captain Church., in one of his successful expeditions in the vicinity of Cape Cod. Church says, in his history, that hn was " as noted a rogue as any among the enemy." Cap tain Church told him that the government would not permit him to grant him quarter, " because of his inhuman murders and barbarities," and there fore ordered him to prepare for execution. " Barroio replied, that the sen tence of death against him was just, and that indeed he was ashamed to live any longer, and desired no more favor, than to smoke a whiff of tobacco before his execution. When he had taken a few whiffs, he said, 'I am ready ; ' upon which one of Captain Church's Indians sunk his hatchet into his brains." TL2SHQ* or TYASKS} "was the next man to Philip? says Church; there were others also said to be " next to him," and it may be all reconciled by supposing these chiefs as having the chief command over particular tribes. Mr. Hubbard\ says only this of the famous Tiashq: "In June last, [1676,] one Tiashq, a great captain of Philip's, his wife and child, or children, being taken, though he escaped himself at first, yet came since and surrendered himself!" Dr. /. Mather, writing under date of 22 July, 1676, says it was "this week" that Captain Church and his Indian soldiers fell upon Tiashq and his company. It appears therefore that Mr. Hubbard is in error, as the account given by Church corroborates that of Mather, who speaks thus of his opera tions : " It having been his manner when he tnketh any Indians by a promise of favor to them, in case they acquit themselves well, to set them an hunting after more of these wolves, whereby the worst of them sometimes do sin gular good service in finding out the rest of their bloody fellows. In one of these skirmishes, Tiashq, Philip's chief captain, ran away leaving his gun be hind him, and his squaw, who was taken." These Indian soldiers, who performed this exploit, were forced upon it by Church. They had been seeking Indians about Aponaganset River, and discovered that a large com pany of them had just been gathering the apples at a deserted settlement on the east side of it. The English and Indians immediately pursued in their track.|| "Traveling three miles or more, they came into the country road, where the track parted : one parcel steered towards the west end of the great cedar swamp, and the other to the east end. The captain halted and told his Indian souldiers that they had heard as well as he what some men had said at Plymouth about them,1T &c., that now was a good opportunity for each party to prove themselves. The track being divided, they should fol low one, and the English the other, being equal in number. The Indians declined the motion, and were not willing to move any where without him: said tltey should not think themselves safe without him. But the captain insisting upon it, they submitted. He gave the Indians their choice to follow whicii track they pleased. They replied, They were light and able to travel, therefore if he pleased they icould take the west track. And appointing the ruins of John Cooks house at Cushnet ** for the place to meet at, each company set out briskly to try their fortunes." f f When the parties met, " they very remark ably found that the number that each company had taken and slain was equal. The Indiana had killed three of the enemy, and taken 63 prisoners, as the English had done before them." ft Both parties were much rejoiced at their successes, but the Indians, told Captain Church " that they had missed a brave opportunity by parting. They came upon a great town of the (jnemy, viz: Captain Tyasks 1 company. (Tyasks was the next man to * Hubbard, Mather. \ Church. + Narrative, 106. $ J'.rief Hist. 42. || Church, 33. U Tlie detestation in which the Indians were held by " some men," in many other places as R-ell as in Plimouth, will often appear in this work. Such people could know nothing of mman nature, and many would not have believed the Indians capable of good actions, though one from the dead had assured them they were. ** Abbreviated from Acushnet. See Dottglass, Summary, i. 403, who writes it Accushnot. Thus many Indian names are changed. Instead of Aponaganset, we hear Pona^anset, and for Asonet, Sonet, &c. Cushnet is the river on whicii New Bedford and Fairlvtven stand. tt Church, 34-. # Ibid. 36 248 MAGNUS. HER SURPRISE AND DEATH. [BOOK III Philip.) They fired upon the enemy before they were discovered, and ran upon them with a shout. The men ran and left their wives and children and many of them their guns. They took Tyaslis 1 wife and son, and thought that if their captain and the English company had been with them they might have taken some hundreds of them, and now they determined not to part any more." * This transaction, in the opinion of Captain CJrirch, w;is a " remarkable providence," inasmuch, perhaps, as the equality of their suc cesses prevented either party from boasting, or claiming superiority over the other. Nevertheless, Church adds, " But the Indians had the fortune to take more arms than the English." It would add not a little, perhaps, tc the gratification of the reader, could he know the name of the Indian captain in this far-famed exploit, or even that of one of his men; but at present they are hid alike from us and from him. CHAPTER IV. Chief icomen conspicuous in Philip's war MAGNUS Her country and relations Hf.r capture and death AWASHONKS Is greatly annoyed in the events of 1G71 Her men disarmed Philip's endeavors to engage her against the English Church prevents her Is finally in the power of Philip Reclaimed by Church Some parr ticulars of her family. ALTHOUGH, before we had finished the life of Wedamoo, we deemed it proper to have deferred it to this chapter, but as we had been led rather im perceptibly into many particulars concerning her in that place,f we could not break off our narrative without a greater impropriety than an omission here would have been, and shall therefore begin here with one of her con temporaries, the bare facts in whose life are sufficient to maintain a high interest, we believe, in the mind of every reader. MAGNUS was squaw-sachem of some part of the extensive country of the Narragansets, and was known by several names at different and the same times ; as Old Queen, Sunk Squaw,l Quaiapen, and Matantuck. She married Mriksah, or Mexam, a son of Canonicus, and was sister to Ninigret, She had two sons, Scuttup and Quequaquenuct otherwise Quequegunent, called by the English Gideon, and a daughter named Quincmiquet. These two died young. Gideon was alive as late as 1661 ; Scuttup, and a sister also, in 1664. She was, in 1675, one " of the six present sachems of the whole Narraganset country." In the beginning of Philip's war, the English army, to cause the Narragan sets to fight for them, whom they had always abused and treated with con tempt, since before the cutting off of Miantunnomoh's head, marched into their country, but could not meet with a single sachem of the nation. They fell in with a few of their people, who could not well secrete themselves, and who concluded a long treaty of mere verbosity, the import of which they could know but little, and doubtless cared less ; for when the army left their country, they joined again in the war. We hear no more of her until the next year, when herself and a large company of her men were discovered by Major Talcot, on the 2 July, in Narraganset. The English scouts discovered them from a hill, having pitched their tents in a valley in the vicinity of a swamp, as was usually their custom. About 300 of the English, mounted upon fleet horses, divided into two squadrons, and fell upon them before they were aware of their ap proach, and made a great slaughter of them. The Mohegans and Pequots came upon them in the centre, while the horsemen beset them on each side, and * Church, 36. t Book iii. chap. 1. J Trumbull, i. 347. from Hubbard, I suppose, i. 51. Female chiefs were called saunks by the Indians, which signified wife of the sachem ; but writers, being ignorant of that fact ihought it a proper name of a particular person, and hence the appellations of Snuke, Suike, Snake, &L.C. applied to Magnus. CHAP. IV.] A WASHONKS. TREATS WITH THE ENGLISH. 249 thus prevented many from escaping into the swamp. When all were killed nnd taken within the encampment, Captain Newbury, who commanded the horsemen, dismounted, and with his men rushed into the swamp, where, without resistance, they killed a hundred, and made many prisoners. In all, they killed and took 171 * in this swamp fight, or rather massacre. Not an Englishman was hurt in the affair, and but one Mohegan killed, and one wounded, which we can hardly suppose was done by Magnus's people, as they made no resistance, but rather by themselves, in their fury mistaking one another. Ninety of the captives were put to death ! among whom was Mag nus.} The swamp where this affair took place is near the present town of Warwick, in Rhode Island ; and thus ends our short history of Magnus. AWASHQffKS) squaw-sachem of Sogkonate,t was the wife of an Indian called TOLOXY, but of him we learn very little. From her important stand ing among the Indians, few deserve a more particular attention ; and we shall, therefore, go as minutely into her history as our documents will enable us. The first notice we have of Awashonks is in 1671, when she entered into articles of agreement with the court of Pli mouth as follows : "In admitting that the court are in some measure satisfied with your voluntary coming in now at last, and submission of herself unto us ; yet this we expect that she give some meet satisfaction for the charge and trouble she has put us upon by her too long standing out against the many tenders of peace we have made to her and her people. And that we yet see an intention to endeavor the reducement of such as have bsen the incendiaries of the trouble and disturbance of her people and ours. And as many of her people as shall give themselves and arms unto us, at the time appointed, shall receive no damage or hurt from us, which time appointed is ten days from the date hereof. Thus we may the better keep off such from her lands as may hereafter bring upon her and us the like trouble, and to regulate such as will not be governed by her, she having submitted her lands to the authority of the government And that, if the lands and estates of such as we are neces sitated to take arms against, will not defray the charge of the expedition, that she shall bear some due proportion of the charge. In witness whereof, ond in testimony of the sachem, her agreement hereunto, she hath subscribed her hand in presence of Samuel Barker and John Almey. Mark X of the squaw-sacJiem AWASUNCKS ; tine mark X CJ/'TOTATOMET, and SOMAGAONET." ffitnessed at the same time by " TATTACOMMETT, SAMPONCUT, and TAMOUEESAM, alias JEFFERT. Plimouth, 24 My, 1671." The last-named witness appeared again, in the same capacity, 4 September following, when "between 40 and 50 Indians, living near or in the town of Dartmouth, made a like submission." Ashawanomuth, JVbman, Marhorkum, James, and John, were other witnesses. Awashonks was at Plimouth when the former articles were executed, from which it appears there was considerable alarm in Plimouth colony. There were about this time many other submissions of the Indians in different places. This step was taken to draw them from Philip, or at least to give a check to their joining with him, as he was now on the point of attacking the English settlements, under a pretence of injury done him in his plantin" lands. Not only the chiefs of tribes or clans subscribed articles, but all their men, that could be prevailed with, did the same. The August following, 42 of Awashonks's men signed a paper, approving what she had done, and binding * Trumbull. 200 says Gobbet's manuscript; 240, Huhbard \ Hubbard, Ind. Wars, i. 97, 98. I. Mather's Brief Hist. 39. Trumbull's Hist. Con- neciiout, i. 317. I The point of land below Pocasset, and now chiefly included in the town of Compton Klxx.e Island, and commonly called Seconet. 250 AWASHONKS. HER CORRESPONDENCE, [BOOK III themselves in like mariner. Out of 42, we can give names of three only Totatomet, Tunuokum and Sausaman. It appears from the following letter from Jlwashonks to Governor Prince, that those who submitted themselves, delivered up their arms to the English : "August 11,1671, Honored sir, I have received a very great favor from your honor, in yours of the 7th instant, and as you are pleased to signify, that if 1 continue faithful to the agreement made with yourselves at Plim- outh, I may expect all just favors from your honor. I am fully resolved, while I live, with all fidelity to stand to my engagement, and in a peaceable submission to your commands, according to the best of my poor ability. It is true, and I am very sensible thereof, that there are some Indians who do seek an advantage against me, for my submitting to his majesty's authority in your jurisdiction, but being conscious to myself of my integrity and real intentions of peace, I doubt not but you will afford me all due encourage ment and protection. I had resolved to send in all my guns, being six in number, according to the intimation of my letter ; but two of them were so large, the messengers were not able to carry them. I since proffered to leave them with Mr. Barker, but he not having any order to receive them, told me he conceived 1 might do well to send them to Mr. JHmy, who is a person concerned in the jurisdiction, which I resolved to do ; but since then an Indian, known by the name of Broad-faced-will, stole one of them out of the wigwam in the night, and is run away with it to Mount Hope ; the other I think to send to Mr. Mmy. A list of those that are obedient to me, and, I hope, and am persuaded, faithful to you, is here enclosed. Hon ored sir, I shall not trouble you further, but desiring your peace and pros perity, in which I look at my own to be included, I remain, your unfeigned servant, X AWASUNCKS." This letter was very probably written by Mr. Barker, named in it. October 20, 1671, Governor Prince wrote to Awashonks, that he had received the list of names of her men and husband, that freely submitted themselves to his majesty's authority ; and assured her that the English would befriend her on all just occasions ; but intimates her disappointment and his own, that she had succeeded no better in procuring the submission of her subjects. "Though," he continued, "I fault not you, with any failing to endeavor, only to notice your good persuasions of them outwent their deserts, for aught yet appeareth. I could have wished they had been wiser for themselves, especially your two sons, that may probably succeed you in your government, and your brother also, who is so nearly tied unto you by nature. Do they think themselves so great as to disregard and affront his majesty's interest and authority here; and the amity of the English? Cer tainly, if they do, I think they did much disservice, and wish they would yet show themselves wiser, before it be too late." He closed by recom mending her to send some of hers to the next court, to desire their arms, that her people might have the use of them in the approaching season. Desires her to let him hear from her and her husband. On the 20 June, 1672, the following writing appears on record : Whereas Awashunckes, squa-sachem, stand indebted vnto Mr. John Almey the sume of 25 to be paid in porke att three pence a pound, or peage att 16 peney, and 20 pole of stone wall att 4, which stone wall, or 4, is to be vnderstood to be prte of the fine and twenty pound," therefore Jlwashonks, having failed to pay agreeably to her promise, agrees to set off land on the north side of " the Indian field," next Punkateesett, on the east line till it meets with " a great runing brooke," thence northerly to a fresh meadow, thence bounded to the river by a salt cove : this " is morgaged vnto the court of Plymouth " for the payment of said debt, which debt is to be paid 10 of February, 1(572, O. S. " The. mark X of AWASHU.\KES." To illustrate the connections and genealogy of the family of Jlwashonks we give from the Records of Plimouth the following exceedingly valuable fa**ts : CHAP. IV.] AWASHONKS. REJECTS PHILIPS OVERTURES. 251 July 14, .1073. "Whereas Mamaneivay [a son of dwashonks] hath by full and dear totimony proved to this court, in behalf of himself and brethren, tho sons of Toloney, and a kinsman of theirs called Jlnumpash, [commonly written .Vwm/ws/t,] Jon to Pokattawagg, that they are the chief proprietors and sachems of Saconett, or places commonly so called; and yet it being also probable that Tafuckainna * .Iwashunckts and those of that kindred who are of the same stock, the more remote may have some right to lands there, as they are relations to the above said Mamaneway, &c. and have been long inhabitants of mat place. This court adviseth that convenient proportions of land be settled on the above said Tatacamana Jlivashanks, &c. at Saconett aforesaid ; concerning which, the above said Mamaneway and his brethren and kinsman who have proved their right to those lands do not or cannot agree, this court do appoint that some meet persons, by order of this court, shall repair to the place, and make settlement of the said lands by certain and known boundaries to intent that peace may be continued among the Miid Indians, and they may all be accommodated for their subsisting and payment of their debts in an orderly way." The same year, we hear again of Tokamona, or, as he is then called, Totomonna, who, with his brother Squamatt, having endeavored to hinder the English from possessing some lands in Dartmouth, was, from some consideration, not named, induced to relinquish his right to them. And the next year, 1674, Mamanawachy, or, as his name was before written, Mama neway, surrendered his right also. The rights of these Indians, it is said, had been sold by others. We hear no more of Aicashonks until about the commencement of Philip's war. The year before this war, Mr. Benjamin Church, afterwards the famous and well-known Colonel Church f settled upon the peninsula of Sogkonate, in the midst oSAoathvnJutt people. This peninsula is on the north-east side of Narraganset Bay, against the south-east end of the island of Rhode Island. Here he lived in the greatest friendship with these Indians, until the spring of the year 1675, when suddenly a war was talked of, and messengers were sent by Philip to AwashonJcs, to engage her in it She so far listened to their persua sions, as to call her principal people together, and make a great dance ; and be cause she respected Mr. Church, she sent privately for him also. Church took with him a man that well understood Indian, and went directly to the place appoint ed. Here they found hundreds of Indians gathered together from all parts of her dominions. Awashonks herself, in a foaming sweat, was leading the dance ; but when it was announced that Mr. Church was come, she stopped short, and eat down ; ordered her chiefs into her presence, and then invited Mr. Church. All being seated, she informed him that Metacomet, that is, Philip, had sent MX of his men to urge her to join with him in prosecuting a war against the English. She said these messengers informed her that the Umpames,]. that is, Plimouth men, were gathering a great army to invade his country, and wished to know of him if this were truly the case. He told her that it was entirely without foundation, for he had but just come from Plimouth, and no preparations of any kind were making, nor did he believe any thoughts of \var were entertained by any of the head men there. "He asked her whether she thought he would have brought up his goods to settle in that place," if he in the least apprehended a war ; at which she seemed some what convinced. Aivashonks then ordered the six Pokanokets into their presence. These made an imposing appearance, having their faces painted, and their hair so cut as to represent a cock's comb ; it being all shaved from each side of the head, left only a tuft upon the crown, which extended from the forehead to the occiput. They had powder-horns and shot-bags at their * Or Tokamona, killed by the Narragansets, not long after, probably in 1674. t Alter an active life, spent chiefly in his country's service, he died suddenly at his resi dence in Compton, then called Little Compton. 17 Jan. 1718, in the 78 year of his age. He had become corpulent, and seemed impressed with the idea that he should not live ,ong. The morning before his death, he rode 2 miles to visit an only sister. On leaving her, he bid her : - a last farewell." As he was returning home, his horse stumbled and threw him. Ill the fall * blood-vessel was ruptured, and he died in about 12 hours. \ i mpame and Apaum were Indian names of Plimouth . 252 A WAS HONKS. TREATS WITH CHURCfc. [Boon III. backs, which denoted warlike messengers of their nation. She now in formed them of what Captain Church had said. Upon which they discovered dissatisfaction, and a warm talk followed, but Aivashonks soon put an end to it ; after which she told Mr. Church that Philip had told his messengers to tell her, that, unless she joined with him, he would send over some of his warriors, privately, to kill the cattle and burn the houses of the English, which they would think to be done by her men, and consequently would fall upon her.* Mr. Church asked the Mount Hopes what they were going to do with the bullets in their possession, to which they scoffingly answered, " to shoot pigeons with." Church then told Jlwashonks that, if Philip were resolved on war, " her best way would be to knock those six Mount Hopes on the head, and shelter herself under the protection of the English." When they under stood this, they were very silent, and it is to be lamented that so worthy a man as Church should be the first to recommend murder, and a lasting re membrance is due to the wisdom of Jlwashonks, that his unadvised counsel was not put in execution. These six Pokanokets came over to Sogkonate with two of Awashonks's men, who seemed very favorably inclined to the measures of Philip. They expressed themselves with great indignation, at the rash advice of Church. Another of her men, called Little-eyes, one of her council, was so enraged, that he would then have taken Church's life, if he had not been prevented. His design was to get Mr. Church aside from the rest, under a pretence of private talk, and to have assassinated him when he was off his guard. But some of his friends, seeing through the artifice, prevented it. The advice of Church was adopted, or that part which directed that Awashonks should immediately put herself under the protection of the Eng lish, and she desired him to go immediately to Plimouth and make the ar rangement, to which he agreed. After kindly thanking him for his informa tion and advice, she sent two of her men with him to his house, to guard him. These urged him to secure his goods, lest, in his absence, the enemy should come and destroy them ; but he would not, because such a step might be thought a kind of preparation for hostilities ; but told them, that in case hostilities were begun, they might convey his effects to a place of safety. He then proceeded to Plimouth, where he arrived 7 June, 1675. In his way to Plimouth, he met, at Pocasset, the husband of Weetamoo. He was just returned from the neighborhood of Mount Hope, and confirmed all that had been said about Philip's intentions to begin a war. But before Mr. Church could return again to Jlwashonks, the war commenced, and all com munication was at an end. This he very much regretted, and the benevolent Jlwashonks was carried away in the tide of Philip's successes, which, as she was circumstanced, was her only alternative. Mr. Church was wounded at the great swamp fight, 19 December follow ing, and remained upon Rhode Island until about the middle of May 1676. He now resolved to engage again in the war, and, taking passage in a sloop bound to Barnstable, arrived at Plimouth the first Tuesday in June. The governor and other officers of government were highly pleased to see him, and desired him to take the command of a company of men to be imme diately sent out, to which he consented. We thus notice Church's proceed ing, because it led to important matters connected with the history of Jlwa shonks. Before he set out with the soldiers raised at Plimouth, it was agreed that he should first return to Rhode Island, for the purpose of raising other forces to be joined with them. In his return to the island, as he passed from Sogkonesset, now called Wood's Hole, to the island, and when he came against Sogkonate Point, some of the enemy were seen fishing upon the rocks. He was now in an open canoe, which he had hired at Sogkonesset, and two Indians to paddle it. He ordered them to go so near the rocks that he might Bpeak with those upon them ; being persuaded that if he could have an op portunity, he might still gain over the Sogkonates to the side of the English, * This may strengthen the belief that Philip put in practice a similar expedient to gain the Mohawks to his cause, as we have seen in his life. CHAP. IV.] AW ASHONKS. CHURCH'S HAZARDOUS VISIT. 253 for he knew they never had any real attachment to Philip, and were now in his interest only from necessity. They accordingly paddled towards them, who made signs lor them to approach; but when they had got pretty near, they skulked away among the rocks, and could not be seen. The canoe then paddled off again, lest they should be fired upon ; which when those among the rocks observed, they showed themselves again, and called to them to come ashore ; and said they wished to speak with them. The Indians in the canoe answered them, but those on shore informed them that the waves dashed so upon the rocks that they could not understand a word they said. Church now made signs for two of them to go along upon the shore to a beach, where one could see a good space round, whether any others were near. Immediately two ran to the place, one without any arms, but the other had a lance. Knowing Church to be in the boat, they urged him to come on shore, and said they wanted to discourse with him. He told him that had the lance, that if he would carry it away at considerable distance, and leave it, he would. This he readily did. Mr. Church then went ashore, left one of his Indians to guard the canoe, and the other he stationed upon the beach to give notice if any should approach. He was surprised to find that George was one of them, a very good man, and the last Sogkonate he had spoken with, being one of those sent to guard him to his house, and to whom he had given charge of his goods when he undertook his mission to Plimouth. On being asked what he wanted that he called him ashore, answered, " that he took him for Church, as soon as he heard his voice in the canoe, and that he was glad to see him alive." He also told him that Awa- shonks was in a swamp about three miles off, and that she had left Philip and did not intend to return to him any more ; and wished Mr. Church to stay while he should go and call her. This Church did not think prudent, but said he would come again and speak with dwashonks, and some other Indians that he should name. He therefore told George to notify Aicashonks, her son Peter, their chief captain, and one JVompash, to meet him two days after at a certain rock, " at the lower end of Capt. Richmond's farm, which was a very noted place." It was provided that if that day should prove stormy, the next pleasant day should be improved. They parted with cordiality, George to carry the news to Awashonks, and Church tor Newport. On being made acquainted with Church's intention to visit those Indians, the government of Rhode Island marvelled much at his presumption, and T vould not give him any permit under their hands ; assuring him that the Indians would kill him. They said also that it was madness on his part, after such signal services as he had done, to throw away his life hi such a manner. Neither could any entreaties of friends alter his resolution, and he made ready for his departure. It was his intention to have taken with him one Daniel Wilcox,* a man who well understood the Indian language, but the government utterly refused him ; so that his whole retinue, in this im portant embassy, consisted only of himself, his own man, and the two Indians who conducted him from Sogkonesset As an important item hi his outfit, must be mentioned a bottle of rum, and a roll of tobacco. The day appointed having arrived, after paddling about three miles, they came to the appointed rock, where the Indians were ready to receive them, and gave him their hands in token of friendship. They went back from the shore about fifty yards, for a convenient place for consultation, when all at once rose up from the high grass, a great many Indians, so that they were nitirely encompassed. They were all armed with guns, spears and hatchets faces painted and hair trimmed, in complete warlike array. If ever a man knew li-ar, we should apprehend it would discover itself upon an occasion like this. But, judging from his conduct, we should say he was one of those "who never felt fear." As soon as he could be heard, Mr. Church told Awashonks that George had said that she desired to see him, about making peace with the English. She * 1H67, " Daniel IVillcockes tooke the oath off fidelitie this court." Plim. Rec. In Iiit2, one \Vilcox set up a trading house in the Narraganset country. See Callender'i t\iit. Discourse, 38. If he were the same, it will well account for his being an interpreter. 254 AWASHONKS. CHURCH ENGAGES HER MEN. [BOOK III. said, ' Yes." Then, said Mr. Church, " it is customary when people meet to treat of peace, to lay aside their arms, and not to appear in such hostile ibrm as your people do." At this there was much murmuring among them, and ilwashonks asked him what arms they should lay aside. Seeing their dis pleasure, he said, only their guns, for form's sake. With one consent they then laid away their guns, and came and sat down. He then drew out his bottle of rum, and asked ilwashonks whether she had lived so long up at Wachusett * as to forget to drink occapeches. Then, drinking to her, he ob served she watched him very narrowly to see whether he swallowed, and, on offering it to her, she wished him to drink again. He then told her there was no poison in it, and, pouring some into the palm of hia hand, sipped it up. Alter he had taken a second hearty dram, Jlivashonks ventured to do likewise ; then she passed it among her attendants. The tobacco was next passed round, and they began to talk. Jlivashonks wanted to know why he had not come, as he promised, the year before, observing that, if he had, she and her people had not joined with Philip. He told her he was prevented by the breaking out of the war, and mentioned that he made an attempt, notwithstanding, soon after he left her, and got as far as Punkatesse, when a multitude of enemies set upon him, and obliged him to retreat. A great murmur now arose among the warriors, and one, a fierce and gigantic fel low, raised his war club, with intention to have killed Mr. Church, but some laid hold on him and prevented him. They informed him that this fellow's brother was killed in the fight at Punkateese, and that he said it was Church that killed him, and he would now have his blood. Church told them to tell him that his brother began first, and that if he had done as he had directed him, he would not have been hurt The chief captain now ordered silence, telling them they should talk no more about old matters, which put an end to the tumult, and an agreement was soon concluded. Awashonks agreed to serve the English " in what way she was able," provided " Plimouth would firmly engage to her that she and all of her people, and their wives and children should have their lives spared, and none of them transported out of the country." This, Church told her he did not doubt in the least but Plimouth would consent to. Things being thus matured, the chief captain stood up, and, after express ing the great respect he had for Mr. Church, said, " Sir, if you will please accept of me and my men, and will head us, we will fight for you, and will help you to Philip's head before the Indian corn be ripe." We do not ex pect that this chief pretended to possess the spirit of prophecy, but certainly ne was a truer prophet than many who have made the pretension. Mr. Church would have taken a few of the men with him, and gone di rectly through the woods to Plimouth ; but Jlwashoriks insisted that it would be very hazardous. He therefore agreed to return to the island and proceed by water, and so would take in some of their company at Sogkonate Point, which was accordingly brought about And here it should be mentioned that the friendship, now renewed by the industry of Mr. Church, was never afterward broken. Many of these Indians always accompanied Church in his memorable expeditions, and rendered great service to the English. When Philip's war was over, Church went to reside again among them, and the greatest harmony always prevailed. But to return to the thread of our nar rative : On returning to the island. Mr. Church " was at great pains and charge to get a vessel, but with unaccountable disappointments; sometimes by the falseness, and sometimes by the faint-heartedness of men that he bargained with, and sometimes by wind and weather, &c." he was hindered a long time. At length, Mr. Anthony Low, of Swansey, happening to put into the harbor, and although bound to the westward, on being made acquainted with Mr. ChurcKs case, said he would run the venture of his vessel and cargo to wait upon him. But when they arrived at Sogkonate Point, although the Indians were there according to agreement waiting upon the rocks, they met * She had passed the preceding winter, it would scem ; with Philip's people on the fro tiers of Massachusetts CHAI- IV.l AWASHONKS SURRENDERS TO THE ENGLISH. 255 with a contrary wind, and so rough a sea, that none but Peter Jlivashonto could get on board. This he did at great peril, having only an old broken canoe to get off' in. The wind and rain now ibrced them up into Pocasset Sound, and they were obliged to bear away, and retur i round the north end of the island, to Newport. Church now dismissed Mr. Low, as he viewed their effort against the wilJ of Providence. He next drew up an account of what had passed, and de spatched Peter, on the 9 July, by way of Sogkonate, to Plimouth. Major Bradford* having now arrived with an army at Pocasset, Mr. Church repaired to him, and told him of his transactions and engagements with Awashonks. Bradford directed him to go and inform her of his arrival, which he did. Jlwashonks doubtless now discovered much uneasiness and anxiety, but Mr. Church told her " that if she would be advised and observe order, she nor her people need not fear being hurt." He directed her to get all her people together, "lest, if they should be found straggling about, mischief might light on them;" and that the next day the army would march down into the neck to receive her. After begging him to consider the short time she had to collect them together, she promised to do the best she could, and he lell her. Accordingly, two days after, she met the army at Punkateese. AivasTwnks was now unnecessarily perplexed by the stern carriage of Major Bradford. For she expected her men would have been employed in the army ; but instead of that he " presently gave forth orders for Awashonks, and all her subjects, both men, women and children, to repair to Sandwich, and to be there upon peril, in six days." Church was also quite disconcerted by this unexpected order, but all reasoning or remonstrance was of no avail with the commander in chief. He told Mr. Church he would employ him if he chose, but as for the Indians, "he would not be concerned with them," and accordingly sent them off with a flag of truce, under the direction of Juc.k Havens, an Indian who had never been engaged in the war. Mr. Church told Jlwashonks not to be concerned, but it was best to obey orders, and he would shortly meet her at Sandwich. According to promise, Church went by way of Plimouth to meet the Sog- konates. The governor of Plimouth was highly pleased at the account Church gave him of the Indians, and so much was he- now satisfied of his superior abilities and skill, that he desired him to be commissioned in the country's service. He left Plimouth the same day with six attendants, among whom were Mr. Jabez Howland, and Mr. Nathanied Southworth. They slept at Sandwich the first night, and here taking a few more men, agreeably to the governor's orders, proceeded to Agawam, a small river of Rochester, where they expected to meet the Indians. Some cf his company now became discouraged, presuming, perhaps, the Indians were treacherous, and half of them returned home. When they came to Sippican River, which empties into Buzzard's Bay in Rochester, Mr. Howland was so fatigued that they were obliged to leave him, he being in years, and somewhat corpulent. Church left two more with him as a reserve, in case he should be obliged to retreat. They soon came to the shore of Buzzard's Bay, and, hearing a great noise at considerable distance from them, upon the bank, were pres- * Out of a curious book we take the following note, as, besides giving 1 us an interesting fact concerning the major, it contains others of value. It was written in 1697. At that time, some pretended that the age of people was much shorter in America than in Europe} which gave rise to what we are about to extract. Mary Brown was the first-born of New- bury, Mass., who married a Godfry ; and, says our book, she "is yet alive, and is become the mother and grandmother of many children." " The mention of Mary Brown brings to our mind an idle whimsey, as if persons born in New England would be short-lived ; whereas, the natives live long. And a judgment concerning Englishmen cannot well be made till 20 whose granddaughter is a mother,) Capt. John Alden, her brother, Alex*. Standish, and John Howland, have lived more than 70 years." S. SewalPs New Heaven upon the AVi* Earth, 59, GO. 256 A WASHONKS. MANNER OF MAKING SOLDIERS. [JlooK 111. ently in sight of a " vast company of Indians, of all ages and sexes, some on horseback, running races, some at foot-ball, some catching eels and flat fish in the water, some clamming, &c." They now had to find out what Indians these were, before they dared make themselves known to them. Church therefore halloed, and two Indians that were at a distance irom the rest, rode up to him, to find out what the noise meant. They were very much surprised when they found themselves so near Englishmen, and turned their horses to run, but, Church making himself known to them, they gave him the desired information. He sent for Jack Havens, who immediately came. And when he had confirmed what the others had related, there arrived a large number of them on horseback, well armed. These treated the English very respectfully. Church then sent Jack to Jlwashonks, to inionn her that he would sup with her that night, and lodge in her tent. In the mean time, the English returned with their friends they had left at Sippican. When they came to the Indian company, they " were immediately conducted to a shelter, open on one side, whither jlwaskonlis and her chiefs soon came and paid their respects." When this had taken place, there were great shouts made by the " multitudes," which "made the heavens to ring." About sunset, "the JYetops * came running from all quarters, laden with the tops of dry pines, and the like combustible matter, making a huge pile thereof, near Mr. Church's shelter, on the open side thereof. But by this time supper was brought in, in three dishes, viz. a curious young bass in one dish, eels and flat fish in a second, and shell fish in a third;" but salt was wanting. When the supper was finished, " the mighty pile of pine knots and tops, &c. was fired, and all the Indians, great and small, gathered in a ring around it. Jhvaslwnks, with the eldest of her people, men and women mixed, kneel ing down, made the first ring next the fire, and all the lusty stout men standing up made the next ; and then all the rabble, in a confused crew, surrounded on the outside. Then the chief captain stepped in between the rings and the fire, with a spear in one hand, and a hatchet in the other, ianced round the fire, and began to fight with it, making mention of all the several nations and companies of Indians in the country that were enemies to the English. And at naming of every particular tribe of Indians, he would draw out and fight a new fire-brand, and at his finishing his fight with each particular fire-brand, would bow to Mr. Church and thank him." When he had named over all the tribes at war with the English, he stuck his spear and hatchet in the ground, and left the ring, and then another stepped in, and acted over the same farce ; trying to act with more fury than the first. After about a half a dozen had gone through with the performance, their chief captain stepped to Mr. Church, and told him " they were making soldiers for him, and what they had been doing was all one swearing of them." Jlwaslwnks and her chiefs next came and told him " that now they were all engaged to fight for the English." At this time Awashonks presented to Mr. Church a very fine gun. The next day, July 22, he selected a number of her men, and proceeded to Plimouth. A commission was given him, and, being joined with a number of English, volunteers, commenced a suc cessful series of exploits, in which these Sogkonates bore a conspicuous part, but have never, since the days of Church, been any where noticed as they deserved. It is said f that Jlwashonks had two sons ; the youngest was William Mom- mynewit, who was put to a grammar school, and learned the Latin language, and was intended for college, but was prevented by being seized with the palsy. We have been able to extend the interesting memoir of the family of Awashonks in the early part of this article much beyond any before printed account ; of Tokamona we have no printed notice, except what Church^, incidentally mentions. Some of his Indian soldiers requested liberty to pursue the Narragansets and other enemy Indians, immediately * Signifying friends, in Indian. t Coll. Mass. Hist. Foe. t Hist. Philip's War, 39. It is usual to cite Captain Church as the author or recorder of his own actions ; it is so, although his son Tliomas appears as the writer of the history. The truth is, the lather dictated to the son, and corrected what appeared erroneous after the work was written. CHAP. V.] 1'UMHAM 257 after they had captured Philip's wife and son. " They said the Narragansets were great roguus, and they wanted to be revenged on them, lor killing some of their relations ; named Tokkamona, (AwashonKs brother,) and some others." About 130 years ago, i. e. 1700, there were 100 Indian men of the Sog- konate tribe, a;id the general assembly appointed Numpaus their captain, who lived to be an old man, and died about 1748, alter the taking of Cape Breton, 1745. At the commencement of the eighteenth century, they made quite a respectable religious congregation ; had a meeting-house of their own, in wliic.i they were instructed by Rev. Mr. Billings, once a month, on Sundays. They had a steady preacher among themselves, whose name waa John Simon, a man of a strong mind. About 17 >0, a very distressing fever carried off many of this tribe, and in 1803 there vere not above ten in Comptou, their principal residence. CHAPTER V. A furticr account of chiefs conspicuous in Philip's war PUMHAM Taken and slain His son QUAQUALH CHICKON SOCONONOCO POTOCK His residence Com.'ilaint against Wttdbow's encroachments Delivers himself up Put to death STONE-WALL-JOHN Jl great captain A mason His men greatly annoy tht English army in Jfarraganset Kills several of them They burn a garrison, and kill, Jif teen persons A traffic in Indian prisoners The burning of Rehoboth and Providence John's discourse with Roger Williams Is killed SAGAMORE JOHN Fate of MATOONAS Put to death on Boston Common His son hanged for mur der Monoco David Andrew James-the-printer OLD-JZTHERO SAGAMORE- SAM, alias SHOSHANIM Visited by Eliot in 1652 Jlnecdote PETER-JETHERO. PUMHAM, it may be truly said, "was a mighty man of valor." Our history has several times heretofore brought him before us, and we shall now proceed to relate such facts concerning him as we have been able to collect. He was sachem of Shawomet, the country where the old squaw- sachem Magnus was taken and slain, as in her life we have shown. As in almost every other case, we can only learn how to estimate the consequence of a chief Irom the story of his enemies. It is peculiarly so in the biography of Pumham. When it was reported that he was slain, every chronicler seems to have stood ready, with the ink of exultation in his pen, to record all the particulars of his fall ; and to make it appear the greater, it is to be feared, they have sometimes raised many to a height to which they were not entitled, for that object. But it was not so in the case of Pumhani. When it was reported at Boston that he was killed, an author in our Chronic!* said, " If it is so, the glory of that nation is sunk with him forever." This chief was brought into considerable difficulty by the English as early as 1645. In 1642, the Rev. Samuel Gorton took refuge in his country, and was kindly treated by him ; and in January the next year, Miantunnomoh and Canonicus deeded to him Mishawomet, or Shaomet, which he afterward called Warwick, alter the earl of that name. This settlement was grievous to the Puritan fathers of Massachusetts, as they soon showed by their resentment to Miantunnomoh ; and here we cannot but discover the germ of all the subsequent disasters of that sachem. Mr. Gorton was kindly treated by him, as well as Pumham, until' the latter was urged by Mr. Gorton's enemies to lay claim to the lands he had purchased of Miantunnomoh, whom the court of Massachusetts declared an usurper,* as in his life has been told. By the letters of the unimpeachable Roger Williams, the above conclu sions will appear evident In 1656, he wrote to Massachusetts, showing them the wretched state Warwick was in from their difficulties with th Indians, as follows: "Your wisdoms know the inhuman insultations of these wild creatures, and you may be pleased also to imagine, that they have aot been sparing of your name as the patron of all their wickedress against 22 'MS. 'tote paper. R 258 PUMHAM. SOCONONOCO. QUAQUALK [BOOK III. our English men, women and children, and cattle, to the yearly damage of 60, 80 and 100 . The remedy is, (under God,) only your pleasure that Pumham shall come to an agreement with the town or colony." * Now it should be remembered, that when Warwick was purchased, Pumham and some other inferior sachems received presents for their particular interests in what was sold, agreeably to the laws and usages of the Indians. The Pli mouth people had their share in the Warwick controversy, having caused Ousamaquin to lay claim to the same place, or a sachem who lived with him, named Nawwashaivsuck ; between whom and Pumham the quarrel rai so high that the former stabbed the latter. The affairs of Warwick had been under consideration by the commis sioners of the United Colonies for several years before this, and in 1649, they say, " Vppon a question betwixt the two collouies of the Massachusets and Plymouth, formerly propounded, and now again renewed by the com missioners of the Massachusetts, concerning a tract of land now or lately belonging to Pamham and Saconoco, two Indian sagamores who had sub mitted themselves and their people to the Massachusetts goverment, vppon part of which land som English, (besides the said Indians,) in anno 1643, were planted and settled." The decision was, that though the said tract of land full within Plimouth bounds, it should henceforth belong to Massachusetts. About 1646, we find the following record f of these chiefs : " Pomihom and Saconanoco complaining to us [the court of Mass.] that many Indians dwelling 20 miles beyond thtfm, (being friends and helpers to the Narragan- setts in their present wars with Uncas,) are come upon their lands, and planted upon the same against their wills, they not being able of themselves to remove them, and therefore desire our counsel and help. We shall therefore advise them, if the deputies agree thereunto, to send a messenger to the sachem of those intruders to come to us to give an account of such his intention ; and if he come to us, then to offer him protection upon the same terms that Pumham hath it, provided they satisfy Uncas for any injury they have done him. If he refuse to come, then we would have our mes senger charge them to depart from Pomham and Soconanocho their lands, which also if they refuse, then we shall account them our enemies." \ Though, by the aid of the English, Pumham had been able to ma : ntain a kind of independence for some years after the death of the chief sachem, yet he was among the first who espoused the cause of Philip in his war, as it would seem from his not attending at the treaty in June, immediately after hostilities commenced. The army who went to make that treaty passed through his country in their march, and, as Mr. Hubbard states, " They found the Indians in Pomham's country (next adjoining to Philip's borders) all fled, and their wigwams without any people in them." The English army also march ed through his country, in their return from the attack on Philip and his con federates in Narraganset, in December, 1675. At this time a small fight took place between some of the English and a number of Pumham's men, under a chief whose name was QUAQUALH, who gained some advantage of the English, wounding four of their men. The whites, however, report that they killed five of the Indians. Quaqualh himself was wounded in the knee. At the same time they burnt Pumham? s town, J which contained near 100 wig wams. The English were commanded by Captain Prentice. Pumham was not the chief captain in the fight at the great falls in the Con necticut, which took place 19 May, 1676, although we presume, from the known character of him, that he was the most conspicuous in it on the side of the Indians ; being a man of vast physical powers and of extraordinary bravery. In this affair the English acted a most cowardly part, having every advantage of their enemy, who acquired credit upon the occasion, even at the time, from the historian. The English came upon them before day, while none were awake to give the alarm, and, " finding them secure indeed, yea, all asleep, without having any scouts abroad, so that our soldiers came * Hutchinson's papers, and Hazard. t In manuscript, among the papers on file in the secretary's office, Mass, without date. | Old Indian Cliron. 58. This author has his name 'Bumham. There were many it lances, at this time, of the use of B. for P. $ Hubbard, Nar. 57. CHAP. V.] PUMRAM. THE FALL FIGHT. 259 and put their guns into their wigwams, before the Indians were aware of them, and made a great and notable slaughter amongst them." * Many in their fright ran into the river, and were hurled down the falls,f some of whom, doubtless, were drowned. As soon as the English, who were led by Captains Turner and Holioke, had murdered the unresisting, and the Indiana having begun to rally to oppose them, they fled in the greatest confusion, although they had "about an hundred and four score" men, J of whom but one was wounded when the flight began. This enhances the valor of the Indians, in our mind, especially as we read the following passage, in Mr. Mather's Brief History : " In the mean while, a party of Indians from an island, (whose coining on shore might easily have been prevented, and the soldiers, before they set out from Hadley, were earnestly admonished to take care about that matter,) assaulted our men ; yea, to the great dishonor of the English, a few Indians pursued our soldiers four or five miles, who were in number near twice as many as the enemy." In this flight Captain Turner was killed, as he was crossing Green River. Holioke exerted himself witli great valor, and seems well calculated to oppose such a chief as Pumkam. We hear of no other bravery among the English in this massacre, but the follow ing passage concerning Holioke, which we are sorry is so sadly eclipsed. During the fight, some old persons, (whether men or women is not men tioned,) and children, had hid themselves under the bank of the river. Captain Holioke discovered them, and witli his own hands put five of them, " young and old," to death. This English captain did not long survive his antago nist, for, by his great exertions in this fight, a fever was brought upon him, of which he died in September following, " about Boston."]) It would seem from the several accounts, that, although the English were sadly distressed in this fight, the Indians could never have repaired their loss ; which, says the author of the PRESENT STATE, "was almost as much, nay, in some respects more considerable, than their lives." He continues, " We destroyed all their ammunition and provision, which we think they can hardly be so soon and easily recruited with, as possibly they may be with men. We likewise here demolished two forges they had to mend their arms, took away all their materials and tools, and drove many of them into the river, where they were drowned, and threw two great pigs of lead of theirs, (intended for making of bullets.) into the said river." 11 " As our men were returning to Hadley, in a dangerous pass, which they were not sufficiently aware of, the skulking Indians, (out of the woods,) killed, at one volley, the said captain, and eight-and-thirty of his men, but immediately alter they had discharged, they fled." In relating the capture and death of Pumham, Mr. Hubbard says,** " He was one of the stoutest and most valiant sachems that belonged to the Nar- ragansets ; whose courage and strength was so great that, after he had been mortally wounded in the fight, so as himself could not stand ; yet catching hold of an Englishman that by accident came near him, had done him mischief, if he had not been presently rescued by one of his fellows r This was on 25 July, 1676. Pumham, with a few followers, had for son.e time secreted themselves in Dedham woods, where it was supposed they were " almost starved for want of victuals." In this sad condition, they were fallen upon by the English under Captain Hunting, who killed fifteen * I. Mather, 30. t We cannot agree with our friend Gen. Hoyt, that these falls should be named Turner's Falls, although we once thought it well enough. We would rather call them the Massacre Fa/la, IF, indeed, their Indian name cannot be recovered. A beautiful view of these cele brated falls is given by Professor Hitchcock, in the volume of plates accompanying his Geolrgy of Mass. : /. Mutlier, 30. Hubbard, Nar. 88. (I Ibid. .Many of the Indians learned trades of the English, and in the wars turned their knowl edge to good account. They had a forge in their fort at Narraganset, and the Indian black smith was killed when that was taken. The author of the FreserU Stale, &,c. says, he was the only man amongst them that fitted their guns and arrow-heads ; that among other housei they burnt his, demolished his forge, and carried awav his tools. ** Narrative, 100. 4to. edition. 260 POTOK. DEATH OF PUMHAM. [KooK 111 and took thirty-five of them without resistance.* They found here con siderable plunder; "besides kettles, there was about hall' a bushel of wum- pumpeag, which the enemy lost, and twelve pounds of powder, which the captives say they had received from Albany but two days before." f A son of Pumham was among the captives, " a very likely youth," says Hublard, \ " and one whose countenance would have bespoke favor for him, had lie not belonged to so bloody and barbarous an Indian as his father was." It would seem from this unfeeling account that he was put to death. Dr. Mather says he was carried prisoner to Boston. From the same author we must add to the revolting picture of the father's death. " This Pumham, after he was wounded so as that he could not stand upon his legs, and was thought to have been dead, made a shift, (as the soldiers were pursuing others,) to crawl a little out of the way, but was found again, and when an Englishman drew near to him, though he could not stand, he did, (like a beast,) in rage and revenge, get hold on the soldier's head, and had like to have killed him, had not another come in to his help, and rescued him out of the enraged dying hands of that bloody barbarian" f That it may be seen how the same story, recorded at the same time, at the same place, and by different individuals, varies on comparison, we give here the account of the fight in which Pumham was slain, from an author in the Chronicle ; in which it will be observed that a different date is given to the event. " Upon the 27 of July it was, that about 20 Indians were slain, and 30 taken prisoners. We had 5 and 20 English, and 20 of our Indian friends in this exploit. One of these that were slain was Pomham. After he had received a deadly shot in his back, he withdrew himself from his men, (for they were all his relations and subjects that were slain and taken at this time,) and thought to hide himself in a bushy hole, but was found out by an Englishman, who, as he went to apprehend him, found that the stout sachem was unwilling to fall into the hands of the English, for he gave him a stunning blow with his hatchet, which he had reserved of all his weapons, and perhaps had slain the Englishman, but God ordered it so that he had a sudden revival, and took courage and grappled with him, [Pumham,] and threw him under him, and others coming in to his assistance, Pumham was soon despatched. There was about 20 of Indian money found in their baskets," which the English gave to their Indian friends, and then- guns they took to themselves. A short time before this, a grsndson of this chief was killed by a party under Denison, "who was also a sachem, and another sachem called Chickon" POTOK, a Narraganset chief, we may properly, in the next place, notice. None of his acts in Philip's war are recorded, at least none have come to our knowledge, but they could not have been inconsiderable, in the opinion of his enemies, as his life atoned for them. We find him first mentioned, on account of his opposition to the introduction of Christianity into his nation. When, in the beginning of Philip's war, the English army marched into the Narraganset country, to treat or fight with that nation, as they might be found inclined, Potok appeared as the principal chief. In the treaty which was concluded at that time, a condition was urged by him, " that the English should not send any among them to preach the gospel or call upon them to pray to God." But the English would not admit such an article ; but if an article of this character had been urged on the other hand, we doubt whether there would have been any objection urged by the Indians. On this policy of the English Roger Williams should be heard, as, at this day even, we need no better commentary on the matter in hand. It is con tained in a letter || to the governor of Massachusetts, and is as follows : "At my last departure for England, I was importuned by ye Narraganset sachems, and especially by Aenecunaf, to present their petition to the high * MS. Narrative of Rev. T. Cobbet. t Mather's Brief Hist. 43. \ Narrative, ut supra. 6 Many write Dennison, but his own signature, in my possession, is as in the text. jj In MS; dated Providence, 5 : 8 : 1654. CHAP. V.] STONE-WALL-JOHN. OLIVER'S JOURNAL. 261 sachems rf England, that they might not be forced from their religion ; and, for not changing their religion, be invaded by war. For they said they were daily visited with threatenings by Indians, that came from about the Massa chusetts ; that if they would not pray, they should be destroyed by war." And again, in the same letter: "Are not all the English of this land,. (gener ally,) a persecuted people from their native soil? and hath not the God of peace and Father of mercies made the natives more friendly in this than our native countrymen in our own land to us ? have they not entered leagues of love, and to this day continued peaceable commerce with us ? are not our families grown up in peace amongst them ? Upon which I humbly ask how it can suit with Christian ingenuity, to take hold of some seeming occasions for their destruction." We are able to fix the place of his residence in the vicinity of Point Judith, [u the year 1661, Potok, with several other chiefs, complained to the court of Massachusetts, that "Samuel Wildbow, and others of his companie," claimed jurisdiction at Point Judith, in their country, and lands adjacent. They came on and possessed themselves forcibly, bringing their cattle and other effects with them.* What order the court took upon it does not appear. About the close of Philip's war, Potok came voluntarily to Rhode Island, no doubt with the view of making friends again with his enemies ; but was sent to Boston, where, after answering all their inquiries, he was put to death with out ceremony. It is related by an author in the OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE, that Potok was captured by the forces under Major Talcot, in June, 1676, at or near the same time Stone-Layer-John was. In closing his account of the capture of John, he adds, " Likewise Potucke, the great Indian counsellor, a man con sidering his education of wonderful subtlety, was brought prisoner into Rhode Island." In the account carried to London by Captain More, mentioned in the last chapter, is this notice of Polok : " There is one Potuck, a mischievous En gine, and a Counsellour, taken formerly, said to be in Goal at Rhode Island, is now sent to Boston, and there shot to death." f In the detail of the great Narraganset expedition of 1675, we have omitted ^to notice a by-no-means-unimportant Indian captain. Stone-ioall-John, Stone-layer-John, and sometimes simply Stone-ioall, were names by which his English friends knew him, and we have not discovered what was his Indian name. OHe writer of his tune observes that he was called the Stone-layer, "for that, being an active, ingenious fellow, he had learned the mason's trade, and was of great use to the Indians in building their forts, &c." Hence we may hazard but little in the conjecture that he was the chief engineer in the erection of the great Narraganset fort, which has been described in the life of Philip. Although but little is known ol'liim,' he was doubtless one of the most distinguished Narraganset captains. The first notice of Stone-layer-John, which we now remember, is con tained in a letter of Captain Oliver, \ which he wrote while on his march with the English army to attack the fort, which we have just mentioned. He says, " Dec. 15 ca[me in] John a rogue, with a pretence of peace, and was dismissed with [this] errand: That we might speak with sachems. That evening, he not being gone a quarter of an hour, his company, that lay hid behind a hill of our quarters, killed two Salem men, and wounded a th'rl within a mile of us, that he is dead. And at a house three miles off, where I had ten men, they killed two of them. Instantly Capt. Mosely, myself and Capt. Gardner were sent to fetch in Major Jlppletorfs company, that kept three miles and a half off, and coming, they lay behind a stone wall, and fired on us in sight of the garrison, we killed the captain that killed one of the Salem men, and had his cap." Mr. Hubbard says, " A few desperate Indians, creeping under a stone-wall, fired twenty or thirty guns at Mosely in particular, a commander well known amongst them, but the rest of the com- * MS. Stale Papers. t Old Indian Chronicle, 111. j In manuscript. See an account of it in a note to the life of Philip. 262 STONE-WALL-JOHN. PROVIDENCE, &c. BURNT. [Boo* ill pany running down upon them, killed one of them and scattered the rest." Thus did the scouts from the main body of the Indians, under such captains as the Sione-layyr, annoy the English in their inarch into their country. Im mediately after these skirmishes, "they burnt Jerry Bull's* house, and killed seventeen [persons.] f Dec. 16, came that news. Dec. 17, came news that Connecticut forces were at Petaquamscut ; killed four Indians and took six prisoners. That day we sold Capt. Davenport 47 Indians, young and old, for 80 in money." J How much John had to do in the devastations which had been perpetrated the previous season, is unknown, but we are told that he had no small agency in "the sacking of Providence," and Rehoboth also, without doubt. In the former about 30 houses || were burned, and in the latter place " near upon 40" houses and 30 barns. Stone-wall-John was doubtless one who conversed with the Reverend Mr. Williams at the time Providence was burned. The substance of that conver sation is related by our anonymous author, already cited, in these words : "But indeed the reason that the inhabitants of the towns of Seaconick and Providence generally escaped with their lives, is not to be attributed to any compassion or good nature of the Indians, (whose very mercies are inhumane cruelties,) but, [the author soon contradicts himself, as will be seen,] next to God's providence to their own prudence in avoiding their fury, when they found themselves too weak, and unable to resist it, by a timely flight into Rhode Island, which now became the common Zoar, or place of refuge for the distressed ; yet some remained till their coming to destroy the said towns ; as in particular Mr. Williams at Providence, who, knowing several of the chief Indians that came to fire that town, discoursed with them a consider able time, who pretended, their greatest quarrel was against Plirnouth ; and as for what they attempted against the other colonies, they were constrained to it, by the spoil that was done them at Narraganset.^1 They told him, that when Capt. Pierce engaged them near Mr. Blackstone''s, they were bound for Plimouth. They gloried much in their success, promising themselves the conquest of the whole country, and rooting out of all the English. Mr. Wil liams reproved their confidence, minded them of their cruelties, and told them, that the Bay, viz. Boston, could yet spare 10,000 men ; and, if they should destroy all them, yet it was not to be doubted, but our king would send as many every year from Old England, rather than they should share the country.** They answered proudly, that they should be ready for them, or to that effect, but told Mr. Williams that he was a good man, and had been kind to them formerly, and therefore they would not hurt him." This agrees well with Mr. Hubbard's account of the carriage of John at the time he went to the English army to talk about peace, already mentioned. His words are, " yet could the messenger, [John,] hardly forbear threatening, vaporing of their numbers and Strength, adding, withal, that the English durst not fight them." We have now to close the career of this Indian captain, for which it re quires but a word, as he was killed on the 2 July, 1676, at the same time the old squaw-sachem Quaiapen and most of her people were fallen upon by Major Talcot, as we have related in a former chapter. Many Indians bore the name of John, but when they were any ways con spicuous, some distinguishing prefix or affix was generally added, as we have seen in several instances in the preceding chapters. We have already * Jerali was probably his name. | Ten men and five women and children. Hitbbard, 50. " About 14." 1. Mather, 20. " Eighteen, men, women and children." Chronicle, 46. J Captain Oliver's MS. letter. 6 OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE, 98. if The building containing the records of R. I. was consumed at this time, and part of its contents. Some of them were saved by being thrown out of a window into some water. They bear to this time the marks of their immersion. Oral information of W. R. Staples, Esq. of Providence. ti And who could ask for a better reason ? ** This was rather gasconading for so reverend a man ! Had he lived since the revolu tionary war, 'he would hardly have meant so, whatever he might have said. CHAP. V.] MATOONAS. EXECUTED AT BOSTON. 263 given the life of one Saganwre-John, but another of that name, still more conspicuous, (for his treachery to his own nation,) here presents himselil This Sagamore-John was a Nipmuk sachem, and a traitor to his country On the !. SIMON POTTOQUAM, Sctibe.] UPPANIPPAQUEM, his C. PAKASKOKAG his Mark ". \AKPUKUN, or, JACOB MCTTAMAKOOG." "The answer the Council made them, was, 'That treacherous persons who began the war and those that have been barbarously bloody, must not expect to have their lives spared, but others that have been drawn into the war, and acting only as Souldiers submitting to be without arms, and to live quietly and peaceably for the future shall have their lives spared.' " Sagamore Sam was one of those that sacked Lancaster, 10 February, 1676. His Indian name was at one time Shoshanim, but in Philip's war it appears to have been changed to Ushatuhgun ; at least, if he be the same, it was so subscribed by Peter-jethro, when the letter was sent by the Indians to the English about the exchange of Mrs. Rowlandson and others, as will be found in the life of Nepanet. He was hanged, as has been before noted. fthoshanim was successor to Matthew, who succeeded Sholan. This last- mentioned sachem is probably referred to by the author quoted in Mr. Thorowgooifs curious book. In the summer of 1652, Reverend John Eliot intended to visit theNashuas, in his evangelical capacity, but understanding there was war in that direction among the Indians,* delayed his journey for a time. The sachem of Nashua, hearing of Mr. Eliofs intention, " took 20 men, armed after then* manner," as his guard, with many others, and con ducted him to his country. And my author adds, " this was a long journey into the wilderness of 60 miles : it proved very wet and tedious, so that he was not dry three or four days together, night nor day." f One of the Indians at this time asked Mr. Eliot why those who prayed to God among the English loved the Indians that prayed to God " more than their own breth ren." The good man seemed some at a loss for an answer, and waived the subject by several scriptural quotations. We may be incorrect in the supposition that the sachem who conducted Mr. Eliot on this occasion was Sholan, as perhaps Passaconaway would suit the time as well. CHAPTER VI. Fhendlij Indians CAPTAIN AMOS Pursues Tatoson and Penachason Escapes the slaughter at Pawtucket Commands a company in the eastern war CAPTAIN LIGHTFOOT H>s t semices in Philip's war In the eastern war KETTENANIT His services QUANNAPOHIT His important services as a spy MAUTAMP Monaco NEPANET Employed to treat with the enemy Brings letters from them Effects an exchange of prisoners PETER CON WAT PETER EPHRAIH. AMOS, commonly called Captain Amos, was a Wampanoag, whose residence was about Cape Cod. We have no notice of him until Philip's war, at which time he was entirely devoted to the service of the English. After the Plim- outh people had found that Tatoson was concerned in the destruction of Clark's garrison, they sought for some friendly Indians who would under- take to deliver him and his abettors into their hands. Captain Amos ten derel his services, and was duly commissioned to prosecute the enterprise, * In 1647, Ihree Indians were killed between Quabaog and Springfield, by other Indians. The next year, five others were killed about midway between Quabaog and Lancaster.. VVinthrop's Journal, ( Sara^e's ed.) Such instances were common among the Indians. t Sure Arguments to prove that the Jews inhabit now in America. By Thomas Thoroio- Fwd, 4to. London, 1652. Sir Roger L' Estrange answered this book by another, entitled THK AMERICANS NO JEWS. 23* S70 INDIAN STRATAGEMS LIGHTFOOT. [BooK III and to take into that service any of his friends. Meantime, Tatoson had fled to Elizabeth Island, in company with Penachason, another chief who was also to be taken, if he could be found. This Penachason was probably Tata- son's brother's son, sometimes called Tom, who, if the same, was also at the destroying of Clark's garrison. Yet the wily chiefs eluded the vigilance of Captain Amos, by flying from that region into the Nipmuks' country, where they joined Philip. To encourage greater exertion on the part of the friendly Indians, to execute their commission, it was ordered, that in case they captured and brought in either Tatoson or Penachason, "they may expect for their reward, for each of them four coats, and a coat apiece for every other Indian that shall prove merchantable." We have mentioned in a former chapter the horrid catastrophe of Captain Peirse and his men at Pawtucket. Captain Amos escaped ihat dreadful slaughter. He fought there with 20 of his warriors, and when Captain Peirse was shot down by a ball which wounded him in the thigh, he stood by his side, and defended him as long as there was a gleam of hope. At length, seeing nearly all his friends slain, with admirable presence of mind he made his escape, by the following subtle stratagem : Nanuntenoo's warriors had blackened then' faces, which Captain Amos had observed, and by means of powder contrived to discolor his own unobserved by them. When he had done this, he managed, by a dextrous manoeuvre, to pass among the enemy for one of them, and by these means escaped. What were Captain Amos's other acts in this war, if any, we have not learned ; nor do we meet again with him until 1689. In that year, he went with Col. Church against the eastern Indians and French, in which expedi tion he also had the command of a company. Church arrived with his forces in Sept. at Casco, now Portland, and, having landed secretly under cover of the night, surprised, on the following morning, about four hundred Indians, who had come to destroy the place. Although the Indians did not receive much damage, yet, Governor Sullivan says,* the whole eastern country was saved by the timely arrival of this expedition. In the fight at Casco, 21 September, eight of the English were killed and many wounded. Two of Captain Amos's men were badly wounded, and Sam Moses, another friendly Indian, was killed. There was another Indian company in this expedition, commanded by Captain Daniel, out of which one man was killed, who was of Yarmouth on Cape Cod.f L1GHTFOOT, of the tribe of the Sogkonates, distinguished in Philip's war, was also in the service under Church at Casco ; a memorable expedition, on more than one account. One circumstance we will name, as it well nigh proved the ruin of the undertaking. When, on the following morning, after the arrival of the forces, the attack was begun, it was, to the inexpressible surprise of the English, found, that the bullets were much larger than the calibre of their guns. This was a most extraordinary and unaccountable occurrence, and great blame was chargeable somewhere. In this wretched dilemma, the fight having already begun, Church set some at work making the bullets into slugs, by which resort he was able to continue the fight. It being high water at the time, an estuary separated the battle-ground from the town. The bullets were to be carried to the army engaged, in buckets, after being hammered. When the first recruit of slugs was made up, Colonel Church ran with it to the water's edge, and, not caring to venture himself to wade across, called to those on the other side to send some one to take it over to the army. None appeared but Lightfoot. This Indian dextrously repassed the estuary, with a quantity of powder upon his head, and a " kettle " of bul lets in each hand, and thus the fight was maintained, and the enemy put to flight. In Philip's war, Lightfoofs exploits were doubtless very numerous, but few of them have come down to us. He volunteered to fight for die English, at Aivashonk's great dance at Buzzard's Bay, already mentioned. When Little- eyes was taken at Cushnet, in 1676, Lightfoot was sent with him to what is * Hist. District of Maine, 102. t MS. letter of Captain Basset of tlie expedition. CHAP. VI.] KATTENANIT. EASTERN WAR. 271 now called Palmer's Island, near the mouth of Cushnet River, where he held him in guard until he could be safely conducted to Plimouth. About the time *%kkompoin was killed, and Philip's wife and son were taken, Church gave him a captain's commission, after which he made several successful expeditions. We now pass to characters hitherto less known, though perhaps of more interest. Very little was knbwn of certain important characters among the friendly Indians of Massachusetts, which should have by no means been overlooked, until the discovery of Mr. Gookin's manuscript history of the praying Indians, not long since, and to which we have often referred already. We shall, therefore, devote the remainder of the present chapter to their history JOB KATTENANIT seems first to demand attention. He was a Christian Indian, and lived some time at Natick, but was at one time a preacher at Magunkog, and belonged originally, we believe, to Hassanamesit. However that may have been, it is certain he lived there in the beginning of Philip's war, whon that chief's men made a descent upon the place, with the intention of carrying away those Christian Indians prisoners. Job made his escape from them at this time, and came in to the English at Mendon. He had still three children in the enemy's hands, and he was willing to run any venture to release them. He therefore applied for and obtained a pass, assuring him safety, provided that, in his return, he should fall into the hands of the Eng lish scouts. Besides liberating his children, considerable hopes were enter tained, that he might be enabled to furnish information of the enemy. It unfortunately happened, that, before he had passed the frontier, he fell in with some English soldiers, who treated him as a prisoner, and an enemy, even taking from him his clothes and gun, sending him to the governor of Boston ; "who, more to satisfy the clamors of the people than for any offence committed," assigned him to the common jail, where he suffered exceedingly; himself and many others being crowded into a narrow and filthy place. Af ter about three weeks, he was taken out and sent to Deer Island. The clam ors of the people were indeed high at this time, and many accused Major Gookin, who gave him the pass, of being guilty of furnishing the enemy with intelligence. After the Narraganset fight, 19 December, 1675, the English were very anxious to gain information relative to the position of the enemy, and accord ingly instructed Major Gookin to use his endeavors to employ some friendly Indian spies ; who, after considerable negotiation among those at Deer Island, engaged Job again, and James Quannapohit, alias Quanapaug. Their reward was to be Jive pounds apiece ! They departed upon this service before day, the 30th of December, and, during their mission, behaved with great pru dence, and brought valuable information to the English on their return ; but which, from intestine bickerings among the English, turned to small account. James Quannapohit returned 24th of January following, nearly worn out and famished ; having travelled about 80 miles in that cold season, upon snow- shoes, the snow being very deep. The information which he gave was writ ten down by Major Gookin.* Among other matters, he stated that the ene my had taken up their quarters in different places, probably near Scattacook ; and many others, including the Nipmuks, about Menumesse. The Narra- gansets had not yet joined Philip openly, but while James and Job were among the Nipmuks, messengers arrived from Narraganset which gave them much joy, for they expressed an ardent desire to join them and Philip in prosecut ing the war. They said their loss in the great swamp fight was small. In three weeks, James learned, they would assault Lancaster, which accordingly came to pass, upon the very day which he said they intended it. He learned and thus divulged their plans to a great extent A circumstance now occurred which obliged him to make his escape, which was this: He found a friend and protector in Mauiamp,} one of the Nipmuk chiefs, who, it seems, * The same published iu Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 1. vi. 205 208. t The same, probably, called Netanmp, who was afterwards executed at Boston, at the same lime with Sagamore-sam. See Hubbard, 35. 272 KATTENANIT. [Boon III intended shortly to visit Philip ; and insisted that Quannapohit should ac company himj and it was with no small difficulty he was able to elude the vigilant eye of Mautamp, and make his escape, which, however, was effected only by a cunning stratagem, as follows : He told Mautamp that he had fought against Philip in the commencement of the war, and that Philip knew him, and that, unless he could go to him with some important trophy, Philip would not believe him, and would immediately kill him. And moreover, Tukaptwillin had privately told him that Philip had given out word that cer tain praying Indians should be sought after, and, if possible, seized and brought to him ; for he wanted to put them to death in a cruel manner, with his own hands, and that he was one of them. He therefore told Mautamp that he would go, in the first place, and kill some English, and take their heads along with him, and then he should consider himself safe. This being consented to, he lost no time in retracing his steps to the frontiers of the English. He mentions Monaco, or One-eyed-john, as a great captain among the ene my, who also treated him kindly, and entertained him in his wigwam during his stay there ; they being old acquaintance, having served together in their wars against the Mohawks, ten years before.* And here also Mr. Gookin gives a favorable account of Monaco. Philip had ordered that the persons above named should be brought to him, if taken alive, "that he might put them to some tormenting death, which had hilheito been prevented by the care and kindness of a great captain among tnem, named John-ivith-one-eye, belonging to Nashua,f who had civilly treated and protected James, and entertained him at his wigwam, all the time of his being there." J Job was requested to come away with Quanapohit, but saw no way of getting away his children, which was a main object with him. He knew, too, that James could give all the information they both possessed at that period, and not considering himself in imminent danger, preferred to tarry longer. At Wanexit, or Manexit, they fell in with seven Indians, who took them and conveyed them about twenty miles, across the path leading to Connecti cut, northward from Quabaog. These were some of the Quahmsits and Segunesits. At this place were three towns which contained about 300 warriors well armed. Here they were threatened with death, their mission being truly guessed. But going to the wigwam of One-eyed-john, " Sagamore of Nashua," or Monaco, he charged his gun and said, "I will kill whom soever shall kill Quanapohit ." Some said he had killed one of Philip's counsellors || at Mount Hope, and Philip had hired some to kill him ; also James Speen, Andrew Pitimy, Captain Hunter, Thomas Quanapohit, and Peter Ephraim. On being ordered to visit Philip, "Job and he pretended to go out a minting, killed three dear quickly, ana perceiving they were dogged by some other Indians, went over a pond and lay in a swamp till before day, and when they had prayed together he ran away." Job was to return to the enemy, and tell them that James ran away because they had threatened to kill him. Job, not being particularly obnoxious to them, concluded to remain longer for the end of ransoming his children, as we have said. He returned to the English in the night of the 9th of February, and said, aa James had before, that on the next day Lancaster would be attacked, for he knew about four hundred of the enemy were already on their march, and it so resulted. He further informed the English, that the enemy would shortly attack Medfield, Groton, Marlborough, and other places, and that the Nar- ragansets had joined Philip and the Nipmuks. While James was there, " a Narraganset brought to them one English head : they shot at him, and said the Narragansets were the English friends all last * Of this war we have given an account in Book II. chap. III. t Called sagamore of Nashua, in Ihe Cotton manuscripts. i Hist. Praying Indians. $ Cotton Manuscripts. y Referring probably, to THESE. See Book HI. chap. EL CBAP. VI.] KATTETAMT. 273 summer. Afterwards two messengers came with twelve heads, craving their assistance, they then accepted them." * Before he left the enemy, he appointed a place of safety for his children, and sundry others of his friends, captured at Hassanamesit, where he would afterwards meet and conduct them to the English. He therefore petitiont d the council for liberty to meet them, which was granted. But he now had new difficulties to encounter, owing to " the rude temper of those times," as one of the wise men of that age expressed it. f Although both these men had acquitted themselves to the entire satisfaction of the authorities who sent them forth, yet the populace accused them of giving information to the enemy, and that they were secretly their advisers, or else they had not returned in safety ; to appease which they were confined again to the island. This so interfered with the time set by Job to meet his children and friends, that great sufferings overtook them, as well as himself; and he knew not that ever he should have an opportunity to see his children again. But it much sooner happened, no doubt, than he expected, although in an indirect , way. About the time he was sent to the island, a vote passed in the general court of Massachusetts, to raise an army of six hundred men, and Major Thomas Savage was applied to, to conduct them in the war. He refused, unless he could have some of the friendly Indians from the island for assist ants. On a messenger being sent among them, .six of their principal and bravest men volunteered in that service, among whom was Job Kattenanit. The army marched about the first of March, 1675, O. S. But when at Marl- borough, Job got liberty of Major Savage and Major-general Denison, to attempt the finding of his friends and children, whom he had appointed to meet near Hassanamesit When it was known to Captain Mosely, he behaved himself very unbecoming towards the commanding officer, and nothing but his popularity with the army saved his reputation. Indeed, his conduct seems quite as reprehensible as that of a more modern Indian hunter in the Floridas, which all friends of humanity joined to condemn. Mosely, it appears, would place no confidence in any Indian, and doubtless thought he was acting for the best interests of the country. He urged that it was a most impolitic measure to suffer any Indian to go away at this time, knowing their natural treacherousness ; and he doubted not but Job (although a tried friend) would inform the enemy of the approach of the army, which would frustiate all their designs. The great ascendency which this officer held in the army can best be understood by a simple statement of the fact, that Major Savage and General Denison were obliged to send after Job before the soldiery would cease their clamors. Captain Wadsu-orth and Captain Syll. accompanied by James Quannapohit, went in pursuit with the utmost speed. But they did not overtake him, and he soon returned to the army without finding his friends; they, from fear of discovery, having changed their place, the time having been much longer than was set, and their consequent sufferings were indescribable. We shall only add here concerning them, that they afterwards fell into the hands of a party of English, who treated them in a savage manner, taking every thing from them. But when they were brought to Major Savage, he treated them kindly, and had them sent to Boston, all except four, who ran away from Marlborough, where they stopped for the night, from the fear of being murdered, some of the people so abused and insulted them. \bout two months after that, they were found and brought in by Nepanet Finally, Job recovered all his children, and, marrying again, lived happily. His wife was one of those whom he had managed to deliver out of the hands of the enemy at such hazard and pains. She had, during their wan derings, nursed and kept alive his children, one, especially, which was very young. When the Hassanamesits went off with the enemy, James Quannapohti was in the neighborhood with the English forces. Captain Syll sent out a scout, and James and Elizer Pegin accompanied. Seven of the enemy were * Cotton Manuscripts. f Major Daniel Guokin, who was at least a hundred years in advance of that age. S 274 EMBASSY TO THE NIPMUCKS. L BOOK III. soon discovered, one of whom was leading an English prisoner. They discovered the English scout, and fled. James and Elizer pursued them, and recovered the prisoner, whose name was Christopher Muchin, who had been taken from Marlborough. James also took one of the enemy's guns.* The English having, by means of spies, as in the preceding life we have stated, learned the state of feeling among their enemies, felt themselves prepared, as the spring of 1676 advanced, to make overtures to them for peace, or an exchange of prisoners, or both, as they might be found inclined. TOM NEPANET was fixed upon as plenipotentiary in this business. And, although unjustly suffering with many of his brethren upon a bleak island in Boston harbor, consented, at the imminent risk of his life, to proceed to meet the Indians in the western wilderness, in the service, and for the benefit, of those who had caused his sufferings. Nepanet set out, 3 April, 1676, to make overtures to the enemy for the re lease of prisoners, especially the family of Mr. Rowlandson, which was taken at Lancaster, returned on the 12 following, with a written answer from the enemy, saying, u We nou give answer by this one man, but if you like my answer sent one more man besides this one Tom Nepanet, and send with all true heart and ivith all your mind by two men ; because you know and we know your heart great sorrowful with crying for your lost many many hundred man and all your house and all your land and woman child and cattle as all your thing tJiai you have lost and on your backside stand. Signed by SAM, Sachem, KUTQUEN, and QUANOHIT, Sagamores. Peter Jethro, scribe. At the same time, and 1 conclude in the same letter, they wrote a few words to others, as follows : " Mr. Rowlandson, your wife and all your child is well but one dye. Your sister is well and her 3 child. John Kittell, your wife and all your child is all well, and all them prisoners taken at Nashua is all well. Mr. Rowlandson, se your loving sister his hand {J Hanah. And old Kettel urif his hand. Brother Rowlaudson, pray send thre pound of Tobacco for me, if you can my loving husband pray send thre pound of tobacco for me. " This writing by your enemies Samuel Uskattuhgun and Gunrashit, two Indian sagamores.'" Mrs. Rowlandson, in her account of "The Sixteenth Remove," relates, that when they had waded over Baquaug f River, " Quickly there came up to us an Indian who informed them that I must go to Wachuset to my master, for there was a letter come from the council to the saggamores about redeeming the captives, and that there would be another in 14 days, and that I must be there ready." J This was doubtless after the letter just recorded had been sent to the English. " About two days after," Mrs. R. continues, " came a company of Indians to us, near 30, all on horseback. My heart skipt within me, thinking they had been Englishmen, at the first sight of them : For they were dressed in English apparel, with hats, white neck-cloths, and sashes about their waists, and ribbons upon their shoulders. But when they came near, there was a vast difference between the lovely faces of Christians, and the foul looks of those heathen, which much damped my spirits again." Having, after great distress, arrived at Wachuset, our authoress adds, " Then came Tom and Peter with the second letter from the council, about the captives." " I asked them how my husband did, and all my friends and * Gookin's MS. Hist. Christian Indians. t Or Payquae-e, now Miller's River. Its confluence with the Connecticut is bctweeu Northfield and Montague. J Narrative of her Captivity, 59. Ibid. 60. The regimentals in which they were now tricked out, were probably taken from the English whom thev had killed in battle. CHAP. VI.J NEPANET. SECOND EMBASSY. 275 acquaintance. They said they were well, but very melancholy." They brought her two biscuits and a pound of tobacco. The tobacco she gave to the Indians, and, when it was all gone, one threatened her because she had no m re to give; probably not believing her. She told him when her husband came, she would give him some. " Hang him, rogue, says he, 1 will knock out his brains, if he comes here." " Again, at the same breath, they would say, if there should come an hundred without guns they would do them no hurt. So unstable and like madmen they were." * There had been something talked about Mr. Rowlandson's going himself to ransom hia wife, but she says she dared not send for him, " for there was little more trust to them than to the master they served." * Ni panel learned by the enemy that they lost in the fight when Capt Pcirse was killed, " scores of their men that sabbath day." f As they refused to treat with Tom Nepanet alone, Peter Conicay was joined with him on a second expedition, as we have seen, which led to several others, to which some English ventured to add themselves, which resulted in the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson and several others. " When the letter was come, (says Mrs. R.}, the saggamores met to consult about the captives, and called me to them, to inquire how much my husband would give to redeem me : When I came and sat down among them, as I was wont to do, as their manner is : Then they bid me stand up, and said they tcere the general court. They bid me speak what I thought he would give. Now knowing that all that we had was destroyed by the Indians, I v/as in a great strait" J She ventured, however, to say 20, and Tom and Peter bore the offer to Boston. Of their return the same writer proceeds : " On a sabbath day, the sun being about an hour high in the afternoon, came Mr John Hoar, (the council permitting him, and his own forward spirit inclining him,) together with the two fore-mentioned Indians, Tom and Peter, with the third letter from the council. When they came near, I was abroad ; they presently called me in, and bid me sit down, and not stir. Then they catched up then- guns and away they ran, as if an enemy had been at hand, and the guns went off apace. I manifested some great trouble, and asked them what was the matter. I told them I thought they had killed the Englishman ; (for they had in the mean time told me that an Englishman had come ;) they said, Ab, they shot over his horse, and under, and before his horse, and they pushed him this icay and that way, at their pleasure, SHOWING HIM WHAT THEY COULD DO." They would not at first suffer her to see Mr. Hoar, but when they "had gratified their tantalizing whim sufficiently, she was permitted to see him. He brought her a pound of tobacco, which she sold for nine shillings. " The next morning, Mr. Hoar invited the saggamores to dinner; but when we went to get it ready, we found they had stolen the greatest part of the provis ions Mr. Hoar had brought. And we may see the wonderful power of God, in that one passage, in that, when there was such a number of them together, and so greedy of a little good food, and no English there but Mr. Hoar and myself, that there they did not knock us on the head, and take what we had ; there being not only some provision, but also trading cloth, a part of the 20 pounds agreed upon : But instead of doing us any mischief, they seemed to be ashamed of the fact, and said it was the matchit fbadl Indians that did it." || It is now certain that this negotiation was the immediate cause of their final overthrow. For before this time the Pokanokets and Narragan setts went hand in hand against their common enemy, and they were the most powerful tribes. This parleying with the English was so detestable to Philip, that a separation took place among these tribes in consequence, and he and the Narragansets separated themselves from the Nipmuks, and other inland tribes, and went off to their own country. This was the reason they were BO easily subdued after the separation took place. .\nrrative of her Captivity, 64,, 55. f Manuscripts of Rev. /. Cotton. Nairative, ut suvra, 65. $ Ibid. 71, 72. |] Ibid. 72. 73. 276 PETER EPHRAIM.-QUANAPOHIT. [BOOK III. It was through Nepanefs means that a party of English, under Captain Hencltnuin, were enabled to surprise a body of his countrymen at Weshakom * Ponds near Lancaster, 30 May, 1G76. Following in a track pointed out by Nepanet, the Indians were fallen upon while fishing, and, being entirely un prepared, seven were killed, and 29 taken, chiefly women and children. PETER-EPHRAIM and ANDREW-P1TYME were also two other considerably distinguished Nipmuk Indians. They rendered much service to the English in Philip's war. They went out in January, 1676, and brought in many of the Nipnets, who had endeavored to shelter themselves under Uncos, But, Mr. Hubbard observes, that Uncas, having "shabbed" them off, "they were, in the beginning of the winter, [1676,] brought in to Boston, many of them, by Peter-ephraim and Jlndrew-pityme" Ephraim commanded an Indian company, and had a commission from government. The news that many of the enemy were doing mischief about Rehoboth caused a party of English of Medfield to march out to their relief; Ephraim went with them, with his company, which consisted of 29. The snow being deep, the English soon grew discouraged, and returned, but Captain Ephraim continued the march, and came upon a body of them, encamped, in the night. Early the next morning, he successfully surrounded them, and offered them quar ter. " Eight resolute fellows refused, who were presently shot ; " the others yielded, and were brought in, being in number 42. Other minor exploits of this Indian captain are recorded. THOMAS QUANAPOHIT, called also Rumney-marsh, was a brother of James, and was also a Christian Indian. In the beginning of hostilities against Philip, Major Gookin received orders to raise a company of praying Indians to oe employed against him. This company was immediately raised, and consisted of 52 men, who were conducted to Mount Hope by Captain Isaac Johnson. Quanapohit was one of these. The officers under whom they served testified to their credit as faithful soldiers ; yet many of the army, officers and men, tried all in their power to bring them into disre pute with the country. Such proceedings, we should naturally conclude, would tend much to dishearten those friendly Indians ; but, on the contrary, they used every exertion to win the affections of their oppressors. Qima- po/n7, with the other two, received from government a reward for the scalps which they brought in. Though not exactly in order, yet it must be men tioned, that when Thomas was out, at or near Swansey, in the beginning of the Avar, he by accident had one of his hands shot off. He was one of the troopers, and carried a gun of remarkable length. The weather being ex cessively hot, his horse was very uneasy, being disturbed by flies, and struck the lock of the gun as the breech rested upon the ground, and caused it to go off, which horribly mangled the hand that held it ; and, notwithstanding it was a long time in getting well, yet he rendered great service in the war afterward. The account of one signal exploit having been preserved, shall here be related. While Captain Henchman was in the enemy's country, he made an excursion from Hassanamesit to Packachoog, which lies about ten miles north-west from it. Meeting here with no enemy, he marched again for Hassanamesit; and having got a few miles on his way, discovered that he had lost a tin case, which contained his commission, and other instructions. He therefore despatched Thomas and two Englishmen in search of it. They made no discovery of the lost article until they came in sight of an old wig wam at Packachoog, where, to their no small surprise, they discovered some of the enemy in possession of it. They were but a few rods from them, and being so few in number, that to have given them battle would have been desperate in the extreme, as neither of them was armed for such an occasion ; stratagem, therefore, could only save them. The wigwam was situated upon . an eminence ; and some were standing in the door, when they approached, who discovered them as soon as they came in sight. One presented his gun, but, the weather being stormy, it did not go off. At this moment our chief, looking back, called, and made many gestures, as though he were dis posing of a large force to encompass them. At this manreuvre they all fled * Rover Williams sets down sea as the definition of WecMcum. CHAP. VII.] PASSACONAWAY. 277 being six in number, leaving our heroes to pursue their object Thus their preservation was due to Quanapohit ; and is the more to be admired, as they were in so far destitute of the means of defence. Captain Quanapohit had himself only a pistol, and one of his men a gun without a flint, and the other no gun at all.* It was about the time these events occurred, that Captain Tom, of whom we have spoken, his daughter, and two children, were taken by a scout sent out by Captain Henchman, about 10 miles south-east of Maryborough. They appear to have been taken on the 11 June, and on the 26 of the same month Captain Tom was executed. CHAPTER VH Of the Indians in JV'ejc Hampshire and Maine previous to their icars with the whites Dominions of the bashaba Perishes in war PASSACONAWAY His dominions His last speech to h>s people His life His daughter marries Winnapurket Peti tions the court of Massachusetts Lands allotted to him English send a force to disarm him Their fears of his enmity unfounded they seize and illtreat his son He escapes Passaconaway delivers his arms, and makes peace with the English Traditions concerning Life of WANNALANCET His situation in Philip's war Messengers and letters sent him by the English Leaves his residence His humanity Fate of JOSIAH NOUEL Wanned ancet returns to his country His lands seized in his absence He again retires into the wilderness Mosely destroys his village, fyc. Imprisoned for debt Favors Christianity A speech WEHANOWNOWIT, sachem of J\"ew Hampshire ROBI.VHOOD His sales of land in Maine MONQUINK KENNEBIS ASSIMINASQUA ABBIGADASSET Their residences and sales of land Melancholy fate of CHOCORUA. SOME knowledge of the Indians eastward of the Massachusetts was very early obtained by Captain John Smith, which, however, was very general ; as that they were divided into several tribes, each of which had their own sachem, or, as these more northern Indians pronounced that word, sachemo, which the English understood sagamore ; and yet all the sachemos acknowledged subjection to one still greater, which they called bashaba, Of the dominions of the bashaba, writers differ much in respect to their extent Some suppose that his authority did not extend this side the Pas- cataqua, but it is evident that it did, from Captain Smith's accountf Wars and pestilence had greatly wasted the eastern Indians but a short time before the English settled in the country ; and it was then difficult to determine the relation the tribes had stood in one to the other. As to the bashaba of Penob scot, tradition states that he was killed by the Tarratines, who lived still farther east, in a war which was at its height in 1615. PASSACONAWAY seems to have been a bashaba. He lived upon the Merrimack River, at a place called Pennakook, and his dominions, at the period of the English settlements, were very extensive, even over the sachems living upon the Pascataqua and its branches. The Abenaques inhabited between the Pascataqua and Penobscot, and the residence of the chief sachem was upon Indian Island.} Fluellen and Captain Sunday were early known as chiefs among the Abenaques, and Sqiiando at a later period ; but * Gookin's MS. Hist. Prayinsr Indians. t " The principal habitations I saw at northward, was Penobscot. who are in wars with the Terentines, their next northerly neighbors. Southerly up the rivers, and along the coast, we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Satquin, Aumaughcaw- en and Kenabeca. To those belong the countries and people of Segotago, Pauhunlanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, &c. To those are allied in confederacy, the countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquak, Augawoam and Naemkeek, all these, for any tiling I could perceive, differ little in language or any thing ; though most of them be sagamos and lords of themselves, yet they hold the bashahes of Penobscot the chief and greatest amount them." 3 Coll, Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 21, 22. t Williamson's Hist. Maine, ii. 4. 24 278 PASSACONAWAY. [BooK IJL of tliese we shall be more particular hereafter: the first sachem we should notice is Passaconaway. He "lived to a very great age ; for," says the author of my manuscript, "1 saw him alive at Pawtucket, when he was about a hundred and twenty years old."* Before his death, he delivered the follow - iug speech to his children and friends : " / am now going the way of all flesh, o) ready to die, and not likely to see you ever meet together any more. I will now leave this word of counsel with you, that you may take heed how you quarrel with the English for though you may do them much mischief, yet assuredly you will all be destroyed^ and rooted off the earth if you do ; for, I was as much an enemy to the English, ai their first coming into these parts, as any one whatsoever, and did try all ways and means possible, to have destroyed them, at least to have prevented them settling down ficre, but I could no way effect it ; therefore I advise you never to contend with tht English, nor make war with them" And Mr. Hubbard adds, " it is to be noted, that this Passaconawa was the most noted powow and sorcerer of all the country." A story of the marriage of a daughter of Passaconaway, in 1629, is thus related. Winnepurket, commonly called George, sachem of Saugus, made known to the chief of Pennakook, that he desired to marry his daughter, which, being agreeable to all parties, was soon consummated, at the resi dence of Passaconaway, and the hilarity was closed with a great feast. Ac cording to the usages of the chiefs, Passaconaway ordered a select number of his men to accompany the new-married couple to the dwelling of the husband. When they had arrived there, several days of feasting followed, for the entertainment of his friends, who could not be present at the con summation at the bride's father's, as well as for the escort ; who, when this was ended, returned to Pennakook. Some time after, the wife of Winnepurket, expressing a desire to visit her father's house and friends, was permitted to go, and a choice company con ducted her. When she wished to return to her husband, her father, instead of conveying her as before, sent to the young sachem to come and take her away. lie took this in high dudgeon, and sent his father-in-law this answer : " When she departed from me, I caused my men to escort her to your dwell ing, as became a chief. She now having an intention to return to me, I did expect the same." The elder sachem was now in his turn angry, and returned an answer which only increased the difference ; and it is believed that thus terminated the connection of the new husband and wife. \ This same year, [1662,1 we find the general court acting upon a petition of Passaconaway, or, as his name is spelt in the records themselves, Papisse- coneway. The petition we have not met with, but from the answer given to it, we learn its nature. The court say : " In answer to the petition of Papisseconeway, this court judgeth it meete to graunt to the said Papissecone- way and his men or associates about Naticot, J above Mr. Brenton's lands, where it is free, a mile and a half on either side Merremack Riuer in breadth, three miles on either side in length : provided he nor they do not alienate any part of this grant without leave and license from this court, first obtained." Governor Winihrop mentions this chief as early as 1632. One of his men, having gone with a white man into the country to trade, was killed by another Indian " dwelling near the Mohawks country, who fled away with his goods ; " but it seems from the same account, that Passaconaway pursued and took the murderer. In 1642, there was great alarm throughout the English settlements, from the belief that all the Indians in the countiy were about to make a general massacre of the whites. The government of Mas sachusetts took prompt measures " to strike a terror into the Indians." They therefore " sent men to Cutshamekin, at Braintree, to fetch him and his guns, * Gookin's Hist, of Praying Indians. This history was drawn up during the year 1677, and how long before this the author saw him, is unknown ; but there can be no doubt but he was dead some years before Philip's war. Nevertheless, with Mr. Hubbard and our text before him, the author of Tales of the Indians has made Passaconaway appear in the person of Aspinquid, in 1682, at Agamentacus in Maine. f Deduced from facts in Morton's N. Canaan. \ Another version of Nalmm-keag. CHAP. VII.] WANNALANCET MADE PRISONER BY THE ENGLISH. 279 bows, &c., wliich was done ; and he came willingly : And being late in the night when they came to Boston, he was put into the prison ; but the next morning, finding, upon examination of him and divers of his men, no ground of suspicion of his partaking in any such conspiracy, he was dismissed. Upon the warrant which went to Ipswich, Rowley and Newbury, to disarm Passaconamy, who lived by Merrimack, they sent forth 40 men armed the next day." These English were hindered from visiting the wigwam of Passaconaway, by rainy weather, " but they came to his son's and took him." This son we presume was Wannalancet. This they had orders to do ; but for taking a squaw and her child, they had none, and were ordered to send them back again immediately. Fearing Wannalancefs escape, they " led him in a line, but he taking an opportunity, slipped his line and escaped from them, but one very indiscreetly made a shot at him, and missed him nar rowly." These were called, then, " unwarranted proceedings," as we should say they very well might have been. The English now had some actual reason to fear that Passaconaway would resent this outrage, and therefore "sent Cutshamekin to him to let him know that what was done to his son and squaw was without order," and to invite him to a parley at Boston ; also, u to show him the occassion whereupon we had sent to disarm all the In dians, and that when we should find that they were innocent of any such conspiracy, we would restore all their arms again." Passaconaway said when he should have his son and squaw returned safe, he would go and speak with them. The squaw was so much frightened, that she ran away into the woods, and was absent ten days. It seems that Wannalanctt was soon lib erated, as he within a short time went to the English, " and delivered up his guns, &e."* These were the circumstances to which Miantunnomoh alluded so happily afterwards. At a court in Massachusetts in 1644, it is said, " Passaconaway, the Merri mack sachem, came in and submitted to our government, as Pumham, &c. had done before ;" and the next year the same entry occurs again, with the addition of his son's submission also, " together with their lands and people." f This chief is supposed to have died about the same time with Massasoit, a sachem whom in many respects he seems to have much resembled. \ He was often styled the great sachem, and, according to Mr. Hubbard, was con sidered a great powwow or sorcerer among his people, and his fame in this respect was very extensive ; and we know not that there was any thing that they thought him not able to perform : that he could cause a green leaf to grow in winter, trees to dance, and water to burn, seem to have been feats of common notoriety in his time. WANNALANCET, or Wonolancd, in obedience to the advice of his father, always kept peace with the English. He resided at an ancient seat of the sagamores, upon the Merrimack, called at that time Naamkeke, but from whence he withdrew, in the time of the war with Philip, and took up his quarters among the Pennakooks, who were also his people. About the beginning of September, 1675, Captain Mostly, with about 100 men, was ordered to march up into the country of the Merrimack to ascertain the state of affairs under Wannalancet. These men scouted in warlike array as far as Pennakook, now Concord, N. H. They could not find an Indian, but came upon their wigwams, and burned them, and also a quantity of dried fish and other articles. Although this was a most wanton and unwarrantable, aot to say unnecessary act of these whites, yet no retaliation took place on the part of the Indians. And whether to attribute their forbearance to cow ardice, or to the great respect in which the dying advice of Passaconaway waa * Winthrop's Journal. f Ibid. \ Among other stanzas in Farmer and Moore's Collections, the following very happilj in'roduces Passaconaway : " Once did my throbbing bosom deep receive The sketch, which one of Passaconaway drew. Well may the muse his memory retrieve From dark oblivion, and, with pencil true, Retouch that picture strange, with tints and honors due." 280 WANNALANCET. INDIANS SEIZED AT DOVER. [BooK IB held, is not certain ; for Wanalancet and his men had notice of the approach of Mosely, and lay concealed while he was destroying their effects ; and might have cut off his company, which the young warriors advised, but Wannalancd would not permit a gun to be fired. Having abundant reason now to fear the resentment of the Pawtuckett and Pennakook Indians, the council of Massachusetts, 7 September, 1675, ordered that Lieutenant Thomas Henchman, of Chelmsford, should send some messen gers to find him, and persuade him of their friendship, and urge his return to his place of residence. With this order, a letter was sent to Wannalancd at the same time. They are as follows : " It is ordered by the council that Lieut. Tho". Henchman do forthwith endeavor to procure by hire, one or twe suitable Indians of Wamesit, to travel and seek to find out and speak with Wannalancd the sachem, and carry with them a writing from the council, being a safe conduct unto the said sachem, or any other principal men be longing to Natahook, Penagooge, or other people of those northern Indians, giving (not exceeding six persons) free liberty to come into the house of the said Henchman, where the council will appoint Capt. Gookin and Mr. Eliot to treat with them about terms of amity and peace between them and the Eng lish; and in case agreements and conclusions be not made to mutual satis faction, then the said sachem and all others that accompany him shall have free liberty to return back again ; and this offer the council are induced to make, because the said Wannalancd sachem, as they are informed, hath de clared himself that the English never did any wrong to him, or his father Passaconaway, but always lived in amity, and that his father charged him so to do, and that said Wannalancd will not begin to do any wrong to the English." The following is the letter to Wannalancet : "This our writing or safe conduct doth declare, that the governor and council of Massachusetts do give you and every of you, provided you exceed not six persons, free liberty of coming unto and returning in safety from the house of Lieut. T. Henchman at Naamkeake, and there to treat with Capt. Daniel Gookin and Mr. John Eliot, whom you know, and [whom] we will fully empower to treat and conclude with you, upon such meet terms and articles of friendship, amity and subjection, as were formerly made and concluded between the English and old Passaconaway, your father, and his sons and people ; and for this end we have sent these messengers [blank in the MS.] to convey these unto you, and to bring your answer, whom we desire you to treat kindly, and speedily to despatch them back to us with your answer. Dated in Boston, 1 Oct. 1075. Signed by order of the council. JOHN LEVERETT, Gov. Edw 1 . Rawson, Seer." The messengers who went out with this letter, to find Wannalancd, could not meet with him, but employed another to find him, and returned; arid whether he ever received it is not distinctly stated. However, with a few followers, he retired into the wilderness near the source of the Connecticut, and there passed the winter. The next summer he was joined by parties of Nipmuks under Sagamore sam, One-eyed-john, and others, who, coming in with him, were in hopes of receiving pardon, but their fate has been stated. Major Waldron of Cochecho had many Indians in his interest during the war with Philip. Some of these were employed to entice men from the enemy's ranks, and they succeeded to a great extent. And by the beginning of September, 1676, about 400 Indians, from various clans far and near, had been induced to come into Dover. Among these was Wannalancet and his company. They came without hesitation, as they had never been engaged in the war ; and many who had been engaged in hostility came along with them, presuming they might be overlooked in the crowd, and so escape the vengeance of their enemies ; but they were all made prisoners on the 6 Sep tember by a stratagem devised by several officers, who with their men hap pened then to be at Dover with Waldron, and somewhat more than half of the whole were sold into foreign slavery or executed at Boston : about 200 were of the former number. CHAP. VII.] WANNALANCET RETIRES TO CANADA. 281 The stratagem made use of to trepan those Indians was as follows: It was proposed by the English that they should join witli the Indians in a training, Hid have sham-fights. While performing their evolutions, a movement was made by the whites, which entirely surrounded the Indians, and they were all secured without violence or bloodshed. On the 3 May, 1676, Thomas Kimbal of Bradford was killed, and his wife and live children carried into the wilderness. From the circumstance that Wannalancet caused them to be sent home to their friends again, it would seem that they were taken by some of the enemy within his sachemdom, or by some over whom he had some control. From a manuscript written about the time,* we are able to make the following extract, which goes to show that Wannalancet was ever the friend of the English, and also his disposition to humane actions. Mr. Cobbet says, "though she [Mrs. Kimbal,] and her sucking child were twice condemned by the Indians, and the fires ready made to burn them, yet, both times, saved by the request of one of their own grandees ; and afterwards by the intercession of the sachem of Pennicook, stirred up thereunto by Major Waldron, was she and her five children, together with Pkilip Eastman of Haverhill, taken captive when she and her children were, set at liberty, without ransom." The 400 Indians surprised at Cochecho, by Hathorne, Frost, Sill, and Wal dron, included Wannalancd with his people, who did not probably exceed 100. This chief, then, with a few of his people, being set at liberty, was per suaded to return to his former residence at Naamkeke, but he never felt rec onciled here afterwards, for it had become almost as another place: some lawless whites had seized upon his lands, and looked upon him with envious eyes, as though he had been an intruder and had no right there. He, however, continued for about a year afterwards, when, upon the 19 September, 1677, he was visited by a party of Indians from Canada, who urged him to accorn- j.any them to then- country. He finally consented, and with all of his people, oxcept IAVO, in number about 50, of whom not above eight were men, depart ed for Canada, and was not heard of after, f It was on this very same day, viz. 19 September, that a party of Indians fell upon Hatfield, the particulars of which irruption, though in one view of the case does not strictly belong to the life of Wannalancet, we give here in the words of 3Ir. Hubbard. { " About Sept. 19th, 40 or 50 River Indians fell sud denly upon the town of Hatfield, whose inhabitants were a little too secure, and too isady to say the bitterness of death was past, because they had neither seen nor Leard of an enemy in those parts for half a year before. But at this .ime, as a considerable number of the inhabitants of that small village were jmployed in raising the frame of an house without the palisadoes, that defend ed their houses from any sudden incursions of the enemy, they were violent- !y and suddenly assaulted by 40 or 50 Indians, whom they were in no capacity lo resist or defend themselves, so as several were shot down from the top of the house which they were raising, and sundry were carried away captive, to the number of 20 or more, which was made up 24 with them they carried away the SRme or the next day from Deerfield, whither some of the inhabitants had unadvisedly too soon returned. One of the company escaped out of their hands two or three days after, who informed that they had passed with their poor captives two or three times over the Connecticut to prevent being pursued." At first this attack was supposed to have been made by a party of Mohawks, according to Gookin, because it took place the next day after some of that nation had passed through the place with some Christian Indians prisoners, and a scalp, which was afterwards found to have been taken from the head of an Indian named Josiah Nouel, || near Sudbury. But one of the captives * By Rev. T. Cobbet of Ipswich. t GOOKIN'S MS. Hist. Praying Indians. \ Hist. N. England, 636. They inhabited chiefly in New York along the Hudson ; a few in the N. W. corner of Connecticut, add a few on the Housatunnuk River. HOPKIN'S Memoir of the Housatunnuk Indians, p. ]. " The Wabinga, sometimes called River Indians, sometimes Mohicanders, and who had their dwellings between the west branch of Delaware and Hudson's River, from Ihe Kittatinney ridge down to the Rariton." Jefferson's Notes, 308. || By his death four small children were left fatherless. Novel and James Speen had been 24* 282 ASHPELON. STOCKWELL'S CAPTIVITY. [Buox III taken at Hatfield escaped, and returned soon after, and reported that the com pany of Indians that attacked Hatfield consisted of 23 men and four women, and were some of those who had belonged to Philip's party, but had taken up their residence in Canada, from whence they made this expedition.* Another party left Canada at the same time, who, after separating from the former, directed their course towards Merrimack, and this was the company who persuaded or compelled Wannalancet to go with them. That he went not by compulsion is very probable ; for the party with whom he went off "were his kindred and relations, one of them was his wife's brother, and his eldest son also lived with the French" in Canada. \ While at Pawtucket, and not long before his final departure, Wannalancet went to the Reverend Mr. Fiske of Chelrnsford, and inquired of him con cerning the welfare of his former acquaintances, and whether the place had suffered much during the war. Mr. Fiske answered that they had been highly favored in that respect, and for which he thanked God. " Me next," said the chief, thereby intimating that he was conscious of having prevented mischief from falling upon them. J In 1659, Wannalansit was thrown into prison for a debt of about 45. His people, who owned an island in Merrimack River, three miles above Paw- tuckett Falls, containing 60 acres, half of which was under cultivation, relinquished it, to obtain his release. About 1670, he removed to Pawtuckett Falls, where, upon an eminence, he built a fort, and resided until Philip's war. He was about 55 years of age in 1674; always friendly to the English, but unwilling to be importuned about adopting their religion. When he had got to be very old, however, he submitted to their desires in that respect. Upon that occasion he is reported to have said, " / must acknowledge, I have all my days been used to pass in an old canoe, and now you exhort me to change and leave my old canoe and embark in a new one, to which I have hitherto been unwill ing, but noio I yield up myself to your advice, and enter into a new canoe, and do engage to pray to God hereafter* Reverend John Eliot thus writes to the Honorable Robert Boyle in England, together but half an hour before the former was killed, and by appointment were to have met again. But when Speen came to the place, he could find nothing' of his friend. They were brothers-in-law. * It seems from the narrative of Quinlin Stockwell, that the party who committed this depredation was led by a great and magnanimous sachem called ASHPELON, of whom, further than the events of this famous expedition, I have learned nothing 1 . " Sept. 19, 1G77, about sunset," says Stockwell, " I and another man being together, the Indians with great shouting and shooting came upon us, [at Deerfield,] and some other of the English hard by, at which we ran to a swamp for refuge ; which they perceiving, made after us, and shot at us, three guns being discharged upon me. The swamp being miry I slipt in and fell down ; whereupon an Indian slept to me, with his hatchet lifted up to knock me on the head, sup posing 1 was wounded, and unfit for travel. It happened I had a pistol in my pocket, which thougn uncharged, I presented to him, who presently slept back, and told me, if I would yield I should have no hurt ; boasted that they had destroyed all Hatfield, and thai Ihe woods were full of Indians ; whereupon I yielded myself." He was Ihen taken back to Deerfield, where he was pinioned, and with other captives marched into Ihe wilderness. Their suffer ings, as usual in Indian caplivily, were mosl cruel and severe ; for many nights together they were " slaked down " to the cold ground, in this manner : The captive being laid upon his back, his arms and feet were extended, and with cords or withes lashed to stakes driven singly, but would not, for fear of endangering the lives of the rest ; bul at length Benjamin Stebbins, in a journey with his Indian master to Wachuset hill, made his escape. When the rest knew this, they were for burning Ihe remaining caplives, bul some being opposed le the measure, they agreed to have a court and debale Ihe subject Ashpelon lold the English not to fear, for he would speak last, and would fruslrale the design of burning, for he would show that it was not Stebbins' s fault for running away, but the faull of the Indian who had him in charge ; and he brought it to pass, as he had promised. Having al length arrived among the French, Slockwell was pawned to one of them, and in the end sold for 21 beaver skins, and some time the next year got home again. Remarkable Providences. Jilome's America, 221. t Gooltin's MS. History. \ Allen's Hist. Chelrnsford, 157. For many years al Ihe head of Ihe Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians. He was a great benefactor of N. England, and one of the founders of the Royal Society of London. He was by birth an Irishman, out sealed finally at Oxlbrd, Englac.l. He died in Lou CHAP. VII.] WANNALANCET. 283 in 1677 : " We had a sachem of the greatest blood in the country submitted to pray to God, a little before the wars : his name is Wanalauncet : in the tune of the wars he fled, by reason of the wicked actings of some English youth, who causelessly and basely killed and wounded some of them. He was persuaded to come in again. But the English having plowed and sown with rye all their lands, they had but little corn to subsist by. A party of French Indians, (of whom some were of the kindred of this sachem's wife,) very lately fell upon this people, being but few and unarmed, and partly by persuasion, partly by force, carried them away. One, with his wife, child and kinswoman, who were of our praying Indians, made their escape, came in to the English, and discovered what was done. These things keep some in a continual disgust and jealousy of all the Indians." * It may be proper to add a word upon the name of the place which we have often mentioned in this life, as the same word, differently pronounced, was applied to a great many places by the Indians, and is the same word which Dr. /. Mather and some others made many believe was made up of two Hebrew words, to prove that the Indians were really the descendants of the dispersed Jews ; but for which purpose, if we are not misinformed, any other Indian word would answer the same purpose. The doctor writes the name Nahumkeik, and adds that JVoAum signifies consolation, and keik a bosom, or heaven ; and hence the settlers of places bearing this name were seated in the bosom of consolation, f He points out this etymological anal ogy in speaking of the settlement of Salem, which was called by the Indians Naumkeag, Namkeg, Naamhok, Naumkuk, or something a little somewhat like it. A sad bosome of consolation, did it prove in the days of Tituba, (to say nothing of some more modern events,) and even in Dr. Mather's own days. [Though a digression, we shall, I doubt not, be pardoned for inserting here Dr. C. Matins account of a curiosity at Amoskeag Falls, which he gave in a letter to London, and which afterwards appeared in the Philosophical Transactions : J " At a place called Amnuskeag, a little above the hideous falls of Merimack River, there is a huge rock in the midst of the stream, on the top of which are a great number of pits, made exactly round, like barrels or hogsheads of different capacities, some so large as to hold several tuns. The natives know nothing of the time they were made ; but the neighboring Indians have been wont to hide their provisions in them, in their wars with the Maquas ; affirming, God had cut them out for that use for them. They seem plainly to be artificial." It could certainly have required no great sagacity to have supposed that one stone placed upon another in the water, so as to have been constantly rolled from side to side by the current, would, in time, occasion such cavities. One quite as remarkable we have seen near the source of this river, in its descent from the Franconia Mountains ; also upon the Mohawk, a short distance below Little Falls. They may be seen as you pass upon the canal. Early purchases of lands bring to our notice a host of Indians, many of don, 1691, aged 64 years. The following lines are no less well conceived by the poet than deserved by this benevolent philosopher: How much to BOYLE the learned world does owe, The learned world does only know. He traced great nature's seciet springs ; The causes and the seeds of things ; What strange elastic power the air contains, What mother earth secures within her secret veins. Athenian Oracle, i. 67. * 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 179. very little meaning in them, and consequently are now forgotten. He was son of R'ickard Mather, preached in Boston above 60 years, died in 1723, aged 84 years. See hi* life, by his son, Dr. Cotton Mather, who was born 12 Feb. 1662 3, died 13 Feb. 17278. aged 65. See his life by Sanuiel Mather. $ Vol. v. of Jones's Abridgement, part ii. 164. We cannot say what they were in those days, but should expect to be laughed at if we should call them hideous at the present time. 284 WEHANOWNOWIT. ROBINHOOD. [BooK III. whom, though sachems, but for such circumstances of trade, would never have come to our knowledge. There are some, however, of whom we shall in this chapter take notice, as such notices assist in enabling us to judge how the natives regarded their lands, and the territories of then 1 neighboring countrymen. WEHANOWNOWIT was a New Hampshire sachem, whose name has been considerably handled within a few years, from its being found to the much-talked-of deed conveying lands in New Hampshire to the Reverend John Wheelwright, and others, 3 April, 1638. If Wehanownoicit were sachem of the tract said to have been by him conveyed, his " kingdom " was larger than some can boast of at this day who call themselves kings. It was to contain 30 miles square, and its boundaries were thus described : " lying and situate within three miles on the northerne side of y e River Meremoke, extending thirty miles along by the river from the sea side, and from the sayd river side to Pisscataqua Patents, 30 miles up into the countrey north west, and so from the falls of Piscataqua to Oyster River, 30 miles square every way." The original is in possession of Mr. John Farmer, of Concord, N. H. * TUMMADOCKYON was a son of Wehanownoivit, and his name is also to the deed above mentioned ; and another Indian, belonging to that tract of country, named Watchenowd : these loth relinquished their title to, or con curred in the sale of said tract ROBINHOOD f was the father of a more noted chief, whose Indian name was IVohawa, but commonly known among the English as Hopehood. His territories, as will appear, were upon the Kenuebeck River in the first settle ment of N. England. Our first notice of Rolinhood runs as follows: "Be it known" "that I, Ramegin,$ soe called by my Indian name, or Rolinhood, soe called by English name, sagamore of Negusset, [or Neguasseag,] doe freely sell vnto James Smith," " part of my land, beginning att Merry-meeting Cove, and soe downward the maine riuer vnto a rocke, called Winslowe's Rocke, in the longe reach, and in breadth eastward ouer the little riuer, runinge through the great mersh, with the priuilidges [reserved to me] as hunting, fowlinge, fishing, and other games." Smith was to pay him or his heirs, on the 1 No vember annually, " one peck of Indian corn." This deed bears date 8 May, 1648, and is signed and witnessed as follows : NEGWINIS his -j- mark. ROBINHOOD VJ his mark. SONGREEHOOD his \" mark Mr. THOMAS /^ his mark, and two English, PEWAZEGSAKE \, his mark. The mark -^^ of ROBIN. The next year, 1649, he sold the island of Jeremysquam, on the east side of the Kennebeck, and in 1654 we find him selling his place of residence, which was in what is now Woolwich, to Edward Bateman and John Brown. In 1663, Robinhood is mentioned as one of the principal chiefs among the eastern Indians. || In 1667, the inhabitants upon Connecticut River, about Hadley, sustained some injury from Indians, in their lands and domestic animals, and satisfac tion therefor was demanded of Robinhood; at the same time threatening him with the utmost severity, if the like should be repeated. But whether his people were the perpetrators we are not told ; but from the following facts it may be thought otherwise. " To promote amity with them, license was at length given to the traders in fur and in peltries, to sell unto Indian friends * MS. communication of that gentleman. f This name was adopted, I have no doubt, as it came something' near the sound of his Indian name, as was the case in several instances which we have already recorded : the old English robber of that name, or fables concerning him, are among the first in the nursery. Even at this day, the curious adult will dispense with Mr. Ritson's collections of legends con- teniing him with peculiar regret. { The same, I suppose, called in S'tlliran's Hist. Rogomok. From a manuscript copy of the original deed. |) tt Josselyn, who visited the country at this time. See his Voyages. CHAP. VII.] KENNEBIS. CHOCORUA. ,285 guns and ammunition"* Hence these fi'ends could see no reason, after- wards, why arms were prohibited them, as we shall again have occasion to lotice. On the breaking out of Philip's war, Robinhood was in no wise inclined to join in it, and when a party of English was sent at that time to learn the feelings of his people in that respect, he made a great dance, and by songs and shouts expressed his satisfaction that the English were disposed to maintain peace. MO.NQUI.VE, "alias Natahanada, the son of old Nataivormett, sagamore of Kennebeck River," sold to William Bradford and others, all the land on both sides of said river, " from Cussenocke upwards to Wesserunsicke." This sale bore date 8 August, 1648. The signature is "Monquine, alias Dum- hanadsciUE was also one that consented to the sale. He is the same whom we shall notice as Afisiminasqua in our next chapter. { People of Plimouth. William Paddy died at Boston. His gravestone was dug out of the rubbish under the old state-house in 1830. V \\~jlliumson, i. 467. \, Williamson, i. 331. Dr. Holmes, in his Annals, places the sale of Swan Island undei I603. 286 SQUANDO.-BURNING O* SACO. [BOOK III. die. It is said that Chocorua cursed the English before he expired, and the superstitious, to this day, attribute the disease of cattle to the curse of Cho corua. But a much more rational one, we apprehend, will be found in the aifection of the waters by minerals. CHAPTER , sachem ofSaco Attacks the town of Sar.o Singular account of him ly a contemporary The ill treatment of his wife a cause of icar His humanity in restor ing a captive MADOKAWANDO Causes of his hostility ASSIMINASQUA His speech Speech of TARUMKIN MUGO -Is carried to Boston to execute a treaty Is Madokawando' s ambassador Release of Thomas Cobhet Madokawando' 's kindness to prisoners Moxus attacks Wells and is beaten off Attacked the next year by the Indians under Madokawando and a company of Frenchmen Arc repulsed with great loss Incidents of the siege Mons. Casteins Jl further account of Moxus WANUNGONET ASSACOMBUIT Further account of Mngg His death SYMOJT, ANDREW, JEOFFREY, PETER and JOSEPH Account of their depredations Life of KANKAMAGUS Treated with neglect Flics his country Becomes an enemy^- Surprise of Dover and murder of Maj. JValdron MASANDOWET WOROMBO His fort captured by Church Kankamagus's wife and children taken 'HoPXHOOB Conspicuous in the massacre at Salmon Falls His death MATTAHANDO MEGUNNEWAY. THE first chief which will here be properly noticed is Squando, a Tar- ratine, sachem of the Socokis, commonly called sagamore of Saco. He is mentioned with a good deal of singularity by the writers of his times. And we will here, by way of exordium, extract what Mr. Mather, in his BRIEF HISTORY, &c., says of him. " After this, [the burning of Casco,] they [the Indians] set upon Saco, where they slew 13 men, and at last burnt the town. A principal actor in the destruction of Saco was a strange enthusiastical saga more called Squando, who, some years before, pretended that God appeared to him in the form of a tall man, in black clothes, declaring to him that he was God, and commanded him to leave his drinking of strong liquors, and to pray, and to keep sabbaths, and to go to hear the word preached ; all which things the Indian did for some years, with great seeming devotion and conscience, observe. But the God which appeared to him said nothing to him about Jesus Christ ; and therefore it is not to be marvelled at, that at last he discovered himself to be no otherwise than a child of him that was a murderer and a liar from the beginning." Mr. Hubbard says that he was " the chief actor or rather the beginner " of the eastern war of 1G75 6 ; but rather contradicts the statement, as we apprehend, in the same para graph, by attributing the same cavse to the " rude and indiscrete act of some English seamen," who either for mischief overset a canoe in which was Squanders wife and child, or to see if young Indians could swim naturally like animals of the brute creation, as some had reported. * The child went to the bottom, but was saved from drowning by the mother's diving down and bringing it up, yet "within a while after the said child died." "The said Squando, father of the child, hath been so provoked thereat, that he hath ever since set himself to do all the mischief he can to the English." The whites did not believe that the death of the child was owing to its immer sion; still we must allow the Indians to know as well as they. As the most memorable exploit in which Squando was engaged was the burning of Saco, it will be proper to enter here more in detail into it. The two prin cipal inhabitants of the place were Captain Bonithon and Major Phillips, whose dwellings were situated on opposite sides of Saco River ; the former on the east and the latter on the west. On 18 September, 1675, Captain Bon- itkon's house was discovered to be on fire, but himself and family had just * " They can swim naturally, striking their paws under their throat like a dog, and not tpreading their amis as we do." Josselyn's Voyage to N. E. 142. VIII.] BURNING OF SACO. 287 before escaped across the river to Major Phillip's, and thus fortunately de feated a part of the design of their enemies. For this fortunate escape, however, they were under deep obligation to a friendly Indian who lived near by ; he having been some how made acquainted with the design of Squanlo, immediately imparted his information to the English. The fire of Bonithon's house, says Mr. Hubbard, " was to them [at Phillips's garrison,] as the firing of a beacon," which gave them "time to look to them selves." A sentinel in the chamber soon gave notice that he saw an Indian near at hand, and Major Phillips going into the top of the house to make further discovery, received a shot in the shoulder ; but it proved to be only a flesh wound. Knowing Phillips, and supposing him to be slain, the Indians raised a great shout, and instantly discovered themselves on all sides of the garrison ; but the English, being well prepared, fired upon them from all quarters of their works, killing some and wounding others. Among the latter was a chief who died in his retreat, three or four miles from the place. He advised his fellows to desist from the enterprise, but they refused, and after continuing the siege for about an hour longer, they began to devise some means to set the garrison on fire. But in order to draw out the men from it in the first place, they set a house on fire near it, and also a saw and grist mill ; that not having the desired effect, they called to them in an exulting tone, and said, " You cowardly English dogs, come, out and put out the, fire ! " The attack had begun about 11 o'clock in the day, and though the night partially put an end to it, yet the English were alarmed every half hour, until about four or five o'clock in the morning, when the work of the preced ing night discovered itself. A noise of axes and other tools had been heard in the neighborhood of the saw-mill, aud it was expected the Indians were preparing some engine with which to accomplish their object, and it proved true. A cart with four wheels had been constructed, and on one end they had erected a breastwork, while the body of the cart was filled with birch, straw, powder, and such like matters for the ready consummation of the:a* stratagem. The approach of this formidable machine dismayed some of the Englishmen in the garrison ; but being encouraged by their officers, they stood to their quarters, and awaited its approach. Their orders were not to fire until it came within pistol shot. When it had got within about that distance, one of the wheels stuck fast in a gutter, which its impellers not observing in season, they forced the other wheels onward, and brought them selves into a position to be effectually raked by the right flank of the garri son. This mistake of the enemy was improved to great advantage by the English, They poured in a sudden fire upon them, killing six and wound ing 15 more. This sudden and unexpected reverse decided the fate of the garrison. The Indians immediately retreated, and the garrison received no further molestation. As was generally the case in sieges of this kind, the English learned what damage they did their enemy, then- numbers, &c., some time after the affair happened. In this case, however, nothing more is related concerning the loss of the Indians than we have given, and their numbers Mr. Hubbard does not expressly state, but says the people in the garrison " espied 40 of them marching away the next morning at sunrise, but how many more were in their company they could not tell." * There were 50 persons in the garri son, though but 15 of them were able to act in its defence. But lew days before the affair at Saco, viz. on 12 f September, the family of Thomas Wakdy at Presumpscot River were massacred in a revolting manner The " old man," his son, and his daughter-in-law, then enceinte, with three grandchildren, were all murdered, and when discovered by their neighbors, partly burned in the ruins of their habitation, to which the Indians had set fire on leaving the place. One of the family was taken captive, a girl about 11 years old, who, alter having passed through all the tribes from the Sokokis to the Narragansets, was restored to the English at Dover by Squando. But * Mr. Folsom, Hist. Saco and Biddeford, 135, says they were compute t Williamson's Hist. Maine, i. 520. i at 100. 283 MADOKAWANDO. [Bo.ii. 111. it does not appear whether this chief had any thing further to do in the matter, although it may be inferred, that he had some control or command over those that held her prisoner. From the circumstance that this child was shown to the hostile tribes through the country, it would seem that the eastern Indians were in concert with those to the west ; and it is probable that this captive was thus exhibited to prove that they had taken up the hatchet. Upon her being returned, Mr. Hubbard remarks, " She having been carried up and down the country, some hundreds of miles, as far as Narra- ganset fort, was, this last June, returned back to Major Waldrorfs by one Squando, the sagamore of Saco ; a strange mixture of mercy and cruelty ! " And the historian of Maine observes, that his " conduct exhibited at different times such traits of cruelty and compassion, as rendered his character difficult to be portrayed." He was a great powwow, and acted in concert with Madokawando. These tvno chiefs " are said to be, by them that know them, a strange kind of mor alized savages ; grave and serious in their speech and carriage, and not without some show of a kind of religion, which no doubt but they have learned from the prince of darkness." In another place, Mr. Hubbard calls him an " enthusiastical, or rather diabolical miscreant." His abilities in war gained him this epithet. MADOKAWANDO, of whom we have just made mention, was chief of the Penobscot tribe. He was the adopted son of a chief by the name of Jlssi- minasqua. Some mischief had been done by the Androscoggin Indians in Philip's war, and the English, following the example of those whom they so much reprobated, retaliated on any Indians that fell in their way. Madokawando was not an enemy, nor do we learn that his people had committed any depredations, until after some English spoiled his corn, and ' otherwise did him damage. Many of the eastern Indians had been kidnapped and sold for slaves, about the time Philip's war commenced. This, it will not be questioned, was enough to cause a war, without Philip's instigation, or the affront offered to the wife and child of Squando. The English had prohibited the sale of arms and ammunition to them, as they had before to the western tribes, as a means of lessening their power, provided they should declare themselves hostile ; thus properly regarding their own safety, and totally disregard ing whatever evils might accrue from the measure to the Indians. Knowing enough had been done to excite then- resentment, agents were sent to parley with them, in the spring and summer of 1676, to hinder, if possible, their taking offence at these proceedings. Meanwhile the Indians had complained to some friendly English of the outrage upon their friends, who were unacquainted with the circumstance, and hardly believed it ; still, told the Indians, that if it were so, those kid napped should be restored, and the perpetrators punished. But knowing the circumstance to be as they had represented, it is rather marvellous, that Indians, instead of at once retaliating, should hearken to unsatisfactory par- leyings, as will appear ; for when the English agents went to treat with them, or rather to excuse themselves for what they could not, or pretended they could not, amend, the Indians, in the course of the interview, said, " We were driven from our corn last year by the people about Kennebeck, and many of us died. We had no powdfr and shot to kill venison and fowl with to prevent it. If you English were our friends, as you pretend you are, you would not suffer us to starve as ice did." " However," says Mr. Hubbard, " the said agent, making the best he could of a bad cause, used all means to pacify the complainants." The great " all means " was, that they should try to get the Androscoggin Indians to come and hold a treaty ! so that if the English could effect a treaty with them, then there would be a general peace with the eastern Indians. This talk, it was said, they received with joy. "Yet," adds the same author, still by one fatal accident or other, jealousies still seemed to increase in their minds, or else the former injuries began to boil afresh in their spirits, as not being easily digested," &c. A meeting had been agreed upon at Totononnock, or Taconnet, and immediately after the meeting just mentioned a runner was sent down from thence, with word that Squando would be there with " divers Amonoscoggaii CHAP. VIII.] MADOKAWANDO. 289 sachems," Mugg having been sent as a messenger to him. Accordingly die English proceeded to Taconnet. On their arrival, they were honored with a salute, and conducted into the council house, where they found Madoka wando, rfssiminasqua, Tarumkin, Hopehood, Mugg, and many attendants. Madokawando was prime negotiator, and Assimmasqua chief speaker, who soon alter proceeded to make a speech, and among other things said, " It is not our custom when messengers come to treat of peace, to seize upon their persons, as sometimes the Mohawks do ; yea, as the English have done, seizing upon fourteen Indians, our men, who went to treat ivith you setting a guard over them, and taking away their guns. This is not alt, but a second time you required our guns, ana demanded us to come doion unto you, or else you ivoidd kill us. This was the cause of our leaving both our fort and our corn, to our great loss." This speech caused considerable embarrassment to the English, "yet," says Hubbard, " to put the best construction might be, on such irregular actions, which could not well be justified, they told them, the persons who had so done * were not within the limits of their government, and therefore, though they could not call them to an account for so acting, yet they did utterly disallow thereof." f And to be as expeditious as possible, the English commissioners told these chiefs that they came to treat with the Androscog- gins, and were sorry that Squando was not there. And it appears that, though the English reported a peace with the Penobscots, yet Madokawando and his coadjutors scarcely understood as much ; and it is also evident that the business was hurried over as fast as possible by the English commis sioners. ASSIMIXASQUA, it will be proper here to observe, was a Kanibas sachem, whose residence was at or near the place where the treaty was held. What had been said by Assiminasqua in the morning was merely prelimi nary, and it was his intention in the afternoon to enter more particularly into details ; but the English cut the matter short, and proceeded to treat with such of the Androscoggins as were present. Tarumkin was their orator, and he spoke to this effect : " / liave been to the westward, where. I have found many Indians unurilling to make peace ; but for my aim part, I am uniting" which he confirmed by taking the English by the hand, as did seven or eight of his men, among whom were Mugg and Robinhood's son. The English had now, as they supposed, got matters into a regular train ; but Madokawando, it appears, was not will ing to leave things in quite so loose a manner, as it regarded his people. He therefore interrupted : " What are we to do for powder and shot, ivhen our corn is consumed 1 ? what shall ive do for a winter's supply ? Must we perish, or must we abandon our coun try, andfy to the French for protection ? " The English replied that they would do what they could with the gov ernor; "some, might be alloioed them for necessity." Madokawando added: " We have waited a great while already, and now we expert you will say yes or no" The English rejoined : " You say yourselves that many of the western In dians would not have peace, and, therefore, if we sell you powder, and you give it to the western men, what do we but cut our own throats? It is not in our power, loithout leave, if you should wait ten years more, to let you have po\yder." Here, as might reasonably have been expected, ended the nego tiation, and massacres and bloodshed soon after desolated that part of the country. At the close of the war of 1675 and 6, this sachem's people had among them about 60 English captives. When it was known to him that the Eng lish desired to treat about peace, he sent Mugg, one of his chiefs, to Pascata- qua, to receive proposals ; and, that he might meet with good acceptance, sent along with him a captive to his home. General Gendal, of Massachu setts, being there, forced Mugg on board his vessel, and carried him to Bos ton, for which treacherous act an excuse was pleaded, that he was not vested with sufficient authority to treat with him. Madokawando' 's ambassador, being now in the power of the English, was obliged to agree to such terms * That is, those who had kidnapped their friends. f Hubbard, part ii. 38 25 T 290 MADOKAWANDO. DESTRUCTION OF YORK. [BooK III as the English dictated.* It is no wonder, therefore, if the great chief soon appears again their enemy. Still, when Mugg was sent home, J\Iadokawando agreed to the treaty, more readily, perhaps, as two armed vessels of the Eng lish conveyed him. A son of Reverend Thomas Cobbet had been taken, and was among the Indians at Mount Desert. It so happened that his master had at that time sent him down to Castein's trading-house, to buy powder for him. Mugs took him by the hand, and told him he had been at his father's house, and nad promised to send him home. Madokawando demanded a ransom, probably to satisfy the owner of the captive, "fearing" he said " to be killed by him, if he yielded him up without he were there to consent ; for he icas a desperate man, if crossed, and had crambd f two or three in that way" Being on board one of the vessels, and treated to some liquor, " he walked awhile," says Cobbet, " to and again on the deck, and on a sudden made a stand, and said to Captain Moore, ' Well captain, since it is so, take this man : I freely give him up to you ; carry him home to his friends.' " J A red coat was given to Madokawando, which gave him great satisfaction. The historians of the war have all observed that the prisoners under Ma dokawando were remarkably well treated. In February, 1677, Major Waldron, and Captain Frost, with a body of men, were sent into the eastern coast to observe the motions of the Indians, who still remained hostile. At Pemmaquid, they were invited on shore to hold a treaty, but the English finding some weapons concealed among them, thought it a sufficient umbrage to treat them as enemies, and a consideiable fight ensued, in which many of the Indians were killed, and several taken prison ers ; among whom was a sister of Madokawando. He had no knowledge of the affair, having been gone for several mouths at a great distance into the country, on a hunting voyage. We hear no more of Madokawando until 1691. It will be found mentioned in the account of Egeremet, that hi that year a treaty was made with him and other eastern chiefs. This was in November, and it was agreed by them, that, on the first of May following, they would deliver all the captives in their possession, at Wells. " But," says Dr. Mather, " as it was not upon the frm land, but in their canoes upon the water, that they signed and sealed this in strument ; so, reader, we will be jealous that it will prove but a fluctuating and unstable sort of business ; and that the Indians will do a lie as they used to do." Meanwhile Madokawando, among other important expeditions which he planned, attempted one upon York, in which he succeeded nearly to his wishes, if not beyond his expectations. Such was his manner of attack, that the English scarce knew their enemy ; from whence they came, or their numbers. But it was afterwards found by the Indians' own confession, and some captives they had liberated, that Madokaicando was the leader in the business. Whether he had during the winter been to Canada, and got the assistance of some Frenchmen, or whether Castiens, his son-in-law, and some other Frenchmen who then resided among his people at Penobscot, were with him, we cannot take it upon us to state ; but certain it is, some French were in his company, but how many is also uncertain, but the number of Indians was stated at about 250. It was on Monday, February 5, in the year 1692, early in the morning, that York was laid in ashes, all except three or four garrisoned houses, and about 75 of its inhabitants killed, and 85 taken captive. Such only escaped as reached the garrisons, and these were summoned to surrender, but the besiegers dared not to continue long enough to make any effectual assault upon them, and thus they escaped. The wretched captives * A treaty was signed 9th of Dec. 1676. Manuscript Aiir. of Rev. T. Cobbet. It may be seen in Hiibbard's Narrative. t The Indian word for killed. Wb our narrative. Several were killed at each of the garrison-houses that fell into their hands. They kept the place until the next morning, when, after collecting all the plunder they could carry, took up their march, with 29 captives, into the wil derness towards Canada ; where the chief of them were bought by the French, and in time got home to their country again. Twenty-three were killed be fore they left the place. This affair took place on the night of the 27th of June, 1G89. Several friendly Indians informed the English at Chelmsford of the certainty of an attack upon Dover, and they caused a letter to be de- * Hubbard, ii. 77. TJiomas Purcliase's house at Pegypscot was among the first that fell a proy to the eastern Indians in Plalip's war. In the beginning of September, about 20 of them \\-iit Ihcre, and at first offered to trade, but Mr. Purchase and his son ber.g from home, they took what they liked without even asking the price of it killed a few sheep and calves, and departed. Ibid, 14, 15. 300 HOPEHOOD. ATTACK ON NEWICHEWANNOK. [BooK 111 spatched in season to have notified the people, but on account of some delay t Newbury ferry, the benefit of that information was lost. Four years after, Colonel Church took Worombo's fort, in which were Kan- kamagus's wife and children. This fort was upon the Androscoggin, about 25 or 30 miles from its mouth. In another place, we have given a history of ChurcKs expedition to this fort. The prisoners taken here informed Church that there had been lately a great council held there by the Indians, in which "many were for peace and many against it;" but they finally agreed to go with 300 warriors to Wells with a flag of truce, and to offer the English peace, which if not accepted, they would then fall upon them. " If they could not take Wells, then they resolved to attack Piscataqua. The which, says Church, when we were well informed of, we left two old squaws that were not able to march, gaue them victuals enough for one week of their own corn, boiled, and a little of our pruisions, and buried their dead, and left them clothes enough to keep them warme, and left the wigwams for them to lye in : gaue them orders to tell their friends how kind we were to them, biding them doe the like to ours. Also if they were for peace to come to goodmau SmalFs, att Barwick, within 14 days, who would attend to discourse thorn ; then we came away with our own five captiues, [English that they had de livered,] and nine of theirs." * In the same letter we are informed that among these prisoners were Kankamagus's wife and four children. His brother-in-law was taken, but he " ran away from them." Among the slain was Kankamagus's own sister. A girl was brought away whose father and mother had been slain before her eyes. Two of the children of Worombo were also among the prisoners, all of whom were carried to Plimouth. This expedition upon the Androscoggiii was on Sunday, 14 September, 1690. A few days after this, Church landed at Casco, where the Indians fell upon him by surprise, and were not beaten off for some time, and then only by nard fighting. This was on the 21 September. Church had seven men killed and 24 wounded, two of whom died in a day or two after. The Indians who made this attack were probably led by Kankamagus and Worombo. HOPEHOOD was a chief nearly as celebrated, and as much detested in his time, as the chiefs of whom we have just spoken. He was chief of the tribe of the Kennebecks generally known as the Nerigwoks. He was the son of Robinhood, a sachem of whom we have spoken in a former chapter. Accord ing to some writers Hopehood was also known by the name Wohawa.\ The career of his warlike exploits was long and bloody. Our first notice of him is in Philip's war, at the attack of a house at Newichewannok, since Berwick, in Maine. Fifteen persons, all women and children, were in the house, and Hopehood^ with one only beside himself, Andrew of Saco, whom we have be fore mentioned as an accomplice with Symon, thought to surprise them, and but for the timely discovery of their approach by a young woman within, would have effected their purpose. She fastened and held the door, while all the others escaped unobserved. Hopehood and his companion hewed down the door, and knocked the girl on the head, and, otherwise wounding her, left her for dead. They took two children, which a fence had kept from escaping. One they killed, the other they carried off alive. The young woman recovered, and was entirely well afterwards. One of the most important actions in which Hopehood was engaged was that against Salmon Falls in New Hampshire, which is minutely detailed by Charlevoix, from whose history we translate as follows. Three expeditions had been set on foot by Governor Frontenac, the troops for which had been raised at three places, Montreal, Three Rivers, and Qtiebeck. Those raised at Three Rivers were ordered against New England ; and such was the insig nificance of that place, that but 52 men could be raised, including 5 Algon- quins and 20 Sokokis : these Indians had lately returned from an eastern expedition. They had at their head one of the officers of the colony, to * Manuscript letter written at the time by Church, and sent to Governor Hincktey of Plimouth. t Harris, in his Voyages, ii. 302, who says he was a Huron ; but as he cites no authorities, r e knew not how he came bv his information. CHAP. VIII,] HOPEHOOD. DESTRUCTION OF SALMON FALLS. 301 whom could be intrusted the execution of an enterprise of such a nature, with the greatest confidence ; such is the testimony which Count Frontenac gave in a letter which he wrote at the time to M. de Seignelay. That officer was the Sieur Hertd. In the small company which he commanded, he had three of his sons and two of his nephews ; viz. The Sieur Crevier, Lord of S. Francois, and the Sieur Gatineau, He left Three Rivers the 28 January 1690, proceeding direetly south into the country, leaving Lake Champlain to his left, then turning to the east, and after a long and rugged march lie arrived on the 27 * March, near Salmon Falls,f which he liad reconnoitred by his spies. He then divided his men into three companies ; the first, composed of 15 men, was ordered to attack a large fortified house. The second, consisting of 11 men, was ordered to seize upon a fort, defended by four bastions. The third, which Hertd com manded in person, marched to attack a still greater fort, which was defended by cannon. All was executed with a conduct and bravery which astonished the English, who made at first stout resistance ; but they could not with stand the fire of the assailants : the bravest were cut to pieces, J and the rest, to the number of 54, were made prisoners of war. It cost the victors but one Frenchman, who had his thigh broken, and who died the next day : 27 houses were reduced to ashes, and 2000 domestic animals perished hi the barns, which had been set on fire. Salmon Falls was but six leagues from a great town called PascataquaJ from whence men enough might be sent to swallow up Hertd, and cut oft his retreat. In fact, upon the evening of the same day two savages gave notice that 200 11 English were advancing to attack them. Hertd expected it, and had taken his measures to frustrate those of his enemy. He drew tip his men in order of battle upon the edge of a river,** over which there was a very narrow bridge, one extremity of which he had secured, and it was impossible for the English to come upon him at any other point. They, however, attempted it, despising the small numbers of the French, whom they engaged with great confidence. Hertd suffered them to advance with out firing a gun, and all at once fell upon them, sword in hand ; 8 were killed and 10 wounded in the first shock, and the rest fled with precipita tion. ft He lost in this encounter the brave Crevier, his nephew, and one of the Sokokis. La Fresniere, his elder son, was shot in the knee ; the scar of which wound he bore for 50 years. JJ As Hertel was returning to Canada, he fell in with another party of his countrymen, which proved to be that raised at Quebec, before mentioned, under M. de Portneuf, \\ \\ and with him agreed upon an expedition against * Belknap, Hist. N. H. i. 132, following Mather, Magnalia, vii. 68, dates this affair 18 March : there is in reality no error, allowing for the difference of style, (except one day;) the English not yet having adopted the Gregorian method, which the irench had. See BOOK II CAP. IL. i Pres d'une bourgade Angloise. appellee ftfmente's. t About 30 were killed, according to Belknap, Hist. N. H. i. 132. Charlevoix has been misconstrued by some authors, and made to say 2000 head of cattle vere burned. See Williamson, Hist. Maine, i. 619, who probably did not refer to the text of Charlevoix, or perhaps used an exceptionable translation. " Deux mille pieces de be tail peri- rent dans les etables, oil Con aren't mi* lefeu." Nouvelle Prance, ii. 51. || Sementels n'etoit qu'a, six lieuPs d'une assez grosse bourgade de la Nouvelle Angleterre, nominee Pescadouft. A/ourelle France, ii. 51. T " About 140 men." Belknap, ii. 132. * Woosler's River, in Berwick. Ibid. tt The English advanced with great intrepidity, and a warm engagement ensued, which lasted till night, when they retired with the loss of four or five killed, laid. it The English, although warned by the fate of Schenectaday, " dreamt," says Mather, " that while the deep snow of the winter continued, they were safe enough; but this proved as vain as a dream of a dry summer. On March 18, the French and Indians, beinu half on*, half t'other, half Indianised French, and half Frenchified Indians, commanded by Monsieur Artel and Hoop-Hood, fell suddenly upon Salmon-falls," &c. Magnalia, vii. 68. $4 The English called him Artel, as his name was pronounced. See Magnolia, ibid. |] I] The French wrote English names queer enough, but really I should be sadly puzzled to loll which should laugh at the other : however, modern writers should not copy old errors of ignorance. It is easy to see how we come by the name of Surnejfe in our Histories of New England. See Hist. Maine, i. 621. 26 302 HOPE HOOD DESTRUCTION OF CASCO. [BooK III Casco. As Portneuf marched through the country of the Abenakis, many of them joined him, and he came into the neighborhood of Casco, accord- lug to the French account, on the 25 May. On the following night, he pre pared an ambush, and towards morning an Englishman fell into it and was killed. The Indians then raised the war-whoop, and about noon 50 English marched out from the garrison to learn what was the occasion of it ; they made no discovery until they were within a few paces of the ambush, when they were fired upon : and before they could resist were fallen upon by the French and Indians with their swords and tomahawks with great slaughter : but four escaped, and these were badly wounded. The English seeing now they must stand a siege, abandoned four garri sons, and all retired into one, which was provided with cannon. Before these were abandoned, an attack was made upon one of them, in which the French were repulsed, with the loss of one Indian killed and one French man wounded. Portneuf began now to doubt of his ability to take Casco, fearing the issue ; for his commission only ordered him to lay waste the English settlements, and not to attempt fortified places ; but in this dilemma Hertel and HOPEHOOD arrived.* It was now determined to press the siege. In the deserted forts they found all the necessary tools for carrying on the work, and they began a mine within 50 feet of the fort, under a steep bank, which entirely protected them from its guns. The English became dis couraged, and on the 28 f May surrendered themselves prisoners of war. There were 70 men, and probably a much greater number of women and children. All of whom, except Captain Davis, who commanded the garrison, and three or four others, were given up to the Indians, who murdered most of them in their cruel manner; and if the accounts be true, Hopehood excelled all other savages in acts of cruelty. In the course of the same month, with a small party he fell upon Fox Point, in New Hampshire, killed about fourteen persons, and carried away six, after burning several houses. This was as easily done, says Cotton Mather, \ " as to have spoiled an ordinary hen-roost." Two companies of English soon collected and pursued them ; came up with them, killed some, and recovered considerable plunder. In this action Hopehood was wounded, and lost his gun. Many were the horrid acts of barbarity inflicted on the prisoners taken at this time. Not long after this, Hopehood went to the westward, " with a design, says Mather, to bewitch another crew at Aquadocta into his assist ance." The Indians of Canada and the Five Nations were then at war, and he being in their country, was met by some of the Canada Indians, who, taking him to be of the Iroquois nation, slew him and many of his companions. He had been once a captive to the English, and served a time in Boston as a slave. There appears to have been another Nerigwok chief of the same name, who treated with Governor Dudley at Casco, in 1703. J We have, in narrating the events in the life of Madokawando, noticed the voyage of Major Waldron to the eastern coast of Maine, which was at the close of Philip's war. How much treachery was manifested at that time by the Indians, which caused the English to massacre many of them, we shall not take upon us to declare ; yet this we should bear in mind, that we have only the account of those who performed the tragedy, and not that of those who suffered in it. Captain Charles Frost, of Kittery, was with Waldron upon that expedition, and, next to him, a principal actor in it ; and, like him, was killed by the Indians afterwards. || Mr. Hubbard gives this account of his taking a noted warrior as follows : " Capt. Frost seized an Indian called Megunneway, a notorious rogue, that had been in arms at Connecticut last June, at the falls, * Madokiwando was also at the taking of Casco, as were the Doneys and the Higiiers [Higgins] Captain Davis's Nar. in 3 Coll. Mas. Hist. Soc. 104, 5. Hopehood had been taken prisoner, and held as a hostage, with about a dozen others, and was set at liberty by Andros jome time before. Ibid. t This agrees wiih the English accounts, abating 10 days, as observed in a note on the lasipage. 1 Magnalia Christ. Americana, b. vii. 73. " An heathen Indian would rather part with his head than with his gun." Loskiel, n. *14 jT At his native place, 4 July, 1697. MS. letter of John Farmer, Esq. CHAP. IX.] BOMAZEEN. 303 and saw that brave and resolute Capt Turner, when he was slain about Green River; and helped to kill Thomas Bracket* at Casco, [llth] August last, [167d] And with the help of Lieut. Nutter, according to the major's order, carried him aboard " their vessel. " By this time," the same author continues, " some of the soldiers were got ashore, and instantly, according to their major's command, pursued the enemy towards their canoes. In the chase, several of the enemy were slain, whose bodies these [soldiers] found at their return, to the number of seven ; amongst whom was Mattahando, the sagamore, with an old powow, to whom the Devil had revealed, as some times he did to Saul, that on the same day he should be with him ; for he had a little before told the Indians, that within two days the English would come and kill them all, which was at the very same time verified upon himself." Here we must acknowledge, notwithstanding our great respect for this author, that his commentary upon that passage was rather gratuitous. He might have considered that Satils among the English would not be want ing of whozn parallels might be made. Indeed, the historian of Kankamagus might say the Devil was less deceitful with this powwow than he was after wards in the case of Major Waldron, The English took much plunder from the Indians at this time, among which were about 1000 Ibs. of dried beef, and various other commodities. Megunneway, after having fallen into their hands as we have stated, was shot without ceremony. CHAPTER EX. HOMAZEEH Treachery of the whites towards him Ts imprisoned at Boston Saves the life of a female captive Captures Snco 7s killed ARRUHAWIKWABEMT His capture and death EGEREMET Seized at Pemmaquid Barbarously mur dered Treachery of Chubb Its requital Captain TOM Surprises Hampton DONY His fort captured hi/Colonel Church Events of Church' s expedition Captain SIMMO Treats with the English at Casco His speech WATTANUMMOX Captain SAMUEL His fight at Damaris Cone HEGAN One of the name barbarously de stroyed by the whites MOGG Westbrook burns Nerigwok Some account of the Jesuit Rasle Moulton's expedition to Nerigwok Death of Mogg Death of Father Rusle Notice of Moulton Charlexoix's account of this affair PAUGUS Bounty offered for Indian scalps Captain John LoveweWs first expedition His second hunt for Indians Falls in with PAUGUS Fights him, and is slain Particulars of the affair Incidents Songs composed on the event. WE will continue here our catalogue of eminent chiefs of the east, which, though a remote section, has no less claim than any other ; and the first of them which we shall introduce was called, by the whites, BOMAZEEN, who was a sachem of a tribe of the Canibas, or Kennebecks, whose residence was at an ancient seat of sagamores, upon a river bearing their name, at a place called Norridgewock. f Whether Bomazeen were the leader in the attack upon Oyster River in New Hampshire, Groton in Massa chusetts, and many other places, about the year 1694, we cannot determine, but Hutchinson says he was " a principal actor in the carnage upon the * He was brother to Anthony, and was killed the 11 August, as we have mentioned in our account of Symon. These Indians, or some of their party [that captured Anthony Bracket] went over upon the neck, where they shot John Munjoy and Isaac Wakely. Three men, who were going to reap at Anthony Bracket's, having heard from Munjoy and Wakely of the trans action there, left them to return, when, hearing the guns, they turned towards Thomas Bracket'*, dation, 34 persons having been killed and carried into captivity. t i\erigKok is believed to be the most proper way of spelling the name of this place, as agreeing best with its orthoepy ; at least, with that heard at and in the vicinity of it, at this day, as pronounced by the oldest inhabitants. It is a delightful place, and will be found else where described. 304 ARRUHAWIKWABEMT. TAKEN AND KILLED. [BooK m . English," after the treaty which he had made with Governor Phips, in 1693. In 1694, he came to the fort at Pemmaquid with a flag of truce, and was treacherously seized by those who commanded, and sent prisoner to Boston, where he remained some months, in a loathsome prison. In 1706, new bar barities were committed. Chelmsfbrd, Sudbury, Groton, Exeter, Dover, and many other places, suffered more or less.* Many captives were taken and carried to Canada, and many killed on the way. A poor woman, one Rebecca Taylor, who had arrived at the River St. Lawrence, was about to be hanged by her master, an " overgrown Indian," named Sampson. The limb of the tree on which he was executing his purpose gave way, and, while he w;\s making a second attempt, Bomazeen happened to be passing, and res cued her. We hear of him just after the death of JJrruhaicikivabemt, in October, 1710, when he fell upon Saco with 60 or 70 men, and killed several people, and carried away some captives. He is mentioned as a " notorious fellow," and yet but few of his acts are upon record. Some time after the peace of 1701, it seemed to be confirmed by the appearance of Bomazeen, and another principal chief, who said the French friars were urging them to break their union with the English, "but that they had made no impression on them, for they were as firm as the mountains, and should continue so as long as the sun and moon endured" On peace being made known to the Indians, as having taken place between the French and English nations, they came into Casco, with a flag of truce, and soon after concluded a treaty at Portsmouth, N. H., dated 13 July, 1713. Bomazeen's name and mark are to this treaty. When Captain Moulton was sent up to Nerigwok, in 1724, they fell in with Bomazeen about Taconnet, where they shot him as he was escaping through the river. Near the town of Nerigwok, his wife and daughter were, in a barbarous manner, fired upon, the daughter killed, and the mother taken. We purposely omit Dr. C. Mather's account of Bomazeen's conversation with a minister of Boston, while a prisoner there, which amounts to little else than his recounting some of the extravagant notions which the French of Canada had made many Indians believe, to their great detriment, as he said ; as that Jesus Christ was a French man, and the Virgin Mary a French woman ; that the French gave them poison to drink, to inflame them against the English, which made them run mad. We hear of others, who, to excite them against the English, endeavored to make them believe, among other absurdities, that they put Jesus Christ to death in London. ARRUHAWIKWABEMT, just mentioned, was a sachem of the same tribe, and was said to be of Norridgewock also. We can find but very few particulars of him, but, from the fate he met with, it is presumed he had been very instrumental in continuing or bringing about the eastern war of 1710. In that year, Colonel Walton made an expedition to the eastern coast of Maine with 170 men. As they were encamped upon an island, the smoke of their fires decoyed some of the Indians into their hands, among whom was AITU- haivikwabemt. Penhallow says, he was " an active, bold fellow, and one of an undaunted spirit ; for when they asked him several questions, he made them no reply, and when they threatened him with death, he. laughed at it with con tempt! At which they delivered him up unto our friendly Indians, who soon became his executioners. But when the squaw saw the destiny of her husband, she became more flexible, and freely discovered where each party of them encamped." The savage perpetrators of this act called themselves Christian warriors ! and it must be acknowledged that civilization gains nothing in contrasting the conduct of the whites, under Walton, and that of Bomazeen towards a captive, just related. EGEREMET, as we have seen, was chief sachem of Kennebeck, in 1690, and his principal residence appears to have been at Machias. This chief, and HONQUID, with three or four others, having been invited to a conference at Pemmaquid, were treacherously murdered there, 16 February, 1696. Their seizure and murder could not have been outdone, by the greatest barbarians, * Bomazeen was supposed to have led the party that attacked the south part of Oyster River, now Durham, in which 10 persons were killed. This was on 27 April. CHAP. IX.] EGEREMET. 305 for faithlessness ; and we shall learn that its author paid for it in due time with his life. We are not disposed to add to transactions which are in themselves sufficiently horrible, but we will venture to give the account as we find it hi Dr. C. Mather's decennium luctuosum : * " Let us, before the year be quite gone, see some vengeance taken upon the heads in the house of the icicked. Know then, reader, that Capt. .March petitioning to be dismissed from his command of the fort at Pemmaquid, one Chub succeeded him. This Chub found an opportunity, in a pretty chubbed manner, to kill the famous Edgeremzt and Abenquid, a couple of principal sagamores, with one or two other Indians, on a Lord's day. Some that well enough liked the thing which was now done, did not altogether like the manner of doing it, because there was a pretence of treaty between Chub and the sagamores, whereof he took his advantage to lay violent hands on them." Thus the manner is seen in which this horrid and cold-blooded act is related ! ! Few are the instances that we meet with in history, where Indian treachery, as it is termed, can go before this. The reverend author adds, " If there were any unfair dealing (which I know not) in this action of Chub, there will be another February not far off, wherein the avengers of blood will take their satisfaction" By this innuendo, what befell Captain Chubb after wards is understood, and of which we shall presently give an account. The point of land called Trotfs Neck, in Woolwich, in the state of Maine, was sold, in 1685, by Egertmet and several other sachems. In 1693, on the 11 August, with 12 other chiefs, he made a treaty f with Sir William Phips, at Pemmaquid, to which their names stood as follows, and without marks, in the printed account. EDGEREMETT. WEBENES. MADOCKAWANDO. AWANSOMECK. WASSAMBOMET of Noridgwock. ROBIN DONEY. WENOBSON of Teconnot, in behalf MADAUMBIS. of MOXDS. PAqtJAHARET, alias NATHANIEI* KETTERRAMOGIS of Nanidgwock. John Hornybrook. AHANQUID of Penobscot. John Bagatawawongo, alias BOMASEEN. Sheepscott John. NITAMEMET. Phill. Dunsakis, Squaw, in terpreters. Before this, in 1691, " New England being quite out of breath," says Dr. C. Mather, a treaty, or truce, was entered into between the eastern sachems and Messrs. Hutchinson and Townsend, of Boston, and others of the eastern coast, at Sagadahock. Here ten captives were given up by them, and the English gave up eight captive Indians. One was a woman by the name of Hull, who had been of great service to them, having written letters on various occasions, such as their affairs required, and with whom they re gretted much to part. Another was Nathaniel White, who had been bound and tortured in a wretched manner. His ears were cut of and, instead of food, he was forced to eat them, after which, but for this time y treaty, the sentence of burning would have been executed upon him. This truce stipulated that no hurt should be done the English until May, 1692, and that, on the first of that mouth, they would deliver, at Wells, all English captives in their hands, and, in the mean time, would inform of any plots that they might know of the French against the English. Egeremet being the chief sachem, and most forward in this business, Dr. Mather utters his contempt for him by saying, " To this instrument were set the paws of Egeremet, and five more of then- sagamores and noblemen." J This treaty may be seen at length in the Collections of the Mass. Hist. Soc., but is dated one year earlier than it is in the Magnalia. The fact that it waa made upon the water, as Dr. C. Mather says, and as we have quoted in the lite of Madokawando, appears from the last paragraph of that instrument, * Magnalia, b. yii. 89. f It may be seen in the Magnalia, vii. 85. t Magnalia Christ. Americana, book vii. art. xxviii. p. 94. 26* U 306 EGEREMET. KILLED AT PEMAQUID. [Boon III. which is in these words : " Signed and sealed interchangeably, upon the water, in canoes, at Sackatehock, when the wind blew." It was headed, " At a treaty of peace with the eastward Indian enemy sagamores." The other five Bachems, beside Egeremet, were Toquelmut, Watumbomt, IVatombamet, Walunibt, \Worombos,~\ and John Hawkins, [or Kankamagus.] The places for which they stipulated are, according to the treaty, " Pennecook,Winnepisseockeege, Ossepe, Pigwocket, Amoscongen, Pechepscut, Kennebeck River, and all other places adjacent, within the territory and dominions of the above-named sagamores.'' The witnesses were, Dewando, [the same called Jldiwando, by Penhalloio probably,] Ned Higon, John Mden, jr., and Nathaniel Alden. The next year, Egeremet was with Madokawando, Moxus, and a body of French under Labrocre, and made the notable attack upon the garrison at Wells, which will be found recorded in the last chapter. We will now inform the reader of the wretched fate of Captain Pasco Chub. It was not long after he committed the bloody deed of killing the Indian sag amores, before he and the fort were taken by the French and Indians. He was exchanged, and returned to Boston, where he suffered much disgrace for his treachery with the Indians.* He lived at Andover in Massachusetts, where about 30 Indians made an attack in 1698, on 22 February, in which he, with others, was killed, and five were captivated. It was not thought that they expected to find him there ; but when they found they had killed him it gave them as much joy, says Hutchinson, " as the destruction of a whole town, because they had taken their beloved vengeance of him for his perfidy and barbarity to their countrymen." They shot him through several times after he was dead. In his characteristic style, Mr. Oldmixon speaks of this event.f He says, " Nor must we forget Chub, the false wretch, who surrendered Pemmaquid Fort. The governor kept him under examination some time at Boston, and then dismissed him. As he was going to his house, at Andover, the Indiana surprised him and his wife, and massacred them ; a just reward of his trea son." The author, we think, should have added, according to the jurispru dence of savages. The most favorable account given of the conduct of Chub, and indeed the only one, follows : " An Indian sagamore's son appeared with a flag of truce, and Capt Chub went out to them without arms, man for man. An Indian asked for rum and tobacco : the captain said, ' No ; it is Sabbath day? They said, 4 We tvill have rum, or we will have rum and you too? Two Indians laid hold on the captain. Then he called to his men, to fall on, for God's sake. Then he made signs to his men, to come from the fort. One of the English had a hatchet under his coat, took it out and killed an Indian; and then ours killed two more Indians, and took another alive, and wounded another, sup posed mortally. Then many of the enemy came near to the English, who retreated all safe to the fort." f There was another sagamore of the same name, noticed in the following wars with the eastern Indians, who was friendly to the whites ; it was proba bly he who sometimes bore the name of Moxus. * Harris's Voyages, ii. 305, (ed. 1764,) says Chub was arrested by Colonel Gednty, who was sent east with three ships of war, on hearing of the surrender of the fort, and that no French or Indians could be found ; that after he strengthened the garrison, he returned home. ener brought to Boston. Here Captain Chubb was confined, till it was decided" that he should lose his commission, and not be eligible for any other. This unfortunate man, with his wife Hannah, and three others, were killed by the Indians at Andover, Feb. 22, 1698." Rev. Mr, Felt's Annals of Salem. A naval force was sent at the same time ; hence the accounts are not altogether irrecon cilable. Three men-of-war were sent out in pursuit of the French, " but meeting with con trary winds, they could never gel sight of them." Neal, His. N. Eng. ii. 551. f British Empire in America, i. 77, 78. j Manuscript letter in library Mass. Hist. Soc. written in the following month. As it was written at a great distance from the place, and from a report of the day, Tittle reliance can be placed upon it. It may have been Chub's report of the case. Cii'.r. IX.] CAPTAIN TOM. DONE Y. 307 In the Indian war of 1703, there was a great Indian captain who resided somewhere to the east of Pascataqua River, who made his name dreaded among the settlements in that region, by some bloody expeditions which he conducted. lie was called, by the English, CAPTAIN TOM. On 17 August of this year, this daring war-captain, with about 30 others, surprised a part of Hampton, killed five persons, whereof one was a widow Hussty, " who was a remarkable speaking Quaker, and much lamented by her sect." After sacking two houses near the garrison, they drew off.* Many Indians bore the name of Tom. Indian Hill, in Newbury, was owned by Great Tom. He is supposed to have been the last Indian proprietor of lands in that town. In written instruments, he styles himself, " / Great Tom Indian."" f We come, in the next place, to an interesting portion of our eastern history. It has been generally supposed that the name Dony, or Doney, was the name of an Indian chief, but it is now quite certain that he was a Frenchman, who took up his residence among the Indians, as Baron de St. Casteins did. There appears in our history, in 1045, a "Monsieur Dony," who had some difficulty with Lord de la Tour, about their eastern possessions, and he was, doubtless, the same of whom we have an account afterwards, in the war of 1690, with the eastern Indians. At this time, there were two of the name in Maine, father and son. The son, perhaps, like Casteins the younger, was half Indian, but of this we are not sure ; nevertheless, to preserve our narrative of the events of Colonel Church's expedition of 1690, we shall notice them among others. Church landed at Maquait, 12 September, before day, and, after a wet, fatiguing march into the woods of about two days, on the south-west side of the Androscoggin, came into the neighborhood of a fort. They came upon an Indian and his wife who were leading two captives ; and immediately pur suing and firing upon them, killed the Indian woman, who proved to be the wife of Young Doney.\ We can only hope it was not their design thus to have killed an innocent woman. Which party it was that fired upon them (for they divided themselves into three) is unknown, and we in charity must suppose that, at considerable distance, and in much confusion, it was difficult to know an Indian man from a woman. As Church expected, Doney ran into one gate of the fort, and out at the other, giving the alarm so effectually, that nearly all within it escaped. They found and took prisoners " but two men and a lad of about 18, with some women and children. Five ran into the river, three or four of which were killed. The lad of 18 made his escape up the river." The whole number killed in this action was " six or seven." The English had but one wounded. They took here, at this time, a considerable quantity of corn, guns, and ammu nition, and liberated Mrs. Huckings, widow of Lieutenant Robert Huckings, taken at Oyster River, Mrs. Barnard, wife of Benjamin Barnard, of Salmon Falls, Anne Heard, of Cocheco, a young woman, daughter of one Willis, of Oyster River, and a boy belonging to Exeter. These captives, says Church, " were in a miserable condition." They learned by them that most of their men were gone to Winter Harbor to get provisions for the Bay of Fuiidy In dians. This information was given by a prisoner taken in the fort, who also said that the Bay of Fundy Indians were to join them against the English, in the spring. " The soldiers, being very rude, would hardly spare the Indian's life, wnile in examination ; intending, when he had done, that he should be exe cuted. But CapL Hucking's wife, and another woman, down on their knees and hessred for him. saying, that he had been a means of saving their lives, and it jrre.-u many more ; and hart helped several to opportunities to run away and make their escape ; and that never, since he came amongst them, had fought against the English, but being related to Hakin's \\ wife, kept at the * Ptnhalloic, Incl. Wars, 8 ; Farmer's Bdknap, i. 167. f Manuscript Hist. Newbury, by J. Coffin. % And the same called in the M'agnalia Robin Doney. j| Says my record, which is a manuscript letter from Church, written at that time. fj The same called KanJciimagus. 308 DONEY. CAPTAIN SIMMO. [Boo* III. fort with them, having been there two years ; but his living was to the west ward of Boston. So upon their request, his life was spared." Two old squaws were left in the fort, provided with provisions, and instruct ed to tell those who returned who they were, and what they were determined to do. They then put four or Jive to death, and decamped. Those, we must suppose, were chiefly women and children ! " Knocked on the head for an ex ample," We know not that any excuse can be given for this criminal act; and it is degrading to consider that the civilized must be supposed to imagine that they can prevent barbarities by being wretchedly barbarous themselves. OJLD DONET, as he is called, was next to be hunted. As they were em barking at Maquait, Mr. Anthony Bracket * came to the shore and called to them to take him on board, which they did. He learning that an English army was thereabout, made his escape from the Indians, with whom he had been some time a prisoner. The fleet now proceeded to Winter Harbor, from whence they despatched a detachment of 60 men to Saco Falls. When they came near, they discovered Doney's company on the opposite side of the river, who chiefly made their escape. A canoe, with three Indians, was observed coming over the river ; they did not see the English, and were fired upon, and " all three perished." This gave the first alarm to Doneifs company. They did not, however, leave their ground without returning the fire of the English, by which Lieutenant Hunnewell was shot through the thigh.f When the parties fired upon each other, Old Doney, with an English captive, was higher up the river, who, hearing the firing, came down to see what it meant ; and thus he discovered the English time enough to escape. Doney fled from the canoe, leaving his captive, who came to the English. His name was Thomas Baker, who had lived before at Scarborough. There were many other movements of the English after this, in which they got much plunder, and which tended to cause an uneasiness among them, and their final determination to return home. Church urged a longer continuance, but was outvoted in a council of officers, and thus ended the expedition. Many in the country reproached Church with cowardice, and almost every thing but what we should have looked for. If putting to death captives had been the charge, many might have accorded Amen! But we do not find that urged against him. Two years after this, in 1693, Robin Doney became reconciled to the Eng lish, and signed a treaty with them at Pemmaquid. But within a year after, he became suspected, whether with or without reason, we know not, and coming to the fort at Saco, probably to settle the difficulty, was seized by the English. What his fate was is rather uncertain, but the days of forgiveness and mercy were not yet. Among the chieis which we shall next proceed to notice, there were seve ral of nearly equal notoriety. Captain SIMMO'S name should, perhaps, stand most conspicuous. We shall, therefore, go on to narrate the events in his life, after a few preliminary observations. Whenever war commenced between the English and French in Europe, their colonies in America were involved in its calamities, to an unknown and fearful extent. This was the aspect which affairs wore in 1703. With the first news, therefore, of its flame, the New Englanders' thoughts were turned towards the Indians. Governor Dudley immediately despatched messengers to most of the eastern tribes, inviting them to meet him in council upon the pen insula in Falmouth, on the 20 June. His object was so to attach them to the English, that, in the event of hostilities between the rival powers on this side of the Atlantic, they would not take arms against them. Agreeably to the wishes of the English, a vast multitude assembled at the time appointed: the chiefs Adiwando and Hegan for the Pennakooks, Wattanummon for the Pequakets, Mesambomett and Wexar for the Androscoggins, Moxus and Hope- hood (perhaps son of him killed by the Mohawks) for the Nerigwoks, Boma- zeen and Captain Samuel for the Kennebecks, and Warrungunt and * Son of Antlumy, who was killed by the Indians, as we have related, ante. f Official letter in MS. from the expedition. CHAP. IX.] CAPTAIN SAMUEL. 309 gitnbuenl for the Penobscots. After a short speech to them, in which the governor expressed brotherly affection, and a desire to settle every difficulty "which had happened since the last treaty," Captain Simmo replied aa follows: " Wt thank you, good brother, for coming so far to talk with us. It is a great favor. The clouds fly and darken but we still sing ivith love the songs of peace. J3eaeve my words. no FAR AS THE SUN is ABOVE THE EARTH ARE OUR THOUGHTS FROM WAR, OR THE LEAST RUPTURE BETWEEN US." * The governor was then presented with a belt of wampum, was to confirm the truth of what had been said. At a previous treaty, two heaps of small stones had been thrown together, near by the treaty ground, and called the Two-brothers, to signify that the Indians and English were brothers, and were considered by the parties in the light of seals to their treaties. They now repaired to these heaps of stones, and each increased their magnitude, by the addition of other stones. Thus was happily terminated this famous treaty. Some parade and rejoicing now commenced, and a circumstance transpired which threw the English into great fear, and, perhaps, greater suspicion. A grand salute was to be fired upon each side, at parting, and the English, ad visedly, and very warily, it must be confessed, but in appearance compliment ary, expressed their desire that the Indians would fire first. The Indians received the compliment, and discharged their guns ; to their great surprise, the English found they had been loaded with bullets. They had before doubted of their sincerity, but, owing to this discovery, considered their treachery certain, and marvelled at their escape. However, it can only be presumed, that, according to the maxim of the whites, the Indians had come prepared to treat or fight, as the case might require ; for no doubt their guns were charged when they came to the treaty, otherwise why did they not fire upon the English when they saluted them? What became of Captain Simmo we have as yet no account. Several of the other chiefs who attended this council were, perhaps, equally con spicuous. WATTANUMMON being absent when the council first met on the 20 June, no business was entered upon for several days. However, the English afterwards said it was confirmed that it was not on that account that they delayed the conference, but that they expected daily a reinforcement of 200 French and Indians, arid then they were to seize upon the English, and ravage the country. Whether this were merely a rumor, or the real state of the case, we have no means of knowing. W'attanummon was supposed to have been once a Pennakook, as an eminence still bears his name about a mile from the state-house in New Hampshire.f Captain SAMUEL was an Indian of great bravery, and one of the most for ward in endeavoring to lull the fears of the English at the great council just mentioned. What gave his pretensions the air of sincerity was his coming with Bomazeen, and giving some information about the designs of the French. They said, " .Although several missionaries have come among us, sent by the French friars to break the peace between tlie English and us, yet their words have made no impres- sionuponus. WE ARE AS FIRM AS THE MOUNTAINS, AND WILL so CONTINUE, AS LONG AS THE SUN AND MOON ENDURES." Notwithstanding these strong expressions of friendship, "within six weeks after," says Penhullow, " the whole eastern country was in a conflagration, no house standing nor garrison unattacked." The Indians were no doubt induced to commit this depredation from the influence of the French, many of whom assisted them in the work. And it is not probable that those Indians who had just entered into the treaty were idle spectators of the Bcene ; but who of them, or whether all w^ere engaged in the affair, we know not. A hundred and thirty people were said to have been killed and taken within that time Captain Samuel was either alive 20 years after these transactions, or another * This is Mr. Williamson's version of the speech, Hist. Maine, ii. 36. t MS. communication of J. Fanner, Esq. 310 HEGAN. MOGG. [BOOK III. of the name made himself conspicuous. In June, 1722, this wanior chief, at the head of five others, boarded Lieutenant Tilton, as he lay at anchor a fishing, near Damaris Cove. They pinioned him and his brother, and beat them very sorely ; but, at last, one got clear and released the other, who then fell with great fury upon the Indians, threw one overboard, and mortally wound ed two more.* Whether Captain Samuel were among those killed is not mentioned. There was a Captain Sam in the wars of 1745. In the vicinity of St. George's, Lieutenant Proctor, at the head of 19 militia, had a skirmish with the Indians, 5 Sept., in which two of their leaders were killed, viz. Colonel Morris and Captain Sam, and one Colonel Job was taken captive ; the latter being sent to Boston, he died hi prison. To quiet the resentment of his relatives, the government made his widow a valuable present after the peace, f We should not, perhaps, omit to speak separately of another chief, who was present at the famous treaty mentioned above ; we refer to HEGAN. His name is also spelt Hegon and Heigon. There were several of the name. One, called Moggheigon, son of Walter, was a sachem at Saco, in 1664. This chief, in that year, sold to Wm. Phillips, " a tract of land, being bounded with Saco River on the N. E. side, and Kennebunk River on the S. W. side." To extend from the sea up Saco River to Salmon Falls, and up the Kennebunk to a point opposite the former. No amount is mentioned for which the land was sold, but merely "a certain sum in goods." f One Sampson Hegon attended the treaty of Pemmaquid, in 1698 ; John, that at Casco, in 1727 ; Ned was a Pennakook ; Walter, brother of Mogg ; The fate of one of the name of Hegon is remembered among the inhabitants of some parts of Maine to this day. He was tied upon a horse with spurs on his heels, in such a manner that the spurs continually goaded the animal. When the horse was set at liberty, he ran furiously through an orchard, and the craggy limbs of the trees tore him to pieces. Mather, in his DECENNIUM LUCTUOSUM, || seems to confirm something of the kind, which took place at Casco, in 1694, where the Indians, having taken some horses, made a bridle of the mane and tail of one, on which " a son of the famous Hegon was ambitious to mount." "But being a pitiful horseman, he ordered them, for fear of his falling, to tie his legs fast under the horse's belly. No sooner was this beggar set on horseback, and the spark, in his own opinion, thoroughly equipped, but the nettlesome horse furiously and presently ran with him out of sight Neither horse nor man was ever seen any more. The astonished tawnies howled after one of their nobility, disappearing by- such an unexpected accident A few days after, they found one of his legs, (and that was all,) which they buried in Capt. Bracket s cellar, with abundance of lamentation." Here we cannot but too plainly discover the same spirit in the narrator, which must have actuated the authors of the deed. He who laughs at crime is a participator in it From these, we pass to affairs of far greater notoriety in our eastern history ; and shall close this chapter with two of the most memorable events in its Indian warfare. MOGG, the chief sachem of Norridgewok in 1724, may very appropri ately stand at the head of the history of the first event. How long he had been sachem at that period, we have not discovered, but he is mentioned by the English historians, as the old chief of Norridgewok at that time. Notwithstanding Mogg was the chief Indian of the village of Nerigwok, or, as Father Cfiarlevoix writes it, Narantsoak, there was a French priest settled here, to whom the Indians were all devotedness ; and it is believed that they undertook no enterprise without his knowledge and consent The name of this man, according to our English authors, was Ralle, but accord ing to his own historian, Charlevoix, it was J2osZe.1I The depredations of the Abenaquis, as these Indians were called by those who lived among them, * Penhallmo's Ind. Wars, 86. t Williamson's Hist. Me. ii. 241. J MS. among 1 the files in our state-house. MS. letter of John Farmer! Esq I) Magiialia, vii. 87. If Hist! Gen. de la Nouv. Fr. ii. 380, et suiv. CHAP. IX.] MOGG. DESTRUCTION OF NERIDGVVOK. 311 were, therefore, directly charged by the English upon Father Rasle ; hence their first step was to offer a reward for his head.* The object of the expe dition of Colonel Westbrook, in 1722, was ostensibly to seize upon him, but he found the village deserted, and nothing was effected by the expedition but the burning of the place. Father Rasle was the last that left it, which he did at the same time it was entered by the enemy ; having first secured the sacred vases of his temple and the ornaments of its altar. The English made search for the fugitives, but without success, although, at one time, they were within about eight feet of the very tree that screened the object for which they sought Thus the French considered that it was by a remark able interposition of Providence, or, as Charlevoix expresses it, par une main invisible, that Father Rasle did not fall into their hands. Determined on destroying this assemblage of Indians, which was the head-quarters of the whole eastern country, at this time, the English, two years after, 1724, sent out a force, consisting of 208 men and three Mohawk Indians, under Captains Moutton, Harmon, and Bourne, to humble them. They came upon the village, the 23 August, when there was not a man in arms to oppose them. They had left 40 of their men at Teconet Falls, which is now within the town of Winslow, upon the Kennebeck, and about two miles below Waterville college, upon the opposite side of the river. The English had divided themselves into three squadrons : 80, under Har mon, proceeded by a circuitous route, thinking to surprise some in their corn-fields, while Moulton, with 80 more, proceeded directly for the village, which, being surrounded by trees, could not be seen until they were close upon it. All were in then* wigwams, and the English advanced slowly and in perfect silence. When pretty near, an Indian came out of his wigwam, and, accidently discovering the English, ran in and seized his gun, and giving the war-whoop, in a few minutes the warriors were ah 1 in arms, and advancing to meet them. Moulton ordered his men not to fire until the Indians had made the first discharge. This order was obeyed, and, as he expected, they overshot the English, who then fired upon them, in their turn, and did great execution. When the Indians had given another volley, they fled with great precipitation to the river, whither the chief of their women and children had also fled during the fight. Some of the English pursued and killed many of them in the river, and others fell to pillaging and burning the village. Mogg disdained to fly with the rest, but kept pos session of a wigwam, from which he fired upon the pillagers. In one of his discharges he killed a Mohawk, whose brother observing it, rushed upon and killed him ; and thus ended the strife. There were about 60 warriors in the place, about one half of whom were killed. The famous Rasle shut himself up in his house, from which he fired upon the English ; and, having wounded one, Lieutenant Jaques,} of Newbury, J burst open the door, and shot him through the head ; although Moulton had given orders that none should kill him. He bad an English boy with him, about 14 years old, who had been taken some time before from the frontiers, and whom the English reported Rasle was about to kill. Great brutality and ferocity are chargeable to the English in this affair, according to their own account ; such as killing women and children, and scalping and mangling the body of Father Rasle. There was here a handsome church, with a bell, on which the English committed a double sacrilege, first robbing it, then setting it on fire ; herein surpassing the act of the first English circumnavigator, in his depredations upon the Spaniards in South America ; for he only took away the gold and " Apres plusieurs tentatives, d'abord pour engager ces sauvages p-ir les off res et les jiromesses les plus seduisantes a le livrer aux Anglois, ou du mains a Is renvoyer a Quebec, et a prendre en sa place tin de leurs ministres ; ensuite pour le surpendre et pour fenlever, les Anglois re solus de s'en defaire, quoiqu'U leur en dut co&ter, mirent sa tlte a prvc, et promirent mille livres sterling a celui, qui la leur porteroit." Charlevoix, ut supra. t Who, I conclude, was a volunteer, as I do net find his name upon the return made by Muulton, which is upon file in the garret, west wing of our state-house. Manuscript History of Newbury, by Joshua Coffin, S. H. S., which, should the world ever be so fortunate as to see in print, we will insure them not only great gratification, but a lund of amusement. 312 PAUGUS LOVE WELL'S FIGHT. [Boox III. silver vessels of a church, and its crucifix, because it was of massy gold, set about with diamonds, and that, too, upon the advice of his chaplain. " This might pass," says a reverend author, " for sea divinity, but justice is quite another thing." Perhaps it will be as well not to inquire here what kind of divinity would authorize the acts recorded in these wars, or indeed any wars. Upon this memorable event in our early annals, Father Charlevoix should be heard. There were not, says he, at the time the attack was made, above 50 warriors at Neridgewok ; these seized their arms, and run in disorder, not to defend the place against an enemy, who was already in it, but to favor the flight of the women, the old men and the children, and to give them time to gain the side of the river, which was not yet in possession of the English. Father RASLE, warned by the clamors and tumult, and the danger in which he found his proselytes, ran to present himself to the assailants, hoping to draw all their fury upon him, that thereby he might prove the salvation of his flock. His hope was vain ; for hardly had he discovered himself when the English raised a gr-eat shout, which was followed by a shower of shot, by which he fell dead near to the cross which he had erected in the centre of the village : seven Indians who attended him, and who endeavored to shield him with their own bodies, fell dead at his side. Thus died this charitable pastor, giving his life for his sheep, after 37 years of painful labors. Although the English shot near 2000 muskets, they killed but 30 and wounded 40. They spared not the church, which, after they had indignantly profaned its sacred vases, and the adorable body of Jesus Christ, they set on fire. They then retired with precipitation,* having been seized with a sud den panic. The Indians returned immediately into the village ; and their first care, while the women sought plants and herbs proper to heal the wounded, was to shed tears upon the body of their holy missionary. They found him pierced with a thousand shot, his scalp taken off, his skull frac tured with hatchets, his mouth and eyes filled with dirt, the bones of his legs broken, and all his members mutilated in a hundred different ways, f Such is the account of the fall of Rasle, by a brother of the faith ; a deplo rable picture, by whomsoever related! Of the truth of its main particulars there can be no doubt, as will be seen by a comparison of the above transla tion with the account preceding it. There were, besides Mogg, other chief Indians, who fell that day; "BOMAZEEN, MOGG, WISSEMEMET, JOB, CARA- BESETT, and BOMAZEEN'S son-in-law, all famous warriors." The inhumanity of the English on this occasion, especially to the women and children, cannot be excused. It greatly eclipses the lustre of the victory. Harman was the general in the expedition, J and, for a time, had the honor of it ; but MouLton, according to Governor Hutchinson, achieved the victory, and it was afterward acknowledged by the country. He was a prisoner, when a mall boy, among the eastern Indians, being among those taken at the destruction of York, in 1692. He died at York, 20 July, 1765, aged 77. The township of Moultonborough, in New Hampshire, was named from him, and many of his posterity reside there at the present day. Under the head Paugus, we shall proceed to narrate our last event in the present chapter, than which, may be, few, if any, are oftener mentioned in New England story. PAUGUS, slain in the memorable battle with the English under Captain Lovewett, in 1725, was chief of the Pequawkets. Fryeburg, in Maine, now includes the principal place of their former residence, and the place where the battle was fought It was near a considerable body of water, called Saco Pond, which is the source of the river of the same name. The cruel and barbarous murders almost daily committed by the Indians upon the defenceless frontier inhabitants, caused the general court of Massachusetts to offer a bounty of 100 for every Indian's scalp. Among the excursions * They encamped the following night in the Indian wigwams, under a guard of only 40 men. Hutchinson, ii. 312. t Histoire Generale de Nouvelle France, ii. 382 4. i He did not arrive at the village till near night, when the action was over. Hutch**- son, ii. 313. HAP. IX.] .^AUC.US. LOVEWELL'S FIGHT. 313 performed by Lovewell, previous to that in which he was killed, the most important was that to the head of Salmon-fall River, now Wakefield, hi New Hampshire. * With 40 men, he came upon a small company of ten Indians, who were asleep by their fires, and, by stationing his men advan tageously, killed all of them. This bloody deed was performed near the shore of a pond, which has ever since borne the name of LoveweWs Pond. After taking off their scalps, these 40 warriors marched to Boston in great triumph, with the ten scalps extended upon hoops, displayed in the Indian manner, and for which they received 1000. This exploit was the more lauded, as it was supposed that these ten Indians were upon an expedition against the English upon the frontiers; having new guns, much ammuni tion, and spare blankets and moccasons, to accommodate captives. This, however, was mere conjecture ; and whether they had killed friends or enemies, was not quite so certain as that they had killed Indians. It is said that PAUGUS was well known to many of the English, and per sonally to many of LovewelPs men. That his name was a terror to the frontiers, we have no doubt ; and that his appearance at Pequawket, when met by Lovewdl, was enough to have struck terror into all that beheld htm, may not be questioned, we will let the poet f describe him. 1 . 'Twas Paugus led the Pequ'k't tribe : 2. But Chamberlain, of Dunstable, As runs the fox, would Paugus run ; One whom a savage ne'er shall slay, As howls the wild wolf, would he howl ; Met Paugus by the water-side, A huge bear-skin had Paugus on. And shot him dead upon that day. The second in command among the Indians on that memorable day was named WAHWA, but of him we have no particulars. Captain Lovewdl marched out from Dunstable with 46 men, about the 16 April, 1725, of which event the poet thus speaks : 3. What time the noble Lovewell came, 7. Thus left young Harwood, babe and wife j With fifty men from Dunstable, With accent wild she bade adieu: The cruel Pequ'k't tribe to tame, It grieved those lovers much to part, With arms and bloodshed terrible. So fond and fair, so kind and true. 4. With Lovewell brave John Harwood came ; 8. John Harwood died all bathed in blood, From wife and babes' twas hard to part ; When he had fought till set of day ; Young Harwood took her by the hand, And man}' more we may not name, And bound the weeper to his heart. Fell in that bloody battle fray. 5. " Repress that tear, my Mary, dear, 9. When news did come to Harwood's wife Said Harwood to his loving wife; That he with Lovewell fought and died; It tries me hard to leave thee here, Far in the wilds had given his life And seek in distant woods the strife. Nor more would in this home abide j 6. " When gone, my Mary, think of me, 10. Such grief did seize upon her mind, And pray to God that I may be Such sorrow filled her faithful breast, Such as one ought that lives for thee, On earth she ne'er found peace again, And come at last in victory." But followed Harwood to his rest. They arrived near the place where they expected to find Indians, on the 7 May ; and, early the next morning, while at prayers, heard a gun, which they rightly suspected to be fired by some of Fungus's men, and imme diately prepared for an encounter. Divesting themselves of their packs, they marched forward to discover the enemy. But not knowing in what direction to proceed, they marched in an opposite direction from the In dians. This gave Paugus great advantage ; who, following their tracks, soon fell in with their packs, from which he learned their strength. Being encouraged by his superior numbers, Paugus courted the conflict, and pur sued the English with ardor. His number of men was said to have been * In December of the previous year, (1724,) with a few followers, he made an expedition to the north-east of Winnipisiogee Lake, in which he killed one and took another prisoner. For thtse he received the bounty offered by government. t The editors or publishers of the N. H. collections have inserted the above lines, in imitation of the ancient Chevy Chase ; but whence they were obtained, or who was their author, they do not inform us; perhaps, like that of which they are an imitation, the author remains unknown. We give it entire. 27 314 I'AUGUS. LOVEWELL'S FIGHT. (Booic III 80, while that of the English consisted of no more than 34, having left ten in a fort, which they built at Ossipee ; and one, an Indian named Toby, had before returned home, on account of lameness. The fort at Ossipee was ibr a retreat in case of emergency, and to serve as a deposit of part of their provisions, of which they disencumbered themselves before leaving it. After marching a considerable distance from the place of their encamp ment on the morning of the 8 * May, Ensign Wyman discovered an Indian, who was out hunting, having in one hand some fowls he had just killed, and in the other, two guns. There can be no probability that he thought of meeting an enemy, but no sooner was he discovered by the English, than several guns were fired at him, but missed him. Seeing that sure death was his lot, this valiant Indian resolved to defend himself to his last breath ; and the action was as speedy as the thought : his gun was levelled at the English, and Lovewdl was mortally wounded. Ensign Wyman, taking deliberate aim, killed the poor hunter; which action our poat describes hi glowing terms as follows: 11. Seth Wyman, who in Woburn lived, 12. The savage had been seeking game; A marksman he of courage true, Two guns, and eke a knife, he bore, Shot the first Indian whom they saw ; And two black ducks were in his hand; Sheer through his heart the bullet dew. He shrieked, and fell to rise no more. He was scalped by the chaplain and another, and then they marched again by the way they came, to recover their packs. This movement was expected by the wily PAUGUS, and he accordingly prepared an ambush to cut them off, or to take them prisoners, as fortune should will. 13. Anon, there eighty Indians rose, 14. John Lovetcell, captain of the band. Who'd hid themselves in ambush dread ; His sword he waved, that glittered bright, Their knives they shook, their guns they For the last time he cheered his men, aimed, And led them onward to the fight. The famous Paugus at their head. When the Indians rose from their coverts, they nearly encircled the English, but seemed loath to begin the fight ; and were, no doubt, in hopes that the English, seeing their numbers, would yield without a battle ; and, therefore, made towards them with their guns presented, and threw away their first fire. They then held up ropes which they had provided for secur ing captives, and asked them if they would have quarter. This only encour aged the English, who answered " only at the muzzles of their guns ; " and they rushed toward the Indians, fired as they pressed on, and, killing many, drove them several rods. But they soon rallied and fired vigorously in their turn, and obliged the English to retreat, leaving nine dead and three wounded, where the battle began. Loveioell, though mortally wounded be fore, had led his men until this time, but fell before the retreat. Although we transpose the verses in the song, to accommodate them to the circumstances of the fight, yet we cannot avoid entirely their irregular ity in reference to it By *he next that follow, it would seem, that Lovewdl received a second wound before he fell. 15. " Fight on, fight on," brave Lovewell said ; 16. Good heavens ! is this a time for prayer ? " Fight on, while Heaven shall give you Is this a time to worship God ; breath ! " When LovewelL's men are dying fast, An Indian ball then pierced him through, And Paugus' tribe hath felt the rod ? And Lovewell closed his eyes in death. In this 16th verse the poet, perhaps, had reference to the morning prayer, which Mr. Frye, the chaplain, made before marching, on the day of the battle ; o/, perhaps, more probably, to the ejaculations he made on the field after he was mortally wounded. In the morning he prayed thus patriotically : " We came out to meet the enemy ; we have all along prayed God we might find them ; we had rather trust Providence with our lives ; yea, die for our country, than try to return without seeing them, if we might ; and be called cowards for our pains." f * This was O. S. and corresponds to May 19, N. S. See note in last chapter. A Address of C. S. Dams, (p. 17,) delivered at Fryeburg, 100 years after the fight. CHAP. IX.] PAUGUS. LOVEWELL'S FIGHT. 315 17. The chaplain's name was Jonathan Frye ; 21 . " Come hither, Farwell," said young Frye, In Andover his father dwelt, " You see that I'm about to die; And oft with Loveicell's men he'd prayed, Now for the love I bear to you, Before the mortal wound he fell. When cold in death my bones shall lie ; 18. A man was he of comely form, 22. " Go thou and see my parents dear, Polished and brave, well learnt and kind ; And tell them you stood by me here ; Old Harvard's learned halls he left, Console them when they cry, Alas ! Far in the wilds a grave to find. And wipe away the falling tear." 19. Ah ! now his blood-red arm he lifts, 23. Lieutenant Farwell took his hand, His closing lids he tries to raise; His arm around his neck he threw, And speak once more before he dies, And said, " Brave chaplain, I could wish In supplication and in praise. That Heaven had made me die for you." 20. He prays kind Heaven to grant success, 24. The chaplain on kind Fartcell's breast, Brave Lovewell' s men to guide and bless, Bloody, and languishing, he fell; And when they've shed their hearts'-blood Nor after that, said more but this, true, " I love thee, soldier ; fare thee well ! " To raise them all to happiness. The fight continued," says the Reverend Mr. Symmes, " very furious and obstinate till towards night. The Indians roaring and yelling and howling like wolves, barking like dogs, and making all sorts of hideous noises : the English frequently shouting and huzzaing, as they did after the first round. At one time Captain Wyman is confident they were got to Powawing, by their striking on the ground, and other odd motions ; but at length Wyman crept up towards them, and, firing amongst them, shot the chief Powaw, and broke up their meeting." * 25. Good heavens ! they dance the powow 26. " What means this dance, this powow dance, dance 1 " What horrid yells the forest fill ! Stern Wyman said ; with wondrous art, The grim bear crouches in his den, He crept full near, his rifle aimed, The eagle seeks the distant hill. And shot the leader through the heart. The first of the following stanzas is very happily conceived, and although not in the order of the poet, is as appropriate here, as where it originally stood. 27. Then did the crimson streams, that flow'd, 28. Ah ! many a wife shall rend her hair, Seem like the waters of the brook, And many a child cry, " Woe is me," That brightly shine, that loudly dash, When messengers the news shall bear, Far down the cliffs of Agiochook. t Of Lovewell's dear-bought victory. * Narrative of the fight at Piggwacket, vii. t The Indian name of the White Mountains, or, as the people of New Hampshire woulc say, White Hills. The natives believed the summits of these mountains to be inhabited by invisible beings, but whether good or evil we are not informed. Nor is it of much importance, since they reverenced the one as much as the other. It is always highly gratifying to the curious to observe how people primitively viewed objects which have become familiar to them. We will here present the reader with Mr. Jossdifn j s description of the White Mountains, not for its accuracy, but for its curious extrava gance. " Four score miles, (upon a direct line,) to the N. W. of Scarborow, a ridge of mountains run N. 1 VV. and N. E. an hundred leagues, known by the name of the White Mountains, upon which lieth snow all the year, and is a landmark twenty miles off at sea. It is a rising ground from the sea shore to these hills, and they are inaccessible but by the gul lies which the dissolved snow hath made. In these gullies grow saven bushes, which being taken hold of, are a good help to the climbing discoverer. Upon the top of the highest of these mountains, is a large level, or plain, of a day's journey over, whereon nothing grows bu' moss. At the farther end of this plain is another hill called the Sugar-loaf, to outward appearance a rude heap of massie stones piled one upon another, and you may, as you ascend, step from one stone to another, as if you were going up a pair of stairs, but winding still about the hill, till you come to the top, which will require half a day's time, and vet it is not above a mile, where there is also a level of about an acre of ground, with a pond of clear water in the midst of it, which you may hear run down, but how it ascends is a mystery. From this rocky hill you may see the whole country round about ; it is far above the lower clouds, and from hence we beheld a vapor, (like a great pillar,) drawn up by the sun-beams out of a great lake, or pond, into the air, where it was formed into a cloud. The country beyond these hills, northward, is daunting terrible, being full of rocky hills, as thick as mole hills in a meadow, and cloathed with infinite thick woods." New England's Rarities, 3, 4. Sad recollections are associated with the name of these mountains. Th destruction of lives, 316 PAUGUS. LOVEWELL'S FIGHT. [Boon III 29 With footsteps slow shall travellers go, 30. Old men shall shake their heads, and say Where Lovewell's pond shines clear and " Sad was the hour and terrible, bright, When Lovewell, brave, 'gainst Paugits And mark the plate where those are laid, went, Who fell in Lovewell's bloody fight. With fifty men from Dunstable." If miracles had not then ceased in the land, we should be induced to pass to their credit the extraordinary escape of several of the wounded English men. Solomon Keyes, having received three wounds, said he would hide him self, and die in a secret place, where the Indians could not find him to get his scalp. As he crawled upon the shore of the pond, at some distance from the scene of action, he found a canoe, into which he rolled him self, and was drifted away by the wind. To his great astonishment, he was cast ashore at no great distance from the fort at Ossipee, which he found means to recover, and there met several of his companions ; and, gaining strength, returned home with them. Those who escaped did not leave the battle-ground until near midnight. When they arrived at the fort, they expected to have found refreshment, and those they had left as a reserve ; but a fellow, whose name is not mentioned, who deserted the rest when the battle began, and fled there, so frightened them, that they fled in great confusion and dismay to their homes. The place where this fight took place was 50 miles from any white inhab itants; and that any should have survived the famine which now stared them in the face, is almost as miraculous as that they should have escaped death at the hands of the courageous warriors of Paugus ; yet 14 lived to return to their friends. Fifty men, from New Hampshire, afterwards marched to the scene of action, where they found and buried the dead. They found but three In dians, one of whom was Paugus. The rest were supposed to have been taken away when they retreated from the battle. Thus progressed and terminated the expedition against the Pequawkets. And although the whites could scarcely claim the victory, yet, as in the case of the Narragansets, the Northern Indians received a blow from which they never recovered. With the Androscoggins, the Pequawkets soon after retired towards the sources of the Connecticut River. After remaining in those regions about two years, they separated, and the Androscoggins removed to Canada, where they were afterwards known as the St. Francis tribe. The Pequawkets remained upon the Connecticut, who, in the time of the revolu tionary war, were under a chief named PHILIP. In 1728, a tract of country, since Pembroke, N. H., was granted to the men that went out with Lovewell, and it for some time bore the name of LoveweWs Toum. We had here nearly concluded to close our account of this affair, but cannot relieve ourself easily of the recollection of the following song, with out inserting it, although we, and others, have elsewhere published it. It is said to have been composed the same year of the fight, and for several years afterwards was the most beloved song in all New England : 1. Of worthy Captain Lorewell I purpose now to sing, How valiantly he served his country and his king ; He and his valiant soldiers did range the woods full wide, And hardships they endured to quell the Indian's pride. 2. Twas nigh unto Pigwacket, on the eighth day of May, They spied a rebel Indian soon after break of day ; He on a bank was walking, upon a neck of land, Which leads into a poud, as we're made to understand. 3. Our men resolved to have him, and travelled two miles round, Until they met the Indian, who boldly stood his ground; Then speaks up Captain Lcvewell, " Take you good heed," says he ; " This rogue is to decoy us, I very plainly see. occasioned by an avalanche at the celebrated Notch, in 1826, will not soon be forgotten. Mr. Moore, of Concord, has published an interesting account of it in the Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. vol. iii Cmr. IX.] PAUGUS. LOVEWELL'S FIGHT. 317 4. " The Indians lie in ambush, in some place nigh at hand, In order lo surround us upon this neck of land ; Therefore we'll march in order, and each man leave his pacic, That we may briskly fight them when they shall us attack." 5. They came unto this Indian, who did them thus defy ; As soon as they came nigh him, two guns he did let fly, Which wounded Captain L,ovewell, and likewise one man more; But when this rogue was running, they laid him in his gore. 6. Then having scalped the Indian, they went back to the spot, Where they had laid their packs down, but there they found them not; For the Indians having spied them, when they them down did lay, Did seize them for their plunder, and carry them away. 7. These rebels lay in ambush, this very place hard by, So that an English soldier did one of them espy, And cried out, " Here's an Indian ! " with that they started out, As fiercely as old lions, and hideously did shout. 8. With that our valiant English all gave a loud huzza, To shew the rebel Indians they feared them not a straw; So now the fight began, as fiercely as could be, The Indians ran up to them, but soon were forced to flee. 9. Then spake up Captain Lovewell, when first the fight began, " Fight on, my valiant heroes I you see they fall like rain." For, as we are informed, the Indians were so thick, A man could scarcely fire a gun and not some of them hit. 10. Then did the rebels try their best our soldiers to surround But they could not accomplish it, because there was a pond, To which our men retreated, and covered all the rear ; The rogues were forced to flee them, although they skulked for fear 11. Two logs there were behind them that close together lay, Without being discovered, they could not get away; Therefore our valiant English they travelled in a row, And at a handsome distance as they were wont to go. 12. 'Twas ten o'clock in the morning when first the fight begun, And fiercely did continue till the setting of the sun, Excepting that the Indians, some hours before, twas night, Drew off into the bushes and ceased a while to fight. 13. But soon again returned in fierce and furious mood, Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half so loud. For, as we are informed, so thick and fast they fell, Scarce twenty of their number, at night did get home well. 14. And that our valiant English, till midnight there did stay, To see whether the rebels would have another tray -, But tbev no more returning, they mirte off towards their home. And brought away their wounded as tar as they couiti come. 15, Of all our valiant English, there were but thirty-four, And of the rebel Indians, there were about four score, And sixteen of our English did safely home return ; The rest were killed and wounded, for which we all must mourn. 16. Our worthy Captain Lovnotll among^ them there did die ; They killed Lieutenant Robhins, and wounded good youn Who was our English chaplain ; he many Indians slew, And some of them he scalped when bullets round him flew. 17 Young Fullam too I'll mention, because he fought so well ; Endeavoring to save a man, a sacrifice he fell, And yet our valiant Englishmen in fight were ne'er dismayed, But still they kept their motion, and \Vyman captain made ; 18. Who shot the old chief PAUGOS, which did the foe defeat. Then set his men in order, and brought oflT the retreat; And braving many dangers and hardships in the way, They safe arrived at Dunstable, the thirteenth day of May. 27* 318 ST. FRANCIS DESTROYED. [Boon m CHAPTER X. The St. Francis Indians Rogers' expedition against them PHILIP SABATIS Arnold's expedition NATANIS The modern Penobscots AITTEON NEPTUNE- CAPTAIN FRANCIS SUSCJP murders an Englishman Specimen of the Penobscoi language. ROWLKS his prophecy BLIND WILL Killed by the Mohawks As- SACAMBUIT Visits France and is knighted by the king Attacks and, burns Haver- hill His death. TOWARDS the close of the last chapter, mention was made of the St- Francis Indians, and, as they were, a part of them, the remnant of the once respectable Androscoggins,* their history will here be resumed. We have already related some of their hardships and sufferings, both in Philip's war and the French wars afterwards, when they had to contend with the old experienced chief, Colonel Church ; and also their severe disaster in opposing LovewelL After their arrival upon the Lake St. Francis, from which their village took its name, they were under the influence and guidance of French ecclesias tics. Their village, in 1755, consisted of about 40 wigwams and a church, and a friar resided among them. What time the Androscoggins joined the St. Francis tribe has not been discovered ; but whenever war existed between France and England, they generally had some participation in it, the fre quent occurrence of which at length ended in their almost total destruction, in 1759. Before the capture of Quebec, in that year, and while the English army under General Jbnherst lay at Crown Point, an expedition against St. Franc 1 ' was ordered by him ; being so " exasperated," says Colonel Rogers, " at the treatment Capt. Kennedy had received from those Indians, to whom he had been sent with a flag of truce, and proposals of peace, who had been by them made prisoner with his party, that he determined to bestow upon them a signal chastisement" This does not appear, however, to be all that was charged against them, for Major Rogers continues, " They had, within my own knowledge, during the six years past, killed and carried away more than 600 persons." Accordingly Major Rogers was despatched upon this enter prise with 142 effective men, including officers, and a few Indians of the Pequawket tribe, under Philip, their chief. It was a most perilous undertak ing ; near 300 miles of wild country to be passed, late in October, 1759. When they came in sight of the town, towards evening, on the 5 October, the inhabitants were dancing about in great glee, celebrating a wedding. Half an hour before sunrise the next morning, the English fell suddenly upon them, in three divisions, and completely surprised them, killing 200 Indians, and capturing a few women and children.f With such secrecy and promptitude did the English act on this occasion, says our author, " that the enemy had no time to recover themselves, or take arms in their own defence, until they were mostly destroyed." Some few ran down to the river to es cape by swimming or in their canoes, but were pursued and destroyed Their village, except three houses, was burnt, and many persons in it. By seven o'clock the butchery was ended, and a retreat was immediately com menced. Two Indian boys were brought away prisoners, one of whom was * " At St. Frane.ais, from some of Zanghe'darankiac, or people from the month of this rivfr, I learned, that they call it, or rather its banks, Amilcungantujuoke, or baitks of the river abounding in dried meat." Kendal's Travels, lii. 143. t I lately received a letter from a gentleman who subscribed himself " Joseph Alex. Masta, an Indian of the St. Francis tribe," complaining of the inaccurate account given by Major Rogers of the destruction of that tribe ; but as the author of the letter does not give an account himself, nor direct me where I can obtain one, better than I have used, I am con strained to reprint my account without much emendation. The only facts which I ran gather from his letter, are, that, " before this event [Rogers's Expedition] took place, the St. Francis tribe numbered from 1800 to 2000 inhabitants ; but since, this number has made rapid decline, and at present on the point of total dissolution." Letter, dated Vincennes, Vt. 25 April, 1836. C.IAP. X.I PHILIP OP PIGWOKET. ARNOLD'S EXPEDITION. 319 named Stbaiis. The English commander says, " We found 600 scalps hang ing upon poles over the doors of their wigwams." Although the English had made such havoc among the Indians, yet a wretched calamity awaited them in their homeward march. They had but one of their number killed, who was an Indian, and six wounded, during the massacre, but on their return many were lost in the wilderness, starved and frozen to death. The scenes of individual suffering, could they be known, would probably exceed those which followed LoveweWs fight. Having mis taken the Upper for the Lower Coos, some set off by point of compass, ar d were never heard of after, and the enemy followed and cut off others. But Philip, at the head of his company, made good his retreat without losing a man in the way. Besides this expedition, in which Philip was one of "Rogers' rangers," he was at the capture of Louisburgh, under General Amherst, and was the first man that took possession of the fortress.* In the winter of 1757, when the English and French armies had gone into winter quarters, Colonel Rogers was left in command of Fort Edward, and had several severe battles with the French and Indians in scouting expeditions. In one of these, he fell in with a superior force to his own, near Ticonderoga, and lost many of his men, in killed and prisoners. This was on 21 January. The chief, Philip, was in that affair, and acted as ser geant. Concerning this chief, it is further said that he was but " half Indian," and that in the revolution, he joined the Americans, saying " he was a whig Indian." Mention has been made of an Indian of the name of SEBATIS or SABATIS. There were several of the name, and doubtless it was peculiar to the Abena- quies ; and hence that Sabatis, captured at St. Francis, was descended -om an Abenaquis family, who had settled there. It is possible also, that e may be the same who afterwards resided, near the head waters of the Kennebeck, with a brother named Natanis, who is brought to our notice in the accounts f of General Arnold's expedition through that region in the fall of 1775 ; but this is conjecture. However, what is known of these two brothers follows. General Arnold having, on his arrival in the Kennebeck River, ordered a small band to proceed in advance of the army, to discover and mark out a route for it, gave strict orders that Natanis should be captured or killed. This order had been given, because the general had been informed that he had been fixed there by the English of Canada, as a spy, to give information if an enemy should approach in that direction. But this, as it proved, was false information, and Natanis was the friend of the Americans, as also was his brother Sabatis, who lived about seven miles higher up the riv.er, above him. The residence of Natanis was a lonesome place, upon the bank of the river ; his cabin, situated in the centre of a green, the border of which was beyond musket shot from it, was a discovery which added to the suspicions of the party, who, having arrived in the neighborhood, 4 October, surrounded it at every point, and run in upon it with great eagerness; expecting, without doubt, to have taken him prisoner. In this they were disappointed, for it ap peared that the place had been deserted a week. Near by, at the shore of the river, a map drawn upon birch bark, was found in the top of a stake, very accurately delineating the courses of the rivers towards Canada, and lines denoting places of crossing from one to another. This greatly surprised them, but they profited much by it Nothing was seen of any Indians during t ie excursion of the exploring party, who, after about 22 days, in which they suffered every thing but death, rejoined the army. When the army had arrived within the bounds of Canada, which was on the 4 November, "we for the first time," says Mr. Henry, "had the pleasure of seeing the worthy and respectable Indian, Natanis, and his brother, Saba- * Rogers 1 Reminiscences, Appendix to new edition. t See that of Judge John J. Henry, 32, to 36, and 74, &,c. See also Shallu's Tables, ii. 609, and Col. Maiue Hist. Soc. i. 394. 320 NATANIS. SABATIS. PENOBSCOT INDIANS. [BOOK III. tis, with some others of their tribe." Natanis went to each of the companies of spies, and shook them by the hand, as though he had been formerly acquainted with them. He explained himself by telling them, that he had kept close to them all the time they were making their discovery beyond his residence, and until they returned, but did not dare to make himself known, for fear they would kill him a wise resolution. NATANIS and SABATIS, with 17 others of their tribe, joined the army on the River Chaudiere, and marched with it to Canada. When the attack on Quebec was made, 31 December, 1775, Natanis was wounded by a shot through the wrist, and fell into the hands of the British general, Carleton, who immediately set him at liberty. These were the first Indians employed in the revolutionary contest by the Americans.* We cannot pass over the momentous undertaking of Arnold, without re questing the reader to notice how many men of note and eminence survived its ruins General Daniel Morgan of Virginia, then a captain General Henry Dearborn of Massachusetts, of like rank Timothy Bigeloio of Massachusetts, a major Return J. Meigs, father of the late postmaster- general, of the same rank Samuel Spring, D. D. of Newburyport, a chaplain Aaron Burr of New Jersey, and General Benedict Arnold of Connecticut.! Numerous others de serve equal notice ; but it is not our province to enumerate them here. And from this digression we return to notice another chief nearly similar in name to the last. At the treaty of Georgetown, on Arrowsik Island, held by the eastern tribes with the English, 9 August, 1717, Sabbadis, as his name was then writ ten, appeared for the Androscoggins. Also at the treaty of Casco, dated 25 July, 1727, we find among the signers Sabatists of Arresagontacook.J What part Sabatis acted in the tragedies from 1722 to 1725, does not appear. In the HISTORY OF MAINE we find the following passage concerning Sab- batist, as he is there called. " In 1730, a chaplain was allowed at Fort George ; and it was in this place, where Sabbatist, the Anasagunticook sagamore, re quested government to keep some supplies: for, said he, in 'cold winters and tieep snows, my Indians, unable to go to Fort Richmond, sometimes suffer.' " We now pass to our own times to notice some modern Indians in the state of Maine. In 1816, the Penobscot tribe at Old Town,|| having lost its sachem, entered upon the election of another. It was some months before they could agree upon a successor, although it is their custom to elect a near relation of the deceased. At length party spirit having run unreasonably high, then* priest, who is a Roman Catholic, interfered, and they forsook the rival candidates, and elected John Jlitteon. This man, it is said, was a de scendant of Baron de Saint Castiens. The induction into office took place 19 September, 1816. At the same time John Neptune was constituted his lieutenant, and Captain Francis and another were confirmed as chief captains. ' A specimen of modern oratory among these Indians is given by Mr. WIL LIAMSON, who heard it, in his HISTORY OF MAINE. It was made in a court, by John Neptune, in extenuation of the murder of one Knight, by Peol Susup. The case was nearly as follows : In the evening of 28 June, 1816, this Indian was intoxicated, and at the tavern of said Knight at Bangor, (whether he had procured liquor there with which to intoxicate himself, we are not informed,) and being noisy and turbulent, Knight endeavored to expel him from his house. Having thrust him out of door, he endeavored to drive him away, and hi the attempt was stabbed, and immediately died. On his arrest, Susup acknowledged hia guilt, but said he was in liquor, and that Knight abused * Judge Henry, 75. f Henry, our authority before mentioned, was a private, aged but 16, who ran away from his father, and joined the army clandestinely; he died in 1810, aged 52. Morgan died in 1802, set. 65 ; Dearborn in 1829, ast. 78; Meigs in 1823; Spring in 1819, set. 73; Arnold in 1801, at London, set. 61 ; Burr died in New York, in 1836. J Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. ii. 242. 260. Williamson, ii. 159. || In 1811, this tribe consisted of but 57 families, and 241 persons. In 1820 there were 277 louls. Their increase, says Dr. Morse, Appendix to INDIAN REPORT 66, is owing to an obligation of the chiefs imposed upon their young men to marry early. CHAP. X.] AITTEON. NEPTUNE. 321 him, or he had not done it. Being brought to trial in June the next year at Castine, by advice of counsel, he pleaded not guilty ; and after a day spent in his trial, a verdict was rendered, according to the defence set up, man slaughter. Susup had a wife and several children ; four of whom, with their mother, were present, as were many other Indians from St. Johns and Passa maquoddy, besides a great crowd of whites. Aller sentence was declared, Susup was asked by the court if he had any thing to say for himself; to which he replied, " JOHN NEPTUNE will speak for me" NEPTUNE rose up, and, having advanced towards the judges, delib erately said, in English, " You knoio your people do my Indians great deal wrong. They abuse them very much yes they murder them ; then they walk right off nobody touches them. This makes my heart burn. Well, then my Indians say, we will go kill your very Jjod and wicked men. No, ItelFem never do that thing, we are brothers. Some time ago a very bad man * about Boston, shot an Indian dead. Your people said, surely he should die, but it was not so. In the great prison house he eats and lives to this day. Certainly he never dies for killing Indian. My brothers say let that bloody man go free Peol Susup too. So we wish. Hope Jills the hearts of us all Peace is good. These, my Indians, love it well. They smile under its shade. The white men and red men must be always friends. The Great Spirit is our father. / speak what I feel." " Susup was sentenced to another year's imprisonment, and required to find sureties for keeping the peace two years, in the penal sum of 500 dollars ; when John Neptune, Squire Jo Merry Neptune, of his own tribe, Capt. Solmond, from Passamaquoddy, and Capt. Jo Tomer, from the River St. Johns, became his sureties in the cognizance." f Captain Francis, the first captain of the tribe, has been mentioned, and who, according to the historian of Maine, is a man of good understanding. If the information he has given concerning the eastern Indians be correct, and we see no cause to doubt it, it is of much value, and no less interest He assured Mr. Williamson, " that all the tribes between the Saco and the St. Johns, both inclusive, are brothers; that the eldest lived on the Saco; that each tribe is younger as we pass eastward, like the sons of the same father, though the one at Passamaquoddy J is the youngest of all, proceeding from those upon the River St. Johns and Penobscot. ' Mways? he affirms, ' / could understand all these brothers very well when they speak ; but when the Mickmaks or the iQlgonquins, or Canada Indians talk, I cannot tell all what they say.' " Before dismissing the interesting Tarratines, it may be proper to present a specimen of their language. Mctunk^senah, ouwa^ne, spum^keag-aio, kee^nuck tle-ice-seh, keaW-dabeP-dock, noic-do^-seh, keah^-olct-hauTta-mon-a, numah-zee, m'se-tah^-mah, fhah-lah-wee*- keunah, spum'-keag-aio, me-lea^neh, neo'iiah, ne-quem-pe-bem-gees'o'coque, maje^ me, gees^-cool, ar^bon, mus-see-a'tos^see, neo^nah, commont^en-esk-sock, 't-hah-lah- tcee-keunah, num-e-se-comele^ent, tah-hah-la-we-u-keah-ma-che-ke^-cheek, a-que-hc\ a-que-ah-lah-ke-me-sah^coque, n'gah^ne, numa-zee\ nea-nah, neoje, saw^-got. * " He alluded to one Livermore, who had received sentence of death for killing an In dian, which was commuted to hard labor for Hfe in the state's prison." Williamson. An Indian named CREVAY, a Penobscot of the tribe of St. Francis, to avoid being dis tressed by the war on the frontiers of Canada, with his wife wandered down into Massachu setts, and erected a wigwam on the shore of Spot Pond, in the town of Stoneham, where they lived. At length some abominable white ruffians, on the night of the 23 November, 1813. shot him while he was asleep, and badly wounded his squaw. Not being killed outright, this Indian crawled from his wigwam, and was found the next day almost lifeless and in great agony, and he expired in a few days after. The names of the murderers I will not give, for I abhor to sully my page with them. Four were guilty. One fled from justice, two were tried and condemned to be hanged, December 25lh, following. Report of Hie Trial. t Ibid. t The Indians said, Pascodum-oquon-keag. Pascodum meant pollock; oquon, catch 'em great many ; eag, land or place. Penops, rocks ; keag, a place of. 322 HOWLS. BLIND-WILL. [BOOK HI woo-saw*me, keah-dabeld^-ock, ego-mah, keeloah\ noa^chee, done-ahVe, sazoos^ neahVets, quos^-que.* In speaking of the New Hampshire sachems, it was not intended that sc conspicuous a chief as Rowls should have been silently passed over, and therefore we will give him a place here. This chief has of late years become noted, from the circumstance of his name's being found to the celebrated Wheelwright deed of 1629. That deed, it may be proper to remark, purported to have been given by Passaconaway, Runaawitt, Wehanoimowit, and Roivls. The tract of country conveyed was included between the Pascataqua and Merrimack Rivers, and bounded inland by a line from "Pawtucket" Falls in the latter, and Newichawannok in the former. It is pretty certain, now, that these sachems gave no such deed at the time specified. ROWLS was sachem of the Newichawannoks, and his dwelling-place was upon the north side of the Pascataqua, not fer from Quampeagan Falls, in Berwick, then Kittery. " In 1643, he conveyed the lands of his vicinity to Humphrey Chadbourn ; and others afterwards, to Spencer ; the former being the earliest Indian deed found upon our records. It is certain that all the Indians upon the river to its mouth, were his subjects, though he was under Passaconaway."f Mr. Hubbard\ says, "There was within the compass of the seven years now current, [about 1670,] a sagamore about Kittary, called Rouls or Rolles : who laying veiy sick, and bedrid, (being an old man,) he ex pected some of the English, that seized upon his land, should have shown him that civility, as to have given him a visit in his aged infirmities and sick ness. It matters not much whether it was totally neglected or not ; to be sure at the last, he sent for the chiefs of the town and desired a favor of them, viz. that though he might, as he said, challenge [claim] all the plantation for his own, where they dwelt, that yet they would please to sell or give him a small tract of land, possibly an hundred or two of acres, and withall desired it might be recorded in the town book, as a public act, that so his children, which he left behind, might not be turned out, like vagabonds, as destitute of an habitation amongst, or near the English, adding this as a reason : That he knew there would shortly fall out a war between the Indians and the English, all over the country, and that the Indians at the first should prevail, and do much mischief to the English, and kill many of them : But after the third year, or after three years, all the Indians which so did, should be rooted out, and utterly destroyed." This account, the same author says, " is reported by Maj. Waldron, Mr. Joshua Moody, Capt. Frost, that live upon, or near the place." A chief named Blind-vntt was successor to Rotts, and in Philip's war served the English. Why the word blind was prefixed to his name is not mentioned, but probably he had lost an eye. In 1677, the wretched expedient was resorted to by the whites, of employing the Mohawks against the Tarratines, and two messengers, Majors Pinchon and Richards, were despatched to their country. They were kindly received by them, and promised their assistance. " Accordingly some parties of them came down the country, about the middle of March, and the first alarm was given at Amuskeeg Falls ; where the son of Wonolanset being hunting, discovered 15 Indians on the other side, who called to him in a lan guage which he did not understand; upon which he fled, and they fired near 30 guns at him without effect. Presently after this they were discovered in the woods near Cochecho. Major Waldron sent out eight of his Indians, whereof Blind-ioill was one, to make further discovery. They were all surprised together by a company of the Mohawks ; two or three escaped, the others were either killed or taken. IVill was dragged away by his hair ; and being wounded, perished in the woods, on a neck of land, formed by the confluence of Cochecho and Ising-glass Rivers, which still bears the name of Blind-unit's Neck." Such were the exploits of the allies of the English * Williamson's Maine, i. 513. t Williamson, i. 460. % Indian Wars, ii. &f $ Bdknnp, Hist. N. H. i. 123. CHAP. X.I ASSACAMBUIT. 323 at this time ; nor do we find that any others were performed of a different character. Notwithstanding, the same miserable policy was talked of again iibout nine years after ; but we do not learn that it was carried into practice. It was, perhaps, at the time of which we have been speaking, that the Nar- raganset chief Peasacus was murdered, as has been mentioned.* We had not thus long delayed our notice of one of the most renowned chiefs, but from the untoward circumstance of having mislaid a valuable communication concerning him.f The sachem of whom we are now to speak was known among the French by the name of Nescambiouit, but among the English he was called ASSACAMBUIT, | and Jlssacombuil.$ This chief was as faithful to the French as one of their own nation ; and our account of him begins in 1696, when, with Iberville and the famous Montigny, he rendered important service in the reduction of the English Fort St. Johns, 30 November, of that year. Being apprized of the approach of the French and Indians, the English sent out 88 men to oppose them, who, on the 28, were met and attacked by a part of Iberville's army, under Montigny and JVescambiouit, and defeated with the loss of 55 men. On the night before St. Johns capitulated, Iberville, with Nescambioiiit as his second, at the head of 30 men, made a sally to burn one part of the town, while D'Muys and Montigny, with 60 others, were ordered to fire it at another point. Both parties succeeded. In 1699, he is noticed for some cruelty, which, it was said, he inflicted upon a child, named Thomasin Rouse. He having ordered it to carry something to the water side, it cried ; he took a stick and struck her down, and she lay for dead. He then threw her into the water, but she was saved by another Indian. She was an English captive, and was soon after restored. This account was handed Dr. Mather, by one who had just returned from Casco Bay, where lie had been to hold a treaty with the Indians. The account closes in these words: "This Jlssacomiuit hath killed and taken this war, (they tell me,) 150 me'n, women and children. A bloody Devil." || It is said that Mauxis, Wanungonet, and Jlssacombuit, were " three of the most valiant and puissant sachems " of the east.1T Their attack upon the fort at Casco, in August, 1703, has been mentioned.** In 1704, some of the Abe- naquis, having established themselves in Newfoundland, were attacked by the English, and some of them killed. Whereupon they applied to Governor Vaudnuil for assistance to repel them, and he sent Montigny with a few Canadians, who joined themselves with about 50 Abenaquis under Nescambi- oiiit, and attacked the English with great success. They pillaged and burnt one fort, and took many prisoners, ff In 1705, M. Subercase. having succeeded M. Brouillon in the government of Newfoundland, endeavored to make thorough work with the remaining English there. Their success was nearly complete, and here again JVescam biouit is noticed as acting a conspicuous part Subercase's army consisted of 400 men,{{ in all, and they set out from Placentia 15 January, upon snow- shoes, with 20 days' provisions. They suffered much from the rigor of the weather, and did not fall upon the English until the 26, which was at a place called Rebou. They next took Petit Havre. At St. Johns they found some resistance, where the English now had two forts, which were supplied with cannon and mortars, and, after losing five men in killed and wounded, were obliged to raise the siege, in consequence of want of powder ; having dam aged much of what they brought with them in wading rivers. They next attacked Forrillon and took it. This was 5 March. Here was also a fort, * See B. II. p. 58. note . t From Rev. Mr. Felt, of Hamilton. PerJialltno. Cliarleroix, ii. 193. || Magnalia, vii. 95. IT Penlialloic, 6. ** Page 104, lib. iii. ft Charlevmx, ii. 294. ft This is according to Charlevoix, but Penhallmn says 500, and Anspach, (Hist. Newfound and, 123.) about 500. Charlevoix is, doubtless, nearest the truth. $$ Le Bmirgfut brfdv, apres ijuoi AioNTiGNY, qui avail amenS & cette expedition sonfdeU NESCAMBIOUIT,/?** dftacht fl'-ec les sauvages, et vne partie des Canadiens, peur alter du colt dt Carbonniere, et de Bonneinste, arec order de br&ler el de detndre toute le cote, ce qu'i . txecuta sans perdre im seui liomme, tant la terreur etoit grande parmi Us Anglois. N France, ii. 300. 324 ASSACAMBUIT. [BOOK III. into which the inhabitants at first retired, and endeavored to defend themselves, but soon surrendered prisoners of war.* Not long after these services Nescambioiiit sailed for France, and in 170G visited his majesty, King Louis XIV, at Versailles. Here, among other emi nent personages, he became known to the historian CHARLEVOIX. f The king having presented him an elegant sword, he is reported to have said, holding up his hand, "This hand has slain one hundred and forty of your majes ty's enemies in New England ; " J and that whereupon, the king forthwith knighted him, and ordered that henceforth a pension of eight livres a day be allowed him for life. Nescambioiiit returned to America in 1707, and the next year accompanied Rouville to attack Haverhill in Massachusetts. The French had intended a much more formidable conquest, and had engaged bands of Indians from four nations to cooperate with them, and all were to rendezvous at Lake Nikisipique, as they called Winnipesauke or Winnipisiogee. But all except the Algonquins and Abenaquis under Nescambiouit, having failed and deserted them, they were on the point of abandoning their enterprise altogether. Having made known their situation to Governor Vaudreuil, and requested his orders, he directed, that though all the Indians deserted them, they should not give over the expedition. Des Chaillons having communicated this intel ligence to the Indians, they entreated him to lead them forward, and said they would follow him wherever he chose to go. From Nikisipique they marched, at last, with 200 men, fell upon Haver- hill^ and sacked it. The attack was made, sun about an hour high, 29 August, 1708. The contest was short as the opposition was feeble. The English lost about 100 persons by this irruption, 40 or 50 of whom were killed at Haverhill. Nescambiouit, in this affair, fought by the side of the commander-in-chief, and performed prodigies of valor with the sword which lie brought from France. Having burned the fort and many of the buildings in the village,|| they began to retrace then- steps, with precipitation. The English, having rallied, formed an ambush in the edge of the woods, about a mile and a half from the town, attacked them vigorously, killing and wounding many of them. In the ambush were 60 or 70 English, who, after hanging upon their flanks for near an hour, retreated. In this last affair the French suffered most. In both encounters, 18 men were wounded, three Indians and five Frenchmen killed. In the ambush fell Hertel of Chambly, and Vercheres, both officers of experience ; and the renowned Assammbuit, as though, elsewhere, like Achil les, invulnerable, was wounded by a shot in the foot. This last attack had the happy effect of immediately restoring many of the prisoners. From 1708 to 1727, we hear nothing of Jlssacambuit. In June of the latter year, his death is recorded, accompanied with a short account of him, in a newspaper of that time. Mention is made, among other things, that, like Hercules, he had a "famous club "which he always carried with him, on which were 98 notches, denoting the number of " English " he had killed ; that he was knighted while in France, the insignia of which, on his return home, he wore upon his breast in large letters. In this newspaper commu nication he is styled " Old Escambuit" " formerly the principal sagamore of (the now dispersed) tribe of the Saco or Pigwacket Indians." He probably went to reside among the St. Francis tribe about 1700. He was restless when there was no war, and our account says, " when there was something of a prospect of settled peace, about 30 years ago, [1700,] he marched off the * Anspach, 124. t Hist. Gen. de la Nouv. France, ii. 326. \ Penkallow, 40. This must be, we think, a great misrepresentation of his real speech, as subsequent details will lead one to suppose. Perhaps he might have said forty. " Ils prirent alors le parti de marcher contre un village appelle HAWKEUIL, compost de mntcinq a trente maisons bien batis, avec un fort, ou logeoit le gouvemeur. Ce fort avoit une garrison de trente soldats, et il y en aroit au moins dix dans chaque maison." || Charlevoix says, " Toutes les maisons se dffendirent aussi trts-bien, et eureut le mmt tvrt. ll'y fut environ cent Anglois de tues dans ces differentes attaques ; plusieurs autres, qui attendirent trap tard & sortir au fort et des maisons, y furent brules." None of the English accounts mention this, and it was doubtless supposition, without foundation in fact, CHAP. XI.] DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD. 325 ground as a disbanded officer, left his brethren and travelled towards the Mis sissippi, where he was constantly engaged in wars, and never heard of till the last fall he returned to those [eastern] parts." This was probably the report among the English of New England ; but in truth he was with the French in Canada, as we have seen. Had PENHALLOW published his INDIAN WARS one year later, he would not, probably, have closed his account as he did concerning him. He says that, at his return from France, he was so exalted that he treated his countrymen in the most haughty and arrogant manner, " murdering one and stabbing another, which so exasperated those of their relations, that they sought revenge, and would have instantly exe cuted it, but that he fled his country, and never returned after." CHAPTER XL Destruction of Decrftcld, and captivity of Reverend John Williams and family, in 1704. SOMETIMES in a volume, and sometimes in a pamphlet, the narrative of this affair had often been given to the world previous to 1774, by one of the principal actors in it, whose name is at the beginning of this chapter, and which is doubtless familiar to every reader of New England legends. The edition of Mr. Williams's work, out of which 1 take this, was prepared by the renowned New England annalist, the Reverend Thomas Prince, and was the 5th, printed at Boston " by John Boyle, next door to the Three Doves in Marl- borough Street, 1774." It was a closely printed 8vo. pamphlet of 70 pages. It will be necessary to relate some important facts of historical value before proceeding with the narrative. As at several other times, the plan was laid early in 1703, in Canada, for laying waste the whole English fron tier, but like former and later plans, laid in that region, this but partially succeeded. Though the eastern settlements from Casco to Wells were destroyed, and 130 people killed and captivated, the summer before, yet the towns on the Connecticut had neglected their precautionary duty. And although Governor Dudley of Massachusetts had but little while before been notified of the design of the French, yet it was impossible to guard the eastern coast against the attack. Deerfield had been palisaded and 20 soldiers placed in it, but had been quartered about in different houses, and, entirely forgetting their duty as soldiers, were surprised with the rest of the town. The snow was deep, which gave the enemy an easy entrance over the pickets. The French were commanded by Heriel de Rouville, but the commanders of the Indians remain unknown. jVlr. jrilliams thus begins his narrative : " On Tuesday the 29th of Feb ruary, 17013-4, not long before break of day, the enemy came in like a flood upon us ; our watch being unfaithful : an evil, whose awful effects, in a sur- prizal of our fort, should bespeak all watchmen to avoid, as they would not bring the charge of blood upon themselves. They came to my house in the beginning of the onset, and by their violent endeavors to break open doora ;md \vin< lows, with axes and hatchets, awakened me out of sleep; on which I leaped out of bed, and running towards the door, perceived the enemy making their entranoe into the house. I called to awaken two soldiers in the chamber ; and returning toward my bedside for my arms, the enemy immediately brake into my room, I judge to the number of 20, with painted laces, and hideous acclamations. I reached up my hands to the bed-tester, for my pistol, uttering a short petition to God, expecting a present passage through the valley of the shadow of death." "Taking down my pistol, 1 cocked it, and put it to the breast of the first Indian who came up ; but my pistol missing fire, I was seized by 3 Indians who disarmed me, and bound me naked, as I was, in my shirt, and so I stood for near the space of an hour." Meanwhile the work of destruction and pillage was carried on with great fury. One of the three who captured Mr. Williams was a captain. 326 DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD. [BooK 111. against whom, says our captive, " the judgment of God did not long slumber for by sun-rising he received a mortal shot from my next neighbor's house." This, though not a garrison, and containing but seven men, withstood the efforts of the 300 French and Indians which now beset them. That house remains to this day, bearing upon its front door the marks of the hatchet.* After about two hours the enemy took up their march from the town, having plundered and burnt it, and put 47 persons to death, including those Killed in making defence. Mrs. Williams having lately lain in, was feeble, which, without the scene now acting before her, rendered her case hopeless ; but to this was added the most shocking murders in her presence two of her children were taken to the door and killed, also a black woman be longing to the family. "About sun an hour high," continues the redeemed captive, "we were all carried out of the house for a march, and saw many of the houses of my neighbors in flames, perceiving the whole fort, one house excepted, to be taken !" " We were carried over the river, to the foot of the mountain, about a mile from my house, where we found a great number of our Christian neighbors, men, women, and children, to the number of 100 ; nineteen of whom were afterward murdered by the way, and two starved to death near Coos, in a time of great scarcity, or famine, the savages underwent there. When we came to the foot of our mountain, they took away our shoes, and gave us Indian shoes, to prepare us for our journey." The army had left their packs at this place, and while they were getting ready to decamp, the. few English that had escaped at the town, and a few from Hatfield, who had been notified of the fate of Deerfield by one or two ; who had escaped there, pursued, and in a meadow between the town and the main body, met a party of the enemy, and a sharp fight ensued. The small band of Englishmen did not retreat until the main body under Rouville were about to encircle them, and then they left nine of their number slain. Such was the success of the English in the beginning of the fight, that, fearing a defeat, Rouville had ordered the captives to be put to death ; but, fortunately, the bearer of the fatal message was killed by the way. Three hundred miles of a trackless wilderness was now to be traversed, and that too at a season of all others the most to be dreaded ; boughs of trees formed the beds of enceinte women and little children for 40 days, which was the time taken for the journey. The first day's journey was but about four miles, and although one child was killed, in general the children were treated well ; probably, the historians say, that by delivering them at Canada, the Indians would receive a valuable ransom for them. Mr. Williams proceeds : " God made the heathen so to pity our children, that though they had several wounded persons of their own to carry upon their shoulders, for 30 miles before they came to the river, [the Connecticut 30 miles above Deerfield,] yet they carried our children, uncapable of traveling, in their arms, and upon their shouldiers." At the first encampment some of the Indians got drunk with liquor they found at Deerfield, and in their rage killed Mr. Williams's negro man, and caused the escape of a Mr. Alexander. In the morning Mr. Williams was ordered before the commander-in-chief, (he considering him the principal of the captives,) and ordered to inform the other captives, that if any more at tempted to escape, the rest should be put to death. In the second day's march occurred the death of Mrs. Williams, the affecting account of which we will give nearly in the language of her husband. At the upper part of Deerfield meadow it became necessary to cross Green River. The Indian that cap tured Mr. Williams was unwilling that he should speak to the other captives ; but on the morning of the second day, that Indian captain being appointed to command in the rear, he had another master put over him, who not only allowed him to speak to others, but to walk with his wife, and assist her along This was then* last meeting, and she very calmly told him that her strength was failing fast, and that he would soon lose her. She spoke no discoura- * See Col. Hoyt's Ant. Resear. which, we are glad to observe, is the best volume of New Euglaud Indian wars that has yet appeared. CHAP. XI.] DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD. 327 ging words, or complained of the hardness of her fortune. The company soon came to a halt, and Mr. WUliams's old master resumed his former station, and ordered him into the van, and his wife was obliged to travel unaided. They had now arrived at Green River, as we have related. This they passed by wading, although the current was very rapid, (which was the cause, no doubt, of its not being frozen over,) and about two feet in depth. After passing this river, they had to ascend a steep mountain. " No sooner," eays Mr. Williams, " had I overcome the difficulty of that ascent, but I was permitted to sit down, and be unburthened of rny pack. I sat pitying those who were behind, and intreated my master to let me go down and help my w ife , but he refused. I asked each of the prisoners, as they passed by me, after her, and heard, that passing through the above said river, she fell down and was plunged all over in the water ; after which she travelled not far, for at the foot of that mountain, the cruel and bloodthirsty savage who took her slew her with his hatchet at one stroke." The historians have left us no record of the character of this lady, but from the account left us by her husband, she was a most amiable companion. She was the only daughter of Reverend Eleazer Mather, minister of Northampton, by his wife Esther, daughter of Reverend John Warham, who came from England in 1630. The second night was spent at an encampment in the northerly part of what is now Bcrnardstown, and in the course of the preceding day a young woman and child were killed and scalped. At this camp a council was held upon the propriety of putting Mr. Williams to death, but his master prevailed on the rest to save his life ; for the reason, no doubt, that he should receive a high price for his ransom. The fourth day brought them to Connecticut River, about 30 miles above Deerfield. Here the wounded, children and bag gage were put into a kind of sleigh, and passed with facility upon the river. Every day ended the suffering and captivity of one or more of the prisoners. The case of a young woman named Mary Brooks, was one to excite excess ive pity, and it is believed, that had the Indians been the sole directors of the captives, such cases could hardly have occurred. This young woman, being enceinte, and walking upon the ice in the river, often fell down upon it, probably with a burthen upon her; which caused premature labor the fol lowing night. Being now unfitted for the journey, her master deliberately told her she must be put to death. With great composure she got liberty of him to go and take leave of her minister. She told him she was not afraid of death, and after some consoling conversation, she returned and was executed ! This was March 8. At the mouth of a river since known as WUliams's River, upon a Sunday, the captives were permitted to assemble around their minister, and he preached a sermon to them from Lam. i. 18. At the mouth of White River Rouville divided his force into several parties, and they took different routes to the St. Lawrence. In a few instances the captives were purchased of the Indians, by the French, and the others were at the different lodges of the Indians. During his captivity, Mr. Williams visited various places on the St. Law rence. At Montreal he was humanely treated by Governor Vaudreuil. In his interviews with the French Jesuits he uniformly found them using every endeavor to convert him and others to their religion. However, most of the captives remained steady in the Protestant faith. And in 1706, fifty-seven of them were by a flag-ship conveyed to Boston. A considerable number remained in Canada, and never returned, among whom was Eunice Williams, daughter of the minister. She became a firm catholic, married an Indian, by whom she had several children, and spent her days in a wigwam. She visited Deerfield with her Indian husband, dressed in Indian style, and was kindly received by her friends. All attempts to regain her were ineffectual. Reverend Eleazer Williams, late a missionary to the Greenbay Indians, is a descendant He was educated by the friends of missions in New England. In the History of Canada by Charlevoix, the incursions undertaken by the French and Indians are generally minutely recorded ; but this against Deer- field he has unaccountably summed up in a dozen lines of his work. The following is the whole passage : In the end of autumn, 1703, the English, despairing of securing the In- 328 MONEY OF THE INDIANS. [Boos III dians, made several excursions into their country, and massacred all such as they could surprise. Upon this, the chiefs demanded aid of M. de Faudreuil, and he sent them during the winter 250 men under the command of the Sieur Hertel de RouvUle, a reformed lieutenant, who took the place of his already renowned father, whose age and infirmities prevented his under taking such great expeditions. Four others of his children accompanied Rouville, who in their tour surprised the English, killed many of them, and made 140 of them prisoners. The French lost but three soldiers, and some savages, but Rouville was himself wounded.* CHAPTER X1L Various incidents in the history of the New England Indians, embracing several important events, with a sequel to some previous memoirs. He felt his life's blood freezing fist ; He grasped his bow, his lance, and steel ; He was of Wampanoag's last. To die were easy not to yield. His eyes were fixed upon the sky ; He gasped as on the ground he fell ; None but his foes to see him die None but his foes his death to tell. THE performances of one Cornelius, "the Dutchman," in Philip's war, are very obscurely noticed in the histories of the times, none of them giving us even his surname ; and we have, in a former chapter, given the amount of what has before been published. I am now able to add concerning him, that his name was Cornelius Consert ; that the last time he went out against the Indians, he served about six weeks; was captain of the forlorn hope in the Quabaog expedition, in the autumn of the first year of Philip's war; marched also to Groton and Chelmsford, and was discharged from service, " being ready to depart the country," October 13, 1675. It was probably in his Quabaog expedition that he committed the barbarous exploit upon "an old Indian,""the account of which has been given ; it was doubtless during the same expedition, which appears to have terminated in September, that "he brought round five Indians to Boston," who, being cast into prison, were afterwards "delivered to Mr. Samuel Shrimpton, to be under his employ on Noddle's Island," subject "to the order of the council." I shall here pass to fcome further account of the money of the Indians. We have quoted the comical account of the money of the Indians of New England, by John Josselyn, and will now quote the graphic and sensible one given by the unfortunate John Lawson, in his account of Carolina, of the money in use among the southern Indians. "Their money," he says, "is of different sorts, but all made of shells, which are found on the coast of Caro lina, being very large and hard, and difficult to cut. Some English smiths have tried to drill this sort of shell money, and thereby thought to get an advantage, but it proved so hard that nothing could be gained ; " and Morton, in his New English Canaan, says that, although some of the English in New England have tried "by example to make the like, yet none hath ever attained to any perfection in the composure of them, so out that the salvages have found a great difference to be in the one and the other; and have known the counterfeit beads from those of their own making; and have, and doe slight them." Hence the conclusion of Josselyn, before extracted, namely, that " neither Jew nor devil could counterfeit the money of the Indians." Mr. Lawson continues: "The Indians often make, of the same kind of shells as those of which their money is made, a sort of gorget, which they wear about * Histoire Generalc de la Nouv. France, ii. 290. CHAP. XII.] GORMAN. NANUNTENOO. 329 their necks in a string ; so it hangs on their collar, whereon sometimes is engraven a cross, or some odd sort of figure which comes next in their fancy There are other sorts valued at a doeskin, yet the gorgets will sometimes sell for three or four buckskins ready dressed. There be others, that eight of them go readily for a doeskin ; but the general and,current species of all the Indians in Carolina, and I believe, all over the continent, as far as the bay of Mexico, is that which we call Peak, and Ronoak, but Peak more especially. This is that which at New York they call Wampum, and have used it as current money amongst the inhabitants for a great many years. Five cubits of tliis purchase a dressed doeskin, and seven or eight buy a dressed buck skin. To make this Peak it cost the English five or ten times as much as they could get for it, whereas it cost the Indians nothing, because they set no value upon their time, and therefore have no competition to fear, or that others will take its manufacture out of their hands. It is made by grinding the pieces of shell upon stone, and is smaller than the small end of a tobacco- pipe, or large wheat-straw. Four or five of these make an inch, and every one is to be drilled through and made as smooth as glass, and so strung, as beads are. A cubit, of the Indian measure, contains as much in length as will reach from the elbow to the end of the little finger. They never stand to question, whether it be a tall man or a short one that measures it. If this wampum-peak be black or purple, as some part of that shell is, then it is twice the value. The drilling is the most difficult and tedious part of the manufacture. It is done by sticking a nail in a cane or reed, which they roll upon their thighs with their right hand, while with their left they apply the bit of shell to the iron point. But especially in making their ronoak, four of which will scarce make on^ length of wampum. Such is the money of the Indians, with which you may buy all they have. It is their mammon, (as our money ;s to us,) that entices and persuades them to do any thing, part with their capil~es or slaves, and, sometimes, even their wives' and daughters' chastity. \VrJz it they buy off murderers; and whatever a man can do that is ill, this wampu;~ will quit him of, and make him, in their opinion, good and virtuous, though r^ver so black before." To return to the chiefs. Of the Narragariset InJian Gorman very little had been found when he was noticed before, and it is biU little that we can now add concerning the " cheiffe counceller" of the "old crafty sachem" of Niantik. It appears that in the month of September, 1675, Corman was in Boston, whither he had been sent as an ambassador by the Narraganset sachems, and especially by Ninigret; and although Ninigret was a peace-maker, and had not been any how implicated in the war then going on, yet, such was the rage of the popu lace against all Indians, that it was not deemed safe for even a friend from among them to walk alone in the streets of the town. On the evening of the 28th of September, as Corman, now an old man, was walking through one of the streets, guarded by persons on each side of him, a certain miscreant, named William Smith, ran furiously against him, and thus separating him from those about him, did, by another motion, strike his feet from under him in such a manner that his head and shoulders came in violent contact with the ground, very seriously injuring him. Complaint having been made to the governor and council, they had both Smith and Corman brought before them the next day, and the charge against the former being established by the evidence of Mrs. Sarah Pickering, who saw the fact committed, "the court, in hearing of the case, judged it meet to bear due testimony against such abuse, and sentence the said Smith to pay, as a fine to the country, the sum of forty shillings, or be whipt with ten stripes; also to pay the said Corman for his damage the sum of ten shillings in money." It is very diffi cult to understand the grounds of the decision of the honorable court, unless they seriously thought that the ground on which poor old Corman fell was hurt four times as much as he was! If this was not its reason, why should forty shillings be paid to the country and only ten to CORMAN? As new local and other histories appear, and the decaying manuscripts are put in a situation and condition to be conveniently consulted, new lights are daily reflected on the dark passages of our history. The presence ofJVanun ttnoo at the battle of Pawtucket, or, as it is more commonly called, Peirst'a 28* 330 COLONEL CHURCH. INDIAN LETTERS. [Boon III fight, has been questioned by a very excellent local historian, Mr. Bliss, in his history of llelioboth, but, as I apprehend, from a misconstruction of some passages in Hubbard's Narrative, especially from that passage where it is said that Nanunteuoo, when surprised by Denison's men, "was divertising himself with the recital of Captain Peirse's slaughter, surprised by his men a few days before." It is true that this sentence will admit of two construc tions, either that the chief was diverting himself by recounting to his men his particular acts in that tragedy, or by a general account of its progress, or that they were diverting him; the former would be by no means improbable, especially if some of those about him had not been in the action, which would not be at all strange, as numbers of them were, doubtless, strolling upon hunting and other expeditions when the battle was fought. That Nanuutenoo did not leave the Connecticut River until the "first week in April" cannot be true, nor by that loosely stated date does Hubbard refer to his leaving the Connecticut, but to "about the time" of his capture. If he refers to the time of his leaving the river, he refers to his men also, who, he says, did not leave until alter he did ; but it was his men that defeated Peirse. These are all the lights we are able to throw on that great event, and must here leave it in the same doubt we found it, and which is ever, most likely, to shroud it. It would be highly gratifying to be able to give sketches of some of the prominent English captains, or others, who were conspicuous in Indian history, but our design and limits both preclude such digressions, and we cannot indulge in but a few. In a recent ramble in the Hill burying-ground, in Middleborough, I discovered the grave of a Lieutenant Nathaniel Sourh- worth, upon the head-stone of which it is inscribed that he died January 14, 1710, in his 62d year; he was therefore about 28 in the time of Philip's war, and is, very probably, the same who distinguished himself on many occasions under Captain Church. He lies among a group of graves of his family connections. We did not intentionally omit to notice the death of his commander in another chapter. Colonel Church died on the 17 of January, 1718, in the 78th year of his age, and lies buried at Compton in Massa chusetts. He was born at Plymouth in 1639, and not long after removed to Duxbury with his father.* He was a housewriglit by trade, as were his father and one or two of his brothers. How many he had I am not sure, but Caleb and Joseph are mentioned, and a sister who married an Irish, and lived in Compton. In 1674 he bought land of the government and removed to Sogkonate, the then Indian name of the tract of country since Compton. Here he was prosperously making a farm when Philip's war broke out, and was obliged to quit his improvements. Possessing a remarkably active mind, vigorous body, and glowing patriotism, he was not long an idle spectator of the w r ar, engaging in it without reward as a volunteer; and our previous pages have shown that he raised himself to the chief military place in the country, and several civil offices of honor. After Philip's war Colonel Church resided at Bristol, then at Fall River, and, lastly, again at Sogkonate ; in each of which places he left a good estate. In his latter years he had become very corpulent, and burdensome to himself. The morning before his death lie visited his sister, Mrs. Irish, about two miles from his residence, on horse back; returning home, his horse stumbled, and threw him with such force upon the ground that a blood-vessel was broken, and he died in about 12 hours after. H<* married Mrs. Alice Southworth, by whom he had five sons and one daughter. One of his sons, Thomas, published "The Entertaining History of Philip's War," which has been published in 4to., 8vo., 12mo., and 33 authority in all matters where Church was himself concerned. We have next to recur to the subject of the Indian letters, pending the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson. Those given in the third chapter of this book were copied from a transcript made at the time they were received from the Indians, but a recurrence to the originals bus supplied the following additions. JVepanet, when sent out on the 3 April, 1676, as noted on page 90, had with him the following letter from Governor Leverett: * His biographers have said that lie was born at Duxbury ; but Judge Davis informed me Ibat he was born at Plymouth, and that some records he had seen there were his authority XII.] INDIAN LETTERS MADOKAWANDO 331 " For the Indian Sagamores and people that are in icarre against MS. Intelli gence is come to us that you have some English, especially women and children, in capthity among you. We have therefore sent the messenger offering to redeem them, either for payment in goods or wampom, or hy exchange of prisoners. We desire your answer hy this our messenger, what price you demand for every man, woman, and child, or if you will exchange for Indians. If you have any among you that can write your answer to this our message, we desire it in writing; and to that end have sent paper, pen and incke by the messenger. If you lett our messenger have free accesse to you, freedoms of a safe returne, wee are willing to doe the like by any mes senger of yours, provided he come unarmed, and carry a white flag upon a staffe, visible to be scene, which we take as a flagge of truce, and is used by civilized nations in time of warre, when any messengers are sent in a way of treaty, which we have done by our messenger. In testimony whereof 1 have set to my hand and seal. JOHN LEVERETT, GovV. Boston, 31 March, 1676. Passed by the council. EDWARD RAWS ON, Secretary" The answer returned to this letter is that printed on page 90, which does not differ essentially from the original ; and the English at Boston imme diately complied with the request of the Indians, by sending two messengers to renew the negotiation. By these messengers an answer was returned, written by James the Printer, as follows : u For the Governor and Council at Boston: The Indians, Tom Nepenomp and Peter Tatatiqunca, hath brought us letter from you about the English captives, especially for Mrs. Rolanson. The answer is, I am sorrow that 1 have don much wrong to you : and yet, I say, the fault is lay upon you ; for when we begun to quarrell at first with Plimouth men, I did not think that you should have so much trouble as now is : therefore I am willing to heare your desire about the captives. Therefore we desire you to sent Mr. Rolon- son and goodman Kettle (for their wives) and these Indians, Tom and Peter, to redeeme their wives: They shall come and go very safely: Whereupon, wee ask Mrs. Rolonson, how much your husband willing to give for you ? Shee give on answer, 20 pound in goods : but John Kettel's wife could not tel. And the rest, captives, may be spoken of hereafter." When this letter was taken to Boston, the governor immediately despatched another. " To the In-linn Sachems about Wackiisei. We received your letter by Tom and Peter, which doth not answer ours to you ; neither is it sub scribed by the sachems; nor hath it any date, which we know your scribe, James Printer, doth well understand should be. We have sent the said Tom and Peter againe to you, expecting you will, speedily, by them, give us a plaine and direct answer to our last letter, and if you have any thing more to pro pound to us, wee desire to have it from you under your hands, by these our messengers, and you shall have a speedy answer. Dated at Boston, 28 April, ]676." Such are all the additions we are able to make to that memorable negotiation, which was one of the immediate causes of Philip's reverses and final overthrow. Of a chief so prominent as Madokaicando, we are glad to be able at any time to extend our memoir, for, in our opinion, few leaders of any country appear to better advantage. Taking nothing but what his enemies have said of him, we have much to admire. No warrior was ever more humane to prisoners than Madokawando, where he commanded in person. He entered into the war against the English with the greatest reluctance, but when he had once "stepped in," they found him no common foe. Repeated depreda tions from the whites at length brought him into the field; the desolation of York followed; its inhabitants were nearly all killed or led into captivity, the particulars of which we have already related. Before Wells he was not so successful, but for that failure he is not accountable, as the expedition against it was under the direction of two prominent French officers. His preserva tion and liberation of Thomas Gobbet were acts of pure humanity. 332 MOXUS TAKES PEMMAQUID. [BooK III Whether the expedition against Groton was under the immediate direction of Madokawando, or not, we are not informed, but it was, without doubt, executed under the command of one of his chief captains, the noted Moxu-s, or, as he was sometimes called, Toxus. That place was laid waste on the 27th of July, 1694; 22 people were killed, and 13 led into captivity. The scalps of the unfortunate slain were said to have been presented to Governor Fronienac by Madokawando himself At the destruction of York was taken the family of the Rev. Mr. Dummer and our authority made us say that Mrs. Dummer died in captivity, but we are now assured, by other testimony,* that she lived to return out of captivity, having been redeemed. For such termination of a wretched fate she waa, no doubt, indebted to Madokawando. This chief seems to have had unlimited control over the country upon the Penobscot River, as has been seen from what we have already before stated ; judging from the amount of property paid him, from time to time, for sundry tracts of his country. Yet, though we are satisfied that the amounts he received were large, still they are expressed in such vague terms that it is impossible to arrive at any thing like a tolerable notion of their extent. One testifies that, far a certain tract of land, Madokawando "received a large amount of money ; " another, that he received a hatful ; and a third states it to have been "a hatful of pieces of eight."] We have said that the great sachem was succeeded at his death by Wena- movet, and at the same time "Moxus seemed his successor." We find nothing yet to vary this statement, but in explanation we would note that Wenamovet appears not to have been a war chief, or in any other way very conspicuous, except as a counsellor ; and though in name the successor of Madokawando, yet was willing to let "fierce Moxus" bear his well-earned title of chief in all matters of war. One of the most signal exploits of Moxus was the capture of Pemmaquid, on the 2d of August, 1689. From this place his men led 16 of the English into a most miserable captivity, whence but very few ever returned. A con siderable number were killed before the fort was taken, among whom was the worthy Captain Gyles; three other captains were also slain, and the fort capitulated the second day, and all within it were suffered to leave it and return to the English settlements in safety. J We have seen that the chief Bomazeen was intrapped and thrown into prison in Boston, in 1694. He was also a prisoner there four years after, having probably been retained all this time to restrain acts of barbarity on white captives; and it was rumored that he had been the leader at Groton, which probably had some influence in lengthening his captivity, but it is not now a question who the leader was in that sanguinary exploit. Mr. John Gyles returned out of a ten years' captivity in 1698, and on the 14th of Octo ber of that year, he says he was sent for by Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton, to interpret a conference with Bomazeen and other Indians then in jail. This same Mr. Gyles, afterwards captain of Fort George, went as interpreter with Captain Southack in the province galley to the eastern shores, for the ransom and exchange of captives. Our chief was at this time exchanged, and the galley returned to Boston in December, 1698. Whether, upon mere suspicion, injury was added to crime in the case of Bomazeen, we cannot, upon our slender evidence, aver ; but if it were a parallel case to that of the seizure arid death of Egeremet and Honquid, or, as others write his name, Jlhanquid, Menquid, &c., it could scarcely be surpassed in atrocity. There are no facts to show that Jlbenquid had been an enemy to the English, or, if an enemy, that he had been engaged in any depredations. Notwithstanding it is a custom among some tribes of Indians to obliterate all remembrance of the dead, their near connections, it was by no means common among all tribes, for we have had occasion to mention many instances where the name of a noted chief has been perpetuated, both * Greenleaf's Ecclesiastical Sketches of Maine, p. 10. f The printed treaty of 1742, and authorities vi supra. j Narrative of John Gyles, as published in our " Indian Captivities." CHAP. XiI.J ABENQU1D.-INDIAN TREATY OF 1725. 333 among tlie western as well as among the eastern Indians. Abenquid was killed by Captain Chubb in Ki'JG, and in 1725 there was another chief of the same name, of equal distinction. And he deserves some notice in this place, as do many others. While Captain Lovewell was on his march against the Pequawkets, measures were heing devised in Boston for a peace with the eastern Indians, There were, at the same time, several Indians there, some as prisoners and others as hostages, and the English concluded to send some of them out to invite their countrymen to corne to Boston to settle difficulties ; accordingly Stiquarexis and JVefcme, one a hostage and the other a captive, were despatched upon that business. They, "after some time," returned and reported, "that tJie Indians were generally disposed to a peace, for that the losses t'ley met with, and the daily terror they were under, made their lives miserable. After this they went out again," and meeting with several others of their countrymen, received further assurances of a general desire for peace. Whereupon commissioners were sent with those two Indians to Fort St. George, to procure a meeting of chiefs and to make a treaty. They arrived there on the 2d July, and on the 14th thirteen chiefs had assembled, not at the lort, but at a safe distance therefrom, fearing treachery from their white brethren on a more extended scale than they had experienced not many days before.* However, after considerable parleying, in which the Indians made the English swear by their God, in the most solemn manner, that, their intentions were of a tenor with their pretensions, the parties came together. The battle of Pequawket was recent, and it was evident that the Indians had become conscious of their weakness, and did not urge their wrongs at this meeting, although, as it were, in their own country, but seemed deter mined to have peace on any terms. They did indeed, to the demand of the English, " Why they had made war upon them ?" reply, that it was because they had taken up their land, even to Cape Newagen ; and not only seized upon their lands to that place westward, but that they had there beaten two of their men to death. To this the English commissioners answered : "The laii;ls are ours, and we can show you they were fairly bought of your fathers; and if your men were beaten to death by the English, it was your business to complain to our government, and not to make war." This seems to have silenced the poor Indians, and we hear nothing further from them at this time but an earnest desire that peace might be concluded, or that a cessation of arms might take place. The commissioners informed them that they had not power to grant a cessation of arms, but said that, probably, if a deputation of their chiefs would go to Boston, it might be granted by their government. It was finally agreed that the two chiefs, Loron, or, as he was sometimes called, Saguaaram, now an old and venerable chief, and Jlhanquid, should return with the English to Boston, and see what could be done towards a general peace. LORON and AHANQUID having come to Boston, it was soon after settled that these two chiefs should go into their country, and return in 40 days with a sufficient number of chiefs, with whom a proper treaty might be made. Meanwhile several depredations having been committed on both sides, the time of the return of the Indians was considerably protracted in consequence : and, as we have in a previous chapter mentioned, the forty days had nearly twice expired before their reappearance; but, in the beginning of November, the faithful Loron and Jlhanquid returned to Boston, bringing with them Irexus, Francis Xavier, and Meganumba, representatives from the eastern Indians, clothed with full power to negotiate of peace. More than a month was passed by these chiefs in Boston before a treaty was signed. This was done on the 15 December, 1725, and peace was thereby restored xo tho eastern frontiers. * " And indeed they had cause of being so, for that about 10 days before, [20 June, says Williamson, ii. 144,] under a flag of truce, some of the English treacherously attempted to lay violent hands upon them, but lost one in the skirmish and had another wrundtd, IL( J \I was the occasion of the like unhappy disaster that afterwards happened unto Captain Sau;t the treaty of 1727, which the preceding relation required us to notice, u ention was made by the chiefs, a* that treaty, of a great many Indians, and 29 W 338 SIEGE OF WALPOLE, N. H. [Boon III I'uong others, of one of considerable note, of whom we have before* said (something, if, indeed, he be the same, namely, Sabatis. This Indian had pre viously, though perhaps not long before that treaty, with others, taken many captives in their depredations on the English frontiers. At this time he was living at St. Francis in Canada, and had two captives with him ; but their names we cannot learn. He was of a bloody disposition, and the act which terminated his career was by a hand not less bloody, though, perhaps, more necessarily so. We have, on another occasion, and in another work,f related the circumstances of it, and shall therefore pass it over here. He was killed in 1753, and we have before expressed the opinion that he was the lather of him brought away a captive from St. Francis by Captain Rogers in 1759, and who in 1775 followed the fortunes of Arnold's expedition against Quebec. As noted an exploit as we have passed over in our history is that which vv as enacted at Walpole, N. 1L, in the year 1755. If PHILIP, the leader of the Indians on that occasion, be the same that we have before given some account of, his patriotism as well as his courage must have undergone an important change ; but as we cannot settle that matter to the satisfaction of the critical antiquary without spending more time than we shall get credit for, we will relate the affair at Walpole as we have heard it. One John Kilburn had settled at that place in 1749, and though far beyond any other settlement, and frequently watched, and sometimes annoyed by the Indians, yet no hostile act was attempted upon him until 1755. When it be came certain that war would soon begin between England and France, meas ures were taken by General Shirley to warn the settlers along the extensive frontier of New England of the approaching calamity. But the Indians seem to have known or expected it sooner than the English, lor before the latter had received word from General Shirley, the cunning Philip, in the capacity of a spy, had visited every principal settlement, under the pretence of trading for flints and other hunting munitions, all along the Connecticut River ; and it was not until two Indians, employed by General Shirley, had informed the settlers that 400 or 500 Indians were preparing in Canada to make a descent upon them, that Philip's expedition for trade was understood in its real char acter. Kilburn lived in a good garrison-house, and on the day Philip appeared against it with some 300 Indians, he, with three other men, were at work some distance from it ; but keeping a good watch, the Indians were discov ered in time to afford them sufficient opportunity to regain the garrison with out molestation. The timely discovery was made about mid-day, August 17, and in less than half an hour after, they were surrounded by 197 fierce war riors, flushed with confidence of an easy and speedy victory ; the remainder of the Indians forming an ambush of reserve at the mouth of Cold River about half a mile from the garrison. Meanwhile Philip had endeavored to cut off Colonel Bellows, who, with 30 men, was milling about a mile east of Kilburn's; but in this he was foiled by a masterly manoeuvre of the colonel. His men were returning from the mill, each with a bag of meal upon his back, when his dogs by their growling gave timely notice of the neighborhood of an enemy, and the thoughts of an ambush at the same moment passed through his mind : he as soon knew what 'to do. He ordered his men to throw off their bags, advance to a cer tain eminence over which their path lay, and about which he doubted not the Indians were prepared for him. The ground contiguous was covered with high sweet fern. Up to these Bellows and his men crawled, into the veiy presence of the enemy. They now, agreeably to the plan proposed at the discovery, sprung upon their feet, and giving a tremendous whoop, after the manner of their adversary, dropped down again the same instant. The In dians at the veiy moment rose up, forming a thick front across the path in a semicircle. Each- of Bellows's men had now an Indian in his power ; and such was the effect of the first fire of these 30 men, that Philip and his whole party precipitately retreated, and the victors, without waiting for a further * Ante, page 135, 136 of this Book. \ la- the Appendix to my edition of Church's Philip's War, &c., page 337. CHVP. XII.] SIEGE OF WALPOLE, N. H. 339 display of tactics, regained their garrison, not having one of their numlter killed or wounded. Of the loss of the Indians no mention is made. Finding so warm a reception from Colonel Belloivs, Philip, it would seem, as well as the colonel, had no notion of taking a second hand at the same game, and, as we have said, immediately appeared before Kilburn's garrison, where he hoped for better success. Philip was an old acquaintance here, and approaching the house as near as he could find a tree for shelter, called out to Kilburn, " Old John, young John, come out here. We give you good quar ter" Philip is represented as of great stature, and proportionate strength ; and Kilburn was not his inferior. He answered the warrior "with a voice of thunder," that flowed over the adjacent hills, " Quarter ! you black rascals ! begone, or we'll quarter you." Thus stood the aftair which was shortly to decide the fate of Walpole, between six English, four men and two women, and about 400 Indians, at the commencement of the siege. Philip returned to his men, and, after a short pause, the silence was broken by yells and whoops of the whole body of In dians, which appeared, as we have heard the old people express it, "as though all the devils in hell had broke loose" A furious onset was now begun, and in a few minutes the roof of the house was perforated like a sieve. As usual in their attacks on garrisons, they employed stratagems, but when the whole afternoon was spent, they found they had made no impression, but were greatly weakened themselves, and at night drew off, thus ending their inglo rious expedition. Such deeds could a few men, well provided, perform, well knowing it was not numbers that could save them in times of peril, while many others, rely ing upon their numbers, neglecting their duties, have fallen an easy prey to an enemy not half equal to themselves. Kilburn had extra guns in his house, and his wife and daughter cast bullets, and performed every other service in their power. When one of the men's guns became too much heated to be used with safety, a woman exchanged it for another, so that every man was every moment at his place. When their lead began to grow short, blankets were suspended in the roof, to catch the balls of the enemy, with good suc cess ; and thus many of the Indians fell by their own bullets ! To use their powder without loss of tune, they poured it into hats, which were placed close at hand ; by such means an incessant fire was kept up, which probably de ceived the Indians in regard to their numbers. They found time, before drawing off, to kill all the cattle, burn and destroy all the hay and grain be longing to the settlement ; but this was looked upon as nothing, scarcely to be considered towards the price of their deliverance. We do not learn as it was ever known to the English what the loss of the Indians was ; * but the garrison lost Mr. Peak, who, exposing himself too much before a port-hole, was shot in the hip. The wound would probably have been cured if good surgical aid could have been had : but it proved mortal in five days after the I tattle. Each of these men, Kilburn and Peak, had a son with them in the garrison; and such was the force opposed to that army of Indians ! JOHN KILBURW lived to be 85 years of age, and died on the 8 April, 1789, and lies buried in the Walpole burying-ground. The son (John) attained the same age, and died at his residence, in Shrewsbury, Vt~, in 1822.f Only two days after the battle of Bunker's Hill, there arrived at Cambridge, the head quarters of the Americans, a deputation from the Penobscot Indians, of whom the celebrated ORO>*O was chief. An order was passed for their entertainment while there, and " for their return home." They came to ten- dnr their services to the Americans in the war now begun, which was done by Orono, in a speech to a committee of the provincial congress, on the 21 June, 1775. "In behalf of the whole Penobscot tribe," the chief said, if the grievances under which his people labored were removed, they would aid with their whole force to defend the country. Those grievances were briefly stated, and consisted chiefly of trespasses by the white! upon Uieu' tiirl ?r * Kilburn, during- the engagement, had a deliberate shot at a 1 -jrg:. lnJi:'.n, whom he sa .1 fall, and he believed it was Philip himself. * Chiefly from the Cols. N. Hist. Soc. ii. 52 08. 340 NATAN1S. SABATIS. [Boox III lands, cheating them in trade, &c. The committee returned an affectionate address ; and although the groans of the dying, from the late terrible field of battle, were sounding in their ears, they say nothing about engaging the Indians in the war, but assured them that " as soon as they could take breath from their present fight," their complaints should receive attention. Some of the Penobscots did eventually engage in the war, but we have no particulars of them. We have said before,* upon authority which will generally be received, that Natanis and Sabatis were the first Indians employed by the Americans in the revolution, and we see no reason yet to form a different opinion, al though our attention has been called again to the subject,f and some facts stated for our consideration, which have elicited further investigations and comparisons, of which the following is the result.:): Of a chief named Swau- sen, or Swashan, well known on the borders of New Hampshire in the latter French wars, we have before given some notice ; at that time, or about the close of those wars, he retired to St. Francis. When the revolution began, he seems to have decided on taking the part of the Americans ; and with a few folio were marched to Kennebeck, and with some" of the Norridgewoks ren dezvoused at Cobbossee, now Gardiner, at the mouth of the Cobbosseeconta River. Over the Norridgewoks, or Pequawkets, or some of both, was a chief, named Paid Higgins, who, though a white man, had lived so long among In dians, that to all intents he was one of them. He was born at Berwick, but had been taken captive when quite young, and spent most of his days with them. This company set out for Cambridge, the head quarters of General Washington, about the beginning of August, 1775, under the direction of one Reuben Coburn. There were 20 or 30 of them, " and they were rowed down in canoes to Merrymeeting Bay by their squaws;" here they left them, and proceeded to Cambridge on loot, where they arrived about the 13 August. || They tendered their services to the general, who gave them all the encour agement he could, consistently, but evidently advised them to remain neu- tral.H Swashan said half of his tribe was ready to join the Americans, and that four or five other tribes stood ready, if wanted, and that the Canadians were in favor of the Americans also ; and this was the general opinion, and corresponds with accounts given by intelligent settlers on the frontiers. They say, " We have had positive accounts from many of the Indian tribes, who have been applied to by Governor Carleton to distress the settlements but they say they have no offence from the people, and will not make war on them. The French, too, say it is a war of our own raising, and they will have no part in it."** We hear no more of Swashan. Of ASSACAMBUIT, an extended account has been given,ff and we should not again recur to him, but to correct the statement, that "nothing was heard of him from 1708 to the time of his death." We have since found that in 1714, he was at Portsmouth, upon a friendly visit with several other Indians. On the 10 May of that year, as the Indians were about to leave the place, "the council of N. H. ordered their treasurer to furnish him and his compan ions with necessary provisions and liquors to carry them to their severa habitations." * Page 136, ante, of this Book. t In a polite and obliging manner, by REV. WM. S. BARTLETT, of Little Falls, N. Y t As early as May 19th, 1775, the provincial congress of Massachusetts "Voted, Thai Captain John Lane nave enlisting papers delivered to him, for raising a company of In dians at the eastward." Cols. N. H. Soc. iit. 76 7. |1 MS. communication of REV. W. S. BARTLETT. IT Botta, i. 228. ** Almon's Remembrancer, i. 147 149. ft Book HI. p. 139141. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA OOK TV. 29* BOOK IV. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN INDIANS. " I will 50 to my tent, and lie down in despair ; 1 will paint me with black, and will sever my hair ; I will sit on the shore where the hurricane blows, And reveal to the God of the tempest my woes ; I will weep for a season, on bitterness fed, For my kindred are gone to the mounds of the dead ; But they died not by hunger, or wasting decay : The steel of the white man hath swept them away." ARONTMOUI. CHAPTER L Preliminary observations respecting the country of the southern Indians~~ WINGINA, the first Virginia chief known to the English Destroys the first colony settled there MENATONON SEIKO ENSENORE Second colony abandons the country Tobacco first carried to England by them Curious account of prejudices against it GRANGANEMEO His kindnesses His family His death POWHATAN Boun daries of his country Surprise the Payankatanlis Captain Smith fights his people OpekanJfanough takes Smith prisoner The particulars of that affair He marches him about the country Takes him, at length, to Powhatan, who condemns him to be put to death Smith's life saved at the intercession of Pocahontas Insolence of Pmchatan increased by Newpor? s folly Smith brings him to terms A crovm sent over to him from England Is croioned emperor Speech Uses every stratagem to kill Smitk Is baffled in every attempt Smith visits him Speeches Pocahontas again saves Smith and his comrades from being murdered by her father TOMOCOMO. THE difficulty of rightly partitioning between the southern nations and the Iroquois, or Five Nations, can easily be seen by all such as have but very partially taken a survey of them, and considered their wandering habits. Therefore, should we, in this book, not always assign a sachem to his original family or nation, we can only plead in excuse, that we have gone according to our best information. But we have endeavored to draw a kind of natural boundary between the above-mentioned nations, distinguishing those people beyond the Chesapeake and some of its tributaries, as the southern Indians, and those between that boundary and the Hudson, by the name Iroquois. To their respective territories inland, we shall not, nor is it necessary to, fix bounds, in our present business. We are aware that some writers suppose that all the Indians, from the Mississippi to the vicinity of the Hudson, and even to the Connecticut, were originally of the same stock. If this were the case, the period is so remote when they spread themselves over the country, that these great natural divisions had long since caused quite a difference in the inhabitants which they separated ; and hence the propriety of noticing them according to our plan. 344 WINGINA SETTLEMENT OP VIRGINIA. [BooK IV. It is said that the territory from the sea-coast to the River Allegheny, and from the most southern waters of James River up to Patuxent, in the state of Maryland, was inhabited by three different nations, and that the language of each differed essentially from the others. The English called these nations by the names Powhatans, Manahoacs, and Monacans ; these were the Tuscaroras. The Powhatans were the most powerful, and consisted ot several tribes, or communities, who possessed the country from the sea-coast to the falls of the rivers.* To give a tolerable catalogue of the names of the various nations of Virginia, the Carolinas, and thence to the Mississippi, would far exceed our plan. We shall, therefore, pass to notice the chiefs of such of those nations as are distinguished in history, pointing out, by the way, their localities, and whatever shall appear necessary in way of elucidation, as we pass, and as we have done in the preceding books. WINGINA was first known to the English voyagers Jlmidas and Barlow, who landed in Virginia in the summer of 1584, upon an island called, by the Indians, Wokokon. They saw none of the natives until the third day, when three were observed in a canoe. One of them got on shore, and the English went to him. He showed no signs of fear, "but spoke much to them," then went boldly on board the vessels. After they had given him a shirt, hat, wine, and some meat, "he went away, and in half an hour he had loaded his canoe with fish," which he immediately brought, and gave to the English. Wingina, at this time, was confined to his cabin from wounds he had lately received in battle, probably in his war with Piamacum, a desperate and bloody chief. Upon the death of Granganemeo, in 1585, Wingina changed his name to Pemissapan. He never had much faith in the good intentions of the English, and to him was mainlv attributed the breaking up of the first colony which settled in Virginia It was upon tne return to England of the Captains Jlmidas and Barlow, from the country of Wingina, that Queen Elizabeth, from the wonderful accounts of that fruitful and delightful place, named it, out of respect to herself, Virginia ; she being called the virgin queen, from her living unmar ried. But, with more honor to her, some have said, " Because it still seemed to retain the virgin purity and plenty of the first creation, and the people their primitive innocency of life and manners." f Waller referred to this country when he wrote this : " So sweet the air, so moderate the clime, None sickly lives, or dies before his time. Heav'n sure has kept this spot of earth uncurst, To show how all things were created first." Sir Richard Greenvil, stimulated by the love of gain, next intruded himself upon the shores of Wingina. It was he who committed the first outrage upon the natives, which occasioned the breaking up of the colony which he left behind him. He made but one short excursion into the country, during which, by foolishly exposing his commodities, some native took from him a silver cup, to revenge the loss of which, a town was burned. He left 108 men, who seated themselves upon the island of Roanoke. Ralph Lane, a military character of note, was governor, and Captain Philip Jlmidas, lieutenant- governor of this colony. They made various excursions about the country, in hopes of discovering mines of precious metals; in which they were a long time duped by the Indians, for their ill conduct towards them, in compelling them to pilot them about. Wingina bore, as well as he could, the provoca tions of the intruders, until the death of the old chief Ensenore, his father. Under pretence of honoring his funeral, he assembled 1800 of his people, with the intention, as the English say, of destroying them. They, therefore, upon the information of Skiko, son of the chief MENATONON, } fell upon them, and, after killing five or six, the rest made their escape into the woods. This * From a communication of Secretary Tliompson to Mr. Jefferson, and appended to the Notes on Virginia, ed. of 1801. t Stith, 11. t Smith calls him the " lame king of Moratoc." CHAP. I.] WIN GIN A. DEATH OF ENSENORE. 345 was clone upon the island where Wingina lived, and the English first seized upon the boats of his visitants, to prevent their escape from the island, with the intention, no doubt, of murdering them all. Not long after, " Wingina was entrapped by the English, and slain, with eight of his chief men." MENATONOX was king of the Chawonocks, and OKISKO of the Weopo- meokes, "a powerful nation, possessing all that country from Albemarle Sound and Chowan River, quite to the Chesapeakes and our bay." * At this time, Menatonon was lame, and is mentioned as the most sensible and under standing Indian with whom the English were at first acquainted. It was he that made Lane and his followers believe in the existence of the mine already mentioned. " So eager were they," says Mr. Stith, " and resolutely bent upon this golden discovery, that they could not be persuaded to return, as long as they iiad one pint of corn a man left, and two mastiff dogs, which, being boiled wifti sassafras leaves, might afford them some sustenance in their way back." After great sufferings, they arrived upon the coast again. The reason why Menatonon deceived the English, was because they made him a prisoner for the purpose of assisting them in making discoveries. After he was set at liberty, he was very kind to them. Two years after, when Governor White was in the country, they mention his wife and child a? belonging to Croatan, but nothing of him. White and his company landed at Roanoke, 22 July, 1587, and sent 20 men to Croatan, on Point Lookout, with a friendly native called MANTEO, to see if any intelligence could be had of a former colony of 50 men left there by Sir Richard Greenvtt. They learned, from some natives whom they met, that the people of Dassamonpeak, on what is now Alligator River, had attacked them, killed one, and driven the others away, but whither they had gone none could tell. One of their present company, a principal man of their government, had also been killed by the same Indians. This tribe and several others had agreed to come to Roanoke, and submit themselves to the English ; but not coming according to appointment, gave the English an opportunity to take revenge for former injuries. Therefore, Captain Stafford and 24 men, with Manteo as a guide, set out upon that business. On coming to their village, " where seeing them sit by the fire, we assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed, fled into the reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to have been fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corn ! " " Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest unspoiled, and took Menatonon, his wife with her child, and the rest with us to Roanoak." f But to return to Wingina. While the English were upon the errand we have been speaking of, Win- ffina pretended to be their friend, but deceived them on every opportunity, by giving notice to his countrymen of their course and purpose, and urging them to cut them off. He thought, at one time, that the English were destroyed, and thereupon scoffed and mocked at such a God as theirs, who would suffer it. This caused his father, Ensenore, to join their enemies, but on their return he was their friend again. He, and many of his people, now believed, say the voyagers, that "we could do them more hurt being dead, than lining, and that, being an hundred myles from them, shot, and struck them sick to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we return again." Many of the chiefs now came and submitted themselves to the Eng lish, and, among others, Ensenore was persuaded again to become their friend, who, when they were in great straits for provisions, came and planted their fields, and made wears in the streams to catch fish, which were of infinite benefit to them. This was in the spring of 1586, and, says Lane, " we not having one corn till the next harvest to sustain us." What added greatly to their distresses, was the death of their excellent friend Ensenore, who died 20th of April following. The Indians began anew their conspiracies, and the colony availed themselves of the first opportunity of returning to England, * Stith's Virginia, 14. By " our baj " is meant James River Ban. \ Smith's Hist. Virginia. 1* 346 GRANGANEMEO. HIS KINDNESS TO THE ENGLISH. [!OOK IV which was in the fleet of Sir Francis Drake, which touched there in its way from an expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies.* The conduct of Lane and his company in this fruitless attempt to establish themselves in Virginia, was, in the highest degree, reprehensible. They put to death some of the natives on the most frivolous charges, and no wonder they were driven out of the country, as they ought to have been. \ While they were there, they became acquainted with the use of tobacco, and, taking it to England, its introduction into general use soon rendered it a great article of commerce. And here it will not be improper to notice how many different persons have had the credit, or, perhaps, I should say discredit, of introducing this "Indian weed" into England ; as, Sir Francis Drake, Sir Walter Ralegh, Ralph Lane, and some others. Now, as some writer observes, the reader may father it upon whom he pleases, as it is evident Sir Francis Drake took Ralph Lane and tobacco both together into England ; and no one will dispute the agency of the gallant knight, Sir Walter Ralegh, for he sent out Lane in his employ, Mr, John Josselyn, in his " Two Voyages to N. England," has this passage : " Others will have tobacco to be first brought into England from Peru, by Sir Francis Drake's mariners." There were many who affected a violent disgust towards the use of tobac co ; the most conspicuous was King James, whose mind seems to have been just weak enough to fight windmills. He even wrote a book denouncing its vise in the severest terms he could command. It grew spontaneously in Win- gandaooa, (Virginia,) and the natives called it Uppowoc. It is generally sup posed to be called tobacco from the island Tobago, but this derivation is much questioned, f GRANGANEMEO was a chief very favorably spoken of. As soon as the arrival ef the English was made known to him, he visited them with about 40 of his men, who were very civil, and of a remarkably robust and fine appearance. When they had left their boat, and came upon the shore near the ship, Granganemeo spread a mat and sat down upon it. The English went to him armed, but he discovered no fear, and invited them to sit down ; after which he performed some tokens of friendship ; then making a speech to them, they presented him with some toys. None but four of his people spoke a word, or sat down, but maintained the most perfect silence. On being shown a pewter dish, he was much pleased with it, and purchased it with 20 deer skins, which were worth, in England, one hundred shillings sterling ! ! The dish he used as an ornament, making a hole through it, and wearing it about his neck. While here, the English entertained him, with his wife and children, on board their ship. His wife had in her ears bracelets of pearl, which reached to her middle. Shortly after, many of the people came out of the countiy to trade, " but when Granganemeo was present, none durst trade but himself, and them that wore red copper on their heads as he did." He was remarkably exact in keeping his promise, " for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his day to keep his word." And these voyagers further report, that " commonly he sent them every day a brace of bucks, conies, hares, and fish, and sometimes melons, walnuts, cucumbers, pease, and divers roots." In their wanderings, Captain Amidas and seven others visited the island of Roanoake, where they found the family of Granganemeo living in great com fort and plenty, in a little town of nine houses. The chief was not at home, " but his wife entertained them with wonderful courtesy and kindness. She made some of her people draw their boat up, to prevent its being injured by the beating of the surge ; some she ordered to bring them ashore on their backs, and others to carry their oars to the house, for fear of being stole. When they came into the house, she took off' their cloathes and stockings, and washed them, as likewise their feet in warm water. When their dinner was ready, they were conducted into an inner room, (for there were five in * Relation of Lane, printed in Smith's Virginia. t Herriot's Observations, (one of Lane's company,) printed : n Smith, j Stith's Hist. Virginia, 19. See Book ii. Chap. ii. //, ~ /) ^ f j /^ ^~ a/s -Slfoecka. f(tfr f,, , f , 9 / Jtnvhatan /i/////r/?w miqhlv et/s a faitf, ' CHAP. 1 ] DEATH OF 31 A NTEO. POWHATAN. 347 the house, divided by mats,) where they found hominy,* boiled venison, and roasted fish; and, as a desert, melons, boiled roots, and fruits of various sorts. While they were at meat, two or three of her men came in with their bows >nd arrows, which made the English take to their arms. But she, perceiving their distrust, ordered their bows and arrows to be broken, and themselves to be beaten out of the gate. In the evening, the English returned to their boat ; and, putting a little off from shore, lay at anchor ; at which she was much concerned, and brought their supper, half boiled, pots and ah 1 to the shore: and, seeing their jealousy, she ordered several men, and 30 women, to sit all night upon the shore, as a guard ; and sent five mats to cover them from the weather." f Well hath the poet demanded, " Call ye them savage ? " If the wife of Granganemeo was savage, in the common acceptation of the term, where shall we look for civilization ? Sir R. Greenvil, having arrived on the coast in 1585, anchored off the island Wokokon, 26 May, and, by means of Manteo, had some intercourse with the inhabitants. At Hatteras, where they staid a short time, soon after, Gran ganemeo, with Manteo, went on board their ships. This was the last visit he made to the English, for he died very soon after. This must close our account of the excellent family of Granganemeo, and would that the account of the English would balance as well, but they exhibit their own, and one item more from it, and we close the comparison. For a small kettle they took 50 skins, worth in England 12 10s. sterling. J We have now arrived at the most interesting article in Virginia history. POWHATAN was, of all the chiefs of his age, the most famous in the regions of Virginia. The English supposed, at first, that his was the name of the country ; a common error, as we have seen in several cases in the previous books of our biography, but, in this case, unlike the others, the error pre vailed, and a part of his people, ever after the settlement of the English, were called the Pmvhatans. A great river, since called the James, and a bay re ceived his name also. He had three brothers, Opitchepan, Opekankanough, and Catatanugh, and two sisters. His principal residence was at a place called Werowocomoco, when the English came into the countiy ; which was upon the north side of what is now York River, in the county of Gloucester, nearly opposite the mouth of Queen's Creek, and about 25 miles below the fork of the river. [| He lived here until the English began to intrude them selves into his vicinity, when he took up his residence at Orakakes. Powhatan was not his Indian name, or rather original name; that was Wahunsonacock. He is described as tall and well-proportioned bearing an aspect of sadness exceedingly vigorous, and possessing a body capable of sustaining great hardships. He was, in 1607, about 60 years of age, and bis hair was considerably gray, which gave him a majestic appearance. At his residence, he had a kind of wooden form to sit upon, and his ornamental robe was of raccoon skins, and his head-dress was composed of many feath ers wrought into a kind of crown. He swayed many nations upon the great rivers and bays, the chief of whom he had conquered. He originally claimed only the places called Powhatan, (since named Haddihaddocks,) ArrohattocK. (now Appomattox,) Youghtanund, Pamunky, Mattapony, Werowocomoco, and Kiskiak ; at which time, his chief seat was at Powhatan, near the falls of James River. But when he had extended his conquests a great way north, he removed to Werowocomoco, as a more commodious situation. At the termination of his warlike career, the country upon James River, from its mouth to the falls, and all its branches, was the boundary of hia country, southerly and so across the country, nearly as high as the falls of all the great rivers, over Potowmack, even to Patuxent, in Maryland," and * " A food made of Indian corn, or maize, beaten and carefully husked, something like urmety in England ; and is an excellent dish various ways." t Smith's Hist. Virginia, 10, 11. t Smith's Hist. Virginia. These, according to Heckewelder, Philos. Trans. 31, should have been called Powhatiian, " which would signify the river of progeny, fruitfulness, the fruitful river." || About two miles below where Richmond now stands. The farm of a gentleman of the n.ime of Muyo included the site of a part of his town, in 1813. Campbell's Virginia. 348 POWHATAN. SURPRISES PAYANKATANK. [BOOK iV some of the nations on the north shore of the Chesapeake. His dominions according to his law of succession, did not fall to his children, but to his brothers, and then to his sisters, (the oldest first,) thence to the heirs of the oldest ; but never to the heirs of the males. He usually kept a guard of 40 or 50 of the most resolute and well-formed men about him, especially when he slept ; but, after the English came into his country, he increased them to about 200. He had as many, and such women as he pleased ; and, when he slept, one sat at his head and another at his feet. When he was tired of any of his wives, he bestowed them upon such of his men as most pleased him. Like the New England chiefs, he had many places where he passed certain seasons of the year ; at some of which he had very spacious wigwams, 30 or 40 yards in extent, where he had victuals provided against his coming. In 1608, he surprised the people of Payankatank, who were his neighbors and subjects. Captain Smith, in the account, " writ with his own hand" says, " the occasion was to vs vnknowne, but the manner was thus." He sent sev eral of his men to lodge with them the night on which he meant to fall upon them ; then, secretly surrounding them in their wigwams, commenced a horrid slaughter. They killed 24 men, took off their scalps, and, with the women and children prisoners, returned to the sachem's village. The scalps they exhibited upon a line between two trees, as a trophy, and the werowance (their name of a chief) and his wife Powhatan made his servants. Up to the year 1607, every attempt to settle a colony in Virginia had failed ; and, at this time, would have failed also, but for the unexampled perseverance of one man. I need but pronounce the name of Captain JOHN SMITH. The colony with which he came did not arrive until the planting season was over ; and, in a short time, they found themselves in a suffering condition, from want of suitable provisions. Smith, therefore, undertook to gain a supply by traffick ing with the Indians back in the country 7 , who, being acquainted with his situation, insulted him and his men wherever they came ; offering him but a handful of corn, or a piece of bread, for a gun or a sword. " But seeing by trade and courtesie there was nothing to be had, he made bold to try such conclusions as necessitie inforced, though contrary to his commission." So he fired upon them, and drove them into the woods. He then marched to their village. There they found corn in abundance, which, after some manoeuvring, he succeeded in trading for, and returned with a supply to Jamestown. Smith, soon after, proceeded to discover the source of the Chikahamania. When he had passed up as far as it was navigable for his barge, he left it in a wide place, at a safe distance from the shore, and ordered his men not to go on shore on any condition. Taking two of his own men and two Indians, he proceeded to complete his discovery. As soon as he was gone, his men went on shore ; one was killed, and the rest hardly escaped. Smith was now 20 miles into the wilderness. Opekankanoitgh, with 300 warriors, having learned, from the men they had just taken, which way he was gone, followed after him, and came upon the two Englishmen belonging to his company, and killed them both while asleep, he being absent to shoot some fowls for provisions ; they then continued their pursuit after him. He was not far from his canoe, and endeavored to retreat to it, but, being hard pressed, made a shield of one of his Indians, and, in this manner, fought upon the retreat, until he had killed three, and wounded divers others. Being obliged to give all his attention to his pursuers, he accidentally fell into a creek, where the mud was so deep that he could not extricate himself. Even now, none dared to lay hands upon him ; and those whom their own numbers forced nearest to him, were observed to tremble with fear. The Indian he had bound to his arm with his garters, doubtless saved him from being killed by their arrows, from which, owing to his Indian shield, he received but very little hurt, except a wound in his thigh, though his clothes were shot full of them. When he could stand no longer in the mire, without perishing with cold, he threw away his arms, and suffered them to come and take him. After pulling him out of the mire, they took him to the place where his men had just been killed, where there was a fire. They now showed him kindness, CHAP. I.] POWHATAN. SMITH'S CAPTIVITY. 349 nibbing his benumbed limbs, and wanning him by the fire. He asked for their chief, and Opekankanough appeared, to whom lie gave a small compass. This amused them exceedingly. "Much they marvelled at the playing of the fly and needle, which they could see so plainly, and yet not touch it, because of the glass that covered them. But when he demonstrated, by that globe-like iewell, the roundnesse of the earth, and skies, the spheare of the sunne, and moono, and starres, and how the sunne did chase the night round about the world, continually the greatnesse of the land and sea, the diversity of the nations, varietie of complexions, and how we were to them antipodes, and many other such like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration ! ' Yet, notwithstanding he had such success in explaining to them his knowledge of geography and astronomy, (how much of it they understood we will not. undertake to say,) within an hour after, they tied him to a tree, and a Fiultitude of them seemed prepared to shoot him. But when their bows were bent, Opckankanough held up his compass, and they all laid down their weapons. They now led him to Orapakas, or Orakakes, a temporary seat of Powhatan, on the north side of Chikahominy swamp, in what is now Gloucester county on York river.* Here they feasted him, and treated him w-Jl. When they marched him, they drew themselves up in a row, with their chief in the midst, before whom the guns and swords they had taken from the English were borne. Smith came next, led by three great men hold of each arm, and on each side six more, with their arrows notched, and ready, if he should attempt to escape. At the town, they danced and sung about him, and then put him into a large house, or wigwam. Here they kept him so well, that he thought they were fatting him to kill and eat. They took him to a sick man to cure him ; but he told them he could not, unless they would let him go to Jamestown, and get something with which he could do it. This they would not consent to. The taking of Jamestown was now resolved upon, and they made great preparations for it. To this end, they endeavored to get Smith's assistance, by making large promises of land and women ; but he told them it could not be done, and described to them the great difficulty of the undertaking in such a manner that they were greatly terrified. With the idea of procuring some thing curious, Smith prevailed upon some of them to go to Jamestown ; which journey they performed in the most severe frosty and snowy weather. By this means, he gave the people there to understand what his situation was, and what was intended against them, by sending a leaf from his pocket-book, with a few words written upon it. He wrote, also, for a few articles to be sent, which were duly brought by the messengers. Nothing had caused such astonishment as their bringing the very articles Smith had promised them. That he could talk to his friends, at so great a distance, was utterly incompre hensible to them. Being obliged to give up the idea of destroying Jamestown, they amused themselves by taking their captive from place to place, in great pomp and triumph, and showing him to the difFerent nations of the dominions of Poio- hatan. They took him to Youghtannund, since called Pamunkey River, the country over which Opekankanough was chief, whose principal residence was where the town of Pamunkey since was ; thence to the Mattaponies, Piankatanks, the Nautaughtacunds, on Rappahanock, the Nominies, on the Patovvmack River ; thence, in a circuitous course, through several other nations, back again to the residence of Opekankanough. Here they practised conjurations upon him for three successive days ; to ascertain, as they said, whether he intended them good or'evil. This proves they viewed him as a kind of god. A bag of gunpowder having fallen into their hands they pre served it with great care, thinking it to be a grain, intending, in the spring, to plant it, as they did com. He was here again feasted, and none could eat until he had done. Being now satisfied, having gone through all the manoeuvres and pranks with him they could think of, they proceeded to Powhatan. " Here more than 200 of those grim courtiers stood wondering at him, as he had been a monster, * Bancroft's Hist. U. States, i. 146. 30 350 POCAIIONTAS SAVES THE LIFE OF SMITH. [Boon IV till Powhatan and his trayne had put themselves in their greatest braveries. He was seated before a fire, upon a seat like a bedstead, having on a robe of raccoon skins, " and all the tayles hanging by." On each side of him sat 3 young woman ; and upon each side of the house two rows of men, and with as many women behind them. These last had their heads and shoulders painted red some of whose heads were adorned with white down ; and about their necks white beads. On Smith's being brought into the presence of Powhatan, all present joined in a great shout. " The queen of Apamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of feathers, instead of a towel, to dry them." Then, having feasted him ngain, "after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatcm then as many as could lay hands on him, dragged him to them and thereon laid his head, and being ready, with their clubs, to beat out his brains, Pcca- hontas, the king's dearest daughter, when no entreaty could prevail, got his head in her armes, and laid her own upon his, to save him from death." Poivhatan was unable to resist the extraordinary solicitations and sympathetic entreaties of his kind-hearted little daughter, and thus was saved the life of Captain Smith; a character, who, without this astonishing deliverance, was sufficiently renowned for escapes and adventures. The old sachem, having set the sentence of death aside, made up his mind to employ Smith as an artisan ; to make, for himself, robes, shoes, bows, arrow?, and pots ; and, for Pocahontas, bells, beads, and copper trinkets. Powhatarfs son, named Nantaquaus, was very friendly to Smith, and rendered him many important services, as well after as during his captivity. "Two days after, Powhatan, having disguised himself in the most fearfullest manner he could, caused Captain Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there, upon a mat by the fire, to be left alone. Not long after, from behinde a mat that divided the house, was made the most dolefullest uoyse he ever heard ; then Powhatan, more like a Devill than' a man, with some 200 more, as black as himselfe, came unto him, and told him, now they were friends ; and presently he should go to Jamestowne, to send him two great eunnes, and a gryndestone, for which he would give him the countiy of Capahowosick [Capahowsick], and forever esteem him his sonne, Nantuquond. So to Jamestowne, with 12 guides, Powhatan sent him. That night they quartered in the woods, he still expecting, (as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment,) every hour to be put to one death or another." Early the next morning, they came to the fort at Jamestown. Here he treated his guides Avith the greatest attention and kindness, and offered Rawhunt, in a jesting manner, and for the sake of a little sport, a huge mill-stone, and two demi-culverins, or nine pound cannons, to take to Poivhatan, his master ; thus fulfilling his engagement to send him a grindstone and two guns. This Rawhunt was a sachem under Powhatan, and one of his most faithful captains, and who, it seems, accompanied Smith in his return out of captivity. " They found them somewhat too heavie, but when they did see him dis charge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of great tree loaded with isickles, the yce and branches came so tumbling down, that the poore salvages ran away half dead with fear. But, at last, we regained some conference with them, and gave them such toyes, and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children, such presents, and gave them in generall full content." * Powhatan was now completely in the English interest, and almost every other day sent his daughter, Pocahontas, with victuals, to Jamestown, of which ney were greatly in need. Smith had told Poivhatan that a great chief, which \vas Captain Newport, would arrive from England about that time, which coming to pass as he had said, greatly increased his admiration of the wisdom if the English, and he was ready to do as they desired in every thing , and, out for the vanity and ostentation of Newport, matters would have gone on well, and trade flourished greatly to their advantage. But he lavished so many presents upon Powhatan, that he was in no way inclined to trade, and soon * This is Captain Smith's own account, which I shall follow minutely; adding occasionally from Stilli, to illustrate the geography of the country. CHAP. I.] POWHAl AN. NEWPORT'S FOLLY. 351 began to show his haughtiness, by demanding five times the value of an article, or his contempt for what was offered. By Newport's imprudence and folly, what had cost Smith so much toil and pains to achieve, was blown away by a single breath of vanity. Nevertheless, his great mind, continually exercised in difficult matters, brought the subtle chief again to his own terms. Himself, with Newport, and about 20 others, went to Powhatan's residence to trade with him. "Wherein Powhatan carried himself so proudly, yet discreetly, (in his salvage manner,) as made us all to admire his natural gifts." He pretended that it was far beneath his dignity to trade as his men did. Thus his craft to obtain from Newport his goods for whatever he pleased to give in return. Smith saw through Powhatan's crafr, and told Neurport how if would turn out, but being determined to show him self as dignified as the Indian chief, repented of his folly, like too many others, when it was too late. Smith was die interpreter in the business, and Newport the chief. Powhatan made a speech to him, when they were about to enter upon trading. He said, " Captain Newport, it is not agreeable to my greatness, in this peddling manner, to trade for trifles; and I esteem you also a great werowance. Therefore, lay me down all your commodities together ; what 1 like I will take, and in recompense give you what I think fitting their value." Accordingly, Newport gave him all his goods, and received in return only about three bushels of corn ; whereas they expected to have obtained twenty hogsheads. This transaction created some hard thoughts between Smith and Newport. If it add to raise Powhatan in our admiration, it can detract nothing from the character of Smith, to say, that he was as wily as the great Indian chief. For, with a few blue beads, which he pretended that he had shown him only by accident, and which he would hardly part with, as he pretended, because they were of great price, and worn only by great kings, he completely got his end, at this time, answered. Tantalization had the desired effect, and Poichatan was so infatuated with the lure, that he was almost beside himself, and was ready to give all he had to possess them. " So that, ere we departed," says my relation, " for a pound or two of blew beades, he brought over my king for 2 or 300 bushells of come." An English boy was left with Poichatan, by Captain Newport, to learn the language, manners, customs and geography of his country ; and, in return, Poichatan gave him Namontack, one of his servants, of a shrewd and subtle capacity, whom he afterwards carried to England. Powhatan became offended with Captain Smith, when Newport left the country, in 1G08 ; at whose depart ure he sent him 20 turkeys, and demanded, in return, 20 swords, which were granted. Shortly after, he sect the same number to Smith, expecting the like return ; but, being disappointed, ordered his men to seize the English wher ever they could find them. This caused difficulty many of the English being robbed of their swords, in the vicinity of their forts. They continued their depredations until Smith surprised a number of them, from whom he learned that Powhatan was endeavoring to get all the arms in his power, to be able to massacre the English. When he found that his plot was discovered, he sent Pocahontas, with presents, to excuse himself, and pretended that the mischief was done by some of his ungovernable chiefs. He directed her to endeavor to effect the release of his men that were prisoners, which Smith consented to, wholly, as he pretended, on her account ; and thus peace was restored, which had been continually interrupted for a considerable time before. On the 10th of September, 1608, Smith was elected governor of \ f irginia. Newport, going often to England, had a large share in directing the affairs of the colony, from his interest with the proprietors. He arrived about this time, and, among other baubles, brought over a crown for Powhatan, with directions for his coronation ; which had the ill effect to make him value himself more than ever. Newport was instructed to discover the country of the Monacans, a nation with whom Powhatan was at war, and whom they would assist him against, if he would aid in the business. Captain Smith was sent to him to invite him to Jamestown to receive presents, and to trade for corn. On arriv ing at Werowocomoco, and delivering his message to the old chief, he replied, " If your king have sent me presents, I also am a king, and this is my land. 352 POWHATAN. ORDERS THE DEATH OF SMITH. [BOOK IV. Eight days I will stay to receive them. Your father [meaning Newport] is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your fort neither will I bite at such a bate. As for the Monacans, I can revenge my own injuries ; and as for Jlt- quanachuck, where you say your brother was slain, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it ; but, for any salt water beyond the mountains, the relations you have had from my people are false." Some of the Indians had made the English believe that the South Sea, now called the Pacific Ocean, was but a short distance back. To show Smith the absurdity of the story, he drew a map of the country, upon the ground. Smith returned as wise as lie went A house was built for Powhatan, about this time, by some Germans, who came over with Newport. These men, thinking that the English could not subsist in the country, wantonly betrayed all the secrets of their condition to Powhatan, which was again the source of much trouble. They even urged him to put all the English to death, agreeing to live with him, and assist him in the exe cution of the horrible project Powhatan was pleased at the proposition, and thought, by their assistance, to effect what he had formerly hoped to do by engaging Smith in such an enterprise. Their first object was to kill Captain Smith; by which act, the chief obstacle to success would be removed; and, accordingly, they took every means in their power to effect it In the first place, he invited him to come and trade for corn, hoping an opportunity, in that business, would offer. That his design might not be mis trusted, Poivhatan promised to load his ship with corn, if he would bring him a grindstone, 50 swords, some muskets, a cock and a hen, and a quantity of copper and beads. Smith went accordingly, but guarded, as though sure of meeting an enemy. In their way, the English stopped at Warrasqueake, and were informed, by the sachem of that place, of Powhatari's intentions. That sachem kindly entertained them, and, when they departed, furnished them with guides. On account of extreme bad weather, they were obliged to spend near a week at Kicquotan. This obliged them to keep their Christmas among the Indians, and, according to our authorities, a meny Christmas it was ; having been u never more merry in their lives, lodged by better fires, or fed with greater plenty of good bread, oysters, fish, flesh, and wild tbwl." Having arrived at Werowocomoco, after much hardship, they sent to Pow hatan for provisions, being in great want, not having taken but three or four days' supply along with them. The old chief sent them immediately a supply of bread, turkeys, and venison, and soon after made a feast for them, accord ing to custom. Meanwhile, Poivhatan pretended he had not sent for the English ; telling them he had no corn, "and his people much less," * and, therefore, intimated that he wished they would go off again. But Smith produced the messenger that he had sent, and so confronted him ; Powhatan then laughed heartily, and thus it passed for a joke. He then asked for their commodities, " but he liked nothing, except guns and swords, and valued a basket of corn higher than a basket of copper ; saying, he could rate his corn, but not the copper." Captain Smith then made a speech to him, in which he endeavored to work upon his feelings and sense of honor ; said he had sent his men to build him a house while his own was neglected ; that, because of his promising to sup ply him with corn, he had neglected to supply himself with provisions when he might have done it Finally, Smith reproached him of divers negligences, deceptions, and prevarications'; but the main cause of Powhatan's refusing to trade seems to have been because the English did not bring the articles ic most wanted. When Smith had done, Poivhatan answered him as follows : " We have but little com, but what we can spare shall be brought two days hence. As to your coming here, 1 have some doubt about the reason of it I am told, by my men, that you came, not to trade, but to invade my people, and to possess my country. This makes me less ready to relieve you, and frightens my * The reader may wonder how this could be, but it is so in the old history, by Stith, 86. CHAP. I.I POWHATAX. HIS SPEECHES. 353 p"oplc from bringing in their corn. And, therefore, to relieve them of thai fear, leave your arms aboard your boats, since they are needless here, when we are all friends, and forever Powhatans." In these, and other speeches of like amount, they spent the first day. " But whilst they expected the coming in of the country, they wrangled Poivhatan nut of 80 bushels of corn, for a copper kettle ; which the president seeing him much affect, [value,] he told him it was of much greater value ; yet, in regard of his scarcity, he would accept that quantity at present ; provided he should have as much more the next year, or the Mauakin country," were that condition not complied with. This transaction will equal any thing of the kind in the history of New England, but we will lenve the reader to make his own comment At the same time, Poichatan made another speech, in which were some very singular passages, as reported by Smith. One was, that he had seen the death of all his people three times ; and that none of those three generations was then living, except himself. This was evidently only to make the Eng lish think him something more than human. The old chief then went on and said, " I am now grown old, and must soon die ; and the succession must de scend, in order, to my brothers, Opitchapan, Opekankanough, and Catataugh,* and then to my two sisters, and their two daughters. I wish their experience was equal to mine ; and that your love to us might not be less than ours to you. Why should you take by force that from us which you can have by love ? Why should you destroy us, who have provided you with food ? What can you get by war ? We can hide our provisions, and fly into the woods ; and then you must consequently famish by wronging your friends. What is the cause of your jealousy? You see us unarmed, and willing to supply your wants, if you will come in a friendly manner, and not with swords and guns, as to invade an enemy. I am not so simple, as not to know it is better to eat good meat, lie well, and sleep quietly with my women and children ; to laugh and be merry with the English ; and, being their friend, to have copper, hatchets, and whatever else I want, than to fly from all, to lie cold in the woods, feed upon acorns, roots, and such trash, and to be so hunted, that I cannot rest, eat, or sleep. In such circumstances, my men must watch, and if a twig should but break, all would cry out, ' Here comes Capt. Sm'th;' and so, in this miserable manner, to end my miserable life; and, Capt. Smith, this might be soon your fate too, through your rashness and nnadvisedness. I, therefore, exhort you to peaceable councils ; and, above all, I insist that the guns and swords, the cause of all our jealousy and uneasiness, be removed and sent away." Smith interpreted this speech to mean directly contrary to what it expressed, and it rather confirmed, than lessened, his former suspicions. He, however, made a speech to Powhatan, in his turn, in which he endeavored to convince him that the English intended him no hurt ; urging, that, if they had, how easily they might have effected it long before; and that, as to their perishing with want, he would have him to understand that the English had ways to supply themselves unknown to the Indians; that as to his sending away the arms, there was no reason in that, since the Indians were always allowed to bring theirs to Jamestown, and to keep them in their hands. Seeing Smith's inflexibility, and despairing of accomplishing his intended massacre, he spoke again to Smith as follows : " Capt. Smith, I never use any werowance so kindly as yourself; yet from you I receive the least kindness of any. Capt Newport gave me swords, cop per, clothes, or whatever else I desired, ever accepting what I offered him ; and would send away his guns when requested. No one refuses to lie at my feet, or do what I demand, but you only. Of you I can have nothing, but what you value not ; and yet, you will have whatsoever you please. Capt. Neirport you call father, and so you call me ; but I see, in spite of us both, Sju will do what you will, and we must both study to humor and content you. ut if you intend so friendly, as you say, send away your arms ; for you see * Catanaugh, Stith, 30* X 354 POWHATAN. HIS INSTRUCTIONS TO TOMOCOMO. [Boos IV. my undesigning simplicity and friendship cause me thus nakedly to forget myself." Smith now was out of all patience, seeing Powhatan only trifled away the time, that he might, by some means, accomplish his design. The boats of the English were kept at a distance from the shore, by reason of ice Smith, therefore, resorted to deception ; he got the Indians to break the ice, that his men might come in and take on board the corn they had bought, and, at the same time, gave orders to them to seize Poivhatan ; Smith, in the mean time, was to amuse him with false promises. But Smith's talk was too full of flattery not to be seen through by the sagacious sachem ; and, before it was too late, he conveyed himself, his women, children, and effects, into the woods; having succeeded in his deception better than Smith; for two or three squaws amused him while Powhatan and the rest escaped. Unwilling, however, to renounce his purpose, Powhatan sent Smith, soon after, a valuable bracelet, as a present, by an old orator of his, who tried to excuse the conduct of his sachem ; he said Powhatan ran off because he was afraid of the Eng lish arms, and said, if they could be laid aside, he would come with his peo ple, and bring corn in abundance. At length, finding all artifices vain, Pow hatan resolved to fall upon the English, in their cabins, on the following night. But here, again, Pocahontas saved the life of Smith and his attendants. She came alone, in a dismal night, through the woods, and informed Smith of her father's design. For this most signal favor, he offered her such articles as he thought would please her ; but she would accept of nothing, and, with tears standing in her eyes, said if her father should see her with any thing, he would mistrust what she had done, and instant death would be her reward ; and she retired by herself into the woods, as she came. Powhatan was so exasperated at the failure .of his plots, that he threatened death to his men if they did not kill Smith by some means or other. Not long after, a circumstance occurred, which gave him security the rest of his administration. One of Poivhatan's men, having, by some means, got a quantity of powder, pretended that he could manage it like the English. Several came about him, to witness his exploits with the strange commodity, when, by some means, it took fire, " and blew him, with one or two more, to death." This struck such a dread into the Indians, and so amazed and frightened Powhatan, that his people came from all directions, and desired peace ; * many of whom returned stolen articles that the English had never before missed. Powhatan would now send to Jamestown such of his men as had injured the English, that they might be dealt with as they deserved. The same year, 1609, he sent them nearly half his crop of corn, knowing them to be in great want. Captain Smith, having, by accident, been shockingly burned by his powder- bags taking fire, for want of surgical aid, was obliged to leave the country and. go to England, from whence he never returned. He published the account of the first voyages to Virginia, and his own adventures, which is almost the only authority for the early histoiy of that country. He died in London, in 1631, f in the 52d year of his age. The Dutchmen of whom we have spoken, and who had been so assiduous to bring ruin upon the colony, came to a miserable end. One of them died in wretchedness, and two others had their brains beat out by order of Poivha tan, for their deception. After Smith had left Virginia, the Indians were made to believe that he was dead. Powhatan doubted the report, and, some time after, ordered one of his counsellors, named Uttamatomakin, t or Tomocomo, whom he settt to England, to find out, if possible, where he was. He instructed him, also, to note the number of the people, to learn the state of the country, and, if he found Smith, to make him show him the God of the English, and the king and queen. When he arrived at Plimouth, he took a long stick, and began to perform a part of his mission by cutting a notch for every person he should see. But * Did not the English of New England owe their safety to Massasoit and Mianiunnomoli's fear of the same article ? f Josselyn, N. Eng. Rarities, 106. t Or UttamaccomacK, Smith. $ Purchas. CHAP. II.] DEATH OF POWHATAN. HIS SUCCESSORS. 35o he soon gave np that business. And, when he returned to his own ccuntry, his chief asked him, among other tilings, to give him an account of the num ber of the inhabitants in England. His answer to that inquiry, we hazard not much in saying, is nearly as extensively known as the golden rule of Confu cius. It was as follows: " Count the stars in the sky, the leaves on the trees, and the sand upon the sea-shore, for such is the number of the people of England." TOMOCOMO had married a sister of Pocahontas, and, probably, accompanied her to England.* While there, the famous antiquary, Samuel Purvhas, had an interview with him, and from whom he collected many facts relating to the manners and customs of his countrymen ; the result of which he after wards published in his Pilgrims, f The difficulties were almost perpetual between Powhatan and the English very little time passed, while he lived, but what was full of broils and dissatis faction, on the one part or the other. Few Indian chiefs have fallen under our notice, possessing such extraordinary characteristics as Pmvhatan. He died at peace with the English, in April, 1618, and was succeeded by Omtclia- oan, his second brother, who was known afterwards by the name Itopatin. Our readers will be compelled to acknowledge that Captain Smith was barbarous enough towards the Indians, but we have not met with any thing quite so horrible, in the course of his proceedings, as was exhibited by his successor, Lord De La War. This gentleman, instead of taking a mean course between the practices of Smith and JYeivport, went into the worst extreme. Finding Powhatan insolent, on his arrival in the country, he determined, by severity, to bring him to unconditional submission. Having, therefore, got into his hands an Indian prisoner, his lordship caused his right hand to be cut off. In this maimed and horrid condition, he sent him to Powhatan ; at the same time giving the sachem to understand, that all his subjects would be served in this manner, if he refused obedience any longer ; telling him, also, that all the corn in the country should be immediately destroyed, which was just then ripe. J This wretched act increased, as reasonably it should, the indignation of Powhatan, and his acts were governed accordingly. CHAPTER II. Reflection upon the character of Powhatan POCAHONTAS She singularly entertains Captain Smith Disaster of a boat's crew Smith's attempt to surprise Powhatan frustrated in consequence Pocahontas saves the life of Wyffin Betrayed into the hands of the English JAPAZAWS Mr. Rolfe marries Pocahontas OPACHISCO Pocahontas visits England Her interview) with Smith Dies at Grnvesend Her son OPEKANKANOUGH Made prisoner by Smith Is set at liberty NEMATTAXOW Murders an Englishman Is murdered in his turn His singular conduct at his death Conducts the massacre of 1622 Plots the extirpation of the English Con ducts the liorrid massacre of 1644 Is taken prisoner His conduct upon the occasion Barbarously wounded by the guard Last speech, and magnanimity in death Reflections NICKOTAWANCE TOTOPOTOMOI Joins the English against the Rechahecrians Is defeated and slain. IT is impossible to say what would have been the conduct of the great Powhatan towards the English, had he been treated by them as he ought to have been. The uncommonly amiable, virtuous, and feeling disposition of his daughter, will always be brought to mind in reading his history ; and, not withstanding he is described by the historians as possessing a sour, morose, nnd savage disposition, full of treachery, deceit and cunning and whose word was never to be depended upon yet, on the very page that he is thus ".Mr. Oldmixan (Brit. Empire, i. 283.) says, " That when the princess Pocahontas came for England, a coucarousa. or lord of her own nation, attended her; his name was Utlamacco- vi-trk." t Vol. v. b. viii. chap. vi. page 935. \ Harris. Voyages, ii. 226. 356 POCAHONTAS. SAVES THE LIFE OF A CAPTIVE. [BOOK IT represented, we shall find the same faults set him as examples by the English themselves. The first and most memorable events in the life of Pocahontas have neces sarily been detailed in the account of her father ; therefore we shall, under her own name, give those which are more disconnected with his. POCAHONTAS was born about the year 1594 or 5, and hence was no more than 12 or 13 years old when she saved the life of Captain Smith, in 1007. Every particular of that most extraordinary scene has been exhibited. The name Pocohantes or Pockohantes, says Heckewelder, means a run between two hills. It has been mentioned, that, at the suggestion of Captain Netcport, Smith went with a few men to Werowocomoco, to invite Powhatan to Jamestown to receive presents, hoping thereby to influence him to open a trade in corn with them. When he arrived at that place, Powhatan was not at home, but was at the distance of 30 miles off. Pocahontas and her women received him, and while he waited for her father, they thus entertained him: " In a fayre plaine field, (says Smith,) they made a fire, before which, he sitting upon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and shrecking, that the English betooke themselves to their arms, and seized on two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan, with all his power, was come to surprise them. But presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended ; and the beholders, which were men, women and children, satisfied the captain there was no such matter. Then presently they were presented with this anticke ; 30 young women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene leaues, their bodies all painted, some of one color, some of another, but all differing. Their leader had a fayre payre of buck's homes on her head, and an otter-skinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrows in her hand. The next had in her hand a sword, and another a club, another a pot-sticke, all horned alike ; the rest every one with their seuerall devises. These fiends, with most hellish shouts and cryes, rushing from among the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dancing with most excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions, and solemnly again to sing and daunce. Having spent neare an houre in this inascarado, as they entred, in like manner they departed." After a short time, they came and took the English to their wigwams. Here they were more tormented than before, " with crowding, pressing, hanging about them, most tediously crying, ' Love you not me ? love you not me ? ' r When they had finished" their caresses, they set before them the best victuals their country afforded, and then showed them to their lodgings. While Captain Smith was upon an expedition into the country, with an intention of surprising Powhatan, there happened a melancholy accident at home, to a boat's crew, which had been sent out in very severe weather, by one who was impatient to have the direction of matters. In the boat were Captain Waldo, Master Scrivener, the projector of the expedition, Mr. Anthony Gosnold, brother of the well-known Bartholomew Gosnold,* and eight others. By the sinking of the boat, these all perished, and none knew what had become of them, until their bodies were found by the Indians. The very men on whom Smith depended to remain at the fort for his succor, in case he sent for them, were among the number. Therefore, to prevent the failure of this expedition, somebody must be sent to apprize Smith of the catastrophe. None volunteered for the hazardous service, but Mr. Richard Wyjfin, who was obliged to undertake it alone. This was a time when Poivhatan was very insolent, and urged daily the killing of Smith upon his men. Nevertheless, after many difficulties, he arrived at Werowocomoco. Here he found himself amidst preparations for war, and in still greater danger than he had yet been. But Pocahontas appeared as his savior. Knowing the intention of the war riors to kill him, she first secreted him in the woods, and then directed those who sought him in an opposite direction from that he had gone ; so, by this * Who had miserably perished by disease and famine at Jamestown, 22 Aug., 1607 Se Bancroft, U. States, i. 144. CHAP. II.] POCAIIO.NTAS. BETRAYED TO THE ENGLISH. 357 mean?, lie escaped, and got safe to Smith at Pamunkey. This was in the winter of 160J). We next hear of her saving the life of Henry Spilman, who was one of 31 that went to trade, upon the confidence of Powhatan, but who were all, except Spilman, killed by his people. Such was the wretched state to which the colony of Virginia was now reduced, that scarce a parallel in the annals of the world can be found. No sooner had Smith left the country, but all was in confusion. Officers spent their time in riotings, while the men seem to have taken no means for defence or preservation ; so that the Indians made constant spoil upon their domestic animals, and whatever else had been provided for their support. Insomuch, that when Captain Smith had been gone six months, the colony was reduced from above 500 to al>out 60 persons. Herbs and roots were eaten to sustain life, in the early part of their distresses ; but as the famine increased, the skins of horses were eagerly devoured, and an Indian, who had been some time dead, was disinterred and eaten by these miserable creatures. In one instance, a wretched rnan killed his own wife, and preserved the body by salt, which enormity was not discovered until it had been chiefly devoured.* It was during this season of horror that Captain Ratdiff went out with 30 men, who were trepanned as we have related. This was in the beginning of the year 1610. Spilman lived many years afterwards among the Patowamack Indians, by the care of Pocahontas.^ From 1609, the time Smith left the country, until 1611, Pocahontas was not seen at Jamestown. In the latter year, she was treacherously taken prisoner by Captain Argal, and kept by the English to prevent Powhatan from doing them injury, and to extort a great ransom from him, and such terms of peace BS they should dictate. At the time she was betrayed into the hands of Cap tain Argal, she was in the neighborhood of the chief of Potomack, whose name was Japazaii-s, a particular friend of the English, and an old acquaintance of Captain Smith. Whether she had taken up her residence here, or whether she was here only upon a visit, we are not informed. But some have conjectured, that she retired here soon after Smith's departure, that she might not witness the frequent murders of the ill-governed English, at Jamestown. Captain .li-rrnl was in the Potomack River, for the purpose of trade, with his ship, when he leamed that Pocahontas was in the neighborhood. Whether Japa- zaics had acquired his treachery from his intercourse with the English, or whether it were natural to his disposition, we will not undertake to decide here ; but certain it is, that he was ready to practise it, at the instigation of Arzal. And for a copper kettle for himself, and a few toys for his squaw, he enticed the innocent girl on board JlrgaVs ship, and betrayed her into his hands. It was effected, however, without compulsion, by the aid of his squaw. The captain had previously promised that no hurt should befall her, and that she should be treated with all tenderness. This circumstance should go as far aa it may to excuse Japazaws. The plot to get her on board was well contrived. Knowing that she had no curiosity to see a ship, having before seen many, Japazaics' wife pretended a great anxiety to see one, but would not go on board unless Pocahontas would accompany her. To this she consented, but with some hesitation. The attention with which they were received on board soon dissipated all fears, and Pocahontas soon strayed from her betrayers into the gun-room. The captain, watching his opportunity, told her she was a prisoner. When her confinement was known to Japazaws and his wife, they feigned more lamentation than she did, to keep her in ignorance of the plot ; and, after receiving the price of their perfidy, were sent ashore, and Jlrgal, with his pearl of great price, sailed for Jamestown. On being informed of the reason why she was thus captivated, her grief, by degrees, subsided. The first step of the English was to inform Powhatan of the captivity of his daughter, and to demand of him their men, guns and tools, which he and his people had, from time to time, taken and stolen from them. This unexpected news threw the old, stern, calculating chief into a great dilemma, and what course to take he knew not ; and it was three months before he returned any * Keith's Hist. Virginia, 121. t Stitli, Hist. Virginia, 116. 358 POCAHONTAS MARRIES AN ENGLISHMAN. [BOOK IV answer. At the end of this time, by the advice of his council, he sent back seven Englishmen, with each a gun which had been spoiled, and this answer tli:it when they should retum his daughter, he would make full satisfaction and give them 500 bushels of com, and be their friend forever ; that he had no more guns to return, the rest being lost. They sent him word, that they would not restore her, until he had complied with their demand ; and that, a? for the guns, they did not believe they were lost. Seeing the determination of the English, or his inability to satisfy them, was, we apprehend, why they " heard no more from him for a long time after." In the spring of the year 1613, Sir Thomas Dale took Pocahontas, and went with a ship, up Powhatan's River to Werowocomoco, the residence of her father, in hopes to effect an exchange, and bring about a peace. Powhatan was not at home, and they met with nothing but bravadoes, and a disposition to fight from all the Indians they saw. After burning many of their habita tions, and giving out threats, some of the Indians came and made peace, as they called it, which opened the way for two of Pocahontas's brothers to come on board the ship. Their joy at seeing their sister may be imagined. A particular friendship had some time existed between Pocahontas and a worthy young Englishman, by the name of John Rolfe ; which, at length, growing into a sincere attachment, and being mutual between them, he made known his desire to take her for his companion. This being highly approved of by Sir Thomas Dale, and other gentlemen of high standing and authority, a consummation was soon agreed upon. Acquainting her brother with her determination, it soon came to the knowledge of her father also ; who, as highly approving of it as the English, immediately sent Opachisco, her uncle, and two of his sons, to witness the performance, and to act as her servants upon the occasion ; and, in the beginning of April, 1613, the marriage was solemnized according to appointment. Powhatan was now their friend in reality ; and a friendly intercourse commenced, which was, without much interruption, continued until his death. Pocahontas lived happily with her husband, and became a believer in the English religion, and expressed no desire to live again among those of her own nation. When Sir Thomas Dale returned to England, in 1616, Pocahon tas accompanied him, with her husband, and several other young natives. They arrived at Plimouth on the . 12th of June of that year. She met with much attention in that country, being taken to court by the Lord and Lady Delaware, and others of distinction. She was, at this time, called the Lady Rebecca* Her meeting with Captain Smith was affecting ; more especially as she thought herself, and very justly, no doubt, too slightly noticed by him. which caused her much grief. Owing to the barbarous nonsense of the times. Smith did not wish her to call him father, being afraid of giving offence to royalty, by assuming to be the father of a king's daughter. Yet he did not intend any cause of offence, and did all in his power to make her happy. At their first interview, after remaining silent some time, she said to him, " You promised my father, that what ivas yours should be his ; and that you and he would be all one. Being a stranger in our country, you called Powhatan father; and I. for the same reason, tvill now call you so. You icere not afraid to come into my father's country, and strike fear into every body but myself; and are you here afraid to let me call you father ? I tell you, then, I loill call you father, and you shall call me child ; and so I will forever be of your kindred and country. They ahcays told us that you were dead, and I knew not otheninse, till I came to Plimouth. Bui Powhatan commanded Tomocomo to seek you out, and know the truth, because your countrymen are much given to lying." The useful and worthy young Pocahontas, being about to embark for her native country, in the beginning of the year 1617, fell sick at Gravesend, and died ; having attained only the age of 22 years. She left one son, whose name was Thomas Rolfe, very young ; and whom Sir Lewis Steukly,* of Plimouth " " As to the infamous Sir Lewis Studeij, who had betrayed Ralegh, he was taken soon after [Ralegh was beheaded] in Whitehall, clipping' the very gold which was the produce of his infamy, and tried and condemned for it ; and having stripped himself to his shirt to raise money to purchase his pardon, he banished himself to the Island of Sundy, where he died. Dt>th mad and a beggar, in less than two years after Sir Waiter Raleigh." Prince's Worthies of Devon, 677. Harding's Naval biography, i. 330. CHAP. II.] OPEKANKAXOUGH. SEIZED BY CAPTAIN SMITH. 359 desired to be left with him, that he might direct his education. But, from the unmanly part this gentleman took against the unfortunate Ralegh, he was brought into such merited disrepute, that he found himself obliged to turn all his attention to his own preservation ; and the son of Pocahontae was taken to London, and there educated by his uncle, Mr. Henry Rolfe. He afterwards came to America, to the native country of his mother, where he became a gentleman of great distinction, and possessed an ample fortune. He left an only daughter, who married Colonel Robert Boiling, and died, leaving an only son, Major John Boiling, who was the father of Colonel John Boiling, and several daughters ; one ot whom married Colonel Richard Randolph, from whom are descended the distinguished JOHN RANDOLPH, and those bearing that name in Virginia, at this day.* Barlow thus notices Pocahontas : " Blest Pocahontas ! fear no lurking guile ; Thy hero's love shall well rewardthy smile. Ah, soothe the wanderer in his desperate plight, Hide him by day, and calm his cares by night; Tho' savage nations, with thy vengeful sire, Pursue their victim with unceasing ire And tho' their threats thy startled ear assail, Let virtue's voice o'er filial fears prevail." COLUMBIAD. OPEKANKANOUGH has already received our notice. He ,was a very conspicuous character in his time, and was styled, by the Virginians, King of the Pamunkies. The dreadful massacre, of which he was author, brings to mind his name oftener than almost any other chief of his times. There seems to be some contradiction, or difference of opinion, with regard to the origin of this chief. Some of the Indians reported that he came from the west, and was not a brother of Powhatan ; but that story, we judge, is merely a fable, invented and told by his enemies, to influence the English against him, that they might destroy him. Opekankanough seems to have borne the name of Mangopeomen in 1621, f a circumstance unnoticed by most historians, and, therefore, we conclude that it prevailed only among his own tribe, and, perhaps, even among them fell into disuse soon after. OPITCHAPAN, called also Oetan, and lastly Sasauopeomen,\ was the successor of Powhatan, but he seems never to have been otherwise noted. " The defects of the new emperor," says Mr. Burk, u were aggravated in the minds of the Indians, by a comparison with the accomplished Opekankanough, who, in the council and the field, was the most conspicuous warrior amongst the Powha- tans : and who, during the lifetime of the late emperor, had procured from the free tribe of the Chickahominies, the title of their king." The same author calls Opitchapan a "feble and decrepid" chief, who "was little calculated to secure respect, or enforce obedience." In HJ08, the Indians had become universally at variance with the Englis.'), and insulted them whenever they appeared abroad ; knowing their miserable, half-starved condition. Insult followed insult, upon both sides, and, but for the never-tiring perseverance of Smith, this colony, like the first, would have been soon destroyed. The Indians would promise to trade with them, but when they went to them for that purpose, they only "laughed at their calam- iri. s ;" sometimes putting jokes upon them, and at others, running away into flie woods. In tli is extremity of their circumstances, though in the depth of winter, Smith mohred to make himself master of some of the Indians' store of provisions, by H-iiic means or other. He, therefore, proceeded to Pamunkey, the residence * Jons RANDOLPH, ofRoanoke, died in Philadelphia, 24 May, 1834. He had come there n vrry low health, intending to embark for Europe in a few days. Having met with some perplexity in procuring lodgings on his arrival in Philadelphia, being taken from the steam-boat bold after another, in a bad hack, in bad weather, he was much irritated, and, from his iTcijiiont allusions to it in his sickness, it was supposed to have hastened his end. He wa about GO years of age at his death. * Uurk's Va. i. 228. { Ibid. Hist. Virginia, i. 233. 360 OPEKANKANOUGH. NEMATTANOW'S DEATH. [BooK IV. of Opekankanough, with 15 men, where he tried to trade with him for corn but, not succeeding, he, in a desperate manner, seized upon the chief by his lair, in the midst of his men, " with his pistoll readie bent against his breast. Thus he led the trembling king, neare dead with fear, amongst all his peo ple."* Smith told him that he had attempted to murder him, which was the cause of his treating him thus. No one can doubt, on reading the history of those affairs, that the Indians all wished Smith dead, but whether they all wanted to kill him, is not quite so plain. One great end of Smith's design was now answered ; for Opekankanough 's people came in loaded with presents to ransom their chief, until his boats were completely filled. News being brought of a disaster at Jamestown, lie was set at liberty. NEMATTANOW, a renowned warrior, we have to introduce here, as well on account of his supposed agency in bringing about the great massacre of 1G22, as for the object of exhibiting a trait of character equally to be admired and lamented. We are not certain that he belonged to the people of Opekanka nough, but it is storied that a jealousy existed between them, and that the chief had informed Sir George Yeardley that he wished Mtnattanow's throat were cut, some time before the massacre took place, to which we have alluded. However, Opekankanough denied it afterwards, and affected great indignation at his murder, and the Indians said the massacre was begun by him, to revenge JVemattanoio's death. But our present object is to portray the character of JVemattanow, who was both eccentric and vain, and " who was wont, out of bravery and parade, to dress himself up, in a strange, antic, and barbaric fashion, with feathers, which, therefore, obtained him the name of Jack-of-the- feather" He was even more popular among his countrymen than Opekanka nough, which, doubtless, was the ground of that chief's jealousy ; especially as he was one of the greatest war-captains of his times. He had been in many fights and encounters with the English, always exposing himself to the greatest danger, and yet was never wounded in any of them. This circum stance caused the Indians to believe in his invulnerability, and hence he was by them considered superhuman. Only about 14 days before the massacre, Jack-of-the-feather went to the house of one Morgan, where he saw many such articles exhibited as were calculated to excite admiration in such people. Jack, perhaps, had not the means to purchase, but, it seems, he was resolved, some how or other, to possess them. He, therefore, told Morgan, that if he would take his commodities to Pamunkey, the Indians would give him a great price for them. Not in the least mistrusting the design of JVemaUanoii', the simple Englishman set out for Pamunkey, in company with this Indian. This was the last the English heard of Morgan. However, strange as it may soem, Jack's ill-directing fate sent him to the same place again, and, what was Blill more strange, he had the cap of the murdered Morgan upon his head. Morgan's servants asked him where their master was, who very deliberately answered, that he was dead. This satisfied them that he had murdered him. They, therefore, seized him, in order to take him before a magistrate at Berkeley ; but he made a good deal of resistance, which caused one of his captors to shoot him down. The singular part of the tragedy is yet to he related. Though mortally wounded, Nemattanow was not killed outright, and his captors, which were two stout young men, got him into a boat to proceed to Mr. Thorp's, the magistrate. As they were going, the warrior became satis fied that he must die, and, with the most extraordinary earnestness, besought that two things might be granted him. One was, that it should never be told to his countrymen that he was killed by a bullet ; and the other, that he should be buried among the English, so that it should never be discovered that he had died, or was subject to death like other men. Such was the pride and vanity exhibited by an Indian at his death. The following inference, there fore, is naturally to be drawn ; that a desire to be renowned, and held in veneration by posterity, is not confined to the civilized and learned of any age or nation. * Perhaps the New Englanders followed Smit/i's example, afterwards, in the case of Alt.t- gnder > Ninigret, and others. CHAP. II.] OPEKANKANOUGH. SECOND GREAT MASSACRE. 361 Meanwhile, Opekankanough, the better to increase the rage of his warriors, affected great grief at .Venutttanow's death, which had the effect he intended owing, especially, to the favor in which that warrior had stood among the Indians. But the English were satisfied that this was only pretence, as we have before observed ; because they were informed of his trying to engage some of his neighbors against them, and otherwise acted suspiciously, some time before JVemattanow's death ; of the justice of which, however, the Eng lish tried arguments at first, and threats afterwards, to convince them. By his dissimulation, Opekankanough completely deceived them, and, just before the massacre, treated a messenger that was sent to him with much kindness and civility; and assured him that the peace, which had been some time before concluded, was held so firm by him that the sky should fall sooner than it should be violated on his part. And such was the concert and secrecy among all the Indians, that, only two days before the fatal 22 March, some kindly conducted the English through the woods, and sent one of their youtk to live with the English, and learn their language. Moreover, on the morn ing of that very day, they came unarmed among them, and traded as usual, and even sat down to breakfast with their victims, in several instances. Never, perhaps!, W as a massacre so well contrived and conducted, to ensure success, as was this of Opekankanough. The English were lulled into a fatal security and even unknowingly assisted the Indians in their design; lending them their bouts to communicate with distant tribes, and furnishing them with various utensils, which were converted at once into weapons of dejath. The 22 March, 1622, having come, and the appointed hour of that mem orable day arrived, with a simultaneousness unparalleled on any former occa sion, the Indians rose from their ambushes, and, with the swiftness of the tiger, appeared, in a moment, amidst the English settlements. Age, sex, nor condition, shielded no one ; their greatest benefactors were among their first victims. Thus, in the space of about one hour, fell three hundred and forty- seven men, women, and children. By this horrid calamity, out of 80 planta tions, six only were left uninjured. And these were saved by the timely information of a Christian Indian called Chanco. The ensuing summer was spent, by the surviving English, in strengthening themselves against further attacks, and preparations for taking vengeance on the Indians ; wholly neglecting all improvements, works of utility, and even their planting. Every thing was lost sight of in their beloved project of revenge ; and the English, in their turn, showed themselves more treacherous, if not more barbarous, than their enemy. For, under pretence of making peace again with them, they fell upon them at unawares, and murdered many without mercy. This crime was vastly aggravated, in that, to induce the Indians to come forward and make peace, the English had not only solemnly assured them forgiveness, but likewise security and safety in their persons. It was, for some time, supposed that Opekankanough was among the slain, but, if Mr. Beverly was not misinformed, the same sachem, 22 years after wards, executed a still greater massacre ' upon the English, as, in the next place, we shall relate. How long Opekankanough had been secretly plotting to cut off the intruders of his soil cannot be known ; but, in 1644, all the Indians, over a space of country of 6CO miles in extent, were leagued in the enterprise. The old chief at this time, was supposed to be near 100 years of age, and, though unable to walk, would be present in the execution of his beloved project. It was upon the 18 April, when Opekankanough, borne in a litter, led his warriors for ward, and commenced the bloody work. They began at the frontiers, with a determination to slay all before them, to the sea. After continuing the mas sacre two days, in which time about 500* persons were murdered, Sir William Berkeley, at the head of an armed force, checked their progress. The destruc tion of the inhabitants was the greatest upon York and Pamunkey Rivers, where Opekankanough commanded in person. The Indians now, in their turn, were driven to great extremity, and their old chief was taken prisoner * Tliis is the number generally set down in the histories, but the probably just scrutiny of Mr Bancroft, Hist. U. 3. i. 224. caused him to fix upon the number 300. 31 362 DEATH OF OPEKANKANOIGH. TOTOPOTOMOI. [BooK IV and carried in triumph to Jamestown. How long after the massacre this happened, we are not informed ; but it is said that the fatigues he had pre viously undergone had wasted away his flesh, and destroyed the elasticity of his muscles to that degree, that he was no longer able to raise the eyelids from his eyes ; and it was in this forlorn condition, that he fell into the hands of his enemies. A soldier, who had been appointed to guard him, barbarously fired upon him, and inflicted a mortal wound. He was supposed to have been prompted to the bloody deed, from a recollection of the old chief's agency in the massacre. Just before he expired, hearing a great bustle and crowd about him, he ordered an attendant to lift up his eyelids ; when he discovered a multitude pressing around, to gratify the untimely curiosity of beholding a dying sachem. Undaunted in death, and roused, as it were, from sleep, at the conduct of the confused multitude, he deigned not to observe them ; but, raising himself from the ground, with the expiring breath of authority, commanded that the governor should be called to him. When the governor came, Opekankanough said, with indignation, " Had it been my for' tune to have taken Sir WM. BERKELEY prisoner, I ivould not meanly have exposed him as a show to my people ; " * and soon after expired. It is said, and we have no reason to doubt the fact, that it was owing to the encroachments upon his lands, that caused Opekankanough to determine upon a massacre of the whites. These intrusions were, nevertheless, conformable to the grants of the proprietors. He could hardly have expected entire con quest, as his people had already begun to waste away, and English villages were springing up over an extent of country of more than 500 miles, with a populousness beyond any preceding example ; still, he was determined upon the vast undertaking, and sacrificed himself with as much honor, it will, per haps, be acknowledged, as did Leonidas at Thermopylae. Sir William Berkeley intended to have sent him, as a present, to the king of England ; but assassination deprived him of the wretched satisfaction, and saved the chief from the mortification, f None of the Virginia historians seem to have been informed of the true date of this last war of Opekankanough; the ancient records of Virginia, says Mr. Burk, are silent even upon the events of it, (an extraordinary omission.) Mr. Beverly thinks it began in 1639, and, although Mr. Burk is satisfied that it took place after 1641, yet he relates it under the date 1640. And we are not certain that the real date would ever have been fixed, but for the inestimable treasury of New England history, Winthrop*s Journal. \ That it took place subsequent to 1641, Mr. Burk assures us, upon the evi dence of the MS. records ; for they relate that, in 1640, one John Burton had been convicted of the murder of an Indian, and that his punishment was remitted, " at the intercession of Opekankanough, and his great men." And that, in the end of the year 1641, Thomas Rolfe, the son of Pocahontas, peti tioned the governor for permission to visit his kinsman, Opekankanough, and Cleopatre, the sister of his mother. That, therefore, these events happened previous to the war, and death of Opekankanough* NICKOTAWANCE succeeded Opekankanough, as a tributary to the English. In 1648, he came to Jamestown, with five other chiefs, and brought 20 beaver skins to be sent to King Charles. He made a long oration, which he con cluded with the protestation, " that the sun and moon should first loose their glorious lights, and shining, before he, or his people, should ever more here after wrong the English." TOTOPOTOMOI probably succeeded Nickotawance, as he was king of Pa- munkey in 1656. In that year, a large body of strange Indians, called Rechahecrians, came down from the inland mountainous country, and forcibly * Beverly, Hist. Virg. 51. t See British Empire in America, i. 240, 1. ^ Whether it be preserved in Hening's Statutes, I have not learned, but presumed it, from the inference of Bancroft. Like most of the early writers, the author of A New Description of Virginia, (2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 111.) speaks of the Indians in terms dictated by indig-natkm. "Their great king-," he says, " Opechankenmc, that bloody monster upon a hundred years old, was taken by Sir William Berkely." This tract was published in 1659, but no date is given 10 the massacre. CHAP. HI.] THE CREEK NATION. ORIGIN OF THE NAME. 363 possessed themselves of the country about the falls of James River. The legislature of Virginia was in session, when the news of their coining was received. What cause the English had to send out an army against them, our scanty records do not satisfactorily show;* but, at all events, they determined at once to dispossess them. To that end, an army of about 100 men was raised, and put under the direction of Colonel Edward Hill, who was joined by -Totopotomoi, with 100 of his warriors. They did not find the Rechaherrians unprepared, but of the particulars of the meeting of the ad verse parties we are not informed. The event, however, was, to the allies, most disastrous. Totopotomoi, with the most of his men, was slain, and the English suffered a total defeat, owing, it is said, to the criminal management of Colonel Hill. This officer lost his commission, and his property was taken to defray the losses sustained by the country. A peace seems to have been concluded with the Indians soon after. CHAPTER IIL Of the Creek Indians Atuskogees Prohibit the vse of ardent spirits TJieir rise and importance Their origin Cntawbas Chikasaus Cherokees A mode of flattening their heads Complexion lighter than other Indians Seminoles Ruins at Oak- invlgee Fields Expedition of Soto Kills 2000 Indians Laudonnicre Gourges' expedition Grijalva MOYTOV made emperor of the Cherokees Sir Alexander Gumming His travels among the Cherokees Seven chiefs accompany him to Eng land .lUakullakulla SKIJAGUSTAH His speech to the king His death. IN the preceding chapters of this book, much has been narrated of the southern nations in general ; and, in particular, of many prominent indi viduals and events. It is designed, in the. present chapter, to speak more particularly upon the events of the great nation of Creek Indians. It will be proper, in the first place, to give some general account of the nation, whose men of eminence have been, and are to be, noticed ; for there are some facts that will not necessarily fall in otherwise; but, in such di gression, if so it should be termed, our chief axiom is not overturned, which is, that to write the history of the men of a country, is to write the history of such country. The reader, however, should be reminded, that a general history of a people at one period, will not exactly apply to them at another. This observation is not only true with regard to their political and civil his tory, but also in regard to the manners and customs of the same nations: these facts are true, both as they regard people called civilized, as well as those called savage. Hence, descriptions of tribes or nations by one observer, at one time, differ from those of another at a different period ; and yet both may be true in the main particulars. Students, therefore, not aware of this fact, may be disposed to discredit writers for such disagreements, which, in fact, are altogether imaginary. But it is time to commence upon the imme diate business of the present chapter. The Creek Indians take their name from that of the country in which they live; that is, the English gave them the name of Creeks, because their country is full of creeks. * By the following 1 preamble and resolve of the legislature, all we possess, touching this matter, is to he gathered : " Whereas information hath been received, that many western or inland Indians are drawn from the mountains, and lately set down near the falls of James River, to the number of 6 or 700, whereby, upon many several considerations bein; had, it is ri,n<-(Mved great danger might ensue to this colony. This assembly, therefore, do think fit and resolve, that these new come Indians be in no sort suffered to seat themselves there, or E:IV place near us, it having cost so much blood to expel and extirpate those perfidious and tn-iirherotis Indians, which were there formerly. It NHng so apt a place to invade us, and within the limits, which, in a just war. were formerly conquered by us, and by us resen'ed, al the conclusion of peace, with the Indians." fir,~Hist. Virginia, ii. 105. 364 CREEK LANGUAGE. CHEROKEE INVENTION. [Boon IV The nation of most importance among the Creeks was, m 1775, the Muskogees. That community, or nation, like the Iroquois, was more politic than their neighbors, and vastly increased their strength and importance by encouraging small declining tribes to incorporate themselves with them. At one time, another most wise resolution was adopted among them, which, above all others, should be mentioned ; that was a prohibition of the importation of all kinds of ardent spirits into their countiy. How long this resolution was main tained, or at what period, cannot, at this time, be stated. It was very probably at the period of their greatest prosperity, which was just before the breaking out of the revolutionary war. The Muskogees had another excellent regulation, namely, the men assisted their women in their planting before setting out on their warlike and other expeditions. This was called the Creek nation, which, in what was called its best days, about 1786, contained 17,000 souls;* but they were reckoned, in 1829, at 20,000. Some have, latterly, given the name of Creeks only to a part of the nations of which we have begun to treat ; but it is here intended to include under that head all the tribes between the Savannah on the east, the Mississippi on the west, and the country bordering on the Ohio on the north. The following is a specimen of their language, which will answer tolerably well as a specimen of all the southern languages, from Carolina to the Mississippi : Isti tsukhvlhpi laksakat Tshihofv inhomitsi tomis; momais fvtsv opunaho- yan im afvlski tomis.f In English, Ikying lips are an abomination to the Lord; but they that deal truly are his delight. The following is Choktau reckoning: Achvfa, 1, Tuklo, 2, Tuchina, 3, Ushta, 4, Tahlapi, 5, Hanali, 6, Untuklo, 7, Untuchina, 8, Chakali, 9, Pokoli, 10. By prefixing auh to the names of the digits, they arrive at 20 ; then, by pre fixing Pokoli (10) to the series of digits, they arrive at 30, and so on. | The Cherokees have now a written language, and, before the late troubles with Georgia, were making good advancement in all the useful arts. One of the most remarkable discoveries of modern times has been made by a Cherokee Indian, named GEORGE GUESS. His invention was that of a syllabic alphabet of the language of his nation, which he applied to writing with unparalleled success. Young Cherokees learned by it to write letters to their friends in three days' time ; and although the inventor used a part of the English alphabet in making up his own, yet he was acquainted with no other language but the Cherokee. This invention was brought to maturity in 1826. Two years after, a newspaper, called the CHEROKEE PHOINIX, was established in the Cherokee nation, printed chiefly in Cherokee, with an English transla tion. Being considered an independent nation, they instituted a form of government similar to that of the United States. It was some time after the Natchez massacred the French, that the principa. nation of Creeks, the Muskogees, began to rise into importance. For a time after that memorable event, the country of the Natchez was desolate ; but when some years had elapsed, a tribe seated themselves there, and it became the seat of a powerful nation ; and this was the Muskogees. That nation, like the ancient Romans, had, in about 30 years, extended their dominions over a fertile country near 200 miles square ; had 3500 bow-men, and 50 con siderable towns. They had dominion also over one town of the Shawanese. Their chief places were upon the branches of the Alabama and the Apalachi- cola rivers ; the people upon the latter being called the lower Creeks. This, as well as the other nations whom we call Creeks, are generally supposed to have originally come from the south or south-west ; but the Indians them selves believe, or pretend to believe, that they came from the east, or place of the sun's rising ; concerning which opinion we may observe once for all, that it most probably had the same origin among all ignorant people, which arose from no other than a desire that others should think them descended from the * It is common to reckon a third warriors. f This specimen I take from a little volume, called the " Muskogee (Creek) Assistant," published in Boston, 1835, by the Am. Board of Com. for Foreign Missions. \ Choktau Arithmetic, printed as above. $ Hist. Missions, ii, 354. Missionary Herald. CHAP. III.] COUNTRY OF THE SOUTHERN INDIANS. 365 sun ; that being the most glorious and noble origin of which they could con ceive. Indeed, such is not altogether unnatural ; for that luminary quickens and enlivens every thing that has life, whether animal or vegetable. Beside the Muskogees, the Kataubahs, or Catawbas, Cherokees, Choktaus, and Chikasaus, were other numerous tribes spread over the great country of which we have spoken. The Kataubahs and the Chikasaus were very warlike ; but their vicinity to Europeans was as detrimental to them, and even more so, than their own exterminating wars ; for, as in other cases, aa soon as an intercourse com menced, degradation and ruin followed. The Cherokees have withstood the deletery effects of civilization much beyond what can be said of any other tribe of Indians. Their country is chiefly in Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee ; but they occupy also the western part of the state of Georgia. Before the war of 1812, their country covered 24,000 square miles.* Numbers of this tribe have emigrated to Arkansaw. The Choktaus possessed a country not so filled with creeks and rivers as the Muskogees. This circumstance, it is said, was a great hinderance to their prosperity ; for in their wars with their neighbors, they suffered greatly from their ignorance of swimming. There were Upper and Lower Choktau towns ; die former were situated about 160 miles from the Chikasaus, and the latter about 200 above New Orleans. The people of this nation flattened their heads by wearing bags of sand on them,f and, according to Father Hennepin,^ the heads of all the Indians upon the Mississippi are flatter than those of Canada. It is said also that they are of a lighter complexion ; but this has reference only to the Muskogees, according to some writers. The Choktaus princi pally inhabit Mississippi. They were, in 1820, set down at 25,000 souls, and are rather increasing. The Chikasaus are supposed to have come from the west of the Mississippi, and as it was a custom among the Creeks for their unoccupied lands to be taken by any that came among them, as emigrants, the Chikasaus found no obstacles in the way of establishing themselves on this side the Mississippi. Where they first established themselves is unknown, but in 1770 they were a powerful and warlike nation, and were seated upon the western branches of the Mobile. The tribe of Yazoos belonged to this nation. The Chikasaus reside in ^Mississippi, Kentucky, and Tennessee. They do not exceed 4900 in number. The Seminoles were a nation made up similar to many others, and chiefly of Muskogees. The Creeks called them Seminoles, which signified wild, because they had estranged themselves from their former country. This nation was principally seated, 40 years ago, upon the rivers Apalachicola and Flint, and had a large town on Calos Bay, on the west side of East Florida. They now reside in Florida, a scattered remnant of about 1200. The names alone of the different clans or tribes of these nations would fill several pages, and it is not neceasary here to enumerate them ; we shall there fore, after some general observations, pass to the consideration of those chiefs who have been conspicuous. There are upon the east bank of the Oakmulge, near its confluence with the Ocone, beautiful fields, extensively known as the Oakmulge fields ; they are upon the rich low lands of the river, and upon the elevated part of them are yet visible remains of a town. These fields extend 20 miles along the river. The Creek Indians give this account of them, namely, that here was the place where they first set down after crossing the Mississippi ; that their journey from the west had been attended with incredible suffering, and that they were opposed at every step by various hostile bands of Indians, and that on reach- * Dr. Morse's Report. t Adair. " As soon as the child is born, the nurse provides a cradle or wooden case, hol- cas drt 366 SOTO'S EXPEDITION. ing this place they fortified themselves, and could proceed no further, and at length gained ground and became conquerors in their turn. There are few greater curiosities in the south, than the great highways 01 roads, which, 50 years ago, struck the traveller with surprise. In West Florida they are still easily traced for near 50 miles in a straight line upon the Oklo- koney River. All history is silent about them ; and it is a singular fact that the Indians will make no use of them, but studiously make their paths in any other direction. * The country of the southern Indians has suffered in some respects as much as some parts of South America; it having been traversed and overrun from time to time by bands of mercenary whites. In the year 1538, Ferdinand de Soto, with a commission from the Emperor Charles V., sailed with a consid erable fleet for America. He was a Portuguese gentleman, and had been with Pizarro in the conquest (as it is called) of Peru. His commission con stituted him governor of Cuba and general of Florida, f Although he sailed from St. Lucar in 1538, he did not land in Florida J until May, 1539. With about 1000 men, 213 of whom were provided with horses, he undertook the conquest of Florida and countries adjacent. After cutting their way in vari ous directions through numerous tribes of Indians, traversing nearly 1000 miles of country, losing a great part of their army, their general died upon the banks of the Mississippi, and the survivors were obliged to build vessels in which to descend the river ; which, when they had done, they sailed for Mexico. This expedition was five years in coming to nothing, and bringing "ruin upon its performers. A populous Indian town at this time stood at or near the mouth of the Mobile, of which Solo's army had possessed themselves. Their intercourse with the Indians was at first friendly, but at length a chief was insulted, which brought on hostilities. A battle was fought, in which, it is said, 2000 Indians were killed, and 83 Spaniards. We shall not attempt here to go more into detail concerning the band of marauding Spaniards under Soto, as it will answer the present purpose to observe, that what has just been related, is but one of the many butcheries committed by that band; and, moreover, our accounts are rather indistinct upon the whole affair, and savor much of exaggeration. The French, under Rent de Laudonniere, settled in Florida in 1564, near where Pcnsacola was since built. The Spaniards claimed the country, and hence the bloody wars which followed. This first settlement of the French, projected by Admiral Coligni, was soon broken up by the Spaniards: they, in the basest and most savage manner, murdered the whole colony. A religious war at this period distracted the French nation, and this outrage would have remained unrevenged, but for the indignation of an individual. In 1567, Dominique de Gourges sailed to Florida, took three forts from the Spaniards, put the men to the sword, and hanged all the other settlers he could find. A French garrison was again established, but, being left without protection, was soon retaken by the Spaniards, who remained masters of the country for more than a hundred years. || From these transactions of antiquity, we must descend to times nearer our own. In the year 1730, Sir Alexander Cumming travelled among the southern Indians, and from whose account we are able to give several interesting par ticulars. At this period, he relates that the Cherokee nation was governed by seven Mother Towns, each of which chose a king to preside over them and their dependants. He was elected out of certain families, and the descent . , . t Chaudon de Delandine, Nouveau Diet. Historique, art. SOTO. t " Sri nnll^H honaiico it wn first flispnvprprl hv (lip Snpninr uetter were they to look more to the sources of information. See an animated account of these bloody affairs in Johnson's Life of General Greene, .. 480, &c. || Dupratz, i. 1 3. Juan de Grijalva discovered the country upon the Gulf of Mexico in 1518, (Herrera,\i. 199,) and some report that he carried off Indians as slaves. (See \Vil- liams's Florida, 90.) But we are not aware that the fart is elsewhere recorded. Hen-era, though very minute, does not name it. Purc/ias (812) iigrecs with iiim CHAP. HI.] MOYTOY MADE KING OF THE CREEKS. 367 was regarded only on the mother's side. These mother toivns were, according to Sir Alexander, Tannassie, Kettooah, Ustenary, Telliquo, Estootowie, Keyo- wee, and Noeyeoee. Four of these towns were without kings at this time, they having died. Some towns had princes, as our author called them ; namely, Tomasso, one; Settecho, one ; Tassettchee, one ; Iwassee, one; Tel- liquo, two ; Tannassie, two ; Cannostee, one ; Cowee, one. The chief Moytoy was called emperor, and presided over the seven towns, in 1730. His residence was at Telliquo. On the 3 April, this year, deputies from all parts of the nation met at Nequassie, and in presence of Sir Alexander Gumming and 12 other Englishmen, declared Moytoy emperor ; he having been nominated by Sir Alexander.* The nation consented to receive Moytoy as their king, provided he was held accountable to Sir Alexander. At the ceremony of declaring Moytoy king or emperor, by whose order Sir Alexander was placed in a chair, himself and the conjurers standing about him, and a throng of warriors "stroked him with 13 eagles' tails, and their singers sung from morning till night." After this was done with, he made a speech to the great concourse of Indians ; in which, among a good deal besides, he displayed the power and goodness of the king beyond the great water ; and "required Moytoy and all the head warriors to acknowledge themselves dutiful subjects and sons to King George" "all which they did on their knees, calling upon every thing that was terrible to them to destroy them, and that they might become no people, if they violated their promise and obedience." The next day, 4 April, " the crown was brought from great Tannassie, which, with five eagles' tails and four scalps of their enemies, Moytoy pre sented to Sir Alexander, impowering him to lay the same at his majesty's feet." The conjurers were well pleased with the English baron, and told him they would follow all his directions. " That when he left them they would still consider him as present in the person of Moytoy of Telliquo, who would punctually do what he had bid." Sir Alexander was now at Tannassie, 400 miles from Charleston, according to his reckoning, and had but 15 days to arrive there in, to go for England in the Fox man-of war, which was then to sail. He therefore asked Moytoy if the Indians could travel there in so short a time on foot. The chief said it might be done, and that he would have accompanied him, but for the dangerous illness of his wife, and requested him to choose such as he desired from among his people, to go with him. f Accordingly, Sir Alexander chose, as evidences of what had happened, Skijagusta, J the head warrior of Tassetchie, " a man of great power and interest, who had a right to be a king," Attakullakulla, and Otqssite, or Oitia- cite, a third warrior, Collannah, a fourth ; " and from Tannassie, the remotest town of the country, he took Clogoittah and Oukanaekah, warriors." About 23 miles from Charleston they met with the warrior Ounakannoivine, a friend of these chiefs, " who had just come from the Kattarbe nation, and desired to go along with his countrymen, to which Sir Alexander consented." They went on board the Fox, a man-of-war, and sailed from Charleston Bay 4 May, and arrived at Dover 5 June ; thus performing a passage across the Atlantic in a month and a day, in 1730, not much inferior to what is done now-a-days. At Dover Sir Alexander " took post to London, with the crown * This part of the sentence is upon the authority of a good writer, (Hewatt, Hist. Carolina, ii. 5,) but Sir Alexander does not say quite as much in his account. t Moytoy was a bitter enemy afterwards. In 1758 he went with his warriors to a place called Statiquo, and killed several whites, without, as was said, any provocation. Hewatt, ii. 220. t Or Kitagusta. This chief was one of the seven, as will appear immediately onward, although Sir Alexander, in his communication, does not name him. Neither does he name Altakullakulla, or Outassite ; yet it is certain they were both in England, and we believe at this time: they make up the number seven, with those named in his own narrative. That Atlakullakulla. was, see Hewatt, ii. 221, and Wynne, ii. 280, n. We can only account for the Mniiks in the narrative, by supposing that Sir Alexander's amanuensis did not understand him, (for he did not write himself,) ana the enumeration of the chiefs which he took with him, is very blundering. Thus, after naming one only, it is set down, " and a third warrior," &c. 6 Perhaps Ockonastota, who was called the great warrior of the Cherokee nation Httcatt ri. 217. 368 CREEK CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND. |BooK IV. of the Cherokee nation, leaving the Indians behind to come up with the man- of-war. He let the secretary of state immediately know that he had full power from that nation to lay their crown at his majesty's feet, and that he had brought over seven Indian chiefs, as an evidence of the truth. His majesty was gra ciously pleased to order Sir Alexander to bring in his people to the installation, the 18th of June, where they were extremely surprised at the magnificence of every thing about tliem : they compared the king and queen to the sun, the princes to the stars, and themselves to nothing. On the 22d of June, Sir Alexander was introduced to his majesty, and upon his knee, in presence of the court, declared the full power he had received, the Indian chiefs all kneeling at the same time, as a testimony of their submission and approbation. Sir Alexander laid the crown of the Cherokee nation at his majesty's feet, with the five eagles' tails, as an emblem of his majesty's sovereignty, and four scalps of Indian enemies; all which his majesty was graciously pleased to accept of." While in England, they made a treaty with the king, every article of which was accompanied, on his part, with presents of some sort or other : such as cloth, guns, vermilion, hatchets, knives, &c. This treaty was dated at White hall, 7 September, 1730, and from it we get the names of the seven chiefs. It begins, " Whereas you, SCATAOCSTA OUKAH, chief of the town of Tasseta ; you, SCALILOSKEN KETAGUSTA ; you, TETHTOWE ; you, CLOGOITTAH ; you, COLANNAH ; you, UNNACONOY ; you, OUCOUNACOD, have been deputed by the whole nation of the Cherokee Indians, to come to Great Britain," * &c. After the treaty was finished, a certified copy was presented to the chiefs by Sir Alexander dimming ; upon which Skijagustah, in the name of the whole, made the following speech : "We are come hither from a mountainous place, where nothing but dark ness is to be found ; but we are now in a place where there is light. There was a person in our country, he gave us a yellow token of warlike honor, which is left with Moytoy of Telliquo, and as warriors we received it. He came to us like a warrior from you. A man he is ; his talk is upright, and the token he left preserves his memory among us. We look upon you as if the great king were present ; we love you as representing the great king. We shall die in the same way of thinking. The crown of our nation is different from that which the great King GEORGE wears, and from that we saw in the tower. But to us it is all one. The chain of friendship shall be earned to our people. We look upon the great King George, as the sun, and as our father, and upon ourselves as his children. For though we are red, and you are white, yet our hands and hearts are joined together. When we shall have acquainted our people with what we have seen, our children from generation to generation will always remember it. In war we shall always be one with you. The enemies of the great king shall be our enemies. His people and ours shall be one, and shall die together. We came hither naked and poor as the worms of the earth, but you have every thing, and we that have nothing must love you, and will never break the chain of friendship which is between us. Here stands the governor of Carolina, whom we know.f This small ropej we show you is all that we have to bind our slaves with, and it may be broken. But have iron chains for yours. However if we catch your slaves, we will bind them as well as we can, and deliver them to our friends, and take no pay for it. We have looked round for the person that was in our country he is not here : However, we must say he talked uprightly to us, and we shall never forget him. Your white people may very safely build houses near us. We shall hurt nothing that belongs to them, for we are children of one father, the great king, and shall live and die together." When Skijagastah had proceeded thus far, he laid his feathers upon a table, and closed as follows : * Report of 4he Commissioners (1736) on the Affairs of Georgia, p. 53. If Attakullahtlla were among these chiefs, he went under another name, as did also Outacite. See a few pages forward. t There was at this time no governor, though Robert Johnson was nominally such. In 1729 the government of Carolina was delivered to the crown of England, for about 17,000. Jchtt- ton was reappointed in 1731. t String of wampum, probably. CHAP. IV.] TOMOCHICHI. 369 " Tliis is" our way of talking, which is the same thing to us as your letters in the book are to you, and to you, beloved men, we deliver these feathers in confirmation of all we have said." In October, the Indians embarked at Portsmouth with Mr. Johnson, the governor of Carolina, for their own country, and in the same ship in which they went over. Skijagustah, or, as he was sometimes called, Kiitagusta, "was brother of Oucconnostola, or the great warrior, and also chief of Chote. He lived to be very old, and died in May, 1768. CHAPTER IV. Settlement of Carolina and Georgia TOMOCHICHI receives the English Goes to Eng land with General Oglethorpe Makes a speech to the King his death War with the Spaniards OUTACITIE MALACHTY ATTAKULLAKULLA Indians murdered ATTAKULLAKULLA prevents retaliation upon whites in his power Cherokee War begins Governor Littleton's expedition Imprisons their Ambassadors They are massacred Colonel Montgomery sent against them Battle near Keowee Chero- kees take Fort London SILOUCE Saves the life of Colonel Byrd Colonel Grant subdues the Cherokees, and they make peace with the whites CHLUCCO. THE presumption is pretty strongly supported, that Sir Walter Ralegh visited ilie southern shores of North America. When General Oglethorpe landed in Georgia, in 1732,* O. S., and communicated to the Indians the contents of a journal of Sir flatter's, they seemed to have a tradition of him, which they had fondly cherished ; although, if the person they met were Ralegh, a hundred years had elapsed since he was there. They pointed out to Mr. Oglethorpe a place near Yamacraw bluff, since Charleston, on which was a large mound, in which was buried, they said, a chief who had talked with Sir Walter Ralegh upon that spot. The chief had requested his people to bury him there, that the place might be kept in veneration. TOMOCHICHI was the principal chief, or Mico, as chiefs were called, of a small band of Creeks and Yamasees, who, having in some way offended their countrymen, fled their country, and " wandered about in the woods some time, until about 1733, when they begged leave of this government to sit down on the high land of Yamacraw, on the south side of Savannah river, at or near the place where the new town of Savannah, in Georgia, is now situated." f They consisted of but 17 or 18 families, and their first chief appears to have been called BOCACHEE. Several chief men, of various tribes, came to welcome the English, immediately after their arrival. " They were as follows : From the tribe of Coweeta, Yahan-lakee, their king, or mico ; Essaboo, their warrior, the son of Old-brim, lately dead, whom the Spaniards called emperor of the Creeks, with eight men and two women attendants. From the tribe of Cusse- tas, Cusseta, their mico ; Tatchlquatchi, their head warrior, with four attendants. From the tribe of Owseecheys, Ogeese, the mico, or war king ; Neathlovih- ko and Ougachi, two chief men, with three attendant?. From the tribe of Cheechaws, Outhleteboa, their mico, Thlaidho-thlukee, Figeer, Sootamilla, war captains, with three attendants. From the tribe of Echetas, Chutabeeche and Robin, two war captains, (the latter was bred among the English,) with four attendants. From the tribe of Polachucolas, Gittattee, their head warrior, and five attendants. From the tribe of Oconas, Oueekachumpa, called by the Eng lish Long-king, Koowoo, a warrior. From the tribe of Eufaule, Tomaumi, head warrior, and three attendants. Muny gentlemen in England contributed, in various ways, this vear, for the advancement of the colony ; some in cattle, some in labor, some in provisions, and others as soldiers. The contribution of one gentleman, for its singularity, shall be mentioned. " Mr. Hume gave a silver boat and spoon for the first child bom in Georgia, which being born of Mrs. Close, were given accordingly." Commissioners' Report on Georgia Affairs, p. 119. + Repon of the Commissioners, vt tupra, 11, 116, 117. 370 TOMOCHICHl AND OTHERS \ISIT ENGLAND. [BooK IV. "The Indians being all seated, Oueekachumpa, a very tall old man, stood, and made a speech, which was interpreted by Mr. Wiggan and Mr. Musgrove,* in which he said all the lands to the southward of Savannah River belonged to the Creeks. He said, the Indians were poor, but the same Power that gave the English breath, gave them breath also. That that Power had given the English the most wisdom. That, as they had corne to instruct them, they should have all the lands which they did not use themselves. That this was not only his mind, but the minds of the eight towns of Creeks, who had, after consult ing together, sent some of their chief men with skins, which was their Avealth. At this period of Oueekachumpa 1 s speech, some of the chiefs of the eight towns brought each a bundle of buck's skins, and laid them down before Mr. Ogkthorpe. Then the chief said, " These are the best things we possess, but we rive them ivith a good heart. I thank you for your kindness to Tomochichi, and lis people. He is my kinsman, and, though he ivas banished from his nation, he 's a good man and a great ivarrior. It teas on account of his wisdom and justice, '.hat the banished men chose him their king. 1 hear that the Chei-okees have killed some Englishmen. If you [addressing Mr. Oglethorpe] witt command us, we will go against them with all our force, kill their people, and destroy their living." When Oueekachumpa had done speaking, Tomochichi drew near with his men, and, after making a low bow, said, " I was a banished man, and I came here poor and helpless to look, for good land near the tombs of my ancestors, and when you came to this plact, I feared you would drive us away ; for we were weak and wanted corn. But you confirmed our land to us, and gave us food. n The other chiefs spoke in the sauie manner as Oueekachumpa had, and then agreed upon and executed an amicable treaty. By the assistance of his interpreter, Mary Musgrove, General Oglethorpe had been able to draw together, at ox e time, 50 chiefs from the upper and lower Creek towns, and, by his conciliatory conduct, had secured their friendship. He next resolved to take a deputation of them to England, hoping what they might witness and experience there, would result in lasting benefits to both their nations and the English. Accordingly, measures having been taken for the furtherance of this project, the general and the Indian chiefs embarked for England, in the Aldborough man-of-war, and arrived at St. Hellens, in the Isle of Wight, 16 June, 1734. The names of the Indians were TOMO CHICHI, SENAWKI, his consort, and TOONAKOWI, the prince, his nephew; also HILLISPILLI, a war captain, and APAKOWTSKI, STIMALECHI, SINTOUCHI, HINGUITHI, and UMPHYCHI, five other chiefs, with their interpreter. Immediately after their arrival, orders were given for preparing proper habits for them, in order to their being introduced at court. This having been done, Sir Clement Cotterel, knight, master of the ceremonies, was sent, August 1, with three of the king's coaches, drawn by six horses each, to the Georgia office, where the chiefs, all except one, were taken in and carried to Kensington, where their introduction to his majesty, King George II., took place. The one left at the Georgia office was sick with the srnall-pox, of which he died the next day. TOMOCHICHI, after presenting the king with sev eral eagle's feathers, which were considered, by his nation, the most respectful present they could send, delivered the following speech to his majesty : " This day I see the majesty of your face, the greatness of your house, and the number of your people. I am come for the good of the whole nation of the Creeks, to renew the peace they had long ago made with the English. 1 am come over in my old days; and, though I cannot live to see any advantage to myself, I am come for the good of the children of all the nations of the Upper and Lower Creeks, that they may be instructed in the knowledge of the English. These are the featlrers of the eagle, which is the swiftest of birds, and who flieth all round our nations. These feathers are a sign of peace in our land, and we have brought them over to leave them with you, great king, as a sign of everlasting peace. O ! great king, whatsoever words * His wife was the interpreter, according- to RTCall, \. 35, who was a half breed named Mary. Oglethorpe first purchased her friendship with presents, and afterwards allowed her a hundred pounds a year for her services. Commissioners' Report on Georgia A/airs. THAP. IV.] TOMOCH1CHI AND OTHERS VISIT ENGLAND. 371 you shall say unto rne, I will tell them faithfully to all the kings of the Creek nations." The king's answer, though short, was, in die highest degree, con ciliatory, ami what was termed gracious.* When the chiefs were introduced at court, his majesty received them upon his throne, in the presence chamber, attended by the officers of state, and a numerous court. They were introduced by the Duke of Grq/lon, chamberlain of his majesty's household ; and, after the ceremonies, they returned to their apartments, at the Georgia office. Their first care, after returning from court, was to inter their deceased companion, which was accordingly done with great ceremony, in the burial- ground of St. John the Evangelist, Westminster, according to the custom of the "Cherokee Creeks," which was in the following manner: "The deceased bring sewed up in two blankets, with one deal board under and another over him, and tied down with a cord, was placed upon a bier, and carried to the place of interment There were only present at the time of his being put into the grave, King Tonw, and some of the chiefs, the upper church warden of the parish, and the grave digger. When the corpse was laid in the earth, the clothes of the deceased were thrown into the grave ; after this a quantity of glass beads were cast in, and then some pieces of silver ; the custom of those Indians being to bury all the deceased's effects with him." Although we have the names of all the chiefs given us that went over with Mr. Oglethorpe, we have not the means of knowing which it was that died. Indians often died on their visits to Europe. One of the five Iroquois chiefs died in England, f in 1710, and of his name too we are ignorant. Mr. Ogldhorpt's chiefs, after having been showed the chief curiosities in and about London, were taken to Spithead, where the English fleet lay, that they might go on board and view the tremendous ship Britannia, and some others of great magnitude. On the 30 October, 1734, a little past noon, they embarked at Gravesend, on board the Prince of Wales, for Georgia. Of Tomoclnchi, who was the most prominent character among them, we have yet a little to add. He lived until he had attained his 97th year, and died 15 October, 1739, five years, wanting 15 days, after he sailed from England. lie resided, at the time of his death, about four miles from Savannah. He was highly beloved by the English, having always been their particular friend, fought for them in war, and aided them by his counsel in peace. He was aware of the approach of death, and "expressed but little desire to live longer, as he should be unable to aid his allies any more against the Spaniards. For General Oglethorpe he expressed the greatest tenderness, and entreated the Indians to bear in remembrance the kindnesses with which the king of England had treated him, and hoped they would always remain his subjects. Having expressed a wish that his body might be buried among the English in Savannah, accordingly, his corpse was there interred in Percival Square, with military parade, and General Ogletkorpe ordered a pyramid to be erected over it, with an appropriate inscription. J Thus are traced the first steps in the history of Georgia, and thus did every thing promise a continuance of that friendship so well begun by General Qgldhorpr. Nothing was left undone, while the Creek chiefs were in Eng land, to impress upon their minds exalted ideas of the power and greatness of the English nation. The nobility were not only curious to see them, but entertained them at their tables in the most magnificent style. Multitudes nocked around them, conferring gifts and marks of respect upon them. The king allowed them 20 sterling a week, during their stay, and it was computed that, at their return to America, they brought presents to the amount of 400 sterling. After remaining in England four months, they embarked at Grave- send for Georgia. They were conveyed to the place of embarkation in his majesty's carriages. In the invasion of Georgia by the Spaniards, in 1743, many Indians were Iravvn into the controversy, on both sides. Toeanoeoitri, \\ or Tooanohowi, a nephew of Tomochichi, was shot through the right arm, in an encounter with * Harris, Voyages. t Kaln's Travels in America, i. 213. } M'Catt, Hist. Georgia, i. 196, 197. $ Ib. i. 45. J Harris. 372 OUTACITE. INTERVIEW WITH GOV. NICHOLSON. [BOOK IK the Spaniards, by a Spanish captain. Tooanohoici drew his pistol with his lefl land, and shot the captain through the head. Thus, with the Spaniards upon one hand, and the English upon the other and the French in the midst of them, the Creeks and Cherokees became sub ject to every possible evil to which the caprice of those several nations gave rise. In 1723, a chief, whose name we find in writers of that day, Wooiassiiaw, Woosatasate, JVootassitan, Wrosetasatow? &c. is styled "Governor of the Lower and Middle Settlements of the Charikees." He is presumed to be the same with Otacite, or Otassite, one of the prisoners above enumerated, and from what we are about to relate of him, his eminence will be apparent. In 1721, Francis Nicholson went over as governor of S. Carolina, who was said to have been very successful in managing affaire with the Indians. Soon after his arrival, the Cherokees despatched messengers to Charleston to adjust some difficulties which had for some time existed ; and, not long after, another more full and complete deputation arrived. Governor Nicholson opened the council by a long speech to " Jt'ootassite, King, and to the heads of the Lower and Middle Settlements of the Charokee Nations." In the course of his speech, he observes, that, when they delivered their acknowledgments and paid their submission to the government, "the other day," they had made mention of 37 towns that had sent down their chiefs for that purpose, and wished to be satisfied that these towns were represented, that his words might be earned to all their inhabitants. After laying much stress on their submission and respect to the king of England, he speaks thus sensibly upon their trading with the whites, which at the same time discovers to us the origin of former troubles. After ordering that if either party injured the other, restitution should be made by the aggressor, he says, " Frequent complaints have been made that your people have often broke open the stores belonging to our traders, and carry'd away their goods ; and also pillaged several of their packs, when employ'd and entrusted to carry them up; and restitution has never been made, which are great faults : We therefore recommend to you, to take all possible precautions to prevent such ill practices for the future," &c. "And to prevent any injury or misunderstanding, we have pass'd a law, which appoints commissioners that are to go twice a year to the Congaree, or Savana garrison, to hear and redress all grievances." " Woosatasaie being a man in great esteem amongst you, having given fre quent testimonies of his affection and firm adherence to this government, and being appointed king over you by the former governor f of this province ; so I, who am sent immediately from his majesty, having the same regard to so deserving a man, and in compliance with your own request, that I Mould constitute proper commanders over you, do now declare the said ff'oosatasate, your leader and commander in chief over all the lower settlements of the Cherrokees, and give him a commission for that office, under the broad seal of this his Majesty's province," &c. " I expect that you, Woosatasate, do, within a month after your return, call together all the chief men in your district, and that you make them thoroughly acquainted with what I now say to you, and require of you, and shall give directions, that all the Englishmen amongst you shall be at that meeting. That your ancient government may be restored, I recommend to you to keep your young men in that due decorum they us'd to be," &c. This treaty was held 3 February, 1721, O. S., or this is the date to Governor Nicholson's speech ; but it appears by our account that it was the middle of March before the Indian deputies left Charleston. Although there were events, in every year, of importance, yet, in this place, we shall take up the period rendered more memorable by the distinguished chiefs * Hncatt, I. 298. t James Moore, who, according to Hetoatt (I. 276), was put into office in opposition to the regular course, by a kind of revolutionary spirit. See Oldmiron, who is far more particular, I. 348. Moore was elected in 1701. The author of " The British Dominions," (142,) sayi the Indians were cruelly treated during his admiuistration. There were several other govera ors before Nicholson, beside Moore. OUTAC1TE, chief of the CHEROKEES ATTAKULLAKULLA. 373 ATTAKULLAKULLA and OCKONOSTOTA.* The fame of Carolina had, in 1753, drawn a multitude of Europeans to her shores. The same year, on the 26 May, MALACHTY, attended by the Wolf-king and the Ottasee chief, with about 20 others, and above a hundred of their people, carne to Charleston. They were met, on their way, by a troop of horsemen, who conducted them to the town, by the governor's order, in great state. This was to induce them to make peace and remain their allies, and, to this end, the governor, Glenn, made a very pacific speech, in the Indian manner. Malachty, who, at this time, seems to have been the head chief among the Creeks, presented the governor with a quantity of skins, and readily consented to a peace with the English ; but, in regard to a peace with the Cherokees, he said, that was a matter of great moment, and he must deliberate with his people, before he could give an answer. The Cherokees were already under the protection of the English, and some of them had, not long before, been killed by the Creeks, in the very neighborhood of Charleston. The party which committed this outrage was led by Malackty. Notwithstanding, a cessation of hostilities seems to have taken place, for numbers of each nation joined the English immediately after the capture of Oswego, by the French, in 1756. The Cherokees are particularly named, as having rendered essential service in the expedition against Fort Duquesne ; but a circumstance happened, while those warriors were returning home from that expedition, which involved them in an imme diate war with the English, in whose service they had been engaged. Having lost their horses, and being worn out with toil and fatigue, on coming to the frontiers of Virginia, they picked up several of those animals, which belonged to the inhabitants of the places through which they travelled. This, Dr. Ram- say t says, was the cause of the massacre which they suffered at that time. But Mr. Jldair,\ who lived then among the Indians in those parts, says, " Several companies of the Cheerake, who joined our forces under Gen. Slamvix, at the unfortunate Ohio, affirmed that their alienation from us was because they were confined to our martial arrangement, by unjust suspicion of them were very much contemned, and half starved at the. main camp : their hearts told them, therefore, to return home, as freemen and injured allies, though without a supply of provisions. This they did, and pinching hunger forced them to take as much as barely supported nature, when returning to their own country. In their journey, the German inhabitants, without any provocation, killed, in cool blood, about 40 of their warriors, in different places though each party was under the command of a British subject." It must be remembered that, upon BraddocKs defeat, Virginia had offered a reward for the scalps of hostile Indians. Here, then, was an inducement for remorse less villains to murder, and it was impossible, in many cases, to know whether a scalp were taken from a friend or an enemy. Out of this, then, we have no hesitation in saying, grew the excessive calamities, which soon after distressed the southern provinces. Forty innocent men, and friends, too, murdered in cold blood by the backwoodsmen of Virginia, brought on a war, which caused as much distress and misery among the parties engaged, as any since that region of country was planted by the whites. At one place, a monster entertained a party of Indians, and treated them kindly, while, at the same time, he caused a gang of his kindred ruffians to lie in ambush where they were to pass, and, when they arrived, barbarously shot them down to a man ! The news was forthwith carried to the Cherokee nation, and the effect of it upon the minds of the warriors, was like that of electricity. They seized their tomahawks and war clubs, and, but for the wisdom of Jlttakullakulla, would have murdered several Englishmen, then in their country upon some matters respecting a treaty. As JtttakuUakulla was a shief sachem, he was among the first apprized of the murders, and the design * Oucounostotah, Ouconnostota, Ouconnostata, Wynne. Occonostota, Ramsay. Attalnil- lakidia was generally called the Little carpenter. t Hist. South Carolina, i. 169. t Hist. Amer. Indians, 245. That the Indians' taking horses was no pretext for the murders, even at the time, appears evident. "As (says Captain M'Call, i. 257.) the horses in those parts ran wild in the woods, it was customary, both among the Indians and while people on the frontiers, to catcl 1 them and appropriate them to their own use." 32 374 ATTAKULLAKULLA. LITTLETON'S ILL CONDUCT. [BOOK IV of vengeance. He therefore goes immediately to them, and informed them of their danger, and assisted them to secrete themselves ; then, without loss of time, he assembled his warriors, and made a speech to them, in which he inveighed, with great bitterness, against the murderous English, and urged immediate war against them ; " and never (said he) shall the hatchet be buried, until Ike blood of our countrymen be atoned for. Let us not (he continued) violate our faith, or the laws of hospitality, by imbruing our hands in the blood of thosr u'/to are now in our power. They came to us in the confidence of friendship, with belts of wampum to cement a perpetual alliance with us. Let us carry them back t) their own settlements ; conduct them safely within their confines, and then take up the hatchet, and endeavor to exterminate the wlwle race of them" This counsel was adopted. Before commencing hostilities, however, the murderers were demanded, but were blindly refused them, and we have related the conse quences. The French, it was said, used their influence to enrage the Indians ; but if that were the case, we should not deem it worth naming, as it appears to us that nothing more could be necessary to inflame them than the horrid out rages of which we have spoken. It appears from another source,* that Governor Littleton was met at Charles ton by a deputation of 32 Cherokee chiefs, among whom was Ockonostota, who, on hearing of the warlike movements at that place, had set out to visit the English, and if possible to prevent a war with them. For although some of their young warriors had committed several acts of violence, yet the great body of the nation were friendly towards the English, and desired peace. But instead of seizing on this opportunity of treating with the chiefs, he insultingly told them, "That he would soon be in their country, where he would let them know his demands." Ockonostota began to speak in reply, " but the governor being determined that nothing should prevent his military expedition, declared he would hear no talk he had to make, neither in vindication of his nation, nor any proposals with regard to peace." The Lieutenant-Governor BULL saw the bad policy of this step, and urged the necessity of hearing what Ockonostota, the Great Warrior, as he was called, had to say, and settling their difficulties; but this good advice had no effect on Littleton, and he marched from Charleston in October, a few days after At a place of rendezvous, about 140 miles from that place, his force amounted to about 1400 men. The chiefs, by order of the governor, had marched with the army to this place, and, although burning with resentment at their treatment, yet they discovered no signs of discontent. When the army was about to march from Congarees, (this being their place of rendezvous,) the chiefs were all made prisoners, and under guard were marched to Fort Prince George, f Their resentment now showed itself; " stung to the heart by such base treatment," they cringed in sullen silence, and we may suppose that " they spent their time in concerting plots for obtaining their liberty, and satisfaction for the injuries done them."J Being now at Fort Prince George with his army, Littleton found himself in about the same repute with his own men as with the injured Indians; he therefore concluded not to carry his conquests any further at present, but to make a treaty, and retain captive Indians enough as hostages to insure its observance. He therefore sent a messenger to Attakidlakulla, who was reck oned the wisest man in the nation, or the best friend to the English, request ing him to come to Fort George. He immediately came ; and to show the English he was their friend, produced a French prisoner whom he had just taken in an expedition against that nation, and whom he presented to Gov ernor Littleton. A "congress" was now (about 18 December, 1759) held with Makullakulla, in which a long speech, in which all the grievances he could think of were enumerated by the governor ; after which the chief made another, in which he promised to do all he could to persuade his coun trymen to give the governor the satisfaction he demanded ; yet he said, " it * Hewatt, Hist. Carolina, ii. 216. t This fort was upon the Savannah River, near the Cherokee town called Keowee. i Hewatt, Hist. Carolina, ii. 18. CHAP. IV.] ATTAKULLAKULLA. IMPRISONMENT OF HOSTAGES. 375 neitiier would nor could be complied with, as they had no coercive authority, one over another." He desired that some of the chiefs then confined might be liberated to aid him in restoring tranquillity ; and accordingly Ockonostota, Fijloe, chief of Keowee, and the head warrior of Estatoe, were given up, and two Indians were taken in exchange and put in irons. The other Cherokees present, observing what was going forward, withdrew into the woods, and At- takullakulla, presuming the business must end here, withdrew also. It had been premised, or rather demanded, in the governor's speech, that 24 Indians, who were known to have killed white people, should be given into his hands to be put to death, or otherwise disposed of. Two only had been delivered, and 22 yet remained of the number of the murderers, in their own native forests. As soon as Littleton knew of JUtakullakullds departure, he sent for him, and be immediately returned, and the business of a treaty was renewed, and on the 2b' December, 1759, it was signed by ATTAKULLAKULLA, OTASSITE, OCONNOECA, and OUCONNOSTOTA, KlTAGUSTA, KlLLCA>NOKEA. By article III. of the treaty,* it was agreed that 22 chiefs, (those who had been treacherously seized,) should remain as hostages, to ensure the delivery of the like number of murderers to the English. There seems, however, to have been but 21 retained, whose names we are able to give below, and who, under the name of hostages, were thrown into a dismal, close prison, scarce large enough for six men, where they remained about two months, and were then masaored, as in the sequel we shall show: ^Chenohe, Ousanatanah, Tallichama, Tallitahe, Quarrasattahe, Connasaratah, Kataetoi, Otassite of Watogo, Ousannletah of Jore, Katadetah of Cowetche, Chisquatalone, Skiagusta of Sticoe, Tanaesto, JFohatche, Wyejah, Oucahchista- nah, tVicolche, Tony, Toatiahoi, Shallisloske, and Chistie. \ Things having been thus settled, Mr. Littleton returned to Charleston, where I if was received like a conqueror, although what he had done, it will appeal-, was worse than if he had done nothing. Ockonostota, for good reason, no doubt, entertained a deep-rooted hatred against Captain Cotymore, an officer of the garrison, and the army had but just left the country, when it was found that he was hovering about the garrison with a large number of warriors. But it was uncertain, for some time, wheth er they intended to attack the fort, or whether they wished to continue near their friends, who were imprisoned in it. However, it is said, that, by some means, a plan was concerted between the Indians without and those confined within the fort, for surprising it. Be this as it may, Ockonostota, on the 16 February, 1760, practised the following wile to eft'ect the object. Having placed a party of his warriors in a dark cane-brake near at hand, he sent a squaw to the garrison to invite the commander to come out, for he had some thing of importance to communicate to him. Captain Cotymore imprudently went out, accompanied by two of his officers, and Ockonostota appeared upon tin' opposite bank of the Savannah, with a bridle in his hand, the better to conceal his intentions. He told the captain he was going to Charleston to effect the release of the hostages, and requested that a white man might accompany him ; and that, as the distance was great, he would go and try to catch a horse. The captain promised him a guard, and hoped he would succeed in finding a horse. Ockonostota then quickly turned himself about, and swinging his bridle thrice over his head, which was the signal to his men, and they promptly obeying it, about 30 guns were discharged upon the officers at the same moment. Captain Colymore received a shot in his left bivast, from which he died in two or three days after, and both the others were wounded.} On recovering the fort, an attempt was made to put the * It is printed at length in the BRITISH EMPIRE, by Huddleslone Wynne, Esq. ii. 273 ~i i : an author of no inconsiderable merit on our affairs. t Several of these 22 were of the number who had been in England in 1730, and executed a treaty with the king, as has been before slated, and as will be seen by comparing the names ul>ove with those named in the treaty. " Two Indian women appeared at Keowee, on the other side of the river. Mr. Doherty went out, and accosting them, asked what news 1 Ockonostota joined them, pretending some 376 CHEROKEE WAR. MONTGOMERY'S EXPEDITION. [BocK IV hostages in irons. An Englishman, who laid hold on one of them for that purpose, was stabbed and slain ; and, in the scuffle, two or three more were wounded, and driven out of the place of confinement. The tragedy in the fort had now only commenced ; the miserable prisoners had repelled their assassins for the moment, and, doubtless, hoped for deliverance from their friends without, who had now closely besieged the place. But, unfortunately for these poor wretches, the fort was too strong to be carried by their arts jf war, and the dastardly whites found time and means to murder their victims, one by one, in a manner too horrible to relate.* There were few persons among the Cherokees who did not lose a friend or relation by this massacre ; and, as one man, the nation took up the hatchet, and desolations quickly followed. Meanwhile, singular as it may appear, JlUakidlakidla remained the fast friend of the whites, and used all his arts to induce his countrymen to make peace. But it was in vain he urged them to consider that they had more tlian revenged themselves ; they were determined to carry all before them. Altakvllakulla was now an old man, and had become much attached to the English, from several causes. On the other hand, Ockonostota was a stern warrior, in the vigor of manhood, and, like the renowned Pontiac, was deter mined to rid his country of his barbarous enemies. The leaders in every town seized the hatchet, telling their followers that the spirits of murdered brothers were flying around them, and calling out for ven geance. All sung the war-song, and, burning with impatience to imbrue their hands in the blood of their enemies, rushed down among innocent and de fenceless families on the frontiers of Carolina, where men, women, and children, without distinction, fell a sacrifice to their merciless fury. Such of the whites as fled to the woods, and escaped the scalping-knife, perished with hunger. Every day brought fresh accounts to the capital of their ravages and desolations. But, while the back settlers impatiently looked to their governor for relief, the small-pox raged to such a degree in town, that few of the militia could be prevailed on to leave their distressed families to serve the public. In this extremity, an express was sent to General Amherst, the commauder-in-chief in America, for assistance, in terms too pressing to be denied. Accordingly, he ordered a battalion of Highlanders, and four companies of Royal Scots,f under the command of Colonel Montgomery, afterwards Earl Eglinton, to embark at New York for Carolina. In the mean time, Littleton, having been appointed governor of Jamaica, William Bull succeeded him ; a change much to the advantage of the province. Colonel Montgomery arrived in Carolina towards the end of April, to the great joy of the people, who had taken measures to cooperate with him to the best advantage ; but, as the conquest of Canada was the grand object now, General Jlmherst had ordered Colonel Montgomery to strike a sudden blow for the relief of the Carolinians, and then to return to head-quarters at Albany, without loss of time ; and we have scarce an example in military history, where an officer fulfilled his commission with greater promptitude. He soon after rendezvoused at the Congarees ; and, being joined by many gentlemen of distinction as volunteers, besides the principal strength of the country, he marched for the heart of the Cherokee country. After reaching a place called Twelve Mile River, he encamped upon advantageous ground, and inarched with a party to surprise Estatoe, about 20 miles from his camp. In the way, he took Little Keowee, and put every man to the sword. Estatoe ne found abandoned, except by a few that could not escape, and it was reduced to ashes, as was Sugar Town, and every other settlement in the lower nation. About 60 Indians were killed, and 40 taken prisoners ; but the mailers of business ; he drew from the fort several of the officers to converse with them." Haywood's Hisl. Tennessee, 30. * " A bollle of poison was found with one of the dead hostages, probably intended to be dropped into the well ; and several tomahawks were found buried in the earth." Haycnocl, Hist. Tennessee, 30. Any stones would gain credence among 1 the whites, which went to make the Indians as bad as themselves. Whether the bottle spoken of contained poison, may be questioned; and, if it did, it may be reasonably doubled whether the Indians knew any thing about it. t I am following- Heu-att, but the Annual Register, iii. 62, says, "a regiment of Highland ers, a battalion of Royal Americans, a body of grenadiers," &.C. CHAP. IV.] CHEROKEE WAR. BATTLE OF ETCHOE. 377 warriors had generally escaped to the mountains and deserts. Thus far, the campaign had been prosperous with the whites, but three or four men having been killed ; but it had no other effect upon the Indians than to increase their rage. Meanwhile, Fort Prince George had been closely invested, and Colonel Montgomery marched to its relief. From this place, two friendly chiefs were despatched to the middle settlements, to offer peace to the people there, and orders were sent to those in command at Fort Loudon, to use means to bring about an accommodation with the Upper Towns ; but the Indians would not hear to any terms, and Colonel Montgomery was constrained to march again to find the enemy. He had now the most difficult part of his service to perform. The country through which he had to march was covered by dark thickets, numerous deep ravines, and high river banks ; where a small number of men might distress and wear out the best appointed army. Having arrived within five miles of Etchoe, the nearest town of the middle settlements, the army was attacked on the 27 June, in a most advantageous place for the attacking party. It was a low valley, in which the bushes were PO thick, that the soldiers could see scarcely three yards before them ; and in the bottom of this valley flowed a muddy river, with steep clay banks. Through this place the army must march. Rightly judging the enemy had not omitted so important a pass, Colonel Montgomery ordered out a company of rangers, under Captain Morrison, to enter the ravine and make discovery. Xo sooner had he entered it, but the fierce war-whoop was raised, and the Indians darted from covert to covert, at the same time firing upon the whites. Captain Morrison was immediately shot down, and his men closely engaged ; but, being without delay supported by the infantry and grenadiers, they were able to maintain their ground, and the battle became obstinate ; nor could the Indians be dislodged, until near an hour of hard fighting. In the mean time, the Royal Scots took possession of a place between the Indians and a rising ground on their right, while the Highlanders sustained the light infantry and grenadiers on the left. As the left became too warm for them, and not well understanding the position of the Royal Scots, the Indians, in their retreat, fell in with them, and were sharply encountered ; but they soon effected their retreat to a hill, and could no more be brought to action. In this fight, 96 of the whites were killed and wounded, of whom 20 were of the former num ber. Of the Cherokees, 40 were said to have been killed. The Indians had now been driven from one ravine, with a small loss ; but Colonel Montgomery was in no condition to pursue his advantage farther, and he therefore, after destroying so much of his provisions as would afford horses for the wounded, began his retreat out of the Indian country, and, in obedience to his commission, soon after returned to New York ; not, how ever, without leaving 400 men for the security of the province. But it was soon seen, that what had yet been done only increased the rage of the Indians, and their depredation continued at the very heels of the retreating army. They immediately cut off all communication with Fort Loudon, which was garrisoned with 200 men.* Ockonostota, with his numerous warriors, kept strict watch, insomuch that there was no means of escape. At length, the garrison having miserably subsisted, for some time, upon poor famished horses, dogs, &c., many of them became resolved to throw them selves into the power of the Indians, wishing rather to die by their hands, than miserably to perish within their fortress. Captain Steuart, an officer among them, was well known to the Indians, and possessed great address and sagacity. He resolved, at this crisis, to repair to Chote, the residence of Ockonostota, and make overtures for the surrender of the garrison. He, accordingly, effected his object, and returned with articles of capitulation agreed upon. Besides the names of Ockonostota and Paul Demere, the commander of the garrison, the name of another chief was to the articles, called Cunigacatgoae. The articles stipulated, that the garrison should march * The Cherokees were now supposed to number 3000 warriors, and it was daily expected that the Chocktaws were about to join them. 32* 378 OCKONOSTOTA. MASSACRE OF THE ENGLISH. [BOOK IV out with their arms and drums, each soldier having as much powder and ball as his officers should think necessary, and that they should march fc; Virginia unmolested. Accordingly, on 7 August, 1760, the English took up their march for Fort Prince George. They had proceeded but about 15 miles, when they encamp ed, for the night, upon a small plain near Taliquo. They were accompanied thus far by Ockonostota in person, and many others, in a friendly manner, but at night they withdrew without giving any notice. The army was not molested during the night, but, at dawn of day, a sentinel came running into camp with the information that a host of Indians were creeping up to surround them. Captain Demere had scarce time to rally, before the Indians broke into his camp with great fury. The poor emaciated soldiers made but feeble resistance. Thirty of their number fell in the first onset, among whom was their captain. Those that were able, endeavored to save themselves by flight, and others surrendered themselves upon the place. This massacre, it will not be forgotten, was in retaliation for that of the hostages already related. Among the prisoners was Captain Steuart. They were conducted to Fort Loudon, which now became Ockonostota's head-quarters. Attakullakulla, learning that his friend Steuart was among the captives, pro ceeded immediately to Fort Loudon, where he ransomed him at the expense }f all the property he could command, and took care of him with the greatest .enderness and affection. The restless Ockonostota next resolved to invest Fort Prince George. He was induced to undertake that project, as fortune had thrown in his way some of the meuns for such an undertaking, hitherto beyond his reach. Before abdicating Fort Loudon, the English had hid in the ground several bags of powder. This his men had found. Several cannon had also been left behind, and he designed to force his English prisoners to get them through the woods, and manage them in the attack upon Fort Prince George. 13ut Jlttakulla- kulla defeated these operations, by assisting Captain Steuart to escape. He even accompanied him to the English settlements, and returned loaded with presents. The French were said to have had their emissaries busily employed in spir iting on the Indians. One, named Lewis Latinac, an officer, is particularly mentioned. He persuaded them that the English had nothing less in view than their total extermination, and, furnishing them with arms and ammuni tion, urged them to war. At a great council of the nation, after brandishing his hatchet, he struck it into a log of wood, calling out, " IVho is the man that will take this up for the king of France ? " SALOUE or SILODEE, a young warrior of Estatoe, instantly laid hold of 5r, and cried out, " / am for loar. The spirits of our brothers who have been slain, Btill call upon us to avenge their death. He is no better than a woman that refuses to follow me." Others were not wanting to follow his example, and the war continued. Silbuee was a Cherokee chief, and was introduced by Mr. Jefferson, to illus trate the observation in his Notes on Virginia, that the Indian "is affectionate to his children, careful of them, and indulgent in the extreme ; that his affec tions comprehend his other connections, weakening, as with us, from circle to circle, as they recede from the centre ; that his friendships are strong and faithful to the uttermost extremity." "A remarkable instance of this appeared in the case of the late Col. Byrd,* who was sent to the Cherokee nation to transact some business with them. It happened that some of our disorderly people had just killed one or two of that nation. It was therefore proposed in the council of the Cherokees, that Col. Byrd should be put to death, in revenge for the loss of their countrymen. Among them was a chief called Silbuee, who, on some former occasion, had contracted an acquaintance end friendship with Col. Bi/rd. He came to him every night in his tent, and told him not to be afraid, they should not kill him. After many days' deliberation, * Perhaps the same mentioned by Oldmi.ron, (i. 283,) who, in sneaking of the Indian pow wows, says, " one very lately conjured a shower of rain for Col. third's plantation in time of drouth, for two bottles of rum ;" and our author says he should not have believed, had he not found it in an author who was on the spot ! CHAP. IV.] SILOUEE. SAVES THE LIFE OF COLONEL BYRD. 379 nowpver, the determination was, contrary to Silence's expectation, that Byra should be put to death, and some warriors were despatched as executioners. Silouee attended them ; and when they entered the tent, he threw himself between them and Byrd, and said to the warriors, ' This man is my friend . before you get at Mm you must kill me ! ' On which they returned, and the coun cil respected the principle so much, as to recede from their determination." A more impolitic and barbarous measure, perhaps, never entered the heart of man, than that of offering a reward for human scalps. This was done by Virginia, as we have before related. It is true the government of Virginia waa not alone in this criminal business, but that betters not her case. The door of enormity being thus opened, it was easy to have foreseen, that many men upon the frontiers, " of bad lives and worse principles," says an intelligent writer,* stood ready to step in. As the event proved, many friendly Indians were murdered, and the government defrauded. It was at the news of a murder of this description that Colonel Byrd was seized. Such was the condition of the country, that a second application was made to General Amkerst for aid, and he promptly afforded it. Colonel James Grant arrived there early in 1761, and not long after took the field with a force of English and Indians, amounting to about 2600 men.f He traversed the Cher okee country, and subdued that people in a hard-fought battle, near the same place where Colonel Montgomery was attacked the year before. It lasted about three hours, in which about 60 whites were killed and wounded. The loss of the Indians was unknown. Colonel Grant ordered his dead to be sunk in the river, that the Indians might not find them, to practise upon them their barbarities. He then proceeded to the destruction of their towns, 15 in num ber, which he accomplished without molestation. J Peace was at last effected by the mediation of Attakullakulla. This chief's residence was upon the Tennessee or Cherokee River, at what was called the Overhill Toicns. In 1773, when the learned traveller, Barlram, travelled into the Cherokee country, he met the old chief on his way to Charleston ; of which circumstance he speaks thus in his Travels : " Soon after crossing this large branch of the Tanase, 1 observed descending the heights, at some distance, a company of Indians, all well mounted on horseback. They came rapidly forward; on their nearer approach, I observed a chief at the head of the caravan, and apprehending him to be the Little-carpenter, emperor or grand chief of the Cherokees, as they came up, I tumed off from the path to make way, in token of respect, which compliment was accepted, and gratefully and magnanimously returned ; for his highness, with a gracious and cheerful smile, came up to me, and clapping his hand on his breast, offered it to me, saying, I am Jlta-cul-culla, and heartily shook hands with me, and asked me if I knew it ; I answered, that the good spirit who goes before me spoke to me, and said, that is the great Jlta-cul-culla." Mr. Bartram added, that he was of Pennsylvania, and though that was a great way off, yet the name of Jlltakullakidla was dear to his white brothers of Pennsylvania. The chief then asked him if he came directly from Charleston, and if his friend "John Stewart were well." Mr. Bartram said he saw him latdy, and that he was well. This was, probably, the same person whom Makvllakulla had assisted to make an escape, as we have just related. In carrying out the history of the two chiefs, Jlttakullakulla and Ockonostota, we have omitted to notice Chlucco, better known by the name of the Long- warrior, king or mico of the Seminoles. He went out with Colonel Montgom ery, and rendered him essential service in his unsuccessful expedition, of which \\e have spoken. A large band of Creeks accompanied him, and there is but littlu doubt, if it had not been for him and his warriors, few of the English would have returned to their friends. But, as usual, the English leader, in his time, had all the honor of successfully encountering many difficulties, and returning with his own life and many of his men's. It was by the aid of Chlucco, that the army escaped ambush after ambush, destroyed many of the Cherokee villages, and finally his warriors covered its retreat out of one of the most dangerous countries through which an army could pass. Long-ivarrior iva.s what the New England Indians termed a great powwow. That he was * Doctor Burnaby. \ Hnoatt. $ Annual Register, iv. 58 , Iltwalt, ii. 218 31. 380 MONCACHTAPE. [Boon IV. a man possessing a good mind, may fairly be inferred from his ability to withstand the temptation of intoxicating liquors. He had been known to remain sober, when all his tribe, and many whites among them, had all been wallowing in the mire of drunkenness together.. In the year 1773, at the head of about 40 warriors, he marched against the Chocktaws of West Flor ida. What was the issue of this expedition we have not learned. We may have again occasion to notice Chlucco. CHAPTER V. MONCACHTAPE, the Yazoo Narrative of his adventures to the Pacific Ocean GRAND- SUN, chief of the Natchez Receives great injustice from the French Concerts their destruction 700 French are cut off War with them The Natchez destroyed in their turn GREAT-MORTAR M'GILLIVRAY His birth and education Visits New York Troubles of his nation His death TAME-KING MAD-DOG. MONCACHTAPE was a Yazoo, whose name signified, in the language of that nation, killer of pain and fatigue. How well he deserved this name, the sequel will unfold. He was well known to the historian Du Pratz, about 1760, and it was owing to his singular good intelligence, that that traveller was able to add much valuable information to his work. " This man (says Du Pratz*) was remarkable for his solid understanding arid elevation of sentiment; and I may justly compare him to those first Greeks, who travelled chiefly into the east, to examine the manners and customs of different nations, and to communicate to their fellow citizens, upon their return, the knowledge which they had acquired." He was known to the French by the name of the Interpreter, as he could communicate with several other nations, having gained a knowledge of their languages. Monsieur Du Pratz used great endeavors among the nations upon the Mississippi, to learn their origin, or from whence they came ; and observes concerning it, "All that I could learn from them was, that they came from between the north and the sun-setting ; and this account they uniformly adhere to, whenever they give any account of their origin." This was unsatisfactory to him, and in his exertions to find some one that could inform him better, he met with Moncachtape. The following is the result of his communications in his own words: " I had lost my wife, and all the children whom I had by her, when I undertook my journey towards the sun-rising. I set out from my village contrary to the inclination of all my relations, and went first to the Chicasaws, our friends and neighbors. I continued among them several days, to inform myself whether they knew whence we all came, or, at least, whence they themselves came ; they, who were our elders ; since from them came the language of the country. As they could not inform me, I proceeded on my journey. I reached the country of the Chaouanous, and afterwards went up the Wabash, or Ohio, near to its source, which is in the country of the Iroquois, or Five Nations. I left them, however, towards the north ; and, during the winter, which, in that countiy, is very severe and very long, I lived in a village of the Albenaquis, where I contracted an acquaintance with a man somewhat older than myself, who promised to conduct me, the following spring, to the great water. Accordingly, when the snows were melted, and the weather was settled, we proceeded eastward, and, after several days' journey, 1 at length saw the great water, which filled me with such joy and admiration, that I could not speak. Night drawing on, we took up our lodging on a high bank above the water, which was sorely vexed by the wind, and made so great a noise that I could not sleep. Next day, the ebbing and flowing of the water filled me with great apprehension ; but my companion quieted my fears, by assuring me that the water observed certain bounds, both in advancing and * Hist. Louisiana, ii. 121. CHAP. V. | ADVENTURES OF MONCACHTAPE. 381 retiring. Having satisfied our curiosity in viewing the great water, we returned to the village of the Abenaquis, where I continued the following winter ; and, nfterthe snows were melted, my companion and I went and viewed the great fall of the River St. Lawrence, at Niagara, which was distant from the village severa days' journey. The view of this great fall, at first, made my hair stand on end, and my heart almost leap out of its place ; but afterwards, before I left it, I had the courage to walk under it. Next day, we took the shortest road to the Ohio, and my companion and I, cutting down a tree on the banks of the river we formed it into a pettiaugre, which served to conduct me down the Ohio and the Mississippi, after which, with much difficulty, 1 went up our small river, and at length airived safe among my relations, who were rejoiced to see me in good health. This journey, instead of satisfying, only served to excite my curiosity. Our old men, for several years, had told me that the ancient s]>eech informed them that the red men of the north came originally much higher and much farther than the source of the River Missouri ; and, as I had longed to see, with my own eyes, the land from whence our first fathers carne, I took my precautions for my journey westwards. Having provided a small quantity of corn, I proceeded up along the eastern bank of the River Mississippi, till I came to the Ohio., I went up along the bank of this last river, about the fourth part of a day's journey, that I might be able to cross it without being carried into the Mississippi. There I formed a cajeux, or raft of canes, by the assistance of which I passed over the river; and next day meeting with a herd of buffaloes in the meadows, I killed a fat one, and took from it the fillets, the bunch, and the tongue. Soon after, I arrived among the Tamaroas, a village of the nation of the Illinois, where I rested several days, and then proceeded northwards to the mouth of the Missouri, which, after it enters the great river, runs for a considerable time without intermixing its muddy waters with the clear stream of the other. Having crossed the Mississippi, I went up the Missouri, along its northern bank, and, after several days' journey, I arrived at the nation of the Missouris, where I staid a long time to learn the language that is spoken beyond them. In going along the Missouri, I passed through meadows a whole day's journey in length, which were quite covered with buffaloes. " When the cold was past, and the snows were melted, I continued my jour ney up along the Missouri, till I came to the nation of the west, or the Canzas. Afterwards, in consequence of directions from them, I proceeded in the same course near 30 days, and at length I met with some of the nation of the Otters, who were hunting in that neighborhood, and were surprised to see me alone. I continued with the hunters two or three days, and then accompanied one of them and his wife, who was near her time of lying in, to their village, which lay far off betwixt the north and west. We continued our journey along the Missouri for nine days, and then we marched directly northwards for five days more, when we came to the fine river, which runs westward in a direc tion contrary to that of the Missouri. We proceeded down this river a whole day, and then arrived at the village of the Otters, who received me with as much kindness as if I had been of their own nation. A few days after, I joined a party of the Otters, who were going to carry a calumet of peace to a nation beyond them, and we embarked in a pettiaugre, and went down the river for 18 days, landing now and then to supply ourselves with provisions. When I arrived at the nation who were at peace with the Otters, I staid with them till the cold was passed, that I might learn their language, which was common to most of the nations that lived beyond them. " The cold was hardly gone, wnen I again ernoarKed on the fine river, and in my course I met with several nations, with whom I generally staid but one night, till I arrived at the nation that is but one day's journey from the great water on the west. This nation live in the woods about the distance of a league from the river, from their apprehension of bearded men, who come upon their coasts in floating villages, and carry off their children to make slaves of them. These men were described to be white, with long black beards that came down to their breast ; they were thick and short, had large heads, which were covered with cloth ; they were always dressed, even in the greatest heats ; their clothes fell down to the middle of their legs, which, with 382 GRAND-SUN. [BOOK IV. their feet, Were covered with red or yellow stuff. Their arms made a great rire and a great noise; and when they saw themselves outnumbered In n *! men, they retired on board their large pettiaugre, their number sometime amounting to thirty, but never more. "Those strangers came from the sun-setting, in search of a yellow stinking wood, which dyes a fine yellow color ; but the people of this nation, that they might not be tempted to visit them, had destroyed all those kind of trees. Two other nations in their neighborhood, however, having no other wood, could not destroy the trees, and were etill visited by the strangers; and being greatly incommoded by them, had invited their allies to assist them in making aji attack upon them, the next time they should return. The following sum mer I accordingly joined in this expedition, and, after travelling five long days' journey, we came to the place where the bearded men usually landed, where we waited seventeen days for their arrival. The red men, by my advice, placed themselves in ambuscade to surprise the strangers, and accordingly when they landed to cut the wood,'we were so successful as to kill eleven of them, the rest immediately escaping on board two large pettiaugres, and flying westward upon the great water. " Upon examining those whom we had killed, we found them much smaller than ourselves, and very white ; they had a large head, and in the middle of the crown the hair was very long ; their head was wrapt in a great many folds of stuff, and their clothes seemed to be made neither of wool nor silk ; they were very soft, and of different colors. Two only, of the eleven who were slain, had fire-arms, with powder and ball. I tried their pieces, and found that they were much heavier than yours, and did not kill at so great a distance. "After this expedition, I thought of nothing but proceeding on my journey, and, with that design, I let the red men return home, and joined myself to those who inhabited more westward on the coast, with whom I travelled along the shore of the great water, which bends directly betwixt the north and the sun-setting. When I arrived at the villages of my fellow-travellers, where I found the days very long, and the nights very short, I was advised by the old men to give over all thoughts of continuing my journey. They told me that the land extended still a long way in a direction between the north and sun-setting, after which it ran directly west, and at length was cut by the great water from north to south. One of them added, that, when he was young, he knew a very old man who had seen that distant land before it was eat away by the great water, and that when the great water was low, many rocks still appeared in those parts. Finding it, therefore, impracticable to proceed much further, on account of the severity of the climate, and the want of game, I returned by the same route by which 1 had set out ; and, reducing my whole travels westward to days' journeys, I compute that they would have employed me 36 moons ; but, on account of my frequent delays, it was five years before I returned to my relations among the Yazoos." Thus ends the narrative of the famous traveller Moncachtape, which seems to have satisfied Du Pratz, that the Indians came from the continent of Asia, by way of Behring's Straits. And he soon after left him, and returned to his own country. It would have been gratifying, could we have known more of the history of this very intelligent man. The same author brings also to our knowledge a chief called GRAND-SUN, chief of the Natchez. Although Sun was a common name for all chiefs of that nation, this chief was particularly distinguished in the first war with the French, which exhibits the compass of our information concern ing him, and which we purpose here to sketch. He was brother to the great warrior, known to the French by the name of STUNG-SERPENT, and like him was a friend to the whites, until the haughty, overbearing disposition of one man brought destruction and ruin on their whole colony. This affair took place in the year 1729. The residence of the Grand-sun was near the French post of Natchez, where he had a beautiful village called the White, Apple. M. de Chopnrt had been reinstated in the command of the post, whence he was for a time removed by reason of misconduct, ami his abominable injustice to ' the Indians became more conspicuous afterwards than before. To gratify his CHAP. V.J Gil AN D-SUN. MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN NATCHEZ. 383 priJe and avarice, he had projected the building of an elegant village, and none appeared to suit his purpose so well as the White Apple of the Grand- tun. He sent for the chief to his fort, and unhesitatingly told him that his village must be immediately given up to him, for he had resolved to erect one n league square upon the same ground, and that he must remove elsewhere. The great chief stifled his surprise, and modestly replied, "That his ancestors had lived in that village for as many years as there were hairs in his double cue, and, therefore, it was good that they should continue there stilL" When this was interpreted to the commandant, he showed himself in a rage, and threatened the chief, that, unless he moved from his village speedily, he would have cause of repentance. Grand-sun left the fort, and said he would assemble his counsellors, and hold a talk upon it In this council, which actually assembled, it was proposed to lay before the commandant their hard situation, if they should be obliged to abandon their corn, which then was just beginning to shoot from the ground, and many other articles on which they were to depend for subsistence. But, on urging these strong reasons, they met only with abuse, and a more peremptory order to remove immediately. This the Grand-sun reported to the council, and they saw all was lost, unless, by some stratagem, they should rid themselves of the tyrant Chopart, which was their final decision. The secret was con- lie led to none but the old men. To gain time, an offer was to be made to the avaricious commandant, of tribute, in case he would permit them to remain on their land until their harvest. The offer was accepted, and the Indians set about maturing their plan with the greatest avidity. Bundles of sticks were sent to the suns of the neighboring tribes, and their import explained to them by the faithful messengers. Each bundle contained as many sticks as days which were to pass before the massacre of all the French in the Natchez. And that no mistake should arise in regard to the fixed day, every morning a stick was drawn from the bundle and broken in pieces, and the day of the last stick was that of the execution. The security of the wicked, in the midst of their wickedness, and their deafness to repeated warnings, though a standing example before them upon the pages of all history, yet we know of but few instances where they have profited by it. I need cite no examples ; our pages are full of them. The breast of women, whether civilized or uncivilized, cannot bear the thoughts of revenge and death to prey upon them for so great a length of time as men. And, as in the last case, I need not produce examples ; on our pages will be found many. A female sun having, by accident, understood the secret design of her peo pie, partly out of resentment for their keeping it from her, and partly from her attachment to the French, resolved to make it known to them. But so fatally secure was the commandant, that he would not hearken to her messen gers, and threatened others of his own people with chastisement, if they con tinued such intimations. But the great council of so many suns, and other motions of their wise men, justly alarmed many, and their complaints to the commandant were urged, until seven of his own people were put in irons, to dispel their fears. And that he might the more vaunt himself upon then- fears, he sent his interpreter to demand of the Grand-sun, whether he was about to fall upon the French with his warriors. To dissemble, in such a case, was only to be expected from the chief, and the interpreter reported to the com mandant as he desired, which caused him to value himself upon his former contempt of his people's fears. The 30th of November, 1729, at length came, and with it the massacre of near 700 people, being all the French of Natchez. Not a man escaped. It befog upon the eve of St. Andrew's day, facilitated the execution of the horrid design. In such contempt was M. Chopart held, that the suns would allow no warrior to kill him, but one whom they considered a mean person. He was armed only with a wooden tomahawk, and with such a contemptible weapon, Wielded by as contemptible a person, was M. Chopart pursued from his house into his garden, and there met his death. The design of the Grand-sun and his allies was, to have followed up their euccess until all the French were driven out of Louisiana. But some tribe* 384 GREAT-MORTAR. IS ATTACKED BY THE CHICKASAUS. [BooK IV. would not aid in it, and the governor of Louisiana, promptly seconded by the people of New Orleans, shortly after nearly annihilated the whole tribe of the Natchez. The Choctaws offered themselves, to the number of 15 or 1600 men, and, in the following February, advanced into the country of the Natch ez, and were shortly after joined by the French, and encamped near the old fort, then in possession of the Grand-sun. Here flags passed between them, and terms of peace were agreed upon, which were very honorable to the Indians ; but, in the following night, they decamped, taking all their prisoners and baggage, leaving nothing but the cannons of the fort and bulls behind them. Some time now passed before the French could ascertain the retreat of the Natchez. At length, they learned that tltey had crossed the Mississippi, and settled upon the west side, near 180 miles above the mouth of Red River. Here they built a fort, and remained quietly until the next year. The weakness of the colony caused the inhabitants to resign themselves into the hands of the king, who soon sent over a sufficient force, added to those still in the country, to humble the Natchez. They were accordingly invested in their fort, and, struck with consternation at the sudden approach of the French, seem to have lost their former prudence. They made a desperate sally upon the camp of the enemy, but were repulsed with great loss. They then attempted to gain time by negotiation, as they had the year before, but could not escape from the vigilance of the French officer ; yet the attempt was made, and many were killed, very few escaped, and the greater number driven within their fort. Mortars were used by their enemies in this siege, and the third bomb, falling in the centre of the fort, made great havoc, but still greater consternation. Drowned by the cries of the women and children, Grand-sun caused the sign of capitulation to be given. Himself, with the rest of his company, were carried prisoners to New Orleans, and thrown into prison. An increasing infection caused the women and children to be taken out and employed as slaves on the king's plantations ; among whom was the woman who had used every endeavor to notify the command ant, Ckopart, of the intended massacre, and from whom the particulars of the affair were learned. Her name was Stung-arm. These slaves were shortly after embarked for St. Domingo, entirely to rid the country of the Natchez.* The men, it is probable, were all put to death. GREAT-MORTAR, or Yah-yafi-tustanage, was a very celebrated Muskogee chief, who, before the revolutionary war, was in the French interest, and received his supplies from their garrison at Alabama, which was not far dis tant from his place of abode, called Okchai. There was a time when he inclined to the English, and but for the very haughty and imprudent conduct of the superintendent of Indian affairs, among them, might have been re claimed, and the dismal period of massacres which ensued averted. At a great council, appointed by the superintendent, for the object of regaining their favor, the pipe of peace, when passing around, was refused to Great- mortar, because he had favored the French. This, with much other ungener ous treatment, caused him ever after to hate the English name. As the super intendent was making a speech, which doubtless contained severe and hard sayings against his red hearers, another chief, called the Tobacco-eater, sprung upon his feet, and darting his tomahawk at him, it fortunately missed him, but stuck in a plank just above his head. Yet he would have been immediately killed, but for the interposition of a friendly warrior. Had this first blow been effectual, every Englishman present would have been immediately put to death. Soon after, Great-mortar caused his people to fall upon the English traders, and they murdered ten. Fourteen of the inhabitants of Longcane, a settlement near Ninety-six, f next were his victims. He now received a commission from the French, and the better to enlist the Cherokees and others in his cause, removed with his family far into the heart of the countiy, fipon a river, by which he could receive supplies from the fort at Alabama. Neither the French nor Great-mortar were deceived in the advantage of their newly-chosen position for young warriors joined him there in great numbers, and it was fast becoming * Mons. Du Pralz, Hist, de Louisiana, tome i. ch. xii. t So called because it was 96 miles from the Cherokee. Ada* . CHAP. V.J M'GILLIVRAY. 385 a general rendezvous for all the Mississippi Indians. Fortunately, however, for the English, the Chickasaws in their interest plucked up this Bohon upas before its branches were yet extended. They fell upon them by surprise, killed the brother of Great-mortar, and completely destroyed the design. He fled, not to his native place, but to one from whence he could best annoy the English settlements, and commenced anew the work of death. Augusta, in Georgia, and many scattering settlements were destroyed.* Those ravages were continued until their united forces were defeated by the Americans under General Grant, in 1761, as we have narrated. We have next to notice a chief, king, or emperor as he was at different times entitled, whose omission, in a biographical work upon the Indians, would incur as much criminality, on the part of the biographer, as an omission of Buokone;ehelas, While-eyes, Pipe, or Ockonostota ; yea, even more. We mean ALEXANDER M'GILLIVRAY, who was, perhaps, one of the most con spicuous, if not one of the greatest, chiefs that has ever borne that title among the Creeks ; at least, since they have been known to the Europeans. He flourished during half of the last century, and such was the exalted opinion entertained of him by his countrymen, that they styled him "king of kings." His mother was his predecessor, and the governess of the nation, and he had several sisters, who married leading men. On the death of his mother, he came in chief sachem by the usages of his ancestors, but such was his disinter ested patriotism, that he left it to the nation to say whether he should succeed to the sachemship. The people elected him " emperor." He was at the head of the Creeks during the revolutionary war, and was in the British interest. After the peace, he became reconciled to the Americans, and expressed a desire to renounce his public life, and reside in the U. States, but was hindered by the earnest solicitations of his countrymen, to remain among them, and direct their affairs. His residence, according to General Milfort, f who married his sister, was near Tallahassee, about half a league from what was formerly Fort Toulouse. He lived in a handsome house, and owned 60 negroes, each of whom he pro vided with a separate habitation, which gave his estate the appearance of a little town. [ M'Gillivray was a son of an Englishman of that name who married a Creek woman, and hence was what is called a half breed. He was born about 1739, and, at the age often, was sent by his father to school in Charleston, where he was in the care of Mr. Farquhar M'Gillivray, who was a relation of his father His tutor was a Mr. Sheed. He learned the Latin language under the tuition of Mr. William Henderson, afterwards somewhat eminent among the critics in London. When young M'Gillivray was 17, he was put into a counting-house in Savannah, but mercantile affairs had not so many charms as books, and he spent all the time he could get, in reading histories and other works of useful ness. After a short time, his father took him home, where his superior talents soon began to develop themselves, and his promotion followed. He was often styled general, which commission, it is said, he actually held under Charles III., king of Spain. This was, probably, before he was elected emperor. To be a little more particular with this distinguished man, I will hazard a repetition of some facts, for the sake of giving an account of him as recorded by one who resided long with him, and consequently knew him well. He was the son of a Creek woman, of the family of the Wind, whose father was an officer in the French service, stationed at Fort Toulouse, near the nation of the Alabamas. This officer, in trading with the Indians, became acquainted with the mother of our chief, whom he married. They had five children, two boys md three girls. Only one of the boys lived to grow up. As among other tribes, so among the Creeks, the children belong to the mother; and when AT Gillivray's father desired to send him to Charleston to get an education, he was obliged first to get the mother's consent. This, it seems, was easily obtained, and young M'Gillivray was put there, where he acquired a good Adairs Hist. N. American Indians, 254, &c. t Memoire ou coup-d'ceil rapide sur mes differens voyages et mon sejour dans la nation Creek, p. 27. t Ibid. General Milfort. 33 Z 386 M'GILLIVRAY. HIS VISIT TO NEW YORK. [Boox IV. education. He did not return for some time to his nation, which was at the commencement of the revolutionary war; and he then went, commissioned by the royalists, to invite his countrymen to a treaty upon the frontiers, and to unite them against the rebels.* He generally spoke the English language, which was not pleasing to his mother, who would not speak it.f After the war he became attached to the Americans, and although the bor derers caused frequent troubles, yet he made and renewed treaties with them. In 1790, he came to New York with 29 of his chiefs. Owing to some misun derstanding, he had refused to treat at Rock Landing a short time before, where commissioners from the U. States had attended ; and the government, justly fearing a rupture, unless a speedy reconciliation should take place, despatched Colonel Marinus Willtt into the Creek country, with a pacific letter to General M'GUlwray. He succeeded in his mission, and the chiefs arrived in New York 23 July, 1790. J They were conducted to the residence of the secretary of war, General Knox, who conducted them to the house of the president of the U. States, and introduced them to him. President Washing ton received them "in a very handsome manner, congratulated them on their safe arrival, and expressed a hope that the interview would prove beneficial both to the U. States and to the Creek nation." They next visited the governor of the state, from whom they received a most cordial welcome. They then proceeded to the City Tavern, where they dined in company with General Knox, and other officers of government. A correspondence between Governor Telfair, of Georgia, and " Alexander M'Gillvary, Esq." probably opened the way for a negotiation, which terminated in a settlement of difficulties. From the following extract from M'Gillwray's letter, a very just idea may be formed of the state of the affairs of his nation previous to his visit to New York. "In answer to yours, I have to observe, that, as a peace was not concluded on between us at the Rock -landing meeting, your demand for property taken by our warriors from off the disputed lands cannot be admitted. We, also, have had our losses, by captures made by your people. We are willing to conclude a peace with you,, but you must not expect extraordinary concessions from us. In order to spare the further effusion of human blood, and to finally determine the war, I am willing to concede, in some measure, if you are disposed to treat on the ground of mutual concession. It will save trouble and expense, if the negotiations are managed in the nation. Any person from you can be assured of personal safety and friendly treatment in this country." It was dated at Little Tellassee, 30 March, 1790, and directed to "His Excellency Edward Telfair, Esq." and signed "JUex, M'Gillivray." This chief seems afterwards to have met with the censure of his people, at least some of them, in a manner similar to that of M'Intosh recently ; and was doubtless overcome by the persuasions of designing whites, to treat for the disposal of his lands, against the general voice of his nation. One Bowles, a white man, led the councils in opposition to his proceedings, and, for a time, JWGillivray absented himself from his own tribe. In 1792, his party took Bowles prisoner, and sent him out of the country, and solicited the general to return. To this he consented, and they became more attached to him than ever. He now endeavored to better their condition by the introduction of teachers among them. In an advertisement for a teacher, in the summer of 1792, he styles himself emperor of the Creek nation. His quiet was soon disturbed, and the famous John Waits, the same summer, with 500 warriors, Creeks, and five towns of the Chickamawagas, committed many depredations. The Spaniards were supposed to be the movers of the hostile party. J\FGil- livray died at Pensacola, February 17, 1793, || and is thus noticed in the Pennsylvania Gazette: "This idolized chief of the Creeks styled himself king of kings. But, alas, he could neither restrain the meanest fellow of his * Milfort, 323, 324. t See Holmes, Amer. Annals, ii. 384. \ Colonel Willet's Narrative, 112. " They were received with great splendor by the Tam many Society, in the dress of their order." on their landing. Ib. $ In 1791, this Bowles, with five chiefs, was in England, and we hnd this notice of him in the European Magazine of that year, vol. 19, p. 268 : "The ambassadors consisted of two Creeks', and of Mr. Boicles, (a native of Maryland, who is a Creek by adoption, and the pres ent gcnpral of that nation,) and three Cherokees. || Milfort, Z15. CHAP. V.] MAD-DOG. THE SOUTHERN BOUNDARY. 387 nation from the commission of a crime, nor punish him after he had commit ted it ! He might persuade or advise, all the good an Indian king or chief can do." This is, generally speaking, a tolerably correct estimate of the extent of the power of chiefs; but it should be remembered that the chiefs of different tribes exercise very different sway over their people, according as such chief is endowed with the spirit of government, by nature or circum stance. There is great absurdity in applying the name or title of king to Indian chiefs, as that title is commonly understood. The first Europeans conferred the title upon those who appeared most prominent, in their first discoveries, for want of another more appropriate ; or, perhaps, they had another reason, namely, that of magnifying their own exploits on their return to their own countries, by reporting their interviews with, or conquests over, " many kings of an unknown country." Contemporary with General M' 'GiUivray was a chief called the TAME-KING, whose residence was among the Upper Creeks, in 1791 ; and he is noticed in our public documents of that year, as a conspicuous chief in matters connected with establishing the southern boundary. At this time one Bowles, an English trader, had great influence among the Lower Creeks, and used great endeavors, by putting himself forward as their chief, to enlist all the nations in opposition to the Americans. He had made large promises to the Upper Creeks, to induce them not to hear to the American commissioners They so far listened to him, as to consent to receive his talk, and accordingly the chiefs of the upper and lower towns met at a place called the Half-ioay- house, where they expected Bowles in person, or some letters containing definita statements. When the chiefs had assembled, Tame-king and Mad-dog, of the upper towns, asked the chiefs of the lower, " whether they had taken Bowles's talks, and where the letters were which this great man had sent them, and where the white man was, to read them." An Indian in Bowles's employ said, " he was to give them the talk." They laughed at this, and said, " they could hear his mouth every day; that they had come there to see those letters and bear them read." Most of the chiefs of the upper towns now left the coun cil, which was about the termination of Bowles's successes. He was shortly afterwards obliged to abdicate, as we have already declared in the life of M'Gillwray. He returned again, however, after visiting Spain and England, and spending some time in prison.* Mr. EUicott observes, f that, at the close of a conference with sundry tribes, held 15 August, 1799, in which objects were discussed concerning his passage through their country, that "the business appeared to terminate as favorably as could be expected, arid the Indians declared themselves perfectly satisfied ; but I nevertheless had my doubts of their sincerity, from the depredations they were constantly making upon our horses, which began upon the Coeneuck, and had continued ever since ; and added to their insolence, from their stealing every article in our camp they could lay then- hands on." Mr. EUicott excepts the Upper Creeks, generally, from participating in these rob beries, all but Tame-king and his people. Though we have named Tame-king first, yet Mad-dog was quite as con spicuous at this time. His son fought for the Americans in the last war, and was mentioned by General Jackson as an active and valuable chief in his expeditions. His real name we have not learned, and the general mentions him only as Mad-dog's son. In the case of the boundary already mentioned, the surveyors met with fre quent difficulties from the various tribes of Indians, some of whom were influenced by the Spanish governor, Folch, of Louisiana. Mad-dog appeared their friend, and undeceived them respecting the governor's pretensions. A conference was to be held about the 4 May, between the Indians, Governor Fulfh, and the American commissioners. The place of meeting was to be upon Coenecuh River, near the southern estuary of the bay of Peusacola. When * He was confined in the Moro castle in the Havana, with three Cherokees that accom panied him. This was in 1792. It was said that this inveterate enemy of the United Slates, tfotctcs, was with the Indians, at St. Clair's defeat. Carey's Museum, xi. 40 f. t In his Journal, 211. 388 WEATHERFORD. [BOOK IV. thq Americans arrived there, Mad-dog met them, and infonned Colonel Hawkins, the Indian agent, that two Indians had just gone to the Tallessees with bad talks from the governor. The colonel told him it could not be pos sible. Shortly after, Mad-dog asked Colonel Hawkins and Mr. Ellicott, the commissioner, if they supposed that Governor Folch would attend at the treaty ; they said, " Most assuredly." " JVb" returned Mad-dog, " he will not attend, he knows ivhat I shall say to him about his crooked talks. His tongue is forked, and, as you are here, he will be ashamed to shoiv it. If he stands to what he has told us, you witt be offended, and if he tells us that the line ought to be marked, he will contradict himself: but he will do neither ; he will not come" It turned out as Mad-dog declared. When it was found ti at the governor would not attend, the chief went to Colonel Hawkins and Mr. Ellicott, and, by way of pleasantry, said, " Well, the governor has not come. I told you so. A man with two tongues can only speak to one at a time.'" This observation has reference to the gov ernor's duplicity, in holding out to the Indians his determination not to suffer a survey of the boundary, while, at the same time, he pretended to the Ameri cans that he would facilitate it.* Mad-dog was an upper town Creek, of the Tuckaabatchees tribe. CHAPTER VI. WEATHERFORD His character and country The corner-stone of the Creek confed eracy Favors the designs of Tecumsch Captures Fort Mimms Dreadful mas sacre Subjection of the Creeks Weatherford surrenders himself His speeches M'INTOSH Aids the Americans Battle of Autossee Great slaughter of the Indians Battle of the Horse-shoe-bend Late troubles in the Creek nation .V Intosh makes illegal sale of lands Executed for breaking the laws of his country MENAWWAY TUSTENUGGE HAWKINS CHILLY M'lsToSH, son of William Marriage of Ids sister LOVETT. WEATHERFORD, one of the most conspicuous war chiefs of the Creek nation, demands an early attention, in the biographical history of the late war. Mr. Claiborne, in his NOTES ON THE WAR IN THE SOUTH, informs us that, "among the first who entered into the views of the British commissioners was the since celebrated Weatherford;" that he was born in the Creek nation, and whose " father was an itinerant pedler, sordid, treacherous, and revengeful ; his mother a full-blooded savage, of the tribe of the Semiuoles. He partook (says the same author) of all the bad qualities of both his parents,! and engrafted, on the stock he inherited from others, many that were peculiarly his own. With avarice, treachery, and a thirst for blood, he combines lust, gluttony; and a devotion to every species of criminal carousal. (Fortune, in her freaks, sometimes gives to the most profligate an elevation of mind, which she denies to men whose propensities are the most vicious.) On ffeatherford she bestowed genius, eloquence, and courage. The first of these qualities enabled him to conceive great designs, the last to execute them; while eloquence, bold, impressive, and figurative, furnished him with a pass port to the favor of his countrymen and followers. Silent and reserved, unless when excited by some great occasion, and superior to the weakness of rendering himself cheap by the frequency of his addresses, he delivered his opinions but seldom in council ; but when he did so, he was listened to with delight and approbation. His judgment and eloquence had secured the respect of the old; his vices made him the idol of the young and the unprin cipled." " In his person, tall, straight, and well proportioned ; his eye black, lively, and penetrating, and indicative of courage and enterprise ; his nose prominent, thin, and elegant in its formation ; while all the features of hia * Ellicott's Journal, 203, &c. t The reader should be early apprized that this was written at a time when some prejudke might have infected the mind of the writer. CHAP. VI. WEATHERFORD. MASSACRE AT FORT MIMMS. 389 face, harmoniously arranged, speak an active and disciplined mind. Pas sionately devoted to wealth, he had appropriated to himself a fine tract ot iand, improved and settled it ; and from the profits of his father's pack, had decorated and embellished it To it he retired occasionally, and, relaxing from the cares of state, he indulged in pleasures which are but rarely found to afford satisfaction to the devotees of ambition and fame. Such were the opposite and sometimes disgusting traits of character in the celebrated Jt'eatkerford, the key and corner-stone of the Creek confederacy!" It is said that this chief had entered fully into the views of Tecumseh, and that, if he had entered upon his designs without delay, he would have been amply able to have overrun the whole Mississippi territory. But this fortu nate moment was lost, and, in the end, his plans came to ruin. Not long before the wretched butchery at Fort Mimms, General Claiborne visited that post, and very particularly warned its possessors against a surprise. After giving orders for the construction of two additional block-houses, he con cluded the order with these words : " To respect an enemy, and prepare in the best possible way to meet him, is the certain means to ensure success." It was expected that Weatherford would soon attack some of the forts, and General Claiborne marched to Fort Early, as that was the farthest advanced into the enemy's country. On his way, he wrote to Major Beasley, the com mander of Mimms, informing him of the danger of an attack ; and, strange as it may appear, the next day after the letter was received, (30 August, 1813,) Weatherford, at the head of about 1500 warriors, entered the fort at noon-day, when a shocking carnage ensued. The gate had been left open and unguarded ; but, before many of the warriors had entered, they were met by Major Beasley, at the head of his men, and for some time the contest was bloody and doubtful ; each striving for the mastery of the entrance. Here, man to man, the fight continued for a quarter of an hour, with toma hawks, knives, swords and bayonets: a scene there presented itself almost without a parallel in the annals of Indian warfare ! The garrison consisted of 275: of these only 160 were soldiers; the rest were old men, women and children, who had here taken refuge. It is worthy of very emphatical remark, that every officer expired fighting at the gate. A lieutenant, having been badly wounded, was carried by two women to a block-house, but when he was a little revived, he insisted on being carried back to the fatal scene, which was done by the same heroines, who placed him by the side of a dead companion, where he was soon despatched. The defenders of the garrison being now nearly all slain, the women and children shut themselves up in the block-houses, and, seizing upon what weapons they could find, began, in that perilous and hopeless situation, to defend themselves. But the Indians soon succeeded in setting these houses on fire, and all such as refused to meet death without, perished in the flames within!! Seventeen only escaped of all the garrison, and many of those w,-re desperately wounded. It was judged that, during the contest at the gate, near 400 of Weatherfortfs warriors were wounded and slain. The horrid calamity at Fort Mimms, in the Tensau settlement, as it is called, was not the commencement of the bloody war with the Creek Indians. The motions of the Shawanee Prophet had been scrutinized by people upon the frontiers of several states, and memorials from Indiana and Illinois had been sent to the president of the United States by some of their principal inhabitants, in 1811, calling on him to send out an armed force for their security. In the summer of 1812, some families were cut off near the mouth of the Ohio, and soon after, upon the border of Tennessee, two other families, consisting of women and children, were butchered in a manner too shocking for description ! Georgia was also a sufferer in the same kind. In respect to the bloody affair at Fort Mimms, a different aspect has been thrown around it from that generally given in the histories of the war. The severe, though probably just reflections of Judge Martin upon the conduct of the unfortunate Beasley, has passed without contradiction. Not only had that officer been warned by General Claiborne of his danger, as already stated, but a Creek Indian informed him in a friendlv manner that he must 33* 390 WEATHERFORD SURRENDERS. HIS SPEECH. [Boox IV expert an attack in less than two days. When he had made his communica tion, he left the place, "and was hardly out of sight, when 20 or 30 of hia countrymen came in view, and forcibly entered the fort. In the attempt to shut the gate, Beasley was killed : the garrison revenged his death by that of all the assailants. This first party was, however, soon followed by a body of about 800 : the garrison was overpowered, the fort taken, and every man, woman and child in it, slaughtered, with the exception of four privates, who, though severely wounded, effected their escape, and reached Fort Stod- dard." * Beasley himself was carried into the kitchen of one of the houses within the fort, and was there, with many others, consumed in the burning ruins ! f When the news of this affair was circulated through the country, many cried aloud for vengeance, and two powerful armies were soon upon their march into the Indian country, and the complete destruction of the Indian power soon followed. ' The Indians seeing all resistance was at an end, great numbers of them came forward and made their submission. Weather- ford, however, and many who were known to be desperate, still stood out ; perhaps from fear. General Jackson determined to test the fidelity of those chiefs who had submitted, and, therefore, ordered them to deliver, without delay, Weatherford, bound, into his hands, that he might be dealt with as he deserved. When they had made known to the sachem what was required of them, his noble spirit would not submit to such degradation ; and, to hold them harmless, he resolved to give himself up without compulsion. Accord ingly, he proceeded to the American camp, unknown, until he appeared l>efbre the commanding general, to whose presence, under some pretence, he gained admission. General Jackson was greatly surprised, when the chief said, "I am Weatherford, the chief who commanded at the capture of Fort Mimms. I desire peace for my people, and have come to ask it" Jackson had, doubtless, determined upon his execution when he should be brought bound, as he had directed; but his sudden and unexpected appearance, in this manner, saved him. The general said he was astonished that he should venture to appear in his presence, as he was not ignorant of his having been at Fort Mimms, nor of his inhuman conduct there, for which he so well deserved to die. " I ordered," continued the general, " that you should be brought to me bound; and, had you been brought in that manner, I should have known how to have treated you." In answer to this, Weatherford made the follow ing famous speech : " / am in your power do with me as you please 1 am a soldier. I have done the whiles all the harm I could. I have fought them, and fought them bravely. If I had an army, I would yetjight / would contend to the last : but I have none. My people are all gone. I can only weep over the misfortunes of my nation." General Jackson was pleased with his boldness, and told him that though lie was in his power, yet he would take no advantage ; that he might yet join the war party, and contend against the Americans, if he chose, but to depend upon no quarter if taken afterward ; and that unconditional submission was his and his people's only safety. Weatherford rejoined, in a tone as dignified as it was indignant, " You can safely address me in such terms now. There was a time when I could have answered you there was a time when I had a choice / have none now. I have not even a hope. I could once animate my icarriors to battle but I cannot animate the dead. My warriors can no longer hear my voice. Their bones are at Talladega, Tallushatches, Emuckfaw and Tohopeka. I have not surrendered myself without thought. While there was a single chance of success, I never left my post, nor supplicated peace. But my people are gone, and I now ask it for my nation, not for myself. I look back with deep sorrow, and wish to avert still greater calamities. If I had been left to contend with the Georgia army, I would have raised my corn on one bank of the river, and fought them on the other. But your people have destroyed my nation. You are a brave man. I rely upon your generosity. You vnll exact no terms of a conquered veople, but such as they should accede to. Whatever they may be, it would now be madness and folly to oppose them. If they are opposed, you shall find me * Martin's Hist. Louisiana, ii. 316. t Perkins's Late War. 198 CHAP. VI.] BATTLE OF AUTOSSEE AND OF TOHOPEKA. 391 amongst the sternest enforcers of obedience. Those who would still hold out, can be influenced only by a mean spirit of revenge. To this they must not, and shall not sncnji.ce the last remnant of their country. You have told our nation where we miss/it go and be safe. This is good talk, and they ought to listen to it. They shall listen to it." And here we must close our present account of Weatherford, and enter upon that of a character opposed to him in the field, and, if we can believe the writers of their times, opposite in almost all the affairs of life. 'This was the celebrated and truly unfortunate General WILLLIAM M'INTOSH, a Creek chief of the tribe of Cowetaw. He was, like JWGillivray, a half-breed, whom he considerably resembled in several particulars, as by his history will appear. He was a prominent leader of such of his countrymen as joined the Americans in the war of 1812, 13, and 14, and is first mentioned by General Floyd,* in his account of the battle, as he called it, of Autossee, where he assisted in the brutal destruction of 200 of his nation. There was nothing like fighting on the part of the people of the place, as we can learn, being surprised in their wigwams, and hewn to pieces. " The Cowetaws," says the general, " under JlFIntosh, and Tookaubatchians,f under Mad-dog 's-son, fell in on our flanks, and fought with an intrepidity worthy of any troops." And after relating the burning of the place, he thus proceeds : " It is difficult to determine the strength of the enemy, but from the information of some of the chiefs, which it is said can be relied on, there were assembled at Autossee, warriors from eight towns, for its defence ; it being their beloved ground, on which they proclaimed no white man could approach without inevitable destruction. It is difficult to give a precise account of the loss of the enemy ; but from the number which were lying scattered over the field, together with those destroyed in the towns, and the many slain on the hank of the river, which respectable officers affirm that they saw lying in heaps at the water's edge, where they had been precipitated by their surviving friends, [! !] their loss in killed, independent of their wound ed, must have been at least 200, (among whom were the Autossee and Tallassee kings,) and from the circumstance of their making no efforts to molest our return, probably greater. The number of buildings burnt, some of a superior order for the dwellings of savages, and filled with valuable articles, is supposed to be 400." This was on the 29 November, 18ia .W'Intosh was also very conspicuous in the memorable battle of the Horse shoe-bend, in the Tallapoosie*River. At this place the disconsolate tribes of the south had made a last great stand, and had a tolerably regular fortified camp. It was said that they were 1000 strong. They had constructed their works with such ingenuity, that little could be effected against them but by storm. " Determined to exterminate them," says General Jackson, " I detached General Coffee with the mounted, and nearly the whole of the Indian force, early on the morning of yesterday, [March 27, 1814,] to cross the river about two miles below their encampment, and to surround the bend, in such a manner, as that none of them should escape by attempting to cross the river." " Bean a company of spies, who had accompanied Gen. Coffee, crossed over in cano< j to the extremity of the bend, and set fire to a few of the buildings which wei's there situated ; they then advanced with great gallantry towards the breast work, and commenced a spirited fire upon the enemy behind it" This force not being able to effect their object, many others of the army showed great ardor to participate in the assault. " The spirit which animated them was a sure augury of the success which was to follow." " The regulars, led on by their intrepid and skilful commander, Col. Williams, and by the gallant Maj. .Montgomery, soon gained possession of the works in the midst of a most tre mendous fire from behind them, and the militia of the venerable Gen. Doherty's brigade accompanied them in the charge with a vivacity and firmness which would have done honor to regulars. The enemy was completely routed. Five hundred and fifty seven I were left dead on the peninsula, and a great number were killed by the horsemen in attempting to cross the river. It is believed that not more than twenty have escaped. " The fighting continued with some severity about five hours : but we con- * Urannan's official tellers. t Tuekabatchc Bartram, 447 J These are the general's italics ; at least, Brarman so prints his official letter. 392 M'LXTOSH'S TREATIES. [BOOK IV \ L tinued to destroy many of them, who had concealed themselves under the banks of the river, until we were prevented by the night. This morning we killed 16 who had been concealed. We took about 250 prisoners, all women and children, except two or three. Our Joss is 106 wounded, and 25 killed.. Major M'Intosh, the Cowetau, who joined my army with a part of his tribe, greatly distinguished himself." * Truly, this was a war of extermination ! ' The friend of humanity may inquire whether all those poor wretches who had secreted themselves here and there in the "caves and reeds," had deserved death ? The most melancholy part of the life of the unfortunate M'Intosh remains to be recorded. The late troubles of the Creek nation have drawn forth many a sympathetic tear from the eye of the philanthropist. These troubles were only the consequences of those of a higher date. Those of 1825, we thought, completed the climax of their affliction, but 1832 must sully her annals with records of their oppression also. It is the former period with which our article brings us in collision in closing this account In that year, the government of the U. States, by its agents, seemed determined on possessing a large tract of their country, to satisfy the state of Georgia. M'lntosh, and a small part of the nation, were for conceding to their wishes, but a large majority of his countrymen would not hear to the proposal. The commissioners employed were satisfied of the fact, and communicated to the president the result of a meeting they had had for the purpose. He was well satisfied, also, that M'Intosh could not convey the lands, as he represented but a small part of his nation, but still the negotiation was ordered to be renewed. A council was called by the commissioners, (who were Georgians,) which assembled at a place called Indian-spring. Here the chief of the Tuckatibatcheese spoke to them as follows : " We met you at Broken Arrow, and then told you we had no land to sell. I then heard of no claims against the nation, nor have I since. We have met you here at a very short notice, and do not think that the chiefs who are here have any authority to treat. General Jlflntosh knows that we are bound by our laws, and that what is not done in the public square, in the general council, is not binding on the nation. I am, therefore, under the necessity of repeating the same answer as given at Broken Arrow, that we have no land to sell. I know that there are but few here from the upper towns, and many are absent from the lower tow r ns. Gen. J\flntosh knows that no part of the land can be sold without a full council, and with the consent of all the nation, and if a part of the nation choose to leave the country, they cannot sell the land they have, but it belongs to the nation." " This is the only talk I have for you, and I shall return home immediately." He did so. The ill-advised commissioners informed JWIntosh and his party, that the Creek nation was sufficiently represented by them, and that the United States would bear them out in a treaty of sale. The idea of receiving the whole of the pay for the lands among themselves, was doubtless the cause of the concession of M'Intosh and his party. " Thirteen only of the signers of the treaty were chiefs. The rest were such as had been degraded from that rank, and un known persons ; 36 chiefs present refused to sign. The whole party of Mlntosh amounted to about 300, not the tenth part of the nation." Still they executed the articles, in direct violation to the laws of their nation, which themselves had helped to form. It must be remembered that the Creeks hau made no inconsiderable advances in what is termed civilization. They had towns, and even printed laws by which they were to be governed, similar to those of the United States. The treaty of Indian-spring:, dated 8 January, 1821, gave universal uneasi ness ; and, from that day, M'Intosh lost popularity. It was generally believed that he had been tampered with by the whites to convey to them the inher itance of his nation ! and the following letter pretty clearly proves such suspicions had been justly grounded. It is dated "NEW-TOWN, 21s< October, 1823. u MY FRIEND : I am gains: to inform you a few lines, as a friend. I ivant you 'o give me your opinion about the treaty ; f whether the chiefs ivill be icilling or not, Brannan. ut supra t Thai at Indian-spring, 8 January, 1821. CHAP. VI.] M'INTOSH. HIS VILLANY DETECTED. 393 If the chiefs fed disposed to let the United States have, the land, part of it, I want you to let me know ; I will make the U. Staffs commissioners give you 2000 dollars, A. M'Coy the same, and CHARLES HICKS 3000 dollars, for present, and nobody shall know it ; and if you think the land woulden [should'nt ?] sold, I will be sat- isned. If the land should be sold, I will get you the amount before the treaty sign [is signed ;] and if you get any friend you want him to received, they shall receive. .Vothing more to inform you at present. " / remain your affectionate friend, WM. McINTOSH. "Jon.v Ross.* " .4ft answer return. " N. B. The whole amount is $12,000, you can divide among your friendt, exclusive, $7,000." Hence there can be no question as to the guilty conscience of M'Intosh, although some parts of the above letter are scarcely intelligible. He had mistaken his friend ; Ross was not to be bought ; for three days after the letter was written, viz. 24 October, a council was held, and M'Intosh was present ; the letter was read, and he was publicly exposed. Notwithstanding what had been done at Indian-Spring, it appears, from the above letter, that another attempt at selling land was made in 1823, but could not be carried into effect, the villany of M'Intosh was so apparent ; and it appears that it could not be brought about until 12 February, 1825, which is the date of the last treaty made by M'Intosh. " .WIntosh was aware, that, after signing the treaty, his life was forfeited. He, and others of his coadjutors, repaired to Milledgeville, stated their fears, and claimed the protection of Georgia, which was promised by Gov. Troup." It must be observed that the greater part of the purchased territory was within the claimed limits of Georgia;! and that the Georgians had no small share in the whole transaction. It is not stranger that the people of Georgia should conduct as they have, than that the United States' government should place it in her power so to act. To take, therefore, into account the whole merits of the case, it must be remembered, that, by a compact between the two parties in 1802, the former, in consideration of the latter's relinquishing her claim to the Mississippi territory, agreed to extinguish, at the national expense, the Imlian title to the lands occupied by them, in Georgia, whenever it could be done, upon reasonable terms, f Who was to decide wJien the practicable time had arrived, we believe was not mentioned. However, previous to 1825, the United States had succeeded in extinguishing the aboriginal title of 15,000,000 acres, and there were yet about 10,000,000 to be bought off. The change of life from wandering to stationary, which the arts of civilization had effected among the Indians, made them prize their possessions far more highly than heretofore, and hence their reluctance and opposition to relinquish them. Thus much it seemed necessary to premise, that the true cause of the fate of M'Intosh should be understood. It appears that when the whole of the nation saw that the treaty which he and his party had made could not be abrogated, forty-nine fiftieths of them were violent against them ; and there fore resolved that the sentence of the law should be executed upon him. The execution, and circumstances attending it, are thus related : || " About two hours before day, on Sunday morning, 1 May, 11 the house of Gen. .M'Intosh was surrounded by Menaw-way, and about 100 Oakfuskee warriors. .M'lniosh was within, as likewise were his women and children, and some white men. Menaw-way directed an interpreter to request the whites, and the women and children, to come out, as the warriors did not wish to harm them ; that Gen. M'Intosh had broken the law that he himself had long since made, and they had come to execute him accordingly. They came out of the house, leaving M'Intosh and Etomi-tustenugge, one of his adherents, * Then President of the National Council of the Creeks. t Perkins, Hist. U. Slates, a work, by- the way, of great value, and which we are surprised should have issued from the press with little or no notice. t Amer. An. Regr. i. $ Ibid. || In the Annual Register, ut supra. Tf 30 April is mentioned, in another part of the same work, as the date of the execution, and so it is set down by Mr. Perkins, in bis Hist. U. S. 394 M'INTOSH AND OTHERS PUT TO DEATH. [OOK IV. therein. The warriors then set fire to the house ; and as M'lntosh and his comrade [ Tustenugge] attempted to come out at the door, they shot them both down. The same day, about 12 o'clock, they hung Sam Hawkins, a half breed, in the Huckhosseliga Square. On Monday, the 2 May, a party of Halibee Indians fired on and wounded Ben Hawkins, another half breed, very badly. The chiefs stated, at the time, that no danger whatever was to be apprehended by persons travelling through the nation ; that they were friends to the whites, and wished them not to be alarmed by this execution, which was only a compliance with the laws that the great chiefs of the nation made at Polecat Spring. Chilly M'lntosh escaped from the house with the whites, and was not fired at or wounded." He is now chief among the western Creeks, and some time since increased his notoriety by beating a member of Congress, in Washington. The great agitation which the execution of the head chiefs of the M'lntosh party caused was allayed only by the interference of the United States' gov ernment. Governor Troup of Georgia declared vengeance against the Creek nation, denouncing the execution of the chiefs as an act of murder ; however, he, by some means, learned that his judgment was gratuitous, and, by advice of President Adams, desisted from acts of hostility, the survey of the disputed lands, &c. We have not learned much of the family of JtPIntosh. His principal resi dence was on the Chattahoochie, where he had two wives, Susannah and Peggy, one a Creek, the other a Cherokee woman, and this is the place where he was killed. About 50 miles from this place, on the western branch of the Tallapoosa, he had a plantation ; here lived another of his wives, named Eliza. She was the daughter of Stephen Hawkins, and sister to Samuel and Benjamin Hawkins* whose fate we have just related. On 14 August, 1818, Jenny, his eldest daughter, was married to William S. Mitchel, Esq., assistant Indian agent of the Creek nation. They were married at a place called Theacatckkah near Fort Mitchel, in that nation, f General M'lntosh participated in the Seminole campaigns, as did another chief of the name of Lovett, with about 2000 of their warriors. They joined the American army at Fort Scott in the spring of 1818. J CHAPTER VII. Creek war continued View of the Creek country General Jackson ordered out against them Relieves CHINNABY SHELOKTA PATH-KILLER Capture of Litta futche The Tallushatches destroyed l>y General Coffee Battle of Talladcga Anecdote Massacre of the Hallibees Further account of Autossee battle Battle of Camp Defiance TIMPOOCHIE Battle of Echanahaha PUSHAMATA Weatherford JIM FIFE Battle of Emukfau A second battle Fife's intrepidity Battle of Enotochopko Tohopeka End of the Creek war Death of three Prophets MONOHOE M'QuEEN COLBERT, alias PIOMINGO His exploits Anecdote Mur der of John Morris MUSHALATUBEC PUSHAMATA Speech of Mushalatubec and of Pushamata to Lafayette at Washington Pushamata dies there HILLISHAGO visits England Excites the Seminoles to war A modern Pocahontas HORNOT- LIMED Massnrrrs a boat's crew in Jlpalachicola River Is captured with HILLIS HAGO, and lian^dl NEAMATHLA Removal of the Florida Indians Their wretched condition M'QuEEN Rich in lands and slaves Flies to Florida, and loses his effects. Ax this period the Creek Indians occupied a country containing about 900 square miles ; bounded on the north by Tennessee, east by Georgia, south by the Floridas, and west by the Mississippi ; the soil and climate of which could not be considered inferior to any in the United States. These Indians, consisting of Creeks, properly so called, Chikasaws, Choktaws, and Chero- * Report of the Select Committee of the House of Representatives, U. S., 578, &c. f Niles's Register, 14, 407. { N. Y. Monthly Mag. iii. 74. CHAP. VII.] SHELOKTA. PATH-KILLER. 395 kees, had for a long time been on amicable terms with their white neighbors, / exchanging their furs and other articles with them for such others as their wants required. This state of things, but for the breaking out of the war in Canada, might, and would, in reason, have continued, and the great Creek nation would have increased, and at this day have gained vastly in population and importance, instead of being dismembered, its inhabitants sent into banishment, and finally ruined. Intermarriages between Indians and whites had become frequent, from which a race of half-breeds were springing up, and instead of slavery, the Indian women were taking their proper places in society, and the men were cultivating the fields. And notwithstanding the Prophet and Tecumseh had used all their eloquence to engage them in an early quarrel, it was not until they heard of the success of the British at Mai den, that they decided on taking up the hatchet, generally. Such was the alacrity among the northern Indians on the capture of General Hull, on the 16 August, 1812, that runners arrived from among them to the Creeks some lime before it was known to their white neighbors. For the horrid butchery at Tensau, the followers of Weatherford, Monohoe, and JkTQuin, or JIT Queen, were shortly to atone, in the most summary man ner. There was a great encampment of Creeks under Weatherford, at the Tallahasse. or Tallushatches towns, on the Coosa River, a northern branch of the Alabama. The eyes of the south seemed to centre upon General Jackson to execute vengeance on the Indians, and notwithstanding he was confined to his room, from a wound in the arm, which he had lately received in a private quarrel, when the news of the massacre arrived in Tennessee, the governor of that state issued an order to him to raise 2000 men with all possible despatch, and rendezvous at Fayetteville. Colonel Coffee was already in the field. Jackson's march into the enemy's country was hastened by a false alarm, and when he had got into the Indian country, he found himself almost destitute of provisions for his army, which caused considerable delay. At a place on the Tennessee River, called Ditto's Landing, General Jackson met with Colonel Coffees regiment. Here he remained several days, but despatched Coffee with 700 men to scour the Black Warrior River. At Ten Islands, on the Coosa, was a band of friendly Creeks, at whose head was a chief named Chinnaby. This chief had a kind of fort there, and was now blockaded in it by the war party. Chinnaby, hearing of Jackson's position, sent his son, SHE LOKTA, also a principal chief, to the general's camp, for relief, who, without loss of time, marched up the river, but was obliged to encamp at the distance of 24 miles from Ditto's, from the failure of his supplies. While here, PATH- KILLER,* a Cherokee chief, sent two runners to him, confirming the former news, and that without immediate relief, they said, they should be immediate ly cut off, for the hostile Indians were assembling in great force from nine towns. Jackson now resolved to move on, and told the messengers of Path- killer to speak thus to their chief from him: " The hostile Creeks will not attack you until they have had a brush with me, and that, I think, will put them out of the notion ofjighting for some time" When the army had arrived within a few miles of the Ten Islands, it was met by Chinnaby. This old chief had succeeded in capturing two hostile Creeks, which he gave up to General Jackson. The army was yet about 16 miles from the Indian encampment, and in a lamentable condition for want of provisions ; insomuch, that almost any one but Jackson would have despaired, and given up the campaign ; but his resolution was not to be shaken, and he happily diffused his spirit into his men. He said, in a letter to Governor Blount, that whilst they could procure an car of corn apiece, they would not give up the expedition. * We would here observe that Path-killer was, in 1822, a Christian chief, and governed bi the same tribe with the famous_ Mr. Charles Hicks ; and his residence was in that year 25 miles from Turkey town. The missionary, Mr. Butrick, notes in his Journal, that Patli-killer was " the king or first beloved man, of the Cherokee nation," and that Mr. Hicks was " the ttcond beloved man." Patli-lctiler had had a son murdered by some white man, before this visit, and complained of the outrage, and said he had written twice to the president of the United States about it. Both these chiefs died in the winter of 1826. 396 PATH-KILLER. BATTLE OF TALLUSHATCHES. fBooK IV On the 28 October, Colonel Dyer returned from the capture of a town called Littafutche, on the head of Canoe Creek, which empties into the Coosa from the west His force consisted of 200 cavalry, and they brought in 29 prisoners, chiefly women and children. The Indians were now drawn off from Ten Islands, and had taken post at Tallushatches, on the south side of the Coosa. Coffee was immediately despatched with 900 men to attack them. This he did on the 3 November, sun about an hour high in the morning. A number of men in advance of the main body, sent forward for the purpose, drew out the warriors from their cabins, who made a fierce attack upon them. The Americans gave way by fall ing back upon the main body, agreeably to their preconcerted plan, which had the good effect of bringing the Indians at once into their power. Having fired upon them, they made a successful charge, and soon obliged them to shelter themselves in their wigwams. Colonel Coffee says, "The enemy retreated firing, until they got around, and in their buildings, where they made all the resistance that an overpowered soldier could do they fought as long as one existed, but their destruction was very soon completed. Our men rushed up to the doors of the houses, and in a few minutes killed the last warrior of them. The enemy fought with savage fury, and met death with all its horrors, without shrinking or complaining not one asked to be spared, but fought as long as they could stand or sit. In consequence of their flying to their houses, and mixing with the families, our men, in killing the males, without intention killed and wounded a few of the squaws and children." In this sanguinary affair, 186 Indians were killed; and the commander thought, that there were enough others killed in the woods, which they could not find, to make up in all 200. This calculation, he observed, he thought a reasonable one. They took captive 84 women and children, and "not one of the warriors escaped to carry the news ; a circumstance unknown heretofore ! " The whites had 5 killed and 41 wounded ; "none mortally, the greater part slightly, a number with arrows : this appears to form a very principal part of the enemy's arms for warfare ; every man having a bow with a bundle of arrows, which is used after the first fire with the gun, until a leisure time for loading offers." The destruction at Tallushatches was rendered the more complete by their being entirely surrounded on every side by the troops. Some have said that even the women united with the warriors, and contended in the battle with fearless bravery. This may account for many that were killed ; but General Coffee does not mention it. Meanwhile General White had been detached to Turkeytown, for the relief of Path-killer, and he was now ordered to join the main army, with as much expedition as he was able. This request was transmitted on the 4, and renewed on the 7 November, 1813 ; and on the evening of the same day, an Indian brought news to the general, that Talladega was besieged by a great body of the enemy, and would certainly be destroyed, unless immediately relieved. Talladega was a fort occupied by friendly Creeks, about 30 miles below Ten Islands. Without loss of time, General Jackson marched to relieve Talladega. Ilia operations were conducted with such promptitude, that by midnight following the same day, he was within six miles of his enemy. Here he encamped until about daylight. Then moving on, at sunrise he came within half a mile of the Indian encampment, which was only about 80 rods from Fort Talla dega. The general, having formed his line of battle like the Spanish Armada, moved on to the attack. The Indians were not taken by surprise, but rushed upon their adversaries with such impetuosity that they made considerable impression in one part of the line ; insomuch, that a considerable body of militia gave way. Their places being immediately supplied by the mounted men, the Indians fought but a short time, before they were obliged to fly for the mountains, about three miles distant. In their flight they were hard pressed by the right wing of the Americans, and great numbers were cut down. In the whole affair, 299 were killed, that were found, of the Indians ; and the whites lost 15 in killed, and 85 were wounded, several of whom afterwards died. Over 1080 Indians were said to have been engaged, and some of them afterwards said their loss at the battle of Talladega was 600. CHAP. VII.l BATTLE OF AUTOSSEE 397 It was expected that a supply of provisions would arrive at Camp Strother at Ten Islands, before the army should return there ; but on its arrival, a total failure was experienced by the hungry soldiers ; even what had been left behind of the general's private stores had been distributed it was a melan choly time, indeed, and reminds us of the sufferings of captives in the old Indian wars, who were obliged to subsist upon berries and roots. It was during this campaign that a circumstance occurred which has been variously related ; and, as it is an excellent anecdote, we will lay it before our readers. One morning, a soldier, with a doleful countenance, approached General Jackson, and told him he was almost famished, and knew not what to do. The general was seated at the foot of a tree, and was observed by the poor half- starved soldier to be eating something. This no doubt caused him to make his complaint, thinking it a favorable time to have his wants relieved. The general observed, that it was never his custom to turn away a hungry person, when he had it in his power to relieve him ; then, putting his hand into his pocket, took out a handful of acorns, and, offering them to his astonished guest, observed, that such was his fare, and all he had, but to that he was welcome. The soldier went away contented, and told his companions they ought no more to complain, so long as their general was obliged to subsist upon nothing but acorns. Out of this grew the story, that the general having invited his officers to dine with him, set nothing before them but a tray of acorns and some water. Meanwhile mutiny after mutiny took place in General Jackson's army, and the campaign came near being abandoned. A circumstance, too, occurred about this time, ever to be lamented. General Cocke, of East Tennessee, considering himself possessed of a command independent of Jackson, gave his orders to some brigadiers, at the same time that General Jackson did. General White chose to act under General Cache's orders, and this occasioned some confusion, and, in the end, the lamentable affair to which we have just alluded, and of which we now proceed to give an account. The Hallibee Indians, who had been the principal sufferers at Talladega, had despatched ambassadors for General Jackson's camp, to sue for peace, which they would accept on any terms he might please to grant them. At the same time these proposals were out, General White marched against theii towns, and on the 18 November completely surprised them ; killed 60 war riors, took 256 prisoners, and made good his retreat without the loss of a man. The Indians thought they had been attacked by General Jackson's army, and that therefore they were now to expect nothing but extermination ; and this was thought to be the reason why they fought with such desperation afterwards. And truly they had reason for their fears: they knew none but Jackson, and supposed now that nothing short of their total destruction would satisfy him. as their conduct exemplified on every occasion. They knew they had asked peace on any terms, and their immediate answer was the sword and bayonet. A company of Cherokees aided not a little in this affair. We have given the chief features of the battle of Autossee, when drawing a sketch of the life of MUntosh, Here may be added some other matters of history, for the better understanding the events of the memorable Creek war. Autossee is situated on the south bank of the Tallapoosie, 18 miles from the Hickory Ground, and 20 above the junction of that river with the Coosa. With General Floyd's white troops were four companies of friendly Indians. M'bitosh led the Cowetaus, and Mad-dogs-son the Tookaubatchians, or Tuka- butchies. The names of the other leaders are not set down, but there were doubtless several of them, as there were about 350 warriors who accompanied the expedition. That sure work was intended, will not be doubted, when it is known that the force, exclusive of Indians, was 950 men. When the army arrived near the place where it was expected Indians would be found, and having discovered one small town before it was light in the morning, the general was surprised immediately after by the discovery of another. This was filled with men who had been apprized of his approach, and were pre pared for battle. The order of battle was immediately changed, and the army proceeded in two divisions to attack both towns at once. The besiegers 34 398 BATTLE OF THE HOLY GROUND. fBooK IV. being provided With artillery, soon accomplished their work, and all the resistance the Indians seem to have made, was in endeavoring to effect a retreat into caves and other hiding-places. Nevertheless, the Georgians had 11 killed outright, and 54 wounded. Among the latter was General Floya himself severely, and Adjutant-General Neivman slightly. M'lntosh and Mad-dogs-son's loss was considerable, but was not thought of importance enough to be communicated by their allies, who were greatly indebted to them, if, indeed, destroying their own countrymen made them so. They did not, however, do so much butchering as they intended, or, rather, aa they agreed to do ; for the day before the massacre, they agreed to post them selves on the opposite side of the river, and to kill all who should attempt an escape. Had they done this, very few would have escaped. Alter resting a few days, General Floyd marched to Camp Defiance, 50 miles directly into the Indian country, and westward of Atitoesee. Here, early in the morning of 2 January, the hostile Indians killed his sentinels before they were discovered, and then with great fury attacked his camp, and for a quarter of an hour continued to fight with bravery. By this time the army had got formed in order of battle, and soon obliged the Indians to fly. One company of whites, under Captain Broadnax, had its retreat cut off by the assailants, and escaped only by cutting its way through them. In this fight, TIMPOOCHIE-BARNUEL, or Barnard, a half-breed, chief of the Uchies, commanded a company of them, and, in the language of the general, " greatly distinguished himself." It was owing to his promptness, that Cap tain Broadnax was enabled to effect a retreat. The enemy, in that manoeuvre, had advanced within 50 yards of the artillery. All the other part of the Indian army took shelter within the lines, and looked on during the contest. After this battle, 37 Indians were found dead on the field, as the whites reported; and of their own number 17 were killed, and 130 wounded. At the first onset, General Newman had three balls shot into him, which prevented his further service ; and several of the principal officers had their horses shot under them. How the Indians under Timpoochie fared in these particulars, we have not yet learned. Weath&ford, Francis, Sinquisturs-son, with some Shawanese, had established themselves on the Alabama, above the mouth of the Cahaba, and there built a town, which they called Eckanakaka. Its name signified that it was built upon holy ground ; and hence the prophets told their followers that they had nothing to fear, as no polluted and murderous whites could ever enter there. However, General Claiborne, at the head of a small army, accompanied by a baud of Choktaws under Ptishamata, their chief, resolved to make a tiial of the virtue of the Indian prophets' pretensions. Weatherford and his followers, being apprized of the approach of the army, had put themselves into an attitude of defence. On 23 December, 1813, as the army approached, they were met by the Indians, and a short engagement followed. As usual, the Indians gave way, and were pursued ; but as their town was surrounded by fastnesses, few were killed in the pursuit. Thirty were found dead of the enemy Indians, and of the army, two or three were killed, and as many wounded. This was quite an Indian depot, the captors having found here "a large quantity of provisions, and immense property of various kinds.*' It was all destroyed with the town, which consisted of 200 houses : the women and children had only time to escape across the Alabama. The next day, another town was destroyed, eight miles above, consisting of (50 houses. We will now proceed with General Jackson, until he puts an end to the Creek war. On the 17 January, 1814, General Jackson marched, at the head of 930 men, from near Fort Strother, for the heart of the enemy's country. In his route lay Talladega, the residence of Fife, a noted warrior, and friend of the whites; and here he joined the army with 200 of his men. The Indians were sup posed to be assembled in great numbers, at the Great Bend of the Tallapoosie, from 14 or 15 of their towns upon that river; and it was daily expected that they would attack Fort Armstrong, in then' vicinity, which was in no state to meet them. It was the news of its situation, that caused Jackson to march to its immediate relief. When he had arrived at Hallibee Creek, the general, CHAP. VII.] BATTLE OF EMUKPAU. 399 from the accounts of his spies, supposed he must be in the immediate vicinity of the enemy, and he soon after encatnpud at a small Hallibee village, called Enotochopko. Here he discovered that he was 12 miles from the enemy, who were upon an island in the Tallapoosie, near the mouth of a creek called Emukfau. The next day the army encamped very near Emukfau, and had every sign of being hard by the adverse Indians. The order of encampment was that of battle, and eveiy precaution was taken to guard against surprise About 6 in the morning of the 22d, the warriors from Emukfau fell with great force upon Jackson's left flank, and the left of his rear ; and although the attack was made in full confidence that they should rout their adversaries, yet they were disappointed, and no ground was gained by the onset. The assail ants fought with a determined bravery, and it was near half an hour before they could be made to retire. The Americans, having encamped in a hollow square, met the attack at advantage, but it was only at the point of the bayonet, that the Indians were put to flight. Fife, at the head of his warriors, joined in the pursuit, which continued about two miles, with considerable havoc. Matters did not end here ; for, in a short time, the Indians returned again to the attack, and with greater success than before. They attacked a picket at advantage, at a small distance from the main body, and General Coffee, in his turn, attacked the left flank of the attacking party. As his number of men was small, he soon found himself in imminent danger of being entirely cut off. General Jackson, seeing this, ordered Fife to advance to his rescue, which he did with the utmost promptitude. This attack of the enemy was upon the right flank, and was, as it turned out, only a feint to weaken the left by draw ing the force from that quarter to its support ; but the general was not to be outwitted by such a manoeuvre. He kept the left flank firm, and the alarm gun soon gave notice, that that part was assailed. The general here met the enemy in person, seconded by Colonel Carroll, who ordered the charge, and led on the pursuers. The friendly Indians were successful at this time also, slaying many of their countrymen as they fled. Meanwhile General Coffee had got deeper into difficulty, and was contend ing at fearful odds with a brave band of warriors, and was again relieved by the Indians under Captain Fife. This, Fife was enabled to do, only by charg ing them with the bayonet. The enemy seemed determined to wrest t'heir country from the invaders, and retired slowly, at first, as men driven from their country will always do. Fife and his comrades pursued them about three miles, killing 45 of them, which they found afterwards. The reason of Coffee's great peril, was this, Fife having been ordered to his rescue before the attack on the left was made the second time ; and now, hearing the firing in that direction, supposed his aid was more needed in that quarter ; and thus Coffee was left without support. He was severely wounded, and his aid-de camp, Colonel A. Donaldson, and three others, were slain. General Jackson, not having provisions for a longer stay, and being con siderably crippled, began a retreat to Fort Strother. The most memorable part of this expedition is yet to be related. The Indians now supposed the Americans were beaten, or they would not retreat. They therefore resolved to pursue and harass them. Jackson expected this, and marched, in order of battle, through one dangerous defile after another. At length, on the morning of the 24, after having nearly passed one of the most dangerous places, at Enotochopko Creek, his rear was attacked in a spirited manner ; and although it was not at all unexpected, yet the columns gave way, and a good deal of confusion and slaughter ensued. At length, a six-pounder was, with great (litlii-ulty, dragged up a small eminence which commanded the battle-ground, and beiiijL: charged with grape-shot, did great execution, and was a principal means of putting the enemy to flight. The getting the cannon up the hill was done at the greatest peril ; the men who undertook it being sure marks for the enemy, having nothing to screen tin-in in the least. By the time they had discharged it once, Lieutenant Jlrm- strong Captain Hamilton, of East Tennessee, Captains Bradford and M'Gxvick, had all fallen. Bradford exclaimed, as he lay, "My brave fellows, some of i/on mail fall, but you must save the cannon." Tin; army having, meantime, recovered from their panic, attacked in their 400 DEATH OF MONOHOE THE PROPHET. [Boox IV. turn, and the Indians were every where put to flight, and pursued about two miles. The Indians' loss in this battle was 189, that were found. The Amer icans had, in both days' fights, 24 killed, and 71 wounded. It Avas evident now, that the Indiana were satisfied that they were not victors, for in their flight they threw away their packs and arms in abundance, and the army met with no further molestation during their return march. We have now arrived to the termination of the Creek war. It ended in the battle of the Great Bend of the Tallapoosie, as we have related in the life of M'Intosh. This bend, usually called the HORSE-SHOE, by the whites, was called by the Indians Tohopeka, which, in their language, it is said, signified a horse-shoe : therefore the battle of Tohopeka, the Great Bend, and the Horse- Shoe, are one and the same. Nothing could be more disastrous to the deluded Creeks than this battle. The loss of their great prophets was, however, the least. Three of them, and the last upon the Tallapoosie, fell among those whom they had made believe that no wounds could be inflicted upon them by the whites ; Thid incredible as it may seem, that although they had witnessed a total failure of all their prophecies hitherto, such was the influence those miserable impostors held over the minds of the warriors, that they still believed in their soothsayings, and that their incantations would at last save them, and that they should finally root out the whites and possess their country. Such are the errors of delu sions in all ages it is visible in all history, and will continue to be so until a knowledge of the nature of things shall diffuse itself, and the relation of cause and effect be more extensively known. MONOHOE was one, and we believe the son of Sinquistur was another, who fell in the great battle of Tohopeka. In one of his accounts of the battle, General Jackson observes: "Among the dead was found their famous prophet, Monohooe, shot in the mouth by a grape shot, as if Heaven designed to chastise his impostures by an appropriate punishment." The manner in which he was killed, required but little aid from the whites to satisfy the Indians that he was a false prophet, and it was soon generally believed among them. These prophets were decorated, says Colonel Eaton, " in the most fantastic manner the plumage of various birds about their heads and shoulders; with savage grimaces, and horrid contortions of the body, they danced and howled their cantations." Monohoe, in the very act of divination, muttering to the sun, with eyes almost strained from their sockets, and his limbs distorted in every possible unnatural direction, received his death wound. The faith of the warriors in such abominable fooleries must now have been shaken ; but the Hallibee massacre was alone sufficient to account for their desperation as we have seen, their most submissive offers of peace had been met by the sword all confidence therefore in the humanity and integrity of the whites, had, in their minds, been forfeited. From every appearance it was evident that they had determined to conquer at Tohopeka, or never to survive a defeat ; for they did not, as on former occasions, send away their women and children : about 300 of these were taken. Whether the famous prophet HUlishago, or Francis, were in this battle, is not known. On 18 April, 1814, General Jackson wrote from his camp, at the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosie, saying, " Peter JWQuin has been taken, but escaped ; he must be taken again. Hillishagee, their great prophet, has also absconded ; but he will be found." In this, however, as will be seen, the general was no prophet ; for Francis and M'Queen were both alive in 1817. The friendly Indians rendered the Americans most efficient aid in this battle, and their loss in killed and wounded was greater in proportion to their numbers than that of the whites. In all 23 were killed, and many more were wounded. It was supposed by General Floyd, that in the battle of Autossee he had killed the famous prophet and king of Tallassee, but it turned out not to be so, for he fell into the hands of the Americans afterwards. He was supposed to be a hundred years old, his head being entirely white, and bowed almost to the ground. His name, we believe, was Eneah-thlukkohopoiee. He was taken about the time of Weatherford's surrender ; and but for the protection afforded bim by the whites, their friends, the Creeks, would have put him to death CHAP. VII.] COLBERT. PIAMINGO. 41)1 without mercy But Wealherford had nothing to fear from them : they care fully avoided meetiug, and when any by accident or necessity came into his presence, they were observed to tremble with fear. Such is the difference in the carriage and aspect of men. We will close the present chapter by detailing some particulars in the lives of several distinguished chiefs. It was very seldom that the names of any chiefs appeared in the accounts of the late war, but they were many, especially in the south, and deserved as much notice, and often more than many that did receive it. When the war was over, some of them occasionally visited Washington, and the novelty of their appearance sometimes caused them to receive such notices as follows : " On the 8th ultimo, [Feb. 1816,] arrived Col. Return J. Meigs, the agent of the U. States in the Cherokee nation, with a deputation from ttie nation, con sisting of Col. Isoicry, Maj. Walker, Maj. Ridge, Capt. Taylor, Adjt. Ross, and Kunnesee. These Indians are men of cultivated understandings, were nearly all officers of the Cherokee forces which served under General Jacfoon during the late war, and have distinguished themselves as well by their bravery as by their attachment to the U. States." In June following, another deputation visited the capital of the United States, of whom it was said, their appearance was such as entitled them to the highest respect. The delegates were from the Chickasaws, and consisted of General William Colbert, the great war chief of that nation, Major James Colburt, interpreter ; Ettissue ; Jlfingo, the great warrior ; Jlppasantubbee, a chief; Chastauny and Colleetchee, warriors. Most of these fought for the whites in the south. General Colbert was now aged, having fought with the Americans in St. Clair's army, with seven others of his countrymen ; one of whose names was Piomingo, or the Mountain-lader, of whom we shall pres ently speak. In the late war, while his men were preparing to join the Americans, Col bert, impatient to be unemployed, joined the third regiment of the United States infantry. When he had served with them nine months, he returned to his nation, collected his warriors, and marched to Fort Montgomery on the Alabama, from thence against Pensacola, crossed the Esanibia, and pursued the hostile Creeks almost to Apalachicola, killing many of them, and return ing to Fort Montgomery with 85 prisoners. He and his comrades were no\v at Washington, to obtain a settlement of the boundaries of their country. Accordingly commissioners were sent into their country, and on the 20 Sep tember following, [1816,] a treaty was entered into. In this treaty Colbert is styled Major-General, and by the sixth article of it he was allowed an annuity of 100 dollars during life. His name is not to the treaty of Hopewell, made 10 January, 1786, but that of Piomingo is. To that of Chikasaw Bluffs, 24 October, 1801, instead of his mark, we find W. C., which shows that he had been paying some attention to learning ; but in subsequent treaties his mark again appears. From the circumstance that the name of Piomingo is not seen to any of the treaties after that of Colbert appears, induces the belief that he is the same person, and that, from his attachment to the whites, he took one of their names. Piomingo is thus mentioned by General St. Clair, on his arrival at his quarters. " Oct. 27. Payamingo arrived in camp with his warriors. I was so unwell, could only see him and bid him welcome." " Oct. 29. Payamingo and his people, accompanied by Captain Sparks, and four good riflemen, going on a scout ; they do not propose to return under 10 days." We have no account of the success of the excursion, but they did not join the army again until after the defeat, which took place six days after. As they were proceeding to Fort Jefferson, one of the enemy mistook them for his com panions, and was captured before he discovered his mistake. Piomingo accosted him with harsh language, saying, " Rascal, you have been killing white men!" He then ordered two of his men to extending arms, and a third to shoot him. When this was done, and his scalp taken, they proceeded to join the army. We learn the name of oro other who was with St. Clair. He was callei* 34* 2A 402 MUSHALATUBEE. PUSHAMATA. [BooK jy James Jlnderson, and was brother to the chief John Morris, who, 23 June, 1793, was murdered not above 600 paces from Governor Blounfs house, in Knoxville. He was shot by some unknown persons. The governor ordered him to be buried in the burying-ground of the white people, with military honors. A procession was formed, headed by himself, and he was interred with great respect. In 1793, the Spaniards of Louisiana made large offers to the Chikasaws, to induce them to forsake the Americans; but their offers were treated with contempt, especially by Piomingo. MUSHALATUBEE was a Chikasaw chief, with whom General Lafayette became acquainted in his last visit to this country. His first knowledge of him, as will appear from the following extracts out of M. Levasseur's work, "LAFAYETTE EN AMERIQUE," &c., was at the residence of the "sage of Monticello." Mushalatubee, and Pushamata, a Chocktaw chief, already mentioned, were at Washington when the general arrived there, in December, 1824, being there at the meeting of congress, according to custom, with many other chiefs, to brighten the chain of friendship, receive presents, and make known the wants of their countrymen. At this time Mushalatubee made the following agreeable speech to General Lafayette. " You are one of our fathers. You have fought by the side of the great Washington. We will receive here your hand as that of a friend and father. We have always walked in the pure feelings of peace, and it is this feeling which has caused us to visit you here. We present you pure hands hands that have never been stained with the blood of Americans. We live in a country far from this, where the sun darts his perpendicular rays upon us. We have had the French, the Spaniards and the English for neighbors ; but now we have only the Americans ; in the midst and with whom we live as friends and brothers." Then PUSHAMATA, the first of their chiefs, began a speech in his turn, and expressed himself in these words : " There has passed nearly 50 snows since you drew the sword as a companion of Washington. With him you have combated the enemies of America. Thou hast generously mingled thy blood with that of the enemy, and hast proved thy devotedness to the cause which thou defendedst. After thou hadst finished that war, thou hadst returned into thy country, and now thou comest to revisit that land where thou art honored and beloved in the remembrance of a numerous and powerful peo ple. Thou seest every where the children of those for whom thou hast defended liberty, crowd around thee, and press thy hands with filial affection. We have heard related all these things in the depths of the distant forests, and our hearts have been ravished with a desire to behold thee. We are come, we have pressed thy hand, and we are satisfied. This is the first time that we have seen thee,* and it will probably be the last. We have no more to add. The earth will part us forever." "In pronouncing these last words, the old Indian had in his manner and voice something very solemn. He seemed agitated by some sad presenti ments. We heard of his death a few days after ; he was taken sick, and died before he could set out to return to his own people. When satisfied that his end was approaching, he caused all his companions to be assembled, and he desired them to raise him up, and to put upon him all his ornaments, and bring to him his arms, that his death should be that of a man's. He manifested a desire that at his interment the Americans would do him mili tary honors, and that they would discharge cannon over his grave. They promised him that it should be done ; he then talked freely with his friends, and expired without a groan in the midst of conversation." His monument occupies a place among the great men in the cemetery at Washington. Upon one side is this inscription : * They might not have been introduced to the general when he saw them at Mr. Jefferson's. M. Levasseur says, in speaking of the Indian deputation, " A lew the etaient deux chefc que nous avions vous s'assfoir unjour a la table de. M. Jefferson, pendant noire, sejaur a Monlicello. Je les reconnus & lenrs oreilles decoupees en longues lanieres, garnies de longues lames de plomb." CH^P. VII.] DEATH OF PUSHAM AT A. EPITAPH. 403 'PUSH-MA-TAHA, A CHOCTAW CHIEF, LIES HERE. THIS MONUMENT TO HIS MEMORY IS ERECTED BY HIS BROTHER CHIEFS, WHO WERE ASSOCIATED WITH HIM IN A DELEGATION FROM THEIR NATION IN THE YEAR 1824, TO THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES." And on the other : " PUSH-MA-TAHA WAS A WARRIOR OF GREAT DISTINCTION. H WAS WISE IN COUNCIL, ELOQUENT IN AN EXTRAORDINARY DEGREE ; AND ON ALL OCCA SIONS, AND UNDER ALL CIRCUMSTANCES, THE WHITE MAN'S FRIEND. HE DIED IN WASHINGTON, ON THE 24TH OF DECEMBER, 1824, OF THE CRAMP, IN THE 60TH YEAR OF HIS AGE." That Pushamata, or Pushmataha, was a warrior, has been said. In the late war with England, he assisted in subduing his countrymen at the south. In General Claiborne's army he distinguished himself, particularly in the battle of the Holy Ground, (called by the Indians Eccanachaca,) upon the Alabama River, 80 miles from Fort Claiborue. Here the celebrated Weatherford re sided, also Hillishago the prophet. In the treaty which the chiefs and warriors of the Choktaus held with the U. S. commissioners, 18 October, 1820, " at the treaty ground, in said nation, near Doak's Stand, on the Natches Road," the following passage occurs: " Whereas the father of the beloved chief Mushulatubee, of the lower towns, for and during his life, did receive from the United States the sum of 150 dollars, annually ; it is hereby stipulated, that his son and successor, Mushula tubee, shall annually be paid the same amount during his natural life." Hence it would lead us to suppose, without further investigation, that both the father and son had rendered the country very important services. As has been the case in all former Indian wars, so in the present, every neighboring Indian is viewed with distrust. No sooner had the present existing Seminole war begun, than, by report at least, hundreds of the Creeks were leaving their country for Florida, to join their hostile neighbors. Early this spring, 1836, it was reported far and wide that the Chocktaws had taken up the hatchet. This occasioned a national council to be called, which assembled on the 12 May. The venerable chief MUSHULATUBEE was present, and, among other things, said, " It makes my heart bleed to be accused of this treachery, when it is wdl known I and my tribe have fought side by side with Gen. Wayne, Jackson, and others, against the Seminoles, Creeks and British." HILLISHAGO, or HILLIS HADJO, it appears, survived General Jackson's campaigns, and, not long after, went to England, still hoping to gain assist ance from that nation to enable him to operate with effect against the Ameri cans. He was, upon his return, the immediate instigator and cause of the Seminole war, having taken up his residence among that nation, unable to stay longer in his own country. The belief was imposed upon him by some abandoned English traders, that there was a provision in the treaty of Ghent for the restoration of their country. He received much attention while in England, and some encouragement, but nothing absolute. An English journal thus mentions his arrival : " The sound of trumpets announced the approach of the patriot Francis, who fought so gloriously in our cause in America during the late war. Being drest in a most splendid suit of red and gold, and wearing a tomahawk set with gold, gave him a highly imposing appearance." lie received large presents from the king's stores, but, it is said, that of these he was chiefly defrauded afterwards by the notorious Woodbine, who, it seems, accompanied him in his travels.* Almut the end of November, or beginning of December, 1817, a war party of Seminoles captured an American, and conveyed him immediately to their principal village, called Mikasauky. Here it appears dwelt Francis and hia family. The American, whose name was ftFKrimmon, was ordered to be immediately burnt to death. The stake was set, MKrimmon, with his head * Seminole War Documents, p. 23, published by order of congiess. 404 HORNOTLIMED. NEAMATHLA |BooK IV. shaved, was bound to it, and wood was piled up about him. When the Indians had finished their dance, and the fire was about to be kindled, a daughter of the chief, named Milly, who had been witnessing the preparations with a sad countenance, flew to her father, and, upon her knees, begged that he would spare the prisoner's life ; and it was not until, like the celebrated Pocahontas, she showed a determination to perish with him, that her father consented to prolong his life for the present. It was still his intention, if he could not sell the victim for a certain sum, to have carried his former pur pose into effect ; but on offering him to the Spaniards, at St. Marks, the demanded sum, 7 gallons of rum, was paid for him, and thus his liberation was effected. After Francis fell into the hands of the Americans and was hanged, his family, consisting of a wife and several daughters, surrendered themselves to the Americans at St. Mark's. The youngest daughter, Milly, about fourteen years of age, was treated with great attention by all the officers for having saved the life of JVTKrimmon. She was said to have been very handsome. When M'Krimmon heard of her being among the captives, he went and offered himself to her as a partner. She would not, however, receive him, until satisfied that he was prompted to offer himself from other motives than a sense of the supposed obligation of his life having been saved by her. Mikasauky was the chief rendezvous of the war party, and had been known at least a century by the name of Baton Rouge. This name was given it by the French, and the Anglo-Americans called it the Red Sticks, to avoid *he use of the same name in French. Hence the Indians who made this their quarters, were called Red Sticks. At this period they had revived the practice of setting up poles or sticks, and striping them with red paint, which was only when they intended war. The Americans, not knowing their prac tise, supposed these poles were painted with red stripes in derision of their liberty poles. Mikasauky, now Red Sticks, was upon a border of Mikasauky Lake. HORNOTLIMED, or as General Jackson called him, "HOMATTLEMICO, an old Red Stick," was another principal Seminole chief, whose residence was at Foul Town in the beginning of the war ; but, being driven from thence, he repaired to Mikasauky. Three vessels having arrived at the mouth of the Apalachicola on the 30 November, 1817, with military stores for the supply of the garrison, were, from contrary winds, unable to ascend. Lieutenant Scott was despatched for their assistance, in a boat with forty men. The old chief Hornotlimed, who had just before been driven from Foul Town, by a detachment of General Gaines's army, with a band of his warriors, had concealed themselves in the bank of the river ; and when Lieutenant Scott and his men returned, they fired upon them, and all except six soldiers, who jumped overboard and swam to the opposite shore, were killed. Twenty of the soldiers had been left for the aid of the ascending vessels, and about the same number of women and sick were in their places. These fell into the hands of Hornotlimed and his warriors, who dashed out their brains upon the sides of the boat, took off their scalps, and carried them to Mikasauky, where they exhibited them upon their red pole, in memory of their victory. This chief and his companion, Hillishago, were doomed shortly to expiate with their lives for this massacre. The Mikasauky town was soon after visited by the army, but the Indians had all fled, their red pole was left standing, and the scalps upon it ; many of which were recognized as having been taken from Lieutenant Scott's men. At length a vessel cruising near the mouth of Apalachicola River, to prevent die escape of the Indians in that direction, with English colors displayed, decoyed on board the famous chiefs, Hornotlimed, and the prophet Francis. These the Americans hanged without trial or delay. NEAMATHLA was a warrior of note and renown, before the war of 1812 with Great Britain. He was a Seminole chief; but where his residence was previous to that war we have not heard ; but after the Seminole war, he lived upon .a good estate, at Tallahassee, of which estate a mile square was under improvement. This, in 1823, NeamatUa, at the head of the chiefs of his nation, gave up, with other lands, for the benefit of the United States, by a CHAP. VII.] NEAMATHLA. THE SEM1NOLES. 405 treaty which they made with its agents at M oultrie Creek, in Florida, on the IS September of that year. In an additional article of said treaty, we read " Whereas JVea Matlila, John Blount, Tuski Hajo, Mullato King, Emathlochee, and Econchatimico, six of the principal chiefs of the Florida Indians, and parties to the treaty to which this article has been annexed, have warmly appealed to the commis sioners for permission to remain in the district of country now inhabited by them, and in consideration of their friendly disposition, and past services to the U. States," it was agreed that Neamathla and his followers should have four square miles, embracing Tuphulga village, on Rocky Comfort Creek ; Blount and Hajo a tract on Apalachicola River ; Mullato King and Emathlochee upon the same river ; and Econchatimico on the Chatahoochie. With Nea- mathla there settled 30 men ; with Blount, 43 ; Mullato King, 30 ; with Emath- lochee, 28 ; with Econchatimico, 38 : the other Florida Indians, by the same treaty, were to remove to the Amazura, or Ouithlacooche river, upon the peninsula of Florida. But whether " the other Florida Indians " had any hand in making this treaty, does not appear, though from after circumstances, there is no proba bility that they had. Hence two facts are duly to be considered concerning this transaction, as they have led to fatal mistakes : one is, as it concerns the number of the Seminoles; and it will be asked, Were their numbers greatly underrated, that it might seem that those who made the treaty were the most important part of the nation ? If this problem come out affirmative, then, I say, this mistake, or imposition upon the inhabitants of the United States, has boen a fatal one. The other fact or circumstance resolves itself into another problem, but not more difficult of solution than the other. It may be thus stated : Had these few chiefs any authority to stipulate for, or bind any others but themselves? If not, where is the obligation for them to leave their country and habitations ? But I forbear to pursue this subject further in this place, and will return to Neamathla. The United States agreed by the same treaty to award 500 dollars to Nta- vuithla, as a compensation for the improvements abandoned by him, as well us to meet the expenses of his removal. A word more of the countrymen of Neamatfda, who emigrated to the western coast of the peninsula, before we proceed to other subjects. " The land," says Mr. Williams,* to which they are "legally banished, consists of dry sand ridges and interminable swamps, almost wholly unfit for cultivation : where it has cost the U. States more than their land was worth to support them. They are now in a starving condition ; they have killed the stock of the American settlers, in every part of the territory, to support themselves, already ; and there is no present prospect of their situation becoming im proved." What is calculated to add to their miserable condition, is the limits within which they are restricted ; they are not allowed to go nearer than within 15 miles of the sea. A garrison was established at Tampa to supply them with necessaries, and keep them in order. Recent events, however, had consid erably changed their condition before the commencement of the present dis tressing war, and they are found much more numerous, and far better off, as to resources, than was supposed they could be. A chief, whom the whites called Peter M 1 Queen, has been incidentally mentioned, in our account of the Creek war. His Indian name was TAL.MU- CHES HATCHO, and he belonged to the tribe of Tukabatchie. In 1814 he fled before the Americans under General Jackson, and took up his residence in Florida, and was among others declared an outlaw. In 1817 he was chief of the Tallapoosies, and resided upon the Oklokne or Okoloknee River, and was styled " an old Red Stick." He was one of the 12 Creek chiefs who gave Mr. Alexander Arbuthnott power of attorney to manage their affairs. This was done on the 17 June, 1817. He was a chief of consequence, possessed a valuable property, in lauds and negroes. His effects were seized upon as lawful booty, about the time of his escape from Tukabatchie. A half-breed, by the matte of Barney, shared 10 negroes that had belonged to him, and a chief called * Account of FlcriJa, 72, 73. 406 KING-PAINE IS KILLED IN BATTLE. [Boon IV. Jluchi-liatche, alias Colonel, had 20 more. To the persons who had made plunder of his slaves, he protested, they could have no claim upon him, and that he had never injured them. He therefore applied to Mr. R. Jlrbuthnott, to intercede with the officer at the United States military post, Fort Gaines, for some relief; this he did in a very respectful letter, but with what success, we are as yet unprepared to speak. KING-PAINE was a chief who might have demanded early attention, but who, not having been very conspicuous but in a single affair, has been defer red to this place. Early in 1812, at the head of sundry bands of Seminoles and negroes, who had run away from their American masters, King-paine issued forth in quest of blood and plunder. There were several other chiefs at the same time, (among whom Bow-legs * was conspicuous,) who assisted in making war on the frontiers of Georgia. Whether either or both of the above-named chiefs commanded the daring party, who, on 11 September, 1812, attacked and defeated a small force under Captain Williams, we are not certain ; but it is certain that they commanded a large force soon after, when General Newman marched against them, and fought him with desperation. Captain Williams, with about 20 men, was convoying some loaded wagons towards Davis Creek, and when within about 10 miles of their destination, they were attacked by a party of Indians and negroes, supposed to be 50 in number. Although the whites were few, they protracted the fight until all their ammunition was expended, their captain mortally wounded, and six others slightly. They then effected a retreat, leaving their wagons in the hands of their enemies. Two of the Americans were killed, and, it was sup posed, a much greater number of the enemy. Expecting a force would be soon sent against them, King-paine, with Bow- legs as his lieutenant, marched out from the Lotchway towns, at the head of 150 warriors, as was supposed. They were not disappointed with regard to a force being sent against them, for in the mean time General Newman, f of the Georgia volunteers, marched with 117 men to destroy the Lotchway towns. When he had arrived within about six miles, he fell in with the Indians, all of whom were mounted. It appears the parties met unexpectedly, and no time was lost on either side in preparing for battle. Having dismounted, the Indians advanced a few paces, hoping thereby to intimidate their adversaries ; but Newman, at the same time, ordered his men to charge, which being promptly obeyed, the Indians were put to flight. The battle-ground, being skirted with swamps upon three sides, was advantageous for the operations of the Indians ; nevertheless, before gaining these coverts, a well-directed fire stopped the flight of many, among whom was King-paine himself, and Bow- legs was severely wounded; but this was only the commencement of the fight ; for no sooner was the fall of the great chief known among his men, than they returned and charged in their turn, but were again forced to fly, leaving the body of their leader in the hands of the whites. This, more than any, or all considerations together, wrought up their minds to desperation, and they determined on its recovery, or to sacrifice themselves in the attempt ; and they accordingly returned again to the charge, which, it is said, was met with firmness by the whites, who, after encountering several shocks, again succeeded in routing them ; but they immediately returned again, with greater fury than before, and with greater success ; for they obliged the Americans to give ground in their turn, and after some time spent in this most desperate work, they succeeded in recovering the body of King-paine, and carried it off. Their loss in the several charges was unknown, but supposed by the whites to have been about 30 ; while, on their own side, they report but one killed and nine wounded. This fight was on the 26 September, and lasted about four hours. * To a document exhibited in the trial of Arbiitlmott and Ambrister, his name is signed BOLECK. This was probably his real name, which required but a slight corruption to change it into Bow-legs. t Thomson (Hist. War, 51) writes this officer's name Nnnnan ; but Brinnan, Perkins, and Brackenridge, all write it as in the text. There is a town in Florida ca.'ed Neienansville. where a newspaper is printed. CHAP. VII. J GURISTERSIGO. HIS BATTLE WITH GEN. WAYNE. 407 The \\hites were greatly distressed after this fight, for the Indians were reinforced, and harassed them until the 4 October, when they gave up the business and retired. General Neivman, having thrown up a slight work, was able to prevent being entirely cut off, and at length retreated out of the coun try. The Indians did not give up the siege until they had been pretty severely cut up. The whites, by concealing themselves on the night of the 3d, made them believe they had abandoned their fort ; and they came up to it in a body without apprehending danger; when on a sudden they received a most deadly fire, and immediately fled. We shall close this chapter with some revolutionary and other matters. The Cherokees had engaged not to operate with the British, towards the close of the war ; and what is very singular, all the time that the greatest successes attended the British arms, they strictly adhered to their engagement ; and it was not until the fortune of war had changed, and the Americans had become masters of nearly all the country, that many of the ill-fated Indians, instigated, no doubt, by abandoned white desperadoes, fell upon the settlement called Ninety Six, killing many persons, and burning several houses. Upon this, General Pickens took the field, at the head of a band of mounted men, and in about five weeks following the 10 September, 1781,* finished this Cherokee war, in which 40 Indians were killed, 13 towns destroyed, and a great number of men, women and children taken prisoners, f A white man by the name of Waters was supposed to have been the prime mover of the Indians, who with a few of them fled through the Creek country into Florida, and made good their escape. On 17 October, 12 chiefs and 200 warriors met General Pickens at Long Swamp Creek, and a treaty was concluded, by which Georgia acquired a large accession of territory. J We have next to relate the bold exploits of a Creek warrior, of the r.ame Guristersigo. The British held possession of Savannah, in June, 1782, and General Wayne was sent there to watch their motions. On the 21 May, Col onel Brown marched out of Savannah to meet, according to appointment, a band of Indians under Emistessigo, or Guristersigo. But some difficulty among the Indians had delayed their march, and the movement ofBroim was disastrous in the extreme. General Wayne, by a bold manoeuvre, cut off his retreat, fell upon him at midnight, killed 40 of his men, took 20 prisoners, and the rest escaped only under cover of darkness. In this fight Wayne would not permit a gun to be fired, and the execution was effected wholly with the sword and bayonet ; the flints having been previously taken from the soldiers' guns. Meanwhile, Emistessigo was traversing the whole transverse extent of Geor gia, (strange as it may seem,) without being discovered, except by two boys, who were taken and killed. It was the 24 June, however, before "he arrived in the neighborhood of General Wayne, who was encamped about five miles from Savannah. Wayne did not expect an attack, especially by Indians, and consequently was completely surprised. But being well seconded by his officers, and happily resorting to his favorite plan of fighting, extricated him self from imminent danger, and put the Indians to flight, after a hard-fought battle. The plan adopted by the Indian chief, though simple, was wise ; but in its execution he lost some time, which was fatal to him. He captured two of Wayiuft cannon, and while endeavoring to turn them upon the Americans, they had time to rally. And, as the sword and bayonet were only used by them, no chance was left the Indians to take advantage of position from the flashes of the guns of their adversaries. If Wayne merited censure for being taken thus unprepared, he deserved it quite as much for exposing himself in the fight beyond what prudence required ; but more than all, for putting to death 12 prisoners who had been decoyed into his power, after the fight. The severest part of the action was fought at the cannons. Emistessigo was oath to relinquish such valuable trophies, and he did it only with his life. * Johnson's Life of Green, ii. 347. f Lee's Memoirs. 382, 383. ; Johnson's Life of Green, ii. 348. $ Lee. Dr. Holmes writes Emistessigo. Annals, ii. 310. 408 GRANGULAKOPAK. BIG WARRIOR. [Boox IV. Seventeen of his warriors fell by his side, besides his white guides. lie received a spear and two bayonets in his body before he fell, and encouraged his warriors to the last. When he began to faint, he retired a few steps, and calmly laying himself down, breathed his last without a groan or struggle. This chief was six feet three inches high, weighing about 220 pounds, bear ing a manly and expressive countenance, and 30 years of age ; and General Lee adds, " Guristersigo died, as he had lived, the renowned warrior of the Overhill Creeks." In this singular affair but 12 Americans were killed and wounded. Among the plunder taken from the Indians were 117 packhorses, laden with peltry. Exertions were made to capture those warriors that es caped from the attack on Wayne's camp, but so well did they understand the country, that not one of them was taken. Although not in the order of time, we will introduce here one of the earliest advocates for temperance that we have met with among the Indians. This person, though a Creek, was a descendant, by his own account, of the renown ed Grangula. His name was Onuglikallydaivwy-grangulakopak. All we know of his history, can be told in a few words, and but for one speech of his which happened to be preserved, even his name we had never perhaps heard. That he lived in 1748, and was eminent for his good morals, except the speech, before mentioned, is all we know of him. As to the speech, which is so highly extolled, it has, like numerous others, we are of opinion, passed through too many hands to be considered by all who may meet with it as genuine ; never theless, throwing aside all the unmeaning verbiage with which it is encumbered, an Indian speech might remain that would be read with pleasure. As it stands in the work before us,* its length excludes it from our pages, and we shall select but few sentences. It was delivered in a great council of the Creek nation, and taken down in short hand by some white present, and about four years after came into the hands of an agent of Sir JVilliam Johnson, thence into the hands of sundry others. "FATHERS, BRETHREN, AND COUNTRYMEN. We are met to deliberate. Upon what ? Upon no less a subject, than whether we shall, or shall riot be a people!" "I do not stand up, O countrymen! to propose the plans of war, or to direct the sage experience of this assembly in the regulation of our alli ances: your wisdom renders this unnecessary for me." "The traitor, or rather the tyrant, I arraign before you, O Creeks ! is no native of our soil ; hut rather a lurking miscreant, an emissary of the evil principle of darkness. 'Tis that pernicious liquid, which our pretended WHITE FRIENDS artfully introduced, and so plentifully pour in among u.s!" "O, ye Creeks! when I thunder in your ears this denunciation ; that if this cup of perdition continues to rule among us, with sway so intemperate, YE will cease to be a nation ! Ye will have neither heads to direct, nor hands to protect you. While this diabolical juice undermines all the powers of your bodies and minds, with inoffensive zeal, the warrior's enfeebled arm will draw the bow, or launch the spear in the day of battle. In the day of council, when national safety stands suspended on the lips of the hoary sachem, he will shake his head with uncollected spirits, and drivel the babblings of a second childhood." The above, though not a third of the speech, contains chief of all that was intended to be conveyed in several pages. A true Indian speech need not here be presented to show the difference of style between them ; but as we have a very good one, by the famous Creek chief, BIG-WARRIOR, not elsewhere noticed, it shall be laid beibre the reader. It was delivered at the time Gen eral Jackson was treating with the Creeks, about the close of the last war with England, and was in reference, as will be seen, to the conditions demanded of the vanquished. And, although Big-warrior was the friend of the Americans, yet he now felt for his countrymen, and after saying many other things, con cluded as follows : " The president, our father, advises us to honesty and fairness, and promises * Sermons, &,c., by Reverend William Smith. CHAP. VII.] BIG WARRIOR'S SPEECH TO JACKSON. 409 that justice shall be done : I hope and trust it will be ! I made this war, which has proved so fatal to my country, that the treaty entered into a long time ago, with father WASHINGTON, might not be broken. To his friendly arm I hold fast. I will never break that bright chain of friendship we made together, and which bound us to stand to the U. States. He was a father to tlic Muscogee people ; and not only to them, but to all the people beneath the sun. His talk I now hold in my hand. There sits the agent he sent among us. Never has he broken the treaty. He has lived with us a long time. He has seen our children born, who now have children. By his direction, cloth was wove, and clothes were made, and spread through our country ; but the RED STICKS came, and destroyed all ; we have none now. Hard is our situation ; and you ought to consider it. I state what all the nation knows : nothing will I keep secret. There stands the little warrior. While we were seeking to give satisfaction for the murders that had been committed, he proved a mischief-maker ; he went to the British on the lakes ; he came back, and brought a package to the frontiers, which increased the murders here. This conduct has already made the war party to suffer greatly ; but, although almost destroyed, they will not yet open their eyes, but are still led away by the British at Pensacola. Not so with us. We were rational, and had our senses. We yet are so. In the war of the revolution, our father beyond the waters encouraged us to join him, and we did so. We had no sense then. The promises he made were never kept. We were young and foolish, and fought with him. The British can no more persuade us to do wrong. They have deceived us once, and can do it no more. You are two great people. If you go to war, we will have no concern in it ; for we are not able to fight. \Ve wish to be at peace with every nation. If they offer me arms, I will say to them, You put me in danger, to war against a people born in our own land. They shall never force us into danger. You shall never see that our chiefs are boys in council, who will be forced to do any thing. I talk thus, knowing that father WASHINGTON advised us never to interfere in wars. He told us that those in peace were the happiest people. He told us, that if an enemy attacked him, he had warriors enough, and did not wish his red children to help him. If the British advise us to any thing, I will tell you not hide it from you. If they say we must fight, I will tell them, No." He had previously spoken of the causes of the war, and of the sufferings it had brought upon them, but asked indulgence from compassion. The fine tract of country, now the state of Alabama, was argued for by Shelokta, another famous chief, who had large claims on the whites, but Jackson would not concede. This chief had rendered them the greatest services in the war, and appealed to Jackson's feelings, by portraying the dangers they had passed together, and his faithfulness to him in the most trying scenes ; but all availed nothing. BIG WARRIOR was a conspicuous chief for many years. In 1821, one of his nation undertook to accompany a Mr. Lucas as a guide, and killed him by the way. Complaint was immediately made to Big-warrior, who ordered him to be executed without delay. In 1824 he was the most noted among the opposers of the missionaries. In this it was thought he was influenced by the Indian agents, which opinion was perhaps strengthened from the fact that a sub-agent, Captain H r alker, had married his daughter. He was head chief of the nation when General M'lntosh forfeited his life by breaking the law of the nation in selling a part of the Creek country. The troubles of his nation having brought him to Washington, at the head of a delegation, he fell sick and died there, 8 March, 1825.* He was a man of colossal stature, and pro portionate physical powers ; and it is said " his mind was as colossal as his hotly," and that he had done much towards improving the condition of his countrymen. He had a son named Tuskehenaha. * NUes's Register, xxviii. 48. By a passage in the report of a committee of congress on he Creek affairs in 1827, it would seem that Big-warrior died as early as February. 35 410 GROUNDS OF THE SEMINOLE WAR. [Bc*)K IV. CHAPTER VIII. Grounds of trie Scmmole War Circumstances of those Indians misunderstood Just, ness of the War NEAMATHLA deposed Treaties Of Moultrie Creek Payne's Landing Council at Camp King Is broken up by OSCEOLA It is renewed, and a party agree to emigrate OSCEOLA'S opposition Is seized and put in irons Feigns a submission and is released Executes an agreement to comply with the demands of the whites The physical condition of the Indians. HAVING, in a former chapter of this our fourth book, given many of the necessary particulars for a right understanding of the former Florida war, it will not be necessary here to repeat the same, and we shall, therefore, proceed at once to a notice of the grounds of the present war with the Indians in that region. It has been formerly said, that nearly all the Indian wars have the same origin ; and, on attentively examining the subject, it will be found that the remark has much of truth in it. The Seminoles of Florida have been found quite different from what they had been supposed. Every body had consid ered them a mere outcast remnant, too much enfeebled by their proximity to the whites, to be in the least dreaded in a war. Indeed, such conclusion was in perfect accordance with the accounts which were circulated among intelli gent people ; but the truth seems to be, people have always been misinformed on the subject, owing chiefly to the ignorance of their informers. Nor is it strange that misinformation should be circulated, when it is considered that the very agents who lived among them, and those who made treaties with them, could not give any satisfactory account as to their numbers or other circumstances. General Jackson, in 1817 and 18, made an easy matter of ravaging a part of Florida. His being opposed but by very few Indians, led to the belief that there were but few in the countiy. The war of 1814 was then too fresh in their recollections to suffer them to adventure too much, and the probability is, that but few could be prevailed upon to join in a war again so soon. .Hence, one of two conclusions must now evidently be fixed upon, either that the Seminole Indians were much more numerous, 20 years ago, than what was supposed, or that they have increased very considerably within that time. For my part, I am convinced that both conclusions are correct. When we are told, that at such a time, and such a place, commissioners of the United States government met a delegation of the principal chiefs of the Southern Indians, and made a treaty, the articles of which were satisfactory to the Indians, two or three queries present themselves for solution ; as, by w/mt means have the chiefs been got together ; what other chiefs and princi pal men are there belonging to such a nation, who did not participate in the business of the treaty. Anxious to effect their object, commissioners have sometimes practised unwarrantable means to obtain it ; especially in encour aging sales of territory by a minority of chiefs, or gaining their consent to a removal by presents. In the early part of the present war, the number of Seminole warriors was reckoned, by persons upon the spot, at 2000 ; but they have generally, since that period, been rated higher. But it is my opinion, that 2000 able men, led by such a chief as Osceola has proved himself to be, are amply sufficient to do all that has bi-cn done on the part of the Indians in Florida, in 1835 and 6. There can be but one opinion, among discerning people, of the justness of the present war, as it appears to me ; nevertheless, however unjustly created, on the part of the whites, the most efficient measures should have been taken, in its earliest stages, for its suppression ; because, the sooner it is ended, the fewer will be the sacrifices of lives ; to say nothing of the concomitant suffer ings of individuals, and destructions of property. It has been frequently asked, what the executive and the congress of the nation have been about all this time ! A few soldiers have been sent to Florida at a time ; some have been cut off, and the services of others rendered abortive, by some childish bickerings among their officers about " precedency of rank." But whose fault Seminole War Chief CHAP. VIII.] NF.AMATHLA DEPOSED. TREATIES. 411 il is that those officers should have been there under commissions c in structions of such a nature as to set them in such an awkward puaili ~t in respect to each other, I will not take upon me to state, the facts Leii g of sufficient notoriety. A writer has given the following facts relative to the Seminoles recently, and, as they are suited to my course of remarks, I give them in his own words : " Shortly after the cession, [of Florida to the U. S.] a treaty was made by which the Seminoles consented to relinquish by far the better part of their lands, and retire to the centre of the peninsula, a quarter consisting for the most part of pine barrens of the worst description, and terminating towards the south in unexplored and impassable marshes. When the time came for the execution of the treaty, old Neha Mathla, the head of the tribe, thought it savored too much of the cunning and whiskey of the white man, and summoned his warriors to resist it. Gov. Duval, who succeeded Gen. Jackson in the chief magistracy of this territory, broke in upon his war council, deposed the war leaders, and elevated the peace party to the chieftaincies. The Seminoles retired peaceably to the territory assigned them, and old JVeha Mathla retired to the Creeks, by whom he was raised to the dignity of a chief." The next event of considerable moment in the history of the Seminoles, is the treaty of Payne's Landing. Of this affair I am able to speak in the lan guage of the principal agent in it, on the part of the whites. The individual to whom I refer, General Wiley Thompson, will be particularly noticed here after, from the melancholy fate which he met in the progress of this war. I have, in a previous chapter, spoken of the treaty at Moultrie Creek ; but, before going into the particulars of that at Payne's Landing, it will be neces sary to make a few additional observations. The Indians who consented to that treaty, by such consent agreed " to come under the protection of the U. States, to give up their possessions, and remove to certain restricted boundaries in the territory, the extreme point of which was not to be nearer than 15 miles to the sea coast of the Gulf of Mexico. For any losses to which they might be subjected by their removal, the government agreed to make liberal donations, also to provide implements of husbandry, schools, &c., and pay an annuity of 5000 dollars for 20 years ; besides which there were presents of corn, meat, &c. &c. It was required of the Indians that they should prevent absconding slaves from taking refuge among them, and they were to use all proper exer tions to apprehend and deliver the same to their proper owners." Our account next goes on to state, that the harmony which existed at the conclusion of this treaty was very great, and that the Indians were so well satisfied with its provisions, "that they had a clause expressly inserted, by which the United States agent, Major Gad. Humphreys, and the interpreter, Richards, were to have each one mile square, in fee simple, as a mark of the confidence they reposed in these officers of the government." Before this treaty was carried into effect, the Indians were intruded upon, and they gradually began to be rather slow in the delivery of the runaway negroes. Clamors were therefore loud against them, and difficulties followed, hi quick succession, for several years. At length it was determined that the Seminoles should be, somehow or other, got out of Florida, and the treaty of Payne's Landing was got up for this object. Accordingly, in 1832, on the 9th of May, a treaty was entered into " on Ocklawaha River, known by the name of the treaty of Payne's Landing, by which they stipulated to relinquish all their possessions in Florida, and ^migrate to the country allotted to the Creeks, west of the Mississippi ; in con sideration of which the government was to pay 15,400 dollars, on their arrival at their new home, and give to each of the warriors, women and children one blanket and one homespun frock. The whole removal was stipulated to take place within three years after the ratification." What object the government could have had in view by stipulating that the Indians should deliver into its hands all their cattle and horses, previous to their emigration, I know not, unless it was the intention of its agents to speculate in stocks ; or perhaps the mode by which the Indians were to l>e transported, would not admit of their being transported with them. Be this 412 EXECUTIONS. COUNCIL AT CAMP KING. [Boos IV. as it might, we shall see that this stock affair was among the beginning of the sparks of war. It appears that between 1832 and 1834, it had become very apparent that no removal was intended by the Indians ; and it was equally apparent that those who had engaged a removal for the nation, were not the first people in it, and, consequently, a difficulty would ensue, let the matter be urged when it would. General Thompson was the government agent in Florida, and lie (whether with advice or without, I am not informed) thought it best to have a talk with some of the real head men of the nation, upon the subject of removal, which he effected about a year before the time of removal expired, namely, in the fall of 1834. Meanwhile, the chief who had been put in the place of Neamathla, by Gov ernor Duval, had been executed, by some of the nation, for adhering to the whites, and advocating a removal beyond the Mississippi. The name of the chief executed upon this account was Hicks. To him succeeded one named Charles, or, as he is sometimes called, Charles Omathla, and he shared the same fate not long after. Nine warriors came into his council, and learning that he insisted upon a removal, shot nine bullets through his heart! No more doubt ful characters were now raised to the chieftaincy, but a warrior, named Louis, well known for his hostility to the whites, was made chief. In the council which General Thompson got together for the purpose of holding a talk, as has been remarked, appeared OSCEOLA, and several other distinguished chiefs. This council was held at Fort King, and was opened by General Thompson in a considerable speech, wherein he endeavored to convince the Indians of the necessity of a speedy removal ; urging, at the same time, that their own safety, as well as that of their property, required it ; and requested their answer to the subject of his discourse, which he presented in form of propositions. " The Indians retired to private council, to discuss the subject, when the present young and daring chief Jlceola (Powell) [OSCEOLA] addressed the council, in an animated strain, against emigration, and said that any one who should dare to recommend it should be looked upon as an enemy, and held responsible to the nation. There was something in his manner so impressive and bold, that it alarmed the timid of the council ; and it was agreed, in private talk, that the treaty should be resisted. When this was made known to the agent, he made them a long and eloquent harangue, setting forth the dangers that surrounded them if they were subjected to the laws of the palefaces, where a red man's word would not be taken ; that the whites might make false charges against them, and deprive them of their negroes, horses, lands, &c. All this time Jlceola was sitting by, begging the chiefs to remain firm." When this was finished, a chief, named " HOLATEE Mico, said the great Spirit made them all they had come from one woman and he hoped they would not quarrel, but talk until they got through." The next chief who spoke was named MICANOPEE. He was the king of the nation. All he is reported to have said was, that he had no intention to remove. " POWELL then told the agent he had the decision of the chiefs, and that the council was broken up. In a private talk, an old chief said he had heard much of his great father's regard for his red children. It had come upon his ears, but had gone through them ; he wanted to see it with his eyes ; that he took land from other red skins to pay them for theirs, and by and by he would take that also. The white skins had forked tongues, and hawks' fingers ; that David Blount told him the people in the great city made an Indian out of paint, and then sent after him and took his lands, (alluding to the likenesses of the chiefs, in the war department, at Washington.) He wanted, he said, to sleep in the same land with his fathers, and wished his children to sleep by his side." The plea set up, that Spain ceded Florida to the United States in 1819, without any provision for those Indians, need only to be noticed to show its absurdity. It is worthy of remark, that when the right of the Seminoles to the lands of Florida was talked about, the idea was derided by many influential men ; but when such persons desired to take possession of some of the territory, they seemed more inclined to acknowledge the Indians' rights by agreeing to pay them for them, than of exercising either their own right, or that CHAP. VIII.] OSCEOLA IS PUT IN IRONS. 413 of the United States, by taking unceremonious possession. This can be accounted for in the same way that we account for one's buying an article that he desires, because he dares not take it without. When a removal was first urged upon the Seminole Indians, their chiefa said, "Let us see what kind of a country this is of which you talk, then if we like it, it is time enough to exchange ours for it." But it is said, the govern ment agent had no authority to authorize a deputation of Indians to visit the promised land, and here the matter rested awhile. How long after this it was, I shall not undertake to state, that the Indians made known their desire of exchanging their country ; but this was said to have been the fact, and the result was the treaty of Payne's Landing, already described. It appears that General Thompson, nothing discouraged at the result of the council which had been terminated by the wisdom of Osceola, without the slightest concurrence in any of his measures, by unceasing efforts had pre vailed upon a considerable number of "chiefs and sub-chiefs to meet him afterwards and execute a writing, agreeing to comply with the treaty of 1832." This was evidently done without Osceola's consent, but its being done by some whom he had considered his partisans, irritated him exceedingly. He now saw that in spite of all he could do or say, the whites would get terms of agreement of some of the Indians ; enough, at least, for a pretence for their designs of a removal. In this state of things, Osceola remonstrated strongly with the agent for thus taking the advantage of a few of his people, who doubtless were under much greater obligation to him than to the people of the United States. Remon strance soon grew into altercation, which ended in a ruse de guerre, bv which Osceola was made prisoner by the agent, and put in irons, in which situation he was kept one night and part of two days. Here then we see the origin of Osceola's strong hatred to General Thompson, While lying in chains he no doubt came to the fixed resolution to resist the whites to his utmost ability, and therefore, with perfect command over himself, dissembled his indignation, and deceived the agent by a pretended compliance witli his demands. The better to blind the whites, he not only promised to sign the submission which he had so strongly objected to, but promised that his friends should do so, at a stated time ; and his word was kept with the strictest accuracy. He came to Fort King with 79 of his people, men, women, and children, and then the signing took place. This punctuality, accompanied witli the most perfect dissimulation, had the effect that the chief intended it should the dissipation of all the fears of the whites. These transactions were in the end of May and beginning of June, 1835. Thus we have arrived very near the period of open hostilities and blood shed ; but before proceeding in the details of these sanguinary events, it may not be improper to pause a moment in reviewing some of the matters already touched upon. The first to which the attention is naturally called, is so prominent as scarcely to need being presented, but I cannot refrain asking attention to a comparison between the number of " chiefs and sub-chiefs, (which was SIXTEEN) who on the 23 April, 1835, agreed to "acknowledge the validity of the treaty of 9 May, 1832," and the number of warriors and chiefg now in open hostility. These have not been rated below 2000 able men. Does any body suppose that those 16 " chiefs and sub-chiefs," (among whom \\.-is not the "king of the nation" nor Osceola,) had full power to act for 2000 warriors on so extraordinary an occasion ? The question, in my mind, need only be stated ; especially when it is considered how ignorant every body was of the actual force of these Indians. It will doubtless be asked, how it happens that the Indians of Florida, who, a few years since, were kept from starving by an appropriation of congress, should now be able to maintain themselves so comfortably in their fastnesses. The truth undoubtedly is, that the "starving Indians" were those then lately forced down into the peninsula, who had not yet learned the resources of the country ; for not much has been said about the "starving Indians of Florida" for several years past. In addition to the great amount of cattle, hogs, corn, grain, &c. taken 414 DEVASTATIONS BEGIN. [BOOK IV from the whites, from the commencement of the war to the present time, the Seminoles make flour of a certain root, called coouty, upon which they can subsist without inconvenience for a considerable length of time, which is of incalculable advantage to them in their war operations. The strength of the Indians has been not a little augmented by the blacks. Some accounts say there are 800 among them, some of whom have joined them, on absconding from their white owners ; but it is well known that the Florida Indians own many slaves. Old Micanopy is said to have 80. ffft CHAPTER IX. The Indians prepare for war Jljfair of Hogtown A mail-carrier killed Sales of the Indians' cattle and horses advertised by the Indian agent, but none takes place Burnings and murders are committed Settlement at New River destroyed Re markabte preservation of a Mr. Godfrey's family Colonel Warren's defeat Swamp fight Destruction of New Smyrna Defeat and death of Major DADE, with the destruction of nearly his whole party Visit to his battle-ground. FROM April until harvest time, preparations had gone on among the Indians, and they only waited for the whites to begin to compel a removal, when the blow should be struck. The time allowed them over and above the three years, to prepare for their journey to the prairies of the Arkansaw, was spent in making ready to resist at the termination of it. As early, however, as the 19 June, 1835, a serious affray took place between some whites and Indians, at a place called Hogtown, not far from Mickasauky in which the former were altogether the aggressors. The Indians, about seven in number, were discovered by a gang of whites, hunting " beyond their bounds," upon whom they undertook to inflict corporal punishment. Two of the Indians were absent when the whites came up to them, and they seized and disarmed them, and then began to whip them with cowhide whips. They had whipped four, and were in the act of whipping the fifth, when the other two Indians came up. On seeing what was going on, they raised the war-whoop and fired upon the whites, but whether they received any injury, we are not told ; but they immediately returned the fire, and killed bo'.h the Indians. When General Thompson was made acquainted with the affair, he summoned the chiefs together, and stated the facts to them, and they disclaimed all knowledge of it, and, it is said, agreed to deliver the offenders into the hands of the whites, to be dealt with according to their laws. This must be taken as the story of the whites ; for in this case they, and not the Indians, were the " offenders." It was altogether a singular report, that after the Indians had all been whipped and killed, they should be required to give up the offenders ; but such was stated to be the fact, and I know not that it has been contradicted. Frequent signs of uneasiness had been manifested during the summer among the Indians, some of whom could not be restrained from acts of vio lence by the chiefs, although, it is pretty evident, such acts were against their advice. A mail-carrier was killed and robbed between St. Augustine and Camp King, and two or three houses had from time to time been broken open in different places ; but it is not impossible but that these acts might have been committed by other people than Indians. However, the Indians were mistrusted, and not only mistrusted, but reported as the perpetrators ; and whether they were or not is but of small moment, as affairs turned out. Things remained in this state until December following, when the Indian agent notified such of the Indians as he was able, that their time had expired, and that they must forthwith prepare for their journey over the Mississippi, and to that end must bring in their cattle and horses according to the terms of the treaty. And so confident was lie that they would be brought in, that lie had advertised them for sale, and the 1st and loth of the month were the JHAP. IX.] ESCAPE OF MRS. GODFREY. 415 lays in which the sales were to be made. The appointed daj's passed, and no Indians appeared ; and it was immediately discovered that they had sent then vomen and children into the interior, and the warriors were marching from place to place with arms in their hands, ready to strike. Consternation and dismay was depicted on the countenances of the bor dering whites, and they began to fly from their dwellings, which were imme diately destroyed by the Indians. One of the first places attacked was the plantation of Captain Priest, the buildings on which were burned. Small companies of whites were immediately organized for scouring the country. One of these was fired upon by some Indians in ambush, who wounded two, one supposed mortally, and a son of Captain Priest had his horse killed under him. Soon after, as 30 or 40 men were at work getting out ship-timber on Drayton's Island, in Lake George, they were fired upon and driven from the place. None were wounded, although the bullets passed through the clothes of some of them. On the 5th of Jan. 1836, a small party, supposed to be about 30, of Indians struck a fatal blow on a poor family at New River, which is about 22 miles to the north of Cape Florida. It was the family of the light-house keeper of this pla":e, named Cooley. And what renders the case peculiarly aggravating is, that this family, like that of Clark, at Eel River near Plimouth, in Philip's war, were, and had always been, on terms of great intimacy with the very Indians who destroyed them. Mr. Cooley, being absent when the attack was made, escaped the butchery. The number murdered was six, one of whom was a man named Flinton, from Cecil county, Maryland, who had been hired as a family teacher, his mother, wife, and three children. Flinton he found shockingly mutilated, apparently with an axe ; his two older children were lying near him shot through the heart, with the books they were using at the time they were murdered by their sides; from which circumstance it is evident they met death at the same moment they knew of the vicinity of the foe. His wife, with the other child at her breast, he found about 100 yards from the others, both apparently killed by the same bullet. Mrs. Cooley had formerly been a captive among the Indians, understood their language, as did one of the children, a boy, and both were much liked by them. Here the Indians found a rich booty. They carried off about 12 barrels of provisions, 30 hogs, 3 horses, 480 dollars in silver, one keg of powder, above 200 pounds of lead, and 700 dollars worth of dry goods. A family of several persons in the neighborhood of CooZet/'s, witnessed the murder, and barely made their escape. Also another, that of the widow Rig- ley ; herself, two daughters and a son ; these escaped by flight to Cape Florida. Here were soon gathered about 60 persons, who had escaped from along the coast, and not being able to subsist long for want of provisions, made a signal of distress, and were soon discovered by a vessel, which took them to St. Augustine. There was, among the families who fled to save their lives about this time, one, very remarkably preserved. The family of Thomas Godfrey, viz. his wife and four female children, having escaped to a swamp unobserved, were relieved by a negro, about the end of the fourth day. This man was drawn to the spot by the moans of one of the children, whose poor famished mother could no longer give it its usual support at the breast. This negro belonged to the hostile Indians, and came upon these sufferers with an uplifted axe ; but when he saw the children in their distress, his arm was unnerved by the recollection that his own children were then in the power of the whites. He therefore came to the humane resolution of setting them at liberty, which could not be done, without great hazard, for the Indians were yet in posses sion of all the adjacent country ; but he directed them to remain as quiet as possible until night, when he would bring them something to eat. This he did, and also brought them blankets to sleep upon. The next day a company of mounted whites dispersed the Indians, and the negro conveyed Mrs. Godfrey and her children in sight of them, and then made his escape. The husband of Mrs. Godfrey had some time before been ordered out in defence s>f the country. Nothing but devastations of the most alarming and destructive charactei 416 DESTRUCTION OF NEW SMYRNA. f BOOK IV. to have occurred in the region of East Florida, so long as there was a place left, which was not strong enough to withstand an attack. About the 18 of December, Colonel Warren, at the head of a small detach ment of his regiment, was ordered to convoy a train of wagons loaded with provisions and munitions from St. Augustine to the main body, which was encamped at Fort Croom, near Micanopifs town. While on their march they were attacked by a superior force of Indians, who killed 8 or 10 of them, and put the rest to flight, almost in sight of the force they were sent to relieve. All the wagons fell into the hands of the Indians, which, after taking from them what they desired, broke them up and burnt them. On the 20 of December, as General Call, with the Middle Florida troops, was marching for Fort Draine, his advanced guard discovered a house on fire near Micanopy, and a trail of Indians was discovered leading to a pond, which was full of bushes and logs. This pond the whites nearly encircled, and although at first no Indians were seen, yet the flashes of their guns soon pointed out their hiding-places, and considerable firing ensued on both sides ; but the fire of the Indians was soon silenced, and on searching the bog four Indians were found dead, but all the others, if there were any more, had effected their escape. In this swamp fight, three whites were badly wounded, and one killed. On the 26 of December, a band of about 100 Indians, under a chief named PHILIP, and a number of Indian negroes, made an attack on New Smyrna, to the south of Mosquito Inlet, on the east side of the Peninsula, where they found nothing to obstruct their ravages. They began with the house of Mr. Dunham, which when they had plundered, "parties of them scattered about the neighboring plantations of Cruger, Depeyster, and Hunter. The Indian negro, John Cctsar, endeavored to decoy Mr. Hunter from his house, on pre tence of selling him cattle and horses ; he, however, having heard by his negroes that large numbers of Indians were about, and in the afternoon he crossed the river to Colonel Dummefs. The Indians held possession of Dun- ^ni's house all day, and about one the next morning set it on fire, together with all the out-buildings. In the course of the 27, they burned and destroyed all the buildings on Cruger's and Depeyster's plantations except a corn-house, and, on Hunter's, all except a corn-house. They now crossed over the river to Colonel Dummefs house, and after destroying every thing in it, set that on fire, but from some cause the fire did not burn it. They next burnt the house of Mr. Ratdijf, a little to the north of Colonel Dummefs, and broke and destroyed the lantern and every thing belonging to the light-house." The war having now become serious, and the Indians no longer looked upon as a despicable foe, the most melancholy forebodings were entertained for the very existence of the strongest places in Florida, and the call for protection from that quarter had become loud and frequent ; but notwith standing war had been expected all the preceding autumn, no effectual meas ures had been taken by the proper authorities to check the Indians in such an event. There had, however, late in December, arrived at Fort Brooke a small number of United States' troops under Major Bade, of the 4th regiment of infantry, the official account of whose operations and defeat, I give as follows, in the language of Major Belton. It should be observed, that Major Dade was detached for the relief of General Clinch at Camp King, who was supposed to be in the most imminent danger from the Indians, and also in great want of supplies. His despatch was dated at Fort Brooke, 1 January, 1836, and proceeds as follows : " The schooner Motto arrived on the 21 December from Key West, with brevet Major Dade and his company, A infantry, 39 strong, with a small supply of musket-ball cartridges, after looking in at several points between the Key and this place. Being thus reinforced, I hesitated no longer to put Gardiner's company, C 2d artillery, and Frazer's company, B 3d infantry, in motion for Fort King, pursuant to General Clinch's orders ; which movement had been ordered on the 16th, and suspended the same day, on account of intelligence 1 had received of the force of the Mickasukies, and their strong position, near the forks of the Wythlacoochee. I despatched the public schooner Motto on 23d, with Lieutenant Duncan, 2d artillery, to Kev West CHAP. EX.] DEFEAT OF MAJOR DADE. 417 for a battery of two twelve-pounders, and such stores as could be serviceable ; and at 6 o'clock, on 24th, the companies, Gardiner's and Frazier's, made fifty bayonets each, by details from those companies remaining here, and with one of the two six-pounders of this post with four oxen, I had ordered to be purchased, one light wagon and ten days' provisions were put in march. " The first halt of this command was at Little Hillsboro' River, seven miles from this post, the bridge of which I had reconnoitred by Indians of Emathla's band the day before. From this I heard from Maj. Dade pressing me to forward the six-pounder, by all means, it having been left by the failure of the team four miles out. I accordingly ordered the purchase of three horses and harness, and it joined the column at nine that night On the night of the 24th, I heard that the transport with Maj. Mountford and com pany, long and anxiously expected, was in the bay. I sent at one o'clock a letter to him, (received at day-light) by an Indian express, urging him on. He landed with his strong company on the 25th about noon, and informed me that Legate's company, under Lieut. Grayson, nearly full, must be near at hand. Of this Maj. Dade was informed by a gallant volunteer, Jewell, C company, 2d artillery, who had left the detachment with the news of the burning of Big Hillsboro' bridge, near which Maj. D. had halted the second day, 25th. I also informed him that I was using every exertion to push on about thirteen hundred rations on pack-horses, with what ammuni tion could be spared. A duplicate of this was sent the next day by a young Indian, who became lame and could not overtake the column, and returned with his letters. Pr. Jewell joined Maj. Dade about 11 o'clock on the night of the 25th. "In the chain of events, it is proper that 1 should mention, that three Tallahassee Indians came in on the evening of the 22d, and caused great excitement in Itolase Emathla's camp. They brought a talk of Inicanopas of a pacific or neutral character, or they affected it ; but I believe not dis tinctly, until after I had made them prisoners, while in full council with Emathla's warriors, which step I considered imperative, if they were spies, and as much so if they were charged with any propositions likely to detach the chiefs from the treaty; or indeed by an act of self-devotion, to take the scalps of Emathla, Black Dirt, and Big Warrior, faithful chiefs, who have been hunted in this way since the scalping of Charles Emathla. In a council with Emathla that night, Maj. Dade expressed every confidence in Indian charac ter ; and particularly upon the salutary influence of Abraham upon Micanopa. On reflection I detained two of the imprisoned Tallahassees, as hostages, and sent the youngest and best runner with letters to General Clinch, and General Thompson, via Inicanopa, as I could do no better, and of course, through Abraham's lands. "These letters of course involved many details; but numbers and other facts, to guard against treachery, were stated in French. The runner returned two days beyond his time, with a message from Abraham and Broken Sticks, stating my talk was good, and that I might expect him on the 30th. This we freely rendered that he would be at the attack fixed for Christmas week. A negro, his intimate, named Harry, controls the Pea Creek band of about a hundred warriors, forty miles south-east of us, who have done most of the mischief, and keep this post constantly observed, and communicate with the Mickasukians at Wythlacoochee by means of powerful bands of Eufollahs and Alafiers, under little Cloud, and the Alligator. In tracing Maj. Dade's movements, I have every reason to believe that he made on the 26th six miles, 27th to Big Wythlacoochee ; on the fifth day, 28th, to the battle-ground, sixty-five miles. " Here it may be proper to state that Maj. Mountford's command was ready ..o move on the 26th, but the transport, in which was a company of the 2d artillery under Lieut. Grayson, unfortunately entered the wrong bay, and got into shoal water, and was not seen, or certainly heard of, till the morning of the 28th of December, when, by sending a party with a flag as a signal, Lieut Grayson was put in possession of instructions, and landed his company at a point four miles west of us, on the east side of Tarnpa Bay (proper) and joined at sunset that evening ; his transport did not get round to 2B 418 DEFEAT OF MAJOR BADE. [BOOK IV. land his baggage till the 30th ; so long an interval as to put all hope of junc tion out of the question, and Maj. Mountford's baggage was unladed. "Now it becomes my melancholy duty to proceed to the catastrophe of this fated band, an elite of energy, patriotism, military skill, and courage. On the 29th, in the afternoon, a man of my company, John Thomas, and temporarily transferred to C company, second artillery, came in, and yesterday Pr. Ransom Clark, of same company, with four wounds very severe, and stated, that an action took place on the 28th, commencing about 10 o'clock, in which every officer fell, and nearly every man. The command entrenched every night, and about four miles from the halt, were attacked, and received at least fifteen rounds before an Indian was seen. Maj. Dade and his horse were both killed on the first onset, and the interpreter, ' Louis.' Lieut. Mudge, third artillery, received his mortal wound the first fire, and afterwards received several other wounds. Lieut Basenger, third artillery, was not wounded till after the second attack ; and, at the latter part of that, he was wounded several times before he was tomahawked. Capt Gardiner, second artillery, was not wounded until the second attack, and at the last part of it. MY. Basenger, after Capt. Gardiner was killed, remarked, " I am the only officer left ; and, boys, we will do the best we can." Lieut. Keays, third artillery, had both arms broken the first shot ; was unable to act, and was tomahawked the latter part of the second attack, by a negro. Lieut Henderson had his left arm broken the first fire, and after that, with a musket, fired at least thirty or forty shot Dr. Gatlin was not killed until after the second attack, nor was he wounded ; he placed himself behind the breastwork, and with two double- barrelled guns, said, " he had four barrels for them." Capt. Frazier fell early in the action with the advanced guard, as a man of his company, B third artillery, who came in this morning, wounded, reports. " On the attack they were in column of route, and after receiving a heavy fire from the unseen enemy, they then rose up in such a swarm, that the ground, covered, as was thought, by light infantry extension, showed the Indians between the files. Muskets were clubbed, knives and bayonets used, and parties were clenched; in the second attack, our own men's muskets from the dead and wounded, were used against them ; a cross-fire cut down a succession of artillerists at the fence, from which forty-nine rounds were fired ; the gun-carriages were burnt, and the guns sunk in a pond ; a war- dance was held on the ground. Many negroes were in the field, but no scalps were taken by the Indians ; but the negroes, with hellish cruelty, pierced the throats of all, whose loud cries and groans showed the power of life to be yet strong. The survivors were preserved by imitating death, excepting Thomas, who was partly stifled, and bought his life for six dollars, and in his enemy recognized an Indian whose axe he had helved a few days before at this post About one hundred Indians were well mounted, naked, and painted. The last man who came in brought a note from Capt. Frazier, addressed to Maj. Mountford, which was fastened in a cleft stick, and stuck in a creek, dated, as is supposed, on 27th, stating that they were beset every night, and pushing on. F. S. BELTON, Capl. 2d Artillery." Such was the fate of Major Dade and his gallant companions. Osceola was present, as was the old chief Micanopy. Of the latter, it is said, he had, in the beginning of the troubles, avowed that he would neither leave his country, nor would he fight ; but when the force under Major Dade approached his town, he altered his resolution, seized his rifle, and shot that officer. The situation of affairs, at this period cannot better be described than in the language of a gentleman attached to Major Mountford's command, stationed at Fort Brooke, and is contained in a letter, dated on the first day of the year : u We are," says he, " really in the theatre of war of the most horrible kind. We arrived here on Christmas day, and found the inhabitants flying in from all quarters to camp. Major Dade, with seven officers and 110 men, started, the day before we arrived, for Fort King. We were all prepared to overtake them the next day, and were upon the eve of departure, when an intervention of circumstances deferred it for one day ; and, in tfie course of that day, three CHAP. IX.] VISIT TO DADE'S BATTLE-GROUND. 419 soldiers, horribly mangled, came into camp, and brought the melancholy tid ings that Major Dade and every officer and man, except themselves, were murdered and terribly mangled. We are at work, night and day, entrenching ourselves in every possible manner. We expect every moment to be attacked, as the savages have sworn we should all be massacred before the 6th of Jan uary. We are only about 200 strong, with officers and men, and about 50 citizens, and 100 frfendly Indians, under their chief, Black Dirt. The savages are said to number 4000." After the arrival of General Gaines in Florida, he ordered a detachment, under Captain Hitchcock, to visit the battle-ground of Major Dade. And when he had performed his orders, he gave the following report of that distressing spectacle. His report is dated "Fort King, Florida, Feb. 22, 1836," and is addressed to General Gaines, as follows: "Agreeably to your directions, I observed the battle-ground, six or seven miles north of the Ouithlecooche river, where Major Dade and his command were destroyed by the Seminole Indians, on the 28 Dec. last, and have the honor to submit the following report : "The force under your command, which arrived at this post to-day from Tampa Bay, encamped, on the night of the 19th inst, on the ground occupied by Major Dade on the night of the 27th of December. He and his party were destroyed on the morning of the 28th December, about four miles in advance of that position. He was advancing towards this post, and was attacked from the north, so that on the 20th instant we came on the rear of his battle-ground, about nine o'clock in the morning. Our advanced guard had passed the ground without halting, when the General and his staff came upon one of the most appalling scenes that can be imagined. We first saw some broken and scattered boxes ; then a cart, the two oxen of which were lying dead, as if they had fallen asleep, their yokes still on them ; a little to the right, one or two horses were seen. We then came to a small enclosure, made by felling trees in such a manner as to form a triangular breastwork for defence. With in the triangle, along the north and west faces of it, were about thirty bodies, mostly mere skeletons, although much of the clothing was left upon them. These were lying, almost every one of them, in precisely the position they must have occupied during the fight, their heads next to the logs over which they had delivered their fire, and their bodies stretched, with striking regular ity, parallel to each other. They had evidently been shot dead at their posts, and the Indians had not disturbed them, except by taking the scalps of most of them. Passing this little breastwork, we found other bodies along the road, and by the side of the road, generally behind trees, which had been resorted' to for covers from the enemy's fire. Advancing about two hundred yards further, we found a cluster of bodies in the middle of the road. These were evidently the advanced guard, in the rear of which was the body of Major Dade, and, to the right, that of Capt. Fraser. " These were all doubtless shot down on the first fire of the Indians, except, perhaps, Capt Fraser, who must, however, have fallen very early in the fight. Those in the road, and by the trees, fell during the first attack. It was during a cessation of the fire, that the little band still remaining, about thirty in num ber, threw up the triangular breastwork, which, from the haste with which it was constructed, was necessarily defective, and could not protect the men in the second attack. " We had with us many of the personal friends of the officers of Major Dude's command ; and it is gratifying to be able to state, that every officer was identified by undoubted evidence. They were buried, and the cannon, a six- pouader, that the Indians had thrown into a swamp, was recovered, and placed vertically at the head of the grave, where, it is to be hoped, it will long remain. The bodies of the non-commissioned officers and privates were buried in two graves ; and it was found that every man was accounted for. The command was composed of eight officers, and one hundred and two non-commissioned officers and privates. The bodies of eight officers and ninety-eight men were interred, four men having escaped, three of whom reached'Tainpa Bay; the fourth was killed the day after the battle. "It may be proper to observe, that the attack was not made from a ham mock, hut in a thinly-wooded country ; the Indians being concealed by pahnettc am! grass, which has since been burned. 420 PRINCIPAL SEMINOLE CHIEFS. [BOOK IV " The two companies were Capt. Fraser's, of the 3d artillery, and Capt Gardiner's, of the 2d artillery. The officers were Major Dade, of the 4th infantry, Capts. Frazer and Gardiner, second Lieutenant Basinger, brevet second Lieut. R. Henderson, Mudge [late of Boston] and Keais, of the artillery, and Dr. /. 51 Gatlin." From a comparison of the above report with the official account before given, of Captain Belton, nearly every thing concerning this signally great disaster is learned ; but from the report of the three men that had the singular fortune to escape, many incidents have, from time to time, been gathered, and communicated through the newspapers. In fact, until the late visit to the battle-ground, no other account, but such as could be gathered from the three poor half-murdered soldiers, could be obtained ; and yet it appears that they gave the facts as they really were. They all came in separately, sorely wounded, one of them with no less than eight wounds. He was supposed to be dead, and was thrown promiscuously into a heap of the slain, about which a dance was held by the Indians, before leaving the ground. This man crawled away in the following night, and thus effected his escape. CHAPTER X. Of the principal chiefs and war leaders of the Seminoles OSCEOLA MICANOPY JUMPER Massacre of General Thompson and others at Fort King BATTLE OF THE OUITHLECOOCHE Fight near Wetumlta Great distress of the country Action of Congress upon it Battle at Musquito Many Creeks join the Seminoles Fight on the Suanee River. THERE has been occasion already pretty fuily to sketch Lie character of the chief generally called Powell by the whites, but whose real name is OSCEOLA, or Oseola. This chief has shown himself to be, thus far, equal to the desperate cause in which he is engaged. We, at a distance from the Indians, marvel that they should be so short-sighted as not to see that to wage a war is only to hasten their ruin ; but, when we thus reflect, we do not consider the scanty information which the Indians have of the real strength of the whites. Our means of getting a knowledge of the Indians, is incalculably greater than theirs is of getting a knowledge of us. They cannot read, neither can they converse (or but very few of them) with intelligent white men ; therefore, that they know much less of us than we do of them, must be very apparent. They know nothing of geography. If an Indian, in the* interior of Florida, should be told that New England was a great place, without considerable trouble he could not be made to understand whether it were a great town, as large as a village of 50 wigwams in his own country, or as large as the whole of Florida. We learn every thing of this nature by comparison ; and how shall the Indian comprehend our terms, but by comparing them with his own ? Hence it is owing, mainly, to the unavoidable ignorance of the Indians of our actual con dition, that induces them to hazard a war with us. I know, from the best authority, that the western Indians, previous to Black Hawk's war, were gen erally of the opinion that they were far more numerous than the whites ; and when a trader told them they certainly were not, they laughed at him with scornful gestures. We have no reason to believe the Florida Indians any better informed ; and, besides, they are cheated and baffled so often by knaves who go among them for that purpose, that they imagine all the whites to be of the same character, and they cannot tell whether a talk really comes from their great father, the president, or whether some impostor be cheating them with one of his own, to get their lands for his particular benefit. With this view of the case before us, it will not appear altogether unac countable that a daring chief, like Osceola, should engage in a war. He is said not to be a chief by birth, but has raised himself by his courage and peculiar abilities to that station. Hia father is said to have been an Englishman, anrce upon the opposite side of the Ouithlecoochee, and thus come upon the 430 GAINES'S SEMINOLE CAMPAIGN. [BOOK IV. rear of the Indians ; which movement, should it succeed, it was hoped, would finish the war. On the morning of the 29th, no Indians were to be seen ; but the general did not relax his precautions. A party was preparing timber and canoes for cross ing the river, when, about 9 o'clock, they were sharply fired upon, and, at the Bame time, the encampment was attacked upon every side, but that towards the river. The Indians now seemed in great force, (12 or 1500, as was supposed,) having been collecting, from all quarters, since the fight on the previous day. They continued the contest two hours, in which time one man was killed and 33 wounded. Among the latter was the general himself, a rifle ball having passed through his lower lip, knocked out one tooth, and damaged two others. When it was found that the general was wounded, his companions expressed much regret ; but he talked of it as a matter of small moment ; said " it was very unkind in the rascals to take away a tooth which he valued so highly." On reconnoitering the enemy's ground, after he had fled, Guinea's men found one of their dead, which had been dragged a considerable distance and left unburied, from which circumstance they conjectured he had fled in haste. His rifle had been taken away, but he was found to be well provided with ammunition, having plenty of powder and sixty bullets. The place of this attack Gaines called Camp hard. The flight of the Indians was no security for their not appearing again ; for, on the 2d of March, they returned, and commenced pouring in their shot upon the whites, which, at intervals, they continued to do until the 5th. Meantime all of their provisions were exhausted, and they began the slaughter of their horses to sustain life. But it is said that, during all this time, no one was heard to murmur or complain. On the night of the 5th, about 10 o'clock, a call was heard from the woods, and some one requested a parley. On the officer of the guard's demanding what was wanted, it was answered that the Indians were tired of fighting, and wished for peace. The general ordered the officer of the guard to answer, that if the In dians wished to treat, to send a messenger the next morning, with a white flag, and he should come and go in safety. He replied, " very well," and added that " he desired to have a friendly talk, and to shake hands." Accordingly, on the morning of the 6th, about 300 Indians filed out from the river, and took a position in the rear of the whites, about 500 yards off". They expected nothing now but a most bloody contest, supposing the main body of the Indians to be concealed in a neighboring hammock. Both parties remained a short time in suspense, each doubting what the other would do. At length, one or two advanced within hailing distance, and, being joined with others, repeated what had been said the night before. The general now sent out to them a staff officer, and they told him they did not wish to fight any more, but requested that the army should withdraw from the Ouithlecoochee. Osceola was at the head of the Indian deputation. When the officer who had met the Indians reported this talk to Gaines, he ordered him to return to Osceola, and to inform him, in the plainest terms, that they would be subdued, that a large force was on the way into their country, and that, unless they submitted, every Indian found in arms would be shot. When this was communicated to the Indians, they said they would go and hold a council, and would meet them again in the afternoon. The meeting in the afternoon, accordingly, took place, and the Indians urged what they had said in the morning, and added that they had lost many of their men by death and wounds, and were tired of the war ; but as their governor (as they styled Micanopy) was not there, they must first con sult him, and asked to have the war suspended until he could be consulted. They were told that if they would cease from acts of hostility, go south of the Ouithlacoochee, and attend a council when called upon by the United States commissioners, they should not be molested. This they agreed to, and, at the same moment, General Clinch came upon the main body of the Indians, and they all fled with the utmost precipitation, probably concluding this was a stratagem which the whites had prepared to cut them off*. Clinch came with 500 men and supplies, which was doubtless more agreeable to the starving army, than even a treaty with Osceola. The Indians seem to have been well acquainted with the condition of Gen- CHJJ>. XI.] SIEGE OF CAMP M LEMORE. 431 eral Gaines's army ; for, during the interview with Osceola, he asked hew they were off for provisions, and when they told him they had enough, he shook his head, saying, " It is not so ; you have nothing to eat ; but, if you will come over the river, I will give you two beeves, and some brandy." It is therefore surprising that he should have been now asking for peace. It shows, however, tliat he was well aware of the hopelessness of his case ; and, although he was able to deal with General Gaines, he early knew of the approach of General Clinch, and it was, probably, on his gaining that knowledge, that he concluded to see what kind of terms could be got of the whites, as the affairs of war then stood. General Gaines, having transferred his command to General Clinch, left for New Orleans about the 9 March, and General Clinch proceeded with his united forces to Fort Drane. A negro spy, who had been sent among the hostile Indians, from Camp Izard, soon after returned, and confirmed the peaceable intentions of the chiefs : they told him, that in their various skir mishes with General Gaines on the Ouithlacooche they had lost 30 men. Of the whites but 5 were killed, and 60 wounded. It is rather uncommon that there should be so great a disproportion between the slain of the parties, when it is considered that the Indians almost always fought from coverts. On the 9 March, Captain Allison of the Florida volunteers had a skirmish near his camp, not far from Fort Brooke. He routed the Indians, whom he judged to be a thousand strong, and took considerable plunder. Hence, not withstanding the Indians were supposed to desire peace, skirmishes continued. And on the 23 March, a company of volunteers were attacked about six miles from Volusia, in which the whites lost three men killed, and six wounded, and the Indians five or six. Among the latter was their chief, called Ouchee Billy, or Billy Hicks. He was found the day after the fight, concealed in some brush. About the 5 April, Major McLemore, by order of General Scott, took a position on the Ouithlacoochee, and erected a block-house, which was called Camp McLemore. Here, about 40 men, far removed into the heart of the Indian country, were to remain until relieved by the General, or Major McLemore, who, it appears, after establishing the post, immediately left it. This small force seems to have arrived here at a most fortunate time, for it was four days before they were discovered by the Indians, and during this period they had completed a block-house for their protection. It is scarcely to be credited that this little company of men, sent here by the commander-in-chief of the army, should be left without the means of escape in extremity of circumstances, and no way kept open by which their situation from time to time might be known ; such, however, was the case, and for about six weeks nothing was heard of them. They had not been provided with provisions for more than two weeks, and it was the general impression of every one that they had all perished by famine or the hands of the Indians. The following account of the siege of Camp McLemore by Dr. Lawrence, surgeon there at the time, shall be given in his own words: "We had just completed building the block-house, and dug out a spring near the edge of the fort, when, on the morning of the 9th of April, at a little before dawn of day, we were attacked by the Indians, who had encompassed us on three sides, and were in number about 150 or 200. The engagement lasted one hour and three quarters, when they found out, to their sorrow, that our reception was not only too warm, but that they had ventured too near us without due reflec tion. On the next day, we had one man killed on his post by an Indian rifle, fired from the opposite side of the river. On the 15 April, we were attacked by a body of the savages who had completely surrounded us, and whose num ber we computed at 4 to 500, though we have since heard that Powell had 1000 to 1500 of them. This was the hottest engagement we had during our stay on the Ouithlacoochee. They fired their guns by hundreds at the same moment at our block-house, and succeeded in taking our only means of escape, our boat which they took down the river and destroyed after the battle. The engagement continued two hours and 45 minutes, and we had three men slightly wounded. "On the ;>4th, we had a very severe battle, in which they disjil.iyc-d their 432 DEATH OF MAD WOLF. fBooK IV. ingenuity by shooting fire-arrows on fire upon the roof of the house, which destroyed the roof and left us exposed to the inclemency of the weather. This arrow-firing was performed by 26 of their men, whilst about 3 to 500 used their guns. We had, on this occasion, two or three of our men wounded. We probably killed 40 or 50 of the Indians. The night after the battle, we heard their chief hail us, and say, " that he was going away in the morning, and would trouble us no more." He kept his promise very well, though he did give us about 100 guns the next morning, ere he left. Our captain, Hollo- man, was killed on the 3 May, whilst endeavoring to fortify and strengthen our position. The Indians continued to give us a passing shot, from 50 to 100 guns, every five or six days, though he kept a spy upon us at other times. The officers were 21 days living on corn, without salt or meat, and the men about 28 days." It appears that the great danger of ascending the Ouithlacoochee, together with the known circumstances of the garrison, had fixed in the minds of all those who were able to lend them aid, that they had been cut off; and there fore, to hazard any thing to clear up this extremely doubtful case, was con sidered next to crime itself. At length, the poor distressed handful at Camp McLemore, found among their number, three that would venture out for succor, and they arrived at Tallahassee in a canoe, about the 16 April. This circumstance, in all probability, proved the safety of their fellows, as well as themselves. A company was made up at St. Marks, and under Captain Leigh Read, proceeded in a steam-boat for the Ouithlacoochee on the 22 May, and on the 24 took off the garrison without the loss of a man. While these affairs were being transacted on the Ouithlacoochee, a consid erable force marched from Volusia to a point on the Oklavvaha River, distant 30 miles, on their way to Fort Brooke. The river being higher than usual, the force was obliged to halt to build a bridge for the passage of their cannon and baggage wagons. On the opposite side of a lake, on the left of the detachment, two fires were soon discovered, which it was supposed were made as signals by two parties of Indians. Colonel Butler immediately pro ceeded to cross over the river with his battalion, and when he had marched about three miles, some Indians were discovered and pursued by the advanced guard. General Joseph Shelton was of Butler's party, who, being ahead of the advanced guard, charged upon one of the Indians, who was in the rear of the retreating party. At about 25 paces from him, the Indian turned, and they both levelled their rifles Shelton fired first, and mortally wounded the Indian in the neck, who then endeavored to make his escape. Shelton dropped his gun, and rushed on him with his pistol, which missed fire at five or six paces from him. The Indian now turned and shot Shelton in the hip, and at the same moment another white came up and shot the Indian in the back, and he was immediately despatched. The ball which entered Shelton's hip passed round near the spine, and was cut out, and he was recovering. I have been particular in detailing this affair, as the Indian who fell in it, proved to be a chief of distinction, known among the whites by the name of MAD WOFF, which was the English signification of his name. In Indian it was KOHAHAJO. He was of Micanopifs tribe, and had under him 40 or 50 warriors, and was probably one of the leaders on the Ouithlacoochee, who beset General Gaines so long. His name was given in among them by Black Dirt, as Coaharjo. It is also to the treaty of Payne's Landing, and he was one of the Indian deputation who visited the country west of the Mississippi afterwards. The next day after Kohahajo was killed, Colonel Butler and Goodwin, with a battalion of mounted men, were sent to reconnoitre Pilaklikaba, the resi dence of Jumper and Micanopy. When they had proceeded about six miles, their advanced guard received a sharp fire from a hammock on the left, but were soon dislodged by a charge from the main body. Two of the whites were badly wounded, one horse killed, and four wounded. After another considerable swamp-fight, in which several were wounded, the army pro ceeded to the Indian town, but it had been deserted for a long time. They burnt it, and then proceeded to Fort Brooke. An officer in General Scott's army at Tampa wrote on the 15 April : " All CHAP. XII.] CREEK WAR. 433 the militia will leave us by the 20 May, and the regulars will go into summer quarters at this place, Key West, Volusia, Mosquito, and one or two more posts at the south. Without the greatest good luck nothing will be done this summer, and the war must be renewed in the autumn." About the time General Gaines left Fort Draine, General Scott arrived there, with instructions to assume the chief command of the forces in Florida. Since that time the operations have been of not much importance. About the 20 March, Captain Hitchcock communicated the following valuable information respecting the hostile Indians, which was given him by the friendly chief, Black Dirt, whose Indian name is TOCK-ALUSTER HARJO. He says that in the fights with General Gaines were the following chiefs and warriors, viz.: JUMPER with 30, ASSUHOLA [ Osceola] with 7, ALLBURTU- HARJO with 30, JARHARTO CHEE with 30, CARCHAR TOSKNUSK (Mecosukee) with 470, MECANOP (principal chief) with 80, ABRAM (JVegro) with 80, WEEA. FLOCKO MATTEZ with 70, YARHARHACJO with 160, TOSKIEUCAR with 50, ECHUA MATTEZ with 50, HAT How EMATTEZ with 30, CHARLES (a Negro) with 3, COAHARJO with 1, and TOPARLAGEE with 40. , There had been about 400 Seminoles collected at Tampa, chiefly women and children of Black Dirfs tribe, who were on the 12 April shipped off for " beyond the Mississippi " by General Scott. CHAPTER XH WAR Murders ana, devastations begin Eleven persons killed near Colum bus Mail routes in possession of the Indians A steam-boat attacked and men killed Chiefs of the war parties Mail stages destroyed The town of Roanoak burnt Colonel Lindsay's Florida affair Excessive dismay of the people of Geor gia Murder of families Figlit on the Chattahooc.hie Capture of JIM HENKY and NEAMATHLA Account of the chiefs Surrender of the Indians. ADJUTANT-GENERAL Mclntosh wrote from Fort Mitch el, Alabama, (on the Chattahoochie, 15 miles above Columbus,) 7 May last, as follows : " It has just been reported to me, that Col. Flournoy was shot dead by the Indians on the 5th instant, about 15 miles below this post. I am also informed that a report is currently circulating among the Creeks, that the Seminole Indians have defeated the whites in Florida. This report will no doubt imbolden them to many acts of hostility that they would not otherwise dare commit. A constant communication must be kept up between them, as the Creeks are conversant with every transaction that occurs in Florida. Marshal, the half- breed, says he is apprehensive mischief will be done by the Indians before long. Other friendly Indians are of this opinion. Opothleyohola, principal of the upper Creeks, says he cannot keep his people together, or restrain them." At the same time Colonel Flournoy was killed, ten others met a like fate, some of them within 12 miles of Columbus, at the Ochee Bridge on the Old Federal Road. " The Indians have entire possession of that road, and all the settlers have fled. A train consisting of 150 wagons, with about 150 fugitives, on their way to Columbus, were fired upon, on the 10 April." Up to the 18 May, at Augusta, (Ga.) it was reported that all the southern mail routes were in possession of the Indians, except that to Mobile. The day before, all the mails were brought back. Colonel CroweWs plantation, and many others, had been burnt, and a stage agent and two drivers had been killed. The governor of Georgia had ordered two regiments of volunteers to take the field. About this time the steam-boat Hyperion was attacked on her passage up the Chattahoochie, and two pilots and one passenger were killed. She was then run on shore on the Georgia side, and after being abandoned, was taken and destroyed by the Indians. The Creek towns and tribes which have declared themselves hostile are a 37 20 434 CREEK WAR. STEAM-BOAT DESTROYED. [BOOK IV. part of the Ochees, the Hitchetas, the Pah-lo-cho-ko-los, the So-wok-ko-los, and a part of the Ufallays. The principal chiefs who have showed themselves as their leaders, are old NEAMATHLA, of whom we have already several times spoken, chief of the Hitchetas, JIM HENRY, and NEO Mico. Many friendly Indians immediately joined the whites, one of the principal leaders of whom is a chief called JIM BOY. The war party have discovered great boldness. About the 10 May a party came within 30 or 40 yards of Fort Mitchell, a strong and well-defended place, entered the hospital, and carried off what they pleased, and the garrison thought it not best to disturb them. On the 14 following, the mail from Montgomery to Columbus was attacked about 20 miles from the latter place. A driver on that route was riding along the road on horseback, about 50 yards ahead of the stage, when he was fired upon by about 30 Indians, yet he unaccountably escaped injury. His horse took fright and threw him, and he escaped into a thicket. Wlren he arrived at the next stage relay, the horses had got there, but without any carriage, but hid about them some fragments of their harnesses. Mr. Adams, who was in the stage, made his escape by leaping into the woods when the stage upset. A driver and two others were killed. There were 19 horses belonging to the line in the company, of which but three were recovered, and these were wounded. About this time the old steam-boat Georgian was burnt while lying at Roanoak, and all on board, except the engineer, perished. The town of Roanoak was at the same time laid in ashes, but the citizens escaped to a fort Irwinton, a flourishing town on the Georgia side of the river, soon after shared the same fate. Meanwhile some affairs of considerable moment were transpiring in Flori da. Colonel Lindsay had been despatched, at the head of about 750 men, from Fort Brooke, with orders to proceed to Fort Alabama, to destroy it, and bring away the sick, wounded, and provisions. Having proceeded there, and effected their object, the forces marched again for Fort Brooke. Before leaving the fort, a mine was prepared, by leaving powder in the magazine, which should explode on its being opened. They had got but a mile or two, when the mine was sprung with a fearful noise, but what effect it had pro duced was not known. The whites had missed two of their number the day before, whom they found on their return march, about 12 miles from Fort Alabama, killed iu the way, and one shockingly mangled. While the army was contemplating this spectacle, it was fired upon by 500 Indians, as was supposed, from a hammock, no more than 30 yards off. The whites immedi- ately.formed, and fired in their turn, and a regular fight ensued. The Indians could not be dislodged until several rounds of grape shot from the artillery had been poured in upon them. This was a bloody affray for them, but their loss was not fully known ; several were found dead on the field, and numerous traces of others who had been dragged off dead or severely wounded were discovered. The whites had 3 killed and 22 wounded. A letter addressed to the editor of the Richmond Enquirer gives a fearful picture of the affairs in the Creek country. It was written at Talbotton, (Ga.) 11 May, and is in these words: "I wrote you yesterday, informing you of the hostile movements of the Creek Indians, and the commencement of their murderous career. We have full information here to-day of the distressing state of things among the whites who have settled over in that territory. The Indians are killing all men, women, and children. Vast numbers have been butchered without doubt ; and the whole country on this side of the Chatta- hoochie is in uproar and confusion. The population of the territory had become considerable, and they who have been fortunate enough to escape are come over in droves on the Georgia side ; some with a part of their children ; some who have lost their children; some their husbands; and many children without father or mother ; some are found as they were wandering about so young that they could give no account who their parents were. So perfect a mixture and confusion as never was witnessed before. Many have seen a part of their families murdered. One gentleman saw his father shot down near him, and his mother and sisters. Some of the dead have been brought over shockingly mangled. It is thought the whole nation is in hostile array ; CHAP. XII.] MIRDER OF MANY FAMILIES. 435 their warriors are computed at 6 or 7000 strong. The general impression is, that a part of the Seminoles have come up among them. The town of Co lumbus is in great danger of an attack, as they have threatened it strongly. A. company of 40 or 50 men left Columbus yesterday morning, and went over. On their return at night they brought in seven children, which they had found scattered about." Such are the accounts which have been daily circulated for two months together and although they are distorted in many particulars, yet out of them we are ai present to collect all that is known of this war. The Columbus Centinel of the 13 May contains the following facts, which are confirmed from other quarters : " On Monday we received information that hostilities had commenced on the road between Columbus and Montgomery, at the Uchee bridge, and further on, and in the evening the bridge at this place, the streets leading from it were thronged with the unfortunate refugees, who were fleeing before their savage neighbors. The pitiable condition of many of them was past the power of description. Wives severed from their hus bands, and parents from their children ; all dismayed, all terror-stricken ; pre sented a scene which we never again desire to see. An interesting-looking girl, just blooming into womanhood, was brought in on horseback, behind a benevolent stranger, who had found her in the nation, making her way, unat tended, to this place. She started with her parents, but before they had proceeded far, they were brutally shot down before her eyes. She fled to the woods and escaped from her savage pursuers, and was found and brought to Columbus as above stated. A young man arrived at this place also witnessed the savage murder of his parents. Another young man, in the act of fleeing, perceived the Indians dragging away his sister. He returned, declaring he would rescue her or die in the attempt, and he has not been heard of. From this time their deeds of savage barbarity have been too numerous to particu larize. A woman was brought in on Tuesday, wounded in the hand, whose husband had been shot the preceding evening at the Uchee bridge. Col. A. B. Dawson's negroes, who were taken by the Indians, and made their escape, Btate that they saw three corpses on the road near the Uchee bridge ; a man, woman and child, who had all been murdered. We learn that about 150 friendly Indians have reported themselves at Fort Mitchell, and are ready to assist the whites. Accounts to the 17 May further state that the Indians had entered the house of one family, and murdered the whole including husband, wife, and six children. All were scalped, and the children beheaded. The house of a Mr. Colton had been attacked, and himself killed." Generals Scott and Jesup were at Fort Mitchell on the 3 June ; the for mer left that place on that day with an escort of 150 men for Alabama, to take the command of the troops of that state. On the 4th, Capt. Page reported to General Scott that a party of Indians was about to cross the Chattahoochie in their way to Florida, and steps were immediately made to stop them. The day before a party was stopped by a company of Georgia militia, after a sharp skirmish, in which one white and several Indians were supposed to have been killed. Two chiefs were wounded, Ecdahayo in the shoulder, and Jim Henry in the head. The action took place across the river, which being high and wide, little was effected. The Indians dared the whites to come over, called them dogs and cowards, and the most the whites could do was to retaliate in the same sort of language. About the end of June, a party of whites, who were scouting on Flint River, accidentally found a young woman about three miles from Cambridge, who had been wounded by a shot in the breast. She stated that, on the 26 of June, about 300 Indians killed all the family to which she belonged, 13 in number, except herself, and her father, who made his escape. After being shot, she feigned death, and as the murdered were not scalped, she made her escape after the Indians left the scene of butchery. Up to the 16 June, all the houses of the whites in the Creek country had been burned. On the 13th, in an attack on an Indian town by some whites, 24 persons were taken, among whom were three chiefs. These were held as hostages at Fort Mitchell, and word was sent to the hostile party, that if they did not come in and surrender they should be put to death. The next day, 436 CAPTURE OF JIM HENRY AND NEAMATHLA. [BooK TV. 120 came in and declared themselves friendly. As late as the 28th of June, it was reported at Columbus, Ga., that the Creek war was probably at an end, "as far as fighting was concerned. Jim Henry's party have nearly all been taken. They were confined at Fort Mitchell, and all the smiths were at work making handcuffs for them." These will doubtless be sent beyond the Mis sissippi, " except the chiefs, five or six in number, who will be punished with death," as was supposed. On the 1st of July, Jim Henry fell into the hands of a band of friendly In dians, under a chief named Jim Boy. For a few days previous he was sup posed to have been on his way for the " promised land ; " but he was found in the Creek nation, a few miles from Tuskegee. About the same time old Neamathla gave himself up to the whites, and was, on the day of the cap ture of Jim Henry, with about 1500 others, sent off for Arkansas. The circum stance of his falling in with the whites is said to be as follows: General Jessup had left Tuskegee with about 700 men, intending to make a direct march for JVeamathla's camp, which was on Hatchahubbee River. As Jesup marched along, his forces increased to 2700 men, of which 1500 were In dians, under the chiefs Hopoithleynhola and Jim Boy. When he had arrived within about seven miles of Neamathla's camp, he ordered a halt, to refresh his men and horses, at the expense of the beautiful oatfields of the Indians. While the army lay here, a scout discovered Neamathla on horseback. He had concluded to surrender, and had a white cloth tied about his head, and some white garment for a flag, extended upon a stick, and was approaching towards them. They ordered him to halt, but he gave no heed to them, until within a few paces. He was taken to Gen. Jessup's camp, and made prisoner. With him were his son and daughter, and a niece of Nea Mico. The two females were released, but his son was confined with him at Fort Mitchell On being asked where he was going when he was taken, he said his life had been threatened by his own people, and he was hastening to Fort Mitchell, to give himself up. JVea Mico had some days before given himself up. He was considered a great chief. David Hardige, a half-breed, was taken by surprise, with about a hundred of his men, with their women and children. By the 8th of June, there had been secured between 3 and 4000 Indians, which were despatched for the west as fast as circumstances would admit. A party of about 60 warriors, who were endeavoring to escape into Florida, were overtaken by Col. Beal, in Chickasatchie Swamp, Baker county, Alabama, and a considerable skirmish ensued. Nine Indians were killed and 20 wound ed. Of Col. BeaPs men, two were killed and seven wounded. The Indians were left in possession of the swamp. The following account was published in the Georgia Herald of the 28 June, at Columbus. It is headed, "GRAND ENTREE INTO FORT MITCHELL," and then proceeds : " On the 22 June, we witnessed the grand entree of a drove of savages into the Fort [Mitchell] consisting of men, women and children, in all about 1000 ; among them 200 warriors ; they were brought in by a bat talion of Alabama cavalry, under the command of Maj. Gen. Patterson. The men were placed within the walls of the fort, while the women and children were encamped on the outside. It was an assemblage of human beings, such as we had never before witnessed, and the sight filled us with thoughts and feel ings to which we shall not give vent at this time. They were of all ages, from a month old to a hundred years, of all sizes, from the little papoosic to the giant warrior. The old " Blind King," as he is called, rode in the centre of the throng, and although it has been many years since he beheld the light of day, yet has the feelings of hostility continued to rankle at his heart. The names of the hostile chiefs who have been taken and have come in, are Nea E-Mathla, Octo Arcko-Emathla, [probably son of Neamathla,] Miccocholey, o Blind King, Tustee-Nuggee, Chopho-Yar-bar-Hadjo? CHAP. XIII.l HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. . 437 CHAPTER XIIL HISTORY OF THE EXPATRIATION OF THE CllKROkEES. "Some entertain, that the history of these present times must not be written by any one alive ; which, in my opinion, is disgraceful to an historian, and very prejudicial to posterity ; as if they were to write nt a distance, that obscurity might protect their mistakes from discovery. Others also say the truth is not lipe enough to be writ in the age we live in: So politicians would not have the historian to tread on the heels of the times, left the times tread on his heels." WINSTAM.Y. " Still to the white man's wants there is no end : He said, ' beyond those hills he would not come.' But to the western seas his hands extend, Ere yet his promise dies upon his tongue." UCCFUBLISHEO POEM. WHILE the war is progressing in Florida, we will proceed to lay open a few pages of Cherokee history, praying, in the mean time, for its speedy conclusion. The situation of the Cherokee country is most delightful ; it is every thing that heart could wish, whether actuated by the best or worst of motives. It lies in about thirty-five degrees of northern latitude, bounded north and west by Tennessee, on the south by Alabama, and easterly by Georgia and North Carolina, comprising about 8,000 square miles. In 1802 it contained 11,175; the difference having been sold to the United States for the use of Georgia. That country is well watered by living springs, in every part, whose foun tains are like reservoirs raised to a great height by the art of man ; they hav ing the superior advantage of being natural reservoirs, raised by springs in their lofty range of mountains which stretch across the whole nation. In the north it is hilly ; but in the south are numerous fertile plains, in part covered with tall trees, through which beautiful streams of water glide. Here cattle, in vast herds, roam, and horses are plenty, and in all the ordinary uses among the Indians. Flocks of sheep, goats, and swine, live on the slopes of the hills. On their navigable rivers the Cherokees have vessels engaged in commerce. Their spring opens in great beauty; the soil is excellent for corn, cotton, tobacco, wheat, oats, indigo, sweet and Irish potatoes ; and the people had, in 1825, begun to export cotton to New Orleans in their own vessels. They have public roads, and taverns with good accommodations, and butter and cheese are common upon the ordinary tables of the Indian inhab itants. Neat and flourishing villages have already sprung into being. Cotton and woollen cloths are manufactured, and by native Indian hands. There is scarcely a family which does not raise cotton sufficient for its own use. Their trade is almost wholly carried on by native Cherokees. The mechanic arts are considerably cultivated, although agriculture chiefly engages the at tention of the inhabitants. In 1819, there were about 10,000 inhabitants, and in 1825 they had in creased to 13,5(53, all natives ; there were, in addition, 147 white men married in the nation, and 73 white women. Of slaves there were 1,277. Hence it ia plain that the Cherokees do not decrease, but have, in about five years, in creased over 3,500. This is equal, at least, to the increase of white popula tion under similar circumstances. By the laws of the nation, the whites are allowed the privileges of natives, except that of suffrage, together with their ineligibility to hold offices. Some of the Cherokees, following the example of their southern neighbors, have become slave-holders ; buying their negroes of white men who bring them into the lation. And here the reflection naturally arises in the inquiry upon the relative barbarity of the white and red men. It was strongly urged by some southern statesmen, that the Indians were such barbarous wretches that they could not think of living beside them ; and yet poor Africans are sold by them to these barbarians ! But, unlike the whites in one particular, they will not mix with their slaves. The nation was reorganized in 1820, and by a resolve of its national coun cil, divided into eight districts, each of which had the privilege of sending 37* 438 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [BooK IV. four members to tne legislature. The pay of members was established at one dollar per day; that of the speaker being fixed at one and a half dollars and the principal chiefs were to receive 150 dollars a year. Some of theii principal laws and regulations were a prohibition of spirituous liquors be ing brought into the nation by white men. If a white man took a Cherokee wife, he must many her according to their laws ; but her property was not affected by such union. No man was allowed but one wife. A judge, mar shal, sheriff and deputy, and two constables, were commissioned in each dis trict. Embezzlement, intercepting and opening sealed letters, was punished by a fine of 100 dollars, and 100 lashes on the bare back. No business was allowed on Sundays ; and fences were regulated by statute. They also had a statute of limitations, which, however, did not affect notes or settled ac counts. A will was valid, if found, on the decease of its maker, to have been written by him, and witnessed by two creditable persons. A man leaving no will, all his children shared equal, and his wife as one of them ; if he left no children, then the widow to have a fourth part of all property ; the other three fourths to go to his nearest relations. And so if the wife died, leaving property. Before the division of the nation into districts, and the appoint ment of the above-named civil officers, there was an organized company of light-horse, which executed the orders of the chiefs, searched out offenders, and brought them to justice. It was a fundamental law, that no land should be sold to the white people, without the authority of a majority of the nation. Transgressors of this law were punished with death. The Cherokees were similarly situated to the Creeks, in respect to the Uni ted States. They had been treated with from the earliest days of the repub lic, as an independent nation, with only this difference the United States regarding treaty stipulations with them without any regard to their weakness, or inability to defend themselves against unjust intrusions. And thus were they considered through the early administrations of this government ; until political intrigue had become the order of the day, and to strengthen a party by the accession of a state, it was found necessary to disregard sacred trea ties, not at first by an open denial of obligations, but by a perversion of lan guage, authorizing " any means to encompass the end." And like the Creek nation, the Cherokees were tampered with, and eventually divided and ruined ; thus verifying that remarkable passage of Scripture, namely, "a house divided against itself cannot stand." The consequences which, by every thinking mind, were considered sure to follow, did follow ; but not so immediately as had been anticipated, reasoning from the summary course which the Creeks had pursued in executing ven geance upon the heads of a similar faction, for a precisely similar outrage upon the will and the laws of that nation. But the day of retribution was at hand, and the heads of the Cherokee faction have met a like fate in the distant land to which they had forced their despairing executioners. The history of the fate of Ridge and his associates will go down upon the same page of history with that of Mackintosh ; over which the philanthropist of succeeding ages will mourn, and the philosopher will frown with just indig nation, as he contemplates the source of guilt whence the stream flowed. But the bare recital of the events in the history of the Cherokees is suffi cient to create the deepest feelings of commiseration in every breast, without any reflections from the historian. Georgia, finding she could not drive the United States government into her measures for the forcible possession of the Cherokee country, resolved to do so on her own account ; but not having the courage to go sword in hand, and do it at a blow, she resorted to the equally condemnable course of management, which was to seize upon the country under color of law. And those laws, made for the very occasion, were so exceedingly oppressive that the Indians could not live under them. The laws alluded to were passed on the 20th of December, 1829, by the legislature of the state of Georgia, and were of this complexion: "It is here by ordained that all the laws of Georgia are extended over the Cherokee country. That after the 1st day of June, 1830, all Indians then and at that time residing in said territory, shall be liable and subject to such laws &)"i CHAP. XIII.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 439 regulations as the legislature may hereafter prescribe. That all laws, usages, and customs, made and established, and enforced in the said territory, by the said Cherokee Indians, be, and the same are hereby, on and after the 1st day of June, 1830, declared null and void ; and no Indian, or descendant of an Indian residing within the Creek or Cherokee nations of Indians, shall be (I. Tined a competent witness, or party to any suit in any court, where a white man is a defendant" Such is a specimen of the laws alluded to ; framed to throw the Indians into entire confusion, that they might be the more easily overcome, destroyed, or forced from the land or" their nativity. That the Cherokees could not live under the laws of Georgia is most manifest, and it is equally manifest that said laws were never made in expec tation that they could be submitted to. Thus the constitution of the United States was trampled on with impunity, by an utter disregard of one of its express provisions, " That no state shall pass any law or laws going to impair tiie obligation of contracts." Now, how could a Cherokee compel a Georgian to perform a contract ? Thus was the axe not only laid at the foot of the tree of Cherokee liberty, but it was shortly to be wielded by the strong arm of power with deadly effect Alarm now, as well it might, was seen perched upon the brow of every true Cherokee, and they began to revolve in their minds the nature of their condition, and to inquire of one another what they were to do. They remon strated, but remonstrance was met with contumely, and all the haughtiness that characterizes the triumph of might over right Though conscious of the rectitude of then- intentions, the Cherokees were determined not to persist in any course, however just it might appear to them, without first consulting some of the ablest jurists and best men, as well as the most devoted to the good of their country, among the eminent men of the United States. There was but one opinion among them. Chief Justice Mar shall, Chancellor Kent, William Wirt, Mr. Justice M'Lane, Daniel Webster, and Henry Clay, are names carrying authority with them ; an array of talent which other nations may equal, but not surpass. Accordingly the Indians brought their case before the supreme court of the United States, where it was argued with fidelity and ability by Mr. Sargent and Mr. Wirt, and finally and clearly given in favor of the Cherokees. Mr. Wirt happily adverted, in his argument, to the past and present conduct of Georgia ; reminded her that, with the other states, she had cooperated with the most Christian assiduity and perseverance to bring about a change in the intellectual and moral condition of that people ; and having completely effected the purpose, she found in this very change a ground of quarrel with them, as well as with her sister states, her auxiliaries in the laudable work ; accusing these of hypocrisy and an affected benevolence, by which they were violating Georgia's sovereignty in bringing up an independent government within her chartered limits ; that so long as they were savages and barba rians, Georgia had no objection to their governing themselves, but having now become civilized, and consequently capable of governing themselves, their right of self-government must cease. "Hence we ask," says Mr. Wirt, "what can this unfortunate people do?" "The existence of this remnant of a once great and mighty nation," added Mr. Wirt, " is at stake, and it is for this court to say whether they shall be blotted out from creation, in utter disregard of all our treaties. They are here in the last extremity, and with them must perish forever the honor of tli.; American name. The faith of our nation is fatally linked with their existence, and the blow which destroys them quenches forever our own glory; for what glory can there be of which a patriot can oe proud, after the irood name of his country shall have departed? We may gather laurels on the field of battle, and trophies on the ocean, but they will never hide this foul blot upon our escutcheon. 'Remember the Cherokee nation,' will be answer enough to the proudest boasts that we can ever make. Such, it is possible, there may be who are willing to glory in their own shame, but thank Ht-aveii, they are comparatively few. The great majority of the American people see this subject in its true light And I cannot believe that this honor able court, possessing the power of preservation, will stand by and see th jse 440 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [Boon IV people stripped of their property and extirpated from the earth, while they are holding up to us their treaties and claiming the fulfilment of our engage ments. If truth, and faith, and honor, and justice, have fled from every other part of our country, we shall find them here. If not, our sun has gone down in treachery, blood, and crime, in the face of the world; and instead of being Eroud of our country, we may well call upon the rocks and mountains to ide our shame from earth and heaven." Such were the opinions of the great and good upon the Cherokee question ; but how was he mistaken in respect to the virtue of a government, of which he was a pillar and chief supporter in all its just dealings ! With what grief must he have seen, notwithstanding the sacrifices and efforts he had made to obtain justice, and the decision of the highest tribunal of his country, all disregarded, this decision set at naught, and that country's sun go down in treachery, blood, and crime ! And it is with deep melancholy we add, that the great statesman and philanthropist saw the near approach to the horizon of the once glowing star of empire of a noble people ! He saw, as his own lamp flickered on the eve of departure to another world, that deep stain fall upon the escutcheon of his country's honor, which he had so much feared. YV ILLIAM WIRT descended to the tomb in the beginning of the year 1835. The Cherokees, like the Creeks, had, by designing and avaricious men, been divided into two parties, which were distinguished from one another by very marked differences. The people composing the first were generally temperate, industrious, and frugal ; had made great advancement in the arts of civilized life, and hence had become far more attached to their country than those of an opposite character. The other part of the nation consisted of a majority of indolent, intemperate, roving, and ignorant citizens ; always restless, ever ready to hear to any new smooth-tongued miscreant, who might throw himself among them upon any design. Yet there were many among the second party whose character was good, and who were made seriously to think that it would be for their interest to sell out their possessions, and take up a new country beyond the Mississippi. But the talent and learning were not with them, and consequently they had not the ability to judge of such a project, according to the admonitions of the true policy of the nation. At the period of Cherokee history now under consideration, that nation contained a population of 18,000 souls. How near it was divided in respect to numbers is not precisely known, but that part I have denominated the first was by far the most numerous, as well as the most respectable. These two parties had each its head or leader, and Avas known by his name. Mr. John Ross led the first, and Major Ridge the second. Mr. Ross had become an eminent citizen, and being possessed of a fine education, respectable talent?, and extensive and enlarged views upon all subjects, soon became prominent rritbout any efforts to make himself so. On the other hand Mr. Ridge, though gresxly beloved by his own people, and highly respected among the whites, had not the moral courage to withstand tempations that a true patriot requires. Such was the condition of things, when it was decided by the supreme court of the United States, that Georgia must not execute her pernicious laws in and over the Cherokee country. Yet, as has already been observed, she did proceed to execute them, and finding that many of the Indians would not at once be forced away by their cruel and oppressive execution, but continued to suffer under them, resort was had to buying up such of the chiefs and head men of the nation as money would succeed with. And, finally, a treaty was made with such men as bribery influenced, and on its strength, event ually, the Cherokees were forced beyond the Mississippi. The engagement entered into with Georgia by the United States govern ment in 1802, has, in a former chapter,* been noticed. In that compact there was no stipulation that the Cherokees should, at any time, be forced to sell their remaining lands; but when they were willing, if any such time should ever arrive, and the price should not be an objection, then the United States had the power, and not till then, to buy out the Cherokees. * Book IV., page 53, ante. CHAP. XIII.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 441 But, in 1835, Georgia had become so clamorous, that "the government" thought best to make an attempt to treat with these Indians to go west, on some terms or other. Accordingly, the president appointed one Rev. J. F. Schermerhorn, of New York, to proceed to the Cherokee country for that purpose. He proceeded to the nation, and, with some trouble, got the chiefs together, and opened the nature of his mission before them. He was informed that they would not treat for the sale of then- country on any con ditions, and the commissioner gave up the design and returned to Wash ington. But there is no safety to the innocent where the cupidity of designing knaves can be brought to bear upon them. The plan immediately adopted by Schermerhorn was to seduce some of the chiefs by gratuities of money, and thereby to get together such as he could of the nation, and, if possible, make a treaty with them which should bind ah the rest ; but to the honor of the secretary at war, Gen. Cass, it will be re membered, that when such a project was made known to him, he rejected it with disdain. Whether this instrument of injustice was countenanced by men higher in office than the secretary at war, I leave to be determined; but however that might be, it is certain that Schermerhorn was found without loss of time pursuing that nefarious plan, which Gov. Cass had set his seal of unqualified disapprobation upon. He circulated notices of his design through out the Cherokee nation, requesting them to meet him in council ; and finally he got a number of the nation together, which he called a council of the nation, and made a treaty with them. By the stipulations of this treaty, (falsely so called,) the whole country was to be given up to the whites within two years from the time it should be ratified by the senate of the United States. The great majority of the Cherokees, as has been observed, would have nothing to do with Schermerhorn, and consequently, whatever he did had nothing to do with them ; and when its acknowledgment and acceptance were urged at Washington, it was rebutted with the astounding memorial, signed by nearjifleen thousand of the nation, protesting in the strongest terms, that the instrument procured by Schermerhorn was utterly false, and unau thorized by the Cherokees. Yet after all that those 15,000 people could do, that treaty was, with some little variation, published to the world, at the city of Washington, on the 14th of March, 1836, as the act of that nation ! When the nation found that the party which had executed the treaty were going to Washington to further its ratification, the council of the nation im mediately appointed a delegation of twenty of its best men to proceed there also, clothed with authority to represent their countrymen truly. It had be come now apparent that if they would not sell their country for ichat it was thf pleasure of the government to give, they would be driven from it without any thing ; therefore, all that was left for them to do, was to get the best terms they could. And it was finally agreed by the authorized delegation, that they would abide by such an award as the senate should make for their lands, pro vided that when it was laid before the nation, it should be consented to by it ; accordingly, a paper was signed by the Indians, agreeing to abide the action of the senate. Of that action, Mr. Ross, the principal chief, says, he would not have complained, if it had been " fully and fairly " obtained ; but " a res olution was submitted at midnight, on the 3d of March, just as the senate were about to separate, premising, that, in 'its opinion, the president ought to allow a sum not exceeding 5,000,000 of dollars. This resolution, proposed hi a hurry, was carried in as great a hurry, and, though a mere opinion, not pledging either the president or the senate to any consequent action, was represented to us as an 'award,' and we were told we had engaged ourselves to be bound by it." The delegation next proceeded to lay the matter before the nation ; which having done, the "award" of the senate was unanimously rejected. But Gen. Jackson had now taken the matter into his hands, and whatever might be said or done by an Indian council, would make no difference with his deter mination. And when he found that they were reluctant to submit to what they had never had any intention of agreeing to, he ordered Mr. Secretary Harris to inform them, " that no propositions for a treaty would hereafter be made, more favorable than those now offered. The sum of five millions of 442 HISTORY OF THE CIIEROKEES. [BooK IV dollars was fixed upon by the senate, as an ample equivalent for the relin- quishment of all their rights and possessions ; that most assuredly the presi dent would not sanction any expectation, that more favorable arrangements would hereafter be held out to them ; that this was the last proposition the president would make them while he was president, and they might abide the consequences ; that they need not expect either branch of the government would ever do any more, and that, therefore, they need not expect another dollar."* Thus all further negotiation was cut off, and the Indians had nothing fur ther to do, but to submit to what they had long foreseen would probably be their only alternative. With regard to the treaty of December, 1835, procured by Schermerhorn, and since called by his name, as also " the treaty of New Echota," we have but a remark or two more to make ; and, firstly, it will be inquired, who or what part of the Cherokee nation made that treaty ? According to the ac count of Schermerhorn himself, the number which he got together to treat with, did not exceed 600 persons, men, women, and children; of which num ber but 70 were men, and of these, about 30 were Arkansas emigrants, or Cherokees enrolled for emigration, and consequently had no real interest in the nation, and had no right to act in matters affecting its affairs. The reader has only to compare this statement with the memorial before spoken of, signed by 15,000 persons, to enable him to decide on the magnitude of the injustice done that people. Secondly, of the course " this great and mighty government " has pursued to disinherit Indians in certain cases. In May, 1839, Gen. Carroll was sent with instructions by our government, to induce the Cherokees to remove. Some passages in those instructions would never be believed, were they not past contradiction, and staring us by thousands in the face. They recite, that, whereas nothing could probably be effected in open council, by negotiation, " he must go to them, not as a nego tiator, but as a friend ; appeal to the chiefs and influential men, not together, but apart ; make offers to them of extensive reservations in fee simple, and other rewards ; secure, even from the chiefs, your official character ; move upon them in the line of their prejudices ; tell them, unless they remove, their laws will be trodden under foot ; enlarge upon the advantages of their condition in the west" Such is another specimen of another state paper, which emanated from ihis administration. The case has changed. The whites have become powerful, and the red men have become weak. They are able to destroy, or drive them before them to another country , and how has it turned ? The red men have gone. Who are the " cruel savages ? " In the " great debate," as it was termed, on the "Indian bill," in 1830, some of its supporters pointed to the east, and cried out, " Savages ! savages ! " because the voice of humanity had been heard in that direction ; but they might, with almost equal propriety, have pointed to the capital of the state of Georgia even that, where those most oppressive laws originated, contained philanthropists too. The votes in that house stood out little more than equally divided, on the bill to take forcible possession of the Cherokee country. But the philanthropist is derided and scorned ; and that people have only escaped the iron grasp of superstition's hand, to die by that of avarice. It used to be a proverb, that Justice had leaden feet, but yet was sure to overtake her enemies ; but where her feet are clogged with gold, the proverb requires a new explication. We have seen how the Schermerhorn treaty was disposed of in the senate of the United States. The house of representatives must vote the appropria tion, or it could not be carried into effect. When it came up there for action, some rave as a reason for voting for it, that they had no choice, but were bound to do so, because the treaty had been ratified by the president and senate, and it was hence the law of the land. On the other hand, it was * This certainly was a state paper worthy of " My government," " My currency," and above all, " Mv responsibility." Mr. Jackson had before told certain Indians that all the lands beyond the Mississippi belonged to him! If the Cherokees believed he told the trutk, no one will wonder they did not wish to go there ! CH\P. XIV.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 443 argued that the action of the president and senate could never make that in. strument a treaty which was false, and had not been agreed to by but one party ; that this was true abundantly appeared by a protest then belbre the house, signed by almost the entire Cherokee nation. And besides this, the most zealous advocates for removal did not pretend that the treaty was fairly made by the nation, or by any body authorized by it ; but they argued that the bill ought to pass from necessity, as it was to benefit the Indians more than any body else. And with this kind of argument the bill passed, 102 to 97. Thus we are to be judges of what is best for our neighbor, and if he does not conform to our wishes, we will force him to do so. On the same princi ple we may say, that it is decreed by unerring fate that the red men must be swept from the face of the earth ; but does it follow that we must hasten their ruin ? With as much reason all mankind might commit suicide, because fate has decreed that we must all die, sooner or later. As soon as congress had disposed of the Cherokee question, the executive of the nation, apprehensive that trouble would arise between Georgia and the Cherokees, ordered Gen. Scott to repair thither without delay. He was soon on the way, with about 2,000 men. This was early in the year 1838. Mean while Gov. Gilmer had threatened "collision," unless the work of expulsion was immediately begun. How much in fear Mr. Van Buren stood of this and other bravadoes, we do not undertake to say ; but he pressed matters as fast as he could, more afraid, doubtless, of the votes, than the steel of Georgia. But what did that excellent old general find on his arrival in the Cherokee country ? Armed Indians behind every bush, prepared to shed the last drop of their blood in defence of their beloved country ? No. Not a semblance of opposition was there ; ah 1 was quietness ; all were about then- ordinary affairs, in their own fields, and by their own habitations. Having established his head quarters in the nation, he issued a proclamation, requesting them to assemble at certain points, from whence they would be sent to Arkansas. They obeyed the summons, and thus, hi due time, the whole nation were removed. CHAPTER XIV EXPATRIATION OF THE CHEROKEES, CONTINUED, " Where is my home my forest home ? the proud land of my sires i Where stands the wigwam of my pride ? Where gleam the council fires Where are my fathers' hallowed graves? my friends, so lisht and free? Gone, gone, forever from my view! Groat Spirit! can it be?" A. W. B. IT has somehow or other happened that great changes have taken place in the minds of our rulers, or some of them, within a few years, in regard to what certain laws and treaties mean. As late as 1826, no question was raised about the rights of the Indians ; nothing was attempted to be done, by governmeitt, on their lands, without their consent being first obtained ; no one even dreamed of laying out a road through their lands without their permis sion. But, of a sudden, it is discovered that the government has been labor ing under a great mistake all the time of its existence ; that during the ad ministration of Andrew Jackson, wisdom had shed her light so abundant, that numbers had risen up in her full armor, and unhesitatingly declared that the very men who formed our constitution knew very little about it ; that under its provisions no valid treaty could be made with Indians ; that neither WASHINGTON, JEFFERSON, nor JOHN ADAMS, could make the discovery; but it must be reserved to add lustre to the era of which we are speaking. The compact between the general government and Georgia, in 1802, is the principal theme of their oppressors. Now eveiy body knows that with that compact the Cherokees had nothing to do ; they had no hand in forming it, nor never consented to it. A treaty is a compact of mutual concessions and 444 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [ B OK IV agreements between nations. The Cherokees agreed that if they ever sold their lands, or any part of them, it should be to the United States. Now this was, as times have been, a veiy important concession on the part of the In dians ; but if the faith of the United States had been kept inviolate, it would as yet have amounted to but little, a small tract of land here and there, but it has now amounted to an entire country. When the treaties were formed, it was supposed that against this concession the United States had put one of much greater moment, namely, that of protection. What have we seen? the whites in possession of all the lands of the Indians, the Indians protected ? Not by the United States ; for it has driven them where it can not, from the nature of their situation, protect them. These conclusions inevitably follow, and we challenge proof in contradiction. That we have given the Indians more than their lands were worth, has been urged as an argument that no wrong has been done them. That has nothing to do with the point at issue. Unenviable must the mind of that man be, who holds nothing above price, mere pecuniary compensation. What though the government did stipulate that it would buy out the Chero kees as soon as it could be done, (a very foolish bargain, by the way,) on reasonable and equitable terms; is it to be understood that they must sell their lands just when a demand is made for them ? This argument is too fallacious to be thought of by rational men. Hence the only way left to dis possess a nation, too weak to defend themselves by force, is to declare they have no right where they are. And, to the astonishment of all the world, such were the grounds of argument, and such the arguments that succeeded in an American congress in ruining a nation. What though the nation were small, and consequently weak ? So much the greater the crime. Are not laws made for the protection of the weak against the strong? as well in property as person ? Shall the United States of enlightened America deal worse with their friends and allies than ancient despotic Rome ? Even na tions subdued by the Romans, and included in their dominions, were suffered " to live under their own laws, and be governed by their own magistrates." * It has been urged as a reason for disinheriting the Cherokees, that it is ab surd to allow a nation to exist under a separate government, within another government or state, and hence unconstitutional. Allowing all this to be true, (which we do not,) what has it to do with the Cherokees ? Had not the Cherokees as good a right to say to a state which had undertaken to extend a line beyond them, " You have no authority to do this, and must instantly desist." Now there can be no question but that a state would be compelled to desist, if the party so included were able to defend itself against usurpa tion. This happening not to be the case with the Cherokees, a cordon is passed about them, at first, merely nominal ; but, at length, like the coil of the serpent, it is drawn tighter and tighter, until they discover, too late, that a death-blow is aimed at their veiy existence. Who, or what is Georgia, that it should claim priority to the Cherokees ? Were not the Cherokees a nation long before it was heard of? Which permitted the other to grow up by its side ? How long is it since the Cherokees were able to drive that hand ful of white intruders beyond a more formidable boundary than the Missis sippi ? They did not attempt it. Their " avarice " was not strong enough to tempt them to so cruel an action. No. They took them by the hand at Yamacraw Bluffj and at Holston, and said, " Brothers, here is land enough for us and for you. Lie down upon our skins until you can make wigwams and mats for yourselves." How have these kindnesses been returned ? We will hear what Georgia herself said about the validity of Indian trea ties, no longer ago than 1825. In that year a treaty was made with the Creeks, by which a cession of a portion of their territory in Georgia was made ; and by an article in said treaty, it was provided, that the United States should protect the Indians against the encroachments and impositions of the whites, until their removal should take place. The governor of Georgia, G. M. Troup, issued his proclamation in accordance with the treaty, a passage of which is in these words : * Vattel, " Law of Nations," B. I. ch. i. sec. 11. CHAP. XIV.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 445 " I have thought proper to issue this, my proclamation, warning all per sons, citizens ef Georgia, or others, against trespassing or intruding upon lands occupied by the Indians within the limits of this state, either for the purpose of settlement or otherwise ; as every such act will be in direct viola tion of the provisions of the treaty, aforesaid, and will expose the aggressors to the most certain and summary punishment by the authorities of the state, and of the United States. All good citizens, therelbre, pursuing the dictates of good faith, will unite in enforcing the obligations of the treaty as the suprtme late." How does this accord with a resolve of the legislature of that state, but a few years afterwards, to take forcible possession of the country of the Chero- kees ? A comparative view of these enactments led a high-minded senator* to declare, " that treaties were very lawful when made for the use of Georgia." In 1824, the Georgia delegation in congress, in an address to the president of the United States, complained, in no very moderate terms, of the injustice done to their state, by the delay of the government in not extinguishing the Cherokee title to lands within its limits ; thereby acknowledging what they denied afterwards, namely, that the Cherokees had any title. They say, " If the Clierokees are unwilling to remove, the causes of that unwillingness are to be traced to the United States. If peaceable purchase cannot be made in the ordinaiy mode, nothing remains to be done but to order their removal to n designated territory beyond the limits of Georgia." And, in conclusion, they add, " Our duty is performed by remonstrating against the policy hereto fore pursued, by which the interests of Georgia have been disregarded ; and by insisting, as we do, most earnestly, upon an immediate fulfilment of the obligations of the articles of cession of 1802." Such is a specimen of the language of two senators and six representatives of Georgia, to the president of the United States, upon this question. And we venture to assert that the autocrat of all the Russias is not more despotic in his decrees, than these gentlemen were on this occasion. ' A few days after the address of the Georgia delegates, the secretary of war, the Hon. JOHN C. CALHOUN, issued his report on our Indian relations, in which he says, " The United States have ever been solicitous to fulfil, at the earliest period, the obligation of the convention, by the extinguishment of the Indian titles within the limits of Georgia ; a most satisfactory proot of which may be found in the number of treaties which have been held for that purpose, the quantity of lands which has been acquired, and the price paid. In fact, such has been the solicitude of the government, that but little regard has been had to the price, whenever it has been found possible to obtain a cession of lands to the state. The price given has far exceeded that whick has ever been given in other purchases from the Indians." Thus a mighty clashing of opinions is apparent on a comparison of these two extracts. From certain other facts in Mr. Calhoun's report, it appears that, in 1802, the Cherokees owned 7,152,110 acres of land in the limits of Georgia. Since the late war with England, they had held two treaties with the United States, by which they had ceded 995,310 acres. Emigration had been uniformly encouraged, and many had voluntarily gone to Arkansas. To this course nobody objected. But in this way matters progressed too slow for greedy speculators, and it was urged that, as many Cherokees had emigrated, a pro portionate quantity of the country should be set off for Georgia. An enumer ation or census had been attempted, to ascertain what the proportion would be, and it was eventually concluded that one third of the nation had left the country, and a treaty was entered into at Washington, in 1819, by which that amount of territory was ceded. Between 1819 and 1824, two attempts to treat witli them for further cessions of territory had been made, and both proved abortive. " It cannot be doubted," says Mr. Calhoun, " that much of the difficulty of acquiring additional cession from the Cherokees, and the other southern tribes, results from their growing civilization and knowledge, by which they have learned to place a higher value upon their lands than more rude and savage tribes. Many causes have contributed to place them * Mr. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey. 38 446 HISTURV OF THE CHEROKEES. [Eoo K IV. higher hi the scale of civilization than other Indians within our limits the genial nature of their climate, which enables them to pass more readily from the hunter to the herdsman state ; and the fertility of their soil, and the value of their staple articles, particularly cotton. To these, however, must be added the humane and benevolent policy of the government, which has ever directed a fostering care to the Indians within our limits. This policy is as old as the government itself; and has been habitually and strongly extended to the Cherokee nation." Such, in 1824, were allowed to be the reasons why the Cherokees could not be prevailed upon to forsake their country. Now, if they had no right there, but that of sufferance, why is it that " this fostering policy, as old as the government," has been held forth and maintained towards them ? The reason is obvious : no president before Gen. Jackson, could bring bis mind to do as he has done. At some future day, ask some remnant of the Cherokees, of the Creeks, or of the Seminoles, if any should remain, why they should leave the lands of their fathers to become wanderers beyond the Mississippi, and their reply can be no other than this : " We were forced away by the white men. Some of our men were traitors ; of them they bought our rights, knowing them to be false." Compare the language held by Gen. Jackson, in 1821, with what he has since said and done. On the 18th of January of that year, he wrote from his head quarters at Nashville, to Path Killer, and other Cherokee chiefs, as follows : " Friends and brothers : I have never told a red brother a lie nor deceived him. The intruders [on your lands,] if they attempt to return, will be sent off. But your light-horse should not let them settle down on your land. You ought to drive the stock away from your lands, and deliver the intruders to the agent; but if you cannot keep intruders from your land, report it to the agent, and on his notice, I will drive them from your land." On the 6th of June, 1830, he informs the Cherokees, "that, having no power to interfere and oppose the exercise of the sovereignty of any state, over and upon all who may be within the limits of any state, they will prepare themselves to abide the issue of such new relations, without any hope that he will interfere." It must be borne in mind, that the Indians had done nothing meanwhile to forfeit any one right, or the protection promised them by all the treaties, sanctioned by all the presidents, including Jackson himself! In April, 1824, a deputation of Cherokees was at Washington, and on the 15th day of that month they laid before congress a memorial " on matters of vast importance" to them. In this memorial they refer to the oppressive stand taken by the governor of Georgia, as communicated by him in a letter to the secretary of war, and to the acrimonious and incongruous address of the Georgia delegation to the president, already noticed. Upon these the delegation remark: "We cannot but view the design of those letters as an attempt, bordering on a hostile disposition towards the Cherokee nation, to arrest from them, by arbitrary means, their just rights and liberties." And this is the harshest language they any where complain in, in answer to the grossest insults. In regard to the cession of more land, they declare their sentiments in the following words: "In relation to the disposition and determination of the nation, never again to cede another foot of land is positively the production and voice of the nation, and what has been uttered by us, in the communications which we have made to the government, since our arrival in this city, is expressive of the true sentiments of the nation, agreeably to our instructions, and not one word of which has been put into our mouths by a white man. Any surmises or statements to the contrary are ill-founded and ungenerous." It should be remembered, that it had been basely insinuated by their enemies, in every public way, that the Indians were influenced by designing white men from the north, in all their opposition to the will of Georgia. This memorial was signed by JOHN Ross, GEORGE LOWREY, the mark of MAJOR RIDGE, and ELIJAH HICKS. Immediately after this, Gov. Troup writes from Milledgeville a very con- dusive letter to Mr. Calhoun, secretary of war. so far as sophistry and angry words can be conclusive on a subject. As a specimen of his logic, we wil/ ;HAP. XIV.] HISTOLY OF THE CHEROKEES. 44? cite as follows from his communication. Forasmuch " as the Puritans of New England, and Quakers of Pennsylvania, had never repaired the wronga done Indians, why is Georgia to be called upon to make propitiatory offer ings ? " And " if the principle of Penn's treaty was right, all others that have followed are wrong." About the same time the Cherokee memorial was before the house of representatives, of which we have spoken, its authors, to counteract certain false reports of their traducers, published in the National Intelligencer a statement of their case, from which we note the following passages: "Not satisfied with wishing the executive of the United States violently to rupture the solemn bond of our rights to our lands, and to put at defiance the pledges which existing treaties contain, guarantying to us our lands, it is attempted to take from us the intellect which has directed us in conducting the several negotiations with commissioners appointed to treat with us for our lands, and with the executive government, by the unfounded charge, that ' the last letter of the Ckerokees to the secretary at war contains internal evidence that it was never written or dictated by an Indian. 1 Whilst we profess to be complimented on the one hand by this blow at our intelligence, we cannot, in justice, allow it to pass, upon the other, without a flat contradiction. That letter, and every other letter, was not only written, but dictated by an Indian." We are not surprised that the Georgia statesmen are not willing to allow that they have insulted so much intellect and intelligence, aware, as they must have been, that in point of manner and matter, their own compositions, side by side with the Cherokees, would suffer in no inconsiderable degree by comparison. In closing they say, " It is not for us to vindicate, or attempt to vindicate, our great father the president ; he does not need an Indian's aid, nor an Indian's eulogy; but, however we are bound to love him, yet it is due to justice to state, that we have been often pained, and especially of late, at the earnestness with which he has pressed upon us the subject of ceding our lands. Why he has acted thus we are at a loss to conceive. We are not ignorant of the nature of the convention of 1802. We know every one of its promises. If, however, these are to be violated, and the fell war-whoop should ever be raised against us, to dispossess us of our lands, we will gratify the delegation of Georgia, in their present earnestness to see us removed or destroyed, by adding additional fertility to our land, by a deposit of our body and our bones ; for ice are resolved never to leave them but by parting from them and our lives togtther" Such was the resolution of the Cherokees at this period. But fifteen years' suffering overcame them, and they were compelled to submit to a fate they could not avert. We have, in an earlier page,* stated the manner in which the Creeks had been divested of their country, and the fatal catastrophe that fell upon the heads of the chiefs, who, against the will of the nation, had bargained it away. The most prominent character in that work among the Creeks was Gen. WILLIAM M'LNTOSH. We have, in the same place, stated the attempt made by that chief to bribe Mr. Ross to undermine his nation, in the same corrupt manner as himself had done in regard to his own ; and the part enacted by the Cherokees, upon that occasion, is now necessary to be stated. A meeting of the legislative council of the Cherokees was held in October, 1823, to hear what the agents of our government had to say to them, they having procured the meeting. The object, of course, was well understood, and the agents urged then- case in every possible form ; but they were answered in the most manly manner, that the nation would never part with another foot of land. Gen. M'Intosh was present at this conference, and with his son was treated with every kindness, and during the proceedings were seated by the side of Mr. Ross, as was customary with both nations at their councils, when any distinguished chiefs were present, to signify that good correspondence between them existed. At, or about this time, M'Intosh ven tured to recommend a cession to some of the chiefmen in conversations , what feigned encouragement he met with, to draw out his real character, is not upon our records, but it is certain that a communication in writing was * Of Ihis Book, Gimp, vi., p. 52, 448 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [BojK IV. thereupon made to Mr. Ross, who, without delay, laid it before the council, when it was decided that it should be read in M'Intosh's presence. He was accordingly called in, and his letter was read,* after which Mr. Ross made the lollowing address: 44 My friends : five years have elapsed since I have been called to preside over the national committee ; and your approbation of my conduct in the dis charge of my official duties, is manifested by the successive reappointments which you have bestowed on me. The trust which you have reposed in me has been sacredly maintained, and shall ever be preserved. A traitor, in all nations, is looked upon in the darkest color, and is more despicable than the meanest reptile that crawls upon the earth. An honorable and honest char acter is more valuable than the filthy lucre of the whole world. Therefore, 1 would prefer to live as poor as the worm that inhabits the earth, than to gain the world's wealth and have my reputation as an honest man tarnished by the acceptance of a pecuniary bribe, for self-aggrandizement. It has now become my painful duty to inform you that a gross contempt is offered to my character, as well as to that of the members of the general council. This letter which I hold in my hand will speak for itself. But, fortunately, the author of it has mistaken our character and sense of honor." This took place on the 24 October, 1823, and was but the commencement of the denunciations M'Intosh was to receive. As chief speaker of the nation, the duty of severely reprimanding the traitor devolved on Major Ridge. This was an exceedingly painful duty to him, especially as they had been old friends and officers together; had fought under Jackson, side by side, at Taladega, Tohopeka, and in numerous other battles; they had been co- laborers in the civil field; frequently called together to settle and adjust important matters between their respective nations ; and they were, at this time, under an appointment as commissioners to run the boundary line between the two nations. But all these considerations and circumstances did not cause Major Ridge to shrink from his duty. He said that what he was about to say must not only be heard by the Cherokees, but by others, far and wide. He adverted to then- acknowledged maxims in reference to the duties of those intrusted with their government, who, if once found astray from their duty, were never again to be trusted. M'Intosh, he said, had home the character of high moral rectitude among his own people, the Creeks, but how stands his character now? "I cast him behind my back. He may depart in peace. I here publicly disgrace him. He now knows we are not to be bought with money. We will not exult over fallen greatness. He may go to his own nation, and in the bosom of his family mourn the loss of a good name." Such is the substance of the speech of Major Ridge, who him self fell into the same snare afterwards, and suffered the same fate, with the man he now so pointedly and justly condemned. In 1829, a society was formed in New York, " for the emigration, preserva tion, and improvement, of the aborigines of America," an account of which was transmitted to the president of the United States, then at the Rip Raps, in Virginia. The president replied to a letter which accompanied the ac count, through Major Eaton, in a very conciliatory and gracious manner. One passage is especially worthy of notice, from its surprising contrast with what was afterwards avowed by the same authors. " I beg leave to assure you," says the general, " that nothing of a compulsory course, to effect the removal of this unfortunate race of people, has ever been thought of by the president ; although it has been so asserted." Now, all the world knows what has since been said and done. In a sort of a reply which Mr. Benton made to Mr. Clay in the senate, in 1835, he said he rose not for the purpose of taking any part in the little discussion, [about Indians,] but of calling 1 up a voice far more powerful than his own that of Mr. Jefferson" But as he said nothing in his half hour's talk that he attributed to Mr. Jefferson, or that Mr. Jefferson ever thought of, except that good man's name, it is fair to presume that that was the extent of his argument. We are prepared to use something more than the name of Jefferson against the oppressors of the In- * The same we have given, ante, page 52. CHAP. XV.l HISTORY OF THE CIIEROKEES. 440 dians, and we here offer some of his sound and sober convictions. "I am of opinion," he says in a letter to Gen. Knox, of 10 August, 1791, " that govern ment should firmly maintain this ground ; that the Indians have a right to the occupation of their lands, independent of the states unthin whose chartered limits they happen to be ; that, until they cede them by treaty, or other transac tion equivalent to a treaty, no act of a state can give a right to such lands ; that neither under the present constitution, nor the ancient confederation, had any state, or persons, a right to treat with the Indians without the consent of the general government ; that that consent has never been given to any treaty for the cession of the lands in question ; that the government is determined to exert all its energy for tlie patronage and protection of the rights of the Indians, and the preservation of peace between the United States and them ; and that if any settlements are made on lands not ceded by them, without the previous consent of the United States, the government will think itself bound, not only to declare to the Indians that such settlements are without the authority or pro tection of the United States, but to remove them also by the public force. Such was the "voice" CoVBenton said he was to "call up," to drown that of the friend of the Indians. But " how are the mighty fallen ! " The helpless In dians have been forced to fly before the steel of the white man to inhospi table regions, leaving then* fine fields and comfortable houses to their ava ricious oppressors. But after all that has happened, all the wrong that has been done the Indian, all the wrong that has been done to every countryman of Jefferson, we would not change our condition with a subject of Algiers, because we have well-grounded hopes that good men will ere long stand in the place where justice emanates ; yet it fills the heart of the philanthropist with sor row, that their coming cannot relieve the Cherokees. The dey of Algiers holds out no pretensions to Christians that they may expect justice at his hands ; but he says to them, " Do you not know that my people are a band of robbers, and that I am then* captain ? " * A president of the United States has said that he intended no harm to the Cherokees ; but what has he done ? It is painful to be compelled to reproach the government of a beloved country with acts like these ; but we have no alternative, excepting in a der eliction of duty. We would gladly have been spared this part of our under taking ; but Justice has claims upon us now as strong as she had upon our government, and we cannot so deliberately disregard them. CHAPTER XV. HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES, CONTINUED. " They have tnken the realm which our ancestors gave ; They htive thrown their chains o'er the lanil and the wave ; The forpst is wasted with sword and with flame ; And what have we left but our once honored name?" ALOUZO .LEWIS. WE have seen how Jefferson viewed the rights of the Indians, as guaran tied to them in the times of Washington ; and what have the Cherokees since done, that they are to forfeit those rights ? Have they forfeited them by adopt ing the manners and customs of a civilized people ? or by fighting their bat tles ? That a president of this day should say to them, when they are about to be grossly tyrannized over by a state, " that he has no power to interfere and to oppose the exercise of the sovereignty of any state, over or upon all who may be within the limits of any state ; that, therefore, they must prepare themselves to abide the issue of such new relations, without any hope that he will interfere;" thus did Gen. Jackson speak to the insulted Cherokees, on * See Mr. Bhmi's Brief Examination, &c., pasre 15. 38* 2D 450 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [Boos IV. the 6 June, 1830. He, at the same time, assured them " that he loves them ; (!) that he is their friend ; that he feels for them as a father feels for his chil dren." With whatever truth this might have been spoken, we do not hesitate to presume that such was not the way the Cherokees felt " for their children." And in an address to the people of the United States, which they published on the 17 J aly of the same year, they say, " It would be impossible to describe the sorrow which affects their minds, on learning that the chief magistrate of the United States has come to this conclusion, that all his illustrious prede cessors had held intercourse with them on erroneous principles ; principles that could not be sustained ; that they had made promises of vital importance to them, which could not be fulfilled promises made hundreds of times, in almost every conceivable manner often in the form of solemn treaties sometimes in letters written by the chief magistrate with his own hand very often in letters written by the secretary of war under his direction these, all these, are now discovered to be upon false principles." The Cherokees had now become capable of meeting the white people with the arguments of reason, and not with steel ; and they were capable of judg ing between sincerity and mere pretension. This was well portrayed by the chief SPECKLED SNAKE, in a speech which he made in a council which had been summoned to hear a talk from President Jackson read to them. It was as follows : "Brothers ! We have heard the talk of our great father ; it is very kind. He says he loves his red children. Brothers I When the white man first came to these shores, the Muscogees gave him land, and kindled him a fire to make him comfortable ; and when the pale faces of the south* made war on him, their young men drew the tomahawk, and protected his head from the scalp ing knife. But when the white man had warmed himself before the Indian's fire, and filled himself with the Indian's hominy, he became very large ; he stopped not for the mountain tops, and his feet covered the plains and the valleys. His hands grasped the eastern and the western sea. Then he be came our great father. He loved his red children ; but said, ' You must move a little farther, lest I should, by accident, tread on you.' With one foot he pushed the red man over the Oconee, and with the other he trampled down the graves of his fathers. But our great father still loved his red children, and he soon made them another talk. He said much ; but it all meant noth ing, but ' move a little farther ; you are too near me.' I have heard a great many talks from our great father, and they all begun and ended the same. Brothers! When he made us a talk on a former occasion, he said, ' Get a little farther ; go beyond the Oconee and the Oakmulgee ; there is a pleasant coun try.' He also said, ' It shall be yours forever.' Now he says, ' The land you live on is not yours ; go beyond the Mississippi ; there is game ; there you may remain while the grass grows or the water runs.' Brothers ! Will not our great father come there also ? He loves his red children, and his tongue is not forked." The doctrine of a right inherent in the government of the United States to remove the Cherokees by force, is comparatively new. It was not thought or even dreamed of before 1808. In that year a deputation from that nation was encouraged to visit the seat of government, more for the renewal of friend ship than any thing else perhaps, who, in a conference they had with Presi dent Jefferson, " declared their anxious desire to engage in the pursuit of agri culture and civilized life, in the country they then occupied;" but said, "as all their countrymen could not be induced to exchange the hunter's life for an agricultural one, they requested that their country might be divided by a line between the upper and lower towns, so as to include all the waters of the Highwassee River to the upper towns ; that, by thus contracting their society within narrower limits, they might begin the establishment of fixed laivs and a regular government. Those wishing to lead the hunter's life, owing to the ecarcity of game in their country, requested liberty to go over the Mississippi, and occupy some vacant lands belonging to the United States. To these * The Spaniards of Florida endeavored to break up the English settlement under Gen- Ogletborpe in Georgia. Cn\r. XV] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES, 451 propositions the president gave his entire and unqualified approbation. No objection is heard of against their erecting a government for themselves, or a wish to restrain them in any manner. Eventually, some four or five thousand of the lower town Cherokees did emigrate to Arkansas, and there a wretched life many of them worried out ; many fell in wars with die Osages, some few got back to their own country, and sickness swept off many more. Such Iruits of emigration tended to strengthen the upper towns in their resolution of cultivating the land ; and when, in 1823, commissioners were appointed to treat with them for their country, and for their removal west, they directly refused, and showed how much better off they were for continuing in their own nation than those who had emigrated. And here ended for some years all attempts on the part of the United States to treat with them for a removal. The seeds of avarice, although sown, had not come to maturity, but, like a plant in an uncongenial soil, remained without seeming to nourish or decay ; yet at length a prosper ous cultivator being found in a president of the United States, its growth soon astonished all beholders, and its branches cast a deathlike shade over a pros perous nation, and withered it away. We have before remarked upon the discovery made by the southern poli ticians, namely, that from the time of WASHINGTON, there had been no presi dent (including that great man) who knew what laws and treaties meant ; that all the time and money which had been spent in making treaties, had been thrown away ; for it was now discovered that Indians were only tenants at will, and had no right on any lands within certain state boundaries, any longer than the charity of the good people near them would humanely per mit In fact, all these treaties were now found out to be unconstitutional. This doctrine was finally the hinge on which the whole business turned. But Georgia herself could condescend to treat with the Cherokees in ?783, and obtained from them a considerable tract of country. Did that state con descend then to acknowledge the Cherokees an independent nation to get from them by treaty that which she was not strong enough to take by force ? I will not aver that it was so. One thing, however, there is, about which there can be no misconception ; the Cherokees were then powerful ; and though, in the war with England, which had just terminated, they fought against us, they now came forward and declared for us ; and their alliance was considered of no small account, situated as we then were in relation to the Spaniards in Florida. And, besides, it must be considered that at the close of the revolution, our people desired peace with the Cherokees as much as they with us; and, in the language of Chief Justice Marshall,* "When the United States gave peace, did they not also receive it ? Did the Cherokees come to us, to our seat of government, to solicit peace ; or did our govern ment send commissioners to them to ask it ? " The result, however, was the treaty of Hopewell, " within the Cherokee nation," and not at New York, that that celebrated treaty was made. The series of usurpations commenced upon the Cherokees and other Indians, has at length, in this present year, 1840, reached the climax of oppression contemplated by its originators. That people had long viewed further encroachments upon them as certain, inasmuch as such encroach ments had never actually ceased from the day of their acquaintance with the white man ; but the awful thunder which burst upon them in our day had ne>~er been thought of by the whites, much less by themselves, until within a few years. They had, indeed, as early as 1823, observed a dark cloud gather ing in the north-east, but they rationally thought that the extent of country it must pass over, before it should reach them, would qualify its rage, and waste its deadly effects ; happy for them had it proved as they had hoped, and as every friend of humanity and justice had hoped it would ; but it came and swept away the Cherokees. The monstrous project of a removal of all the Indians within our limits beyond the Mississippi, is not chargeable to any one of our chief magistrates, but Mr. Monroe is conspicuous among them. He proposed it with diffidence * Opinion in the case, Worcester vs. the State of Georgia, p. 14. 452 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES [KooK IT in his opening message to congress, on the 7th of December, 1824 ; and here let us observe, that the suggestion was made upon the same month, and nearly the same day of the month, that our fathers came to these shores; and on the 2?th of January, following, he strongly recommended the measure. He was induced to propose such a plan, he said, as the only one he could devise to relieve the country from the difficulty by which its executive was surrounded, and which every day thickened. Georgia was pressing with severe earnest ness; alleging that the time had arrived when the Indian title to lands within its limits should be extinguished, and the new states were crowding on all sides with undue importunity, that their claim for Indians' lands was as good uis their neighbors'. The president, therefore, like a bankrupt, who, to get rid of a difficult demand to-day, obligates himself to pay a greater one to-morrow, disregards the dictates of his own judgment. It was under these circum stances that a removal was recommended. But with this recommendation of removal, Mr. Monroe, although he speaks of force, repudiates in the strongest terms its employment. And we cannot doubt his suggestion was dictated by the purest benevolence. He says, "The condition of the aborigines within our limits, and especially those who are within the limits of any of the states, merits peculiar attention. Experience has shown, that unless the tribes be civilized, they can never be incorporated into our system, in any form whatever. It has likewise shown, that in the regular augmentation of our population, with the extension of our settle ments, their situation will become deplorable, if their extinction is not menaced. Some well-digested plan, which will rescue them from such calamities, is due to their rights, to the rights of humanity, and to the honor of the nation. Their civilization is indispensable to their safety, and this can be accomplished only by degrees. Difficulties of the most serious character present themselves to the attainment of this very desirable result, on the territory on which they now reside. To remove them from it by force, even with a view to their own security or happiness, would be revolting to humanity, and utterly unjustifiable." And touching this matter we have a very clear view of the opinions of Mr. Monroe, regarding Indian rights, in another message, in which he expresses himself as follows: "I have no hesitation, however, to declare it as my opinion, that the Indian title was not affected in the slightest circumstance by the compact with Georgia, and that there is no obligation on the United States to remove the Indians by force. The express stipulation of the compact, that their title should be extinguished at the expense of the United States, when it may be done peaceably, and on reasonable conditions, is a full proof that it was the clear and distinct understanding of both parties to it, that the Indians had a right to the territory, in the disposal of which they were to be regarded as free agents. An attempt to remove them by force would, in my opinion, be unjust. In the future measures to be adopted in regard to the Indians within our limits, and, in consequence, within the limits of any state, the United States have duties to perform, and a character to sustain, to which they ought not to be indifferent" But what have the admonitions of all good men availed ? And the more we meet with, the more we are astonished at the result of things, and the more severely do we deprecate and denounce the advocates of the course pursued. The president evidently had not thought very seriously about the removal of the Indians at this time, and knew little of the history, or actual state of the Cherokees ; they had then become considerably civilized, and instead of decreasing, were increasing. But about two months after, he again makes the Indian subject the object of a special message, in the outset of which he holds this language : " Being deeply impressed with the opinion, that the removal of the Indian tribes from the lands which they now occupy within the limits of the several states and territories, to the country lying westward and northward thereof, within our acknowledged boundaries, is of very high importance to our Union, and may be accomplished on conditions and in a manner to promote the interest and happiness of those tribes, the attention of government has been long drawn, with great solicitude, to the subject." First a removal is barely thought about, then talked about, then proposed, CHAP. XV.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 45:3 then strongly recommended ; so far there must be no compulsion, because it would be too barefaced an outrage on the common sense of the people ; because the Indians trill remove without force; they can be bought out. Time showed that they could not be obliged to sell their country; then the project of extending state laws over them is started, which, though unconsti tutional, can be enforced in spite of the general government, to the incal culable mischief of the Indians ; and besides, could it be supposed that the general government would resist state laws unto a drop of white blood in defence of the rights of Indians ? A preposterous idea ! A. result which could not be allowed to happen in these days of light and reason in abundance. While the executive of the general government is pondering the matter, not only Indians, but citizens of the United States, among them as instructors, and by the direction and under the authority of the president himself, are seized by an armed force, dragged to a distant region, and thrown into prison ! Months pass away, and the government is still pondering on what is to be done. In the mean time Georgia sends out an armed force to protect the Indians, and we will hear how this force performed the service, as set forth in a memorial to congress from some of the most respectable of the Cherokees, iii 1831. " In the name and authority of G. R. Gilmar, governor of Georgia, a bill was filed in chancery, in the superior court of Hall county, in July last, (1830,) against certain Cherokees, praying for an injunction to stop them from digging and searching for gold within the limits of their own nation ; and the bill being sworn to before Judge Clayton, he awarded an injunction against the parties named in the bill as defendants, commanding them, forthwith, to desist from working on those mines, under the penalty of 20,000 dollars ; at the same time and place there were unmolested several thousand intruders from Georgia and other states, engaged in robbing the nation of gold, for which the owners were ordered not to work by the said writ Under the authority of this injunction, the sheriff of Hall county, with an armed force, invaded the nation, consisting of a colonel, a captain, and 30 or 40 of the militia of the state of Georgia, who arrested a number of Cherokees engaged in digging for gold, who were at first rescued by the troops of the United States, stationed near the place, and the sheriff and his party themselves made prisoners, and conducted fifteen miles to the military camp, when a council of examination was held, and the exhibition of then* respective authorities made, which resulted in the release of the sheriff and his party, and a written order by the commanding officer of the United States troops, directing the Cherokees to submit to the authority of Georgia, and that no further protection could be extended to them at the gold mines, as he could no longer interfere with the laws of Georgia, but would afford aid in carrying them into execution. On the return of the sheriff and his party, they passed by the Cherokees who were still engaged in digging for gold, and ordered them to desist, under the penalty of being committed to jail, and proceeded to destroy their tools and machinery for cleaning gold, and after committing some further aggression, they returned. Shortly afterwards, the sheriff, with a guard of four men, and a process from the state of Georgia, arrested three Cherokees for disobeying the injunction, while peaceably engaged in their lal)ors, and conducted them to Wadkinsville, a distance of 75 miles, before the same judge, A. S. Clayton, who then and there sentenced them to pay a fine of 93 dollars, costs, and to stand committed to prison until paid; and also compelled them to give their bond Ln the sum of 1,000 dollars, for their personal appearance before his next court, to answer the charges of violating the writ of injunction aforesaid. They were retained in custody five days, then paid the costs, and gave the required bond. They appeared agreeably to the bonds, and Judge Clayton dismissed them, on the ground that the governor of Georgia could not become a prosecutor in the case. For these unwarrantable outrages, committed on their persons and property, no apology was offered, nor to this day has any of their money been refunded." If there are any blacker cases of outrage any where committed in a Christian country, we are not informed of them. Such would not be sub mitted to in Turkey or China. The manner in which affairs were managed 454 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [Boon IV in Georgia, under color of law, is a disgrace to the least civilized community. Gen. Macomb marched the troops of the United States into the Cherokee country, he said, to guard against the difficulties which it was apprehended would grow out of the conflicting operations of the Cherokees and the lawless intruders upon the mineral district, and having fulfilled the instructions of the government, the troops were directed to return tor the winter to tlieii respective quarters." About the same time Gov. Gilmar wrote to the secretary of war, requesting the withdrawal of the troops, observing that Georgia could enforce her own laws. When this notice was received at Washington, the secretary wrote to Gilmar that he had "just ordered their withdrawal, because the object for which they had been sent was, in a great measure, accomplished!" Now, if the Cherokee country belonged to Georgia, it is difficult to see what business the general government had to send its troops into her territory, to remove gold diggers or any other kind of diggers, whether digging lawfully in their " own diggings," or unlawfully in those of another It was a new doctrine, but of a tenor with all the rest, that the United States must enforce the laws of Georgia. That is to say, she must enforce them for Georgia, if Georgia desired it, or if not, there would be no interference 011 the part of the general government CHAPTER XVL HISTORY OF $! CHEROKEES, CONCLUDED. " Come, Lethe, come ! thy tide oblivious roll O'er all that proud complacency of soul, That generous ardor, that enlivening flame, That warmed my bosom, when I heard the name Of my once honored country ; let thy wave, Dark as Avernus, gloomy as the grave, Drown every vestige of that country's fame, And shade the light that bursts upon her shame ! " PIJERPONT. To mark the progress of oppression, we here note as follows from the Cherokee Phoenix, under date, " New Echota, 19 February, 1831. This week we present to our readers but half a sheet. The reason is, one of our printers has left us ; and we expect another, who is a white man, to quit us very soon, either to be dragged to the Georgia penitentiary for a term not less than four years, or for his personal safety to leave the nation, to let us shift for our selves as well as we can. Thus 1 is the liberty of the press guarantied by the constitution of Georgia. But we will not give up the ship while she is afloat. We have intelligent youths enough in the nation, and we hope before long to make up our loss. Let our patrons bear in mind that we are in the woods, and, as is said by many, in a savage country, where printers are not plenty ; and therefore they must not expect to receive the Phoenix regular for a while, but we will do the best we can." One month after, namely, March 19, the Phoenix says, "The law of Geor gia, making it a high misdemeanor for a white man to reside in the Cherokee nation, without taking the oath of allegiance, and obtaining a permit from the governor of Georgia, or his agent, is now in a course of execution. On last Sabbath, after the usual time of divine service, the Georgia guard arrived, and arrested three of our citizens, viz., Rev. Samuel A. Worcester, Mr. J. F. Wheeler, one of our printers, and Mr. Thomas Gann, the two last being citi zens, with Cherokee families. Mr. Isaac Proctor, assistant missionary at Car- mel, had the evening before been taken, and carne with the guard as a pris oner. On Monday they were marched to Etahwah, where, the same evening, were taken the Rev. John Thompson, and Mr. William Thompson." Upon this outrage the editor of the Phoenix meekly remarks, that his object was simply to give facts, and not indulge in any remarks upon their origin. VVil- iam Thompson was thrown into jail, but afterwards discharged, it being CHAP. XVI.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 455 ascertained that he did not live in the nation. The missionaries and two others were taken before Judge Clayton, on a writ of habeas corpus, and lib erated by him on the ground that they were agents of the government ; they, however, made no such plea. It was aptly said by the Cherokees, that if the missionaries were agents of the government, the public might rest assured that Gen. Jackson would reform them out They were true prophets ; for it seems that Mr. Worcester, being postmas ter at New Echota, was an agent of government, and was discharged to make room for a more certain process against him. The next thing to be done was to drive him from the post office, which Mr. Barry did without delay, and put another in his place, who, besides performing his duty of postmaster, per formed another, of more profit to himself, probably, of selling liquors to the Indians, in violation of the laws of the United States, as well as those of the Cherokees. We^ will produce another short narrative, exhibiting the progress of crime and oppression against the Cherokee nation, before passing to other details. It is contained in a letter from John Ridge to Elias Boudinot, and is in these words : " The Georgia guard, under Col. Nelson, are now here [at Ougillogy] with four prisoners, Mr. Elliott and Mr. Dennis, white men, citizens of this nation by marriage, and the Rev. Mr. Trott, also a white man, who are charged with a violation of the Georgia laws, in living in this nation by its allowance and laws. The other is Mr. John West, a young gentleman, a Cherokee, who is charged with the high crime of using insolent language to the guard. These four I saw last night under guard, chained together in pair*, and fastened together with locks. 3Ir. David Vann, a member of the Chero kee senate, and Thomas Woodward, are also arrested, but not chained, who are not allowed to know the reason of their arrest until they arrive at head quarters, 70 or 80 miles from their homes. The guard are still in pursuit of other men. They have a wagon along, in which they have a drum, on which they beat, and a fife, to make martial music." The above was under date of June 1. On the 21 May, some of the prin cipal Cherokee citizens assembled at New Echota, and issued an appeal to the people of the United States, which, though claiming nothing but justice, and asking for protection, time passed away, and none were found to step forward to relieve them. We have a heavy debt to pay, at some time and in some manner, which will, it is feared, be more difficult to discharge, than it would have been to have supported the Cherokees against an insignificant rabble of self-constituted, inflated contemners of law and justice. In 1826, Georgia sent on commissioners to make a topographical survey through the Cherokee nation. C. R. Hicks was then principal chief, who forbids the proceeding in a friendly letter to Mr. W. Lumpkin, under whom the survey was to be prosecuted. No attention being paid to this notice, Mr. Hicks sent his son with two other Indians to remonstrate with the surveyor in more pointed terms. He was told, that unless he desisted, his instruments should be taken from him. Not thinking it proper to incur further displeas ure, he accordingly desisted for that time. It was against the express will of the Cherokee council that any survey should be undertaken without an order from the secretary of war, because no state has any authority to go upon the lands of the Indians for any such purpose ; and even the United States never take such liberty without a grant from them. Affairs progressed, without much of interest until the next year. Mean while Georgia had been informed that she was transcending her powers, and that she would not be tolerated by the United States in her encroachments ppon the Indians. Whereupon, Gov. Troup, not finding any object whereon to use his sword, if he had had one, seized that "mighty instrument of little men," his pen ; and had we not known that steam is harmless when there is nothing to confine it, we should have apprehended "an awful explosion." Take, as a specimen, what he says to the Hon. JAMES BARB OCR, secretary at war : " Sir, you are sufficiently explicit as to the means by wh,ch you propose to carry your resolution into effect. Thus the military character of the menace is established, and I am only at liberty to give to it the defiance which it merits. From the first decisive act of hostility, you will be consid- 456 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [Boon IV ered and treated as a public enemy ; and with the less repugnance, because you, to whom we might constitutionally have appealed for our own defence against invasion, are yourselves invaders ; and what is more, the unblushing allies of the savages, whose cause you have adopted." Vapor is soon dissolved in air, and words from a southern furnace amount to no more in this case than echoes from an iceberg. In 1828, a long re port was made by a committee of the house of representatives of Georgia, seconded by sundry resolutions of a character with former proceedings. It was resolved, that inasmuch as the United States had failed to procure the Cherokee lauds " as early," and upon as " reasonable terms," as it might have done, they had thereby "palpably violated their contract with Georgia, and are now bound, at all hazards, and without regard to terms, to procure said lands for the use of Georgia ; that all said lands belong to her absolutely, and that the Indians are tenants at her will." This, the committee said, was their last appeal. The administration of Mr. Adams being at an end, Georgia had no longer any thing to fear, but practised its abuses with singular impunity. I arties from that state would go over the Cherokee line, steal and drive off their stock; and the Indians had not the least remedy left. Some despairingly said, " If they could get no redress, they could feel deeply the injustice done them." Had the upright and consummate statesman, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, been continued in the presidential chair, the fate of the Cherokees would have been different ; at least, so long as his sage counsel had been followed, they would have been secure in their rights. In his message to congress on the 5 February, 1827, he said, " It is my duty to say, that if the legislative and executive authorities of the state of Georgia should persevere in acts of en croachment upon the territory, secured by a solemn treaty to the Indians, and the laws of the Union remain unaltered, a superadded obligation, even higher than that of human authority, will compel the executive of the United States to enforce the laws, and fulfil the duties of the nation, by all the force com mitted for that purpose to his charge." It was to such decisive language, held by the head of the government, that the Cherokees owed what little quiet they had, until 1829, when a new interpretation given to our laws changed order into anarchy. On the 15 September, 1831, eleven persons were brought to trial at Law renceville, for the crime of living in the Cherokee nation, without taking an oath to obey the laws of Georgia. They were all brought in guilty by a jury, after being out fifteen minutes. Nine of the convicts were pardoned, on giv ing assurances that they would not offend again. The two missionaries, Worcester and Butler, having, as they averred, committed no crime, would accept no pardon, and were accordingly taken to the penitentiary. The gov ernor (Gilmar) of Georgia, dreading the expression of public opinion, was in hopes to have got rid of the missionaries at a cheaper rate than was now promised, writes to the inspectors of the prison, requesting that they would " converse with each convict alone, and ascertain from them whether they are disposed to promise uot again to offend the laws, if they should be par doned." But this overture amounted to nothing, for they were determined in their course, and went accordingly to "hard labor" among felons! Prison clothes were put on them, bearing about their waists the initials of their names in large red letters. In November following, Georgia was cited to appear before the supreme court of the United States, to show cause why the judgment of one of her courts should not be set aside in the case of Messrs. Butler and Worcester. Geor gia, through her executive, raised the cry of state rights, and said that any at tempt of the United States to interfere with her criminal jurisdiction, u-ould challenge the most determined resistance, and, if persisted in, would inevitably annihilate the Union. When the case came on, there was no appearance on the part of Georgia ; thus showing its contempt for that tribunal. And when it was decided that that state had no right to imprison any persons on the ground assumed, and a mandamus was served on the court which had tried he missionaries, for a habeas corpus, it was refused, and the mandamus CHAP. XVI.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 457 disregarded. Thus stood matters in March, 1832, and nothing was expected to be done in favor of the prisoners for a year to come, owing to the delays consequent upon law proceedings. And here we will remark, that laws are excellent when they suit the views of avaricious men, but when they thwart their base propensities, they are exceedingly oppressive. In the time of Mr. Jefferson's administration, Pennsylvania attempted to resist a mandate of the supreme court, but in due time wisely yielded to her duty ; and be it remem bered, that Georgia was among the foremost to declare that Pennsylvania should be coerced into submission. In September, 1630, a detachment of United States troops again scoured the gold mine country. At the upper mines they arrested upwards of one hundred persons, whites and Cherokees. The latter, after being kept under guard one night, were dismissed with the peremptory injunction, not to dig any more. Hence it follows, that if the Cherokees had potatoes in the ground, they had no right to dig them up, neither had they any right to plant them. In short, Georgia having carried her injustice as far as she could, the United Suites steps in and lends her a hand in extending it! About the time of this military expedition, the principal men of Agnohee district met in council, and, in an affectionate and feeling manner, thanked all those citizens of the United States who had in any way come forward and raised their voices against their oppressors. They, at the same time, issued an address to us, which would do honor to the head or heart of any philan thropist that ever flourished upon the proudest page of history. And we doubt if there exists that nation under the sun, even in this enlightened age, which would have suffered as the Cherokees have done, without taking revenge on their inhuman oppressors. To what then are we to attribute their noble and philosophic forbearance : to their civilization or degradation ? As matters now stood, it seemed that serious difficulty must ensue between the United States and Georgia, if swaggering and high-sounding words had any meaning, when proceeding from governors, ex-governors, and others, hiirli ia office in that state. But while the decision of the supreme court was sleeping, Georgia was sweeping onward in full triumph; she parcelled out the Cherokee country, and drove the honest owners out of doors, put her own citizens in their places from one corner to the other of their country ; every white man who had moral courage enough to question these nefarious proceedings, was obliged, at the same time, to exercise discretion enough to keep himself at a safe distance from penitentiary jurisdiction. Hence, in about a year from the time the missionaries were thrown into prison, Georgia had got full and undisturbed possession of all the country in question, and had nothing to fear from missionary or any other influence. It was therefore concluded that a sort of a drawn game might be played with the supreme court; thinking, probably, that it was not worth while to try their strength with it at this time, for if they should, it might establish a pre cedent which would prevent a profitable use of the same farce hereafter, when it might be convenient for them to usurp other powers. It seemed now understood, that if Georgia would liberate the missionaries, tlioy would not urge their suit any further against her; and accordingly, Gov. Lumpkin, in a very gracious manner, proclaimed, on the 14th of January, 1833, that "whereas the prisoners had signified to him that they had in structed their counsel to prosecute their suit no further, and should therefore ' leave the question of their continuance in confinement to the magnanimity of the state;' and taking into view the triumphant ground which the state finally occupies in relation to this subject in the eyes of the nation, as has been sufficiently attested through various channels, especially in the recent over whelming reelection of President Jackson, the known defender of the rights of the state throughout this controversy ; and above all, the MAGNANIMITY of Georgia being appraled to, know ye, that I have thought proper to remit the further execution of their sentence, and that they be forthwith discharged.'* Thus nearly a year had passed since the supreme court had decided tha* the acts of Georgia were a violation of the laws of the land.* * The decision was made by Judge Marshall on the 3d March, 1832. 39 458 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. [BooK IV No reflections will ever be required upon this affair from the historian, aa they will naturally suggest themselves to the mind of every reader, who has only to consider, that argument had very little to do where Andrew Jackson was concerned. In the memorial which the chiefs of the Cherokee nation submitted to congress on the 3d of March, 1829, are remarks and reasonings so pertinent and cogent, that it is surprising to us how it could have been disregarded by honorable men. Among other things noticed, they remark that, "It is with no little surprise that we have seen, in a document printed for the use of congress, connected with the subject of Indian emigration, the following sentiments : ' from the ascertained feelings of the chiefs of the southern Indians, there is a fixed purpose, by threats or otherwise, to keep their people from emigrating' And, ' there is no doubt hut these people fear their chiefs, and on that account keep back.'" These insinuations, the memorialists say, if meant for them, are the production of culpable ignorance or wilful false hood. The idea that their people are overawed and in fear of their chiefs, is as ridiculous as it would be to suppose the people of the United States are afraid of their representatives. " The great Washington," they continue, "advised a plan and afforded aid for the general improvement of our nation. President Jefferson followed the noble example, and in concluding an address to a delegation, he said, 'I sincerely wish you may succeed in your laudable endeavors to save the remnant of your nation, by adopting industrious occu pations and a government of regular law. In this you may always rely on the counsel and assistance of the United States.'" But of what avail have been the determination of Washington and the earnest desire of Jefferson? The "Book of the Troubles and Miseries of the emigrating Indians," has not been published. Hundreds have been swept off by sickness on their rugged road; old and infirm persons have fallen under the fatigues and hard ships of their journey ; hundreds have been buried beneath the waves of the Mississippi in one awful catastrophe : * wives left husbands on the way, never more to join them ; mothers are hurried from the graves of their children. Mrs. Ross, wife of the great chief of that name, languished and died before reaching the unknown land to which she was bound; but I cannot go into these particulars. On the 19th of July, 1832, a fast was observed in the Cherokee nation. President Ross, in his proclamation recommending it, observes, that " whereas the crisis in the affairs of the nation exhibits the day of tribulation and sorrow, and the time appears to be fast hastening when the destiny of this people must be sealed ; whether it has been directed by the wonted depravity and wickedness of man, or by the unsearchable and mysterious will of an all-wise being, it equally becomes us, as a rational and Christian community, humbly to bow in humiliation," &c. This is produced as an ever-standing memorial for all such as may desire to contrast the actions of the Indians with those of Georgia ; that they may be able to judge which best deserved the name of a Christian community. Thus, in the year 1832, the Cherokees gave up all hope of receiving justice at the hands of our government, and we see in the Phrenix of June, among others, these observations: "The gigantic silver pipe which George Wash ington placed in the hands of the Cherokees, as a memorial of his warm and abiding friendship, has ceased to reciprocate ; it lies in a corner of the ex ecutive chamber, cold, like its author, to rise no more." And in the same paragraph they refer to the value of the gold mines, as follows : " The value of the Cherokee nation can hardly be set down in figures. It is worth more than one hundred millions of dollars. Let us estimate. From Frogtown, near the source of the Chestatee, commences the gold region, and is termed the limit of Georgia. From this point almost one hundred miles on a straight line south, or towards the western corner of Carroll county, is * On the 31st of October, 1837, as the steamboat Monniouth, with GOO emigrating Indians, was ascending the Mississippi, it was run into by another vessel, and 311 of those miserable creatures drowned! That such a number should have been crowded into one boat is incred. ible, and we are informed that the boat was an old, condemned vessel. Ii was probably hired cheap by the contractors for removing Indians ! CHAP. XVI.] HISTORY OF THE CHEROKEES. 459 one continued bed of gold. The width of this region is not yet known, but at the southern part it is something like thirty miles broad. Millions of dollars' worth of gold have been taken here by thousands of intruders." Let the oppressors of the Cherokees look well to their motives of action. Are they ignorant of the acts of the Spaniards in the soutli ? or are they acting upon the same principles? If the respective cases be analyzed, the excuse for Georgia is not half as good as for the wholesale murderers of the Mexicans and Peruvians; for there cannot be so strong a motive to action aa when the agent is acting under the firm conviction that he is executing the will of God. It was a dark and superstitious age when South America was desolated. The Indians of that country were in the very depths of a bloody superstition ; inhumanly sacrificing thousands a year of their innocent country men in their religious performances, and with a cruelty that cannot be ima gined ; lor it required ages to find out the various refined modes in which to practise their diabolical executions. They even shocked the Spaniards, who, to put an end to them, thought themselves justified in destroying those who practised them. Gold was, at first, a secondary consideration. What has Georgia to plead at the bar of future history but "gold ?" With unprincipled men what will its corrupting influence not do ? What has it done to Spain ? The poor Cherokees have said, " Georgia, beware of the pits thine avarice has made;" echo has reverberated it from every hill, and children yet unborn will hear it from their cradles to their graves. To all whom these facts shall come, a voice will speak which cannot be misunderstood. No traveller shall thread the fertile valleys of the ancient Cherokees without feeling deep emotions of sorrow in his breast, that he had not lived at a time when he could have rendered that oppressed people assistance. As a people, we have not done our duty to those Indians. Why did we not rise to a man, and cause justice to be done them? Where is the honest man who is not now sorry that he, had not done it ? And does he not say he would do it, were a like case to ariseNigain ? To the "Cherokee Phoenix," the first newspaper ever published by Indians, we have been considerably indebted for many valuable items of intelligence in this part of our work ; and we again notice it for the last time, in all prob ability; forasmuch as Georgia has laid her lawless hand upon it, we can expect no other. In October, 1835, the Georgia guard took possession of that newspaper establishment, and its further issue stopped, unless it would uphold the course of Georgia against the Indians. At this time Mr. John Ross lived in Tennessee, and was recognized as a citizen of that state. But for some cause or other, that "guard," of infamous memory, then under the command of one Capt. Bishop, proceeded to the residence of Mr. Ross on the 7th of November, made prisoner of him, seized upon all his papers and records of the nation, and marched him into Georgia. IMr. John H. Paine, of New York, happening to be then at the residence of Mr. Ross, was treated in like manner. He had been engaged in the laudable pursuit of material for an historical work on the Indians, and had many papers containing memoranda for that object, of great value to himself, but of none whatever to others ; these were also seized. These individuals, however, were not long detained, but they got no redress for the injury and insult, that has ever come to my knowledge. Where the " magnanimity" of Georgia was now, which was so prominent in the case of the missionaries, we leave to the determination of others. What, then, are the first fruits of this expatriation of the Cherokees? Deadly feuds among them, executions and murders. These have but begun, and how or where they will end, are events hidden in the future. It is well known that the principal men who sold their country, Major Ridge, his son, J'lhn Ridge, Elias Boudinot,* and others, have been executed in pursuance of the laws of the Cherokees, for their wickedness in violating the most vital of their rights and their constitution. Who could have expected any thing different from those Indians ? They had been induced to form a code ot * He, il is believed, is the same who was educated at the Missionary school at Cornwall, iq Connecticut, and who, about 1825, married a white lady, Harriet R. Gold, of that village. 460 HISTORY OF THE CHEROKfcES. [BooK IV. laws many years ago by Washington and Jefferson, and to live under the operation of those laws until, in 1830, they were forced to abandon them by the interference of Georgia. It had been an old standing law among the Cherokees, as well as among the Creeks, " that if any persons or person should sell any lands by treaty, without the authority of the nation, they should be punished with death." In 1839, this law was brought up in their legislature, and confirmed as the law of the land. John Ridge himself brought it forward, and Elias Boudinot, editor of the Cherokee Pbrenix, published it. It was a law before letters were known among the Cherokees, and was first printed, we believe, in 1829. Having seen the Cherokees driven beyond the Mississippi, if we would pursue their history we must follow them into that region; but at best we can know but little about their affairs now, the intercourse between them and intelligent white men having, from their remote situation, become unfre- quent. Towards the close of the year 1838 the business of emigration was completed, and this was no sooner effected but the white inhabitants border ing on Arkansas began to express great alarm, believing the Indians were making preparations to spread destruction among them. But their fears were without any foundation ; the Cherokees having found enough to do for several months to prepare shelters for themselves and families. Yet amidst their busy preparations of this sort, to pacify their white neighbors, they con vened the nation in a great council, in which it was solemnly protested that all reports which had been circulated of their hostile intentions towards the whites were without foundation, and utterly false. The next matter of moment took place in June of last year, 1839. This was no less than the murder of the principal men of the Ridge, or treaty party. Of the parties into which the Cherokees were divided an account has been given. It appeal's that from the time the Ridges, father and son, and their followers executed the treaty of New Echota with Schermerhorn, their lives were forfeited in the mind's of a certain part of the nation, and they only waited a favorable time to put their resolution in execution. It is not our intention to justify the executions of which we are now to give a narration, for be it remembered, that we protest against taking human life under any circumstances whatever, and firmly believe that a community is vastly more injured than benefited by the practice of that law of retaliating murder with murder. It is matter of historical record, that the Ridges, Boudinot, Bell, Rogers, and others, who signed the treaty of December, 1835, very suddenly changed their minds in respect to the policy of removal. They were as forward as Mr. Ross, or any of that party, in protesting against the acts of Georgia, and as much opposed to making any treaty of sale of their country, up to the time of a certain mission of Schermerhorn, as any of the nation. Therefore it is not strange that the Ross party were surprised at their suddenly coming out and advocating an opposite course. They were immediately accused of bribery and corruption, and whether true or not, the party that remained firm, believed them guilty ; and the most we can say concerning their con duct is, there were strong grounds of suspicion against them. Our information of the massacre of Ridge and others is very indirect, though circumstantial, and is as follows : When it became known to Ross that the lives of certain chiefs were to be taken, he used all the means at his command to pi-event it But a party collected, and on Saturday, the 22d of June, the executioners, to the number of about forty, went to the house of John Ridge early in the morning, before he was up, and took him from his bed, and murdered him in a manner too savage to relate ; treating his lifeless body with all the indignity of ancient barbarians. They next proceeded in pursuit of Major Ridge, his father, who had the day before set out to visit some friends in Van Buren, Arkansas. He was overtaken near the foot of Boston Mountain, about 35 miles from his place of destination, and there shot from his horse, and died without hardly knowing why he had been thus savagely dealt with. Thus fell Major Ridge in the sixty-fifth year of his asre, and his son at the age of thirty-seven. Of the circumstances of the death of Boudinot, Col. Bell, and two or three others, we are not informed. CHAP. XVII.] SEMINOLE WAR. 401 Major Ridge once executed a chief for an act of much more doubtful atrocity than that for which he now fell. In 1806, the noted orator DOUBLE- HEAD was charged, with others, with the important business of making a treaty, at Tellico, with the United States, for a tract of land to accommodate the seat of government of Tennessee, and for " the first island in the Ten nessee, above the mouth of Clinch." In this business, Chuquacuttague, or Doubleht ad, was charged with bribery; yet nothing was done about it by the nation, and he went unpunished; but in 1817 he was again guilty, and was followed by Major Ridge and others, and in the tavern of one M'lutosh, in the evening, was fallen upon and shot by the hand of Ridge. He escaped with a desperate wound, and was for a short time secreted in a neighboring dwelling, but his pursuers found him, and an Indian named Saunders, one of Ridge's company, sunk his tomahawk into his head, which finished the exe cution. This w.'is near the agency in Calhoun. Doublehead had himself killed a man in his way thither, for charging him with the crime for which he suffered. This execution is mentioned to show that Ridge was well aware that he had forfeited his life by what he had done at New Echota. CHAPTER XVII. THE SEMIITOLK WAR RESUMED Further account of the causes of the war Nu merous cases of gross imposition Bad conduct of government officers A new treaty of removal urged A deputation visits the iccst Their report Another treaty Speeches of the chiefs Examination of the policy of the government, relative to a removal of the Indians Character of borderers Review of the manner treaties of sale were procured The president angry at the Indians' presumption Barbarous treatment of three Mickasaukies. " Let them come with the pipe ; we will tread it to dust, And our arrows of war shall ne'er moulder with rust ; Let them come with their hosts ; to the desert we'll flee, And the drought and the famine our helpers shall be." PIKE. THE events of the Seminole war have astonished all to whom the knowl edge of them has extended. And the astonishment has been as varied aa the wilds of Florida are represented, by those whose misfortune it has been to serve there against their fellow-men. As this war progressed, we wrote down its events in detail, as we have long been wont to do of all occurrences relating to the Indians, but from the conflicting statements, purporting to be from the theatre of their enactment, great difficulty was experienced in arriving at facts and dates. Nobody could have been much surprised that a war in Florida should break out, if they were at all acquainted with the circumstances which caused it, nor could they have been much surprised, that a hundred men in the midst of the Indian country should have been beset and slain, leaving none to carry the tidings of such disaster. Our only surprise is, that the work had not been done in a more savage manner ; that even one could escape by feigning death ; and that a monument only of ashes of the slain had not marked the place where they fell. These things astonish us, not the war itselK We had supposed, like every body else, that there could be but a sinsrle campaign, when it was known that the Indians had resisted in good earnest; and when we consider the power of the United States set against a single corner of a territory surrounded with every advantage for warlike operations, we could form no other conclusion but that the poor Indians would be crushed almost at a single blow; and it was not until two distinguished generals had shown that the Seminole was not to be despised, that the war with him became matter of serious consideration at the seat of government. But of these affairs we have already said as much as was necessary. In bringing down the events of this war to its conclusion, circumstances make it necessary to detail some affairs from the hesriuninsr of it, which we 39* 462 sEMiNOnb WAR. NO LAW FOR INDIANS. [BOOK iv. have not noticed; having closed our account in the summer of 1836, many facts and documents have since come to hand which could not then be known, and which throw much new light on the subject, as well as furnish much new and important matter.* Of the origin of the late Seminole war, such facts only have been given aa were known to the writer at the earliest period of it. We have now addi tional sources laid open, and shall proceed, in the next place, to draw from them. It would be tedious to relate, and irksome to read, the half of what might be gathered of the robberies and enormities committed by infamous white villains in Indian borders; and it is equally insufferable to read of the manner that JUSTICE is there trodden under foot by bodies bearing the name of court. Law is all on the side of the white man, and consequently justice is no dweller in such bodies. Indians cannot testify in cases to which they are a party, and they are obliged to submit to whatever decision their learned guardians pronounce.f One Col. Humphreys was for some time Indian agent in Florida. In con sequence of this man's vociferous avowal of the right of territorial jurisdic tion over the Indians, be was elected a member of the legislative council of Florida. Thus much for urging that negro claims should be settled in the territory, instead of then- being referred to the decision of the government of the United States. Now such suits could be disposed of with perfect ease / because no Indian could have a hearing except against his own people. Some notorious scoundrel had sold negroes to Col. Humphreys, which belonged to a Seminole woman named Culekeeckowa. He bought them after application had been made to him as agent, by their owner, for their recoveiy, of that very villain ! Nevertheless, he promised to exert himself for their restoration. He afterwards said lie bought them to prevent their being sent to Charleston. Some of the negroes that were young when the transfer took place, having grown old enough to be made to understand the nature of the case, went back voluntarily to their real mistress ; and the double-dealer Humphreys had the audacity to apply to agent Thompson for his interference that he might have them again. Thompson had independence and honesty enough not to comply, the facts being so strong in favor of Culekeeckowa, but referred Hum- vhreys, together with the facts in the case, to the decision of government Another man was employed by a certain Indian woman for the recoveiy of negroes. She gave him, as he told her, a power of attorney for that pur pose. She soon found that, instead of a power of attorney, she had given him a bill of sale of all her negroes !!!!!!! On another occasion, the chief Micanopy requested an individual to draw a form of writing for him, which soon after proved to be a conveyance of a valuable tract of land ! A black, named Abraham, who has figured largely in the war, was basely robbed by one of the white border fraternity. The fellow owed Abraham a large amount of monev, got his receipt for it under pretence that it was a certificate that he owed him, which it was necessary should be sent to Wash ington before he could pay him ! These are a few of the abominations daily practised by individuals ; and we shall now pass to others, in which the gov ernment itself becomes implicated. AVe have spoken plainly of the treaty of Paine's Landing, in the early part of our history of this war ; but as new facts have since come to our knowl edge, it will be necessary to extend the examination here. It must be re- * There were published in the year 1836 three histories of the Florida war. The first v. as by Mr. Cohen, the second by a late "staff officer," and the third by " a lieutenant of the left wing." All three of them seem to be very well done, but that by Mr. W. Potter. (" a late staff officer,") if I mistake not the gentleman, is far the most valuable to the historian. To these works I gladly recur, and tender here the authors my acknowledgments for the use I have made of the facts contained iu their pages. Ncne of them had appeared when my work was published, and hence I could not profit by them in my previous editions. But for these last hve years of the war I have had to gather iny materials from the " thousand and one" reports of the day. t Since writing the above, I have read Gen. Tliompson's speech to the Indians at a council iu Oct. 1834, in which he plainly holds the same language to them. CHAP. XVII.] A NEW TIIEATY. 463 mernbered that by the treaty of Camp Moultrie, (18 September, 1823,) the Seminoles had secured to them an annuity of 5,000 lor 20 years, ami they were to remove within certain boundaries described by the treaty, embracing a tract of land of near 5,000,000 acres. No sooner had they removed within thi.s tract, than white men intruded themselves among them, and committed violence on the persons of several Indians. Nor is this an Indian story ; it wu.s so represented by the agent to Gov. Duval, and without the least reason for the outrage. What Was done ? Why, the agent said he had left a notice with a magistrate to have the offenders learned off of the reservation in one day from the time the notice should be served. Thus, instead of seizing at once upon the villains, and bringing them to justice, they are mildly ordered off of the Indians' lands in one day ! What right had such depredators to any better treatment than is afforded by the tomahawk and scalping-knife ? Yet we hear of no retaliation by the Indians. They had no newspapers in which to circu late accounts of their wrongs and sufferings; these are the magnifying glasses of the bad white men. At the same time, petition after petition was got up among the white in habitants of Florida, and sent in to the president of the United States, setting forth the wrongs they were daily suffering from the Indians in various shapes, and urging an earlier removal than the former treaty specified. We do not presume but that Indians did sometimes infringe upon their white neighbors, and were often found hunting and fishing beyond the line of the treaty. This is not denied; and the affair at Hogtown in Alachua county, already men tioned, is an instance. Whether these petitions began to flow in before Gen. Jackson was president, we are not informed ; but if they did, President Adams knew what to do with them. Be that as it may, the late president had not been long in the chair of state, when he made known his willingness that an other arrangement might be made with the Indians, and appointed Col. Gads- den to confer with them, to see what could be done. It happened that this was the most favorable time that could have been fixed upon, namely, the spring of 1832, for such conference, because the crops of the Indians had been cut off; and they were in a state bordering upon starvation ; hence they were ready to hear any propositions which promised them immediate relief. Col. Gadsden visited Micanopy, and on the 8 April had an interview with him, in which little difficulty was experienced in persuading him that his condition, as Avell as that of his people, would be greatly improved by a removal to the fruitful west Micanopy said, however, that he would defer treating at that time, as his men were dispersed upon their yearly hunting tours, and many of them 150 or 200 miles off; but that he would collect them as soon as he could, and then they would consider the matter together, for he wished them all to hear what their father, the president, had to say to them. Accordingly the 8 May following was fixed upon for the day of council, and Paiue ? s Land ing the place of the meeting. Agreeably to arrangement, the parties met on the 8 of May, 1832, and on the following day, a treaty was signed by such chiefs and head men as were assembled, to the number of fifteen. Of the small number of chiefs who ex ecuted this great treaty, we have before remarked, and we have also noted its chief conditions. It is said that the agent had much difficulty in bringing the Indians to any terms, touching a removal ; and they finally signed only a con ditional treaty, one of the chief articles of which stipulated that a deputation of some competent chiefs of their own should visit the proposed country to which they were to remove, and if, when they returned, and reported the re sult of their observations to the nation, it should then be thought advisable, they would remove from Florida. The chiefs sent out upon this important embassy, were seven in number, and their names were as follows : JOH.V HICKS, representing SAM JONES, (Apiaca, Abica, Arpiucki, &c.); JUMPER, who afterwards fought in the bloody battle at Okeechubee Lake, in which 139 whites were killed and wounded ; NEHAUTHULO, representing BLACK DIRT ; HOLATA EMATHLA, COA HADJO, (Alligator); CHARLES EMATHLA, YA-HA-HADJO, (Mad Wolf); and Abraham, a negro, who accompanied the deputation as inter preter. What means were taken to cause these chiefs or agents to express their 464 SEMINOLE WAR. DECEPTIVE OBLIGATION. [BooK IV. entire approoation of the country they had examined, 1 will not undertake to say, but certain it is they did sign a writing, in which they say, " We, the un dersigned, Seminole chiefs, express ourselves well satisfied with the country examined by us, and we do agree to remove as soon as government will make the necessary arrangements," &c. How much they really understood of this writing, belbre they signed it, is pretty clearly shown by what they themselves say to agent Thompson, when called upon to fulfil their engage ment to remove ; and from the same source it will be likewise seen how much they understood of the treaty of Moultrie Creek. All that can now be said is, that if they understood what they were signing, when they expressed their satisfaction with the country to which the nation was to remove, they entirely transcended the powers delegated to them by their countrymen. Although it cannot be denied, that at Paine's Landing a treaty was made, which stipulated that all the Seminoles should, in three years thereafter, re move from the country, under certain conditions, yet it is well known that it w r as with very great difficulty that the chiefs could be persuaded to execute it, even under its expressed contingencies. On this matter, we will hear the United States commissioner, Col. Gadsden, who procured the treaty to be ex ecuted. In his communication to the secretary of war, he says, " There is a condition prefixed to the agreement, without assenting to which, the Florida Indians most positively refused to negotiate for their removal west of the Mis sissippi. Even with the condition annexed, there was a reluctance, (which with some difficulty was overcome,) on the part of the Indians, to bind them selves by any stipulations, before a knowledge of facts and circumstances would enable them to judge of the advantages or disadvantages of the dispo sition the government of the United States wished to make of them. They were finally induced, however, to assent to the agreement." By " agreement," does Col. Gadsden refer to the treaty itselfj or to a separate writing, forwarded to the war office with the treaty ? We have questioned the manner by which the Indian commissioners' sig natures were obtained to a certain certificate, acknowledging their satisfaction of the country west of the Mississippi. By another writing, they have been made to express approbation of, and even affection for, Maj. Phagan, one of the government agents who accompanied them on that journey. It shall now be shown that these papers speak a very different language from that spoken by the chiefs before their accusers, in open council, afterwards. The council here alluded to, was held at the Seminole agency, immediately after the ratification of the treaty of Paine's Landing by the United States govern ment, viz., in October, 1834.* It was opened by Gen. Thompson, in whose speech we find these words : " You alone have the right to decide irhether yov will accept the invitation^ or not ; it is left,, as it should be, entirely optional with you, ana no person but yourselves has any right to say you shall or shall not ac cede to the proposition." Thus it is evident that, although the chiefs had ex pressed their approbation of the country, a matter of much greater moment had been left open to negotiation. We will now hear the chiefs : MICANOPY rose and said, " When we J were at Camp Moultrie, we made a treaty ; and we were to be paid our annuity for twenty years. This is all I have to say." Jumper, since so celebrated in the war, and a leader in, it is said, the mas sacre at Fort Mimms, next spoke: "At Camp Moultrie w r e were told that all difficulties should be buried for 20 years, from the date of the treaty then and * By the usages of civilized nations, the Indians were under no obligation to abide by the treaty of Paine's Landing, for it was two years after it was concluded before congress ratified it ; and all treaties must be ratified in a reasonable time but any time must answer for Indians. t The Creeks, already removed to the west, had invited the Seminoles to settle among them promiscuously: and it seems the chiefs had given encouragement that they would, when all the neighboring Indians had made peace with them. It will be necessary that this fact be borne in mind by the reader. 4 He was among the signers of that treaty. I have omitted to mention earlier, that Mi CANOPY is grandson to the distinguished KING PAJNJE, and that his fathers name was Si COFFEE. CHAP. XVII.l SPEECHES OF CHIEFS. 465 there made. Before the 20 years were out, we made a treaty at Paine's Land ing. We were told we might go and see the land, but that we were not ohiiged to remove. When we saw the country, we said nothing, but the whites that went with us made its sign our hands to a paper, which you now nay signified our consent to remove ; but we thought the paper said only that ire (iked the land, and when we returned, our nation would decide upon removal. We had no authority to do more. My people cannot say they will 1:0. We are not willing to go. If their tongues say yes, their hearts cry no, .UK! call them liars. The country to which you invite us is surrounded by ho.stile neighbors, and although it may produce good fruit, the fruit of a bad neighborhood is blood, that spoils the land, and a tire that dries up the brooks. When in the west I said to the agent, 'You say the Seminoles are rogues, but you wish to bring us among worse rogues, that we may be destroyed by them.' Did they not steal our horses, and were not some of us obliged to return \vith our packs upon our own backs ? " CHARLES EMATHLA was no friend to a removal at this time, but subse quently consented to go, and having, with three daughters, gone to Camp King, about the 26 November, 1835, to make arrangements for bringing in his cattle, on his return was set upon and shot down in the way, a little in advance of his daughters. Nine balls were found in him, and it is said the deed was done by Osceola and some others of the Mickasauky tribe.* s He g[X)ke as follows : " Our old speaker was Hides, f He is dead, but I have not forgotten his words. I was not at the treatv of Moultrie Creek. It was not made by children. Great men made it, and* it is sacred. By it we were to receive the annuity for 20 years, J and to enjoy the lands therein defined. The time has not expired ; when it does, it is time enough to make a new bar gain. Our father has olten said to me that he loves his children they love him. When a man is at home, and has his things about him, he sees that himself and family depend upon them. He thinks of these things when he leaves home. My young men and family are all around me. Should I go \\vst, I should lose many on the way. A weak man cannot get there, the liitigue would be so great. None but strong people can go. I am an Indian. There is none but Indian blood in ME. The, agent, Major Phagan, thai went icith us, is a man of violent passions. He quarrelled with us on the way, and after tee got there. If he had done his duty, all would have ended well. If I know my heart, I speak true. If I differ from the agent, he is a free man, and can talk as he pleases. I hope his talk will bring all things right, so that we may all live together hereafter in friendship." HOLATA EMATHLA said: "The horses that were stolen from us by the Cherokees, when we were viewing the country in the west, were never restored to us. We told the agent the land was good, but the people were bad. We saw them bring scalps to the garrison. We had a meeting with Aflntosh. He told us that among all their neighbors they had peace ; that he and Col. Arbuclde were to send out to have a treaty of peace with all the Spanish Indians, and when that was done, a report of it was to be sent to Washington. I am sick. I cannot say all I want to say. I want to talk coolly, and tell the truth in all things. They promised to send word to us when peace was made with all the Indians west of the great river." It had been now about three years, and it does not appear that any news of a treaty had reached the Seminoles ; therefore could it be expected they should be " Here is a slight discrepancy between this and our former relation, (p. 72,) occasioned by z comparison of Cohen and Williams. It will also be observed, that from the several printed versions of the speeches of the chiefs on this occasion, I have drawn these. t He was a signer of the treatv of Camp Moullrie, and is said to have been destroyed by the machinations of Jumper in 1825; and that although Micanopy was considered the chief ot chiefs, yet Hicks was much the greatest man. Hcxt he is sometimes called, and to the treatv of .Moultrie his name is written Tokose Mathla. : Mr. Williams had probably not read that treaty, as he intimates that it stipulated that the Indians were to remove at the end of 20 years. 'The treaty says nothing about a removal, (only on to their 5,000,000 acres,) but stipulates that an annuity shall be paid them for 20 \ears. Chilly M 'fniosh, son of Gen. W. M'Intosh, executed for treason by his own people. See p. 54 of this book. 2E 466 SEMINOLE WAR. POLICY OF REMOVAL EXAMINED. [BOOK IV. willing to go before peace was established ? This consideration alone was enough to have caused a delay on the part of the government The agent had opened the conference with mild language, but he no\v waxed wroth, and said many hard things to the chiefs; accused one of lying and another of duplicity, and closed by threatenings. Still the chiefs dis covered but little irritation, and signified only that they should remain firm in their resolution. In one of the speeches which Charles Emathla made at this council, there occurs this passage: "The agent told us yesterday we did not talk to the point. I have nothing to say different from what I have said. At Paine's Landing the whites forced us into the treaty. I was there. I agreed to go west, and did go. I went in a vessel, and it made me sick. The Indians and the whites have shed no blood. They stole things from each other They agreed at Paine's Landing, that if blood should be seen in the path, to think it was because a person had snagged his foot." The policy adopted by the general government of a removal of the Indians is most unquestionably the worst, both for the whites as well as the Indians, that could have been devised. It is next to a system of deliberate murder. To cast one strange tribe upon another is but to put weapons into their hands, and in the language of Tecumseh, "to cry stuboy." Their pensions and other effects draw among them from the whites the vilest of knaves, many of whom are obliged to fly their own country for crimes of the darkest hue. It matters not, say many, so long as it is out of our sight and hearing. Is this the manner a parent should treat his children ? Send them forth into the world before they have been instructed in correct principles, and thus abandon them to the haunts of criminals and vile seducers ? Had not the authors of this policy foresight enough to discern, that in a very few years tribes so removed would be again surrounded by their own people ? That the cry would again and again be raised against their vicinity that in the very nature of the case there could be no other result, so long as a solitary Indian remained on the continent ? To write essays in proof of this result is the same as to write an elaborate treatise in the winter to prove that summer would return. How much better would it have been to have let them remain in their own country, where it were easy to protect them, easy to provide against their contamination, by keeping out unprincipled people from among them ! how much easier they could have been instructed ! how much easier that author of all iniquity, (spirituous liquors,) had been kept from among them! But Avhat are we to expect from a government, when the heads who compose it think nothing of so much importance as the means by which they shall retain their places, and serve those looking to them for rewards for their servile machinations, who have contributed largest to place them there ? WASHINGTON, JEFFERSON, ADAMS, the elder and younger to their eternal honor be it remembered advocated no such policy. How can it be but that the Indians on our borders should be bad ? It is true with regard to a numer ous class of them, but not to the extent that many honest people suppose, who have never dwelt on a border. As a fair illustration of this fact, I will give in the testimony of a gentleman from New England, with whom I met dwelling upon an Indian border, and in the midst of both Indians and whites. I first questioned him with respect to the general character and conduct of the white inhabitants. His answers were just what I supposed they would be. I inquired first about the whites, that he might not think me particularly friendly to the Indians. But when I inquired concerning the latter, his answer was, " They are the only civil people here." The complaints of the white man are carried, as it were, " on the wings of the wind," while that of the poor Indian is drowned in the tempest. A clamor is raised on a frontier, and commissioners are despatched to buy the Indian's lands. He is bewildered with the parade, ostentation, and false show of greatness displayed before him. He puts confidence in what the agents of government tell him, and accedes to their wishes. Still he occupies his country but very soon learns that it is not his, that he has sold it, and must now leave it forever! He then, for the first time, begins to realize what he has done. He sees, too late, that he has done what he had no intention of doing. CHAP. XVII.] REMOVAL POLICY. ITS ABSURDITY. 4(}7 It is certainly true that the people of Georgia, South Carolina, and Alabama, expressed great satisfaction at the anticipated relief to be realized when the Indians should be sent from their borders beyond the Mississippi. But are not these very Indians set down in the immediate vicinity of other white people ? Whence then comes the benefit to the Indians : and whence the benefits to the whites, too, in the end ? Look at the case any way, and I see no point of utility gained to either party. But there is a consideration about which I have heard very little said. It is the consideration that the frontier states and territories have but few votes in a presidential election, while those from which the Indians are removed have many. Now how much this adds to the justice of removing Indians I leave my readers to judge. Is it not preposterous in the highest degree to relieve a thousand individuals in Georgia by taking away the Indians from among them, and setting them down in Arkansas, where they can be in the way of but a hundred people ? Thus because one state can make more noise than another, its clamors must be hushed at the expense of the other. But cries of distress have already reached the ears of the distant north, from the south-east border, and it requires no prophet to see, that the time is not far distant when these cries will be redoubled, and demand as mucli from the government, and with as much authority as has already been done by Georgia, South Carolina, Missis sippi, or Alabama. The general government has anticipated a state of things upon the border, which might require no inconsiderable military force to restrain ; and hence the late attempt to provide a standing army. And some have shrewdly said, that, as its officers would all be appointed by the president of the United States, and officers and men to be voters too, he had attempted to seize an other leading-string of power to continue him in office, or to elect such suc cessor as he should designate, " to follow in his footstep's." However this may be, we decline any opinion on the matter, further than to observe, that a much less army, in all probability, would have protected the Indians in their own country, than will now be required to protect the white inhabitants in the country to which they have been driven. If, in 1824, there was great fear among the inhabitants of the south-western frontier, from the increased number of Indians forced into their vicinity, what must now be their fears, with some 30,000 since turned loose there ? Early in 1824, great alarm spread along that region ; offence had been given by the whites, and they were for a while in constant agitation, expecting revenge. They said there were not more than 3,000 troops stationed to defend and keep order over nearly 5,000 miles, and to keep in check upwards of 20,000 Indian warriors. If there was need of a standing army in 1824, surely Mr. VAN BUREN ought to have recommended one in 1839. It is no less absurd than ridiculous, to entertain the idea that we can re move the Indians out of the way of the whites ; every citizen who knows any thing of the character and habits of the kind of people hanging upon all In dian borders, will tell us without a moment's hesitation, that numbers of this class will be found in the country in advance of the removing Indians, as completely equipped for defrauding them, as before their departure. We cannot run away from this class of hungry pioneers, for the very good reason that we cannot get beyond them. They know where the emigrants are to be located, a long time before they set out, and any law made to bear on such intruders, is none other than a by-word and a jest with them. They are as fa miliar with the woods as we are with our closets ; and the further we go with the Indians, with proportionate impunity will they set our laws at defiance.* W have already premised some facts for consideration, touching the num ber of Indian chiefs f in Florida, who executed the treaties for their people, and those found in arms after the war had begun. We will now ask a mo ment's attention to a further consideration of this matter. In the year 1821, the agent in Florida made a return to government of such villages or settle- * S.. e Hon. Mr. Vintvn's speech, H. R. 128. \ When the previous part of this fourth book was written, I was not correct!}' informed reU tive to the chiefs' standing in regard to one another, and hence a slight discrepancy between the (acts before detailed, and the same now under consideration. 468 OPPOSITION OF THE CHIEFS. [Boos IV. nieuts of Seminoles, as were known to him. This number was THIRTY-FIVE. Of the statistics of some of these towns the agent knew very little ; and there were doubtless many others of which he knew nothing. The Mikasaukiea he reckoned at 1,000 souls ; and concerning several other tribes, he says they contained "a great many souls." Now it is in no wise probable but that one half of these tribes had at least two chiefs or head men, and this would give to the whole nation FIFTY-TWO chiefs. Was it not necessary that a chief from each tribe should have been a party to all treaties, either in his own proper person, or by another duly by him authorized ? This same agent reck oned there were 5,000 souls in all. Compare these facts with the well-known one, that only^een chiefs and sub-chiefs signed the treaty of removal, which is that of Paine's Landing. Not half of the nation could have been repre sented. If uny would dispute this, with the array of evidence now adduced, J will pronounce him wilfully blind, and incapable of reasoning. Look at the treaty of Moultrie Creek ; there are the names of more than double the number attached, than were obtained to that of Paine's Landing ; and one of the best Seminole chiefs has said, " The whites forced us into ilie treaty" It is not very strange that there were but 15 chiefs at this treaty, or that signed it, for there had been but one month's notice given that any such treaty was on foot. We shall ribw show that when a full council of the chiefs was together, nothing like a general consent to a removal could be obtained from them. In March, 1835, when preparations for removal began to be strongly urged by Gen. Thompson, at the solicitation of Jumper, he gave them until the 22 April, to meet him in council, when he would hear what they had to say touching the matter. At the time appointed, " several hundreds of the chiefs and war riors had assembled," and a talk was read to them from Gen. Jackson, en forced and illustrated by the agent and Gen. Clinch, all of which amounted to no more than this, " Go you must, and go you shall, without further delay." Some of the chiefs were in favor of a compliance ; but the principal ones were firm in their opposition, and expressed themselves accordingly. These were Micanopy, Jumper, Holata Mico, Coa-Hadjo. and Jlrpiucki. However, a writing was drawn up, and signed by 16 other chiefs and sub-chiefs, expres sive of their willingness to abide by previous treaties, and their wish to re move. This was signed on the 23 April, 1835. It was tlirough the influence of a very influential chief (whose name was Fucta Lusta Hajo, or Black-dirt) of the removal party, that this last treaty was made. No sooner had it been effected, than Gen. Thompson (acting by precedent, of course) decreed that the five opposing chiefs should no longer be considered or obeyed as chiefs. When this high-handed act had been reported to Gen. Cass, secretary at war, he reprobated the proceeding in very strong terms, from reasons too obvious to require detail in this place. It still remains a question with us, whether an accommodation might not have been brought about, if the officers of government had not persisted too strongly in their determination that the Seminoles should settle with the Creeks'; but the cry of retrenchment and reform was up, and it was easy to begin Avith the Indians. It would cost the government much less if they could be included with the Creeks, a most absurd and blind policy ! The Seminoles were now a great nation. Were they to be lost and absorbed in another ? The very idea was revolting to them. Matters remained in this unsettled state for several months. At length it seems that the principal chiefs, to the number of 25, assembled at the agency on the 19 August, to try once more what could be done by negotiation. Ho lata Einathla was chosen speaker for the Indians, and he delivered himself as follows : " My friends, we have come to see you to talk with you on a subject of great importance to us. Hear us, and tell our great father what his children say. We made a treaty at Paine's Landing, by which we agreed to go west of the Mississippi : we were told to send some of our principal chiefs to view the place to which we were to remove. We did so ; they found the country good. While there, our chiefs had a talk with Gen. Stokes and the commis sioners; they were told that the Seminoles and Creeks were of the same fam ily ; were to be considered as the same nation, and placed under the wune CHAP. XV1IL] ATROCIOUS BARBARITY 4(J9 agent. They answered, that the Semiuoles were a large nation, and should have their own agent, as before ; that if our father, the president, would give as our own agent, our own blacksmith, and our ploughs, we would go ; but if he did not, we should be unwilling to remove ; that we should be among stran gers ; they might be friendly, or they might be hostile, and we wanted our o\vn agent, whom we knew would be our friend, who would take care of us, would do justice to, and see justice done us by others. They told us our re quests were reasonable, and they would do all they could to induce the pres ident to grant them. We have been unfortunate in the agents our father has sent us. Gen. Thompson, our present agent, is the friend of the Seminoles. We thought at first that he would be like the others ; but we know better now. He has but one talk, and what he tells us is truth. We want him to go with us. He told us he could not go, but he at last agreed to do so, if our great father will permit him. We know our father loves his red children, and won't let them suffer for want of a good agent This is our talk, which we want you to send to our father, the president, hoping we may receive an early answer." This talk was despatched to Washington, and that there may be no grounds to question the truth of its contents, I will subjoin an extract from a paper by Gen. Clinch, which was transmitted with it. The general says, " In forward ing you the enclosed document, I beg leave to make a few remarks. Although the subject to which it relates is itself of no great importance, yet it may have an important bearing on the present quiet and future happiness of these chil dren of the forest They are, from peculiar circumstances and long habit, suspicious of the white man. It is hard to induce them to believe that all the efforts and operations of government are intended for their own good. The question of a separate agency was again and again brought forward by the chiefs, last winter and spring, and appeared to be considered by them of the Jirst impor tance to their future interests, prosperity, and happiness." Notwithstanding the pathetic appeal of the Indians, and the kind intima tions of Gen. Clinch, the president would give them no hearing, and they were informed that he was "very angry " to think they should have so much presumption. Meanwhile, some circumstances of a veiy aggravating nature had taken place. Three poor Mikasaukies, from Long Swamp, were seized by a plant er, and tied with a rope by their hands and feet, and confined in his barn, without sustenance, till they were nearly dead. They, or some other Indians, had been accused of purloining from his plantation some of the necessaries of life ; the drought of the preceding season having ruined their crops, they wero reduced to extreme want The friends of the three Indians became alarmed from their long absence, and the chief of the village to which they belonged, sought them out and demanded them. The inhuman wretch would not re lease them. The chief then repaired to his village, and taking several of his men with him, demanded them again, but was again refused. They were in hearing of the distressed cries of their friends, and obeying the promptings of a generous nature, proceeded to the barn, and liberated them by force. They were in a pitiful condition, could neither stand or go ; the ropes with which they were tied, had cut through the flesh to the very bones! When their friends were carrying them away, they were fired upon by the owner of the place, and one was wounded. They retaliated only by burning his barn, not suffering him to remove any thing out of it ; and whoever knows the circumstances, will only wonder that he had not been confined in, and consumed with it CHAPTER CARRYING THE EVENTS OF THE WAR TO THE CLOSE OF THE TEAR 1836. Review of early difficulties Tfte Hogtown murder The insult to Oseeola MICANOPY KISG PAYNE Gen. Clinch's expedition Gen. Scott attacked Massacre at Char- 40 470 THE INSULT TO OSCEOLA. [Boon IV. lotte Harbor Fort Micanopy besieged Death of officers Lighthouse affair BATTLE OF WELIKA Creeks and Cherokee affairs Indians surprised Murders BATTLE OF SAN FELASCO Col. Lane's Expedition His melancholy death Gov. Call in command BATTLES OF THE W 41100 SWAMP Gen. Jesup resumes command His expedition to the Wahoo. THE murder of Hogtown, to which we have before alluded, was a serious crisis. It very much hastened hostilities, from the outrageous nature of the case. The additional facts to those we have already given are these. There were eight Indians belonging to the party, and in their wanderings they had killed a COAV which did not belong to them, near Deamond's Pond. A part of them, on the 19th of June, being encamped at a sink-hole where there was water, about 3 miles from Kenapaha Pond, are fallen upon by a gang of whites, seven in number, who seized as many of the guns belonging to the Indians as they were able, and then commenced whipping them. Two of the Indians had gone out upon a hunt, and returned while this business was in progress. They made a shot upon the whites, wounding one of them, and in their turn they fired upon the two Indians, killing one, named Fuxe, and mortally wounding the other, named Lechotichee. Here the rencontre seems to have ended. A great cry was now raised along the Indian border, and the surviving Indians, who had done all of this mischief, were demanded of the chiefs by the agent. They were readily surrendered, the whole surviving six, and thrown into prison, where they remained over thirty days, while their accusers were left at perfect liberty to commit other outrages, and to make preparations for convicting the Indians at the trial which was supposed to await them ; but it does not appeal* that any trial ever took place, and my informant says, that the balance of proof was so much against the whites that they were glad to " dodge the question ; " and hence we suppose the Indians were set at liberty. But could any rational man suppose that an outrage of such a flagitious char acter would pass without retaliation ? It followed, but not immediately. On the 11 August, a private, named Dalton, carrying the mail between Fort Brook and Fort Jiing, Avas met on his route and killed. Some seized his horse by the reins, while others dragged him off and shot him. When found, his body bore evidence of savage vengeance, being nearly torn in pieces. The party committing this act are immediately demanded by Gen. Clinch, and the chiefs promised they should be surrendered, probably without any intention of so doing. They were Mikasaukies, and having fled among the Redsticks of the Ouithlacooche, could not be found. If the Indians did not avow this mur der to be in revenge for that of Fuxe and Lechotichee, it was known to be so. The Indians were now, if possible, treated with greater contumely than before, and Osceola, about this time, went to the agent to complain of some ruthless villain who had been guilty of grossly illtreating some of his people. It so happened that some white person had, only the preceding day, made a similar complaint against the Indians; which complaints were, it is said, occasioned by the affair at Hogtown. The general therefore, having pre judged tr e case, as good as told Osceola he lied, and that it was his men who were guilty of outrage. An altercation ensued, and this was the time, we are told, that this chief was seized, manacled, and placed in the guard-house of the garrison ; the circumstances of which have already been related, agreeably to the then existing information. We now pass to the events of the war, taking up the subject where it had been suspended in the summer of 1836. One of the divisions of the army under Gen. Clinch marched from Tampa for Fort Drane on the 14th of April, 1836. After a march of three days, they came within four miles of Fort Cooper, where Major Cooper had been left with his Georgia battalion. Having encamped, Gen. Clinch detached his two mounted companies under Capt. Malone of the Washington corps, with wagons, to Major Cooper, and instructions to join him. When this detach ment had proceeded about two or three miles, it was fired upon by Indians concealed in a hommock near the road, and Mr. Howard and Cornet Dunsan of the Washington troops were wounded ; the former with three shot, and the latter with one in the leg. Both probably recovered. Capt. Malone CHAP. XVIII.] BATTLE OF WELIKA. 471 immediately sent to Gen. Clinch for a reenforcement, on the arrival of which no Indians were to be found. The detachment then proceeded to Fort Cooper, which hud been attacked for 13 days together, but with a loss only of one man, Mr. Zarock Cook, of the Morgan Guards. At the same time Gen. Clinch marched from Tampa, Col. Lindsay left also upon a scout, and while crossing the Hillsborough River, the Indians fired upon him, killing Mr. James Branham of the Alabama volunteers. Gen. Clinch made but a short stay at Fort Cooper, when he returned to Fort King, where he arrived on the 25th ; having had one maa wounded, a Mr. Bostick of the Jefferson troop. At the same time Col. Goodwin burns a large Indian town on Peas Creek ; and only two days after, a company of Indians attack Fort Drane, make prisoners of several negroes, and carry off a number of horses. Scarcely a day passed at this period without some tale of blood. Gen. Scott, on his march near Ocklawaha, is attacked in his camp on the 22d of April, and two of his men are wounded. Two days after, the general sur prises a party of Indians about 23 miles from Volusia, but they all escape, leaving, however, their horses and packs to the victors. At Charlotte Harbor, on the 28th of April, the Indians make thorough work, killing Dr. Creus, the collector of that port, "and all the people residing there." They next appear with great boldness before St. Marks, but retire without doing any other damage than frightening the people. About the middle of May depredations were committed within two miles of Mandarin, on the St. John's. They killed and scalped a Mr. Motte, a highly respectable gentleman from New York, and burnt his house and other buildings. On the 7th of June the Indians burn the extensive sugar-works belonging to Gen. Clinch, together with 70 hogsheads of sugar, and a great amount of other property; and at the same time they burn also the sugar-house of Col. M'Intosh, of Oakland. The next day about 150 warriors invest Fort Micanopy, in which was Major Heillman and 70 or 80 men. After some preparations, a sortie was made, and the Indians dispersed. The whites had five men wounded and one killed. Major Heillman had been an active and valuable officer, but his term of service expired with his death, which took place at Micanopy on the 27th of the same month ; and but a few days before, (June loth,) Lieut. Wheelock had put an end to his own existence with his rifle. His duties had been so arduous that he was overcome by an aberration of mind, in which condition he committed the fatal act. On the 23d of July the Seminoles attack and burn the lighthouse on Cape Florida ; the keeper, a Mr. J. W. B. Thompson, is most surprisingly delivered from death, though not till he had been forced to drink deep of the cup of its agonies.* On the 1st of August the express rider is cut off between New- nansville and Micanopy. Some time in June, the unhealthiness of Fort Drane having been repre sented to Gov. Call, an order was given for its evacuation. About the 18th of July, a train of 22 wagons left that place, with stores and munitions for Fort Defiance, Micanopy, at 8 o'clock in the morning, escorted by 26 dragoons, under Capt. Ashby, and 36 artillerists, detailed from different companies ; in all b'2 men. They had a five and a half inch howitzer, under the charge of Lieut Whitly. On the arrival of the train at Welika Pond,' within a mile of its destination, as usual, the first notice of Indians was from a salute from their rifles, by which one man was mortally wounded. The place whence the discharge proceeded was scoured, but the Indians had gone. The force moved on, and at about a quarter of a mile from Micanopy, as it was passing a long hommock, a tremendous fire was poured upon the whole column from 250 Indians, as was supposed ; their line extending a quarter of a mile. Soon alter Capt. Ashby was severely wounded, but continued in action until com pelled to retire from loss of blood. The firing brought out to their relief two Joinpanies from Micanopy, 31 strong, under Lieuts. Talcott and Temple, who endered very important service. The Indians stood their ground until dis- odged by a charge, which was not until the fight had been considerably pro- * I have published Mr. Thompson's nan-alive of the affair in my Collection of Indian Nar ratives a very proper appendix lo this work. 472 CREEKS AND CHEROKEE AFFAIRS. [BooK IV traded. Of the whites 11 were killed and wounded ; of the Indians' loss no account was obtained. On the morning of the 8th of August fell Major Williams, near St. Arthur's Bridge, on his way from Black Creek to Nonardsville. There were 200 Indians, it is said, who did this single act, and although Mr. Williams had a son-in-law with him, he was suffered to escape ; they were so elated that they had killed the man who struck the first blow in this wretched war, that they thought of no further retaliation at that time. The reader will, doubtless, readily remember the 19th of June, 1835, and the parallel case of Capt Chubb. It is a relief, in pursuing general history, to be able to meet with some thing besides scenes of blood, but in particular history we are confined to the course of events, which when they lead us to nothing but the most dreaded scenes, we have no choice ; we do not make events, only record them. For a moment our attention will be drawn to the Creek and Cherokee countries. Much was said about the more northern Indians going down into Florida and joining the Seminoles, and it was even said that the Seminoles had sent a messenger to the shores of the great lakes with invitations to the Indians in those regions to join them. It may be true. We are told that Gen. Gaines did not disbelieve it, but we have never heard that any came down from thence. The Creeks were adjacent, and it was easy for them to effect such a junction. Accordingly, on the 5th of July, a considerable body of them was discovered making their way towards Florida, which the people of Stewart county, Georgia, endeavored to prevent. They followed them about three days, and had about as many skirmishes with them. The final result was, each party was glad to be rid of the other. One of the whites was wounded, and three Indians were said to have been killed ; the former being satisfied to display the remainder of their courage on paper. On the 16th of July, 2,400 Cherokees were shipped at Montgomery, Ala bama, for the Arkansas. In such a vast assemblage of people, forced from the land of their fathers, it would be very strange if there were not some who should show an unwillingness to go. How such unwillingness had been manifested we are not informed, but at this time " some 12 or 15 " men were " shackled with heavy irons to prevent their rising." One of them was deter mined not to submit to such felonious indignity, and, wrenching himself from the grasp of his tormentors, seizes a club, and knocking down one with a blow on the head, gives the war-whoop and attempts an escape. Alas ! his struggle is fraught with certain death ; he is shot down, and instantly expires. Another is pierced with a bayonet, for what no mention is made ; he dies in a few hours after. On the evening of the same day three had escaped from those who guarded them. Soon after one was retaken, brought in in a cart, and as he was thus conveyed along the streets, he cut his own throat, and expired without a groan ! To such deeds of desperation does this work of expulsion lead. About the 2d of August, a small party of Indians struck a small settlement on the Oscilla River, which flows into Appalachee Bay, and about 40 miles from Tallahassee, killed two men, took a boy, and burnt a house. Collecting what spoil they could, they decamped ; but being immediately followed b> Capt. Fisher's company, they abandoned the boy and plunder, and secured themselves in a hommock, and the whites marched back victorious. On the 16th of this month, Major Pierce, with 110 men, marched from Gary's Ferry to attack a body of Indians, who, he had learned, were in pos session of Fort Drane. He was fortunate enough to come upon them undis covered, but such was the alertness of the Indians, that they escaped with small loss ; 4 or 5, being badly wounded, fell into the hands of the whites, who, to add lustre to their exploit, barbarously put some of them to death. Osceola was there, and to his sagacity we may impute the small success of his enemies. On the 15th of September we meet with a melancholy account of depre dations. At 10 o'clock in the morning of this day, a Mr. Higginbotham arrived at Jacksonville from his late residence at Cedar Swamp, a di stance of 7 miles, without a hat and almost exhausted. His house had been attacked CHAP. A VIII] BATTLE OF SAN FELASCO. 473 at daybreak by a party of Indians. He had two men and nine guns, with which before he left they had been able to silence the Indians. A number of citizens immediately volunteered, and marched for the scene of action, under Major Hart They found Mr. Higginbotbam's family safe, and firing having been heard the night before in the direction of a Mr. M'Cormick's, they proceeded there, and found it had been burnt down ; and its ruins were yet smoking. Among them they found the remains of a human being. This was 18 miles from Jacksonville. Thence following the Indians' trail, they came to the house of Mr. Lowder, 7 miles farther. It was abandoned by its owners but very recently, as fire was still burning hi the kitchen. Here the Indians had done no mischief. Proceeding thence, the detachment, in four miles, came to Mr. Sparkman's, where a tragedy was opened to their view. They found Mrs. Johns, who had lived in Mr. M'Cormick's house, her scalp taken off, and dreadfully wounded with two bullets; yet she was alive, and able to communicate the particulars of the horrid tragedy through which she had passed. She and her husband were about 20 yards from their own door when they discovered the Indians emerging from the corner of a fence close by them. They ran for the house, entered it, and closed the door ; at the same moment the Indians fired on the house, and shortly after they hailed them in English, and told them if they would come out they should not be hurt. They not choosing to trust them, the Indians next looked through between the logs of the house, and ordered them, in a peremptory manner, to come out, but they still refused, and begged for their lives. The Indians then charged the house, burst open the door, shot Mr. Johns through the head, and Mrs. Johns as before related ; he fell dead, and she fell upon his body. An Indian then seized her, and dragged her out of the house, and soon after dragged her in again ; and after tearing the band and comb from her hair, applying his scalping-knile to her head, and fire to her garments, left her ; and to make a more sure mark of his vengeance, he next set fire to the house, and then they all drew off. They carried away a portmanteau containing 100 dollars, and every thing else they thought of any value. As soon as they were out of hearing, the wretched woman raised herself up and crept from the burning building ; saw the body of her husband lying unscalped. She fainted and fell, again and again, but finally reached the edge of a swamp not far distant, where she got some water, and lay down with hopes no greater than her strength. In this situation she was found by the scout above men tioned, and eventually recovered. On the morning of the 17 September, a party of about 100 Indians came within a mile of Fort Gilleland, on the Picolata road, took a cart from some teamsters, and carried it off a piece, then set it on fire. Col. John Warren sallied out from the fort with 150 men, in the direction of San Felasco horn- mock, where he had reason to believe the Indians were posted. One hundred of his men were mounted, and of his number was a company of artillery, with a 24 pound howitzer. He could meet with none of the Indians that day. Early the next morning he sent out spies ; but they soon returned with no intelligence of the enemy ; yet so well convinced was he that the Indians were at Felasco, that he divided his men into three columns, and marched on' in order of battle. When they came within about three quarters of a mile of the hommock, they found the Indians in then* own peculiar order of battle ; and they rose up and poured upon the whites a sharp though not a destructive fire. And we have very seldom heard of so much manoeuvring and fighting, without greater execution, on any former occasion. The battle having lasted an hour and a half, but one of the whites was killed, and four or five wound ed ; the Indians lost none that their enemy were certain of, though they re port that they saw a great many fall. In the first of the onset the Indians made an attempt to turn the left flank of the Americans, " but were charged on with spirit and success by Lieut. Col. Mills's command, and driven into a thick oak scrub, who then dismounting and charging on them, drove through this into the border of the hommock, when the artillery played upon them with consid erable effect ; after this they retired to the right, and attempted to turn that wing, but a charge from Capt Walker and Lieut. Bruten's command, drove them within the range of the artillery again, which opened upon them witfr 40* 474 BATTLE OF SAN FELASCO. [BOOK IV great effect." They made several desperate attempts to maintain their posi tion, and charged twice on the artillery, but were beaten off at all points, and began a retreat They were pursued a mile and a half into a dense horn- mock, and then abandoned. Thus ended the battle of San Felasco Horn- mock, as it was called. The Indians were reckoned at 300 men. Several of the officers under Col. Warren were highly commended for their bravery and good conduct, in his official account of the battle ; especially Adj. Gillelaiicl, Capt D. D. Tompkins of the artillery, Capts. Beekman, Walker, and Ward, Lieuts. Bruten and Hindly. About this time, the distinguished Creek chiefs, Paddy Carr and Jim Boy, arrive in Florida, with 950 of their warriors, to assist in subduing the Senii- noles. On or before the 28 September, about 50 Indians, supposed to be Creeks, attacked a house, near Orange Pond, and killed a Mr. Uptegrove and his wife. She at first escaped from the house, but they pursued her, overtook and killed her. A Mr. Hunter, living in the same house, escaped to a pond, and by burying himself almost entirely in water for 24 hours, they supposed him to be drowned ; by which artifice he preserved his life. The next day, namely, September 29th, Col. Lane landed at Tampa, with a force of whites and friendly Indians, from Apalachicola. Hearing that the Indians were committing depredations in the neighborhood, he marched im mediately, with 12 mounted men and 100 Indians, to beat up their quarters. A rapid march of 12 miles brought them to Indian River, where they discov ered the enemy on the opposite side. The friendly Creeks had not come up, and though there were near 200 Indians to oppose them, yet they engaged them, and for 15 minutes the skirmish was sharp and obstinate. The Creeks, under Maj. Watson, now arrived, and the Seminoles began to relax ; they, however, maintained their order for a mile and a half, when they separated and fled in every direction, and night ended the pursuit. This battle was on the 30 of September, after which the colonel returned with his command to Tampa. An act of self-devotedness occurred in this fight, not of a very com mon character on record : A Mr. Kelly was standing near Col. Lane, when he observed an Indian taking deliberate aim at him ; having just discharged his own gun, he saw no chance of saving the life of his commander, but by re ceiving the ball himself, which he did by instantly throwing himself between him and the Indian. Kelly received the ball and fell ; happily he was not mortally wounded. On the 10 of October, Col. Lane set out on another expedition from Tam pa, and, on the 14th, after a march of 50 or 60 miles, he came in full view of Oloklikana, or Spotted Lake, which stretched off to the north as far as the eye could reach, dotted here and there with beautifully-wooded islands. Here they fell upon a fresh trail, and soon after a village, but it was aban doned. In another direction their trail led them to a ford, 200 yards over, which they passed by wading and swimming, having left their horses be hind, beyond which they came to extensive cornfields, some cattle and ponies, and a village ; but no Indians yet. Passing the village, the trail led to a marsh, near a mile in extent, covered with soil mud and water ; but it was no barrier to the Creeks, and they dashed into it at once, and were fol lowed by the whites. They were often waist high in mud, from which hav ing extricated themselves, found they had reached a fine island, and the trail still continuing southerly. Here were a village, domestic animals and uten sils, and the scalps of several white people. Not far from hence they came to another village, which, with the former, contained above a hundred houses. Another half mile brought them to the shore of a pond, skirted with a thick scrub, of near three fourths of a mile in extent. Here the Seminoles had made a stand, and began the attack by a volley of rifle-balls. A fight, now begun, was kept up for about half an hour, when a charge from the Creeks put them to flight, and they were soon covered by a hommock, and were followed no farther. But one of the whites was wounded, and whether any of the Creeks were killed or wounded, we are not told by their white as sociates. Of the loss of the enemy, they of course knew nothing, which no doubt amounted to the same. The whites destroyed about a hundred CHAP. XVIIL] GOV. CALL IN COMMAND. 475 cattle and hogs, and they returned to Fort Drane, with about 400 more, on the 19th. With this expedition terminated the career of an active and valuable offi cer. Col. Lane complained some of a brain fever, and being left alone in the tent of Capt Goff for a few minutes, was found by him, on his return, expir ing on his own sword. It was supposed he had fallen on it accidentally, in a rit of dizziness ; or that in a moment of intellectual aberration, arising from the nature of his illness, he had been his own executioner. This occurred on the SGtli, and cast a deep gloom over the whole army. A few days previous to this, Gov. Call wrote to the secretary of war, in forming him that he had taken the general command in Florida, and that Gen. Jesup had, " with great magnanimity," declined it ; but that he had pro posed to serve under him as a volunteer Some entertained high expecta tions at the present prospect, and others expressed no favorable opinion of the result of Gov. Call's assumption. Both were common gratuities; and it would have been singular, indeed, if neither had eventuated in favor of the prophet. On the 28th, Gov. Call commenced active operations. He marched from the Suanee, at Old Town, with 1,375 men, in high hopes of speedily putting an end to the war. The route to Fort Drane was taken, on which seven In dians were killed. Whether they were warriors, old men, women, or chil dren, no mention is made. They reached Fort Drane, October 1st, where the fires of the Indians were still burning. Had it not been for a faithful spy, OSCEOLA and his Mikasaukies would have fallen into Gov. Call's hands. Here he waited until the evening of the 6th, to be joined by Maj. Pierce, who was to supply him with provisions ; which he effected with no ordinary efforts, having marched 66 miles in two days, viz., from Black Creek. With a supply of 8 days' rations, a move was made for the "Cove of the Ouithlacoochee." On the way they fell in with an encampment of Mikasau kies, "killed 13 men, who did not fire a shot, took 4 women prisoners, and 8 children." From these they learned that the Negro Town was but 3 miles above them. Col. Gill Was despatched thence with 300 Tennessee volun teers, on the morning of the 13th, but could not reach the town from the depth of water in the creek before it. He accordingly returned with loss ; having had 3 men killed, and 7 wounded. Among the former was Indian Billy, an interpreter, in much esteem by the whites. He was brother-in-law of CHARLES EMATHLA, of whose tragic death we have before given an account The main body marched to the river, which was so overflowed that its width was 250 yards, and could not be crossed. The Indians appeared on the op posite bank, and fired upon them, wounding Maj. Gordon, though slightly. Here the expedition was at an end ; the army being obliged to retreat to Fort Drane for supplies. At Gen. Gaines's battle-ground they fell in with CoL Lane, as he was returning from his expedition, just recorded. Little seems to have been done, or attempted, after this, until about the middle of November. On the llth of that month, the army, consisting of 2.100 men, marched once more from Fort Drane for the Ouithlacoochee. At this time the river was 220 yards wide ; yet it was passed on the 13th, though at great peril, four of the regulars being drowned in the way. The army had now arrived at the " Cove," where Indians were expected to be found ; but none were visible, and it appeared that the place had been some time aban doned; yet trails were discovered, leading into Ochlawaha and the Wahoo S \vainp. The left division, under Gen. Armstrong, met with no opposition in crossing the creek to the Negro Town. It was crossed by Col. Trawsdale's regiment. Instead of one town, they found two, and burnt them both. Here they found an old negro, who told them the Indians had gone to the Wahoo Swamp. He said, also, that when the Tennessee volunteers made an attempt upon the place the previous month, they killed 46 Indians. This was no doubt said to flatter their vanity, for we have no account that half that number of guns were fired at that time. Gen. Call now made dispositions to pursue the Seminoles, with certainty of success. Col. Pierce, with 250 regulars, the Creek Indian right, and Col. Warren's mounted men, were to pass out of the Cove by the only practicable outlet in that direction, and, after exploring the country south and west of the 476 BATTLES OF THE WAHOO SWAMP. [Boox IV river, to reunite with the main army, about the 19th or 20th, near Dade's bat- tie-ground ; the general, meanwhile, to march by the river in the direction of the Walioo, with the Tennessee brigade, two companies of artillery, and the Florida foot. Both divisions marched on the 16th. On the 17th, about noon, a large party of the enemy was discovered by the main body, encamped near a hommock. Col. Bradford, with the 1st regiment of Tennessee volun teers, was immediately detached to attack them. Although the Indians were surprised, they made good their retreat to the hommock, and waited the approach of the troops, who, when dismounting, received the fire of the enemy. They immediately returned it ; but the In dians stood their ground until a charge was made, which, as usual, put them to flight They left 20 of their dead, and all their baggage, on the ground ; and, from traces of blood, a far greater number were supposed to have been carried ofE The number of Indians engaged were said to amount to about 200. The whites had two killed, and 10 or 12 wounded, which, after being taken care of, the army retreated four miles to a favorable site, and en camped. On the 18th, the general, having left his baggage-train under a strong guard, marched again, with 550 Tennesseeans, chiefly foot, to the Wahoo Swamp. At about 3 miles from their camp, they fell upon a large Indian trail, which led through two dense hommocks, and over two creeks, into a large field, surrounded on three sides by hommocks. The enemy were re treating to gain securer positions whence to begin the attack, leaving their houses in flames ; at length, making a stand, the whites immediately ibnned their line of attack. The foot, under Col. Trawsdale, were formed in open order to charge into the hommock, while the horsemen, to the right and (eft, were thrown back to protect the flank, and to act as a corps of reserve. The columns had not received the word to advance, when a tremendous fire was opened upon them, along their whole front, from a hommock. They began slowly to advance, exchanging shots at short intervals. The order being given to charge, it was obeyed with impetuosity ; but the Indians did not break and fly as in times past ; they stood and fought hand to hand, exchan- ging life for life, while at the same time their wings attacked both flanks of the army, and a small body of about 50 fell boldly on its rear. The battle had raged nearly half an hour, when a general charge broke and dispersed them in every direction, leaving 25 of their number dead on the field ; while the whites had but three killed and 18 wounded. 600 Seminoles were said to have been engaged in this battle. The hour being late, and the men much exhausted, the army retreated to its appointed place for the meeting of Col. Pierce, near Dade's battle-ground. On the 21st, the army marched, in three columns, into the swamp, the Tennesseeans and regulars, and Col. Warren's mounted men on the light, the centre under Col. Pierce, and the Creek regiment on the left. When they came to the battle-ground of the 18th, they found it in possession of tlie Indians. As the Tennesseeans and regulars advanced, a heavy fire was opened upon them, and they did not answer it until they got into the midst of the Indians; then charging them, they gave way and retreated. As soon as the direction of their retreat was observed by a party in reserve, Col. Pierce, with his division, and the Creek Indians, were ordered to pursue ; and soon after, Col. Trawsdale with his regiment, and Col. Warren with the Florida horsemen, were sent to support them. Unfortunately, the greater part of the regulars and Tennesseeans, by taking a trail to the right, became involved in an almost impassable morass, where no horse could move, and where the men were obliged to wade waist-deep in mud and water. A small number of Creek warriors on the left, led by Col. Brown, taking a better path, followed closely upon the enemy, and found them strongly posted in a cypress swamp. The Creeks charged them with great spirit, and their gallant leader, MAJOR MONIAC, was killed, as also were several other Creek warriors. It was soon discovered that this party would be overpowered, and the struggle ivas momentarily becoming more and more desperate, when two companies of Florida militia under Capt Groves and Lieut. Myrick, three companies of artillery under Maj. Gardner, Capts. Tompkins, Porter, and Lee, and Col. Waire with his mounted men, coming successively into action, enabled tin CHAP. XIX.] GEN. JESUP AT THE WAHOO. 477 Creeks to maintain their ground. Still the fight was animated ; and it waer not until nearly all the force of the whites was brought to bear on this point, that the Indians could be dislodged. Then it would seem they retired more to give their adversary a chance to retreat, than because they were beaten themselves. Thus ended the second battle of the Wahoo Swamp, in which 25 of Gen. Call's army were killed and wounded, nine being of the former number. The Indians left 10 on the h'eld ; but the whites said they lost " 50 at least." The army having consumed all their provisions, and being very severely handled, was glad to make the best of its way out of this hostile region ; it accordingly returned to its late encampment at 10 o'clock at night, and the next day marched for Volusia. Where Gen. Jesup was, or what service he was rendering at this period, and for some time previous, I am uninformed ; but, on the 24 November, he arrived at Volusia, with 400 mounted Alabama volunteers. He came late from Tampa, and on the way had taken 33 negroes, the former property of Col. Rees, of Spring Garden, whence they had been carried off' by the Semi noles. Here Gen. Jesup received orders from the secretary of war, again to resume the command of the army of Florida. Gov. Call had pretty confi dently asserted that, in the campaign now just concluded, he should be able to finish the war ; but he had only showed the Seminoles that some of his men could fight as well as Indians, and that others could turn their backs with equal dexterity. On the whole, if the Indians had been one to a thou sand against the Americans, it would be no very difficult question to settle, which would be sent beyond the Mississippi. When, in October, the Creek deputation visited them, to persuade them to submit to terms, OSCEOLA as sured them with firmness, that " the Seminoles would never yield never, he said ; the land is ours ; we will fight and die upon it" The Chief HARJO was at the head of the peace deputation of Creeks, and he found Osceola in a great swamp, on the Ouithlacoochee, having then with him about 3,500 people. Notwithstanding the severe blows which Osceola had had in the Wahoo Swamp, it yet remained the Narraganset of Florida ; and such were the ac counts from thence, that Gen. Jesup determined to proceed there with a large force. Accordingly, with ten days' provision, he marched on the 12 of December for that point ; but, on reaching it, no Indians were found. On the 17th, he marched for Tampa, taking the course of the Ouithlacoochee in his route ; and Col. Foster pursued a parallel course on the other side of the same river ; a single Indian was the result of all this business ; yet no blame can be attached to those who performed it, for what can men do where there is nothing to be done ? Something like calculation can be made in marching against men in a fort or city ; but where it is known that a people remove their cities and forts as easy as themselves, quite a different calculation ia required. Caesar never fought Indians, or he would have reversed his celo brated saying, " 'Tis easier to foil than find them." CHAPTER XIX. EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING THE TEAR 1837. Expedition to Ahnpopka OSUCHEE /titled Jesup parleys with the chiefs Col. Hen derson's Expedition BATTLE OF LAKE MONROE Treaty of Fort Dade Unob served Osceola at Fort Mellon Numbers of the Seminoles Sudden abduction of emigrants Jesup requests to be relieved from command Western Indians applied to Gen. Hernandez's Expedition Capture of King Philip Surprise of the Vche.es Surrender of chiefs Mediation of Ross Capture of Osceola and others View of the affair WILD CAT'S escape BATTLE or OKECHOBEE. WITH this chapter we begin the events of the year 1837. On the 22 of January, Gen. Jesup put the main body of the army in motion, with the view 478 BATTLE OF HATCHEE-LUSTEE. fBooa IV. of attacking another strong-hold of the Indians, which he had learned waa upon the head waters of the Oklawaha. The next day he detached Lieut. Col. Cawlfield with his mounted battalion of Alabama volunteers, Capt. Har ris's company of marines, and Maj. Morris's Indian warriors, with his own aid, Lieut Chambers, to attack OSUCHEE, commonly called the Chief Cooper, whose rendezvous was then on the borders of Ahapopka Lake. Osuchee was surprised, and, with 3 of his warriors, killed ; nine women and children, and 8 negroes taken. The whites lost one Indian, who was mortally wound ed. From the captured it was discovered that the main body of the Semi noles had gone southward. Pursuit was immediately made, and, on the 24th, the army passed a rugged range of mountains, hitherto unknown to the whites, called, by the Indians, Thlauhatkee, or White Mountains. On the 27th, the Indians were discovered on the Hatchee-Lustee, in and about the "Great Cypress Swamp;" and a successful charge was made upon them by Lieut. Chambers, with Price's company of Alabama volunteers, by which 25 Indians and negroes, and their horses and baggage, were taken. The captured were chiefly women and children. Col. Henderson pursued the fugitive warriors into a swamp, and across the Hatchee-Lustee River, and thence into a more extensive swamp, where they could not be pursued without great difficulty and more men. Meanwhile, a messenger had been sent to the general, but he was killed in the way ; and it was not till another had been sent, that he was informed how matters were progressing with Col. Henderson. Gen. Jesup sent a prisoner to JUMPER, on the morning of the 28th, endeav oring to get a parley, while he moved on and took a position at Lake Toho- S'kalega, within a few miles of where it is approached by the Cypress Swamp. eie he took some hundred head of cattle. The prisoner sent out to Jumper, returned the next day, bringing favorable talks from Alligator and Abraham ; and two days after, January 31st, Abraham visited the general in his camp ; immediately after, he returned to the Indians, and on the 3 February, brought along with him Jumper and Alligator, with two sub-chiefs, one a nephew of Micanopy. These chiefs agreed to meet the general at Fort Dade, with other chiefs, on the 18th following. Jumper and Alligator, it is said, are among the last of the descendants of the Yamassees. To return to Col. Henderson. On receipt of his message, Gen. Jesup or dered the disposable force of Geri. Armistead's brigade, Maj. Gorham's infan try, and Tustenugge Hajo's Indian warriors, to move on to his support. They soon captured two Indian women, and several negroes, in a pine wood, over a hundred ponies, some plunder, and several fire-arms. The main force of the Indians had fled ; but not having much time in advance, were soon over taken by Maj. Morris on the border of a considerable stream, 20 or 25 yards wide, in the midst of a swamp. The Indians were in possession of the oppo site side, and when the warriors came up, they were fired upon, and a con siderable skirmish ensued. The creek was difficult to ford, and the Indians had passed it by two trees felled from the opposite banks. These afforded a sure mark for the Indians' rifles, a very few of which could stand against many ; but the whites and their Indian allies, being much the more numer ous, were able to extend themselves up and down the stream, by which dis play the Indians were exposed to a cross fire, and soon began to abandon then- position. The order being now given to cross the creek, Capt. Morris (major of the 1st Indian battalion) was the first to advance on the log, fol lowed by Lieuts. Searle and Chambers, and Capt. Harris ; Lieut. Lee swim ming over at the same time. These officers led the van throughout this ex pedition, and are mentioned with high encomiums on their conduct. Having all crossed the creek, the Indians made several stands against them, but were forced to fly after a few fires. They were followed for a mile or two, and then the pursuit was given up ; the detachments returning late at night to the camp of the main army. The result of this affair was the capture of 28 ne groes, and Indian women and children. How many warriors were killed, no certain information could be given ; but some two or three they saw, lying dead, as they marched along. Of the whites, one was killed at the passage of the creek in the swamp, and three wounded; and in the pursuit another was killed. Thus ended the affairs of one day, namely, January the 27th. CHAP. XIX BATTLE OF LAKE MONROE. 479 The next affair of importance, which transpired in Florida, was the battle of Lake Monroe. Brevet Col. A. C. W. Fanning had been stationed at that place, and his camp there bore the name of the lake. Early on the morning of the 8 February, 1837, about 300 Seminoles commenced firing upon Col. Fanniiig's camp with great spirit. Their right rested on the lake above the fort ; their left on the shore below, and another line extended around their front. They were taken rather by surprise, many of whom, being new recruits, scarcely knew what they were about ; but after wasting a good share of theii ammunition, being bent on making a noise by some means, they were got un der some sort of regular modus operandi, and the action became sharp. Mean while, Lieut. Thomas received orders to man a steamboat, lying in the lake under cover of the fort, and to serve a six-pounder, which was on board of her, upon the right of the Indians. This he was enabled to effect, and they were immediately driven from that position ; but they hung upon the right and front for near three hours, before they would give up the contest The brave Capt Mellon was killed near the beginning of the fight, and 15 others were wounded, some mortally. PADDY CARR was here with his Creeks, and was among the foremost in all danger ; and Col. Fanning gives the names of many of his officers who distinguished themselves. Thus, only ten days before the time assigned to treat with Gen. Jesup, did the Seminoles give a demonstration of the value they set upon a peace with the whites ; but, perhaps, the party which attacked Col. Fanning were unac quainted with the arrangement. However, through the mediation of the Creeks, the general got a hearing with HOLATOOCHEE, nephew of Micanopy, JUMPER, ABRAHAM, LITTLE CLOUD, and several others, at Fort Dade, on the 5 March. Micanopy sent as excuse for his non-appearance, that he was old and infirm. Jumper was inquired of respecting the time the Indians would be ready to remove, and from his answer, all the world, if they had heard it might have known that all the Indians were after, was to gain time ; for he replied, that they could not be ready till fall. The general as promptly re plied, that "that was out of the question," insinuating also, that if they wished to gain time by such a manoeuvre, they were mistaken. Jumper showed some indignation at being thus suspected, and after considerable other talk, the council was adjourned to the next day. Accordingly, they met again on the 6th, with augmented numbers on the part of the Indians ; among whom were representatives of Alligator, Coa- chochee or Wild Cat, (Philip's son,) his nephew, and Pease Creek John, and a treaty was drawn up and signed. It purported, that hostilities should from that time cease ; all the Seminoles to remove immediately beyond the Mississippi ; to give hostages to secure its observance ; all the Indians to go immediately south of the Hillsborough ; Micanopy to be one of the hostages ; and, by the 10 April, all were to be ready to remove. To these articles four chiefs put their marks, with Gen. Jesup ; and we shall see how they were ob served. To keep up the deception, and make sure of the promised rations, the In dians began to frequent the general's camp, as though in good earnest to fulfil the treaty. By the 26 March, there were there, or had been there, the chiefs, Yaholoochie, (Cloud,) Jumper, Abraham, and Tigertail; and tho principal chiefs on the St. John's, Tuskinnia and Emathla, (Philip,) had sent word that they would emigrate if Micanopy said so, and Abiaca (Sam Jones) had been invited by Philip to go to Micanopy to arrange for a removal. Abi aca being chief of the Mikasaukies, his acquiescence was thought of no little consequence. About this time, it was reported that Yaholoochie was com mander-in-chief at the battle of the Wahoo Swamp, and that Osceola had been deposed for cowardice in that action. On the 18 March, Micanopy signed a written acknowledgment of, and acquiescence in, the treaty of the 6th ; and Gen. Jesup seemed quite sure the war was at an end. Neverthe less, about this time a circumstance occurred which much alarmed the In dians, and whether feigned or real, answered the same end. A report was circulated among them, that as soon as Gen. Jesup had got a sufficient num ber into his power, he would handcuff and ship them for Arkansas. Thus matters were retarded and moved slow. And, besides, Philip, chief of tho 480 OSCEOLA BREAKS UP GEN. JESUP'S PROSPECTS. [BooK IV Tohopkol ikies, had begun to show himself again, and remained in his strong hold with 400 men. This much lessened the confidence of the general, and he began to make preparations for aggressions. Murders were also almost daily committed in some direction. However, by the 1 May, Osceola* had come in to Fort Mellon, Lake Mon roe ; and, by the 8th of that mouth, there were assembled there, and in the immediate neighborhood, not less than 3,500 men, women, and children, to whom about 1,000 rations had been issued. Many, if not all the chiefs, had liberty to come and go as they pleased, and this could not be objected to ; in the first place, because they were to bring in their people, and horses and cattle, to be ready to remove ; and, in the next place, had an attempt been made to detain them, all that could would have run away, and it would have been very difficult ever to have got them again. Hence, in this view of the matter, and we can take no other of it, a different course would have led at once to a ruin of what appeared to have been so well begun ; whereas, by that adopted, there was some prospect of success. Therefore, it is plain that those who condemn Gen. Jesup tor his policy, speak unadvisedly. While the Indians were at Fort Mellon, much information was gathered from them, relative to their numbers and condition. Maj. Gardner said he was assured there were 2,500 Seminoles then able to bear arms, and Col. Harney's information confirmed that conclusion. All things seemed to promise success to Gen. Jesup's efforts, and he became by the end of May quite confident that the war was at an end. Osceola had slept in the tent of Col. Harney, and great confidence seems to have taken the place of mutual distrust. The general felt quite assured that Osceola would be of great service in bringing in his countrymen, and before the middle of May he had lying at Tampa 24 transports to take off the Indians ; but to his great astonishment, on the morning of the 2d of June, he found that nearly all of them had fled into their own wilds and fastnesses. And thus the edifice that had been so long in building had been swept away in one night. Osceola had been some time absent, and had returned with 200 Mikasaukies, and compelled such as were not willing to leave, to go off with him. Micanopy said he had agreed to emigrate, and would do so, and being told that he might choose between compliance and death, he said, " Kill me here then kill me quickly," but he was forced upon his horse and driven off. Jumper had sold all of his horses, and was forced to march on foot Thus stood the affairs of Florida in the beginning of June, 1837. The Indians were sure of a truce till fall, when they would be again in a condition to fight with a better prospect of success than ever. Many of the forces of the whites had gone home, and many were quite as inefficient as though they were there also ; as sickness had begun to prevail, and terror and dismay were fast spreading in every direction of that ill-fated land. The general had done every thing he could do, or that any other man in like circumstances could have done, but that did not save him from slanderous tongues ; and on the 5th of the same month he wrote to the secretary of war, requesting to be relieved from the command in Florida ; but his request was not granted. An account of the state of affairs in Florida having reached Washington, the secretary of war, on the 22d of July, issued orders for enlisting the western Indians to fight the Seminoles ; namely, 400 Shawanese, 200 Delawares and 100 Kikapoos, which were soon after carried into effect ; and in September following, there had arrived in Florida upwards of 1,000 southern and western Indians, prepared to act in conjunction with their white allies against the Seminoles. The first affair of importance in the fall campaign of 1837, was the expe dition tQ Dunlawton, Tomoka, and the Uchees, under Gen. Hernandez. That officer was at Fort Peyton, seven miles south of St Augustine, on the 4th of September, when four negroes, which had belonged to Major Heriot, came in and delivered themselves up, and informed that many Indians wrre en caged south of Tomoka, and east of the St. John's, preparing coonti, (zamia.) Preparations were immediately made for an expedition in that direction, and * Some wrote Os-sin-yah-holo, others Assinyohola, but Osceola has obtained. CHAP. XIX.] ROSS'S MEDIATION. 481 a force marched from thence on the 7th, under Lieut. Peyton, who volun teered to take the lead on this occasion. It consisted of 170 men, and the same evening they reached Bulow's, 33 miles from Fort Peyton. Here, on the 8th, at daylight, four other negroes gave themselves up, who had belonged to the same master, and at the same time there came along with them an Indian negro, named John, a slave of King Philip, who had run away, on account of an attachment to his master's squaw. He was made to act as a guide. Spies were sent out, who soon returned with the information that there was an encampment of Indians at Dunlawton. This it was determined to beat up, and Lieuts. Peyton and Whitchenst were detached for the pur pose, and at midnight they fell upon them with complete success ; capturing the whole party, except a son of Philip, a lad of 18, who made his escape. None were killed or wounded on either side. The whites were much elated at this capture, having found that they had taken the arch King Philip, who had laid waste this part of the country in the beginning of the war, Tomoka John, and several others, women and children. On examining Tomoka John, the general learned that at about 10 milei from thence was a company of some 8 or 10 Uchees, under Uchee Billy, and Philip confirmed his statement. It was resolved, without loss of time, to sur prise this encampment also. Accordingly, 40 men marched out, with John ibr a guide, and here also the surprise was complete, with the exception of one man, who escaped under cover of night. But they did not find the Uchees entirely unprepared, and in their resistance they mortally wounded Lieut M'Neill, a promising young officer. Two Indians were killed, three wounded, and 16 captured. Among the latter was Uchee Billy, whose cap ture was viewed of no small consequence. In all 5 chiefs were captured during the expedition, making a total of 94 Indians and negroes. Before the month expired, a son of Philip (probably he who escaped at Dunlawton) came with four others to St. Augustine, with a flag ; but they were no sooner come than Gen. Hernandez ordered them into confinement. We have no other particulars, and whether the general had good reasons for such a step, take not upon us to say. It appears that the whites in general were determined to have the Indians, some how or other, and this seems to have been an earnest of what was afterwards enacted. John Hix, or Hext, (Tuckebatche Hajo,) who was supposed to have been killed in an encounter near a year ago, came into Fort King on the 3d of August, and on the 7th there arrived at Black Creek, Coahajo, Yahajo, (brother-in-law of Osceola,) and Honese Tustunnuggee. These captures and surrenders gave great en couragement to the people, and they again counted on a total emigration in a short time. On the 20th of October, as Lieut. T. B. Adams was escorting an express from Tampa to Fort Foster, he foil in with and took three Indians. One was a prominent chief of Pease Creek, named Holachta-Mico-chee, Hac-te-hal- chee, a sub-chief, and one warrior. At the same time was prepared at Washington a very sensible talk, by the chief of the Cherokees, JOHN Ross, which was to be sent to the Semino es; in which he ardently expressed himself for their welfare, and strongly urged upon them the necessity of coming to a settlement with the whites, and the Jitter impracticability of continuing in war, with the least prospect of success. This Mr. Ross undertook, by the consent and with the advice of President Jackson, and four trusty Cherokees were soon after despatched with it to Florida. It was addressed to Micanopy, Philip, Coacoocftee, (Wild Cat,) Osceola, and other chiefs and warriors, and signed KOOWESKOOWE, alias JOHN Ross, and a commendatory article, by seven of his head men. This deputation met the Serninoles in their country, and held a talk with Sam Jones, at the head of 300 Mikasaukies. Nothing seems to have been finally settled, but Abiaca (Jones) said he would treat with the whites if they would not use him ill. However, before this negotiation began, the Semi- noles had met with the saddest blow of any, before or since ; eight more of their principal men had fallen into the hands of Gen. Jesup, among whom was Osceola himself. This came about as follows: About the 18 October, Osceola sent a message to Fort Peyton, that ha 41 2F 482 CAPTURE OF OSCEOLA. [Boos IV wished to have a talk with Gen. Hernandez, and stated that he was but a few miles from there. He had not even ventured thus far, had not the snare been laid by the commander-in-chief of the whites, who, it must ever hereafter be allowed, displayed as much of the Indian in the matter, as Coacoochee had done before, in the abduction of old Micanopy and others, when the general had them nearly ready for Arkansas. For this act of Coacoochee, the gen eral had determined to be revenged ; and he declared, " if he (Coacoochee) had been a white man, he would have executed him the moment he came into his hands." Now we have seen that he did, some time before this, fall into his, or Gen. Hernandez's hands. He was the one sent out, or, as the general says, allowed to go out. at the request of old Philip, his father. He it was that brought about this overture of Osceola, which proved so fatal to him, as in the sequel will be seen. The Indians, having come as near Fort Peyton as they dared, sent word for Gen. Jesup to come out and talk with them ; he returned them no answer, but ordered Lieut. Peyton to get them into the fort if he could, and then to seize them. But in this he could not succeed, and Gen. Hernandez was sent out with 200 men, and commenced a parley with them. Gen. Jesup re mained in the vicinity of Fort Peyton, and ordered the lieutenant of the fort to proceed to the treaty-ground, to learn whether the Indians " answered Gen. Hernandez's questions satisfactorily or not." He soon returned, and reported that the answers were " evasive and unsatisfactory ; " whereupon he ordered Maj. Ashby to capture them, which, with the aid of Hernandez, was done, without the discharge of a gun on either side. Seventy-five Indians were, by this manoeuvre, taken with loaded rifles in their hands, disarmed, and con fined in the fort; and thus ended this "brilliant" affair, which took place on the 21 October, 1837. The names of the principal chiefs "grabbed" in this "haul," were, as the interpreters gave them, YOSO-TA-HOLA (Osceola,) COAHAJO (Alligator,) Pow- AS-HAJO, JOHN CAVALLO, who had been a hostage with Gen. Jesup, No-co- SO-SIA-HOLA, EMATHLA-CHAMY, CO-HI-LO-LUE-HAJO (Doctor,) and HASTONO- MICO. Severe animadversions have been indulged in, upon the conduct of Gen. Jesup, in thus seizing Osceola and his companions. We have not time nor space for an examination of what has and may be urged for and against the measure. We have followed the general's own account of the affair, and must leave our readers to judge for themselves upon its justness. One re mark, however, may not be unimportant, as it may assist in a just decision of the question. The general has said, that, inasmuch as the Indians had gross ly deceived him on a former occasion, he would use any means to get the chief actors in that deception into his hands ; and we have seen how the mat ter was managed to effect that object. Now, when Indians fight Indians, whatever advantage is gained by circumvention, of one party over another, is just, according to the laws which govern their modes of warfare ; but it i a rare circumstance that a party is attacked when coming to another with the offer of peace. We are now considering the whites on equal footing with the Seminoles ; for we see no other ground that this act of seizure can, in any way, be justified. The general asserts, what we do not clearly discover, that Osceola did not come to treat of peace, but ca.me under that pretence, " false ly," expecting thereby to get some white officer into his power, with whom he might purchase the liberation of Philip. But, as has been observed, we do not see sufficient evidence of such a plot, to authorize the " grab game," as some of the classical editors termed it, winch was played by the general. Much, however, might be added in extenuation of his conduct ; he had been a long time in Florida, exerting himself to the utmost to accomplish the wretched business forced upon him ; he had been baffled and foiled by the Indians, and derided and shamefully treated by some of his own countrymen. He was now determined to do something, and he performed this signal act when nobody expected it, and his enemies were at once out upon him, because he had acted like the people he was among. No blood was ehed ; but a very important service was performed. On the whole, we can not condemn Gen. Jesup, but rather the policy that placed him where he CrMP. XIX.] BATTLE OF OKEECHOBEE LAKE. 483 was. Of this we have distinctly spoken in an earlier page, and must waive a '"urther examination. Ou the 23 October, 29 " Indians, squaws, and negroes," were captured near Fort Peyton ; and, on the 25th, a family of 5 more were taken. They were conveyed to St. Augustine, and imprisoned, where there now were 147 in all, in confinement. Great preparations had been made to pursue the Indians with vigor, and forces had come in from various quarters, so that by the first of December, there were at the various posts in Florida, 8,993 men, of whom 4,037 were regulars, 4,0/8 volunteers, 100 seamen, and 178 friendly Indians. Amid all these preparations and watchings, the noted chief Coacoochee (Wild Cat) made his escape from St. Augustine, with 17 warriors and two squaws. Thus the fellow whom Gen. Jesup looked upon with such distrust, had, somehow or other, outwitted his keepers, and joined Sam Jones in his unknown retreat. The next event which comes within the line of our design, was one of the most sanguinary which has happened since this war began, with the excep tion of that in which Maj. Dade and his command were cut off. This was the battle of Okeechobee Lake, between a large Indian force under Abiaca and Alligator, and Col. Z. Taylor at the head of about 600 men ; the particu lars of which are as follows: Col. Taylor marched from Fort Gardner on the 19 December, 1837, and, following the meanderings of the Kissimmee River, arrived on the third day at a point on its banks, 15 miles above its entrance into Lake Okeechobee, whicli name is said to mean Big Water. Here he learned from a prisoner, who had fallen into his hands, that Alligator, " with all the war spirits of the Seminoles, Sam Jones, and 175 Mikasaukies," was encamped about 25 miles off, on the east side of Lake Kissimmee. Crossing the river, the colonel left Capt Monroe, with his company, the pioneers, pontooneers, and a large por tion of his Delaware warriors, who declined proceeding, from lameness, oc casioned by their feet and legs being badly cut with the saw-palmetto. The next day, taking the captured Indian as a pilot, he moved on with the rest of his force. After passing several cypress swamps and dense hommocks, he reached the vicinity of the Indians' encampment, on the morning of the 25th. Here they were found in one of the strongest places, as well as most difficult of access, of any before known in Florida ; but between 12 and 1 o'clock the conflict commenced. The main body of the Indians were posted in a hommock, from which they poured such a destructive fire upon the volun teers, that they were obliged to fall back. They formed in the rear of the infantry, who, coming now into action, " sustained one of the most destruc tive fires ever experienced from Indians." But they pressed forward, and gained the hommock ; the struggle continuing more than an hour, which was sustained with difficulty on the part of the whites, the Indians at one time nearly breaking their line ; they were, however, finally routed and driven at every point, leaving 10 of their dead on the field, and numerous traces of blood where others had been dragged away. It was reported afterwards, by the Indians themselves, that they lost 20 in all ; and yet this story of blood is not half told. CoL Taylor had 28 killed, and 111 wounded ! Every officer of four companies, with one exception, and every orderly sergeant of t!ie same companies, were killed, and the sergeant major was mortally wounded. Col. A. R. Thompson, of the 6th U. S. infantry, received three mortal wounds nearly at the same time ; Adjutant J. P. Center, Capt Vanswearingen, and Lieut. F. J. Brooke, of the same corps, were killed outright ; Col. Gentry, of the Missouri volunteers, was killed by a shot through the body, the same ball wounding his son in the arm. Such was the issue of the disastrous battle of Lake Okeechobee, which served two ends ; one of which was to reduce the number of Indians in opposition, and to teach the survivors that the whites could and would fight No prisoners were taken, but some 200 horses and cattle were found. Skirmishes on a smaller scale continued. Gen. Nelson, of the Georgia volunteers, tell in with a few Indians on the Suanee, on the 26 December, at a place called Wacusape, and we presume, judging from indirect informa tion, came off second best His horse was killed under him, and he lost his 4S4 FIGHT AT JUPITER INLET. [BOOK IV lieutenant, and three horses, and a man or two wounded. He took one In dian and a negro prisoners, and one Indian was reported to have been killed. About the same time, there was a fight at Charlotte Harbor, in which five Indians were killed, and nine taken. Lieut. Harding was dangerously wound ed. And a day or -two after, Capt. Winder, with 30 dragoons, surprised and look seven men and 23 women and children, about 40 miles south of Fort McLane, and near Fort McNiell ; and 20 miles south-west of Fort Harney, he took 29 more, among whom was a sister of Coahajo. Such were the important operations in Florida, during the year 1837. CHAPTER XX. EMBRACING THE EVENTS OF 1838 AND 1839. BATTLE OF WACASA SWAMP Defeat of Lieut. Powell BATTLE OF LUCHA HATCHE Gen. Jesup icounded DEATH OK OSCEOLA His character Gen. Jcsup desires to give up the icar, and allow the Indians to live in Florida Not allowed by the government His talk with TOSKEGEE Indians seized at Fort Jupiter Gen. Jesup leaves Florida Death of PHILIP and JUMPER Capt. Ellis's exploit Indians surprise Capt. Beall Families murdered Crews of vessels murdered Death of MUSHALATUBEE Camp Forbes attacked Numerous murders Capt. Russell and Maj. Noel killed Capt. Rowell defeated Gen. Macomb takes com mand in Florida Endeavors to make a treaty Lieut. Hulbert killed Reward for Indians Massacre at Colooshatchie Indians surprised at Fort Mellon Murders on the Waculla Bloodhounds to be employed against the Seminoles Depredations continue. NEW year has come, but not a "happy new year" to Florida; for its first day had only passed, when the sound of the rifle is heard in its desolate coasts, followed by the groans of the wounded and dying. Brig. Gen. Charles Nelson, with a brigade of Georgia volunteers, being charged with the defence of Middle Florida, was, on the 2 January, scouting in the vicinity of Wacasa Swamp, near Fort Fanning, when he discovered Indian signs leading to said swamp : following them up, he was fiercely attacked as he approached it, and immediately the fight became obstinate, and lasted near three hours. At 5 o'clock, P. M., the Indians dispersed, carrying off their killed and wounded. The whites suffered severely ; but they claimed a large victory, having cap tured " 15 men and children," and a chief named CHICKACHOO. Col. Foster, who commanded the left wing, was shot down, but his wound proved slight. Lieut. Jennings was killed. Among the wounded were Col. Ambrister, slightly ; Serg. Maj. Jones, badly ; Dr. Sheftall of Savannah, badly ; with several privates. We now proceed with an account of a sharp action, near Jupiter Inlet, between a force of about 80 men under Lieut. L. M. Powell, of the navy, and a body of Indians under TOSKEGEE, in which the whites were defeated, and suffered severely in killed and wounded. The action commenced about 4 in the P. M., and continued till half past seven at night, of the 15 January. , On proceeding upon a trail, after landing at Jupiter River, Lieut. Powell captured a squaw, whom he made pilot him to the Indian camp, which he reached after a march of about five miles. He found them prepared for him, and the war-whoop was immediately raised. The whites "charged them through a deep swamp," and the fire became general. Lieut. Harrison, of the navy, was soon shot down at the head of his men, who were left without an officer. Lieut Fowler, of the artillery, was directed to penetrate the swamp to the right, while the remaining two companies, under Lieut. M'Ar- thur, of the navy, advanced in line. By these mano3uvres the Indians were driven, or retreated, to a large cypress swamp, 700 or 800 yards in the rear Here they made a determined stand, and here Lieut. M'Arthur was badly wounded, and Dr. Leitner was killed while in the discharge of his duty as CHAP. XX ] GEN. JESUP WOUNDED. DEATH OF OSCEOLA. 485 surgeon. Night was approaching, and the men were falling fast, when Lieut Powell ordered a retreat. Lieut. Fowler was shot down in the successful attempt which he made to cover the retreat, and but three officers remained upon their feet at the close of the action. The whites made what haste they could to their boats, all of which they got off except one, which the Indians took, containing ammunition. In this affair the whites had 5 killed, and 30 wounded, many of them severely, and some three several times. The Indians lost 4 or 5. The commander-in-chief in this expedition makes no cnarges against any engaged in it, in his official account ; but an officer, who was twice wounded in the fight, said the sailors were great cowards, and had it not been for the company of artillery under Lieut Fowler, who covered their retreat, nearly all of them would have been scalped. As it was, about ha;f the wounded were of that class. This fight was on Lucha ilatche, or Tur tle River. Gen. Jestip, thinking the Indians had probably made their head-quarters on the Lucha Hatche, inarched with the force under his immediate command from Fort Lloyd, near the head of the St. John, on the 20 January, to see whether Lieut Powell had just cause for leaving them in full possession there, or not He came upon them on the 24th, between 11 and 12 o'clock, A. 31., and if he had had no more men than the lieutenant had, it is doubtful whether he would have given as good an account, or fared as well ; though the general himself says, " that the strength of their position was such, that they ought to have held it much longer than they did;" yet, in forcing them out of it, he was pretty severely wounded, with 30 of his men, and 10 were killed or mortally wounded. Thus had TOSKEGEE handled two considerable forces under separate commanders, and was doubtless as well prepared for a third, as either of those for a second ; for he and his men were able to make good their retreat without loss of time, with their all, leaving conjecture only to their enemies of their next locality. We must now turn our attention, for the last time, to the once feared, and much dreaded, and now no less regretted, chief, OSCEOLA. We left him in prison at St Augustine, in November last, from which place he was, soon after the escape of COACOOCHEE from thence, sent to Charleston, and con fined to the fort in that harbor for safe keeping, until he should be, with oth ers, shipped for the west. But that time never came for him! Death came with that aid which the white man refused! He died in confinement at Fort Moultrie, of a catarrhal fever, on the 30 January, 1838. The portrait of Os- ceola is difficult to be drawn ; some have made him a coward, and others a knave ; some have averred that he was but a sub-chief, and without respect among his own people ; others have indignantly added, that he was the son of a white man, as though their own blood had degraded him in the scale of being. It might be so. How then ought they to look upon themselves ? Dou bly degraded in that scale. Others portray his character in unmeasured terms of admiration; making him the greatest of chiefs, ablest of counsellor?, and bravest of warriors. We affirm to neither. The circumstance of his being better known when the war began, than other chiefs, gave him a ce lebrity or notoriety which his deeds did not claim. He had lived more amon^' the white people, and hence was better known to them ; and when a depre dation was committed, or a battle fought. Osceola was the supposed leader of tiie Indians ; and as the report of such occurrences spread, the supposition vanished, and thus arose much of the celebrity of Osceola. Hence it is easy to see how he came so prominently into the van of notoriety. Thus, in our account of the defeat of Major Dade, the authorities then relied upon made us say he was the leader in that wretched disaster ; but we are now as sured that he was at Camp King that same day, and was the chief actor ia that tragedy, and hence could not have been in the fight with Maj. Dade. He lived near Camp King when the war began, after which he removed to Long Swamp, 12 miles to the south-west of it But we detract nothing from the just fame of Osceola. He was a great man, and his name will go down to the latest posterity, with as much renown as that of PHII,IP of Pokanoket. Both, by fatal errors, were brought prema turely into the hands of their enemies ; Philip, by the rash murder of one of 41* 486 SEVERITY OF GOVERNMENT. [Boox IV. his own men, and Osceola by a mistaken estimate of the character of hii foes. We return to Gen. Jesup, whom we left wounded, though safely through the battle of Lucha Hatche. The next day, January 25th, he crossed the river, and encamped on Jupiter Bay, where he erected a stockade, which he named Fort Jupiter. Here he remained until the 5 February, his men being destitute of shoes and other supplies. At this period he marched southward, about 12 miles, when he encamped again ; and here an interview was sought with the Indians. It was now looked upon by the general, as well as all his principal officers, as a matter past accomplishment, to subdue the Seminoles, ' for years to come." It was, therefore, concluded that it would be best to effect an t ccommodation with them, and to allow them to retain and live upon tint part of Florida " where nobody else could live." Accordingly, he wrote to the secretary of war, on the 11 February, recommending that measure. In answer, the secretary said, that it was not a question now to be considered by the president, whether it would be better to let the Indians remain in the country or not, but that, as a treaty had been ratified, by which the Indians had agreed to remove, it was his duty to see it executed ; that, therefore, no arrangements with the Seminoles would be allowed, having for its object their future residence in Florida. Thus a "veto" was set to the humane object of Generals Jesup, Eustace, and others, though they were allowed to make a kind of a truce with them for the ensuing summer, or until the season would allow the whites to fight them again to advantage. Meanwhile, Gen. Jesup had moved on slowly, and on the 7th, by means of messengers which he sent out, got a parley with a young chief, named Hal- lec Hajo. This chief told the general that the Indians were in a wretched condition, that they were unwilling to leave the country, but would be con tented with any small portion of it, if they might be allowed to continue in it At this stage of the conference, the general (very abruptly we think) demanded hostages, or-a surrender of the arms of the Indians ; but the chief gave him to understand that neither would be done. He then requested a conference with Toskegee, the principal chief of the band. The next day Toskegee came, and the interview resulted in an agreement for a meeting at Fort Jupiter, in ten days from that time. What was done at that fort, or whether the gen eral ever got the Indians there or not, he has not told us ; but he says, in his communication to the secretary of war, that " the measure which he adopted had resulted in the peaceable surrender of about 1,200 Indians and negroes, of whom 319 were warriors. Had any other course been adopted, it is ques tionable," he says, "whether 20 warriors could have been killed or taken." Hence we are to infer, that without gross deception, now-a-days called stratagem, nothing could be effected, of any account, against the Indians of Florida ; and what it is probable will be remarked upon hereafter, as worthy of admiration, is the curious fact, that it had taken the government of the countiy, and all its officers who had been engaged in Florida, three years to find it out An army could march from one end of that country to another, if they avoided its lakes and swamps ; and dogs could, with equal ease, drive all the birds i'rom a rye-field, if there were no brambles in their course ; and the latter of these experiments would be of about as much consequence to the owner of the rye-field, as the former to the inhabitants of Florida. TOSKEGEE had been prevailed upon to lay down his arms, and come into the strong-holds of the white men, to hold a treaty with them, under the as surance that he and his people would be allowed to retain some little part of their oivn country. But we are told, as the Indians probably were afterwards, that they would be permitted to remain in Florida, provided the president would consent to it They had become quite confident that such would be the fact, for the very good reason, that the officers who made them tnis prom ise, were very confident themselves, that it would be acceded to by him. No other conclusion can be drawn from Gen. Jesup's language, in his communi cation to the secretary of war, before alluded to. Speaking of his overtures for a reservation, he says, " I believed then, and I believe now, that, as com- mander-in-chief of the army in the field,! had a right to adopt those measures, either of direct hostility, or of policy, which promised to be most useful in CH&I. XX.] CAPTAIN ELLIS'S EXPLOIT. 487 the end, taking care not to place the ultimate decision of them beyond the control of my official superiors." Some time had now intervened since proposals had been made, and it is probable the chiefs had begun to think all was not right ; for when, on the 17th March, the general had got his answer from Washington, he notified them to meet him on the 20th, at Fort Jupiter; they did not appear; where upon Col. Twiggs, by his order, surrounded and captured the whole party, amounting to 513. In a day or two after, negroes enough were taken to make up 678 ; but in the mean time Passac-mico, a chief, with 14 others, made their escape. On the 24 March, Gen. Jesnp detached Halatoochee, Tustenuc-cocho-conee, and the negro chief ABRAHAM, to Gen. Taylor. These were sent out with messages to their countrymen west of Okeechohee and Pahaiokee, and they prevailed upon Alligator, with 360 Indians and negroes, of whom a hundred were warriors, to surrender to Col. Smith and Gen. Taylor; and soon after Lieut. Anderson captured Pahose-mico, a sub-chief of Toskegee, with his band of 47 persons. Major Lauderdale and Lieut. Powell pursued Appiacca, (Sam Jones,) as Gen. Jesup writes the name, into the everglades, and came up with him on an island, and dispersed his party. We have now traced events to the month of April, 1838, in which month Gen. Jesup was ordered to proceed to the Cherokee country, and leave Gen. Taylor in command of the forces in Florida. He began operations there in December, 1836, from which time to that now arrived at, there had been taken, with those who surrendered, about 2,400 Indians, above 700 of whom were warriors. Many of the principal chiefs had already been sent out of the country. King Philip, Cloud, and Coahajo, arrived at New Orleans on the 12th of March, but the former never reached his place of destination. King Philip died on board his transport boat in July, 40 miles below Fort Gibson. He was buried on shore with the honors of war; 100 guns being discharged over his grave. JUMPER had preceded him. This chief lan guished for about two months, at the "Barracks" in New Orlea'ns, when, on a day memorable in our annals, April the 19th, his spirit took its flight. He was buried under arms with much ceremony. Into his coffin were put his rifle, pipe, tobacco, and other equipments, agreeable to the custom of his people. We now return to inquire what is doing in the land whence they came. A scouting pnrty of volunteers, under Capt. Ellis, found five Indians in a hornmock near Santa Fee bridge, all of whom are killed, without injury to his own party. This was on the 10th of May. On the 17th of June, as a detach ment of about 30 United States dragoons, under Capt Beall, were seeking Indians in the neighborhood of San Felasco, near Newnansville, they fell into an ambush, and seven of their number were killed and wounded. Among the former was Capt. Walker. They immediately retreated, and were fol lowed some distance by the Indians. On the 19 July, the family of a Mr. Guy nn was cut off on the Santa Fee; himself, wife, and infant child were mur dered. On the 25th of the same month, a family of the name of Lasley was broken up on the Ocloknee, 15 or 20 miles from Tallahassee. Mr. Lasley and a daughter were killed. In Middle Florida, on the last day of the month, a Mr. Singletary, his wife, and two children were cut off. On the 19th of August, a severe blow was struck on the family of a Mr. Baker, on the east side of the Oscilla. Himself, wife, and a grandchild were killed. And thus we might fill out page after page with such awful details consequences of a war to be remembered only to be lamented. Many had supposed, that when so many Indians had been sent out of Florida, but few could be left to trouble their expatriators, but it proved far otherwise. The poor mariner, who had never had any hand in the war, if cast away on any part of that coast, immediately found himself in the midst of Indians. In a terrible tempest, which happened about the 7th of Septem ber, near 40 vessels were wrecked or stranded on its extensive shores. One only we shall particularly name. This was the brig Alna, Capt. Thomas, of Portland. After being wrecked, the crew all got safe on shore, except one man, who was washed overboard. The captain, A. J. Plummer, and Wm 488 CAPTAIN ROWELL'S DEFEAT. [Boon jy, Reed, were killed. S. Cammett and E. Wyer, Jr., though wounded, almost miraculously escaped. Amidst these events we will pause to notice the death of the great Chok taw chief, MUSHALATUBEE. He died at the agency in Arkansas, Septembei the 30th, of small-pox. He had led his warriors against the Creeks, under Jackson, during the war of 1812. On the 6th of September, Adj. Gen. R. Jones issued orders for the re assembling of such officers and others, in Florida and the Cherokee country, as had been detached to the north-west, or elsewhere, to be ready for active service. On the llth, as Capt. Rowell's company of Florida volunteers, about 16, were scouting near the mouth of the Oscilla, they fall upon a camp of Indians under Tigertail. Most of them escape on ponies, but two women were killed. We meet with very little of importance until the close of this year. On the 28th December an attack was made on Camp Forbes, by a small party of Indians, but they were obliged to retire, leaving two of their number dead behind. The next morning Lieut. Thomas went in pursuit of the party, and came up with them on the Chattahoochee; here again they were dispersed with loss, but how great is not mentioned. On the 4th of January, 1839, some citizens of Magnolia, learning that Indians were in their neighborhood, searched them out, and killed the whole party, six in number. Capt. L. J. Beall, scouting with a company of dragoons near Ahapopka Lake, captured 16 Indians, of which number but two were men. The two men were near relations of Wild Cat and Sam Jones. The latter had given out word that he would hang any Indian who should attempt to surrender. A party of 10 or 12 Indians went within about 12 miles of Tallahassee, and cut off the family of a Mr. Pendarvis; killing him, his wife, and two children. This was on the loth of February, and on the 18th they cut off the family of a Mr. White, four miles nearer the same place. Here they killed two persons, and desperately wounded Mr. and Mrs. White. On the Thursday previous, the same, or perhaps another party of Indians attacked the house of a Mr. Stokens, of Jefferson county, and though the family escaped, they plundered it of 1,000 dollars in bank notes, arid burnt it. On the 23d of February, about 15 or 20 Indians attack three wagons on the Magnolia road, loaded with provisions for Camp Wacasa, and about 9 miles from that place. Four persons were killed. As Capt. S. L. Russell was ascending the Miami River, in open boats, from Fort Dallas, with a part of his men, they were fired on by Indians concealed, and Capt. Russell is killed, and Major Noel is mortally wounded. This was on the last day of February, viz., the 28th. On the 1st of March, the Indians which had been collected at St. Augus- :ine were shipped for the west. There were 250 in all, 65 of whom were men. At this time went the long noted negro chief, Abraluim. Yet murders continued to be every where committed. On the 8th, the house of Edmund Gray, in Jefferson county, 9 miles from Monticello, is beset, Mr. Gray and two children killed and one badly wounded, and the house burned. In pursuing his business of scouting, Capt. Rowell came upon 50 or GO Indians near Patterson's Hommock, 5 miles east of the Oscilla. They engaged him. and obliged him to retreat with the loss of two killed and two wounded. This happened on the 18th of March, and on the 3d of April some JO or 15 Indians went to the residence of Capt. Scott, in Jefferson county, about two miles from Bailey's mills, where they killed one person and wounded two or three more. About the same time the house of a Mr. Rollins is attacked at the head of the St. Mary's, on the edge of the Okefeenoke Swamp. Mrs. Rollins was killed, and he made a very narrow escape. Meanwhile Gen. Macomh had been appointed commander-in-chief of the army in Florida, and on the 5th of April he arrived at its head-quarters on Black Creek. His main instructions appear to have been, to pacify the In dians again, until the return of another season for campaigning. But hia prospects were discouraging, for "they were dividing themselves into small parties, penetrating the settlements, committing some murders, and firing from their coverts on the expresses and passengers going from post to post." CHAP. XX.] MASSACRE OF COL. HARNEY'S MEN. 489 And it was believed that no communication could be opened with them. However the general was determined to make the attempt, and finding some prisoners at Gary's Ferry, he treated them kindly for a while, then set them at liberty, with the request that they would, proceed to the hostiles and invite them to a parley. At or about the same time Gen. Taylor sent out some of "his Indians, in whose sincerity and honesty he had great confidence;" but these joined the enemy and never returned, and the prisoners returned after some time, and said they could not find their people. In the mean time, on the 22 April, about 100 Tallahassies, under the chief Nea Stoco Matla, marched to Tampa in the night, and forced away about 30 of their country men, who were waiting there to be shipped to the west. At length, on the 17th of May, the general got a number of chiefs together, from the southern part of the peninsula, by the negotiation of Col. Harney, and an amicable arrangement was made, by which they were to remain in the country for the present, or until they could be assured of the prosperous condition of their friends who had emigrated. The general then left Florida. On the 3 May, five persons were killed on the Santa Fee. On the same day Lieut. Hulbert and a man named O'Driscoll were killed at Fourteen- mile Creek. The express rider between Fort Frank Brooke and Fort An drews not arriving as usual, Lieut. Hulbert went out with ten men to learn the cause. Being in advance of his men, he fell into an ambush, and was thus cut off. He belonged to New York, and had graduated at West Point. About sunset on the 28 May, a body of Indians surround the dwelling of Mr. James Osteen, of Alligator, shoot him near his stable, badly wound a Mr Dell, and also a sister of Mr. Osteen. Mrs. Osteen and her children escape to the nearest house. These and numerous other equally horrid affairs hap pening immediately after the treaty just made, destroyed all confidence in its utility. The people of Florida declared they would take the management of the war into their own hands, and early in June the government of the terri tory offered a reward of 200 dollars for every Indian killed or taken. And soon after, TIGERTAIL, the chief of the Tallahassies, issued a proclamation declaring the treaty made between Gen. Macornb and Chitto Tustenuggee null and void. It does not appear that the two principal chiefs of the Semi- noles, Tigertail and Sam Jones, had any thing to do with Gen. Macomb's treaty. On the 13 July, between 9 and 10 at night, a small party of Indians at tack the family of Mr. G. Chairs, 10 miles from Tallahassee, and kill Mrs. Chairs and two children. On the 23d, Col. Harney was attacked on the Co- looshatchie or Synebal River, and had 13 out of 18 of his men killed. The colonel had gone to this place to establish a trading house, agreeably to the treaty made at Fort King between some of the Seminoles and Gen. Macomb, before spoken of. Thus that treaty (which was only verbal) was either made on the part of the Indians to deceive the general, or some Indians made it without any authority from their nation ; the latter was doubtless the fact. When the news of Col. Harney's surprise reached Fort Mellon, on the 31st, some 50 Indians, who had come into that neighborhood, were alarmed for their safety, and fled ; but soon after, about 45 of them came in to talk with Lieut. Hanson, and were surrounded and taken ; two men, in attempting to escape, were shot down and killed. About this time, as a company of sol diers were building a bridge in Middle Florida, about two miles from a post on the Suanee, they were surprised by the Indians, and 6 of their number killed. At Fort Wheelock, two or three .soldiers are killed while bathing in Orange Lake. On the 27 September, a party fall upon the family of a Mr. Bunch, on the Wakulla, murder Mrs. Bunch and one child, and burn the house. Mr. Whitaker, a near neighbor, is severely wounded. Early in October, it was announced that 7,000 regular troops were to be sent to Florida, and that Gen. Taylor had been authorized to send to Cuba for a large number of bloodhounds, to enable them to scent out the Indians. When it was known throughout the country that dogs were to be employed against them, there was a general burst of indignation ; but though it is a fact that the dogs were procured and brought to Florida, with Spaniards to di rect them, yet we believe they entirely failed in the experiment ; there being 490 DOGS EMPLOYED IX FLORIDA. [BooK IV. but here and there a solitary instance of their performing the service for which they were intended. If the originators of this dog-scheme had in view the destruction of the Indians in the manner they were destroyed by the fol lowers of Columbus, they deserve not the rights of humanity, but should rather be hunted out of society by beasts as savage as themselves, if such could be found. How much was effected by the hounds, it is difficult to tell, for long before their arrival in the countiy, the editors of papers in that re gion had probably concluded upon what course they would pursue, when official accounts from dogs should be offered for publication ; but occasionally a reckless fellow dropped a paragraph like the following: "The Cuba dogs have proved quite beneficial. They caught five Indians the other day, in Middle Florida, handsomely." In March, (1840,) "Col. Twiggs made a 15 days' scout up the St. Johns River with the bloodhounds. On his return, it was stated that they were found to be perfectly useless ; all attempts to induce them to take the trail of the Indians proving unsuccessful. These and other trials are evidences sufficient to put an end to all further anxiety on the part of the northern sentimentalists." From such statements we are left to make up such accounts as we rnay, of what was effected by the bloodhounda They will be noticed in the order of time as we proceed. During this expedition, two Indians were discovered in a boat and shot one of whom was said to be a brother of Sam Jones. On the 19 October, a party of dragoons were fired upon while crossing the Oscilla, and had 7 of their number killed. Some Indians, pretending friend ship, had encamped about two miles from the fort, on New River; and hav ing become familiar with the soldiers, invited them all to a dance, which they were to have on the night of the 27 September ; but three, however, had the temerity to go, and they were all killed. It was supposed they intended, 01 were in hopes of drawing out the whole garrison, which if they had, their fate would have been the same. This was but a retaliation. A baggage- wagon passing between Micanopy and Fort Wheelock, with an escort of seven men, was taken by the Indians on the 3 November ; the driver was mortally wounded, and another man severely ; killing and wounding some 6 or 7 mules and horses; 50 Indians were said to have done this mischief; but if there had been half that number, it is exceeding doubtful whether either of the seven men would have escaped. The climate, as well as the Seminoles, continued to do its work also. On the 5 November, Lieut. Rodney died at St. Augustine, and the next day, Quartermaster M'Crabb died at the same place. On the 9 November, the house of Mr. John Johnson was attacked, on the Oscilla, in which four negroes and one white boy were killed. Four days after, a party took Alfred Oliver's house, on the Ocloknee, 12 miles to the westward of Tallahassee, and killed his son. On the 25th, as Capt. Searle is proceeding in a carriage from St. Augustine to Picolata, he was fired upon, when about 6 miles out, and mortally wounded ; a young man, a Polander, who was riding on horseback behind him, was killed upon the spot. On the same day, a Mr. Weedman, with his son, proceeded to visit his farm, three and a half miles only from St Augustine, on the same road. It was the first time he had made the attempt since the war began, and by it he now lost his life, being shot dead by some concealed Indians; and his son was badly wounded. During this month, Gov. Call, with some 200 or 300 men, scoured Middle Florida, and " drove up all the Indians " in their lines of march. They pre sumed they would not " light down again " for some time. However, in a few days after, the house of Maj. J. S. Taylor, about 6 miles from Monticello, was I >nrnt down, but the family escaped. This act was laid to the Indians, and we cunnot undertake to say they did not do it, for they certainly were the possessors of the country. BHAP. XXL] DOG EXPLOITS. 491 CHAPTER XXL EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1840. rain of wagons taken Lieut. JVtiedan killed Dog exploits Families destroyed efeat of Capt. Rains Lieut. Sanderson's defeat Col. Riley's ecjiloit Col. & train Defe Green s Col. Hartley's A company of players attacked Cow Creek skirmish Indian Key destroyed Lieut. Arthur's exploit Eleven families destroyed dipt. Scull's fight Lieut. Hanson s battle Indian hanged Pacification attempted through a deputation of Seminoles from Arkansas It fails Whites taken in aid' ing Indians Wild Cat's exploit Sad accident L ; eut. Judd ambushed Fort Han* son burnt Col. Harney's voyage to the Everglades Hangs nine Indians Tht chief CHIAKIKA killed Fort IValker attacked Capt. Davidson dies Lieut. Sher wood's ambush, and death, of Mrs. MONTGOMERY. "You plough the Indian's grave; you till his land Is there no blood, white man, upon your hand? Recall the time when first your fathers spread Upon these icy shores their wintry bed ; When, powerless exiles on the desert sea, Their only strength the spirit to be free." WE have now arrived at the beginning of the year 1840. On the first day of February of this year, a detachment of men, sent in pursuit of deserters, were fired on near Fort Brooke, by which three of the detachment were wounded. A sergeant, whose horse was shot from under him, was supposed to have been killed. Four days after, some 10 or 15 Indians captured a train of 12 wagons, about 10 miles from Gaiy's Ferry, as they were returning to that place with provisions and stores from the interior. They killed one man, and wounded four or five mules, and made off with the property. On the 22 February, as Lieut. Whedan, with a detachment of volunteers, was in pursuit of Indians upon a fresh trail near the Calico Hills, in the vicin ity of Magnolia, he fell into an ambush, and was killed ; his men ran away and left him to the Indians. About a month after, namely, March 18, the Indians made a spirited at tempt to add to their stock of provisions. They attacked another train of wagons on its way from Post No. 2 to Micanopy, killed three men and wounded others; but found no booty, as the wagons were only going after stores. This was done in spite of what a company of soldiers could do, who were present as an escort. But a few days previous, (March 8th,) two men are killed between "Charles Old Town" and Micanopy; and, on the 10th, a .Methodist minister, named M'Rea, was killed at " Suggs Old Place," between Wahcahota and Micanopy. On the 26 March, some Indians crawled up within 200 yards of the pickets at Fort King, and killed two soldiers. About the beginning of March, somewhere in Middle Florida, two blood hounds captured an Indian ; one seized him by the throat, while the whites came up and took him. lie was greatly terrified, and pointed out where others might be found; and soon after they captured four more. On 13 March, nine dogs were announced as having arrived at Gary's Ferry, and that they were to be employed by Col. Twiggs, of the 2d dragoons, orr a con templated expedition to the Ocklawaha, The officers under whom they were to serve, were probably desirous to know how much they might depend upon them, and, therefore, on the next Sunday, made the following experiment in their tactics. An Indian prisoner was sent out, (without the knowledge of the dogs,) with orders to climb a tree at some five miles' distance. He did so ; und the hounds were put upon his trail. The dog captain, or leader, went directly to the tree, and attempted to climb it, and had actually got up six feet, when the others arrived. Such was the report of the affair ; which re port, whether from the principal officer under whose conduct it was per formed, or from the chief leader of the dogs, we are uninformed. Towards the end of April, a small band of Indians attacked a guard of six men, who were convoying a wagon from Fort Fanning to Deadman's Bay 492 BATTLE NEAR FORT KING. [BooK IV. The officer commanding was badly wounded ; but the fight was continued eeveral hours, until all their ammunition was spent, when they charged the Indians, and made good their retreat The attacking party lost one man and "a big negro." About the same time, the family of a Mr. M'Lane, on the Togolee, was as saulted, and Mrs. M'Lane and three of her children were barbarously mur dered. About 8 miles from Blount's Town, the family of a Mr. Lamb was destroyed ; and before the end of the month three others met the same fate. On the 28 April, as Capt Rains was returning from a scout, with 18 men, he was fired upon from an ambush by a large body of Indians, within two miles of Fort King, and had 4 men killed, and 5 wounded ; among the latter was the captain, severely. The whites reported that they killed three of the In dians. From another source, the affair of Capt. Rains is related as follows : Some of his men had been lately killed by the Indians, "as they left the gar rison " of Fort King, and he was determined to show them the same kind of play; accordingly, he placed some shells under a blanket, within hearing dis tance, and in the night he heard an explosion. Next morning, he took 18 men, and marched to the place where the shells had been deposited. He found no Indians, either dead or alive, but traces of blood, pony tracks, and fragments of garments. While examining these, all at once the Indians rose up, as it were, out of the ground, and nearly surrounded him and his little band ; the terrible HALEC TUSTENUGGE was at their head, and with the most deafening yells rushed to the fight. The whites charged, and the Indians took to the trees, and thus prolonged the battle. At length, Halec, after des perately wounding Capt. Rains, fell himself, and was borne off by his war riors. The captain would doubtless have been despatched by the mighty arm of the chief, had not Serg. Jackson, too, badly wounded, rushed to his rescue, and shot Tustenugge. At this stage of affairs, the fight seems to have ended, and, as usual, the whites hastened away to report a victory. They rated the Indians at 93 ; but how they came by this minute information, we are not in formed. But their bravery and courage are, probably, far less questionable than their statement of the number of their equally brave enemy. The same night, or the next, some Indians went to Stanley's plantation, within three miles of Newnansville, where they killed 12 hogs, cut down the fruit-trees, and burnt the buildings, by which 800 bushels of corn were consumed. About the same time, a volunteer, named Sanders, was killed, about four miles from Newnansville ; and another man, in company with him, was badly wounded. On the 19 May, as Lieut Martin and three other men were proceeding from Micanopy to Wakahoota, in charge of a government wagon, they were all cut off. The wagoner escaped, and carrying the intelligence to Micanopy, Lieut Sanderson sallied out with 17 men, and pursued the Indians. He soon fell in with them, but was defeated, and himself, with 9 men, killed, besides three bloodhounds and their keepers ; four other men were missing. Some time in June, Col. Riley surprised an Indian camp on the Ouithla- coochee, killed two warriors, and took a man, woman, and child, prisoners. The man soon after escaped, and in pursuit of him, Capt. Mason was acci dentally shot by his own men. About the same time, Col. Greene fell upon a small party of Indians in Middle Florida, killed three, and a white man with them. Towards 'the end of the month, Col. Harney returned from a long expedition, in which he captured Wild Cat's mother and daughter, lib erated a negro, who had been a prisoner near two years, and was the only survivor of the crew of a vessel wrecked at New Smyrna. He also destroyed 27 cornfields of the Indians. When Dr. Cotton Mather was about to write the history of a sanguinary massacre, which happened at Durham in New Hampshire, he began with the ominous expression of " Bloody fishing at Oyster River ! " We have now to record a bloody tragedy amoiig tragedians. A Mr. Forbes, it appears, was not satisfied with what tragedies he could manufacture elsewhere, but must needs go to that country -of tragedies, Florida, with his theatrical corps, as hough the people there would prefer counterfeit to the real ones, or had not enough of both; r'pubtless the whites much preferred the former; but not so CHAP. XXI.] MASSACRE AT INDIAN KEY. 493 with the Indians, where they could have a hand in them. This company of players was in two wagons, passing from Picolata to St. Augustine, on the 23 May, and when within 5 or 6 miles of the latter place, were attacked by a large number of Indians under WILD CAT, and four of them killed. How many were in the company we are not told ; but Forbes and the females escaped. The Indians, immediately after, surrounded Fort Searle, danced about it in defiance, and dared the soldiers to come out and fight ; but the garrison was too weak to make a sortie. We have to close the relation of this tragedy with a comedy. The Indians had found time, before appearing at Fort Searle, to dress themselves in such of the actors' clothes as they had taken. Wild Cat had got on the turban of Othello ; and others had sashes and spangles, which they took care to display to advantage. Wild Cat showed a rich velvet dress to some negroes who afterwards came in, and told them he would not take a hundred head of cattle for it At Cow Creek Hommock, near Fort White, there was a skirmish, on the 12 July, between Serg. Zeigler and three or four men, and 21 Indians. A corporal and two soldiers were killed, and the others were wounded. On the 7 August, there happened a most horrid massacre at Indian Key. Six persons were killed by the Indians in their barbarous manner ; among whom was Dr. Henry Perrine, formerly of Connecticut, a scientific gentle man, who had located himself there for the purpose of cultivating some rare plants which he had obtained in South America, while residing there as con sul. There were upon Indian Key, at the time of this massacre, 44 people, all of whom had the good fortune to escape, except the six before named. All the houses were burned except one. The number of Indians was said to be 100 or 150. On the 10 August, word was brought to Fort Barkee, that an encampment of Indians was discovered, about seven miles from thence, on the road to Fort Mitchell. Lieut. B. H. Arthur immediately marched out, with " a com- nany of soldiers," to surprise them. The object was effected ; two Indiana were killed, one wounded, and 3 rifles taken. Early in the morning of the same day, the house of Mr. Wyley Jones, on the Econfina, about 6 miles north of the St. Joseph's, was attacked and burnt; the Indians shot Mrs. Jones and one of her children ; a little daughter of 13 conveyed away four of her younger brothers and sisters to a safe place, and then returned to see what had become of her mother. She found her only time enough to see her expire ! and then made a second escape ! About the middle of August, eleven families are said to have been broken up, on the Suanee River, and a great number of people killed. Among them was the family of a Mr. Courcy. He was from home at the time, and on his return, found his wife and six children murdered, and left in the most bar barous manner, here and there lying about the fields where they fell. Of Mr. Howell's family, his wife and one child were killed, and three other chil dren escaped. A Mrs. Green and one child were also murdered. A Mrs. Patrick was shot in her house while preparing a bed for her children ! Mr. Thomas Davis and two children, and Mr. Patrick's daughter, all murdered. On the 4 September, as Capt. B. L. Beall, with 10 or 12 men, was upon a scout, he came suddenly upon about 30 Indians, who all escaped but four ; the rest secured themselves in a swamp on Wacoosasa River. One of the prisoners was said to be Holatoochee, a sub-chief of the Mikasaukies. With these prisoners several guns were taken "in good order," and "a large deer skin full of honey." But two days after, Lieut W. K. Hanson had a smart battle with some Seminoles, near Fort Wekahoota. Word being brought to the *ieutenant then at that post, that Indians were in the vicinity, he immediately marched out with 35 regulars ; arid when one and a half miles from the fort, was fired upon from a gloomy hommock, which obliged him to retreat about 300 yards to an open wood, closely pursued by the Indians. Here he made a stand, and continued the fight about half an hour, at which time the Indians, to de coy him, retreated again to the hommock ; but Lieut Hanson, having now five of his men killed and wounded, concluded to retreat while he was at lib erty to do so. The firing had brought out a reinforcement under Capt Haw 42 494 ARKANSAS DELEGATION FAILS. [BooK IV. kins, who not long after charged the hommock, but he found no Indians The number of Indians supposed to have ibught in this skirmish, was stated to be 80, On the morning of the same day, the same Indians, it is said, killed and horribly mutilated a young man named Geiger ; his head was severed and carried off. On the 7 September, the house of a Mr. Dorsey is plundered and burnt ; fortunately, he had lately removed his lamily to Alabama. About ten days after, Lieut Saunders, scouting with a party of dragoons in the neighborhood of Fort Mellon, captured a single Indian. This brave company first shot their prisoner, and afterwards hung him on a tree. A more pacific policy, on the part of the government, had been instigated, in a manner not to be passed unheeded, by the public expression ; and, con sequently, Gen. Armistead was directed to act on the protective system ; at the same time, to endeavor by every possible means to influence the Semi- noles to go quietly from the land of their fathers. More effectually to carry these views into effect, a deputation of their countrymen had been sent for, beyond the Mississippi, and treated with to visit Florida, and intercede with their friends and brothers to give up the country, and end the controversy. Accordingly, this proposition was acceded to ; and fourteen chiefs and others left Arkansas on this embassy, and arrived at Tampa, in Florida, on the 2 November. They came prepared to assure their countrymen that they would be far better off in Arkansas ; and as they had been known to have been exceedingly opposed to emigration, and had been forced away from Florida themselves, great reliance was placed upon their endeavors to end the trou bles. And to satisfy the whites of their good intentions, they left all their wives and children behind. Among them were the noted chiefs, ALLIGATOR, HOLATOOCHEE, and MICANOPT ; and on the morning of the 3d, they com menced their march of 100 miles for Fort King, where they were to have an interview with some of the hostile chiefs. The deputation arrived at Fort King in about 4 days, viz., on the 6th, and Gen. Armistead on the 7th. Every effort was now made to discuss matters with freedom; and Halec Tustenugge, Tiger-tail, and many others, were waiting in the woods, not far off, when the before-named functionaries ar rived. Sundry conferences and talks were had during the following six days ; but what was said and done we are not informed ; though, judging from what happened immediately after, it conld not have been very satisfactory to the Indians, whatever they may have pretended ; for, on the night of the 14 No vember, they all took leave very unceremoniously, and retired into their old fastnesses, as was conjectured, for they said nothing about that, nor did the whites have an opportunity of guessing where they had gone until the next morning. At this conduct of the hostiles, those from Arkansas expressed themselves " utterly astonished." As soon as the general was informed of the escape of the Indians, which was " early the next morning," he wrote to the secretary of war, Mr. POINSETT, in the following desponding strain : " Thus have ended all our well-grounded hopes of bringing the war to a close by pacific measures ; confident in the resources of the country, the enemy will hold out to the last, and can never be induced to come in again. Imme diately upon the withdrawal of the Indians, orders were transmitted to com manders of regiments, to put their troops in motion ; and before this readies you, they will be scouting in every direction." Notwithstanding these efforts at peace-making on the part of the whites, hostilities did not entirely cease on the side of the Indians. On the 1 7 Oc tober, a party went to Col. Gamble's plantation, at Welaune, in Jefferson county, where they fired upon and wounded a negro man, and took a woman, with whom they made off; but, in their flight, meeting with a company of whites, they left her, and she escaped. On the 24th, some bloodhounds led a company of soldiers to a house, in Middle Florida, in which three white men were captured, charged with aiding and abetting the Indians. At Col. Hanson's plantation, about 20 Indians made quite a " business op eration," on the 28 October, which, without any other insurance than tlieir own peculiar tactics, was, to say the least of it, a very " risky transaction." Such is our judgment upon it, inasmuch as the place where it was done \vus CHAP. XXI.] BARNEY'S EXPEDITION TO THE EVERGLADES. 495 only two miles from St. Augustine. Although they did not succeed to the extent of their wishes, yet they took and carried oft' all the blankets and other clothing which had been provided for a " large stock of negroes," for the en suing winver ; and when about to fire the buildings, became alarmed by the approach of some neighboring whites, whom a negro had informed of what was going on, and fled without doing further mischief. They had intended to have carried off all the slaves, but were prevented by this circumstance. Wild Cat is said to have led the Indians in this expedition. People flocked in and garrisoned the place, and watched all night for the return of the Indians, who doubtless had not the most distant idea of repeat ing their visit This led to one of those melancholy events, accounts of many of which are already upon our records. The news of the descent upon Col. Hanson's farm was carried immediately to Picolata, which caused Lieut. Graham to march with a small force for that place, hoping to surprise the Indians there, or in its vicinity. Accordingly, he approached it with great caution about 2 o'clock on the morning of the next day, not knowing that guards had been set to receive the Indians, should they return ; and, unfor tunately, being himself and company taken for Indians, were fired upon, and Serg. Wolcott was mortally, and Lieut. Graham severely wounded. On the same day, the post rider between Forts Fanning and Macomb was found murdered, quartered, and thrown into a pond. Every day adds new scenes to the tragedy. On the 1st day of November, as Lieut. Judd, with Mr. Falany and three dragoons, was proceeding from Fort Searle for St. Augustine, they were fired upon when near the eight- mile-post, by Indians concealed in bushes along the road, by which a sergeant and one private were killed, and Mr. Falany and another private severely wounded. Lieut Judd escaped, as it were, by a miracle. He rode with the wounded soldier till he fell from his horse, then dismounting, dragged him from the path, and the Indians being just upon him, concealed himself in the bushes until they gave up the chase. About the same time Col. Harney captured 12 Indians (women and chil dren) near Fort Reid, on the St John's. He found them in possession of 50 blankets, mostly new, pieces of calico, &c., supposed to have been taken from Indian Key, when it was destroyed in August last Fort Hanson, 15 miles from St. Augustine, was abandoned about the 5 November, and in two or three hours after was burnt by the Indians. Early in December, Col. Harney, as much now the terror of the Seminolea as Col. Church was to the Wampanoags, or Daniel Boone to the Kikapoos, undertakes an expedition into the everglades. These much heard of and little known retreats extend over perhaps 100 square miles. They are an expanse of shoal water, varying in depth from one to five feet, dotted with innumerable low and flat islands, generally covered with trees or shrubs. Much of the water is shaded by an almost impenetrable saw-grass, as high as a man's head, but the little channels in every direction are free from it. It had been ong supposed, that upon the islands in some part of this district the Indians had their head-quarters, from whence they had issued upon their destructive expeditions. This suspicion amounted to a certainty a little be fore this, from the testimony of a negro named John, who had escaped from a clan in that region and come in at Cape Florida. He had been with the Indians since 1835, at which time he was captured by them from Dr. Grew. Therefore it was determined by Col. Harney to take John as a guide, and endeavor to strike an effectual blow upon them in their own fastness. Ac cordingly, with 90 men in boats, he set out to traverse that monotonous world, the everglades. John faithfully performed his promise, and led the armament directly to the island where the Indians were, which was at once surrounded, and 38 prisoners taken and 2 killed. It proved to be the band of CHAI-KI-KA, as "noted a rogue" as Tatoson of old. He it was, it is said, who led the party that destroyed Indian Key, and traitorously massacred Col. Hartley's men at the Synebal. As direct evidence of the fact, upwards of 2,000 Collars' worth of the goods taken from Dr. Perrine's settlement were identified, and 13 Colt's rifles lost at the Synebal were found; therefore, as an offset to those affairs, nine of the " warriors " were forthwith executed by banging, and the tenth was preserved for a future guide. 496 MRS - MONTGOMERY KILLED. [Boon IV. When Col. Harney came upon Chaikika's band, the chief Avas at a short distance from his people, chopping wood, and on discovering that the foe was upon them, fled with all his might for the high grass. Several soldiers started in pursuit, but he outran them all except a private named Hall. When he found he could not escape from him, and being unarmed, he faced about, and with a smile of submission on his face, threw up his arms, in token of surrender. This availed him nothing. Hall levelled his rifle, which sent a bullet through his skull into his brains, and he fell lifeless into the water but a little distance from the shore of the island ! How like the fall of the great Wampanoag chief! Col. Harney had one man killed and five wounded, of whom negro John, the pilot, was one. There was great rejoicing at the success of Col. Harney all over Florida; and although his summary vengeance upon some of the prisoners called forth imprecations from many, those were drowned by the general burst of approbation ; but this was damped in some degree by the loss of a very valuable and meritorious officer, who died immediately after the expedition returned from the everglades. This was Capt. W. B. Davidson, who died at Indian Key on the 24th of the same month, from disease engendered while upon that service. About this time, or previous to 23 December, Tiger-tail's son and brother, with several others, came in to Fort King and surrendered. The old chief himself was daily expected in also, but that expectation only amounted to a disappointment Not long after these Indians came in, a party went to Fort Walker, between Micanopy and Newnarisville, where they killed three negroes and wounded one white woman, without being molested. On the morning of the 29 December, a wagon was ordered to proceed from Fort Micanopy to Fort Wacahoota, and notwithstanding " positive orders had been given by the commanding general, forbidding any escort from post to post to consist of less than 30 men," but 11 went on this occasion. They were under the command of Lieuts. Sherwood and Hopson, and "as the morning was fine, a Mrs. Montgomery, wife of Lieut. Montgomery, rode out with them." This company had got scarcely three miles on the way when it fell into an ambush, and Mrs. Montgomery, Lieut. Sherwood, a sergeant- major, and two privates were immediately killed. Lieut. Sherwood and a sol dier sacrificed themselves to save Mrs. Montgomery, hut it availed her nothing. Her husband arrived on the ground soon after, but she was dead, and a soldier was lying by her side in the agonies of death, but had strength enough to say to her husband, "Lieutenant, I fought for your wife as long as 1 could," and then expired ! Mrs. Montgomery was an accomplished lady from Cin cinnati, and had not been married but about three weeks. About the same time two wagoners were killed on the way from Pilatka to Fort Russell. They started in advance of the escort. Such are some of the most prominent events of Florida warfare, which brings our account of it to the close of the year 1840. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. BOOK V. 20 BOOK V. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE IROQUOIS OR FIVE NATIONS, AND OTHER NEIGHBORING TRIBES OF THE WEST. Nurslings of nature, I mark your bold bearing, Pride in each aspect and strength in each form, Hearts of warm impulse, and souls of high daring, Born in the battle and reared in the storm. The red levin flash and the thunder's drtad rattle, The rock-riven wave and the war trumpet's breath, The din of the tempest, the yell of the battle, Nerve your steeled bosoms to danger and death. J. R. DRAKE. CHAPTER L Particulars in the history of the IROQOOIS or FIVE NATIONS Extent oj their domin ions Antiquities and traditions Destroy the ERIES War with the ADIRONDAKS Specimen of their language Account of the chiefs GRANGUELE BLACK- KETTLE His bloody wars with the French ADARIO His singular stratagem to unite his countrymen against the French Destroys Montreal and near a thousand inhabitants Dies in peace with the French DEKANISORA a renowned orator PEISKARET The miraculous stories concerning him. History of the journey of Five Iroquois chiefs to England. THE great western confederacy of Indian nations has commonly been styled by the French, Iroquois,* but generally by the English, the Five Nations f and sometimes the Six Nations ; but either of the two latter appellations must be considered only as such, because we shall show, as we proceed, that they are not numerically true note, if they ever were. Five may have been the number which originally leagued together, but when that happened, if indeed it ever did, can never be known. It is a tradition that these people came from beyond the lakes, a great while ago, and subdued or exterminated the inhabitants of the country on this side. Even if this were the case, it * " Le nom d'Iroquois est purement Frar^ois, et a et& forme du terme Hire, qui signifie, 1'ai dit : et par quel ces sauvages finissent tous leurs discours, comme les Latins faisoient autrefois par leur Dixi; et de Roue, qui est un cri, tantdt de tristesse, lorsqu'on le prononce en trainant, et tantdt de joye, quand on le prononce plus court. Leur nom propre est Agon- nonsionni, qui veut dire Faiseurs de Cabannes ; parce qu'ils les batissent beaucoup plus solidcs, que la umpart des autres sauvages." Cnarlevaix, i. 270 1, {sub anno 1646,) also Los/del, i. 2. Heclcewelder and Forsters Northern Voyages. t " Ces barbares ne sont qu'une seulc nation, et qtt'un seul inte'ret public. On pourroit lei nommer pour la distribution du terrain, les Suisses de ce continent. Let Iroquois sont par- tager en cinq cantons, sqavoir les Tsonontotlans, les Goyogoans, les Onnotagues, les Onoyoutt, tt les AgnUs." (Lahontan, i. 35.) By the Aemes we are to understand Mohawks. 600 COUNTRY OF THE IROQUOIS. [Boon V. proves nothing of their origin ; for there may have been a time when their ancestors went from this side to the country beyond, and so on. The Mo hawks, sometimes called Wabingi, are said to have been the oldest of the confederacy, and that the " Onayauts " (Oneidas) were the first that joined them by putting themselves under their protection. The Onondagos were the next, then the " Teuontowanos, or Sinikers," (Senecas,) then the " Cuiuk guos," (Cayugas.) The Tuscaroras, from Carolina, joined them about 1712, but were not formally admitted into the confederacy until about 10 years after that. The addition of this new tribe gained them the name of the Six Nations, according to most writers, but it will appear that they were called the Six Nations long before the last-named period.* The Shawanese were not of the confederacy, but were called brothers by them. This nation came from the south, at no very remote period, and the Iroquois assigned them lands on the west branch of the Susquehaunah, but looked upon them as inferiors. The dominions of this " United People " cannot be particularly described, for they were never stationary ; at one tune they extended beyond the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, and at another they were circumscribed between them. Smith, the historian of New York, says, " Our Indians universally concur in the claim of all the lands [in 1756] not sold to the English, from the mouth of Sorel River, on the south side of Lakes Erie and Ontario, on both sides of the Ohio, till it falls into the Mississippi ; and on the north side of those lakes, that whole territory between the Outawais River, and the Lake Huron, and even beyond the straits between that and Lake Erie." " When the Dutch began the settlement of New York, all the Indians on Long Island, and the northern shore of the sound, on the banks of Connecticut, Hudson, Delaware, and Susquehannah Rivers, were in subjection to the Five Nations ; and within the memory of persons now living, acknowledged it by the payment of an annual tribute." As a proof of this it is mentioned that " a little tribe, settled at the Sugar-loaf mountain, in Orange county, to this day, [1756,] make a yearly payment of about 20 to the Mohawks." f Among the many tribes or nations which they wholly or partially destroyed were the Eries, a powerful tribe on the southern shore of the great lake whose name they bore. In the year 1653 they were entirely extirpated, and no remnant of them has since been heard of in existence.^ When the French settled in Canada in 1611, it was upon the lands of the Adirondaks, above Three Rivers. They found them at war with the Iro quois, then mainly seated along the southern side of Lake Ontario. The Adirondaks, by the assistance of the French, were able to defeat their enemies in every battle, who at length were in danger of a total extermina tion. Meanwhile the Dutch had begun their trade in the Hudson River, which they profitably carried on in arms with the Iroquois. Being now able to meet the Adirondaks on more equal footing, they continued the war, and with such success, that the Adirondaks, hi their turn, became almost de stroyed. The Six Nations did not know themselves by such names as the English apply to them, but the name Aquanuschioni, which signified united people, was used by them.|| This term, as is the case with most Indian words, is defined by a knowledge of its etymology. A knowledge of the Indian Ian guages would enable us to know what almost every place in the country haa * In the British Empire, iii. 56, it is said, " The Cowetas also, or Creek Indians, are in the same friendship with them." t Selected from the well-selected notes to Sears's Poem, entitled Mineral Waters, j Clutrlevoix. $ Loskiel, Hist. Mis. i. 2. " They say themselves, that they have sprung and grown up in ihat very place, like the very trees of the wilderness." William's Key. Another name tliey often gave themselves was, Ongue-lianwe, which signified, a people surpassing all others. Hist.&rit. Dominions in N. America. Book iii. 55, (ed. 4to. Lond. 1773.) || At a great assemblage of chiefs and warriors at Albany, in August, 1146, the chief speakel of the Six Nations informed the English commissioners that they had taken in the Messe* agues as & seventh nation. Golden, Hist. F. Nations, ii. 175. CHAP. I.] GRANGULA.DE LA BARRE'S EXPEDITION. 501 been noted for ; whether hill or mountain, brook or river. Jt is said by Golden,* that New England was called Kin&kon, by the Indians, which, he says, means a fish ; f and that the New England Indians sent to the Irof|uois a " model of a fish, as a token of their adhering to the general covenant" The waters of New England are certainly abundantly stored with fish ; hence the name of " the Fishitig People" We will here present a specimen of the language of the Six Nations, in the Lord's Prayer, all of whom, except the Tuscaroras, " speak a language radically the same." So-ung-wau-ne-ha cau-ro-unk-yaw-ga, teh-see-ta-ro-an, sauh-son-e-you-st(tj esa, saw-an-e-yoti, o-ket-tuuh-se-ta, eh-ne-au-ivong, no, cau- ronunk-yawga, naugh-wou-shauga, ne-at-te-weh-ne-sa-lauga, taug-wau-nau-to- ro-no-an-tough-sick, to-an-taug-ipe-lee-ivhe-you-staung, che-nee-yeitt, cha-qua- tau-ta-leh-icfve-you-staun-na, tough-sau, taugh-waus-sa-re-neh, ta-uxtut-ot-ten-au- frd-ough-toung-ga, nas-aw-ne, sa-che-au-taug-tvas, co-an-teh-sal-oh-aun-za- ick-aw, esa, saw-au-ne-you, esa, sash-autz-ta, esa, soung-wa-soung, chen-ne- auh-a-ang-wa, au M-en.f Perhaps we cannot present the reader with a greater orator than GARANGULA, or, as he was called by the French, GRAND'GUEULE ; though Lahojitan, who knew him, wrote it Grangula. He was by nation an Onondaga, and is brought to our notice by the manly and magnanimous speech which he made to a French general, who marched into the country of the Iroquois to subdue them. In the year 1684, Mr. de la Barre, governor-general of Canada, com plained to the English, at Albany, that the Senecas were infringing upon their rights of trade with some of the other more remote nations. Governor Dongan acquainted the Senecas with the charge made by the French gov ernor. They admitted the fact, but justified their course, alleging that the French supplied their enemies with arms and ammunition, with whom they were then at war. About the same time, the French governor raised an army of 1700 men, and made other "mighty preparations" for the final destruction of the Five Nations. But before he had progressed far in his givat undertaking, a mortal sickness broke out in his army, which finally caused him to give over the expedition. In the mean time, the governor of _\c\v York was ordered to lay no obstacles in the way of the French expedi tion. Instead of regarding this order, which was from his master, the Duke of York, he sent interpreters to the Five Nations to encourage them, with oflvrs to assist them. De la Barre, in hopes to effect something by this expensive undertaking, crossed Lake Ontario, and held a talk with such of the Five Nations as would meet him. To keep up the appearance of power, he made a high-toned speech to Grangula, in which he observed, that the nations had often infringed upon the peace ; that he wished now for peace ; but on the condition that they should make full satisfaction for all the injuries they had done the French, and for the future never to disturb them. That they, the Senecas, Cayugaa, Onondago?, Oneidajs, and Mohawks, had abused and robbed all their traders, and unlc..s they gave satisfaction, he should declare war. That they had conducted the English into their country to get away their trade heretofore, but the past he would overlook, if they would offend no more ; yet, if ever tiie like should happen again, he had express orders from the king, his master, to declare war. * Hist. Five Nations, i. 109. t Kickms. in Algonkin ; Kegonce, in Chippeway. Long's Voyages, &c. 202, 4to. $ Smith's Hist. N. York, 40. (ed. 4to.) The above differs somewhat from a copy in Proud's Pa. ii. 301. As it will gratify most of our readers, we believe, to hear the general in his own words, village des Onnatagues, pour inviter les principaux chefs a me venir voir. L'intention de ce grand monarque est que nous fumions toi et moi ensemble dans le grand calumet de paix , pourvu que tu me promettes au nom des TsonontoOans, Goyogoans, Onnotagues, Onoyouts st AgTiies, de donnerune entiere satisfaction et dcdommagement a SPS sujets, et de ne riea faire a Favenir, qui puisse causer uae facheuse rupture." &c. Lahontan, i. 68, 59 502 GRANGULA. HIS SPEECH TO DE LA BARRE. [BOOK V. Grangula listened to these words, and many more in the like strain, with that contempt which a real knowledge of the situation of the French army, and the rectitude of his own course, were calculated to inspire ; and after walking several times round the circle, formed ly his people and the French, addressing himself to the governor, seated in his elbow chair, he began as follows : * u Yonnondio ;\ I honor you, and the warriors that are with me likewise honor you. Your interpreter has finished your speech. I now begin mine. My words make haste to reach your ears. Harken to them. " Yonnondio ; You must have believed, when you left Quebeck, that the sun had burnt up all the forests, which render our country inaccessible to the French, or that the lakes had so far overflown the banks, that they had sur rounded our castles, and that it was impossible for us to get out of them. Yes, surely, you must have dreamt so, and the curiosity of seeing so great a wonder has brought you so far. Now you are undeceived, since that I, and the warriors here present, are come to assure you, that the Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas and Mohawks are yet alive. I thank you, in their name, for bringing back into their country the calumet, which your predecessor received from their hands. It was happy for you, that you left under ground that murdering hatchet that has been so often dyed in the blood of the French. " Hear, Yonnondio ; I do not sleep ; 1 have my eyes open ; and the sun, which enlightens me, discovers to me a great captain at the head of a company of soldiers, who speaks as if he were dreaming. He says, that he only came to the lake to smoke on the great calumet with the Onondagas. But Gran gula says, that he sees the contrary ; that it was to knock them on the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms of the French. I see Yonnondio raving in a camp of sick men, whose lives the Great Spirit has saved, by inflicting this sickness on them. " Hear, Yonnondio ; our women had taken their clubs, our children and old men had carried their bows and arrows into the heart of your camp, if our warriors had not disarmed them, and kept them back, when your messenger Jlkouessan\. came to our castles. It is done, and I have said it. " Hear, Yonnondio ; we plundered none of the French, but those that car ried guns, powder and balls to the Twightwies and Chictaghicks, because those arms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow the example of the Jesuits, who break all the kegs of rum brought to our castles, lest the drunken Indians should knock them on the head. Our warriors have not beaver enough to pay for all those arms that they have taken, and our old men are not afraid of the war. This belt preserves my words. " We carried the English into our lakes, to trade there with the Utawawas and Quatoghies, || as the Adirondaks brought the French to our castles, to carry on a trade, which the English say is theirs. We are born free. We neither depend on Yonnondio nor Corlear. 1T We may go where we please, and carry with us whom we please, and buy and sell what we please. If your allies be your slaves, use them as such, command them to receive no other but your people. This belt preserves my words. "We knock the Twightwies and Chictaghicks on the head, because they had cut down the trees of peace, which were the limits of our country. They have hunted beaver 011 our lands. They have acted contrary to the customs of all Indians, for they left none of the beavers alive, they killed both male and female. They brought the Satanas into their country, to take part with them, after they had concerted ill designs against us. We have done * " Grangida, qui pendant tout le descours avoit cu les yeux fixament attachez sur le bout de sa pipe, se leve, et soil par une civilite bisarre, ou pour se donner sans facon le terns de mediter sa reponse il fait cinq ou six tours dans n6tre cercle compose de sauvages et d Fran9ois. Revenu en sa place il resta dehout devant le general assis dans un bon fauteiliJ, et le regarant il lui dit." Lalwntan, (i. 61, 62.) who was one of ihose present. t The name they gave the governors of Canada. Spelt in Lahontan, Onnontio. J The name they gave Mr. Le Maine, which signified a partridge. 6 Iwikties, Colden. \\ Chictaghicks, Golden. t The name they gave the governors of New York. CHAP. I.J BLACK-KETTLE. HIS WARS WITH THE FRENCH. 503 less than either the English or French, that have usurped the lands of so many Indian nations, and chased them from their own country. This belt preserves my words. " Hear, Yonnondio ; what I say is the voice of all the Five Nations. Hear what they answer. Open your ears to what they speak. The Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oueidas and Mcrawks say, that when they buried the hatchet at Cadarackui, in the presence of your predecessor, in the middle of the fort, they planted the tree of peacd in the same place ; to be there care fully preserved : that, in the place of a retreat for soldiers, that fort might be a rendezvous for merchants : that, ir place of arms and ammunition of war, beavers and merchandise should on tj enter there. " Hear, Yonnondio ; take care for the future, that so great a number of sol diers as appear there do not choke the tree of peace planted in so small a fort. It will be a great loss, if, after it had so easily taken root, you should stop its growth, and prevent its covering your country and ours with its branches. I assure you, in the name of the Five Nations, that our warriors shall dance to the calumet of peace under its leaves ; and shall remain quiet on their mats, and shall never dig up the hatchet, till their brother Yonnondio or Corlear shall, either jointly or separately, endeavor to attack the country which the Great Spirit has given to our ancestors. This belt preserves my words, and this other, the authority which the Five Nations have given me." Then, addressing himself to the interpreter, he said, " Take courage, you have spirit, speak, explain my words, forget nothing, tell all that your brethren and friends say to Yonnondio, your governor, by the mouth of Grangula, who loves you, and desires you to accept of this present of beaver, and take part with me in my feast, to which I invite you. This present of beaver is sent to Yonnondio, on the part of the Five Nations." De la Barre was struck with surprise at the wisdom of this chief, and equal chagrin at the plain refutation of his own. He immediately returned to Montreal, and thus finished this inglorious expedition of the French against the Five Nations. Grangula was at this time a very old man, and from this valuable speech we became acquainted with him ; a very Nestor of his nation, whose powers of mind would not suffer in comparison with those of a Roman, or a more modern senator. He treated the French with great civility, and feasted them with the best his country would afford, on their departure. We next proceed to notice BLACK-KETTLE, whom the French called LA CHAUDIERE NOIRE. A war with France, in 1690, brought this chief upon the records of history. In the summer of that year, Major Schuyler, of Albany, with a company of Mo hawks, fell upon the French settlements at the north end of Lake Champlain. De Callieres, governor of Montreal, hastily collected about 800 men, and opposed them, but, notwithstanding his force was vastly superior, yet they were repulsed with great loss. About 300 of the enemy were killed in this expedition. The French now took every measure in then* power to retaliate. They sent presents to many tribes of Indians, to engage them in their cause, and in the following winter a party of about 300 men, under an accomplished young gentleman, marched to attack the confederate Indian nations at Niag ara. Their march was long, and rendered almost insupportable ; being obliged to carry their provisions on their backs through deep snow. Black- kettle met them with about 80 men, and maintained an unequal fight until his men were nearly all cut off; but it was more fatal to the French, who, fai from home, had no means of recruiting. Black-kettle, in his turn, carried the war into Canada during the whole summer following, with immense loss and damage to the French inhabitants. The governor was so enraged at his successes, that he caused a prisoner, which had been taken from the Five Nations, to be burnt alive. This captive withstood the tortures with as much firmness as his enemies showed cruelty. He sung his achievements while they broiled his feet, burnt his hands with red hot irons, cut and wrung off his joints, and pulled out the sinews. To close the horrid scene, his scalp was torn off, and red hot sand poured upon his head. But this was a day in which that people were able to contend successfully 504 BLACK-KETTLE. HIS WARS WITH THE FRENCH. [Boon V. against even European enemies. They had, in 1691, laid a plan to prevent the French from extending their settlements westward, for surprising those already formed, and for intercepting the western Indians as they brought down their peltries to them. Two armies, of 350 men each, were to march out on this business about November ; the first were to attack the fort at the Falls of St Louis, and the other to proceed by way of Lake Champlain against the settlements. Before they set out, two Indian women, who had been captives among them, made then- escape, and gave notice of their object This, in a great measure, de feated the enterprise. Governor De Callieres raised troops, and strengthened every place he was able. The first party was discovered as they approached St. Louis, who, after skirmisliing some time with the parties detached against them, retired without gaining any material advantage. The second did little more, and retired, after destroying some houses, and carrying with them some prisoners. About the end of November, 34 Mohawks surprised some of the French Indians of St. Louis, who were carelessly hunting about Mount Chambly, killing 4 and capturing 8 others. Some escaped, and informed their friends of what had happened, and a company immediately went in pursuit. They overtook them near Lake Champlain, and a hard fight followed. The Catho lic Indians rushed upon them with great fury, tomahawk in hand, and although the Mohawks had taken post behind rocks, they were routed, 6 being killed, and five taken. They also liberated all then- friends taken at Mount Chambly. In the beginning of February, 1692, De Callieres ordered M. De Orvillieres to march, with 300 men, into the peninsula, which terminates at the 'conflu ence of the Ottoway and St. Lawrence Rivers, to surprise a company of Iroquois he had been informed was there. It was their hunting-ground during the winter, and the pretext for attacking them was, that they were now there to surprise the settlements, and intercept such as passed up and down said rivers. While on his march, De Orvilliers met with an accident which obliged him to return to Montreal, and the command devolved upon Captain De Beaucourt. This officer marched to Isle Tonihata, not far from Cataro- couy or Katarokkui, where he surprised 50 Senecas in their cabins, killed 24, and took 6 of them prisoners. Enough had passed before this to arouse the spirit of vengeance in the great chief of Onondaga, Black-kettle ; but this last act could not be passed without, at least, an attempt at retaliation. About 100 Senecas were near the Sault de la Chaudiere, on Ottoway River, at this time, and Black-kettle soon after joined them with a band of his Onondagos ; and they immediately put themselves into an attitude for intercepting then: enemies. Governor De Callieres had supposed that by the affair at Tonihata, the Iroquois were sufficiently humbled for the present, and that they were not to be re garded as capable of any considerable undertaking ; but he soon discovered the error of his judgment ; for 60 friendly Indians, having arrived at Montreal to trade, reported that the way was clear, but requested a guard when they returned. This was granted them. Michel volunteered upon this service, and put under the command of Lieutenant De la Gemeraye, 30 men. He had for his two ensigns, M. Le Premiere, oldest son of the Sieur Hertel, and his broth er. Having arrived at a place called the Long Falls, on Ottoway River, some marched upon the side of the river, while others endeavored to effect the passage of the falls in the boats. They had no sooner entered upon this business, when the warriors of Black-kettle, from an ambush, fired upon them, put the 60 Indians to flight, killing and wounding many of the French. They then rushed upon them with such fury that little time was allowed for resist ance, and they fled to their boats for safety ; but in their hurry they over turned them, and many were made prisoners. Among these were Michel and the two Hertels. La Gemeraye and a few soldiers only escaped.* Black- kettle's force on this occasion was computed at 140 men. Some time now passed without hearing from Black-kettle, but on 15 July, 1692, he fell upon the Island of Montreal, as has already been recorded, * Golden says, (i. 134,) that but four escaped in all. CHAF. I.] DEKANISORA. 505 Parties of soldiers collected and went in pursuit, overtook the rear of the Indians, killed 10 men, and retook many prisoners. Some days afler this, as the Sieur De Lmsi^nan was passing near the Isles of Richelieu, Black-kettle fell upon his party, Killed him, and put his men to flight We hear nothing more of great moment of this famous chief, until the year 1697, in which he was treacherously murdered. He appears at this period to have concluded upon making peace with the French, and messen gers had been despatched to Quebec upon that design. In the mean time he was hunting in the neighborhood of Catarocouy, where the French had a garrison, which was then commanded by Captain Gemeraye, before men tioned, to whom he gave notice that negotiations were on foot. Notwith standing, 34 Algonquins, in the French interest, were suffered to go and surprise Black-kettle and his 40 hunters, who were not far from Catarocouy, at a place named Quinte. They were fallen upon at a time when they thought not of an enemy, and about half of them were slain, among whom was Black-kettle ; his wife and many others were taken prisoners. * ADARIO, KONDIARONK, SASTARETSI, and THE RAT, were names of a chief of great renown among the Hurons. The tribe to which he originally belonged was called the Dinondadies or Tionnontates. His character, as drawn by Charlevoix, is as follows : " A man of a great mind, the bravest of the brave, and possessing altogether the best qualities of any known to the French in Canada." Of what we are about to relate concerning him, we have already given a sketch, which being defective in some of the main particulars, it was thought best to add another version of it in this place. It was with no small difficulty that the French had engaged him in their cause. While on a visit to the governor, in 1688, he had passed his word that he would make war on his detested enemies, the Iroquois, and soon after departed for Michilimakinak, with a chosen band of his Hurons, resolv ed to distinguish himself by some signal exploit. In his way he passed by Catarocouy. At this place, he learned, to his surprise, that a negotiation was already on foot between the French and Iroquois, and was at the same time informed by the officer in command there, that he would infinitely dis oblige M. De Denonville, if he should commit the least hostility upon any of the Iroquois, who was immediately to receive their ambassadors at Montreal, together with hostages from all the cantons. Kondiaronk concealed his surprise, and although now convinced that the French would sacrifice him and his allies, yet he made no complaint, and left the place as though to return to his own country. But he had no sooner conceived the design of intercepting the Iroquois ambassadors and hostages, than he set out upon it. Having placed his men in ambush at Famine Creek, he had waited but few days when they arrived. As they were descending the creek in their canoes, Mario's warriors fired upon them, killed several, and took the rest prisoners. The celebrated DEKANISORA, or, as the French called him, Teganisorens, of Onondago, was at the head of this embassy, and was among the prisoners. He demanded of Mario, how it happened that he could be ignorant that he was an ambassador to their common father, and of his endeavor to bring about a lasting peace. The subtle chief completely subdued his irritable and indignant passions, by expressing far greater surprise than Dekanisora himself; protesting that the French were the whole cause of what had happened, for that they had sent him to surprise his party, and had assured him that he could do it with ease, as their numbers were small ; and, to drive suspicions from the mind of Dekanisora and his people, set them all at liberty, but one, who was to supply the place of one of the Hurons that was killed. At parting, Adario spoke to them as follows : " Go, my brethren, I untie your bonds, and send you home again, though our nations be at war. T*he French governor has made me commit so black an action, that I shall never be easy after it, till the Five Nations have taken full revenge." Some report that, after capturing Dekanisora, Mario returned to Kadarak- * This is according to the text of Charlevoix. 506 DEKANISORA. ADARIO. [BOOK V kui, or Catarocouy, and that, being asked by the French from whence he came, said, " From preventing peace." * They did not at first comprehend hia meaning, but soon after, one of his prisoners, that escaped, gave them the history of the affair. But for what followed, the character of Mario would stand well among warriors. He sacrificed his only prisoner, which completed this act of the tragedy ; and it seemed necessary to carry out his deep-laid stratagem. That the Iroquois should have no chance to believe the French innocent of the blood at the River Famine, which they had used great endeavors to effect, by sending emissaries among them, Adario went with his prisoner immediately to Michilimakinak, and delivered him to M. De la Durantayc, the commander of that post, who as yet had had no knowledge of any nego tiation between the Iroquois and his superiors. Whereupon he forthwith caused the poor prisoner to be put to death. The news of this affair, the cunning chief caused to be made known among the cantons, by an old captive he had held a long time in bondage at his village, whom he now set at liberty for this purpose. The catastrophes that befell the French not long after, and the suffering they endured, are almost without a parallel, f About 1200 of the chief warriors of the Five Nations landed upon the Island of Montreal, 25 August, 1689, while the French were in perfect secu rity, burnt their houses, sacked their plantations, and slew a vast number of the inhabitants. The English accounts say a thousand persons perished, but this number was no doubt far greater than the truth. In October fol lowing they attacked the island again with nearly equal success. These horrid disasters threw the whole country into the utmost consternation, in which the fort at Lake Ontario was abandoned by the garrison, and as soon possessed by the Indians. Here, among other things of great value to them, 28 barrels of gunpowder fell into their hands. Nothing now saved the French from an entire extermination but the ignorance of their enemies in the art of attacking fortified places. Adario finally died at peace with the French, and almost in the act of con cluding it. He had accompanied the heads of several tribes to Montreal, in 1701, to hold a treaty, and, on the 1 August, (that being the first day of public councils,) Jldario found himself seized by sickness. Every thing was done to relieve him, (" as the governor general," says Charlevoix, " rested his prin cipal hope of success in the treaty, upon him,") but without avail ; being carried to 1'Hotel Dieu, he died at two o'clock on the following night. At his funeral J the greatest display was made, and nothing was omitted which could inspire the Indians present with a conviction of the great respect in which he was held. On his tomb-stone were engraved these words, * " 11 reponi.it qu'il venoit de teur la paix ; et qu'il ajouta, nous verrons comment Ononiliic te tirera de cette affaire." t Few would wish lo read, in English, the cruelties at the sacking of Montreal: the ac count of them, we agree with Dr. HOLMES, "is too horrid to translate." "Us trouvereni tout le mond endormi, et Us commencererit par massacrer tous les hommes ; ensuite Us mireru lefeu aux maisons. Par-la tous ceux, qui y etoie.nl restts, tomberent entre mains de ces sau- la ville,faisant par tout les monies ravages, et exerqant les memes cruautes, et qnand Us furen* las de ces horreurs ; Us firent 200 prisonniers, qu'Us emmenerent dans leur villages, oil Us les br&lerent." t " Le lendemain on fit ses funerailles, qui eurent quelque chose de magnifique et de sin gulier. M. de St. Ours, premier capitaine, marchoit d'abord a la tele de 60 soldats sous les armes. Seize guerriers Hurons, vetus de longues robes de castor, le visage peint en noil et le fusil sous le bras, suivoient, marchant quatre a quatre. Le clerge venoit apres, et six ehefs de guerre portoient le cercueil, qui etoit couvert d'un poele seme de fleurs, sur lequel ri y avoit un chapeau avec un plumet, un hausse-col et une epee. Les freres et les enfans flu defunt etoient derriere, accompagnes de tous les chefs des nations, et M. de Vaudreuil, jouverneur do la ville, qui menoit madaroe de Ciiampigny, fermoit la marche." CHAP. 1.1 PE1SKARET. 507 CY GIT LE RAT, CHEF HURON." Which in English is, " Here lies the Rat, Chief of the Hurons." The encomi ums passed by the French upon him that was once their most dreaded enemy, are only equalled by those of their countrymen, Fonlenelle and La- harpe, upon their favorite characters. His body was a short time exposed before it was interred, dressed in the uniform of an officer, with his arms by his side, because he ranked as a captain, at the time of his death, in the French service. The intercourse of Dtkanisora with the French and English was long, and from the fact he was able, for much of the time during their wars, to be on good terms with both nations, we are to suppose that he possessed some skill in the arts of duplicity. He is first mentioned by Charlevoix in 1682, at which time he, with four other ambassadors, visited Montreal upon a peace expedition. He was suspected of insincerity by the French, and no reliance appears to have been put upon his pretensions. Twelve years after, Golden saw him, and thus speaks of him : " Decanesora had for many years the greatest reputation among the Five Nations for speaking, and was gener ally employed as their speaker, in their negotiations with both French and English : he was grown old when I saw him, and heard him speak ; he had a great fluency in speaking, and a graceful elocution, that would have pleased in any part of the world. His person was tall and well made, and his features, to my thinking, resembled much the bustos of Cicero" * If he were an old sachem in 1694, he must have been very old in 1726, for in this year he was at Albany with six other ambassadors, where, on the 14 September, they executed an agreement with the English ; the conditions of which were that they should surrender all their hunting-grounds into the hands of Coorakhoo, as they called the King of England, " to be protected and defended by his said majesty, his heirs and successors, to and for the USE of us, our heirs, and the said three Nations." These had before been enumerated, as follows : " Kanakarighton and Shanintsaronwe, SINNEKE sachems ; Ottsoghkoree, Dekanisoree and Aenjcucratt, CAVOUGE sachems ; Racly- akaiorodon and Sadageenaghtie, OM T DAGO sachems." f Charlevoix was unable to ascertain the time of Dekanisorcts death, although he learned that it happened at the Falls of St. Louis. Under date 1693, he speaks in high terms of him, Oureouhari and Garakonthie, Iroquois Christians, whom Dekanisora had employed secretly to bring about a peace with that nation ; but knew not, as to his Christianity, he said, at that time ; but was certain that he had professed it. He probably died about 1730. We will go a little back in this place, to notice a chief of the Adirondaks, of whom the most extraordinary stories are told ; even those of Jack-the-giant- kiiler are but little more incredible. And even though Father Charlevoix was familiar with them, yet he deemed them as fiction, it will be imagined, from his not relating them in his minute history. The name of PEISKARET was, for sundry years previous to 1646, terrible to the enemies of the Adiron daks. This nation, when Canada was settled by the French, in 1603, resided about 300 miles to the westward of Three Rivers. How long they had been at war with the Iroquois at this time, is not mentioned, but it was continued until the death of Peiskaret in 1646, though with interruption and various success; but with this chief perished all opposition, and the Adirondaks figured no more as a nation. As we have put the reader upon his guard, about receiving the huge stories about Peiskaret with too much confidence, it will be expected at our hands, perhaps, that we give a sample of them, as it may be said, " possibly they are true." We might have done this without thus premising, as others have done, upon the authority of Golden, (an author of small value, comparatively speaking.) His relation proceeds : " An Indian named Piskaret was at this time J one of the captains of Hist. FIVE NATIONS, i. 156. t Governor Thomas Pownal, Administration of the British Colonies, i. 238, 239. t lie mentions no particular time, but that of the settlement of Canada, in 1603 j but sonic k'rae during the war of which we have spoken must be understood. 508 PEISKARET. [ROOK V greatest fame among the Adirondacks ; this bold man, with four other cap tains, set out for Trois Rivieres in one canoe, each of them being pro vided with three muskets, which they loaded with two bullets apiece, joined witli a small chain ten inches long. They met with five canoes in Sorel River, each having 10 men of the Five Nations on board. Piskaret and his captains, as soon as those of the Five Nations drew near, pretended to give themselves up lor lost, and sung their death-song, then suddenly fired upon the canoes, which they repeated with the arms that lay ready loaded, and tore those birch vessels betwixt wind and water.* The men of the Five Nations were so surprised, that they tumbled out of their canoes, and gave Piskaret and his companions the opportunity of knocking as many of them on the head as they pleased, and saving the others, to feed their revenge, which they did by burning them alive with the most cruel torments. This, however, was so far from glutting Piskarefs revenge, that it seemed rather to give a keener edge to it ; for he soon after undertook another enterprise, in which none of his countrymen durst accompany him. He was well acquainted with the country of the Five Nations, and set out about the time the snow be gun to melt, with the precaution of putting the hinder part of his snow-shoes forward, that if any should happen upon his footsteps, they might think he was gone the contrary way ; and for further security, went along the ridges and high grounds, where the snow was melted, that his track might be olten lost. When he came near one of the villages of the Five Nations, he hid himself till night, and then entered a cabin, while every body was fast asleep murdered the whole family, and carried their scalps into his lurking-place. The next day the people of the village searched for the murderer in vain. The following night he murdered all he found in another cabin. The inhabitants next day searched likewise in vain for the murderer : but the third night a watch was kept in every house. Piskaret, in the night, bundled up the scalps he had taken the two former nights, to carry, as the proof of his victory, and then stole privately from house to house, till at last he found an Indian nodding, who was upon the watch in one of the houses : he knocked this man on the head; but as this alarmed the rest, he was forced immediately to fly. He was, however, under no great concern from the pursuit, being more swift of foot than any Indian then living. He let his pursuers come near him from time to time, and then would dart from them. This he did with design to tire them out, with the hopes of overtaking him. As it began to grow dark, he hid him self J and his pursuers stopped to rest. They not being apprehensive of any danger from a single man, soon fell asleep ; and the bold Piskaret observing this, knocked them all on the head, and carried away their scalps with the rest. Such stories as these," continues Golden, " are told among the Indians, as extraordinary instances of the courage and conduct of their captains." Before this, as we apprehend, though related afterwards by this author, were the great expeditions of the Iroquois against the Adirondaks. The French took part with the latter from the beginning, and when Champlain visited the country, he joined a party of them, and went against the Iroquois, and, with the aid of his fire-arms, overcame them in a battle near Lake Cor- lar, which was henceforth called Lake Champlain. Two hundred Iroquois were in this fight, and the French kept themselves concealed, until it began, then rushed forward, and immediately put the Iroquois to flight. This was the first time they had seen the effects of guns. This affair was in 1611. Finally, the Iroquois, having grown conscious of their strength, felt con fident that, if they could prevent the French from assisting them, they could withstand them. Therefore, they pretended to be well affected towards their religion, and requested that missionaries should be sent among them. This was done without delay. Their real object was soon apparent; tor they treated the Jesuit missionaries only as hostages, and this was the means of making them stand neutral while they carried on their war with the Adi- roudaks and Quatoghies or Hurons, whom they soon after defeated "in a dreadful battle fought within two leagues of duebeck." This expedition turned out so much to their advantage, " the Five Nationi * The author of Indian Tales has copied this closely, but gives uo credit. Tales, ii 36, &c. CHAP. I.] FIVE IROQUOIS CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND. 509 gave out, that they intended next winter * to visit the governor of Canada these visits are always made with much show. Under this pretence they gathered together 1000 or 1200 men. Their outscouts met with Piskaret near Nicolet River, and still pretending a friendly visit to the governor of Canada, as their only design, he told them, that the Adirondacks were divided into two bodies, one of which hunted on the north side of St. Lawrence River at Wabmake, three leagues above Trois Rivieres, and the other at Nicolet. As soon as they had gained this information, they killed him, and returned with his head to the army. The Five Nations divided likewise into two bodies : they surprised the Adirondacks, in both places, and in both cut them in pieces." This account is more circumstantial than that given by Charlevoix, but, as we have seen, would have been without any value, but for his chronology. He states that, by their previous conduct, the Mohawks had reason to expect, that all the neighboring nations would join to oppose them, and that they sent out parties to observe what was passing among them ; that one of these scouts met Peiskaret alone, but dared not attack him ; being persuaded he would kill at least half of them, as he had often done before. They there fore accosted him as a friend, while some came up behind him, and stabbed him to the heart. But for the French, the Iroquois had now been complete masters of all the northern and western regions ; and some have observed, that had they known the weakness of those white neighbors, at the time they over came the Algonquins, near Quebec, they might easily have cleared the country of them also. We will close this chapter with an account of the visit of five Iroquois chiefs to England. The English in America had supposed that if they could convince the Indian nations of the power and greatness of their mother country, they should be able to detach them forever from the in fluence of the French. To accomplish this object, these chiefs were pre vailed upon to make the voyage. They visited the court of Queen Anne in the year 1710. None of the American historians seem to have known the names of these chiefs, or, if they did, have not thought it proper to transmit them. Smith, in his history of New York, mentions the fact of their having visited England, and gives the speech which they made to the queen, and says it is preserved " in Oldmixon" perhaps in the 2d edition of his BRITISH EMPIRE IN AMERICA,! as nothing of the kind is found in his history of Eng land, although he records the circumstance, and ill-naturedly enough too. We think he would hardly have done even this, but for the purpose of ridi culing the friends of the queen. The following is all that he says of them :f " Three weeks after the battle of Sarragossa was fought by General Stanhope, whose victory made way for the march to Madrid, the news of the victory was brought to the queen by Colonel Harrison, the 15 September, O. S., at which time the High-church rabble were pelting General Stanhope's proxy, and knocking down his friends at the Westminster election. However, for the successes in Spain, and for the taking of Doway, Bethune and Aire, by the duke of Marlborough in Flanders, there was a thanksgiving-day appointed, which the queen solemnized in St. James's chapel. To have gone as usual to St. Paul's, and there to have had Te Deum sung on that occasion, would have shown too much countenance to those brave and victorious English generals, who were fighting her battles abroad, while High-church was plot ting, and railing, and addressing against them at home. The carrying of lour Indian Casamies about in the queen's coaches, was all the triumph of llio rlarleian administration ; they were called kings, and cluilid, by the * No one can tell when next winter was, that is, what year it was in, by any connection in Colden's text ; he is so exceedingly loose with regard to dates 5 but, according to Cliarlevoi.c, il was in Iti4ti. f The first edition (which I possess) was printed in 1708. t Hist. England, ii. 452. (Fol. London, 1735.) He says five, a few lines ouward, in his usual random mode of expression, supposing it all Ihe same, doubtless, as he was only considering Indians ! It will be seen that five was the rea. aumber. 510 FIVE IROQUOIS CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND. [BooK V. play-house tailor, like other kings of the theatre ; they were conducted tc audience by Sir Charles Cotterel; there was a speech made for them, and nothing omitted to do honor to these five monarchs, whose presence did so much honor to the new ministry ; which the latter seemed to be extremely loud of, and defrayed all their expenses during their stay here. They were the captains of the four nations, [Five Nations,] in league with the English at New York and New England, and came in person to treat of matters concerning trade with the lords commissioners of plantations ; as also of an enterprise against the French, and their confederate Indians in those parts." Sir Richard Steele mentions these chiefs in his Tatler of May 13, 1710, and Jlddison makes them the subject of a number of the Spectator the next year, at a suggestion of Dean Swift.* Neither of these papers, how ever, contain many facts respecting them. In the former it is mentioned that one of them was taken sickf at the house where they were accommo dated during their stay in London, and they all received great kindness and attention from their host, which, on their departure, was the cause of their honoring him W*|i a name of distinction ; which was Cadaroque, and sig nified " the strongest fort in their country" In speaking of their residence, Mr. Steele says, " They were placed in a handsome apartment at an uphol- ster's in King-street, Covent-garden." There were fine portraits of each of them painted at the time, and are still to be seen in the British Museum. { The best and most methodical account of these chiefs was published in the great annual history by Mr. Boyer, and from which we extract as follows : " On the 19 April Te Yee ./Veen Ho Ga Prow, and Sa Ga Yean Qua Prah Ton, of the Maquas ; Elow Oh Koam, and Oh JVee Heath Ton No Prow, \\ of the river sachem,H and the Ganajoh-hore sachem,** four kings, or chiefs of the Six Nations ff in the West Indies, ft which lie between New England, and New France, or Canada : who lately came over with the West India fleet, and were cloathed and entertained at the queen's expense, had a public audience of her majesty at the palace of St. James, being conducted thither in two of her majesty's coaches, by Sir Charles Cotterel, master of the cere monies, and introduced by the duke of Shrewsbury, lord chamberlain. They made a speech by their intrepreter, which Major Pidgeon, who was one of the officers that came with them, read in English to her majesty, being as follows : " Great Queen We have undertaken a long and tedious voyage, which none of our predecessors could be prevailed upon to undertake. The motive that induced us was, that we might see our great queen, and relate lo her those things we thought absolutely necessary, for the good of her, and us, her allies, on the other side the great water. We doubt not but our great * " I intended to have written a book on that subject. I believe he [Addison] has spent it all in one paper, and all the under hints there are niiiie too." Swift's Letter to Mrs. Johnson, -.aW London, 28 April, 1711. t This was probably the one that died, of whom Kalm, in his travels in America, i. 210, makes mention; though I do not find a record of it in any periodical of that day. j Notes to the Spectator, ed. in 8 vols. 8vo. London, 1789. " The Annals of Queen Anne's Reign, Year the IX. for 1710," 189191. This is a work containing a most valuable fund of information, and is, with its continuation, a lasting monument to us learned publisher } his being dragged into the Dunciad in one of Pope s freaks notwiihstanding. || We have these names in the Tatler, spelt Tee Yee Ne.en Ho Ga Row, Sa Ga Yeath Rua Geth Ton, E Tow Oh Koarn, and Ho Nee Yeth Taw No Row. IT It is difficult to conceive whatjs ineaaLbjrJZiuer Indians from many of our authors. In the Appendix lo Jefferson's Notes, 308, they are called River Indians, or Mohickandcr*, their dwellings between the west branch of Delaware and Hudson's river, from ihe itlatinny ridge down to the Rariton." The " Mohiccons " were another tribe about tb islands and mouth of the Hudson. ** Probably the chief of Canajohara. ft Qitery. If, according to Golden and others, the Tuscaroras did not join the Iroquois until 1712, and until that time these were called the Five Nations, how comes it that they were known in England by the name of Six Nations in 1710 ? {{ No one can be misled by this error, any more than an Englishman would be by being !.>! 'J that London is situated at the foot of the Rocky Mountains. 6 None of the Six Nations, must be understood. CHAP. I.] FIVE IROQUOIS CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND. 511 queen has been acquainted with our long and tedious war, in conjunction with her children, against her enemies the French : and that we have been as a strong wall for their security, even to the loss of our best men. The truth of which our brother Queder, Colonel [Peter] Schuyler, and Anadagar- t'nitr, Colonel Nicholson, can testify ; they having all our proposals in writing. \Ve were mightily rejoiced when we heard by Jlnadagarjaux, that our great queen had resolved to send an army to reduce Canada ; from whose mouth we readily embraced our great queen's instructions : and in token of our friendship, we hung up the kettle, and took up the hatchet ; and with one consent joined our brother Queder, and Jlnadagarjaux, in making prepara tions on this side the lake, by building forts, store-houses, canoes and bat- teaux ; whilst Aundiasia, Colonel Vetch, at the same time, raised an army at Boston, of which we were informed by our ambassadors, whom we sent thither for that purpose. We waited long in expectation of the fleet from England, to join Jlnadiasia, to go against Quebec by sea, whilst Jlnadagar jaux, Queder, and we, went to Port Royal by land ; but at last we were told, that our great queen, by some important afi'air, was prevented in her design for that season. This made us extreme sorrowful, lest the French, who hitherto had dreaded us, should now think us unable to make war against them. The reduction of Canada is of such weight, that after the effecting thereof, we should have free hunting, and a great trade with our great queen's children ; and as a token of the sincerity of the Six Nations, we do here, in the name of all, present our great queen with the belts of wampum. We need not urge to our great queen, more than the necessity we really labor under obliges us, that in case our great queen should not be mindful of us, we must, with our families, forsake our country, and seek other habitations, or stand neuter ; either of which will be much against our inclinations. Since we have been in alliance with our great queen's children, we have had some knowledge of the Savior of the world ; and have often been impor tuned by the French, both by the insinuations of their priests, and by presents, to come over to their interest, but have always esteemed them men of falsehood ; but if our great queen will be pleased to send over some persons to instruct us, they shall find a most hearty welcome. We now close, with hopes of our great queen's favor, and leave it to her most gracious consideration." We cannot but respond amen to Mr. Oldmixon's opinion of this speech, namely, that it was made for instead of by the chiefs ; still we thought it proper to print it, and that by so doing we should give satisfaction to more than by withholding it. Our account next proceeds: "On Friday, the 21 April, the four Indian princes went to see Dr. Flamstead's house, and mathe matical instruments, in Greenwich Park ; after which they were nobly treated by some of the lords commissioners of the admiralty, in one of her majesty's yachts. They staid about a fortnight longer in London, where they were entertained by several persons of distinction, particularly by the duke of Ormond, who regaled them likewise with a review * of the four troops of life-guards ; and having seen all the curiosities in and about this metropolis, they went down to Portsmouth, through Hampton Court and Windsor, and embarked on board the Dragon, one of her majesty's ships, Captain Martin, commodore, together with Colonel Francis Nicholson, commander-in-chief of the forces designed for an expedition in America. On the 8 May, t.ie Dragon and Falmouth sailed from Spithead, having under convoy about 18 sail, consisting of merchantmen, a bomb-ship and tender, and several transports, with British officers, a regiment of marines, provisions and stores of war ; and on the 15 July arrived at Boston in New England." Little is to be gathered from Smith's history of New York relative to those sachems. He gives a speech which they made to the queen, but it is a meagre abridgment of less than half of the one above, and the * And the chiefs made a speech in return, but our author makes this note upon it " N. B. The speech which was said to have been made by them, on that occasion, to U>e Juke of Ormoiul, is spurious. ' 512 TAMA.NY. [Boon V rest is omitted entirely. "The arrival of the five sachems in England made a great bruit throughout the whole kingdom. The mob followed wherever they went, and small cuts of them were sold among the people." * The main object of their visit to England was not, nor, in the nature of things, could it be effected. I mean the introduction of Christianity among them. Even these very sachems, who, according to the stories of that day, requested to have missionaries settled with them, were among the first to neglect them when settled among them.f " It might have been imagined," says the author just cited, "the sachems, those petty kings, who were in England in the late Queen's time, should have been so strongly affected with seeing the grandeur, pleasure, and plenty of this nation, that when they came to their own countries, they would have tried to reduce their people to a polite life ; would have employed their whole power to expel that rude bar barism, and introduce arts, manners, and religion : but the contrary happen ed ; they sunk themselves into their old brutal life, and though they had seen this great city, [London,] when they came to their own woods, they were all savages again." There cannot be a wider difference than the two nations, English and French, make in their accounts of the original condition, manners and cus toms of the Iroquois. While the writers of the former described them as the most barbarous, cruel, and bloody, those of the latter portray them in enviable colors. This difference seems to have entirely arisen from the different relation of the two nations to them. That they were cruel and barbarous to their enemies is agreed by both, and it unfortunately happened that the English were generally their enemies, until the reduction of Canada, in 1760. CHAPTER IL TAMANY, a famous ancient Delaware His history SHIKELLIMUS Favors the Moravi an Brethren His reception of Count Zinzendorf His death CANASSATEGO Visits Philadelphia His speech to the Delawares Anecdotes of him GLIKHIKAN His speech to Half-king His attachment to the Christian Indians Meets with much trouble from Captain Pipe Conduct of Half-king Of Pipe Glikhikan perishes 'in the massacre at Gnadenhuetten PAKANKE His history NETAWATWEES Becomes a Christian His speech to Pakanke His death PAXNOUS TADEUSKUND His history and death WHITE-EYES His transactions with the missionaries SKENANDO His celebrated speech Curious anecdote of him His death. TAMANT was a name much in print, fifty years since, but of what nation or country, or whether applied to an imaginary or real personage, by any ac count accompanying it, no one could determine. The truth respecting this has at length come to light. He was a Delaware chief, of similar renown to the Basheba of Kennebeck, and Nanepashemet of Massachusetts ; and we infer from Gabriel Thomas,\ that possibly he might have been alive as late as 1680 or 1690. He wrote the name Temeny. Mr. Heckewelder, in his Historical ACCOUNT OF THE INDIAN NATIONS, de votes a chapter to this chief and Tadeuskund. He spells the name Tamaned. The difficulty of gaining information of deceased individuals among the Indians is well known to those conversant with their history. Mr. Hecke welder says, " No white man who regards their feelings, will introduce such subjects in conversation with them." This reluctance to speak of the de- * Hist. New York, 122. ed. 4to. London, 1757. Beautiful full-length portraits of four of these chiefs were done in mezzotinto at the time they were in England, but they were long since of very rare occurrence. I possess the best set of them which I have ever seen. They are usually found in black frames, and are about 20 inches in height by 12 in breadth. The portrait of the one that died was not probably taken, which accounts for our having but four. t HUMPHREY'S Historical Account Soc. for Prop. Gospel, 309, 310. $ " Who resided there [in Pennsylvania] about 15 years," and who published " An Historic al and Geographical Account of Pa. and W. Jersey," 12rao. London, Io98. CHAP. II.] TAMANY. SHIKELLIMUS. 513 parted he attributes to " the misfortunes which have befallen some of the most beloved and esteemed personages among them, since the Europeans came among them." It is believed, however, that it had a more remote ori gin. The same author continues, "All we know of Tamened is, that he was an ancient Delaware chief, who never had his equal." * It is said that when, about 1776, Colonel George Morgan, of Princeton, New Jersey, visited the western Indians by direction of congress, the Delawares con ferred on him the name of Tamany, "in honor and remembrance of their ancient chief, and as the greatest mark of respect which they could show to that gentleman, who they said had the same address, affability and meekness as their honored chief." f " The fame of this great man extended even among the whites, who fabri cated numerous legends respecting him, which I never heard, however, from the mouth of an Indian, and therefore believe to be fabulous. In the revolutionary war, his enthusiastic admirers dubbed him a saint, and he was established under the name of St. Tammany, the patron saint of America. His name was inserted in some calendars, and his festival celebrated on the first day of May in every year. On that day a numerous society of his vota ries walked together in procession through the streets of Philadelphia, their hats decorated with bucks' tails, and proceeded to a handsome rural place 'it of town, which they called the ivigivam ; where, after a long talk or Indian speech had been delivered, and the calumet of peace and friendship had been duly smoked, they spent the day in festivity and mirth. After din ner, Indian dances were performed on the green in front of the wigwam, the calumet was again smoked, and the company separated." It was not till some years after the peace that these yearly doings were broken up, which would doubtless have lasted longer but for the misfortune of the owner of the ground where they were held. Since that time Phila delphia, New York, and perhaps other places, have had their Tamany socie ties, Tamany halls, &c. &c. In their meetings these societies make but an odd figure in imitating the Indian manner of doing business, as well as in ippropriating their names upon one another. Among the multitude of poems and odes to Tamany, the following is selected to give the reader an idea of the acts said to have been achieved by him: " Immortal Tamany, of Indian race, Great in the field and foremost in the chase ! No puny saint was he, with fasting pale ; He climbed the mountain, and he swept the vale, Rushed through the torrent with unequalled might; Your ancient saints would tremble at the sight ; Caught the swift boar and swifter deer with ease, And worked a thousand miracles like these. To public views he added private ends, Ana loved his country most, and next his friends ; With courage long he strove to ward the blow ; (Courage we all respect ev'n in a foe ;) And when each effort he in vain had tried, Kindled the flame in which he bravely died ! To Tamany let the full horn go round ; His fame let every honest tongue resound ; With him let every gen'rous patriot vie, To live in freedom or with honor die."J We are next to speak of a chief, concerning whom much inquiry has been made from several considerations. We mean Shikellimus, the father of the celebrated Logan. He was a Cayuga sachem, Hiid styled by Mr. Loskiel^ "first magistrate and head chief of all the Iroquois Indians living on the banks of the Susquehannah, as far as Onondago. He is the same often mentioned by Colden,\\ under the names Shickcalamy. Shicalamy, and Shick Calamy, and occupies a place next the famous Canassa- * Some will doubtless imagine that this was knowing a good deal. t Heckewelder, ut supra. j: Carey's Museum, v. 104. Hist. Missions, ii. 119. l| Hist. Five Nations, ii. 57, 69, 75, 77, 85. 2H 514 CANASSATEGO. [Boon V tego. His residence was at Conestoga in Pennsylvania. He was present at a great council held in Philadelphia in 1742, with 91 other chiefs, counsellors and warriors of the Six Nations, to consult about the encroachments of some of the Delawares upon the people of Pennsylvania, as will be found mentioned in the history of Canassatego. That he was a man of much consequence among the Five Nations will appear from the fact, that Canassatego repeated a speech of his to Governor Thomas, when the assault upon William Webb was inquired into, " whereby his [the said WtbUs] jaw-bone was broke, and his life greatly endangered by an unknown Indian." This took place upon the disputed lands in the forks of the Delaware. " Canassatego repeating the message delivered to the Six Nations by Shickcalamy, in the year 1740, with a string of wampum, said in answer : ' The Six Nations had made diligent inquiry into the affair, and had found out the Indian who had committed the fact ; he lived near Asopus, [yEsopus,] and had been examined and severely reproved ; and they hoped, as William Webb was recovered, the governor would not expect any further punishment, and therefore they returned the string of wampum received from their brethren, by the hand of Shickcalamy, in token that they had fully complied with their request.' " When Count Zinzendorf, founder of the sect called Moravians, visited this country, in 1742, he had an interview with this chief at Shamokin. Conrad Weiser was present, and Shikdlimus inquired with great anxiety the cause of the count's visit. Weiser told him " that he was a messenger of the living God, sent to preach grace and mercy ; " to which he answered, " he was glad that such a messenger came to instruct his nation." While in the exercise of his pious labors, Zinzendorf very narrowly escaped assassination ; and, to illustrate the force of superstition upon untutored minds, it will be proper to relate the circumstance. Having arrived on the banks of the Wyoming, the Indians could not believe that he had come solely lor their benefit, but had come to the conclusion that his real object was the ac quisition of land ; and they therefore resolved to put him to death. On a cool evening in September, as he sat alone in his tent, upon a bundle of weeds, which was his bed, the appointed assassins approached his frail mansion. He had a small fire, and was writing at the time ; and nothing prevented the easy execution of their commission. A blanket, suspended by the corners, formed the door of his tent, and as the Indians drew this a little aside, they beheld a large rattlesnake which the fire had driven from his covert, laying near the venerable man, but was not seen by him ; being too deeply engaged in his subject to notice him or the more dangerous Indians. The rattle snake being an animal they feared and respected as a kind of Manito, and seeing it in company with the stranger, they doubted not of his divine origin also, and at once shrunk from their object, and returned to report what they had seen to their brethren in their village.* He was now received by the Shawanese, and a mission was begun among them. Shikdlimus was a great friend of the missionaries, and his death was a severe loss to them. He died at his own residence in Shamokin, in 1749. We have already named the chief proper to be proceeded with, on finishing our account of Shikellimus. CANASSATEGO, a chief of the Six Nations, was of the tribe of Onondago. In 1742, there arose a dispute between the Delawares and the government of Pennsylvania, relative to a tract of land in the forks of the Delaware. The English claimed it by right of prior purchase, and the Delawares persisted in their claim, and threatened to use force unless it should be given up by the whites. This tribe of the Delawares were subject to the Six Nations, and the governor of Pennsylvania sent deputies to them to notify them of the trouble, that they might interfere and prevent Avar. It was on this occasion that Canassatego appeared in Philadelphia with 230 warriors. He observed to the governor, " that they saw the Delawares had been an unruly people, and were altogether in the wrong; that they had concluded to remove them, and oblige them to go over the river Delaware, and quit all claim to any lands on this side for the future, since they had received pay for them, and * CHAPMAN'S Hist. Wyoming, 20 to 22. CHAP. II.] CANASSATEGO. it is gone through their guts long ago. They deserved, he said, to be by the hair of the head, uud shaken severely, till they recovered their senses, mid hecame sober ; that he had seen with his own eyes a deed signed by nine of their ancestors, above fifty years ago, for this very land, and a release signed not many years since, by some of themselves, and chiefs yet living, (and then present,) to the number of 15 and upwards; but how came you (addressing himself to the Delawares present) to take upon you to sell land at all ? We conquered you ; we made women of you ; you know you are women ; and can no more sell land than women ; nor is it fit you should have the power of selling lands, since you would abuse it. This land you claim is gone through your guts ; you have been furnished with clothes, meat and drink, by the goods paid you for it, and now you want it again, like children as you are. But what makes you sell lands in the dark ? Did you ever tell us that you had sold this land ? Did we ever receive any part, even the value of a pipe shank, from you for it ? You have told us a blind story, that you sent a messenger to us, to inform us of the sale ; but he never came amongst us, nor did we ever hear anything about it. This is acting in the dark, and very different from the conduct our Six Nations observe in the sales of land. On such occasions they give public notice, and invite all the Indians of their united nations, and give them all a share of the presents they receive for their lands. " This is the behavior of the wise united nations. But we find you are none of our blood ; you act a dishonest part, not only in this, but in other matters ; your ears are ever open to slanderous reports about your brethren. For all these reasons, we charge you to remove instantly ; we don't give you liberty to think about it. You are women." They dared not disobey this command, and soon after removed, some to Wyoming and Shamokin, and some to the Ohio.* When Canassatego was at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, in 1744, holding a talk f about their affairs with the governor, he was informed that the English had beaten the French in some important battle. " Well," said he, " if that be the case, you must have taken a great deal of rum from them, and can afford to give us some, that we may rejoice with you." Accordingly, a glass was served round to each, which they called a French glass. J Dr. Franklin tells us a very interesting story of Canassatego, and at the same time makes the old chief tell another. In speaking of the manners and cus toms of the Indians, the doctor says, " The same hospitality, esteemed among them as a principal virtue, is practised by private persons ; of which Conrail Weiser, our interpreter, gave me the following instances. He had been natu ralized among the Six Nations, and spoke well the Mohawk language. In going through the Indian country, to carry a message from our governor to the council at Onondago, he called at the habitation of Canassatego, an old acquaintance, who embraced him, spread furs for him to sit on, placed before him some boiled beans, and venison, and mixed some rurn and water for his drink. When he was well refreshed, and had lit his pipe, Canassatego began to converse with him ; asked how he had fared the many years since they had seen each other ; whence he then came ; what occasioned the journey, &c. Conrad answered all his questions ; and when the discourse began to flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, ' Conrad, you have lived long among the white people, and know something of their customs: I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed, that once in seven days they shut up their shops, and assemble in the great house ; tell me what that is ibr ; what do they do there ? ' ' They meet there,' says Conrad, ' to hear and learn good things.' 'I do not doubt,' says the Indian, 'that they tell you so; they have told me the same ; but 1 doubt the truth of what they say, and I will tell you my reasons. I went lately to Albany, to sell my skins, and buy blankets, knives, powder, rum, &c. You know I used generally to deal with Hans Co/den and Gordon's Histories. t The minutes of the conference taken at the time by Witliam Marshe, occupies 30 pages ii Ihe Coll. Muss. Hist. Soc. vii. vol. } Coiolett's Hist. Five Nations, ii. 142. 516 CANASSATEGO. [Be. K V Hanson; but I was a little inclined this time to try some other merchant?. However, I called first upon Hans, and asked him what he would give lor beaver. He said he could not give more than four shillings a pound ; but says he, I cannot talk on business now ; this is the day when we meet togethr-i to learn good things, and I am going to the meeting. So I thought to myself', since I cannot do any business to-day, I may as well go to the meeting too, and I went with him. There stood up a man in black, and began to talk to the people very angrily ; I did not understand what he said, but perceiving that he looked much at me, and at Hanson, I imagined that he was angjy at seeing me there ; so I went out, sat down near the house, struck fire, and lit my pipe, waiting till the meethig should break up. I thought too that the man had mentioned something of beaver, arid suspected it might be the sub ject of their meeting. So when they came out, I accosted my merchant. 'Well, Hans? says I, '1 hope you have agreed to give more than 4s. a pound.' ' No,' says he, ' I cannot give so much, I cannot give more than three shillings and sixpence.' I then spoke to several other dealers, but they all sung the same song, three and sixpence, three and sixpence. This made it clear to me that my suspicion was right; and that whatever they pretended of meet ing to learn good ftmg^thfi purpose was to consult how to cheat Indians in the price of beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of my opinion. If they met so often to learn good things, they would certainly have learned some before this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our practice. If a white man, in travelling through our country, enters one of our cabins, we all treat him as I do you; we dry him if he is wet; we warm him if he is cold, and give him meat and drink, that he may allay his thirst and hunger ; and we spread soft furs for him to rest and sleep on ; we demand nothing in return. But if I go into a white man's house at Albany, and ask for victuals and drink, they say, Get out, you Indian dog. You see they have not yet learned those little good things that we need no meetings to be instructed in, because our mothers taught them to us when we were children ; and therefore it is impossible their meetings should be, as they say, for any such purpose, or*bave any such effect: they are only to contrive the cheating of Indians in the price of beaver.' " * The missionary Frederic Post, in his journal of an embassy to the Indians on the Ohio, in 1758, mentions a son of Canassatego, whom he calls Hans Jacob. We are not to look into the history of Pennsylvania for a succession of Indian wars, although there have been some horrid murders and enormities committed among the whites and Indians. For about 70 years, their historic page is very clear of such records, namely, from 1682, the arrival of William Penn, until the French war of 1755. And we will here record the proceedings of William Penn, on his taking possession of his lands upon the Delaware, so far as they are connected with our Indian history. Humanity being a prominent feature in every Quaker who lives up to his profession, we are to expect a display of it in that of Penn ; and happily we do not find ourselves disappointed. The force of his example was such, that, for many years, his followers practised the art of peacemaking ; and hence no wars occurred, as we have already observed ; but as the enlightened mind of Penn carried his acts more than one hundred and fifty years in advance of his contemporaries, they acting without the true principle which governed him, soon forgot its importance, and pursued a different course, which brought the evils of war and dissolution. William Penn had confirmed to him the country since bearing his name, by a royal charter, and having sent over a small colony to take possession of it in 1681, followed himself the next year. His first care on his arrival was to establish a lasting friendship with the Indians. This he effected by greatest possible care in rendering them strict justice and great kindness, i above all by purchasing the country of them, and paying them to their con- * The editors of the valuable Encyclopedia Pertheusis have thought this anec walk, in the twilight. Timothy Smith, then sheriff of Bucks, held his watch for some minutes before we stopped, and the walkers having a piece of rising ground to ascend, he called out to them, telling the minutes behind, and bid them pull up, which they did so briskly, that, immediately upon hii saying the time was out, Marshall clasped his arms about a saplin to support 45 21 530 THE WALKING PURCHASE. [BOOK . himself, and thereupon the sheriff asking him what was the matter, he said he was almost gone, and that, if he had proceeded a few poles further, he must have fallen. We lodged in the woods that night, and heard the shout ing of the Indians at a cantico, which they were said to hold that evening in a town hard by. Next morning the Indians were sent to, to know if they would accompany us any farther, but they declined it, although I believe some of them came to us before we started, and drank a dram in the com pany, and then straggled off about their hunting or some other amusement. In our return we came through this Indian town or plantation, Timothy Smith and myself riding forty yards more or less before the company, and as we ap proached within about 150 paces of the town, the woods being open, we saw an Indian take a gun in his hand, and advancing towards us some distance, placed himself behind a log that laid by our way. Timothy observing his motions, and being somewhat surprised, as I apprehended, looked at me, and asked what I thought that Indian meant I said, I hoped no harm, and that I thought it best to keep on, which the Indian seeing, arose and walked before us to the settlement. I think Smith was surprised, as I well remember I was, through a consciousness that the Indians were dissatisfied with the walk, a thing the whole company seemed to be sensible of, and upon the way, in our return home, frequently expressed themselves to that purpose. And indeed the unfairness practised in the walk, both in regard to the way where, and the manner how, it was performed, and the dissatisfaction of the Indians concerning it, were the common subjects of conversation in our neighbor hood, for some considerable time after it was done. When the walk was performed I was a young man in the prime of life. The novelty of the thing inclined me to be a spectator, and as I had been brought up most of my time in Burlington, the whole transaction to me was a series of occurrences almost entirely new, and which therefore, I apprehend, made the more strong and lasting impression on my memory. TJiomas Furniss? * As we have already observed, the end of these affairs was war. The Delawares were driven back, and they joined the French against the Enlish CHAPTER IE. C/f several chiefs spoken of by Washington, in his journal of an embassy to the French . of Ohio Battle near Great Meadows, and death of Jumonville SHINGIS MONA- CATOOCHA HALF-KING JUSKAKAKA WHITE-THUNDER ALLIQDIPA CAP TAIN JACOBS HENDRICK His history Curious anecdote of LOGAN Cresap's War Battle of Point Pleasant Logan 's famous speech CORNSTOCK His history RED-HAWK ELLINIPSICO The barbarous murder of these three Melancholy death of Logan PONTIAC A renowned warrior Colonel Rogers' s account of him His policy Fall of Michilimakinak MENEHWEHNA Siege of Detroit Ponti- ac's stratagem to surprise it Is discovered Official account of the affair at Bloody Bridge Pontiac abandons the siege Becomes the friend of the English Is assas sinated. THE expedition of Washington to the French on the Ohio, in 1753, brings to our records information of several chiefs of the Six Nations, of the most interesting kind. He was commissioned and sent as an ambassador to the French, by Governor Dimviddie of Virginia. He kept an accurate journal of his travels, which, on his return to Virginia, was published, and, not long after, the same was republished in London, with a map ; the substance of this journal was copied into almost every periodical of importance of that day. * Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians, die., 8vo. Lon don, 1759. CHAP. HI.] WASHINGTON'S JOURNEY AMONG THE INDIANS. 531 SHINGIS was the first chief he visited, who lived in the forks of the Alleghauy und Monongahela Rivers, where Pittsburgh now stands. He intend ed holding a council with the celebrated Half-king,* already mentioned, at Loggstown, and such others as could be assembled at short notice, to strengthen them in the English interest. He therefore invited Shingis to attend the council, and he accordingly accompanied him to Loggstown. " As soon as I came into town," says Washington, " I went to Monakatoocha, (as the Half- king was out at his hunting cabin, on Little Beaver Creek, about 15 miles on,] and informed him by John Davidson, my Indian interpreter, that I was sent a messenger to the French general, and was ordered to call upon the sachems of the Six Nations to acquaint them with it I gave him a string of wampum and a twist of tobacco, and desired him to send for the half-king, which he promised to do by a runner in the morning, and for other sachems. I in vited him and the other great men present to my tent, where they stayed about an hour, and returned." This place was about 140 miles, "as we went, and computed it," says the great writer, " from our back settlements, where we arrived between sunsettiug and dark, the twenty-fifth day after I left Williamsburgh." Half-king, it seems, had, not long before, visited the same place to which Washington was now destined ; for as soon as he returned to his town, Wash ington invited him privately to his tent, " and desired him to relate some of the particulars of his journey to the French commandant," the best way for him to go, and the distance from that place. "He told me," says Washington, "that the nearest and levelest way was now impassable, by reason of many large miry savannas ; that we must be obliged to go by Venango, and should not get to the near fort in less than five or six nights' sleep, good travelling." Half-king further informed him that he met with a cold recep tion ; that the French officer sternly ordered him to declare his business, which he did, he eaid, in the following speech: " Fathers, I am come to tell you your own speeches ; what your own mcnitha have declared. You, in former days, set a silver basin before us, wlu rein there was the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come and eat of it ; to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be churlish to one another : and that if any such person should be found to be a disturber, I here lay down by the edge of the dish a rod, which you must scourge them with; and if your father should get foolish, in my old days, I desire you may use it upon me as well as others. Now, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this land, by coming and building your towns ; and taking it away unknown to us, and by force. We kindled a fire, a long time ago, at a place called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not to come and intrude upon our land. I now desire you may despatch to that place ; for, be it known to you, fathers, that this is our land, and not yours. I desire you may hear me in civilness ; if not, we must handle that rod which was laid down for the use of the obstrep erous. If you had come in a peaceable manner, like our brothers the English, we would not have been against your trading with us, as they do ; but to come, fathers, and build houses upon our land, and to take it by force, is what we cannot submit to." Half-king then repeated what was said to him in reply by the French, which, when he had done, Washington made a speech to him and his council. He acquainted them with the reason of his visit, and told them he was in structed to call upon them by the governor of Virginia, to advise with them, to assure them of the love of the English, and to ask the assistance of some of their young men, to conduct him through the wilderness, to the French, to whom he had a letter from his governor. Half-king made this reply : " In regard to what my brother the governor had desired of me, I return 532 HALF KING. BATTLE NEAR GREAT MEADOWS. [Boon V- you this answer." " I rely upon you as a brother ought to do, as you say we are brothers, and one people." " Brother, as you have asked my advice, 1 hope you will he ruled by it, and stay until I can provide a company to go with you. The French speech belt is not here ; I have it to go tor to my hunting cabin. Likewise the people, whom I have ordered in, are not yet come, and cannot until the third night from this ; until which time, brother, 1 must beg you to stay." When Washington told him that his business would not admit of so much delay, the chief seemed displeased, and said it was "a mailer of no small mo ment, and must not be entered without due consideration." Perhaps it will not be too much, to give this Indian chief credit for some of that character which was &o well exemplified by Washington in all his after-life. And "as I found it impossible," says the narrator, "to get off', without affronting them in the most egregious manner, I consented to stay." Accordingly, Half-kins gave orders to King Shingis, who was present, to attend on Wednesday night with the wampuni, and two men of their nation, to be in readiness to set out with i;s next moraine." There was still a delay of another day, as the chiefs could not get in their wampum and young men which were to be sent ; and, alter all, but three chiefs and one hunter accompanied. " We set out," says Washington, " about 9 o'clock, with the Half-king, Juskakaka,* White-thunder, and the hunter ; and travelled on the road to Venaugo, where we arrived the 4th of December." This place is situated at the junction of French Creek with the Ohio. Here the French had a garrison, and another a short distance above it, which was the extent of our discoverer's peregrinations northward. The commanders of these posts used all means to entice Half-king to desert the English, and it was with great difficulty that Washington succeeded in preventing them. They endeavored to weary him out by making the chiefs delay their departure from day to day, by means of liquor, so that they should be left behind. At length, having out-generalled his complotters, and "got things ready to set off', I sent for the Half-king" continues the narrator, " to know whether he intended to go with us, or by water. He told me that White-thunder had hurt himself much, and was sick, and unable to walk; therefore he was obliged to carry him down in a canoe ; " so, notwithstanding the delays, Washington was obliged to go without him ; but he cautioned him strongly* against believing Monsieur Joncaire's pretensions of friendship, and representations against the English. Hero ends Washington's account of Half-king. And before closing our account of the termination of Washington's journey, we will close our account of this chief also. In 1754 he accompanied Wash ington in his excursion to dislodge the French from the disputed territory upon the Ohio, and was his constant counsellor, until after the surrender of Fort Necessity at the Great Meadows, on the 4 July. At the surprise of M. de Jumonville, on the 28 May previous, he led a company of his warriors, and piloted the English under Washington to the place where he was encamped, which was but a few miles from Great Meadows. Jumonville's force was small, consisting of but about 33 men. The night previous to the attack, Half-king, who was encamped six miles from Great Meadows, having made a discovery of the approach of the French force, sent an express to Washing ton, to inform him that the French were discovered in an obscure retreat. The colonel immediately marched out with 40 men and reached Half-king's quarters a little before sunrise. A council was now held by the chiefs of the parties, and it was agreed that the English and Indians should march together and attack the French. They marched in single tile through the woods, in the Indian manner, in a most dismal storm of rain ; and following the track just explored by Half -king's spies, soon found themselves near the party Jumonville was in a secure place, half a mile from a road, and surrounded by rocks, and had he not been fallen upon by surprise, it is doubtful whether the attacking party had not found it difficult to have contended successfully * We hear again of this chief in 1794, when, with 58 others, he signed a treaty with th* United Slates at Fort Stanwix. His name is there written JislJiaaga, which signified agree* grasshopper. He was sometimes called Little-Billy. CHAP. III.] SHINGIS KUSTALOGA. 533 against him. But not being discovered, Washington made a good disposition of his men ; himself with the English formed the right wing, and Half-king at the head of the Indians, the left The French were found without their arms in their hands, but they flew to them, and a fight of about 15 minuted ensued. None of the party escaped. Eleven of the French were killed, among whom was M. de JunionvUle; one wounded, and 21 taken prisoners. Washington lost but one man, and two or three only were wounded.* We now return to the narrative of Washington, which we had found it necessary abruptly to interrupt He now set out for the frontiers with all expedition. He had, he says, the ' most fatiguing journey possible to conceive of. From the 1st to the loth December, there was but one day on which it did not rain or snow inces santly ; and through the whole journey, we met with nothing but one contin ued series of cold, wet weather." This expedition of Washington has in it great interest, more especially from his superior eminence afterwards. It is pleasing to contemplate the "savior of his country " in every adventure and circumstance of his life ; and even gratifying to view him with a gun in one hand, a staff in the other, and a puck upon his back; wading through rivers, encountering storms of sleet and snow, and sleeping upon the ground, thus early, for his country's good. He had some very narrow escapes, and, during part of the way on his return, he had but one attendant. One day, as they were passing a place called Mur dering Town, they were fired upon by one of a war-party of French Indians, who had waited hi ambush for them ; and although they were within fifteen paces of him, yet they escaped unhurt. They captured the fellow that fired upon them, and kept him until nine at night, then dismissed him, and trav elled all night, "without making any stop," fearing they should be pursued the next morning by his party. Continuing their course all the next day, they came to the river where they intended to cross. Here the firmness of Washington and his companion was thoroughly tried. The river was very high, and filled with floating ice, and there was no way to pass it but by a rait. They had " but one poor hatchet," with the assistance of which, after laboring from morning till sunset, they had a raft ready to launch ; on thia they set out, but it was soon crushed between the floating ice, and they very narrowly escaped perishing. Washington was himself precipitated into the river, where the water was ten feet deep. Fortunately, however, he catched by a fragment of the raft, and saved himself. They finally extricated them selves from their perilous situation, by getting upon the ice which confined their frail bark, and from thence to an island, and finally to the opposite shore. The cold was so intense, that Mr. Gist froze his hands and feet. This place was about three miles below the mouth of the Yohogany, where an Indian queen, as Washington calls her, lived. He went to see her, he observes, she having " expressed great concern that we passed her in going to the fort. 1 made her a present of a watch coat, and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought much the best present of the two." Her name was Alliquippa. From this place, he pursued his journey home without further accident. We have mentioned the friendly attention of Shingis to our adventurer, who had probably expected he would have attended him on his journey ; but Shin gis went to collect in his men, and did not return. The Indians said it was owing to the sickness of his wife, but Washington thought it was fear of the French, which prevented him. But this conjecture does not seem well founded, for he ordered Kustaloga, who lived at Venango, to proceed to the French and return the wampum, which was as much as to tell them they wished no further fellowship with them. The massacres which followed BraddocK's defeat were horrible beyond description. Shingis and Captain Jacobs were supposed to have been the principal instigators of them, and 700 dollars were offered for their heads.f Captain Jacobs did not long escape, although the reward did not hasten hia end. The hostile Indians had their head-quarters at Kitanning on the Allegha- 45 * SPARKS'S Writings of Washington, ii. 451, 452. t Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, 450. rl * 534 KITTANNING DESTROYED. DEATH OF CAPT. JACOBS. [BOOK V ny River, 44 miles above its confluence with the Monongahela. Here they retired with their prisoners and booty after their expeditions into the frontiers In 1756, Colonel John Armstrong was sent with about 300 men against Ki tanning. "On 3 September he joined the advanced party at the Beavej Dams, near Frankstown ; and on the 7th in the evening, being within 6 milea of Kitanning, the scouts discovered a fire in the road, and reported that there were but 3 or at most 4 Indians at it It was not thought proper to attempt surprising" them, as it might be a means of alarming the town, if any should escape. Hence Lieutenant Hogg, with a file of 12 men, was ordered to watch them, while the main body proceeded to the immediate vicinity of Kitanning. The night being warm, many of the Indians lodged in a cornfield upon the margin of the river, about 100 rods below the town. Here at day-break the attack began. Several Indians were killed in the field, and the town was im mediately entered. As they advanced, Captain JACOBS gave the war whoop, retired to his log-cabin, and defended himself with great bravery. Inspired by his intrepidity, his men refused quarter, saying, " We, are men, and ivill not be prisoners" The whites being unable to drive them from their wigwams, Colonel Armstrong ordered these to be set on fire. At the same time he re ceived a musket-shot in the shoulder. " When the Indians were told that the} would be burnt if they did not surrender, one of them replied, he did not cart, as he could kill 4 or 5 before he died." When the fire approached them, some began to sing, and others burst from their houses, and were killed in theii flight. Captain Jacobs, when defence could no longer avail him, endeavored to escape, with his wife, though a window of his house. This was his last act he was shot down, and his wife also. A lad, called the King's Son, was killed with them. As at Nerigwok, many were killed in the river as they fled. The Indians were said to have had their houses stored with spare arms and ammunition ; for, when they were burnt up, their guns discharged from the heat, and quantities of powder blew up from time to time, which threw some of their bodies to a great height in the ah*. Eleven prisoners were recovered at this time, who informed their deliverers that a great quantity of goods was also consumed, which had but ten days before been sent them by the French ; and that the Indians had boasted that they had powder enough for a ten years' war with the English. They also learned that the party which Lieutenant Hogg had been left to watch, instead of being but 3 or 4, consisted of 24 warriors, who were on their way to attack Fort Shirley, having been sent forward by Captain Jacobs, while he was to have followed with a strong force the next day. Hence the fate of the lieutenant's party was suspected. On returning to the place, Colonel Armstrong found that Lieutenant Hogg had attacked the Indians at great disadvantage, in point of numbers, and had been defeated, himself and Captain Mercer (afterwards General Mercer, who fell at Princeton) severely wounded. At the first fire Hogg's party killed 3 of the Indians, who, after maintaining the fight for an hour, killed but 3 of the whites. Hogg, being now wounded, was abandoned by his men, but was fortunate enough to be found by the army.* It was at this period, that the dead bodies of some that had been murdered and mangled were sent from the frontiers to Phila delphia, and hauled about the streets, to inflame the people against the Indians, and also against the Quakers, to whose mild forbearance was attrib uted a laxity in sending out troops. The mob surrounded the house of assembly, having placed the dead bodies at its entrance, and demanded im mediate succor. At this time the above reward was offered. Mr. Heckewelder knew Shingis, or, as he wrote his name, Shingask, f and gave him a good character. He was brother to King-beaver, and in the French war was considered the greatest Indian warrior of the day. He was a terror to the whole frontier of Pennsylvania. "Passing one day with him," says Mr. Heckewelder, "in the summer of 1762, near by where his two prisoner boys (about 12 years of age) were amusing themselves with his own boys, and he observing me looking that way, inquired what I was looking at. On my replying that I was looking at his prisoners, he said, When I first took them * Coll. N. Y. Hist. Soc. iii. 398 I 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iv. 2989. f Level, or Bog-ireartow. /''/ // // '/ / '/, WMuam '//A/A///MV CHAP. III.] SHINGIS. HENDRICK. 535 they icere such ; but they are now my children ; eat their victuals out of one and the same bowl ! which was saying as much as, that they, in all respects, were on an equal footing with his own children alike dear to him." Though of small stature, the same author observes, he had a great mind. The wife of this chief died in 1762. She was of the highest rank and re spectability ; and the ceremonies at her funeral, and manner of decoration and interment, described here, would occupy several pages.* In the time of the French war, when the governor of Pennsylvania sent C. F. Post to the distant tribes to persuade them from aiding the French, men tion is often made in the journal which he kept,f of Shingis, and uniformly to his advantage. The Reverend Mr. Post performed two missions, the first at the close of 1758. and the second in 1759. Under date of 28 August, 1758, he writes, "We set out from Sawcunk in company with 20, for Kushcushkec ; on the road Shingas addressed himself to me, and asked, if I did not think, that if he came to the English they would hang him, as they had offered a groat reward for his head. I told him that was a great while ago, 'twas all forgotten and wiped away now." An Indian in the company, called Shamo- kin Daniel, who had been tampered with by the French, understanding what was said, interrupted and said, " Don't believe him, he tells nothing but idle lying stories," and asked, " Why then did the English hire 1200 Indians [meaning the Cherokees] to kill us ? " Mr. Post protesting it was false, Daniel vociferated, G d d n you for a fool ; did you not see the woman lying in the road that was killed by the Indians that the English hired ? " After a few other harsh expressions, Shingis told him to be still, for he did not know what he said." Mr. Post dined with Shingis on the 29 August, at which time he observed to him, that although the English had offered a great reward for his head, yet he had never thought to revenge himself, but was always very kind to such pris oners as were brought in, and that he would do all in his power to bring about a peace, and wished he could be sure the English were in earnest for peace also. Although the name of Shingis has not generally been as conspicuous as that of Captain Jacobs, yet he is said to have been " the greatest Delaware warrior of his time," and that, " were his war exploits on record, they would form an interesting document, though a shocking one." J Hendrick was a gallant Mohawk chief, who took part, with many of his men, against the French, in the year 1755. The French were encouraged by the defeat of General Braddock, and were in high expectation of carrying all before them. Hendrick joined the English army at the request of General Johnson, and met the French, consisting of 2000 men, under General Dieskau at Lake George. While the English and Indians were encamped in a slight work, their scouts brought news of the approach of the French, with a great body of Indians upon their flanks. General Johnson despatched Colonel Jf'illiams of Massachusetts, with 1000 men, and Hendrick with 200 of his war riors, to give them battle ; but falling in with them about four miles from camp unexpectedly, Colonels Williams and Hendrick were killed, with many other officers and privates of the detachment. The rest fled to the main body with great precipitation, infusing consternation into the whole army. The French followed closely, and poured in a tremendous fire, which did very little exe cution, from the precaution of the English in falling flat upon their faces. They soon recovered from their surprise, and fought with bravery, having advantage not only in numbers, but artillery, of which the French had none.|| At length the brave Dieskau was wounded in the thigh, and his Indians, be- iiig terrified at the havoc made by the cannon of the English, fled to the woods, and the regulars were ordered to retreat by their general, which they did in great disorder. General Dieskau was found in the pursuit, supporting himself by the stump of a tree. Supposing plunder to be the first object of * For which see Heckeictlder's Hist. Ind. Nations, 264, &c. t Reprinted in " Tlie Causes oftlie Alienation," &c., and Fraud's Pa., vol. 2d. \ Heckeiceldrrs Narrative, 64. $ The English lost about 200 in this ambush. Outline's Universal History, x.94. Ibid. 536 HENDRICK. KILLED IN BATTLE. ANECDOTE. [BooK V, his captors, as he was attempting to draw his Avatch to present to them, some one, supposing- him to be searching for his pistol, discharged his gun into bis hips. Notwithstanding he was thus twice wounded, he lived to reach England, but he died soon after. The French lost 800 men in the attack, When General Johnson was about to detach Colonel Williams, he asked Hendrick's opinion, whether the force was sufficient. To which he replied, u If they are tojight, they are too few. If they are to be killed, they are too many" And when it was proposed to divide the detachment into three parts, Hen- drick objected, and forcibly to express the impracticability of the plan, picked up three sticks, and, putting them together, said to the general, " You see now that these cannot be easily broken ; but take them one by one, and you may break them at once" But from this valuable counsel very little advantage seems to have been derived. It was reported at the time, that 38 of HendricVs men were killed, and 12 wounded.* Few historians mention the loss of the Indians ; probably con sidering them as unworthy of record ! Such historians may be forgotten. At least, they cannot expect to pass under that name in another age. The Indians were greatly exasperated against the French, " by the death of the famous Hendrick? says the same writer, "a renowned Indian warrior among the Mohawks, and one of then- sachems, or kings, who was slain in the battle, andSvhose son, upon being told that his father was killed, giving the usuai Indian groan upon such occasions, and suddenly putting his hand on his left breast, swore his father was still alive in that place, and stood there in his son : that it was with the utmost difficulty, General Johnson prevented the fury of their resentment taking place on the'body of the French general.''! As soon as the battle was over, the Indians dispersed themselves in various directions, with the trophies of victory ; some to their homes, to condole with the friends of the slain, and some to the English, to carry the welcome news of victory. The different runners brought into Albany above 80 scalps within a very short time after the fight.} And thus we are furnished with an early record of the wretched custom which appears to have been fostered, and actually encouraged by all who have employed the Indians as auxiliaries in war. Indeed to employ them, was to employ their practices they were inseparable. To talk, as some have done, of employing them, and prevent ing their barbarous customs with the unfortunate captives, all experience shows, is but to talk one thing and mean another. Soon after Sir William Johnson entered upon his duties as superintendent of Indian affairs in North America, he received from England some richly embroidered suits of clothes. Hendrick was present when they were re ceived, and could not help expressing a great desire for a share in them. He went away very thoughtful, but returned not long after, and called upon Sir William, and told him he had dreamed a dream. Sir William very con cernedly desired to know what it was. Hendrick as readily told him he had dreamed that Sir William Johnson had presented him with one of his new suits of uniform. Sir William could not refuse it, and one of the elegant suits was forthwith presented to Hendrick, who went away to show his present to his countrymen, and left Sir William to tell the joke to his friends. Some time after, the general met Hendrick, and told him he had dreamed a dream. Whether the sachem mistrusted that he was now to be taken in his own net, or not, is not certain : but he seriously desired to know what 't WHS, as Sir William had done before. The general said he dreamed tnat Hendrick had presented him with a certain tract of land, which he described, (consist- mg of about 500 acres of the most valuable land in the valley of the Mohawk River.) Hendrick answered, "It is yours; " but, shaking his head, said, " Sir William Johnson, I will never dream with you again." John Konkapot, a Stockbridge Indian, was grandson to Hendrick, and he informs us that his grandfather was son of the Wolf, a Mohegan chief, and that his mother was a Mohawk. Reverend Gideon Hawley, in a letter to Governor Hutchinson (1770) about the Marshpee Indians, has this passage * Gent. Magazine for 1753. t IM * l bid - Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. CHAP. Ill] LOGAN. CRESAP'S MURDERS. 537 "Among Johnson's Mohawks, Abraham and Hendrick were the oldest of their tribe, when they died, and neither of them was 70, at their deaths. I saw a sister of theirs in 1765, who appeared to be several years above 70. At Stockbridge, Captain Kunkapot was for many years the oldest man in hia tribe." * We have now come to one of the most noted chiefs in Indian story Logan was called a Mingo f chief, whose father, Shikdlimus, was chief of the Cayugas, whom he succeeded. Shikettimus was attached in a remark able degree to* the benevolent James Logan, from which circumstance, it is probable, his son bore his name. The name is still perpetuated among the Indians. For magnanimity in war, and greatness of soul in peace, few, if any, in any nation, ever surpassed Logan, He took no part in the French wars which ended in 1760, except that of a peacemaker ; was always acknowl edged the friend of the white people, until the year 1774, when his brother and several others of his family were murdered, the particulars of which follow. In the spring of 1774, some Indians robbed the people upon the Ohio River,J who were in that country exploring the lands, and preparing for settlements. These land-jobbers were alarmed at this hostile carriage of the Indians, as they considered it, and collected themselves at a place called Wheeling Creek, the site on which Wheeling is now built, and, learning that there were two Indians on the river a little above, one Captain Michael Cresap, belonging to the exploring party, proposed to fall upon and kill them. His advice, although opposed at first, was followed, and a party led by Cresap proceeded and killed the two Indians. The same day, it being reported that some Indians were discovered below Wheeling upon the river, Cresap and his party immediately marched to the place, and at first appeared to show themselves friendly, and suffered the Indians to pass by them unmolested, to encamp still lower down, at the mouth of Grave Creek. Cresap soon followed, attacked and killed several of them, having one of his own men wounded by the fire of the Indians. Here some of the family of Logan were slain. The circumstance of the affair was exceeding aggravating, inas much as the whites pretended no provocation. Soon after this, some other monsters in human shape, at whose head were Daniel Greathause and one Tomlinson, committed a horrid murder upon a company of Indians about thirty miles above Wheeling. Greathouse resided at the same place, but on the opposite side of the river from the Indian en campment A party of thirty-two men were collected for this object, who secreted themselves, while Greathouse, under a pretence of friendship, crossed the river and visited them, to ascertain their strength ; on counting them, he found they were too numerous for his force in an open attack. These Indians, having heard of the late murder of their relations, had determined to be avenged of the whites, and Greathouse did not know the danger he was in, until a squaw advised him of it, in a friendly caution, " to go home." The sad requital this poor woman met with will presently appear. This abomi nable fellow invited the Indians to come over the river and drink rum with him ; this being a part of his plot to separate them, that they might be the easier de stroyed. The opportunity soon offered ; a number being collected at a tavern in the white settlement, and considerably intoxicated, were fallen upon, and all murdered, except a little girl. Among the murdered was a brother of Logan, and his sister, whose delicate situation greatly aggravated the horrid crime. The remaining Indians, upon the other side of the river, on hearing the firing, set off two canoes with armed warriors, who, as they approached the shore, were fired upon by the whites, who lay concealed, awaiting their approach. Nothing prevented their taking deadly aim, and many were killed and wounded, and the rest were obliged to return. This affair took place May 24th, 1774. These were the events that led to a horrid Indian * Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 3. i. 151. t Mengwe, Maquas, Maqita, or Iroquos all mean the same. t ' In the mouth of April, 1774, a rumor was circulated, that the Indians had stolen several horses from some land-jobbers on the Ohio and Kentucky Rivers ; no evidences of the fact having been adduced, lead to the conclusion that the report was false." Dodtlridge'i Notes, 2"25 6. $ Facts published in Jefferson's Note*, 538 LOGAN. SAVES THE LIFE OF A CAPTIVE. [Boox V war, in which many innocent families were sacrificed to satisfy the ven geance of an incensed and injured people. A calm followed these troubles, but it was only such as goes before the storm, and lasted only while the tocsin of war could be sounded among the distant Indians. On the 12 July, 1774, Logan, at the head of a small party of only eight warriors, struck a blow on some inhabitants upon the Muskin- gum, where no one expected it. He had left the settlements on the Ohio undisturbed, which every one supposed would be the first attacked, in case of war, and hence the reason of his great successes. His first attack was upon three men who were pulling flax in a field. One was shot down, and the two others taken. These were marched into the wilderness, and, as they approached the Indian town, Logan gave the scalp halloo, and they were met by the inhabitants, who conducted them in. Running the gantlet was next to be performed. Logan took no delight in tortures, and he in the most friendly manner instructed one of the captives how to proceed to escape the severities of the gantlet. This same captive, whose name was Robinson, was afterwards sentenced to be burned ; but Logan, though not able to rescue him by his eloquence, with his own hand cut the cords that bound him to the stake, and caused him to be adopted into an Indian family. He became afterwards Logan's scribe, and wrote the letter that was tied to a war club, the particulars of which we shall relate farther onward. There was a chief among the Shawanese more renowned as a warrior than even Logan himself at this time. CORNSTOCK* was his name, and to him seems to have fallen the chief direction of the war that was now begun ; the causes of which were doubtless owing to the outrages already detailed, committed by Cresap and Greathouse, but there can be but little if any doubt, that the several tribes engaged in it, had each been sufficiently injured to justify their participation also. The history of the murder of Bald Eagle is more than sufficient to account for the part acted by the Dela- wares. What this man had been in his younger days is unknown to history, but at this time he was an old inoffensive Delaware chief, who wandered harmlessly up and down among the whites, visiting those most frequently who would entertain him best. Having been on a visit to the fort at the mouth of Kanhawa, he was met, as he was ascending alone upon the river in his canoe, by a man, who, it is said, had suffered much from the Indians. It was in the evening, and whether any thing happened to justify violence on the part of either, we have no evidence, but certain it is, the white man killed the chief, and scalped him, and, to give his abominable crime pub licity, set the dead body upright in the canoe, and in this manner caused it to drift down the river, where it was beheld by many as it passed them. From the appearance of the old chief, no one suspected he was dead, but very naturally concluded he was upon one of his ordinary visits. The truth of the affair, however, soou got to his nation, and they quickly avowed ven geance for the outrage, f The Virginia legislature ws in session when the news of an Indian war was received at the seat of goveix nent. Governor Dunmore immediately gave orders for the assembling ov SOOO men ; one half of whom were to march for the mouth of the great Kanhawa under the command of General Andrew Lewis,\ and the remainder, under the governor in person, was to proceed to some point on the Ohio, above the former, in order to fall upon the Indian towns between, while the warriors should be drawn off by the approach of Lewis in the opposite direction. He was then to proceed down the Ohio, and form a junction with General Lewis at Point Pleasant, from whence they were to march according to circumstances. * Generally written Cornstalk, but in our oldest printed account, it is as in the text. There is no harm in changing the orthography of a word, when we use it for a proper instead of a common substantive. t M' Clung, j His rank was that of colonel, but, being commander-in-chief of that division, was properly railed general, to distinguish him from his brother, who was also a colonel, and as having the chief command. CHAP. III.] LOGAN. BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT. 539 On the 11 September, the forces under General Leivis, amounting to 1 100 men, commenced their march from Camp Union for Point Pleasant on the Great Kanhaway, distant KJO miles. The country between was a track less wilderness. The army was piloted by Captain Matthew Jlrbuckle, by the nearest practicable route. The baggage was all transported on pack- horses, and their march took up 19 days.* Having arrived there upon the last day of' the month, an encampment was commenced on the first of October. Here General Leivis waited with anxiety to get some tidings of Dunmore, for eight or nine days. At the end of this time, no prospect of a junction appearing, news was brought into camp in the morning of the 10 October, by one of two persons who had escaped the rifles of a great body of Indians about two miles up the Ohio, that an attack would be immediately made. These two men were upon a deer hunt, and came upon the Indians without observing them, when one was shot down, and the other escaped to the camp with difficulty. He re ported " that he had seen a body of the enemy, covering four acres of ground, as closely as they could stand by the side of each other." f Upon this intelligence, General Lewis, " after having deliberately lighted his pipe," I gave orders to his brother, Colonel Charles Lewis, to march with his own regiment, and another under Colonel William Fleming, to recon noitre the enemy, while he put the remainder in a posture to support them. These marched without loss of time, and about 400 yards from camp met the Indians intent upon the same object Their meeting was somewhere between sun's rising and sun an hour high, and the fight in a moment began. The Virginians, like their opponents, covered themselves with trees or whatever else offered, but the latter were more than a match for them, and put them to flight with great slaughter. Colonel Lewis was in full uni form, and being, from the nature of his duties, exposed at every point, soon fell mortally wounded.]) There was no result for which the commauder-in- chief was not prepared ; for at this critical moment he had ordered up Colonel Field with his regiment, which, coming with great resolution and firmness into action, saved the two retreating regiments, and effectually checked the impetuosity of the Indians, who, in their turn, were obliged to retreat behind a rough breastwork, which they had taken the precaution to construct from logs and brush for the occasion. The point of land on which the battle was fought was narrow, and the Indians' breastwork extended from river to river : their plan of attack was the best that could be conceived ; for in the event of victory on their part, not a Virginian could have escaped. They had stationed men on both sides of the river to prevent any that might attempt flight by swimming from the apex of the triangle made by the confluence of the two rivers. Never was ground maintained with more obstinacy ; for it was slowly, and with no precipitancy, that the Indians retired to their breastwork. The divis ion under Lewis was first broken, although that under Fleming was nearly at the same moment attacked. This heroic officer first received two balls through his left wrist, but continued to exercise his command with the great est coolness and presence of mind. His voice was continually heard, " Don't lose an inch of ground. Advance outflank the enemy, and get between them and the river." But his men were about to be outflanked by the body that had just defeated Lewis ; meanwhile the arrival of Colonel Field turned the fortune of the day, but not without a severe loss ; Colonel Fleming was again wounded,1f by a shot through the lungs ; ** yet he would not retire, and Colonel Field was killed as he was leading on his men. * Doddridge, 280. t Withers, 126. t M' Clung, 321. At sun-rise, Burk, iii 393. Sun an hour high, Royal Amer. Magazine for NovenSer, 1774 A little after sunrise, Doddridge, 231. The sun was just rising, M'Clung, 322. Sunrise, WUhert, 127. I He walked into camp, and expired in his own tent. Doddridge. Mr. M' Clung says he was killed, but we cannot find any authority to agree with him Mr. Withers says he was " an active governor of Virginia during the revolutionary war." Chronicles, 130. " Burk, iii. 394. 540 LOGAN. BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT. [Boo* V The whole line of the breastwork now became as a blaze of fire, which lasted nearly till the close of the day. Here the Indians under Logan, Corn- stock, Elenipsico, Red-Eagle, and other mighty chiefs of the tribes of the Shuwauese, Delawares, Mingoes, Wyandots and Cayugas, amounting, as was supposed, to 1500 warriors, fought, as men will ever dt> for their country's wrongs, with a bravery which could only be equalled. The voice of the mighty Cornstock was often heard during the day, above the din of strife, calling on his men in these words : " Be strong ! Be strong ! " And when by die repeated charges of the whites, some of his warriors began to waver, he is said to have sunk his tomahawk into the head of one who was.cowardly endeavoring to desert. General Lewis, finding at length that every charge upon the lines of the Indians lessened the number of his forces to an alarming degree, and rightly judging that if the Indians were not routed before it was dark, a day of more doubt might follow, he resolved to throw a body, if possible, into their reai\ As the good fortune of the Virginians turned, the bank of the river favored this project, and forthwith three companies were detached upon the enterprise, under the three captains, Isaac Shelby, (afterwards renowned in the revolution, and since in the war with Canada,) George Matthews, * and John Steuart. These companies got unobserved to their place of destination upon Crooked Creek, which runs into the Kanhawa.f From the high weeds upon the banks of this little stream, they rushed upon the backs of the Indians with such fury, as to drive them from their works with precipitation. The day was now decided. The Indians, thus beset from a quarter they did not expect, were ready to conclude that a reinforcement had arrived. It was about sunset when they fled across the Ohio, and immediately took up their march for their towns on the Scioto. As is common, in reviewing past events, we find much difference of opinion in regard to many of the facts ; the loss of the whites in this battle is very variously stated, but that of the Indians no one has presumed to set down but by inference. The morning after the battle, Colonel Christianl marched to the battle-ground ; where his men found and scalped 21 of their dead, and 12 others were found in places where they were placed for concealment ; that many were also thrown into the river is said to have been at the time known. In an account published at the time, it is set down that the killed of the Virginians were " Col. Charles Lewis, Major John Field, Capt John Murray, Robert Me Clenechan, Samuel Wilson, James Ward, Lieut. Hugh Allen, Ensigns, Candiff, Baker, and 44 privates ; " making the whole number of the killed 55. " Wounded, Captain W. Fleming, since dead, Y. Dickinson, Thomas Blueford, John Stidman, Lieuts. Goodman, Robeson, Laud, Vannes, and 79 Privates ; " making in all 87 wounded. We are aware that neither the names or numbers agree with accounts since published, but we have taken the above from the Royal American Magazine, which was published the following month at Boston, into which it seems to have been copied from a Philadelphia print. || There was a kind of stratagem used by the whites in this battle which reminds us of that practised at the Pawtucket fight, related in Book III. of air history. The soldiers in Colonel Fleming's regiment would conceal themselves behind a tree or some other shelter, and then hold out their hats from behind, which the Indians seeing, would mistake as covering the heads * Probably the same who was a colonel in the Virginia line during the revolution, and once a prisoner. See Contin. Bwrk, 107, 358, also WUliers, 130. f Withers, 127. j He was not present at the fight, but arrived with a reinforcement, which he had raised from Holston, immediately after it was over. It was this force, it is supposed, that the Indians expected were surrounding them in the rear. They were said to have been ac quainted with all circumstances connected with the operations of the Virginians. & Royal Amer. Magazine for November, 1774. f Dr. Doddridge, 231, sets down the killed at 75, and the wounded at 140 and he is, doubtless, Mr. Withers'* authority, who says the same. His list of killed and wotuided are also verbatim from Doddrid^e. Bitrk, who wrote twenty years before either, agrees with the Royal American Magazine very nearly. CHAP. III.] LOGAN. BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT. 541 of their enemies, and shoot at them. The hat being at once dropped, the Indian would run out from his covert to scalp his victim, and thus met a sure death from the tomahawk of his adversary. The chief of the men raised for this service, were, as Burk expresses him self, " prime riflemen," and the " most expert woodsmen in Virginia." They were principally from the counties of Augusta, Botetourt, Bedford and Fin- castle, and from the enraged settlers who had fled from their frontier settle ments to escape the vengeance of the injured Indiana. For reasons whir v were not perfectly understood at that time, Lord Dunmore divided the army into two parts, as already stated. The part which Dunmore soon after look in the revolutionary events, discovered the real cause of his preposterous pro ceedings. His pretence of tailing upon the backs of the Indians, and coop erating with General Lewis, was soon detected as such ; for it needed only to be known that he was moving no less than 75 miles from him, and that, therefore, no cooperation could be had. The imputation, however, of the historian Burk,* "that the division under Ijewis was devoted to destruction, for the purpose of breaking the spirits of the Virginians," to render his own influence and reputation brighter and more efficient, is unnatural, and with out facts to warrant it. To our mind a worse policy to raise himself could not have been devised. There are two other, far more reasonable conclu sions, which might have been offered: The governor, seeing the justness of the Indians' cause, might have adopted the plan which was followed, to bring them to a peace with the least possible destruction of them. This would have been the course of a humane philosophy ; or he might have exercised his abilities to gain them to the British interest, in case of a rup ture between them and the colonies, which the heads of government must clearly have by this time foreseen would pretty soon follow. Another ex traordinary mano3uvre of Governor Dunmore betrayed either a great want of experience, generalship, or a far more reprehensible charge ; for he had, before the battle of Point Pleasant, sent an express f to Colonel Lewis, with orders that he should join him near the Shawanee towns, with all possible despatch. These instructions were looked upon as singularly unaccountable, inasmuch as it was considered a thing almost impossible to be accomplished, had there not been an enemy to fear ; for the distance was near 80 miles, and the route was through a country extremely difficult to be traversed, and, to use the words of Mr. Burk, " swarming with Indians."! The express did not arrive at Point Pleasant until the evening after the battle ; but that it had been fought was unknown to the governor, and could in no wise excuse his sending such orders, although the power of the Indians was now broken. The day after the battle, General Leiois caused his dead to be buried, and entrenchments to be thrown up about his camp for the protection of his sick and wounded ; and the day following, he took up his line of march, in compliance with the orders of Governor Dunmore. This march was attended with great privations and almost insurmountable difficulties. Meanwhile Governor Dunmore descended with his forces down the river, from Fort Pitt to Wheeling, where he halted for a few days. He then proceeded down to the mouth of Hockhocking, thence over land to within 8 miles of the Shaw anee town Chilicothe, on the Scioto. Here he made preparations for treat ing with the Indians. Before reaching this place he had received several messages from the Indians with offers of peace, and having now determined to comply, he sent an express to General Lewis with an order that he should immediately retreat. This was entirely disregarded by the general, and \ e continued his march until his lordship in person visited the general in his camp, and gave the order to the troops himself. LEWIS'S troops complied * Hist. Virginia, iii. 396. t The famous pioneer, Simon Ktnton, alias Butler, was the person sent by Dunmort at this time. t Hist. Virginia, iii. 395. $ This is not agreeable to the statement of Dr. Doddridge, who says their arrival was be- 'ore the battle, and Mr. Withers follows him ; but I follow Mr. Burk, who doubtless had th best means of giving the truth. Marshall [Ky. i. 40] agrees with the former. 46 542 CORNSTOCK TREATS WITH DUNMORE. [BooK V with great reluctance, for they had determined on a general destruction of the Indians. A treaty was now commenced, and conducted on the part of die whites with great distrust, never admitting but a small number of Indians within then- encampment at a time. The business was commenced by Cornstock in a speech of great length, in the course of which he did not fail to charge upon the whites the whole cause of the war ; and mainly in consequence of the murder of Logan's family. A treaty, however, was the result of this conference ; and this conference was the result of the far-famed speech of LOGAN, the Mingo chief; since known in every hemisphere. It was not delivered in the camp of Lord Dunmore, for, although desiring peace, Logan would not meet the whites in council, but remained in his cabin in sullen silence, until a messenger was sent to him to know whether he would accede to the proposals it contained. What the distance was from the treaty-ground to Logan's cabin, we are not told ; but of such importance was his name considered, that he was waited on by a messenger * from Lord Dunmore, who requested his assent to the articles of the treaty. Logan had too much at heart the wrongs lately done him to accede without giving the messenger to understand fully the grounds upon which he acceded ; he therefore invited him into an adjacent wood, where they sat down together. Here he related the events of butchery which had deprived him of all his connections ; and here he pronounced that memorable speech, which follows : " I appeal to any white to say, if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat ; if ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him not, " During the course of the last long bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, ' Logan is the friend of white men? " 1 had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Col. Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all tlie rela tions of Logan ; not even sparing my women and children. " There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it. I have killed many. I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. IVho is there to mourn for Logan ? JVot one!" When Mr. Jefferson published his " Notes on Virginia," the facts therein stated implicating Cresap as the murderer of Logan's family, were by Cresap's friends called in question. Mr. Jefferson at first merely stated the facts as pre liminary to, and the cause of, the " Speech of Logan," which he considered as generally known in Virginia; but the acrimony discovered by his enemies in their endeavors to gainsay his statement, led to an investigation of the whole transaction, and a publication of the result was the immediate conse quence, in a new edition of the " Notes on Virginia." There are perhaps still some who doubt of the genuineness of Logan's speech and indeed we must allow, that there are some circumstances laid before us in Dr. Barton's Medical and Physical Journal, for the year 180c< ; which look irreconcilable. Without impeaching in the slightest degree the character of Mr. Jefferson, such facts are there compared, and disagreements pointed out, as chanced to come in the way of the writer. It appears from the French traveller Robin, that, in the time of our revolution, a gentleman of Williamsburg gave him an Indian speech, which bears great resemblance tc the one said to be by Logan ; but differing very essentially in date, and the person implicated in murdering the family of Logan. The work of Robin is entitled " New Travels in America," and we have only an English translation * Mr. John Gibson, then an officer in Dunmore's army, and afterwards a man of consider able distinction. CHAP. III.] LOGAN'S SPEECH QUESTIONED. 543 of '<.* It is therefore possible that some mistakes may have crept into it, or that Robin himself might have misunderstood the date, and even other parts of the affair ; however, the probability is rather strong that either the speech of Logan had been perverted for the purpose of clearing Cresap's character of the Ibul blot which entirely covered it, by wilfully charging it upon another, or that some old speech of his upon another occasion, had been remodeled to suit the purpose for which it was used. Upon these questions we must leave the reader to decide. Robin has the name of the chief, Lonan. Some Frenchmen may write it thus, but I have before me those that do not,f and more probably some English pronounced it so, and so Robin heard it. The way he introduces the speech, if the introduction be fact, forever destroys the genuineness of the speech of Logan of 1774. It is thus: " Speech of the savage LOXAN, in a General Assembly, as it was sent to the Gov r . of Virginia,:): anno 1754." Now it is certain, if the speech which we will give below was delivered in the Assembly of Virginia, in the. year 1754, it could not have been truly deliv ered, as we have given it, to Lord Dunmore in 1774. That the reader may judge for himself, that of 1754 follows. " LO> T AN will no longer oppose making the proposed peace with the white men. You are sensible he never knew what fear is that he never turned his back in the day of battle No one has more love for the white men than I have. The war we have had with them has been long and bloody on both sides. Rivers of blood have ran on all parts, and yet no good has resulted therefrom to any. I once more repeat it let us be at peace with these men. I will forget our injuries, the interest of my country demands it. I will forget but difficult indeed is the task \ Yes, I will forget that Major Rogers cruelly and inhumanly murdered, in their canoes, my wife, my children, my father, my mother, and all my kindred. This roused me to deeds of ven geance! I was cruel in despite of myself. I will die content if my country is once more at peace ; but when Lonan shall be no more, who, alas, will drop a tear to the memory of Lonan!" With a few incidents, and reflections, we will close our account of events connected with the history of CRESAP'S WAR. On the evening before the battle of Point Pleasant, Cornstock proposed to his warriors to make peace with General Lewis, and avoid a battle, but his advice was not accepted by the council. " Well," said he, " since you have resolved to fight, you shall fight, although it is likely we shall have hard work to-morrow ; but if any man shall flinch or run from the battle, I will kill him with my own hand." And it is said he made his word good by put ting one to death who discovered cowardice during the fight, as has been mentioned. After the Indians had retreated, Cornstock called a council at the Chilicothe town, to consult on what was to be done. Here he reflected upon the rashness that had been exercised in fighting the whites at Point Pleasant ; and asked, u What shall we do now ! the Long-Knives are coming upon us by two routes. Shall we turn out andjight them 1 ?" No answer was made. He then inquired, " Shall we kill all our squaws and children, and then fight until we shall all be killed ourselves ? " As before, all were silent. In the midst of the council- house a war-post had been erected ; with his tomahawk in his hand, Cornstork turned towards it, and sticking it into the post, he said, " Since you are not inclined to fight, I will go and make peace;" and he forthwith repaired to Dunmore 's camp.|| * Since the above was written, I have met with the French edition ; and, from its imprint, 1 presume both editions were published under the supervision of the author. " A Philadel- pltie et se troure & Paris, 1782." t See Recherches sur les Etats-Unia,\v. 1535. The authors of this well-written work should not have withheld their names. It was printed at Paris, in 8vo., 1788. " 1 1 Net " is found in the French copy, and this marginal note to it j " ce mot sigrafte ajrparemmtnt le mois Lunaire ou Solaire." In the French copy no person is mentioned. After Major, a blank is left. In othei respects the speech is tolerably correctly translated. 11 Doddridge's Notes, 23^40. 544 DEATH OF LOGAN. CORNSTOCK. BOOK V We have been more minute and particular in these events, in which Logan and Cornstock were engaged, than in many others ; but I trust the reader of this history will not be displeased with such minuteness upon so important an event ; especially as no work with which I am acquainted does the subject justice. It was truly a great event, both in respect to the parties engaged, and the consequences necessarily growing out of it, and it has been passed over too slightly by historians. In respect to the speech of Logan, it would be highly gratifying if a few matters connected with it could be settled ; but whether they ever will, timw only can determine. From the statement of Dr. Barton, * before cited,, we are led to expect that he had other documents than those he at that time published, going to show that Cresap was not the murderer of Logan's family, but he never published them, as I can learn, and he has left us to conjecture upon such as we have. Another author, f upon the authority of an officer who was at the time with Lord Dunmore, states that he heard nothing of Logan's charging Cresap with the murder of his kindred during the whole campaign, nor until a long time after. That it was not publicly talked of among the officers is in no wise strange, as Cresap himself was one of them : therefore, that this is evidence that no such charge was made by Logan, we think unworthy consideration. Among other proofs, that the chief guilt lay upon the head of Cresap of bringing about a bloody war, since well known by his name, Judge Innes of Frankfort, Kentucky, wrote to Mr. Jefferson, 2 March, 1799, that he was, he thought, able to give him more particulars of that affair than, perhaps, any other person ; that, in 1774, while at the house of Colonel Preston, in Fin- castle county, Va., there arrived an express, calling upon him to order out the militia, " for the protection of the inhabitants residing low down on the north fork of Holston River. The express brought with him a war club, and a note tied to it, which was left at the house of one Robertson, whose family were cut off by the Indians, and gave rise for the application to Colonel Preston" Here follows the letter or note, of which Mr. Innes then made a copy, in his memorandum-book : " Captain Cresap, What did you kill my people on Yellow Creek for ? The white people killed my kin at Conestoga, J a great while ago ; and I thought noth ing of that. But you killed my kin again, on Yellow Creek, and took my cousin vrisoner. Then I thought I must kill too ; and I have been three times to war since ; but the Indians are not angry ; only myself" It was signed, " Captain JOHN LOGAN." Not long after these times of calamities, which we have recorded in the life of Logan, he was cruelly murdered, as he was on his way home from Detroit For a time previous to his death, he gave himself up to intoxica tion, which in a short time nearly obliterated all marks of the great man ! The fate of Cornstock is equally deplorable, although in the contemplation of which, his character does not suffer, as does that of Logan. He was cruelly murdered by some white soldiers, while a hostage among them. And there is as much, nay, far more, to carry down his remembrance to pos- te-ity, as that of the tragical death of Archimedes. He was not murdered while actually drawing geometrical figures upon the ground, but, while he was explaining the geography of his country by drawings upon the floor, an alarm was given, which, in a few minutes after, eventuated in his death. We will now go into an explanation of the cause and manner of the murder of Cornstock. It is well known that the war of the revolution had involved all, or nearly all, of the Indians in dreadful calamities. In consequence of murders committed by the Indians on the frontiers of Virginia, several com panies marched to Point Pleasant, where there had been a fort since the battle there in 1774. Most of the tribes of the north-west, except the Shaw- anees, were determined to fight against the Americans. Cornstock wished * Med. and Phijs. Jour, part ii. p. 162. t Withers, Chronicles, 136. J Alluding, I suppose, to ihe massacre of the Conestoga Indians in 1763. CHAP III.J MURDER OF CORNSTOCK AND OTHERS. 545 to preserve peace, and therefore, as the only means in his power, as he had used his powerful eloquence in vain, resolved to lay the state of affairs he- fore the Americans, that they might avert the threatened storm. In the spring of 1777, he came to the fort at Point Pleasant, upon this friendly mis sion, in company with another chief, called Red-hawk. After explaining the situation of things with regard to the confederate tribes, he said, in regard to his own, the Shawanese, " The current sets [with the Indians] so strong against the Americana, in consequence of the agency of the British, that they [the Shawanese] will float with it, I fear, in spite of all my exertions" Upon this intelligence, the commander of the garrison thought proper to detain him and Red-hawk as hostages to prevent the meditated calamities. When Cap tain Arbuckle, the commander of the garrison, had notified the new govern ment of Virginia of the situation of affairs, and what he had done, forces marched into that country. A part of them having arrived, waited for others to join them under General Hand, on whom these depended for provisions. Meanwhile the officers held frequent conversations with Cornstock, who took pleasure in giving them minute descriptions of his country, and espe cially of that portion between the Mississippi and Missouri. One day, as he was delineating a map of it upon the floor, for the gratification of those present, a call was heard on the opposite side of the Ohio, which he at once recognized as the voice of his son, Ellinipsico, who had fought at his side in the famous battle of Point Pleasant, in 1774, of which we have spoken. At the request of his father, Ellinipsico came to the fort, where they had an affectionate meeting. This son nad become uneasy at his father's long absence, and had at length sought him out in his exile here ; prompted by those feelings which so much adorn human nature. The next day, two men crossed the Kan- hawa, upon a hunting expedition. As they were returning to their boat after tlieir hunt, and near the side of the river, they were fired upon by some In dians, and one of the two, named Gilmore, was killed, but the other escaped. A party of Captain Hall's men went over and brought in the body of Gilmore ; whereupon a cry was raised, " Let us go and kill the Indians in the fort" An infuriated gang, with Captain Hall at their head, set out with this nefarious resolution, and, against every remonstrance, proceeded to commit the deed of blood. With their guns cocked, they swore death to any who should op pose them. In the mean time, some ran to apprize the devoted chiefs of their danger. As the murderers approached, Ellinipsico discovered agita tion, which when Cornstock saw, he said, " My son, the Great Spirit has seen ft that ice should die together, and has sent you to that end. It is his ivill, and let us submit." The murderers had now arrived, and the old chief turned around and met them. They shot him through with seven bullets. He fell, and died without a struggle ! Ellinipsico, though having at first appeared disturbed, met his death with great composure. He was shot upon the seat on which he was sitting when his fate was first disclosed to him. Red-hawk was a young Delaware chief, and, like Ellinipsico, had fought under Cornstock. He died with less fortitude : having tried to secrete himself, he was soon discovered and slain. Another Indian, whose name is not mentioned, was mangled and murdered in the most barbarous manner. Suffice it here to say, that this was all that was effected by the expedition, and the forces soon after returned home. Few, if any, chiefs in history are spoken of in terms of higher commenda tion than Cornstock. Mr. Withers, a writer on Indian affairs,* speaks as follows of him : " Thus perished the mighty Cornstalk, sachem of the Shawanees, and king of the northern confederacy, in 1774, a chief remarkable for many great and good qualities. He was disposed to be at all times the friend of white men, as he ever was the advocate of honorable peace. But when his country's wrongs ' called aloud for battle,' he became the thunderbolt of war, and made her oppressors feel the weight of his uplifted arm." " His noble bearing his generous and disinterested attachment to the colonies, when the thuudef * In his " Chro-iirles.'' a work, it is our duty to remark, written with candor aud judgment. 2K 546 WOLF PONTIAK. [BOOK V of British cannon was reverberating through the land his anxiety to preserve the frontier of Virginia from desolation and death, (the object of his visit to Point Pleasant,) all conspired to win for him the esteem and respect of oth ers ; while the untimely and perfidious manner of his death, caused a deep and lasting regret to pervade the bosoms even of those who were enemies to his nation; and excited the just indignation of all towards -his inhuman and barbarous murderers." Colonel Wilson, present at the interview between the chiefs and Governor Dunmore in 1774, thus speaks of Cornstock : " When he arose, he was in no wise confused or daunted, but spoke in a distinct and audible voice, without stammering or repetition, and with peculiar emphasis. His looks, while ad dressing Dunmore, were truly grand and majestic ; yet graceful and attractive. I have heard the first orators in Virginia, Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee, but never have I heard one whose powers of delivery surpassed those of Cornstalk." Ten years after the bloody affair above related, an able writer * upon those times says, "The blood of the great CORNSTOCK and of his gallant son was mingled with the dust, but their memory is not lost in oblivion." But how few at this day know of his fate, or even that such a chief ever existed ! and, at the same time, the same persons would be indignant, were we to suppose them ignorant of the fate of the monster Pizarro. We hear of one son who survived Cornstock, who was conspicuous in some early events of the revolution. He was a chief, and known among the whites by the name of the WOLF. He was a hostage, with three others, at Williams- burgh, when Governor Dunmore fled on board a man-of-war to escape the fury of the revolutionists. After the governor had got oif, he sent for the Indians to come to him, which they did. He then explained to them the reason of his flight, and directed them to fly also, or they would surely be murdered the next day. They fled into the woods, and owing to the darkness of the night, lost one of their companions, and the Wolf and another soon after returned to Wllliamsburgh, and were well received by the inhabitants. The object of the governor was very obvious. As great a warrior, perhaps, as any who have lived among the nations of the west, we shall in the next place proceed to give an account of. This was PONTIAK, a chief of the Ottoway nation, whose fame, in his time, was not alone confined to his own continent ; but the gazettes of Europe spread it also. One who knew this chief, and the tribes over whom he had sway, thus speaks of them in 1765: "The Indians on the lakes are generally at peace with one another, having a wide extended and fruitful country in their possession. They are formed into a sort of empire, and the emperor is elected from the eldest tribe, which is the Ottawawas, some of whom inhabit near our fort at Detroit, but are mostly further westward, towards the Missis sippi. Ponteack is their present king or emperor, who has certainly the largest empire and greatest authority of any Indian chief that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it. He puts on an air of majesty and princely grandeur, and is greatly honored and revered by his subjects." f In 1760, Major Rogers marched into his country, in fulfilling his orders of displacing the French, after the fall of Quebec.J Apprized of his approach, Pontiak sent ambassadors to inform him that their chief was not far off, and desired him to halt until he could see him "with his own eyes," and to in form him that he was the king and lord of the country. Pontiak soon met the English officer, and demanded his business into his country, and how it came about that he dared enter it without his permission When the colonel told him he had no design against the Indians, and only wished to remove the French, their common enemy, and cause of all their trouble, delivering him at the same time several belts of wampum, Pontiak replied, " I stand in the path you travel in, until to-morrow morning," and gave him a belt. This communication was understood, and "was as much as to say," says the actor, "I must not march further without his leave.'' * In Carey's Museum, iv. 140. t Rogers' s Account of North America, 240. { Qucbeis is an Algonquin word, signifying a Strait. Charlevoix. CHAP. I11.J PONTIAK. 547 The colonel continues : " When he departed for the night, he inquired whether I wanted any tiling that his country afforded, and [if I did] he would send his warriors to fetch it I assured him that any provisions they brought should be paid for ; and the next day we were supplied by them with several bags of parched corn, and some other necessaries. At our second meeting. he gave me the pipe of peace, and both of us by turns smoked with it ; and he assured me he had made peace with me and my detachment ; that 1 might pass through his country unmolested, and relieve the French garrison ; and that he would protect me and my party from any insults that might be offered or intended by the Indians ; and, as an earnest of his friendship, he sent 100 warriors to protect and assist us in driving 100 fat cattle, which we had brought for the use of the detachment from Pittsburgh, by the way of Presque- Isle. He likewise sent to the several Indian towns on the south side and west end of Lake Erie, to inform them that I had his consent to come into the country. He attended me constantly after this interview till I arrived at Detroit, and while I remained in the country, and was the means of preserv ing the detachment from the fury of the Indians, who had assembled at the mouth of the strait, with an intent to cut us off. I had several conferences with him, in which he discovered great strength of judgment, and a thirst after knowledge." This same officer observes, that he discovered much curiosity at their equi page, and wished to know how their clothes were made, and to learn theii mode of war. He expressed a willingness to acknowledge the king of England, though not as his superior, but as his uncle, which he would acknowledge, as he was able, in furs. England was much in his thoughts, and he often expressed a desire to see it He told Colonel Rogers that, if he would conduct him there, he would give him a part of his country. He was willing to grant the English favors, and allow them to settle m his dominions, but not unless he could be viewed as sovereign ; and he gave them to understand, that, unless they conducted themselves agreeably to his wishes, "he would shut up the way," and keep them out. Hence it is fair, within the scope of the most reasonable conjecture, to conclude, that his filial disaffection to the English was owing to their haughty carriage, and maltreat ment of him and his people. The principal scenes of his prowess were at Michilimakinak and Detroit The French finally gave up possession in Canada, in 1760 ; but many of the Indian nations who had become attached to them were taught, at the same time, to hate the English. Pontiak was most conspicuous hi his enmity, al though, until he had united the strength of many tribes to his, he showed great kindness and friendship towards them. The Miamis, Ottawas, Cbippe- vvas, Wyandots, Potto watomies, Mississagas, Shawanese, Ottagamies, and Winnebagoes, constituted his power, as, in after-time, they did that of Te- cumseh, There was more system employed by this distinguished man than, perhaps, by any other of his countrymen upon any similar undertaking, not excepting even Metacomet or Tecumseh. In his war of 1763, which is justly denominated "Pon/tac's war," he appointed a commissary, and began to make and issue bills of credit, all of which he afterwards carefully redeemed. He made his bills or notes of bark, on which was drawn the figure of the commodity he wanted for it. The shape of an otter was drawn under that of the article wanted, and an otter was the insignia or arms of his nation. He had also, wiili great sagacity, urged upon his people the necessity of dispensing alto gether with European commodities, to have no intercourse with any whites, and to depend entirely upon then* ancient modes of procuring sustenance.* Major Gladurin held possession of Detroit in 1763. Having been despatched thither by General Jlmherst, he had been informed by commissioners who had lieen exploring the country, that hostile feelings were manifested among the Indians, and he sent men on purpose to ascertain the fact, who, on their re turn, dissipated all fears. " lu 1763," says Major Rogers, " when I went to throw f revisions into the * Rogers's Concise Account of North America, 244. 548 PONTIAK CAPTURES MICHILIMAKINAK. [BOOK V garrison at Detroit, I sent this Indian a bottle of brandy by a Frenchman His counsellors advised him not to taste it, insinuating that it was poisoned and sent with a design to kill him ; but Ponteack, with a nobleness of mind laughed at their suspicions, saying it was not in my power to kill him, who had so lately saved my lite." * Several traders had brought news to the fort at Michilimakinak, that the Indians were hostile to the English. Major Etherington commanded the gar rison, and would believe nothing of it. A Mr. Ducharme communicated the information to the major, who was much displeased at it, "and threatened to send the next person who should bring a story of the same kind a prisoner to Detroit."]- The garrison, at this time, consisted of 90 men, besides two subaltern's and the commander-in-chief. There were also at the fort four English merchants. Little regard was paid to the assembling of sundry bands of Indians, as they appeared friendly; but when nearly 400 of them were scattered up and down throughout the place, " I took the liberty," says Mr. Henry, " of observing to Major Etherington, that, in my judgment, no confidence ought to be placed in them ; in return, the major only rallied me on my timidity." On the fourth of June, the king's birth day, the Indians began, as if to amuse themselves, to play at a favorite game of ball, which they called baggatiway, which is thus described by Mr. Henry: "It is played with a bat and bail, the bat being about four feet in length, curved, and terminated in a sort of racket. Two posts are placed in the ground, at a considerable distance from each other, as a mile or more. Each party has its post, and the game con sists in throwing the ball up to the post of the adversary. The ball, at the beginning, is placed in the middle of the course, and each party endeavors as well to throw the ball out of the direction of its own post, as into that of the adversary's. This farce drew many off their guard, and some of the garrison went out to witness the sport. " The game of baggatiway, (he continues,) as from the description above will have been perceived, is necessarily attended with much noise and vio lence. In the ardor of contest, the ball, as has been suggested, if it cannot l>e thrown to the goal desired, is struck in any direction by which it can be diverted from that designed by the adversary. At such a moment, therefore, nothing could be less liable to excite premature alarm, than that the ball should be tossed over the pickets of the fort, nor that, having fallen there, it should be followed, on the instant, by all engaged in the game, as well the one party as the other, all eager, all striving, all shouting, all in the unrestrained pursuit of a rude athletic exercise." And this was their plan, while in the height of their game, to throw their ball within the pickets of the fort, and then all to rush in, and, in the midst of their hubbub, to murder the garrison ; and it succeeded to their wishes. They struck the ball over the stockade, as if by accident, and repeated it several times, running in and out of the fort with all freedom, "to make the deception more complete ;" J and then, rushing in in every direction, took possession of the place without the least resistance. They murdered the soldiers, until their numbers were so diminished, that they apprehended nothing from their resistance ; many of whom were ran somed at Montreal afterwards, at a great price. Severity were put to death, and the other twenty reserved for slaves. A few days after, a boat from Montreal, without knowing what had happened, came ashore with English passengers, who all fell into the hands of the Indians. Pontiak was not per sonally concerned in this affair, but it was a part of his design, and, there fore, is very properly here related. A chief named Menehwehna was the commander in that affair. It was only 15 days from the time the first blow was struck, before Pontiak had taken possession of every garrison in the west except three. No less * The Abbe Raynal, whom we followed in the former editions, (not then possessing Rogers's own account,) does not narrate this circumstance faithfully. t Travels in Canada, by Alexander Hem-y, Esq., from which the following account of th destruction of Michilimakinak is taken. J Catrer's Travels, 19, 20. edit. 8vo. Lond. 1784. Henry's Travels, ut supra. CHAP. III.] PONTIAK. STRATAGEM TO TAKE DETROIT. 549 than 10 were, in this short space, reduced. Detroit alone remained in that distant region, and, as will presently be seen, this was brought to the very brink of the most awful precipice of which the imagination can conceive. The names of tlse captured at this time were Le Bon on human beings, they fell upon the beasts in the field shooting some, wounding and man gling others, by cutting out their tongues, &c. and leaving them alive. Well does Campbell make his Oneida chief to say, (who comes as a friend to warn the settlement of the approach of the combined army of tories and Indians,) " ' But this is not a time,' he started up, And smote his breast with woe-denouncing hand ' This is no time to fill thy joyous cup : The mammoth comes the foe the monster Brandt, With all his howling desolating band ; These eyes have seen their blade, and burning pine, Awake at once and silence half your land. Red is the cup they drink ; but not with wine: Awake and watch to-night ! or see no morning shine. * There is much incongruity in relation to the affairs of Wyoming. Chapman distinctly states that Brant commanded the right wing of the army under Butler, when he was met by the forces that marched out to meet them ; but it has lately been denied that Brant was even it Wyoming during these affairs. CHAP. V.] BRANT. CRUELTIES AT WYOMING. 58c "'Scorning to wield the hatchet for his bribe, 'Gainst lirandt himself I went to battle forth : Accursed Brandt ! he left of all my tribe Nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birth : No ! not the dog, that watched my household hearth, Escaped, that night of blood, upon our plains! All perished ! I alone am left on earth ! To whom nor relative nor blood remains, No ! not a kindred drop that runs in human veins ! ' " Gertrude of Wyoming The tories, as was often the case, were attired like Indians, and, from ever) account, it appears that they exceeded them in ferocity. Dr. Thacher gives us the following examples of horror, which were of no toriety at the time, and "promulgated from authentic sources. One of the prisoners, a Captain Badlock, was committed to torture, by having his body stuck full of splinters of pine knots, and a fire of dry wood made round him, when his two companions, Captains Ranson and Durkee, were thrown into the same fire, and held down with pitchforks, till consumed. One Partial Terry, the son of a man of respectable character, having joined the Indian party, several times sent his father word that he hoped to wash his hands in his heart's blood. The monster, with his own hands, murdered his father, mother, brothers and sisters, stripped off their scalps, and cut off his father's head ! " * It was upon such scenes as these, that the mind of the poet just cited had dwelt, which caused him to wield the pen of denunciation with such effect upon the memory of Brant. That Butler was the far greater savage, none can dispute, and Mr. Campbell has long since acknowledged his too great severity upon the character of the former. We should explain here, that a son of Colonel Brant, a chief Mohawk, of the name of Jlhyomcae%hs, called by the English John Brant, was in London in 1822, and furnished Mr. Camp bell with documents, which, in the poet's own words, " changed his opinion of his father." This passage was contained in a long and interesting letter upon tlie subject, to Jlhyonwae,ghs, which appeared at that time in the news papers. With Wyoming were destroyed Wilkesbarre and Kingston, upon the other side of the Susquehannah. Though Wyoming is generally understood to be the place destroyed, it should be remembered that in the valley bearing that name, there were three other towns, which were all destroyed, as well as Wyoming.! These towns were settled by emigrants from Connecticut, and when destroyed contained more than 1000 families, and had furnished the continental army with more than 1000 men, who were generally the young and active part of the population.} The opposite sides which the inhabitants took in the great revolutionary question, created the most violent rancor in the bosoms of both parties, and hence the barbarities which ensued. In November following, Cherry-valley met with a fate similar to Wyoming. At this time, Brant was returning to winter-quarters, when he was met by a lory captain, and persuaded to engage in one expedition more. This was fruiter Butler, son of John, the hero of Wyoming. He went to Canada with Guy Johnson, in 1775, as has been mentioned ; and now some circumstances brought him among the frontier settlements of New York. What his object was, we are not informed ; but it was, doubtless, that of a spy. However, he was taken up on suspicion, at least, and confined in jail at Albany ; falling sick, he was removed to a private dwelling, from whence he soon found means to escape. Joining his father at Niagara, he succeeded in detaching a part of his regiment upon an incursion. Meeting with Brant, as was just mentioned, they returned to the frontier. It is said that Brant was at first * Thacher's Journal. t The settlement of Wyoming consisted of eight townships, each five miles square. Annua Rfg. for 1779, page 9. " Each containing a square of five miles," is the language of the Register; but it is thought unlikely that these towns were so small. Writers, and good writers too, often commit mathematical errors of this kind ; not distinguishing between miles tquare, and square miles: Thus, the difference between five square miles, and five milei square, i. e. 5* 5=20 square miles, the true difference between the two quantities. t Marsludl, iii. 535. 586 BRANT. DESTRUCTION OF CHERRY-VALLEY [BooR V displeased with the project, understanding that Captain Walter had been put in office over him by his old general, Walter's father, but stifled his resent ment. Their whole force was 700 men, 500 of whom were the warriors of Brant. Colonel Ichabod Jllden, of Massachusetts, was in command at Cberry- valley, and to his misguided judgment is to be attributed the disaster which ensued. But, like Waldron of Cochecho, he was doomed to escape the dis grace. He was early apprized of the march of Brant, and when urged to receive the inhabitants into the fort, observed that there was no danger, as he would keep out scouts who would apprize them of the approach of an enemy in season to remove. Scouts were accordingly sent out; one of which, either forgetting the business they were upon, or, what was equally reprehensible, made a large fire and lay down to sleep. Branfs warriors were not misled by so luminous a beacon, and the whole were made prison ers. This was on the night of the 9 November, 1778. The prisoners now in the hands of Brant were obliged to give the most exact intelligence con cerning the garrison. On the morning of the 1J, favored by a thick and hazy atmosphere, they approached the fort. Colonels Jllden and Stacia quartered at the house of a Mr. Wells. A Mr. Hamble was fired upon as he was coming from his house to the fort, by a scout, which gave the first notice of the enemy. He escaped, and gave the alarm to Colonel Jllden, who, strange as it may appear, was still incredulous, and said it was nothing more than some straggling Indians. The last space of time was thus lost ! and, in less than half an hour, all parts of the place were invested at once. Such of the sol diers as were collected being immediately all killed or taken, the poor inhab itants fell an easy prey. Colonel Jllden was among the first victims. Like Chopart, in the massacre at Natchez, he fled from his house, and was pur sued by an Indian with his hatchet, at whom the colonel endeavored several times to discharge his pistol ; but it missing fire, and losing time in facing about for this purpose, the Indian was sufficiently near to throw his toma hawk with deadly effect. He did so. Colonel Jllden fell upon his face, arid his scalp was in a moment borne off' in triumph. "Atory boasted that he killed Mr. Wells while at prayer." His daughter, a young lady of great amiableness, fled from the house to a pile of wood for shelter ; but an In dian pursued her, who, coming near, composedly wiped his long knife, already bloody, upon his leggins, then returning it to his belt, seized her by the arm, and with a blow of his tomahawk ended her existence. She could speak some Indian, and begged her murderer to spare her life, and a tory interceded, who stood near, urging that she was his sister; but he would hear to neither. Other transactions in this affair, of still greater horror, we must pass in silence. Between 30 and 40 prisoners were carried off; but the fort, containing about 200 soldiers, was not taken, although several trials were made upon it. Brant was the only person engaged in this tragedy of whom we hear any acts of clemency ; one of which was the preservation of a poor woman and her children, who, but for him, would have met the tomahawk. He inquired for Captain M'Kean, (who wrote him the letter before mentioned,) saying he had now come to accept his challenge. Being answered that " Capt M'Kean would not turn his back upon an enemy," he replied, "I know it He is a brave man, and I would have given more to have taken him than any othei man in Cherry-valley ; but I would not have hurt a hair of his head." Brant had seen and heard so much of what is called civilized warfare, that he was afraid of the traduction of his character, and always said that, in his councils, he had tried to make his warriors humane ; and to his honor it 5a said, (but in proportion as his character is raised, that of the white man must sink,) that where he had the chief command, few barbarities were committed. The night before Brant and Builer fell upon Cherry-valley, some of the lories who had friends there, requested liberty to go in secretly and advise them to retire. Butler, though some of his own friends were among the inhabitants, refused, saying, "that there were so many families connected, that the one would inform the others, and all would escape. He thus sacri- CHAP. V.] BRANT. DEFEATED BY COLONEL VVILLET. 587 ficed his friends, for the sake of punishing his enemies." This, whether reported by Brant to magnify his own humanity, by a contrast with the depravity of his associate, is not known, but it may have been the fact. But this midnight assassin did not escape his retribution; he was killed by an Oneida Indian, on 30 October, 1781, under the following circumstances : Colonel Willet having been ordered with about 400 men to make an expedi tion into the country of the Mohawk, he surprised a party of 600 tories, and 130 Indians at Johnston, and drove them into the woods, and severely distressed them by cutting off their retreat to their boats. About this time Colonel Willet was joined by 60 Oneida Indians, and he shortly after came up with a party which formed the rear of the British and Indians, and killed and took prisoners the most of them. Walter Butler was among the van quished, and being wounded by one of Willefs Indians, cried for quarter ; upon which the Indian screamed" out with a dreadful voice, " Sherry Valley," at the same time cleaving his head with his tomahawk ! * Whether the following interesting affair belongs to Walter or John Biitler, or whether it happened at Wyoming or at Cherry-valley, it equally affects the character of Brant. It is said, that Butler, on entering a house, ordered a woman and child to be killed, whom they found in a bed ; but Brant said, " Whatl kill a woman and child! A*o.' that child is not an enemy to the king, nor a friend to the congress. Long before he unit be big enough to do any mischief, the dispute unit be settled."^ The depredations of the Indians and tories at Wyoming and other places in that region, caused General Washington to order General Sullivan with 2500 men into the Indian country. Considerable delay was experienced, and the forces were not concentrated at Wyoming until a year after it was destroyed. On 22 July, a company of Pennsylvania militia who had marched from this place to Lackawaxen to protect the settlers there, were attacked by 140 Indians and 40 or 50 of them were killed or made prisoners. J It was said that this summer, (1779,) 160,000 bushels of their corn was destroyed. As soon as it was known that Sullivan was advancing into the country, Brant and Butler, with 600 Indians, and Johnson, with 200 tories, took a position on his route, to cut him off. Sullivan came upon them, August 29, at a place called AtatMM. on Tioga River, where they had en trenched themselves, and immediately attacked them. The battle lasted about two hours, when, by a successful movement of General Poor, at the head of his New Hampshire regiment, Branfs warriors were thrown into confusion, and the whole were put to flight.|| Few were killed, and they made no other stand against the Americans during the expedition.lf The historian adds, " They utterly destroyed 40 villages, and left no single trace of vegetation upon the surface of the ground."** All their cattle were either killed or brought off, many of which they had before taken from the Ameri cans. "None of the bounties of nature, none of the products of human industry, escaped the fury of the Americans."ft Upon this business the same author writes, that "the officers charged with the execution of these devastations, were themselves ashamed of them; some even ventured to remonstrate that they were not accustomed to exercise the vocation of ban ditti." General Poor, doubtless, was the efficient man in this expedition, but the ostentation of Sullivan gained him the honor! of it. Thus were the * Marshals Washington, iv. Appendix, 13. Allen's Biog. Diet. Article, Butler, John. t Allen, ibid. j Chapman, 131. $ Cliapman's Hist. Wyoming, 132. || Nine only of the Indians were killed ; of the Americans, four. It is said to be owing to the sagacity of Brant, that his whole force escaped falling into the hands of the Americans. Annals Tryon Co. 125. IT Botta, Hist. Rev. ii. 206. ** Ibid. Some of the officers thought it too degrading to the army to be employed ia destroying fruit-trees, and remonstrated to Gen. Sulliran against the order. He replied, ' The Indians shall see that there is malice enough in our hearts to destroy every thing that contributes to meir support." Gordon, Amer. Rev. iii. 21. tt Gordon, Amer. Rev. iii. 207. 588 BRANT. DESTROYS MINISINK. [Boon V Five Nations chastised for acting as they had been taught by the white' people ; yea, by the Americans themselves.* The following summer, (23 July, 1779,) Colonel Brant, with 60 of his war riors and 27 white men, came suddenly upon Minisink, in Orange county, New York, where they killed sundry of the inhabitants and made others captives. They burnt ten houses, twelve barns, a garrison and two mills, and then commenced their retreat The militia from Goshen and places adjacent, to the number of 149, collected, pursued, and came up with them, when a most bloody battle was fought. The Indians were finally victorious, and 30 only, out of the 149 whites, escaped. Some were carried into cap tivity, and the rest were killed. Not being sufficiently cautious, they fell into an ambush, and so fought at great disadvantage.! In 1821, a county meeting was held, by which it was voted that the bones of the slain should be collected, and deposited under a suitable monument at the same time ordered to be erected.}: In 1822, the committee appointed to collect the bones " which had been exposed to the suns and snows for 43 years," had found those of 44 persons, which were, with much formality, publicly interred. In the spring of 1780, Brant surprised Harpersfield. with a company of his warriors, and a few lories. He took 19 prisoners, and killed several others. On 2 August following, he fell upon Canajoharrie, with about 400 mixed warriors, killed 16 people, took about 55 prisoners, chiefly women and children ; they killed and drove away, at the same time, about 300 cattle and horses, burnt 53 houses, and as many barns, besides out-houses, a new and elegant church, a grist-mill and two garrisons. Doubtless there were many other warlike scenes in which Brant was engaged personally ; but we have already dwelt longer upon them than we intended. European writers, for a long time, contended that the N. American Indians had, naturally, no beards. || A Mr. M 'Causland took the trouble of writing to Brant, after the revolution, to get the truth of the matter. The following is BranCs letter to his inquiry : " Niagara, 19 April, 1783. The men of the Six Nations have all beards by nature ; as have likewise all other Indian nations of North America, which I have seen. Some Indians allow a part of the beard upon the chin and upper lip to grow, and a few of the Mohawks shave with razors, in the same manner as Europeans ; but the generality pluck out the hairs of the beard by the roots, as soon as they begin to appear ; ana as they continue this prac tice all their lives, they appear to have no beard, or, at most, only a few straggling hairs, which they have neglected to pluck out. I am, however, of opinion, that if the Indians were to shave, they would never have beards altogether so thick as the Europeans ; and there are some to be met with who have actually very little beard.^ Jos. BRANT THAYENDASEGA." A daughter of Colonel Brant married a Frenchman, who in June, 1789. was killed by a party of Indians, while peaceably travelling up the Wabash River. He was in company with nine others, four of whom were killed and three wounded. When the hostile party came up to them, and discovered * See the speech of Big-tree, Corn-plant, and Half-town, to which nothing need be added by way of commentary upon such affairs. t Gordon's America, iii. 22. t Spafford's Gaz. 328. Hc'mes's Amer. Annals, ii. 302. Even the great luminary Voltaire fell into this error. He says, " Les Iroquois, les rons, et tons les peuples jusqu'd la Floride, parurent olivatres et sans aucun poil snr le corps except la tlte." That is, all from the 60 of N. latitude. Voyez CEuvres completes iv. 708, ed. Paris, 1817, Svo. See also Raynal, viii. 210. A gentleman, Mr. W. J. Snelling, who resided among the western Indians for some lime, says, It is not an error that the Indians have no beard ; that the " Saques and Foxes have but very few hairs upon their faces, nor have they any instrument for extirpating it ; and what - makes the fact certain is, they have no hair on the concealed parts of their bodies." Accord ing to LAWSON, Account of the Indians of North Carolina, 190, 191, the same is true wilk regard to them. Laicson travelled much among the southern Indians. IF This is the case with many of the whites. CHAP. V.] BRANT. HIS EXERTIONS FOR PEACE. 589 the son-in-law of Brant, they assisted in drawing the arrows from the wound ed, and then went off.* When the Indians upon the southern and western frontier were showing themselves hostile, in 1791, Colonel Brant used his exertions to prevent hos tilities, by visiting such tribes as appeared hostile. His name appears in many important transactions of thosa times. The boundary line between the United States and the Indian nations had not been satisfactorily estab lished, which was the cause of much trouble. A gentleman in Canada wrote to another in the state of New York, under date of 2 August, 1791, wherein Colonel Brant is thus mentioned : " Capt. Joseph Brant, after having attended for some time the councils of the western Indians at the Miami River, set off a few days ago for Quebec, attended with several of the chiefs from that quarter ; as they avowedly go to ask Lord Dorchester's advice, and as we well know his and government's strong desire for peace, we would gladly hope that it may be the means of bringing on an accommodation." In 1792, his arrival in Philadelphia is thus publicly noticed in the Gazette of that city : " Capt. Joseph Brant, the principal warrior chief of the Six Nations, arrived in this city on Wednesday evening last, (June 20.) It is said his errand is a visit to a number of his acquaintance residing here, and to pay his respects to the president of the United States." He left there about the beginning of July, upon another peace excursion among the western tribes, which still remained hostile. When General Wayne was marching into the Indian country, in 1793, many of the tribes were alarmed, having heard that his army consisted of 8000 men. Learning, also, that commissioners accompanied the army, authorized to treat of peace, and wishing to know the strength of the Americans, thirty chiefs of different tribes were despatched upon this important business. Colonel Brant was one of these 30 Indian ambassadors. If the Americans would make the Ohio the boundary, they wished peace. The whole cause of General Wayne's war appears to have been about the lands lying west of the Ohio and Alleghany Rivers. We have no doubt Brant secretly, if not openly, advocated the establishment of this boundary ; yes. and we must acknowledge that if he did, it was from the best of reasons. We know that Tecumseh labored incessantly for this boundary. Rightly did they conceive of the mighty wave of population rolling westward, southward and north ward. Truly, they must have been blind not to have seen that it was about to ^ngulf them forever ! When they had met the commissioners, and found them inflexible in their determination, Brant, with most of the chiefs of the Six Nations, gave up the point as hopeless, preferring peace, on any terms, to war. But the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanees and Miamis would not agree to it. Mention will be found in the account of Farmers-brother of a great council held by the chiefs of most of the western nations at Niagara, in April, 1793. In this council it was agreed that peace should be maintained ; and " they unanimously agreed to meet the Americans in a grand council, to be holden the June following, upon the south side of Lake Erie ; and for the purpose of making the peace more permanent and extensive, they have appointed Brant who is now their king of kings, to go and convene all those tribes who live to the north-west of Lake OntarioT He accordingly, the day after, set out for that purpose." The Indians diJ not assemble until July, from the difficulty of their journeys and other causes, which is generally the case with meetings of this kind. The council was held at Sandusky, and Colonel Brant set out from Niagara for that place in May. Before leaving, he had frequent conversations with a gentleman of respectability, to whom he gave it as his opinion, that no peace could take place, until the Ohio and Muskin- pum should make the boundary between the Americans and the red men. He still expressed good feelings towards the United States, and hoped that they would see it to be their interest to agree to that boundary, as he firmly believed war would ensue should they refuse. He even said, that, in case they would not consent to make these rivers the boundary, he should take * Carey's Museum, vi. 178 50 590 BRANT. CONTENDS FOR THE OHIO BOUNDARY. [BooK V. part against them. It was not agreed to ; but we do not hear that the old chief was actually engaged in the hostilities that followed. How much the English of Canada influenced the measures of the Indians, it is difficult to determine ; * but men like Pontiac, Brant and Tecumseh could easily see through such duplicity as was practised by a few unprincipled speculators, as JWKee, Girty and Elliot. They had, doubtless, conceived that if the Ohio and Muskingum were made the boundary, it would be an easy matter for them to possess themselves of the country from thence to the lakes, and thus enlarge the extent of Canada. They knew well that if the Indians possessed this tract of country, it would be no difficult matter to purchase it from them by means of a few trifling articles, comparatively of no consideration, and that worst of calamities, ardent spirits ! In this they were disappointed, and, with the battle of Presque Isle, resigned their hopes, at least for a season. They urged upon the Indians what they must have been well assured of their destruction ! Much has been said and written of the cold-blooded atrocities of Brant, but which, in our opinion, will be much lessened on being able to come pretty near the truth of his history. Every successful warrior, at least in his day, is denounced by the vanquished as a barbarian. Napoleon was thus branded by all the world we ask no excuse for our chief on this score all wars are barbarous, and hence those who wage them are barbarians ! This we know to be strong language ; but we are prepared to prove our assertion. When mankind shall have been cultivated and improved to that extent which human nature is capable of attaining, when the causes of avarice and dissension are driven out of the human mind, by taking away the means which excite them, then, and not till then, will wars and a multitude of attending calamities cease. As a sample of the stories circulating about Colonel Brant, while the af- ^airs of Wyoming and Cherry-valley were fresh in the recollections of all, we extract from Weld's Travels the following: f " With a considerable body of his troops he joined the forces under the command of Sir John Johnston" " A skirmish took place with a body of American troops ; the action was warm, and Brant was shot by a musket Mall in his heel ; but the Americans, in the end, were defeated, and an officer with about 60 men were taken prisoners. The officer, after having delivered up his sword, had entered into conversation with Colonel Johnston, who com manded the British troops, and they were talking together in the most friend ly manner, when Brant having stolen slily behind them, laid the American officer lifeless on the ground with a blow of his tomahawk. The indignation of Sir John Johnston, as may be readily supposed, was roused by such an act of treachery, and he resented it in the warmest terms. Brant listened to nim unconcernedly, and when he had finished, told him, that he ivas sorry for his displeasure, but that, indeed, his heel was extremely painful at the moment, and he could not help revenging himself on the only chief of the party that he saw taken" Upon this passage the author of the Annals of Tryon County { observes : " I have heard a story somewhat similar told of him, but it was said that the officer was killed to prevent his being retaken by the Americans, who were in pursuit." This we should pronounce very efts-similar to the story * We will hear a great writer and traveller upon this subject, whose means of forming- a correct judgment, it is presumed, will not be questioned. " Je remarquerai a cette occasion sans m'etendre davantage sur ce sujet, que toute la politque de 1'Angleterre avec les Indiens est absolument dans les mains des agens, qui seuls en entendent la langue ; et qui seuls sont es distributeurs des presens;" &c. Voyage dans les JStats-unis en 1795, etc. Par La Rochefoucauld- Liancourt, ii. 78. The duke was at Newark, U. C., at this time, where he witnessed a business assemblage of Indians. After a dance, which they held before their audience with the governor of Canada, the duke says that, " Pendant ces jeux, 1'agent s'est approche du general avec un des chefs, et lui a dit que sa nation de Tuscorora le consultait pour savoir si elle irait a un conseil tenu par les Indiens Oneydas a Onondago pour vendre feurs terres de reserve, que 1'Etat de New Yorck desirait acheter. Le gouvefneur a repondu tres-vaguement a cette question ; 1'agent a traduit comme il a voulu cette reponse; mais il a replique au gouverneur de la part des Indiens qui comme ils croyaient etre plus agreables au roy d'Angleterre en n'y allant pas ; ils n'iraient pas." Ibid. 77. * Page 486, octavo ed. London, 1800. J In the Appendix, p. 16. CHAP. V.] BRANT. HIS DEATH. 591 told by Mr. Wdd. But there was, no doubt, some circumstance out of which a story lias grown, the truth of which, we apprehend, is now past find ing out. Colonel Brant was married, in the winter of 1779, to a daughter of Colonel Croghan by an Indian woman. He had lived with her some time ad libitum, according to the Indian manner, but at this time being present at the wedding of a Miss Moore, at Niagara, (one of the captives taken from Cherry-valley,) insisted on being married himself; and thus -his consort's name was no longer Miss Croghan, but Mrs. Brant. The ceremony was performed by his companion-in-arms, Colonel John Butler, who, although he had left his country, yet carried so much of his magistrate's commission with him, as to solemnize marriages according to law. King George conferred on his famous ally a valuable tract of land situated upon the west shore of Lake Ontario, where he finally settled and lived aftei the English fashion. His wife, however, would never conform to this mode of life, but would adhere to the custom of the Indians, and on the death of her husband, which happened 24 November, 1807, she repaired to Grand River, there to spend her days in a wigwam, with some of her children, while she left behind others in a commodious dwelling.* A son, of whom we have spoken, with a sister, lately occupied this mansion of their father, and constituted an amiable and hospitable family. This son, whose name is John, is a man of note, and is the same who was in England in 1822, as has been mentioned, and the same, we conclude, who has been returned a mem ber of the colonial assembly of Upper Canada. His place of residence was in the county of Haldiman, in Brantford, so called, probably, in honor of the old chief.f Several other places are mentioned as having been the residence of Brant Unadilla, or Anaquaqua, (which is about 36 miles south-west from the present site of Cooperstown,) and Niagara. He resided at these places before the Mohawks removed to Canada, which was soon after the war of the revolution was ended. They made their principal residence upon Grand River, which falls into Lake Erie on the north side, about 60 miles from the town of Newark, or Niagara. At one time, he had no less than 30 or 40 negroes, who took care of his horses and lands. " These poor crea tures," says Mr. Weld, " are kept in the greatest subjection, and they dare not attempt to make their escape, for he has assured them, that if they did so, he would follow thesa himself, though it were to the confines of Georgia, and would tomahawk them wherever he met them. They know his disposition too well not to think that he would adhere strictly to his word." The same author says that Brant received presents, which, together with his half-pay as captain, amounted to 500 per annum. An idea of the importance of this chief, in 1795, may be formed from the circumstance, that a gentleman considered himself a loser to the amount of 100, at least, by not being able to arrive at Niagara in season to attend to eome law case for him. Contrary winds had prevented his arrival, and the business had been given to another.}: " Wlrenever the affairs of his nation shall permit him to do so, Brant de clares it to be his intention to sit down to the further study of the Greek language, of which he professes himself to be a great admirer, and to trans late from the original, into the Mohawk language, more of the New Testament; yet this same man, shortly before we arrived at Niagara, killed his own son, with his own hand. The son, it seems, was a drunken, good-for-nothing fellow, who had often avowed his intention of destroying his father. One evening, he absolutely entered the apartment of his father, and had begun to grapple with him, perhaps with a view to put his unnatural threats in execu tion, when Brant drew a short sword, and felled him to the ground. He speaks of this affair with regret, but, at the same time, without any of that emotion which another person than an Indian might be supposed to feel. He Buchitnan's Sketches, i. 36. t Mr. Campbell's Annals of Tryon County has been one of our main sources of information throughout this account, especially of the revolutionary period, t Weld, Travels, 487. 592 BRANT. [BOOK V. consoles himself for the act, by thinking that he has benefited the nation, by ridding it of a rascal." * With regard to the dress of the sachem, there has been some contradiction. Mr. Wdd, though he did not see him, says he wore his hair in the Indian fashion, as he also did his clothes ; except that, instead of the blanket, he wore a kind of hunting frock. This was in 1796. But it was reported, that, in 1792, Brant having waited on Lord Dorchester, the governor of Canada, upon some business, his lordship told him, that as he was an officer in the British service, he ought to lay aside the Indian dress, and assume that of an English captain ; and that, if he persisted in wearing an Indian dress, he should stop his pay. It is added that thereupon he changed his dress.f When Colonel Brant arrived at any principal city, his arrival was publicly announced in the gazettes with great minuteness. Although we have given some specimens of these, we will add one more : "New York, June 20, 1792. On Monday last arrived in this city, from his settlement on Grand River, on a visit to some of his friends in this quar ter, Captain Joseph Brandt, of the British army, the famous Mohawk chief, who so eminently distinguished himself during the late war, as the military leader of the Six Nations. We are informed that he intends to visit the city of Philadelphia, and pay his respects to the president of the U. States," | General Washington, which he did. We have before mentioned his visit to that city. The very respectable traveller Rochefoucauld thus notices our chief: "At 24 miles from this place, (Newark, U. C.) upon Grand River, is an establish ment which I had been curious to visit. It is that of Colonel Brant. But the colonel not being at home, and being assured that I should see little else than what I had already seen among those people, I gave over my intention. Colonel Brant is an Indian who took part with the English, and having been in England, was commissioned by the king, and politely treated by every one. His manners are half European. He is accompanied by two negro servants, and is in appearance like an Englishman. He has a garden and farm under cultivation ; dresses almost entirely like an European, and has great influence over the Indians. He is at present [1795] at Miami, holding a treaty with the United States, in company with the Indians of the west. He is equally respected by the Americans, who extol so much his character, that 1 regret much not to have seen him." || The great respect in which Brant was held in England will be very appar ent from a perusal of the following letter,H dated 12 December, 1785 : " Mon day last, Colonel Joseph Brant, the celebrated king of the Mohawks, arrived in this city, [Salisbury,] from America, and after dining with Colonel de Peis- ter, at the head-quarters here, proceeded immediately on his journey to London. This extraordinary personage is said to have presided at the late grand congress of confederate chiefs of the Indian nation in America, and to be by them appointed to the conduct and chief command in the war which they now meditate against the United States of America. He took his de parture for England immediately as that assembly broke up ; and it is con- * Wdd, Travels. 489. t Apollo for 1792. t American Apollo, 297. & Duke de Liancourt, Travels, ii. 81, before cited, from whom we translate this. I] This French traveller seems to have been in advance of history, in as far as he thus early sets in their proper light the characters of the heroes of Wyoming. After speaking of the influence of Indian agents over those people, as we have extracted in a previous note, he thus consigns to Colonel Butter the place which he is doubtless to hold in all after-time in the annals of his country: " L'agent anglais dont il est ici queston, est le Colonel Buttler, fameux par ses incendies, ses pillages et ses meurtres dans la guerre d'Amenque. II est lui-meme Americain d'auprs de Wilkesbarre ; [one of the towns in the valley of Wyoming ;J son pre- tendu loyahsme qu'il a su se faire payer de brevets et de traitemens, lui a fait commettre plus pareille pour ses enfans, d'une pension de deux a trois cents livres sterlings, d'une place d'agent aupres des Indieus, qui lui en vaut cinq cents autres, avec la facilile de puiser a vo- lonte dans les magasins de presens." Rochefoucauld, ut supra, (ii. 78 9.) IT There is no name to this letter ; but it was written in Salisbury, Eng., and thence sent to London, where it was published. Chief of the Senecas a > CHAP. VI.] RED-JACKET 593 jcctured that his embassy to the British court is of great importance. This country owes much to the services of Colonel Brant during the late war in America, lie was educated at Philadelphia, [at the Moor's charity school in Lebanon, Connecticut,] is a very shrewd, intelligent person, possesses great courage and abilities as a warrior, and is inviolably attached to the English nation." It has been denied that Brant was in any way engaged in the massacres at Wyoming, but it seems hardly possible that so many should have been deceived at that time; and, moreover, we do not find that it was denied until almost every one of that age had left the stage of action. Those who deny that he was at Wyoming should, at least, prove an alibi, or they cannot ex pect to be believed.* Brant was said to have been 65 years old at his death. A daughter of his mar ried William J. Ker, Esq. of Niagara, and he had several other children besides those we have mentioned. The son who visited England in 1822, and another named Jacob, entered Moor's school at Hanover, N. H. in 1801, under the care of Dr. Whedock. The former son, John, died about two years since, in the winter of 1831. CHAPTER VI. Facts in the history of the Seneca nation SAGOYEWATHA, or RED-JACKET His fa mous speech to a missionary His interview) with Colonel Snelling British invade his country Resolves to repel them His speech upon the event Governor Clinton's account of him Witchcraft affair Complains of encroachments One ofhispeople put to death for being a witch He defends the executioner His interview with Lafayette Council at Canandaigua Farmers-brother Red-jacket visits Phila delphia His speech to the governor of Pennsylvania Speech of Jlgwelondongwas, or Good-peter Narrative of his capture during the revolutionary war FARMERS- BROTHER, or HONAYAWUS Visits Philadelphia PETER-JA^UETTE Visits France Account of his death Memorable speech of Farmers-brother His letter to the sec retary of war Notice of several other Seneca chiefs KOYINGQ.UATAH, or YOUNG- KING JUSKAKAK A, or LITTLE-BILLY ACHIOUT, or HALF-TOWN KIANDOGEWA,OT BIG-TREE GYENTWAIA,OT CORN-PLANT Address of the three latter to President Washington Grant of land to Big-tree His visit to Philadelphia, and death Further account of Corn-plant His own account of himself Interesting events in his life His sons. THE Senecas were the most important tribe among the Iroquois, or Five Nations, and, according to Conrad Jfmer, they were the fourth nation that joined that confederacy. He calls them f " leuontowanois or Sinikers," and says, " they are styled by the Mohawks and Onondagos, brothers ; " and that their title in councils is Onughkaurydaaug. The French call them Tsonnon- thouans, from their principal castle, or council-house, the name of which, according to Golden, is Sinondowans. { Other particulars of this nation will be related as we proceed in detailing the lives of its chiefs. Among these, perhaps, the most illustrious was SAGOYEWATHA, called by the whites, Red-jacket. His place of resi- * In a late criminal trial which has much agitated New England, reasonable people said , , nobody's business ; and, therefore, we were bound, according to law, to believe him innocent This we offer as a parallel case to the one in hand. But it happens we are not " bound by law" to believe our chief entirely innocent of the blood shed at Wyoming. t American Mag. J Hist. Five Nations, i. 42. The common method of spelling. Governor Clinton writes, Sa^iioaha. Written to the treaty of " Kon6ndaigua," (Nov. 1794,) Soggooyawautliau ; to that of Buffalo Cret-k, (June, 1802,) Sooyooyuwautau ; to that of Moscow, (Sept. 1823.) Szgouata. It is said to signify " On who keeps awake," or simply, Keeper-awake. " Sd-gioe'-e'-wau"-tSh ; he is wide awake, and keeps every, body else awake, a very appropriate name for the Cice/c 50* 2N 594 RED-JACKET. SPEECH TO A MISSIONARY. FBooK V. dence was, for many years previous to his death, (which happened 20 January 1830, at his own house,) about four miles from Buffalo, and one mile north of the road that leads through the land reserved for the remnant of the Seneca nation, called the Reservation. His house was a log-cabin, situated in a retired place. Some of his tribe are Christians, but Red-jacket would never hear to any thing of the kind. He was formerly considered of superior wisdom in council, and of a noble and dignified behavior, which would have honored any man. But, like nearly all his race, he could not withstand the temptation of ardent spirits, which, together with his age, rendered him latterly less worthy notice. Formerly, scarce a traveller passed near his place of resi dence, who would not go out of his way to see this wonderful man, and to hear his profound observations. In the year 1805, a council was held at Buffalo, in the state of New York, at which were present many of the Seneca chiefs and warriors, assembled at the request of a missionary, Mr. Cram, from Massachusetts. It was at this time that Red-jacket delivered his famous speech, about which so much has been said and written, and which we propose to give here at length, and cor rectly ; as some omissions and errors were contained in it as published at the time. It may be taken as genuine, at least as nearly so as the Indian lan guage can be translated, in which it was delivered, for Red-jacket would not speak in English, although he understood it. The missionary first made a speech to the Indians, in which he explained the object for which he had called them together ; namely, to inform them that he was sent by the missionary society of Boston to instruct them " how to worship the Great Spirit" and not to get away their lands and money ; that there was but one religion, and unless they embraced it they could not be happy ; that they had lived in darkness and great errors all their lives ; he wished that, if they had any objections to his religion, they would state them ; that he had visited some smaller tribes, who waited their decision before they would consent to receive him, as they were their " older brothers." After the missionary had done speaking, the Indians conferred together about two hours, by themselves, when they gave an answer by Red-jacket, which follows : "Friend and brother, it was the will of the Great Spirit that we should meet together this day. He orders all things, and he has given us a fine day for our council. He has taken his garment from before the sun, and caused it to shine with brightness upon us ; our eyes are opened, that we see clearly ; onr ears are unstopped, that we have been able to hear distinctly the words that you have spoken ; for all these favors we thank the Great Spirit, and him only. " Brother, this council fire was kindled by you ; it was at your request that we came together at this time ; we have listened with attention to what you have said ; you requested us to speak our minds freely ; this gives us great joy, for we now consider that we stand upright before you, and can speak what we think ; all have heard your voice, and all speak to you as one man ; our minds are agreed. " Brother, you say you want an answer to your talk before you leave this place. It is right you should have one, as you are a great distance from home, and we do not wish to detain you ; but we will first look back a little, and tell you what our fathers have told us, and what we have heard from the white people. " Brother, listen to what we say. There was a time when our forefathers owned this great island.* Their seats extended from the rising to the set ting sun. The Great Spirit had made it for the use of Indians. He had cre ated the buffalo, the deer, and other animals for food. He made the bear and the beaver, and their skins served us for clothing. He had scattered r est. His English appellation had its origin from the circumstance of his wearing, child, a red jacket.'' Alden's Account of Missions, 162. This is a very natural of the west. when a ch __.., _, . derivation ; but from what circumstance some of the Indians derived their names, it would be hard to divine : thus, Red-jacket had an uncle whose name meant a heap of dogs, ib. 154. * A general opinion among all the Indians that this country was an island. CHAP. VI.] RED-JACKET. SPEECH TO A MISSIONARY. 595 them over the country, and taught us how to take them. He had caused the earth to produce corn for bread. All this he had done for his red chil dren because he loved them. If we had any disputes about hunting grounds, they were generally settled without the shedding of much blood : but an evil day came upon us ; your forefathers crossed the great waters, and landed on this island. Their numbers were small ; they found friends, and not enemies; they told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men, and come here to enjoy their religion. They asked for a small seat; we took pity on them, granted their request, and they sat down amongst us ; we gave them corn and meat ; they gave us poison * in return. The white people had now found our country, tidings were carried back, and more came amongst us ; yet we did not fear them, we took them to be friends ; they called us brothers ; we believed them, and gave them a larger seat. At length their numbers had greatly increased ; they wanted more land ; they wanted our country. Our eyes were opened, and our minds became uneasy. Wars took place ; Indians were hired to fight against Indians, and many of our people were destroyed. They also brought strong liquors among us : it was strong and powerful, and has slain thousands. "Brother, our seats were once large, and yours were very small ; you have now become a great people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread our blankets; you have got our country, but are not satisfied; you want to force your religion upon us. " Brother, continue to listen. You say that you are sent to instruct us how to worship the Great Spirit agreeably to his mind, and if we do not take hold of the religion which you white people teach, we shall be unhappy here after ; you say that you are right, and we are lost ; how do we know this to be true ? We understand that your religion is written in a book ; if it was intended for us as well as you, why has not the Great Spirit given it to us, and not only to us, but why did he not give to our forefathers the knowledge of that book, with the means of understanding it lightly ? We only know what you tell us about it ; how shall we know when to believe, being so often deceived by the white people ? " Brother, you say there is but one way to worship and serve the Great Spirit ; if there is but one religion, why do you white people differ so much about it ? why not all agree, as you can all read the book ? " Brother, we do not understand these things ; we are told that your religion was given to your forefathers, and has been handed down from father to son. We also have a religion which was given to our forefathers, and has been handed down to us their children. We worship that way. It teachcth us to be thankful for all the favors we receive, ; to love each other, and to be united ; we never quarrel about religion. " Brother, the Great Spirit has made us all ; but he has made a great differ ence between his white and red children ; he has given us a different com plexion, and different customs ; to you he has given the arts ; to these he has not opened our eyes ; we know these things to be true. Since he has made so great a difference between us in other things, why may we not con clude that he has given us a different religion according to our understand ing ; the Great Spirit does right ; he knows what is best for his children ; we are satisfied. " Brother, we do not wish to destroy your religion, or take it from you ; we only want to enjoy our own. " Brother, you say you have not come to get our land or our money, but to enlighten our minds. I will now tell you that I have been at your meetings, and saw you collecting money from the meeting. I cannot tell what this money was intended for, but suppose it was for your minister, and if we should conform to your way of thinking, perhaps you may want some from us. " Brother, we are told that you have been preaching to white people in this place ; these people are our neighbors, we are acquainted with them ; we "ill wait a little while and see what effect your preaching has upon them. * Spirituous liquor is alluded to, it is supposed. 596 RED-JACKET. ENGAGES IN THE WAR OF 1812. [BooK V If we find it does them good, makes them honest, and less disposed to cheat Indians, we will then consider again what you have said. " Brother, you have now heard our answer to your talk, and this is all we have to say at present. As we are going to part, we will corne and take you by the hand, and hope the Great Spirit will protect you on your journey, and return you safe to your friends." The chiefs and others then drew near the missionary to take him by the hand ; but he would not receive them, and hastily rising from his seat, said, " that there was no fellowship between the religion of God and the works of the Devil, and, therefore, could not join hands with them." Upon this being interpreted to them, "they smiled, and retired in a peaceable manner." The Indians cannot well conceive how they have any participation in the guilt of the crucifixion ; inasmuch as they do not believe themselves of the same origin as the whites ; and there being no dispute but that they com mitted that act. Red-jacket once said to a clergyman who was importuning him on this subject, " Brother, if you white men murdered the Son of the Great Spirit, we Indians had nothing to do ivith it, and it is none of our affair. If he had come among us, we would not have killed him ; we would have treated him well. You must make amends for that crime yourselves." * Red-jacket took part with the Americans in the war of 1812, but was not distinguished for that prodigality of life which marked the character of Tecumseh, and many others, but, on all occasions, was cool and collected. He had become attached to Colonel Snelling during the war, and when he heard that that officer was ordered to a distant station, he went to take his farewell of him. At that interview he said, " Brother, I hear you are going to a place called Governor's Island. I hope you will be a governor yourself. I understand that you white people think children a blessing. I hope you may have a thousand. And, above all, I hope, wherever you go, you may never Jind whisky more than two shillings a quart ."f Grand Island, in Niagara River, just above the famous Niagara Falls, is owned by the Senecas. When it was rumored that the British had taken possession of it, in their last war with the Americans, Red-jacket assem bled his people, to consult with Mr. Granger, their agent. After having stated to him the information, the old chief made the following profound speech : " Brother, you have told us that ice had nothing to do with the war that has taken place between you and the British. But we Jind the war has come to our doors. Our property is taken possession of bij the British and their Indian friends. It is necessary now for us to take up the business, defend our property, and drive the enemy from it. If we sit still upon our seats, and take no means of redress, the British (according to the customs of you ivhite people) will hold it by conquest. And should you conquer the Canadas, you will claim it upon the same principles, as [though] conquered from the British. We, therefore, re quest permission to go with our warriors, and drive off those bad people, and take possession of our lands" Whereupon, such of the Senecas as had an in clination, were permitted to join the American army. In one action Red-jacket acted a conspicuous part, and is most honorably mentioned by the commanding general. The action took place near Fort George, on the 17 August, 1813, between about 300 volunteers and Indians, supported by 200 regulars. These surprised the British and Indian camp at day-light, killed 75 and took 16 prisoners. The success of the expedition was almost entirely owing to a stratagem of the Indians, who, when they had formed their plan of attack, decoyed their brethren, on the British side, into an ambush, by giving a war-whoop which they mistook for that of their friends. General Boyd, who commanded here, says, " The principjil chiefs who led the warriors this day, were FARMER'S BROTHER, RED-JACKET, * " This occurred in a conversation between Rtd-jacket and the Reverend Mr. Bracken- ridge ; Tommy- Jemmy, Jack-Berry and myself were present. I heard the remark, and will vouch for it." W. J. Smiling. \ N. E. Galaxy, 13 July, 1833. CHAP. VI.] RED-JACKET. REFORMATION IN HIS TRIBE. 597 LITTLE BILLY, POLLARD, BLACK SNAKE, JOHNSON, SILVERHEELS, Captain HALF-TOWN, Major HENRY O. BALL, (Corn-planter's son,) and Captain COLD, chief of Onondago, who was wounded. In a council which was held with them yesterday, they covenanted not to scalp or murder ; and I am happy to say, that they treated the prisoners with humanity, and committed no wanton cruelties upon the dead." " Their bravery and humanity were equally con spicuous. Already the quietness in which our pickets are suffered to remain, evinces the benefit arising from their assistance."* Governor De Wiit Clinton, in his most valuable discourse before the His torical Society of New York, thus notices Red-jacket: " Within a few years, an extraordinary orator has risen among the Senecas; his real name is Saguoaha. Without the advantages of illustrious descent, and with no extraordinary talents for war, he has attained the first distinctions in tha nation by the force of his eloquence." Red-jacket having, by some means, lost the confidence of his countrymen, in order, as it is reported, to retrieve it, prevailed upon his brother to announce himself a prophet, commissioned by the Great Spirit to redeem them from their miserable condition. It required nothing but an adroit and skilful reasoner to persuade the igno rant multitude, given to the grossest superstition, of his infallibility in the pretended art or mystery. If good ever came out of evil, it did at this time. The Onondagas were, at that period, the most drunken and profligate of all the Iroquois. They were now so far prevailed upon as almost entirely to abstain from ardent spirits, became sober and industrious, and observed and respected the laws of morality. This good effect was not confined to the Onondagas, but shed its benign influence through the nations adjacent. But us this reform was begun in hypocrisy, it necessarily ended with its hypo critical author. The greatest check, perhaps, which can be thrown in the way of imposture, is its own exposition. In this case, like witchcraft among us in former times, it was stayed by its own operations. Many were de nounced as witches, and some would have been executed but for the inter ference of their white neighbors. Red-jacket was denounced in a great council of Indians, held at Buffalo Creek, as the chief author of their tumbles. He was accordingly brought to trial, and his eloquence saved his life, and greatly increased his reputation. His defence was near three hours long. And, in the language of Governor Clinton, " the iron brow of super stition relented under the magic of his eloquence : he declared the prophet [his brother] an impostor and a cheat ; he prevailed ; the Indians divided, and a small majority appeared in his favor. Perhaps the annals of history cannot furnish a more conspicuous instance of the triumph and power of oratory, in a barbarous nation, devoted to superstition, and looking up to the accuser as a delegated minister of the Almighty. I am well aware that the speech of Logan will be triumphantly quoted against me, and that it will be said, that the most splendid exhibition of Indian eloquence may be found out of the pale of the Six Nations. I fully subscribe to the eulogium of Mr. Jefferson, when he says, ' I may challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more eminent orator, if Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a single passage superior to the speech of Logan.' But let it be remembered that Logan was a Mingo chief," that is, an Iroquois. The time is not far distant, if not already arrived, when the name of Red- jacket will be heard, in the most august assemblies, to give weight to the mightiest efforts of eloquence. In the debate on the Indian bill, in 1830, in congress, Mr. Crockett^ of Tennessee, said, " I am forcibly reminded of the remark made by the famous Red-jacket, in the rotunda of this building, when he was shown the panel which represented in sculpture the first landing of the Pilgrims, with an Indian chie/ presenting to them an ear of corn, in token of friendly welcome. The aged Indian said, ' That was * Niles' Register, iv. 418. and v. l.Brannaris Official Letters, < 2fiO.Shallus's Tables, ii. 120. f The pitiful crusade in which this brave man lost his life, will as long- be remembered for ts unjustifiable origin, as the many valuable but misguided men who have been sacrificed in it. Having joined the army of Texas, Colonel Crockett was there murdered with the rest of a garrison which fell into the hands of the Mexicans ; this present year, 1836. 598 RED-JACKET. COMPLAINS OF THE MISSIONARIES. [Boos V He said he knew they came from the Great Spirit, and he was will ing to share the soil with his brothers. But when he turned round to view another panel, representing Perm's treaty, he said, l Jlh! alVs gone now.' There was a great deal of truth in this short saying." Nothing seems more to have troubled the peace of Red-jacket than the intrusion of missionaries among his people. With the merits or demerits of the manner in which particular creeds have been forced upon the In dians in general, we have nothing to do, but we will refer the reader to Mr. Buchanan's Sketches,* where, in our opinion, every sectarian will glean some useful hints upon that head. Red-jacket and his council, in 1821, made a formal complaint to the gov errior of New York, of the arbitrary conduct of some teachers among hia people, and of their undue influence generally. Considering it to contain a most important and valuable piece of information, we will give it entire : " Brother Parish, I address myself to you, and through you to the govern or. The chiefs of Onondaga have accompanied you to Albany, to do busi ness with the governor ; I also was to have been with you, but I am sorry to say that bad health has put it out of my power. For this you must not think hard of me. I am not to blame for it. It is the will of the Great Spirit that it should be so. The object of the Onondagas is to purchase our lands at Tonnewanta. This and all other business that they may have to do at Albany, must be transacted in the presence of the governor. He will see that the bargain is fairly ma'de, so that all parties may have reason to be satisfied with what shall be done ; and when our sanction shall be wanted to the transaction, it will be freely given. I much regret that, at this time, the state of my health should have prevented me from accompanying you to Albany, as it was the wish of the nation that I should state to the governor some circumstances which show that the chain of friendship between us and the white people is wearing out, and wants brightening. 1 proceed now, however, to lay them before you by letter, that you may mention them to the governor, and solicit redress. He is appointed to do justice to all, and the Indians fully confide that he will not suffer them to be wronged with impunity. The first subject to which we would call the attention of the governor, is the depredations that are daily committed by the white people upon the most valuable timber on our reservations. This has been a subject of complaint with us for many years ; but now, and particularly at this season of the year, it has become an alarming evil, and calls for the immediate interposition of the governor in our behalf. Our next subject of complaint is, the frequent thefts of our horses and cattle by the white people, and their habit of taking and using them whenever they please, and without our leave. These are evils which seem to increase upon us with the increase of our white neighbors, and they call Joudly for redress. Another evil arising from the pressure of the whites upon us, and our unavoidable communication with them, is the frequency with which our chiefs, and warriors, and Indians, are thrown into jail, and that, too, for the most trifling causes. This is very galling to our feelings, and ought not to be permitted to the extent to which, to gratify their bad passions, our white neighbors now carry this practice. In our hunting and fishing, too, we are greatly interrupted by the whites. Our venison is stolen from the trees where we have hung it to be reclaimed after the chase. Our hunting camps have been fired into, and we have been warned that we shall no longer be permitted to pursue the deer in those forests which were so lately all our own. The fish, which, in the Buffalo and Tonnewanta Creeks, used to supply us with food, are now, by the dams and other obstructions of the white people, prevented from multiplying, and we are almost entirely de prived of that accustomed sustenance. Our great father, the president, has recommended to our young men to be industrious, to plough, and to sow. This we have done, and we are thankful for the advice, and for the means he has afforded us of carrying it into effect We are happier in conse quence of it. But another thing recommended to us, has created great confusion * Vol. i. chap. ix. CHAP. VI.] RED-JACKET. WITCHCRAFT AFFAIR. 599 among us, and is making us a quarrelsome and divided people ; and that is, the introduction of preachers into our nation. These black coats contrive to get the consent of some of the Indians to preach among us, and wherever this is die case, confusion and disorder are sure to follow, and the encroach ments of the whites upon our lands are the invariable consequence. The governor must not think hard of me for speaking thus of the preachers. I have observed their progress, and when I look back to see what has taken place of old, I perceive that whenever they came among the Indians, they were the forerunners of their dispersion ; that they always excited enmities and quarrels among them ; that they introduced the white people on their lands, by whom they were robbed and plundered of their property ; and that the Indians were sure to dwindle and decrease, and be driven back in proportion to the number of preachers that came among them. Each nation has its own customs and its own religion. The Indians have theirs, given to them by the Great Spirit, under which they were happy. It was not in tended that they should embrace the religion of the whites, and be destroyed by the attempt to make them think differently on that subject from their fathers.* It is true, these preachers have got the consent of some of the chiefs to stay and preach among us, but I and my friends know this to be wrong, and that they ought to be removed ; besides, we have been threatened by Mr. Hyde, who came among us as a school-master and a teacher of our children, but has now become a black coat, and refused to teach them any more, that unless we listen to his preaching and become Christians, we will be turned off our lands. We wish to know from the governor if this is to be so ; and if he has no right to say so, we think he ought to be turned off our lands, and not allowed to plague us any more. We shall never be at peace while he is among us. Let them be removed, and we will be happy and contented among ourselves. We now cry to the governor for help, and hope that he will attend to our complaints, and speedily give us redress. RED-JACKET." " This letter was dictated by Red-jacket, and interpreted by Henry Obeal,\ in the presence of the following Indians : Red-jacket's son, Corn-planter, John- cobb, Peter, Young -kings-brother, Tom-the-infant, [Onnonggaiheko,] Blue-sky, [Toivyocauna,] John-sky, Jemmy-johnson, Marcus, Big-fire, Captain- Jemmy." The success this petition met with, it is presumed, was full and satisfactory to him, in respect to one particular ; for no ministers, for some time afterwards, were admitted upon the reservation. In the spring of 1821, a man of Red-jackefs tribe fell into a languishment and died. His complaint was unknown, and some circumstances attended his illness which caused his friends to believe that he was bewitched. The wo man that attended him was fixed upon as the witch, and by the law, or custom, of the nation, she was doomed to suffer death. A chief by the name of Tom-jemmy, called by his own people Soo-nong-gise, executed the decree by cutting her throat. The Americans took up the matter, seized Tom-jemmy, and threw him into prison.J Some time after, when his trial came on, Rtd- jacket appeared in court as an evidence. The counsel for the prisoner denied that the court had any jurisdiction over the case, and after it was carried through three terms, Soo-nong-gise was finally cleared. Red-jacket and the other witnesses testified that the woman was a witch, and that she had been tried, condemned and executed in pursuance of their laws, which had been established from time immemorial; long before the English came into the country. The witch doctrine of the Senecas was much ridiculed by some of the Americans, to which Red-jacket thus aptly alludes in a speech which he made while upon the stand : 'I What ! do you denounce us as fools and bigots, because we still continue to believe that which you yourselves sedulously inculcated two centuries ago ? Four divines have thundered this doctrine from the pulpit, your judges have pronounced * A happy illustration of the force of education, f Son of Corn-planter, or Corn-plant. t Information of a gentleman ( W. J. Snelling, Esq ) who was on the spot, and saw him brought to Buffalo. This was the next day after the murder, and the blood was yet upon his hands. 600 RED-JACKET. INTERVIEW WITH LAFAYETTE. [BOOK V it from the bench, your courts of justice have sanctioned it with the formalities of law, and you would now punish our unfortunate brother for adherence to the su perstitions of his fathers ! Go to Salem ! Look at the records of your government, and you will Jind hundreds executed for the very crime which has called forth the gentence of condemnation upon this woman, and drawn down the arm of vengeance upon her. What have our brothers done more than the rulers of your people have done ? and what crime has this man committed by executing, in a summary way, the laws of his country, and the injunctions of his God ? " Before Red-jacket was admitted to give evidence in the case, he was asked if he believed in future rewards and punishments, and the existence of God. With a piercing look into the face of his interrogator, and with no little indignation of expres sion, he replied : " Yes ! much more than the white men, if we are to judge by their actions." Upon the appearance of Red-jacket upon this occasion, one observes : " There is not, perhaps, in nature, a more expressive eye than that of Red-jacket ; when fired by indignation or revenge, it is terrible ; and when he chooses to display his unrivalled talent for irony, his keen sarcastic glance is irresistible." * When Lafayette, in 1825, was at Buffalo, among the persons of distinction who called upon him, was Red-jacket. Of the old chief, M. Lcvasseur ob serves: f This extraordinary man, although much worn down by time and intemperance, preserves yet, in a surprising degree, the exercise of all his faculties. He had ever remembered Lafayette since 1784, at which time he, with others, met a great council of all the Indian nations at Fort Schuyler. when the interest of all those nations, friends and enemies, was regulated with the United States. He asked the general if he recollected that meeting. He replied that he had not forgotten that great event, and asked Red-jacket if he knew what had become of the young chief, who, in that council, opposed with such eloquence the " burying of the tomahawk." Red-Jacket replied, "He is before you." His speech was a master-piece, and every warrior who heard him was carried away with his eloquence. He urged a continuation of the war against the Americans, having joined against them in the revolution. The general observed to him that time had much changed them since that meeting. "Ah! " said Red-jacktt, "time has not been so severe upon you as it has upon me. It has left to you a fresh countenance, and hair to cover your head ; while to me behold ! " and taking a handkerchief Irom his head, with an air of much feeling, showed his head, which was almost entirely bald.}: At this interview, was fully confirmed what we have before stated. Le- vasseur continues: Red-jacket obstinately refuses to speak any language but that of his own country, and affects a great dislike to all others ; although it is easy to discern that he perfectly understands the English ; and refused, nevertheless, to reply to the general before his interpreter had translated his questions into the Seneca language. The general spoke a few words in Indian, which he had learned in his youth, at which Red-Jacket was highly pleased, and which augmented much his high opinion of Lafayette. The author of the following passage is unknown to us ; but presuming it to be authentic, we quote it. "More than 30 years $ have rolled away since a treaty was held on the beautiful acclivity that overlooks the Canandaigua || * Niles's Weekly Register, vol. xx. 359, 411. t In his Lafayette en Ame'rique, tome ii. 437-8. i " Les assistants ne purent s'empfcher de sourire de la simplicity de I'Indien, qui semblait gnorer I' art de reparer les injures du temps ; mais on se garda bien de detruire. son erreur ; < pent-tire fit-on bien, car il e&t pu confondre une perruqite avec une chevelure scalpee, et concevoir I'idee de regarnir sa tete aux depens de la tete d'une de ses voisons." Ibid. This attempt at facetiousness by Mons. Levasseur is entirely a failure, and in very bad taste. Had it had reference to an obscure person, it would have been different. For a parcel of white ignoramuses to make themselves merry at the simple but dignified appearance of the Did chief, only shows them off in their true light ; and the assertion that he covered his own oead at the expense of that of his neighbor, too nearly classes the writer with his companions. This writer, I conclude, wrote in 1822. I copy it from Miscellanies selected from the Pttblic Journals, by Mr. Buckingliam. || Signifying, in the Seneca language, a tenon set off. The lake received its name from the town upon its shore. Spafford's Gaz. CHAP. VI.] RED-JACKET. VISIT TO PHILADELPHIA. 601 Lake. The witnesses of the scene will never forget the powers of native oratory. Two days had passed away in negotiation with the Indians for a cession of their lands. The contract was supposed to be nearly completed, when Red-jacket arose. With the grace and dignity of a Roman senator, he drew his blanket around him, and, with a piercing eye, surveyed the multi tude. All was hushed. Nothing interposed to break the silence, save the gentle rustling of the tree tops, under whose shade they were gathered. After a long and solemn, but not unmeaning pause, he commenced his speech in a low voice and sententious style. Rising gradually with the subject, he de picted the primitive simplicity and happiness of his nation, and the wrongs they had sustained from the usurpations of white men, with such a bold but faithful pencil, that every auditor was soon roused to vengeance, or melted into tears. The effect was inexpressible. But ere the emotions of admira tion and sympathy had subsided, the white men became alarmed. They were in the heart of an Indian country surrounded by more than ten times their number, who were inflamed by the remembrance of their injuries, and ex cited to indignation by the eloquence of a favorite chief. Appalled and terrified, the white men cast a cheerless gaze upon the hordes around them. A nod from the chiefs might be the onset of destruction. At this portentous moment, Farmers-brother interposed. He replied not to his brother chief, but, with a sagacity truly aboriginal, he caused a cessation of the council, in troduced good cheer, commended the eloquence of Red-jacket, and, before the meeting had reassembled, with the aid of other prudent chiefs, he had moderated the fury of his nation to a more salutary review of the question before them. Suffice it to say, the treaty was concluded, and the Western District, at this day, owes no small portion of its power and influence to the counsels of a savage, in comparison with whom for genius, heroism, virtue, or any other quality that can adorn the bawble of a diadem, not only George the IV. and Louis le Desire, but the German emperor and the czar of Muscovy, alike dwindle into insignificance." We can add nothing to this high encomium. Red-jacket was of the number who visited Philadelphia in 1792, as will be found mentioned in the account of Jaquette; at which time he was welcomed by the governor of Pennsylvania to that city, and addressed by him, in behalf of the commonwealth, in the council-chamber. The following is the closing paragraph of the governor's speech : " Brothers ! I know the kindness with which you treat the strangers that visit your country ; and it is my sincere wish, that, when you return to your families, you may be able to assure them that the virtues of friendship and hospitality are also practised by the citi zens of Pennsylvania." He had before observed that the government had furnished every thing to make them comfortable during their stay at Phila delphia. This was upon the 28 March, 1792, and on 2 April following, they met again, when Red-jacket spoke in answer to the governor as fol lows : "Brother, Onas* Governor, open unprejudiced ears to what we have to say. Some days since you addressed us, and what you said gave us great pleasure. This day the Great Spirit has allowed us to meet you again, in this council-chamber. We hope that your not receiving an immediate an swer to your address, will make no improper impression upon your mind. We mention this lest you should suspect that your kind welcome and friendly address has not had a proper effect upon our hearts. We assure you it is far otherwise. In your address to us the other day, in this ancient council-cham ber, where our forefathers have often conversed together, several things struck our attention very forcibly. When you told us this was the place in which our forefathers often met on peaceable terms, it gave us sensible pleas ure, and more joy than we could express. Though we have no writings like you, yet we remember often to have heard of the friendship that existed between our fathers and yours. The picture \ to which you drew our atten- * Onas was the name the Indians gave William Perm, and they continue tho U'.cos bear it. It is the same as Vaughimcaga. ^ It is said (Amer. Reg. ii. 2^8) that he was an Irishman. G12 CORN-PLANT. COMPLAINT TO PENNSYLVANIA. [BOOK V. eat my victuals out of a bark dish. I grew up to be a young man, and mar ried me a wife, and I had no kettle or gun. I then knew where my father lived, and went to see him, and found he was a white man, and spoke the English language. He gave me victuals whilst I was at his house, but when I started to return home, he gave me no provision to eat on the way. He gave me neither kettle nor gun, neither did he tell me that the United States were about to rebel against the government of England. " I will now tell you, brothers, who are in session of the legislature of Pennsylvania, that the Great Spirit has made known to rne that I have been wicked ; and the cause thereof was the revolutionary war in America. The cause of Indians having been led into sin, at that time, was that many of them were in the practice of drinking and getting intoxicated. Great Britain requested us to join with them in the conflict against the Americans, and promised the Indians land and liquor. I myself was opposed to joining in the conflict, as I had nothing to do with the difficulty that existed between the two parties. I have now informed you how it happened that the Indians took a part in the revolution, and will relate to you some circumstances that occurred after the close of the war. General Putnam, who was then at Philadelphia, told me there was to be a council at Fort Stanwix ; and the Indians requested me to attend on behalf of the Six Nations ; which I did, and there met with three commissioners, who had been appointed to hold the council. They told me they would inform me of the cause of the revolu tion, which I requested them to do minutely. They then said that it had originated on account of the heavy taxes that had been imposed upon them by the British government, which had been for fifty years increasing upon them ; that the Americans had grown weary thereof, and refused to pay, which affronted the king. There had likewise a difficulty taken place about some tea, which they wished me not to use, as it had been one of the causes that many people had lost their lives. And the British government now being affronted, the war commenced, and the cannons began to roar in our country. General Putnam then told me, at the council at Fort Stanwix, that, by the late war, the Americans had gained two objects : they had established themselves an independent nation, and had obtained some land to live upon : the division line of which, from Great Britain, run through the lakes. I then spoke, and said that I wanted some land for the Indians to live on, and General Putnam said that it should be granted, and I should have land in the state of New York for the Indians. General Putnam then en couraged me to use my endeavors to pacify the Indians generally ; and, as he considered it an arduous task to perform, wished to know what I wanted for pay therefor. I replied to him, that I would use my endeavors to do as he had requested, with the Indians, and for pay thereof, I would take land. I told him not to pay me money or dry goods, but land. And for having attended thereto, I received the tract of land on which I now live, which was presented to me by Governor Miflin. I told General Putnam that I wished the Indians to have the exclusive privilege of the deer and wild game, which he assented to. I also wished the Indians to have the privilege of hunting iii the woods, and making fires, which he likewise assented to. " The treaty that was made at the aforementioned council, has been broken by some of the white people, which I now intend acquainting the governor With. Some white people are not willing that Indians should hunt any more, whilst others are satisfied therewith ; and those white people who reside near our reservation, tell us that the woods are theirs, and they have obtained them from the governor. The treaty has been also broken by the white people using their endeavors to destroy all the wolves, which was not spoken about in the council at Fort Stanwix, by General Putnam, but has originated lately. " It has been broken again, which is of recent origin. White people wish to get credit from Indians, and do not pay them honestly, according to their agreement In another respect, it has also been broken by white people, who reside near my dwelling ; for when I plant melons and vines in my field, they take them as their own. It has been broken again by white people using their endeavors to obtain our pine-trees from us. We have CHAP. VI.] CORN-PLANT. 613 very few pine-trees on our land, in the state of New York ; and white people and Indians often get into dispute respecting them. There is also a great quantity of whisky brought near our reservation by white people, and the Indians obtain it and become drunken. Another circumstance has taken place which is very trying to me, and I wish the interference of the governoi "The white people, who live at AVarren, called upon me, some time ago, to pay taxes for my land ; which I objected to, as I had never been called upon for that purpose before ; and having refused to pay, the white people became irritated, called upon me frequently, and at length brought four guns with them and seized our cattle. I still refused to pay, and was not willing to let the cattle go. After a time of dispute, they returned home, and I under stood the militia was ordered out to enforce the collection of the tax. I went to Warren, and, to avert the impending difficulty, was obliged to give my note for the tax, the amount of which was 43 dollars and 79 cents. It is my desire that the governor will exempt me from paying taxes for my land to white people ; and also cause that the money I am now obliged to pay, may be refunded to me, as I am very poor. The governor is the person who attends to the situation of the people, and I wish him to send a person to Alleghany, that I may inform him of the particulars of our situation, and he be authorized to instruct the white people in what manner to conduct themselves towards the Indians. " The government has told us that when any difficulties arose between the Indians and white people, they would attend to having them removed. We are now in a trying situation, and I wish the governor to send a person authorized to attend thereto, the forepart of next summer, about the time that grass has grown big enough for pasture. " The governor formerly requested me to pay attention to the Indians and take care of them. We are now arrived at a situation that I believe In dians cannot exist, unless the governor should comply with my request, and send a person authorized to treat between us and the white people, the approaching summer. I have now no more to speak."* Whether the government of Pennsylvania acted at all, or, if at all, what order they took, upon this pathetic appeal, our author does not state. But that an independent tribe of Indians should be taxed by a neighboring people, is absurd in the extreme; and we hope we shall learn that not only the tax was remitted, but a remuneration granted for the vexation and damage. Corn-plant was* very early distinguished for his wisdom in council, not withstanding he confirmed the treaty of Fort Stanwix of 1784 ; five years alter, at the treaty of Fort Harmer, he gave up an immense tract of "their country, and for which his nation very much reproached him, and even threatened his life. Himself and other chiefs committed this act for the best of reasons. The Six Nations having taken part with England in the revolu tion, when the king's power fell in America, the Indian nations were reduced to the miserable alternative of giving up so much of their country as the Americans required, or the whole of it. In 1790, Corn-plant, Half-town and Big-tree, made a most pathetic appeal to congress for an amelioration of tlieir condition, and a reconsideration of former treaties, in which the fol lowing memorable passage occurs : "Father: we will not conceal from you that the great God, and not men, has preserved the Corn-plant from the hands of his own nation. For they ask continually, " Where is the land on which our children, and their chil dren after them, are to lie down upon ? You told us that the line drawn from Pennsylvania to Lake Ontario, would mark it forever on the east, and the line running from Beaver Creek to Pennsylvania, would mark it on the west, and we see that it is not so ; for, first one, and then another, come and take it away by order of that people which you tell us promised to secure it to us.' He is silent, for he has nothing to answer. 'When the sun goes down, he opens his heart before God, and earlier than the sun appears, again upon the hills he gives thanks for his protection during the night * Buchanan's Sketches. 52 614 CORN-PLANT. [BOOK V. For he feels that among men become desperate by the injuries they sustain, it is God only that can preserve him. He loves peace, and all he had in store he has given to those who have been robbed by your people, lest they should plunder the innocent to repay themselves. The whole season, which others have employed in providing for their families, he has spent in endeavors to preserve peace ; and this moment his wife and children ar lying on the ground, and in want of food." In President Washington's answer, we are gratified by his particular notice of this chief. He says, "The merits of the Corn-plant, and his friendship for the United States, are well known to me, and shall not be forgotten ; and, as a mark of esteem of the United States, I have directed the secretary of war to make him a present of two hundred and Jifly dollars, either in money or goods, as the Corn-plant shall like best." There was, in 1789, a treaty held at Marietta, between the Indians and Americans, which terminated " to the entire satisfaction of all concerned. On this occasion, an elegant entertainment was provided. The Indian chiefs behaved with the greatest decorum throughout the day. After dinner, we were served with good wine, and Corn-planter, one of the first chiefs of the Five Nations, and a very great warrior, took up his glass and said, " 1 thank the Great Spirit for this opportunity of smoking the pipe of friendship and love. May we plant our own vines be the fathers of our own children and maintain them,' " * In 1790, an act passed the legislature of Pennsylvania, for " granting 800 dollars to Corn-planter, Half-toivn and Big-tree, in trust for the Seneca nation, and other purposes therein mentioned." In February, 1791, Corn-plant was in Philadelphia, and was employed in an extremely hazardous expedition to undertake the pacification of the western tribes, that had already shown them selves hostile. The mission terminated unfavorably, from insurmount able difficulties.! There were many, at this time, as in all Indian wars, who entertained doubts of the fidelity of such Indians as pretended friendship. Corn-plant did not escape suspicion ; but, as his after-conduct showed, it was entirely without foundation. In the midst of these imputations, a letter written at Fort Franklin says, " I have only to observe that the Corn-plant has been here, and, in my opinion, he is as friendly as one of our own people. He has advised me to take care ; '/or,' said he, 'you will soon have a chance to let the world know whether you are a soldier or not' When he went off, he ordered two chiefs and ten warriors to remain here, and scout about the garrison, and let me know if the bad Indians should either advance against me, or any of the frontiers of the United States. He thinks the people at Pittsburgh should keep out spies towards the salt licks, for he says, by and by, he thinks, the bad Indians will come from that way." In 1792, the following advertisement appeared, signed by Corn-plant : " My people having been charged with committing depredations on the frontier inhabitants near Pittsburgh, I hereby contradict the assertion, as it is cer tainly without foundation, and pledge myself to those inhabitants, that they may rest perfectly secure from any danger from the Senecas residing on the Alleghany waters, and that iny people have been and still are friendly to the U. States." About the time Corn-plant left his nation to proceed on his mission to the hostile tribes, as three of his people were travelling through a settlement upon the Genesee, they stopped at a house to light their pipes. There hap pened to be several men within, one of whom, as the foremost Indian stoop ed down to light his pipe, killed him with an axe. One of the others was badly wounded with the same weapon, while escaping from the house. They were not pursued, and the other, a boy, escaped unhurt. (The poor wounded man, when nearly well of the wound, was bitten by a snake, which caused his immediate death.) When Corn-plant knew what had happened, he charged his warriors to remain quiet, and not to seek revenge, and was * Carey's Museum, v. 415. t " Causes of the existing Hostilities,'' &c. drawn up by the sec'y of war, General Knox, in 1791. CHA.P. VI. 1 COJIX-PL.ANT. :;OTJO.\ OF CIVILIZATION. 615 heard only to say, ' ; It is hard, ivhen I and my people are trying to make peace for the. whites, that we should receive such reward. I can govern my young men and icarriors belter than the thirteen Jires can theirs" How is it that this man should practise upon the maxims of Confucius, of whom he never heard ? (Do ye to others as ye would that they should do unto you ;) and the monster in human form, in a gospel land, taught them from his youth, should show, by his actions, his utter contempt of them, and even of the divine mandate ? In 1816, the Reverend Timothy JUden, then president of Allegheny college, in Meadville, Pennsylvania, visited the Seneca nation. At this time, Corn- plant lived seven miles below the junction of the Connewango with the Allegheny, upon the banks of the latter, " on a piece of first-rate bottom laud, a little within the limits of Pennsylvania." Here was his village,* which exhibited signs of industrious inhabitants. He then owned 1300 acres of land, 600 of which comprehended his town. " It was grateful to notice," observes Mr. Mden, " the present agricultural habits of the place, from the numerous enclosures of buck-wheat, corn and oats. We also saw a number of oxen, cows and horses; and many logs designed for the saw mill and the Pittsburgh market." Corn-plant had, for some time, been very much in favor of the Christian religion, and hailed with joy such as professed it When he was apprized of Mr. Alderis arrival, he hastened to wel come him to his village, and wait upon him. And notwithstanding his high station as a chief, having many men under his command, he chose rather, " hi the ancient patriarchal style," to serve his visitors himself; he, there fore, took care of their horses, and went into the field, cut and brought oats for them. The Western Missionary Society had, in 1815, at Corn-plant's " urgent request," established a school at his village, which, at this time, promised success. Corn-plant received an annual annuity from the TJ. States of 250 dollars, besides his proportion of 9000 divided equally among every member of the nation. Gos-kuk-ke-wa-na-kon-ne-di-yu, commonly called the Prophet, was brother to Corn-plant, and resided in his village. He was of little note, and died previous to 1816.f Corn-plant, we believe, was, when living, like all other unenlightened people, very superstitious. Not long since, he said the Good Spirit had told him not to have any thing to do with the whites, or even to preserve any mementoes or relics they had from time to time given him ; whereupon, among other things, he burnt up his belt and broke his elegant sword. He often mentions his having been at Braddock's defeat. Henry Obeale, his son, he sent to be educated among the whites. He became a drunkard on returning to his home, and is now discarded by his father. Corn-plant has other sons ; but he says no more of them shall be educated among the whites, for he says, " It entirely spoil Indian." And although he countenances Christianity, he does not do it, it is thought, from a belief of it, but probably from the same motives as too many whites do. f The following story, M. Bayard says, was told him by Corn-planter. W r e have often heard a similar one, and as often a new origin ; but never before that it originated with ff'illiam Penn. However, as our author observes, as we have more respect for truth than great names, we will relate it. Penn proposed to the Indians to sell him as much land as he could encompass with the hide of a bullock. They, supposing he meant only what ground would be covered by it, when it was spread out, and looking upon what was offered as a good price, consented to the proposition. Penn, like Didon, Mil the skin into a line of immense length, to the astonishment of the vend ers, who, in silent indignation, religiously observed their contract The quantity of land encompassed by the line is not mentioned; but, more or less, the Indians had passed their word, and they scorned to break it, even * Formerly called Obalelmcn. See Pa. Gaz. 1792, and Stanbunfs Jour, t Ainer. Register for 1816, vol ii. 226, &c. \ Veihal account of E. T. Foote, Esq. of Chatauque co. N. Y. who possesses muc valuable information upon matters of this kind. Voyage dans i'Luerieur des Etats-Unis, et cet. ps. 206. 207. 616 TECUMSEH. DDK though they would have been justified by the discovery of the fraud. We do not vouch for the truth of this matter, nor do we believe William Penn sver practised a trick of the kind. No doubt some person did ; and perhaps Corn-planter had been told that it was Penn. We have now to record the death of the venerable Corn-plant. He died at his residence on the Seneca reservation, on the 7th of March last, 1836 aged upwards of 100 years. Teaslaegee, or Charles Corn-planter, was a party to the treaty of Moscow, N. Y. in 1823. He was probably a son of Koeenlwahk, or Gyantwaia. CHAPTER VII. TECUMSEH His great exertions to prevent the whites from overrunning his country His expedition on Hacker's Creek Cooperation of his brother, the Prophet Rise of the difficulties between Tecumseh and Governor Harrison Speech of the former in a council at Vincennes Fearful occurrence in that council WINNEMAK Tccumsth visited by Governor Harrison at his camp Determination of icar the result of the interview on both sides Characteristic anecdote of the chief Determines, in the event of war, to prevent barbarities Battle of Tippecanoe Battle of the Thames, and death of Tecumseh Description of his person Important events in his life PuKEESHENO,/nt&er of Tecumseh His death Battle of Magaugo Specimen of the Shawanee language Particular account of ELLSKWATAWA, or the PROPHET Account of ROUND-HEAD Capture and massacre of General Winchester's army at the River Raisin MYEERAH, or the CRANE, commonly called WALK-IN-THE- WATER TEYONINHOKERAWEN, or JOHN NORTON LOGAN the Shawanee BLACK-BIRD Massacre at Chicago WAWNAHTON BLACK-THCNDER ONGPATONGA, or BIG-ELK PETALESHARO METEA. TECUMSEH, by birth a Shawanee, and brigadier-general in the army of Great Britain, in the war of 1812, was born about 1770, and, like his great prototype, Pomelacom, the Wampanoag, seems always to have made his aversion to civilization appear a prominent trait in his character ; and it is not presumed that he joined the British army, and received the red sash and other badges of office, because he was fond of imitating the whites ; but he employed them, more probably, as a means of inspiring his countrymen with that respect and veneration for himself which was so necessary in the work of expulsion, which he had undertaken. The first exploit in which we find Tecumseh engaged was upon a branch cf Hacker's Creek, in May, 1792. With a small band of warriors, he came upon the family of John Waggoner, about dusk. They found Waggoner a short distance from his house, sitting upon a log, resting himself after the fatigues of the day. Tecumseh directed his men to capture the family, while himself was engaged with Waggoner. To make sure work, he took deliberate aim at him with his rifle ; but fortunately he did not even wound him, though the ball passed next to his skin. Waggoner threw himself off the log, and ran with all his might, and Tecumseh followed. Having the advantage of an accurate knowledge of the ground, Waggoner made good his escape. Mean while his men succeeded in carrying off the family, some of whom they bar barously murdered. Among these were Mrs. Waggoner and two of her children. Several of the children remained a long time with the Indians. This persevering and extraordinary man had made himself noted and con spicuous in the war which terminated by the treaty of Greenville, in 1795. He was brother to that famous impostor well known by the name of the Prophet, and seems to have joined in his views just in season to prevent his falling into entire disrepute among his own followers. His principal place of rendezvous was near the confluence of the Tippecanoe with the W abash, upon the north bank of the latter. This tract of country was none of his. but had been possessed by his brother the Prophet, in 1808, with a motley band of about 1000 young warriors from among the Shawanese, Dela- wares, Wyandots, Potowatomies, Ottowas, Kikkapoos and Chippeways. The CH\P. VI1.J TKCUMSEH. Miainies were very much opposed to this intrusion into their country, but were not powerful enough to repel it, and many of their chiefs were put to death in the most barbarous manner, for remonstrating against their conduct. The maladministration of the Prophet, however, in a short time, very much reduced his numbers, so that, in about a year, his followers consisted of but about, 300, and these in the most miserable state of existence. Their habits had been such as to bring famine upon them ; and but for the provisions furnished by General Harrison, from Vincennes, starvation would doubtless have ensued.* At this juncture, Tecumseh made his appearance among them ; and although in the character of a subordinate chief, yet it was known that he directed every thing afterwards, although in the name of the Prophet. His exertions now became immense to engage every tribe upon the continent in a confederacy, with the open and avowed object of arresting the progress of the whites. Agreeably to the direction of the government, Governor Harrison purchased of the Delawares, Miamies, and Pottowatomies, a large tract of country on both sides of the Wabash, and extending up the river 60 miles above Vin- C- lines. This was in 1809, about a year after the Prophet settled with his colony upon the Wabash, as before stated. Tecumseh was absent at this time, and his brother, the Prophet, was not considered as having any claim to the coun try, being there without, the consent of the Miamies. Tecumseh did not view it in this light, and at his return was exceedingly vexed with those chiefs who had made the conveyance ; many of whom, it is asserted, he threatened with death. Tecumsetts displeasure and dissatisfaction reached Governor Harrison, who despatched a messenger to him, to state " that any claims he might have to the lands which had been ceded, were not affected by the treaty ; that he might come to Vincennes and exhibit his pretensions, and if they were found to be solid, that the land would either be given up, or an ample compensation made for it."f This, it must be confessed, was not in a strain calculated to soothe a mighty mind, when once justly irritated, as was that of Tf-cumseh, However, upon the 12 August, 1810, (a day which cannot fail to remind the reader of the fate of his great archetype, Philip, of Pokan- oket,) he met the governor in council at Vincennes, with many of his war riors ; at which time he spoke to him as follows : " It is true I am a Shawanee. My forefathers were warriors. Their son is a warrior. From them I only take my existence ; from my tribe I take noth ing. I am the maker of my own fortune ; and oh ! that I could make that of my red people, and of my country, as great as the conceptions of my mind, when I think of the Spirit that rules the universe. I would not then come to Governor Hanison, to ask him to tear the treaty, and to obliterate the landmark ; but I would say to him, Sir, you have liberty to return to your own country. The being within, communing with past ages, tells me, that once, nor until lately, there was no white man on this continent. That it then all belonged to red men, children of the same parents, placed on it by the Great Spirit that made them, to keep it, to traverse it, to enjoy its produc tions, and to fill it with the same race. Once a happy race. Since made miserable by the white people, who are never contented, but always encroach ing. The way, and the only way to check and to stop this evil, is, for all the red men to unite in claiming a common and equal right in the land, as it was at first, and should be yet ; for it never was divided, but belongs to all, for the use of each. That no part has a right to sell, even to each other, much less to strangers ; those who want all, and will not do with less. The white peo ple have no right to take the land from the Indians, because they had it first ; it is theirs. They may sell, but all must join. Any sale not made by all is not valid. The late sale is bad. It was made by a part only. Part do not know how to sell. It requires all to make a bargain for all. All red men have equal rights to the unoccupied land. The right of occupancy is as good in one place as in another. There cannot be two occupations in the same place. The first excludes all others. It is not so in hunting or travel ling; for there the same ground will serve many, as they may follow each * Memoirs of Harrison. t M'Afee, 52* 018 TECUMSEH. CONFERENCE AT VINCENNES. [BooK V other all day ; but the camp is stationary, and that is occupancy. It belongg to the first who sits down on his blanket or skins, which he has thrown upon the ground, and till he leaves it no oilier has a right." * How near this is to the original is unknown to us, but it appears too much Americanized to correspond with our notions of Tecumseh ; nevertheless it may give the true meaning. One important paragraph ought to be added, which we do not find in the author from which we have extracted the above ; which was, " that the Americans had driven them from the sea-coasts, and that they would shortly push them into the lakes, and that they were deter mined to make a stand where they were." f This language forcibly reminds us of what the ancient Britons said of their enemies, when they besought aid of the Romans. " The barbarians (said they) drive us to the sea, and the sea beats us back upon them ; between these extremes we are exposed, either to be slain with the sword, or drowned in the waves." J Tecumseh, having thus explained his reasons against the validity of the purchase, took his seat amidst his warriors. Governor Harrison, in his reply, said, "that the white people, when they arrived upon this continent, had found the Miamies in the occupation of all the country on the Wabash, and at that time the Shawanese were residents of Georgia, from which they were driven by the Creeks. That the lands had been purchased from the Miamies, who were the true and original owners of it. That it was ridicu lous to assert that all the Indians were one nation ; for if such had been the intention of the Great Spirit, he would not have put six different tongues into their heads, but have taught them all to speak a language that all could understand. That the Miamies found it for their interest to sell a part of their lands, and receive for them a further annuity, the benefit of which they had long experienced, from the punctuality with which the seventeen fires [the seventeen United States] complied with their engagements ; and that the Shawanese had no right to come from a distant country and control the Miamies in the disposal of their own property." The governor then took his seat, arid the interpreter proceeded to explain to Tecumseh what he had said, who, when he had nearly finished, suddenly interrupted him, and ex claimed, " It is all false ; " at the same time giving to his warriors a signal, they seized their war clubs, and sprung upon their feet, from the green grass on which they had been sitting. The governor now thought himself in im minent danger, and, freeing himself from his arm-chair, drew his sword, and prepared to defend himself. He was attended by some officers of his gov ernment, and many citizens, more numerous than the Indians, but all unarmed ; most of whom, however, seized upon some weapon, such as stones and clubs. Tecumseh continued to make gestures and speak with great emotion ; and a guard of 12 armed men stationed by the governor in the rear were ordered up. For a few minutes, it was expected blood would be shed. Major G. R. Floyde, who stood near the governor, drew his dirk, and Winnemdk cocked his pistol, which he had ready primed; he said Tecumseh had threatened his life for having signed the treaty and sale of the disputed land. A Mr. Winas, the Methodist minister, ran to the governor's house, and, taking a gun, stood in the door to defend the family. On being informed what Tecumseh had said, the governor replied to him, that " he was a bad man that he would have no further talk with him that he must return to his camp, and set out for his home immediately." Thus ended the conference. Tecumseh did not leave the neighborhood, but, the next morning, having reflected upon the impropriety of his conduct, sent to the governor to have the council renewed, and apologized for the affront offered ; to which the governor, after some time, consented, having taken the prer.antion to have two additional companies of armed men in readiness, in case of insult Having met a second time, Tecumseh was asked whether he had any other grounds, than those he had stated, by which he could lay claim to the land in question; to which he replied, "No other." Here, then, was an end of all argument. The indignant soul of Tecumseh could not but be enraged at * Hist. Kentucky. t Mem. Harrison. J Seller's England. CHAP. VII.] TECUMSEH 619 the idea of an " equivalent for a country," or, what meant the same tiling, a compensation for land, which, often repeated, as it had been, would soon amounl to a country ! " The behavior of Tecumseh, at this interview, was very differ ent from what it had been the day before. His deportment was dignified and collected, and he showed not the least disposition to be insolent. He denied having any intention of attacking the governor, but said he had been advised by white men " * to do as he had done ; that two white men had visited him at his place of residence, and told him that half the white people were op posed to Governor Harrison, and willing to relinquish the land, and told him to advise the tribes not to receive pay for it ; for that the governor would be soon put out of office, and a " good man " sent in his place, who would give up the land to the Indians. The governor asked him whether he would prevent the survey cf the land : he replied that he was determined to adhere to the old boundary. Then arose a Wyandot, a Kikkapoo, a Pottowattomie, an Ottowas, and a Winnebago chief, each declaring his determination to stand by Tecumseh, whom they had chosen their chief. Alter the governor had informed Tecumseh that his words should be truly reported to the presi dent, alleging, at the same time, that he knew the land would not be re linquished, and that it would be maintained by the sword, the council closed. The governor wished yet to prolong the interview, and thought that, possibly, Tecumseh might appear more submissive, should he meet him in his own tent. Accordingly he took with him an interpreter, and visited the chief in his camp the next day. The governor was received with kind ness and attention, and Tecumseh conversed with him a considerable time. On being asked by the governor if his determination really was as he had expressed himself in the council, he said, "Yes;" and added, "that it was with great reluctance he would make war with the United States against whom he had no other complaint, but their purchasing the Indians' land ; that he was extremely anxious to be their friend, and if he (the governor) would prevail upon the president to give up the lands lately purchased, and agree never to make another treaty, without the consent of all the tribes, he would be their faithful ally, and assist them in all their wars with the English," whom he knew were always treating the Indians like dogs, clapping their hands and hallooing stu-boy ; that he would much rather join the seventeen fires ; but if they would not give up said lands, and comply with his request in other respects, he would join the English. When the governor told him there was no probability that the president would comply, he said, "Well, as the great chief is to determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit will put sense enough into his head, to induce him to direct you to give up this land. It is true, he is so far off he will not be injured by the war. He may sit still in his town, and drink his wine, whilst you and I will have to fight it out." lie had said before, when asked if it were his determination to make war unless his terms were complied with, " It is my determination ; nor trill I give rest to my feet, until I have united all the red men in the like resolution" Thus is exhibited the determined character of Tecumseh, in which no duplicity appears, and whose resentment might have been expected, when questioned, again and again, upon the same subject Most religiously did he prosecute this plan ; and could his extraordinary and wonderful exertions be known, no fiction, it is believed, could scarcely surpass the reality. The tribes to the west of the Mississippi, and those about Lakes Superior and Huron, were visited and revisited by him previous to the year 1811. He had raised in these tribes the high expectation that they should be able to drive the Americans to the east of the Ohio. The famous Blue-jacket was as san guine as Tecumseh, and was his abettor in uniting distant tribes. The following characteristic circumstance occurred at one of the meet ings at Vincennes. After Tecumseh had made a speech to Governor Har rison^ and was about to seat himself in a chair, he observed that none had b '( n placed for him. One was immediately ordered by the governor, and, us the interpreter handed it to him, he said, "Your father requests you to take * Memoirs of Harrison, 620 TECUMSEH. BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. [Boon V a chair." "My father?" says Tecumseh, with great indignity of expression, " the sun is my father, and the earth is my mother ; and on her bosom I will repose ; ' and immediately seated himself, in the Indian manner, upon the ground.* The fight at Tippecanoe followed soon after. This affair took place in the iiight of Nov. 6, 1811, in which 62 Americans were killed, and 126 wounded. Tecumseh was not in this fight, but his brother, the Prophet, conducted or ordered the attack. During the action, he was performing conjurations on an eminence not far off, but out of danger. His men displayed great bravery, and the fight was long and bloody. Harrison lost some of his bravest offi cers. The late Colonel Snelling, of Boston, then a captain, was in this fight, and took prisoner with his own hands an Indian chief, the only Indian taken by the Americans. The name of the captured chief we do not learn, but from his fear of being taken for a Shawanee, it is evident he was not of that tribe. When he was seized by Capt. Snelling, he ejaculated, with hurried accents, " Good man, me no Shawanee" \ The chiefs White-lion ( Wapamangwa,} Stone-eater (Sanamahhonga,) and Winnemak, were conspicuous at this time. The latter had been the pretended friend of the governor, but now appeared his enemy. He was killed the next year by the lamented Logan. Just before hostilities commenced, in a talk Governor Harrison had with Tecumseh, the former expressed a wish, if war must follow, that cruelty to prisoners should not be allowed on either side. Tecumseh assured him that he would do all in his power to prevent it ; and it is believed he strictly adhered to this resolution. Indeed, we have one example, which has never been called in question, and is worthy the great mind of this chief. When Colonel Dudley was cut off, and near 400 of his men, not far from Fort Mei<. r s, by falling into an ambush, Tecumseh arrived at the scene of action when the Americans could resist no longer. He exerted himself to put a stop to the massacre of the soldiers, which was then going on ; and meeting with a Chippeway chief who would not desist by persuasion nor threats, he buried his tomahawk in his head. J It is said that Tecumseh had been in almost every important battle with the Americans, from the destruction of General /farmer's army till his death upon the Thames. He was under the direction of General "Proctor, in this last great act of his life, but was greatly dissatisfied with his course of proceed ings, and is said to have remonstrated against retreating before the Americans in very pointed terms. Perry's victory had just given the Americans the command of Lake Erie ; and immediately after, Proctor abandoned Detroit, and marched his majesty's army up the River Thames, accompanied by Gen eral Tecumseh, with about 1500 warriors. Harrison overtook them near the Moravian town, Oct. 5, 1813, and, after a bloody battle with the Indians, routed and took prisoners nearly the whole British army; Proctor saving himself only by flight After withstanding almost the whole force of the Americans for some time, Tecumseh received a severe wound in the arm, but continued to fight with desperation, until a shot in the head from an unknown hand laid him prostrate in the thickest of the fight. Of his warriors l'-20 were left upon the field of battle. Thus fell Tecumseh, in the forty-fourth year of his age. He was about five feet ten inches in height, of a noble appearance, and a perfectly symmetrical form. " His carriage was erect and lofty his motions quick his eyes pen etrating his visage stern, with an air of hauteur in his countenance, which arose from an elevated pride of soul. It did not leave him even in death." He is thus spoken of by one who knew him. At the battle of the Thames, a chief by the name of Shane served as a guide to Colonel Johnson's regiment. He informs us that he knew Tecumseh well, and that he once had had his thigh broken, which not being properly set, caused a considerable ridge in it always after. This was published in a Kentucky newspaper, lately, as necessary to prove that the Indian killed by * Schoolcraft. t Information of his son, W. J. Snelling, Esq. of Boston. t James, i. 291 Perkins, 221. The story that he fell in a personal rencounter with Colonel Johnson, must no longer lie believed. Facts are entirely opposed to such a conclusion. Indeed, we cannot loam that Hie colonel ever claimed ilnelionor of the achievement. CHAP. VII.] TECUMSEH. BATTLE OF MAGAUGO. 621 Colond Johnson was Tecumseh, From the same paper it would seem, that, even on the day of battle, it was doubted by some whether the chief killed were Tecumseh, and that a critical inquest was held over his body; and although it was decided to be he, yet to the fact that the colonel killed him. there was a demur, even then. But, no doubt, many were willing it should so pass, thinking it a matter of not much consequence, so long as Tecumseh, their most dreaded enemy, was actually slain ; and, perhaps, too, so near the event, many felt a delicacy in dissenting from the report of Colonel Johnson's friends ; but when time had dispelled such jealousy, those came out frankly with their opinion, and hence resulted the actual truth of the case. That the American soldiers should have dishonored themselves, after their victory, by outraging all decency by acts of astonishing ferocity and barbarity upon the lifeless body of the fallen chief, is grievous to mention, and cannot meet with too severe condemnation. Pieces of his skin were taken away by some of them as mementoes ! * He is said to have borne a personal enmity to General Harrison, at this time, for having just before destroyed his family. The celebrated speech, said to have been delivered by the great "Shawanese warrior" to General Proctor, before the battle of the Thames, is believed by many not to be genuine. It may be seen in every history of the war, and every periodical of that day, and not a few since, even to this. Therefore we omit it here. The speech of Logan, perhaps, has not circulated wider. Another, in our opinion, more worthy the mighty mind of Tecumseh, published in a work said to be written by one who heard it,f is now generally (on the authority of a public journal J) discarded as a fiction. Among the skirmishes between the belligerents, before General Hull sur rendered the north-western army, Tecumseh and his Indians acted a con spicuous part. Maiden, situated at the junction of Detroit River with Lake Erie, was considered the Gibraltar of Canada, and it was expected that General HulVs first object would be to possess himself of it. In a movement that way, Colonel M'Jlrthur came very near being cut off by a party of Indians led by Tecumseh. About 4 miles from Maiden, he found a bridge in possession of a body of the enemy ; and although the bridge was carried by a force under Colonel Cass, in effecting which, 11 of the enemy were, killed, yet it seems, that in a " few days afterwards " they were in possession of it again, and again the Americans stood ready to repeat the attack. It was in an attempt to reconnoitre, that Colonel M* Arthur "advanced somewhat too near the enemy, and narrowly escaped being cut off from his men"|| by several Indians who had nearly prevented his retreat. Major Vanhorn was detached on the 4 August from Aux Canards, with 200 men, to convoy 150 Ohio militia and some provisions from the River Raisin. In his second day's march, near Brownstown, he fell into an ambush of 70 Indians under Tecumseh, who, firing upon him, killed 20 men ; among whom were Captains M'Culloch,^ Bostler, Gilcrease,** and Ubry: 9 more were wounded. The rest made a precipitate retreat. Major Vanhorn having failed in his attempt, Colonel Miller was sent on the 8th of August, with 600 men to protect the same provisions and trans ports. The next day, August 9th, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, the van guard, commanded by Captain Snelling, was fired upon by an extensive line of British and Indians, at the lower end of the village of Magaugo, 14 miles from Detroit. The main body was half a mile in the rear when the attack began. Captain Snellins; maintained his position in a most gallant manner, under a heavy fire, until the line was formed and advanced to his relief. The force against which the Americans were now contending was made uf * We have often heard it said, but whether in truth we do not aver, that there are those who still own razor straps made of it. t John Thmn Hunter. \ North American Review. 6 Since governor of Michigan, and now secretary of war. || Rrnckenridge, Hist. War, 31. IT In this officer's pocket, it is said, was found a letter written for his wife, giving an account of his having killed an Indian, from whose head he tore the scalp with his teeth. ** Gilchrist, commonly written. 622 TECUMSEH. [Roox V. of a body of 500 Indians under Tecumseh, Walk-in-the-ivaler, Marpot, and the ( i'lce Ikinous Black-hawk, and a considerable number of whites under Major Muir, They were formed behind a breastwork of felled trees. When Colonel Miller had brought his men into line, the enemy sprang from their hiding-places, and formed in line of battle, and a fierce and appalling strife ensued. The British and Indian force was one third greater than the Ameri can, but nothing could withstand them, when led on by such officers as Miller and Snelling, and the ground was disputed inch by inch for near two miles, to the village of Brownstown. Here the British took to their Loats, and the Indians to the woods, and thus the battle closed. It was owing to a disobedience of orders on the part of the cavalry, that the British escaped entire destruction ; for Colonel Miller ordered them to rush upon them and cut them up when their guns were unloaded, and their ranks were in confusion, but they would not, although Captain Snelling offered to lead them in person. In this affair the Indians and British lost 100 killed and 200 wounded, and the Americana had 18 killed and 58 wounded.* A British writer upon the late war, f after having related the battle of the Thames, in which Tecumseh fell, says: "It seems extraordinary that General Harrison should have omitted to mention, in his letter, the death of a chief, whose fall contributed so largely to break down the Indian spirit, and to give peace and security to the whole north-western frontier of the U. States. Tecumseh, although he had received a musket-ball in the left arm, was still seeking the hottest of the fire," when he received the mortal wound in the head, of which he in a few moments expired. The error, which for some time prevailed, of his being shot by Colonel Johnson, is copied into this author's work. The following descriptions, though in some respects erroneous, are of sufficient value to be preserved. Tecumseh was endowed " with more than the usual stoutness, possessed all the agility and perseverance, of the Indian character. His carriage was dignified; his eye penetrating; his countenance, which, even in death, be trayed the indications of a lofty spirit, rather of the sterner cast. Had he not possessed a certain austerity of manners, he could never have controlled the wayward passions of those who followed him to battle. He was of a silent habit ; but, when his eloquence became roused into action by the reiterated encroachments of the Americans,}: his strong intellect could supply him with a flow of oratory, that enabled him, as he governed in the field, so to pre scribe in the council. Those who consider that, in all territorial questions, the ablest diplomatists of the U. States are sent to negotiate with the Indians, will readily appreciate the loss sustained by the latter in the death of their champion. The Indians, in general, are full as fond as other savages of the gaudy decoration of their persons ; but Tecumseh was an exception. Clothes and other valuable articles of spoil had often been his ; yet he invariably wore a deerskin coat and pantaloons. He had frequently levied subsidies to, comparatively, a large amount; yet he preserved little or nothing for himself. It was not wealth, but glory, that was Tecumsetts ruling passion. Fatal day ! when the 'Christian people' first penetrated the forests, to teach the arts of ' civilization ' to the poor Indian. Till then water had been his only beverage, and himself and his race possessed all the vigor of hardy savages. Now, no Indian opens his lips to the stream that ripples by his wigwam, while he has a rag of clothes on his back, wherewith to purchase rum ; and he and his squaw and his children wallow through the day, in beastly drunkenness. Instead of the sturdy warrior, with a head to plan, and an arm to execute, vengeance upon the oppressors of his country, we behold the puny, besotted wretch, squatting on his hams, ready to barter his country, his children, or himself, for a few gulps of that deleterious compound, which, far more than the arms of the United States, [Great Britain and France,] is hastening to extinguish all traces of his name and character. Tecumseh, himself, in early life, had been addicted to intemperance ; but no sooner did his judgment Sketches of the War. i. 22. t James, i. 287, &c t As though" the English of Canada had never been guihy of encroachments ! CHAP. VII.] TECUMSEH. 623 against, than his resolution enabled him to quit, so vile a habit. Beyond one or two glasses of wine, he never afterwards indulged." It was said not to be from good will to the Americans, that he would not permit his warriors to exercise any cruelty upon them, when fallen into their power, but from principle alone. When Detroit was taken by the British and Indians, Tecumseh was in the action at the head of the latter. After the surrender, General Brock requested him not to allow his Indians to ill-treat the prisoners ; to which he replied, " -Vo / / despise them too much to meddle with them" Some of the English have said that there were few officers in the U. States' service so able to command in the field as Tecumseh. This it will not us behove to question; but it would better have become such speech- makers, if they had added, " in his peculiar mode of warfare." That he was a more wily chief than Mishikinakwa, may be doubted ; that either had natural abilities inferior to those of General Wayne, or General Brock, we see no reason to believe. But this is no argument that they could practise European warfare as well as those generals. It is obvious, from his inter course with the whites, that Tecumseh must have been better skilled in their military tactics than most, if not all, of his countrymen, whether predecessors or contemporaries. A military man,* as we apprehend, says, "He [Tecumseh] was an excellent judge of position, and not only knew, but could point out the localities of the whole country through which he had passed." " His facility of commu nicating the information he had acquired, was thus displayed before a con course of spectators. Previously to General Brock's crossing over to Detroit, he asked Tecumseh what sort of a country he should have to pass through in case of his proceeding farther. Tecumseh, taking a roll of elm-bark, and ex tending it on the ground by means of four stones, drew forth his scalping- knife, and with the point presently etched upon the bark a plan of the coun try, its hills, woods, rivers, morasses, and roads ; a plan which, if not as neat, was, for the purpose required, fully as intelligible as if Jlrrowsmith himself had prepared it Pleased with this unexpected talent in Tecumseh, also with his having, by his characteristic boldness, induced the Indians, not of his im mediate party, to cross the Detroit, prior to the embarkation of the regulars and militia, General Brock, as soon as the business was over, publicly took off his sash, and placed it round the body of the chief. Tecumseh received the honor with evident gratification, but was, the next day, seen without his sash. General Brock, fearing something had displeased the Indian, sent his interpreter for an explanation. The latter soon returned with an account that Tecumseh, not wishing to wear such a mark of distinction, when an older, and, as he said, abler, warrior than himself was present, had transferred the sash to the Wyaudot chief Round-head" The place of this renowned warrior's birth was upon the banks of the Scioto River, near what is now CLillicothe. His father's name was Pukeesheno, which means, / light from flying. He was killed in the battle of Kanhawa, in 1774. His mother's name was Meetheetashe, which signifies, a turtle laying her eggs in the sand. She died among the Cherokees. She had, at one birth, three sons : Ellskwatawa, which signifies, a door opened, was called the Prophet ; Tecumseh, which is, a tiger crouching for his prey ; and Kumskaka, a tiger that flies in the air. \ We will here present the reader with a specimen of the Shawanee lan guage, in the Lord's Prayer. Coe-thin-a, spim-i-key yea-taw-yan-oe, o-wes-sa-yeg yey-sey-tho-yan-ae : Day- pale-i-tum-any-pay-itch tha-key, yea-issi-tay-hay-yon-ae issi-nock-i-key, yoe-ma asslt-kcy-kie pi-sey spim-i-key. Me-li-na-key oe noo-ki cos-si-kie ta-wa-it-thin oe yc.a-w f tp-a-ki tuck-whan-a ; puck-i-tum-i-wa-loo kne-won-ot-i-they-way. Yea-se- puck-i-t'.im-a ma-chil-i-tow-e-ta thick-i ma-chaw-ki tus-sy-neigh-puck-sin-a wa- vun-si-loo icau po loon-ot-i-they ya key-la toy pale-i-tum-any way tvis-sa kit was-si-cut-i-we-way thay-pay-we-ioay.l * Jlr James, ut supra. t Sclioolcraft. \ Carey's Museum, vi. 318, (for 1789.) 624 ELLSKWATAWA, THE PROPHET. [BOOK V. In 1826, the only surviving son of Tecumseh, whose name is Puchethei, which signifies crouching or ivatching his prey, left the Ohio to settle beyond the Mississippi.* This son, when his father was slain, was fighting by his side. "The prince regent," says Mr. James, "in 1814, out of respect to the memory to the old, sent out as a present to the young Tecumseh a handsome sword ; " and then closes this paragraph with this most savage lamentation : " Unfortunately, however, for the Indian cause and country, faint are the prospects that Tecumseh the son will ever equal, in wisdom or prowess, Tecumseh the father." f ELLSKWATAWA. Although we have given some important facts in the life of this impostor, there are some circumstances which claim to be related. After the termination of the war of 1812, he received a pension from the government of Great Britain, and resided in Canada. In 182(5, he was prevailed upon to leave that country, and went, with others, to settle be yond the Mississippi. At the same time also went the only surviving son of Tecumseh, Much has been said and written about the Prophet ; and, as is generally the case, the accounts vary, in proportion to their multiplicity. From a well- written article in a foreign periodical,! it is said that, during the first 50 years of his fife, he was remarkable for nothing except his stupidity and intoxica tion. In his 50th year, while in the act of lighting his pipe, he fell back in his cabin, upon his bed ; and, continuing for some time lifeless, to all appear ances, preparations were made for his interment ; and it was not until the tribe was assembled, as usual on such occasions, and they were in the act of removing him, that he revived. His first words were, " Don't be alarmed. 1 have seen heaven. Call the nation together, that I may tell them what has ippeared to me? When they were assembled, he told them that two beautiful young men had been sent from heaven by the Great Spirit, who spoke thus to him : The Great Spirit is angry with you, and will destroy all the red men : unless you refrain from drunkenness, lying and stealing, and turn yourselves to him, you shall never enter the beautiful place which we will now show you." He was then conducted to the gates of heaven, from whence he could behold all its beauties, but was not permitted to enter. After undergoing several hours' tantalization, from extreme desire of participating in its indescribable joys and pleasures, he was dismissed. His conductors told him to tell all the Indians what he had seen ; to repent of their ways, and they would visit him again. My authority says, that, on the Prophefs visiting the neighboring nations, his mission had a good effect on their morals, &c. But this part of his story, at least, is at variance with facts ; for none would hear to him, ex cept the most abandoned young warriors of those tribes he visited, and their miserable condition in colonizing themselves upon the Wabash, in 1811, is well known. There was an earthquake said to have taken place in the Creek country, in December, 1811. || The Prophet visited the Creeks in the previous August, and " pronounced in the public square, that shortly a lamp would appear in the west, to aid him in his hostile attack upon the whites, and, if they would not be influenced by his persuasion, the earth would ere long tremble to its centre. This circumstance has had a powerful effect on the minds of these Indians, and would certainly have led them, generally, to have united with the northern coalition, had it not been for the interposition of travellers." This statement was made by a Mr. Francis JWHenry, in the Georgia Journal, to contradict that ever any such earthquake did take place, and by which we * Johnson's Ind. Nar. 217. t M ; litary Occurrences, i. 293. t The New Monthly Magazine. This famous vision of the Prophet will compare in strangeness with that of Keposh, head chief of the Delaware nation, related by Loskeil, (ii. 114.) He lay to all appearance dead for three days. In his swoon, he saw a man in white robes, who exhibited a catalogue of the people's sins, and warned him to repent. In 1749. he was about 80 years of age, and was baptized by the name of Solomon. We have related in Book III. an account of Squando's vision ; and others might be mentioned. J| "The earthquakes, which, in 1811, almost destroyed the town of New Madrid of the Mississippi, were very sensibly felt on the upper portion of the Missouri country, and occa sionedmuch superstitious dread amongst the Indians." Long's Expedition, i. 272. CHAP. VII.] ROUND-HEAD. 625 earn that that part of the superstitious world really believed that it had, and that places had been actually sunk. The same communicant says, " I have only to state that I have comfortably reposed in houses where newspapers have announced every disappearance of earth." He states also, upon the authority of "a Mr. Ckadbury, an English gentleman, from Quebec," that, " at the age of 15, this Indian disappeared from his relatives, and was con sidered as finally lost. That he strolled to Quebec, and from thence to Montreal, where, taken as a pilot to Halifax, he remained several years ; and in this space received an education qualifying him to act the part already known." The comet of 1811 was viewed by many, throughout the country, as a harbinger of evil, and it was upon this seeming advantage that the Prophet* seized to frighten his red brethren into his schemes. f He was said to have been killed on the 18 November, 1812, when the Missis- sinaway towns were destroyed on the Wabash by a detachment under Colonel Campbell; but this was only a rumor of the day. ROUND-HEAD was a Wyandot, and fought against the Americans in the last war. He was very conspicuous in the battle at Frenchtown upon the River Raisin. The Indian force in this affair was about 1000.J General Winchester's quarters were at 1 pr 200 yards from the main army when the fight commenced, and, in an endeavor to render it assistance, was fallen upon by the Wyandots, and himself and attendants captured. Round-head seized upon General Winchester with his own hands. It was a severe cold morning, 22 January, 1813, and the ground was covered with snow. Our chief, in a manner truly characteristic, obliged the general to divest himself of his great coat and all his uniform. With nothing but his shirt to protect him from the cold, Round-head conducted him to a fire, but not until he had got on the general's cocked hat, uniform coat, vest, &c. It was in this condition, that Colonel Proctor found him ; and it was not without much persuasion that the stern warrior relinquished his important captive ; and it was with still more reluctance, that he gave up the uniform, in which he had so short a time to strut about and show himself to his countrymen. This was a most disastrous expedition for the Americans : 538 were cap tured, according to the British account, which does not differ materially from the American ; || and 300 killed in the battle, and massacred by the Indians immediately after. In Colonel Proctor's official account of this affair, he speaks in high terms of the conduct of the Indian chiefs and warriors. His words are : " The zeal and courage of the Indian department were never more conspicuous than on this occasion, and the Indian warriors fought with their usual bravery." Colonel Proctor has been much censured for his conduct at the River Rai sin. It was said that he agreed to the terms asked for by General Winchester, and then paid no attention to their observance, but rather countenanced the Indians in their barbarities, thinking thereby to strike the Americans with dread, that they might be deterred from entering the service hi future. But the British historians say that u the whole of the left division surrendered at discretion," and not " on condition of their being protected from the savages, being allowed to retain their private property, and having their side-arms returned to them," as stated by General Winchester: for, Mr. James adds, "had this been the understanding, one may suppose that some writing would have been drawn up ; but, indeed, Gen. Winchester was not in a condition to dictate terms. Stripped to his shirt and trowsers, and suffering exceedingly from * Lambert, who published three volumes of travels in America in 1810, (London,) in speak ing of the Propliet, says, " Thus we find, that prophets are not confined to our own happy island : but I make no doubt, that many of our sealed countrymen and countrywomen, who are running after Joanna Sauthcoit from one end of the kingdom to the other, will (if thev should ever read this speech) turn up their nose at the Indian, and quote a text from Revela tions to prove that he is a. false prophet." Lambert, i. 396. t Halovon Luminary, i. 205, &.c. New York, (June,) 1812. i Perkins's Late War, 100. James, Milit. Occurrences, I. 188. |j Thomson has 522. Hist. Sketches, 104. 53 2P 626 WALK-IN-TIIE-WATER. [BOOK V the cold, the American general was found by Col. Proctor, near to one of the Indian fires, in possession of the Wyandot chief Round-head" So, according to the judgment of this historian, Colonel Proctor was under no obligation to keep his word, because there was "no writing" with hi? name to it. The historian that will even set up a defence for treachery maj calculate with certainty upon the value posterity will set upon his work We want no other than Colonel Proctor's own account from which to con demn him of, at least, great want of humanity. We do not pretend that the Americans were always free from the same charges ; but we would as soon scorn their extenuation as that of their enemies. Round-head was present with General Brock and Tecumseh when they took possession of Detroit, on the 15 August, 1812. When about to cross the river to lay siege to Detroit, General Brock presented Tecumseh with his red sash. This chief had too much good sense to wear it, well knowing it would create jealousy among the other chiefs, who considered themselves equal with him ; he therefore presented it to Round-head, as has been mentioned in the life of Tecumseh. Whether this chief were more wise than Tecumseh, in the last affair in which the latter was engaged, we are unable to say ; but it appears highly probable that the conduct of General Proctor was the cause of his being abandoned by most, if not all the Wyandots, previous to the battle of the Thames.* As Round-head was their chief, to him will be attributed the cause of their wise proceeding. The following letter, written after the battle of the River Raisin, (we con clude,) is worthy of a place here. " The Hurons, and the other tribes of Indians, assembled at the Miami Rapids, to the inhabitants of the River Raisin. Friends, listen ! You have always told us you toould give us any assistance in your power. We, therefore, as the enemy is ap proaching us, within 25 miles, call uponyou all to rise up and come here immediately, oringing your arms along with you. Should you fail at this time, we will not consider you in future as friends, and the consequences may be very unpleasant. We are well convinced you have no writing forbidding you to assist us. We art your friends at present. Round-head fl: his mark. Walk-in-the-water Q?) his mark, f " WALK-IN-THE- WATER also signalized himself in these events. His native name is Myeerah. He is a Huron, of the tribe of the Wyandots, and, in 1817, resided on a reservation in Michigan, at a village called Maguaga, near Brownstown. Mr. Brown, in his valuable WESTERN GAZETTEER, justly styles this famous chief one of " nature's nobles." The unfortunate General Hull mentions him as one of the principal "among the vast number of chiefs who led the hostile bands " of the west when the war of 1812 commenced. The Kaskaskias Wyandots, in 1814, were nearly equally divided between a chief called Tarhe, which signifies the Crane, and Myeerah. The former was called the grand chief of the nation, and resided at Sandusky. He Avas a very venerable and intelligent chief. In 1812, Myeerah told some American officers who were sent to the Indians to secure their favor, that the American government was acting very wrong to send an army into their country, which would cut off their communication with Canada. The Indians, he said, were their own masters, and would trade where they pleased ; that the affair of the Wabash was the fault of General Harrison entirely. He commanded the Indian army with Round-head at the battle of the River Raisin. After the battle of the Thames, in which also Walk-in-the-water was a con spicuous commander, he went to Detroit to make peace, or rather to ask it of General Harrison. In crossing from Sandwich with a white flag, many were attracted to the shore to see him, where also were drawn up the Kentucky volunteers. All were struck with admiration at his noble aspect and fearless * General Harrison's official letter, among Brannarfs Official Doc. p. 237. A English Barbarities, 132. CH.M-. V .] TEYONINHOKERAWEN. 627 earrige, as he ascended the bank and passed through the ranks of the sol diers. The greatest firmness attended his steps, and the most dignified non chalance was upon his countenance, notwithstanding his condition was now calculated to discover humiliation and deep depression. Only a few days before, he had fought hand to hand with these same volunteers, whose ranka he now passed through. We have not heard of the death of the heroic and truly great chief Myee- rah ; but, whether alive or dead, our veneration is the same. It was said of his contemporary, Tecumseh, that in the field he was an Achilles, and in the council an 4gamemnon. At least, we think, as much may in truth be said of Myeerah. The sequel of the life of Tarlie will be found in a former chapter, where he figures under the name of King Crane. In 1807, a treaty was made at Detroit between the Chippeways, Ottowas, Pottowattomies and Wyandots and the United States. Two chiefs besides Myeerah signed on behalf of the last-named tribe. His name to that treaty is written Miere. The next year, 1808, another treaty was made at Brownstown with the same tribes, with the addition of two delegates from the Shawanees. Three besides Myeerah signed at this time. He was also, we believe, a party to the treaty made at Fort Industry in 1805, on the Miami of the Lake. Less is known of the history of the two next chiefs, of which we shall say something, than of many others less distinguished. TEYONINHOKERAWEN was a Mohawk chief, who is generally known under the appellation of John Norton. " This interesting Indian, about two years ago, [1804 or 5,] visited England, where numerous traits of an amiable disposition and a vigorous intellect produced the most pleasing impressions on all who were introduced to him. A proof of his possessing, in a high degree, the qualities of a good temper and great mental quickness, occur red at the upper rooms, at Bath, where he appeared in the dress of his country. A young Englishman, who had been in America, accosted the chief with several abrupt questions respecting his place of abode, situation, and the like. To these Norton returned answers at once pertinent and modest. The inquirer, however, expressed himself dissatisfied with them, and hinted, in almost plain terms, that he believed him to be an impostor. Still the Amer ican suppressed his resentment, and endeavored to convince the gentleman that this account of himself might be depended upon. ' Well, but,' returned the other, ' if you really are what you pretend to be, how will you relish re turning to the savages of your own country ? ' ' Sir,' replied Norton, with a glance of intelligence, ' / shall not experience so great a change in my society as you imagine, for I find there are savages in this country also.' Animated with the spirit of genuine patriotism, this generous chieftain was unweariedly occupied, during the intervals of his public business, in acquiring every species of useful knowledge, for the purpose of transporting it to his own country, for the benefit of his people ; and what the friends to the happiness of men will hear with still greater admiration and pleasure, he was also en gaged, under the auspices of Mr. Wilberforct and Mr. Thornton, in the labori ous employment of translating the Gospel of St John into his native tongue."* Whether that published by the American Bible Society be the same translation, I am not positive, but believe it is. The following is the 3d verse of Chap. i. Yorighwagwegon ne rode weyenbkden, ok tsi nikon ne kaghson yagh oghnahhoten teyodon ne ne yagh raonhah te hayadare. From the London Monthly Repository it appears, that Norton was educated "at one of the American universities. There is an excellent portrait of him presented by the respectable Robert Barclay, hung up in the Bath Agricul tural Society's great room ; for he was made an honorary member while here." And the same writer adds : " I have a pamphlet published by him while in England, entitled ' An address to the Six Nations,' recommending the Gospel of St. John, one side in English, the other in Mohawk language, in which are discovered sentences very similar to the Welsh ; for instance, * Janson's Stranger in America, 278, 4to ; London, 1807. 628 LOGAN, THE SHAWANEE. [BOOK V. INDIAN. O Xiyoh toghsa eren teshawighe ne sagraciane wahom. WELSH. O Nhaw iiaddug erom dy devishaid grace am whahani. ENGLISH. O God, take not from us thy grace, because we have erred from thy ways." * Some of the words which seem to be corresponding and analogous to the eye, in the two first languages, are not so in meaning ; in fact there is no analogy whatever between the Welsh and Indian languages. In 1808, this chief was the bearer of a long and exceedingly excellent talk from the Senecas west of the Ohio, to the Indians of the interior of Canada, about 100 miles from Niagara Falls. It was from a Prophet named SKANYA- DARIO.f We learn also from Mr. Jansen that when Teyoninhokeraiven was in Eng land, he " appeared to be about 45 years of age ; " tall, muscular, and well pro portioned, possessing a fine and intelligent countenance. His mother was a Scotch woman, and he had spent two years in Edinburgh, in his youth, namely, from his 13th to his 15th year, read and spoke English and French well. He was married to a female of his own tribe, by whom he had two children. He served in the last war with the English, as will presently be related. Because this chief spent a few years in Scotland when young, some his torians \ have asserted that he was not an Indian, but a Scotchman ; and a writer of a sketch of the late Canada war says he was related to the French. Of this we have no doubt, as it is not uncommon for many of those who pass for Indians to have white fathers. We should think, therefore, that, instead of his mother's being a Scotch woman, his father might have been a Frenchman, and his mother an Indian. Of Norton's orTeyoninhokeraweri's exploits in the last war, there were not many, we presume, as there are not many recorded. When Col. Murray sur prised Fort Niagara, on the 19 Dec. 1813, Norton entered the fort with him, at the head of a force of about 400 men. |j Fort Niagara was garrisoned by about 300 Americans, of whom but 20 escaped. All who resisted, and some who did not, were run though with the bayonet. We only know that Norton was present on this occasion. On the 6 June, 1814, General Vincent and Norton, with a considerable force,H attacked an American camp ten miles from Burlington Bay, at a place called Fifty Mile Creek. The onset was made before day on a Sunday morn ing. The invaders seized upon seven pieces of cannon, and turned them upon their enemies. The night was very dark, and the confusion was very great. The American Generals Chandler and Winder, one major, five cap tains, one lieutenant, and 116 men, were taken prisoners. Nevertheless the Americans fought with such resolution that the attacking party were obliged to abandon their advantage, leaving 150 of their number behind them. They, however, carried off two pieces of cannon and some horses. LOGAN was a great Shawanee chief, who was more brave than fortunate. He was no connection of Logan of 1774, but was equally great, and, in the hands of a Jefferson, would have been equally celebrated. Shortly after Gen eral Tapper's expedition to the Miami Rapids, Captain James Logan, as he was called by the English, was sent by General Harrison in the direction of those rapids, with a small party of his tribe, to reconnoitre. He met with a superior force of the enemy near that place, by which he was so closely pur sued that his men were obliged to break and flee for safety in the true Indian manner. Logan, with two of his companions, Captain JOHN and BRIGHT HORN, arrived safe at General JVinckester's camp. When he gave an account here of what had happened, accusers in the army stood ready to charge him with treachery, and a design of aiding the enemy. He felt the false charge * Monthly Repository, iii. 715, London, 1809. t Und. 709. \ James, Military Occurrences, ii. 16. Mr. M. Smith, who lived then in Canada. || Some American historians say, "British and Indians;" but Mr. James (ii. 16.) sayj there was but one "Indian," and he was a Scotchman ! fl The number of rank and file was 704, of the Americans about 3000. CHAP. VII.] SIGNAL EXPLOIT OF CAPTAIN LOGAN. 629 with cutting severity, but without any inclination for revenge. On the con trary, lie determined to prove by some unequivocal announcement that he was not thus to be taken as a spy. Accordingly, on 22 November, with the two men above named, he set out, resolved either to bring in a prisoner or a scalp, or to hazard his life in the attempt. When he had proceeded down the Miami about 10 miles, on the north side, he met with Captain Elliot, (son of him of infamous memory, before mentioned in this book of our history,) accompanied by five Indians. As this party was too strong for Logan and his two brave companions, four of them being on horseback, he therefore determined to pass them, pretend ing to be of the British party, and advanced with confident boldness and a friendly deportment. But it unfortunately happened, that the noted Winne- mak, of whom mention has been made in the life of Tecumseh, and who had fought at the head of the Pottowattomies in the battle of Tippecanoe, knew him and denounced him as a spy. Logan, however, persisted that he was the friend of the British, and was then on his way to the Rapids to give in formation of the situation of the Americans. After conversing a while, he proceeded on his way, and Winnemak, with his companions, turned and fol lowed with him. Winnemak and his party closely watched the others, and when they had proceeded about eight miles, he proposed to Captain Elliot to seize and tie them ; but he said it was not necessary, for if they attempted to escape they could be shot down, or easily run down with their horses. Lo gan, overhearing this, communicated it to his companions, and it was agreed to make an attack upon them, although they were five to three. Until now, Logan had intended to go on with them till night, and then escape. No sooner was the resolution taken than the fight began. When they had all fired three roilnds apiece, the advantage was in favor of the three ; having driven their adversaries considerable distance, and cut them off from their horses. Elliot and Winnemak had both fallen mortally wounded, and a young Ottowa chief was killed. Towards the close of the fight, both Logan and Bright-horn were badly wounded. As soon as Logan was shot, he ordered a retreat, and, seizing the enemies' horses, they effected it to Winchester's camp. Captain John escaped unhurt, and after taking the scalp of the Ottowa chief, followed, himself, and arrived there the next morning. Logan had now indeed established his reputation, but he lost his life ! His wounds proved mortal two days after. In General Winchester's letter to Gen eral Harrison, he says, "More firmness and consummate bravery have seldom appeared on the military theatre." " He was buried with all the honors due to his rank, and with sorrow as sincerely and generally displayed as ever I wit nessed." Thus wrote Major Hardin to Governor Shelby : " His physiognomy was formed on the best model, and exhibited the strong est marks of courage, intelligence, good-humor and sincerity. He had been very serviceable to our cause, by acting as a pilot and a spy. He had gone with General Hull to Detroit, and with the first Kentucky troops who marched for the relief of Fort Wayne." Winnemak, while in conversation with Logan before the fight, declared that he commanded all the Indians in that quarter; and boasted that he had caused the massacre of Wells and those who had surrended at the battle of Chicago, after having gone with Wells, as a friend, to guard the garrison of that place to Fort Wayne. In 1786, General Logan, of Kentucky, took Logan, then a boy, prisoner, und kept him some time. After sending him to school till he hed acquired considerable education, he gave him his liberty and his own name. He was ever afterwards friendly to the whites. His mother was own sister to Tecum seh and the Prophet. He said that in the summer preceding his death, he had talked a whole night with Tecumseh, trying to persuade him against fighting against the States ; but Tecumseh urged him as strongly to join the British. His wife (probably before she was known to Logan) was taken prisoner by Colonel Hardin, in 1789, and had remained in his family until the treaty of Greenville. In the army Logan had formed an attachment to Major Hardin, son-in-law of General Logan, whom, before he died, he requested to see that what was due him for his services should be faithfully paid over to his family 53* 630 BLACK-BIRD CAPTURES FORT DEARBORN. [Boon V. which was done. His family resided at Wapoghoognata, which was called Logan's village.* BLACK-BIRD was a Pottowattomie chief, who made himself notorious by the massacre of the garrison of Fort Dearborn. Before it was known in the western region of the upper lakes, that war had been declared by the United States, Indian and Canadian forces were collected at several points ready lor the word to be given. That act seems to have been anxiously looked for by the Indians, as well as some of their advisers, who seem to have been much better prepared to meet the emergency of war than those who declared it. Mackanaw, or as it is generally written, Michillimakinak, was garrisoned at this time with only 58 effective men, and the first news they had of the declaration of war was the appearance of 500 Indians and about the same number of Canadians ready to attack them. The fort was therefore surren dered by Lieutenant Hanks, on the 17 of July, 1812. When General Hull heard of the fate of Michillimakinak, he rightly judged that Fort Dearborn, now Chicago, would be the next object of attack. Ac cordingly he despatched orders to Captain Heald, then in command there, to evacuate the place with all haste. But before this message reached him, Black-bird, with a host of his warriors, was prepared to act according to cir cumstances. A large number of the neighboring Indians, who had pre tended friendship, hearing that the place was to be evacuated, came there to receive what could not be carried away. On the 13 July, Captain Wells, of Fort Wayne, arrived at Fort Dearborn, with about 30 Miamies, to escort Captain Heald to Detroit. They marched from the fort on the 15 July, with a guard of Miamies in front, and another in the rear, under Captain Wells. They marched upon the shore of the lake, and when they had proceeded about one mile, they discovered Indians pre pared to attack them from behind the high sand-bank which bounded the beach of the lake. Captain Heald then ascended the bank with his men, and a fight was immediately begun by the Indians. The Indians being vastly numerous, Captain Heald saw that it was useless to contend, and immediately retreated to a small eminence in the adjacent prairie, and not being followed by the Indians, was out of the reach of their shot. Meantime the Indians got possession of all their horses and baggage. The Indians, after a short consultation, made signs for Captain Heald to advance and meet them. He did so, and was met by Black-bird, who, after shaking hands with him, told him, if he would surrender, the lives of the prisoners should be spared. There was no alternative, and after all their arms were surrendered, the party was marched back to the Indian encampment, near the fort, and divided among the different tribes. The next morning, they burned the fort, and left the place, taking the prisoners with them. Captain Heald's force was 54 regulars and 12 militia. In the fight on the bank of the lake, 26 of regulars and all of the militia were killed; besides two women and 12 children. Eleven women and children were among the captives. Captain Wells and many other officers were killed, and Captain Heald and his wife were both badly wounded, and were taken to the mouth of the St. Joseph's, where they were taken into the family of an Indian trader. Soon after, Black-bird set out with his warriors for the capture of Fort Wayne, and Captain Heald hired a Frenchman to take him to Mich illimakinak. He was afterwards exchanged. What other successes this chief had during the war is unknown. Black-hawk, in speaking of the capture and treatment of Captain Heald and his men, says,f it was owing to their not keeping their word with the Indians. The night before the fort was abandoned by the whites, they threw all the powder they could not carry with them into the well, which they had prom ised to give them. The next chief we introduce chiefly to illustrate a most extraordinary mode of doing penance among the nations of the west. * Taken principally from Nilesi's Register, and Damall's Namitive. t In his Life, written by himself, p. 42. CHAP. VII.] WAWNAHTON. BLACK-THUNDER 631 WAWNAHTON,* a bold and fearless chief, of the tribe of Yankton,f (wlwse name, translated, is "he, who charges the, enemy") was considerably noted in the last war with Canada. " He had," says my author, " killed seven enemies in battle with his own hand, as the seven war-eagle plumes in his hair testified, and received nine wounds, as was shown by an equal number oi' little sticks arranged in his coal-black hair, and painted in a manner that told an Indian eye whether they were inflicted by a bullet, knife or tomahawk, and by whom. At the attack on Fort Sandusky, in the late war, he received a bullet and three buck shot in k his breast, which glanced on the bone, and passing round under the skin, came out at his back." This, and other ex traordinary escapes, he made use of, like the famous Tuspaquin, two ages before, to render himself of greater importance among his nation. At this time he was supposed to be about 30 years of age, of a noble and elegant appearance, and is still believed to be living. J Major Long's company considered Wawnahton a very interesting man, whose acquaintance they cultivated with success in the neighborhood of Lake Traverse. They describe him as upwards of six feet high, and pos sessing a countenance that would be considered handsome in any country. He prepared a feast for the party, as soon as he knew they were corning to his village. " When speaking of the Dacotas, we purposely postponed men tioning the frequent vows which they make, and their strict adherence to them, because one of the best evidences which we have collected on this point connects itself with the character of Wanotan, and may give a favora ble idea of his extreme fortitude in enduring pain. In the summer of 1822, he undertook a journey, from which, apprehending much danger on the part of the Chippewas, he made a vow to the sun, that, if he returned safe, he would abstain from all food or drink for the space of four successive days and nights, and that he would distribute among his people all the property which he possessed, including all his lodges, horses, dogs, &c. On his return, which happened without accident, he celebrated the dance of the sun ; this consisted in making three cuts through his skin, one on his breast, and one on each of his arms. The skin was cut in the manner of a loop, so as to per mit a rope to pass between the flesh and the strip of skin which was thus divided from the body. The ropes being passed through, their ends were secured to a tall vertical pole, planted at about 40 yards frorn his lodge. He then began to dance round this pole, at the commencement of this last, fre quently swinging himself in the air, so as to be supported merely by the cords which were secured to the strips of skin separated from his arms and breast. He continued this exercise with few intermissions during the whole of his fast, until the fourth day about 10 o'clock, A. M., when the strip of skin from his breast gave way ; notwithstanding which he interrupted not the dunce, although supported merely by his arms. At noon the strip from his left arm snapped off: his uncle then thought that he had suffered enough," and with his knife cut the last loop of skin, and Wanotan fell down in a swoon, where he lay the rest of the day, exposed to the scorching rays of the sun. After this he gave away all his property, and with his two squaws deserted his lodge. To such monstrous follies does superstition drive her votaries ! In Tanner's Narrative, there is an interesting account of an expedition of an uncle of Wawnahton, at the head of 200 Sioux, against the Ojibbewas. Waw- naldon was himself of the party, but he had not then become so distinguished as he was afterwards. They fell upon a small band of Crees and Assinne- boins, and after a fight of near a whole day, killed all the Ojibbewas but one, the Little-dam, two women and one child, about 20 in number. This hap pened not far from Pembina. In 1822, he very much alarmed that post, by murdering some Assinneboins in its neighborhood. || BLACK-THUNDER, or Mackkatananamakee, was styled the celebrated patriarch of the Fox tribe. He made himself remembered by many from an * Wanotan-, in Long's Expe I. to St. Peters, i. 448. t Yanktoan, (Long, ib. 4(,4,) which signifies descended from the fern leaves. I Farts published by W. J. Snelling, Esq. It is said by Keating, in Long's Exped L U3, ihut la; was about 28 vr ajs of age. This was in 1823. { Tanne.rs Narrative, 138. |i West's Red River Colony, 84. 632 BLACK-THUNDER. ONGPATONGA. [Boon V excellent speech which he made to the American commissioners, who had assembled many chiefs at a place called the Portage, July, 1815, to hold a talk with them upon the state of their affairs ; particularly as it was believed by the Americans that the Indians meditated hostilities. An American com missioner opened the talk, and unbecomingly accused the Indians of breach of former treaties. The first chief that answered, spoke with a tremulous voice, and evidently betrayed guilt, or perhaps fear. Not so with the upright chief Black-thunder. He felt equally indignant at the charge of the white man, and the unmanly cringing of the chief who had just spoken. He began : " My father, restrain your feelings, and hear calmly what I shall say. I shall say it plainly. I shall not speak with fear and trembling. I have never injured you, and innocence can feel no fear. I turn to you all, red-skins and white-skins where is the man who will appear as my accuser ? Father, I understand not clearly how things are working. I have just been set at liberty. Am I again to be plunged into bondage ? Frowns are all around me ; but I am incapable of change. You, perhaps, may be ignorant of what I tell you ; but it is a truth, which I call heaven and earth to witness. It is a fact which can easily be proved, that I have been assailed in almost every possible way that pride, fear, feeling, or interest, could touch me that I have been pushed to the last to raise the tomahawk against you ; but all in vain. I never could be made to feel that you were my enemy. If this be the conduct of an enemy, I shall never be your friend. You are acquainted with my re moval above Prairie des Chiens.* I went, and formed a settlement, and called my warriors around me. We took counsel, and from that counsel we never have departed. We smoked, and resolved to make common cause with the U. States. I sent you the pipe it resembled this and I sent it by the Mis souri, that the Indians of the Mississippi might not know what we were doing. You received it. I then told you that your friends should be my friends that your enemies should be my enemies and that I only awaited your signal to make war. If this be the conduct of an enemy, I shall never be your friend. Why do I tell you this? Because it is a truth, and a melancholy truth, that the good things which men do are often buried in the ground, while their evil deeds are stripped naked, and exposed to the world, f When I came here, I came to you in friendship. I little thought I should have had to defend my self. I have no defence to make. If I were guilty, I should have come pre pared ; but I have ever held you by the hand, and I am come without ex- ruses. If I had fought against you, I would have told you so : but I have noth ing now to say here in your councils, except to repeat what I said before to my great father, the president of your nation. You heard it, and no doubt lemember it. It was simply this. My lands can never be surrendered; I was cheated, and basely cheated, in the contract; I will not surrender my country but with my life. Again I call heaven and earth to witness, and I smoke this pipe in evidence of my sincerity. If you are sincere, you will receive it from me. My only desire is, that we should smoke it together that I should grasp your sacred hand, and I claim for myself and my tribe the protection of your country. When this pipe touches your lip, may it operate as a blessing upon all my tribe. May the smoke rise like a cloud, and carry away with it all the animosities which have arisen between us." f The issue of this council was amicable, and, on the 14 Sept. following, Black-thunder met commissioners at St. Louis, and executed a treaty of peace. OHGPATONGA, or, as he was usually called, Big-elk, was chief of the Mahas, or Omawhaws, whose residence, in 1811, was upon the Missouri. || Mr. * The upper military post upon the Mississippi, in 1818. t " This passage forcibly reminds us of that in Shakespeare :" ' The evil that men do lives after them ; The good is often interred with their bones." | Philadelphia Lit. Gazette. Ongtie-pon-we, in Iroquois, was "men surpassing all others." Hist. Fir.t Nations. || " The O'Mahas, in number 2250, not long ago, abandoned their old village on the souti L1E&WA1R ' . VII.l PETALESHAROO. 633 Brackenridge visited his town on the 19 May of that year, in his voyage up that river. His " village is situated about three miles from the river, and con tains about 3000 souls, and is 836 miles from its mouth."* We shall give here, as an introduction to him, the oration he made over the grave of Black buffalo, a Sioux chief of the Teton tribe, who died on the night of the 14 July, 1811, at " Portage des Sioux," and of whom Mr. Brackenridge remarks: f " The Black-buffalo was the Sioux chief with whom we had the conference at the great bend ; and, from his appearance and mild deportment, I was induced to form a high opinion of him." After being interred with honors of war, Ongpatonga spoke to those assembled as follows : " Do not grieve. Misfor tunes will happen to the wisest and best men. Death will come, and always comes out of season. It is the command of the Great Spirit, and all nations and people must obey. What is passed, and cannot be prevented, should not be grieved for. Be not discouraged or displeased then, that in visiting your father^ here, [the American commissioner,] you have lost your chief. A mis fortune of this kind may never again befall you, but this would have attended you perhaps at your own village. Five times have I visited this land, and never returned with sorrow or pain. Misfortunes do not flourish particularly in our path. They grow every where. What a misfortune for me, that I could not have died this day, instead of the chief that lies before us. The trifling loss my nation would have sustained in my death, would have been doubly paid for by the honors of my burial. They would have wiped off every thing like regret Instead of being covered with a cloud of sorrow, my warriors would have felt the sunshine of joy in their hearts. To me it would have been a most glorious occurrence. Hereafter, when I die at home, instead of a noble grave and a grand procession, the rolling music and the thundering cannon, with a flag waving at my head, I shall be wrapped in a robe, (an old robe perhaps,) and hoisted on a slender scaffold to the whistling winds, -soou to be blown down to the earth ; || my flesh to be devoured by the wolves, and my bones rattled on the plain by the wild beasts. Chief of the soldiers, [ad dressing Col. Miller,] your labors have not been in vain. Your attention shall not be forgotten. My nation shall know the respect that is paid over the dead. When I return, I will echo the sound of your guns." Dr. Morse saw Ongpatonga at Washington in the winter of 1821, and dis coursed with him and Ishkatappa, chief of the republican Paunees, " on the subject of their civilization, and sending instructors among them for that purpose." The doctor has printed the conversation, and we are sorry to acknowledge that, on reading it, Big-elk suffers in our estimation ; but his age must be his excuse. When he was asked who made the red and white people, he answered, "The same Being who made the white people, made the red people ; but the white are better than the red people." This acknowledg ment is too degrading, and does not comport with the general character of the American Indians. It is not, however, very surprising that such an expression should escape an individual surrounded, as was Ongpatonga, by magnificence, luxury, and attention from the great. Big-elk was a party to several treaties made between his nation and the Unit'd States, previous to his visit to Washington in 1821. PETALESHAROO was not a chief, but a brave of the tribe of the Pau nees. (A brave is a warrior who has distinguished himself in battle, and is next in importance to a chief.1I) He was the son ofLetelesha, a famous chief, commonly called the Knife-chief, or Old-knife. When Major Long and his company travelled across the continent, in 1819 and *20, they became ac quainted with Petalesharoo. From several persons who were in Long's side of the Missouri, and now dwell on the Elk-horn River, due west from their old village, 80 miles west-north-west from Council Bluffs." Morse's Indian Report, 251. * Brackenridge, ut sup. 91. t Jour, up the Missouri, 240. J Governor Edwards or Colonel Miller. It is a custom to expose the dead upon a scaffold among some of the tribes of the west See Brackenridge, Jour., 186. ; Pike's Expedition ; Long's do. I The engraving- at the commencement of Book II. illustrates this passage. Long's Expedition, i. 356 ; and Dr. Morse's Indian Report, 247. 634 PETALESHAROO. [BOOK V. company, Dr. Morse collected the particular of him which he gives in bia INDIAN REPORT as an anecdote. In the winter of 1821, Petalesharoo visited Washington, being one of a deputation from his nation to the American government, on a business matter. This brave was of elegant form and countenance, and was attired, in his visit to Washington, as represented in the engraving. In 1821, he was about 25 years of age. At the age of 21, he was so distinguished by his abilities and prowess, that he was called the " bravest of the braves." But few years previous to 1821, it was a custom, not only with his nation, but those adjacent, to torture and burn captives as sacrifices to the great Star. In an expedition performed by some of his countrymen against the Iteans, a female was taken, who, on their return, was doomed to suffer according to their usages. She was fastened to the stake, and a vast crowd assembled upon the adjoining plain to witness the scene. This brave, unobserved, had sta tioned two fleet horses at a small distance, and was seated among the crowd, as a silent spectator. All were anxiously waiting to enjoy the spectacle of the first contact of the flames with their victim ; when, to their astonishment, a brave was seen rending asunder the cords which bound her, and, with the swiftness of thought, bearing her in his arms beyond the amazed multitude ; where placing her upon one horse, and mounting himself upon the other, he bore her off safe to her friends and country. This act would have endan gered the life of an ordinary chief; but such was his sway in the tribe, that no one presumed to censure the daring act. This transaction was the more extraordinary, as its performer was as much a son of nature, and had had no more of the advantages of education than the multitude whom he astonished by the humane act just recorded. This account being circulated .at Washington, during the young chief's stay there, the young ladies of Miss White's seminary in that place resolved to give him a demonstration of the high esteem in which they held him on account of his humane conduct ; they therefore presented him an elegant silver medal, appropriately inscribed, accompanied by the following short but affectionate address: "Brother, accept this token of our esteem always wear it for our sakes, and when again you have the power to save a poor woman from death and torture, think of this, and of us, and fly to her relief and her rescue." The brave's, reply: "This [taking hold of the medal which he had just suspended from his neck] will give me more ease than I ever had, and I will listen more than I ever did to white men. I am glad that my brothers and sisters have heard of the good act I have done. My brothers and sisters think that I did it in ignorance, but I now know what I have done. 1 did it in ignorance, and did not know tJiat I did good; but by giving me this medal 1 know it." Some time after the attempt to sacrifice the Itean woman, one of the warriors of Letelesha brought to the nation a Spanish boy, whom he had taken. The warrior was resolved to sacrifice hirn to Venus, and the time was appointed. Letelesha had a long time endeavored to do away the custom, and now consulted Petalesharoo upon the course to be pursued. The young brave said, "I will rescue the boy, as a warrior should, by force." His father was unwilling that he should expose his life a second time, and used great exertions to raise a sufficient quantity of merchandise for the purchase of the captive. All that were able contributed, and a pile was made of it at the lodge of the Knife-chief, who then summoned the warrior before him. When he had arrived, the chief commanded him to take the merchandise, and deliver the boy to him. The warrior refused. Letelesha then waved his war-Hub in the air, bade the warrior obey or prepare for instant death. "Strike" said Petelesharoo, " I will meet the vengeance of his friends." But the prudent and excellent Letelesha resolved to use one more endeavor before committing such an act. He therefore increased the amount of property, which had the desired effect. The boy was surrendered, and the valuable collection of goods sacrificed in his stead.* This, it is thought, will be the * Long, ut supra, 35-78. CHAP. VII.] METE.VS SPEECH AGAINST SELLING LAND. 635 last time the inhuman custom will be attempted in the trihe. "The origin of this sanguinary sacrifice is unknown; probably it existed previously to their intercourse with the white traders."* They believed that the success of their enterprises, and all undertakings, depended upon their faithfully adhering to the due performance of these rites. In his way to Washington, he staid some days in Philadelphia, where Mr. JVeagle had a fine opportunity of taking his portrait, which he performed with wonderful success. It was copied for Dr. Godmari's Natural History, and adorns the second volume of that valuable work. METEA, chief of the Pottowattomies, is brought to our notice on account of the opposition he made to the sale of a large tract of his country. In 1831, he resided upon the Wabash. To numerous treaties, from 1814 to 1621, we find his name, and generally at the head of those of his tribe. At the treaty of Chicago, in the year last mentioned, he delivered the follow ing speech, after Governor CVmhad informed him of the objects of his mission. "3Iy father, We have listened to what you have said. We shall now retire to our camps and consult upon it. You will hear nothing more from us at present. [This is a uniform custom of all the Indians. When the council was again convened, Metea continued.] We meet you here to-day, because we had promised it, to tell you our minds, and what we have agreed upon among ourselves. You will listen to us with a good mind, and believe what we say. You know that we first came to this country, a long time ago, and when we sat ourselves down upon it, we met with a great many hard ships and difficulties. Our country was then very large ; but it has dwindled away to a small spot, and you wish to purchase that ! This has caused us to reflect much upon what you have told us ; and we have, therefore, brought all the chiefs and warriors, and the young men and women and children of our trihe, that one part may not do what the others object to, and that all may be witness of what is going forward. You know your children. Since you first came among them, they have listened to your words with an at tentive ear, and have always hearkened to your counsels. Whenever yon have had a proposal to make to us, whenever you have had a favor to ask of us, we have always lent a favorable ear, and our invariable answer has been 'yes.' This you know! A long time has passed since we first came upon our lands, and our old people have all sunk into their graves. They had sense. We are all young and foolish, and do not wish to do any thing that they would not approve, were they living. We are fearful we shall offend their spirits, if we sell our lands ; and we are fearful we shall offend you, if we do not sell them. This has caused us great perplexity of thought, because we have counselled among ourselves, and do not know how we can part with the land. Our country was given to us by the Great Spirit, who gave it to us to hunt upon, to make our cornfields upon, to live upon, and to make down our beds upon when we die. And he would never forgive us, should we bargain it away. When you first spoke to us for lands at St. Mary's, we said we had a little, and agreed to sell you a piece of it; but we told you we could spare no more. Now you ask us again. You are never satisfied! We have sold you a great tract of land, already ; but it is not enough ! We sold it to you for the benefit of your children, to farm and to live upon. We have now but little left. We shall want it all for ourselves. We know not. how long we may live, and we wish to have some lands for our children to hunt upon. You are gradually taking away our hunting-grounds. Your children are driving us before them. We are growing uneasy. What lands you have, you may retain forever; but we shall sell no more. You think, perhaps, that I speak in passion ; but my heart is good towards you. I speak like one of your own children. I am an Indian, a red-skin, and live by hunting and fishing, but my country is already too small ; and I do not know how to bring up my children, if I give it all away. We sold you a fine tract of land at St. Mary's. We said to you then it was enough to satisfy your children, and the last we should sell : and we thought it would be the ast you would ask for. We have now told you what we had to say. It ia * Long;, ttt supra, 357-8. 636 KEEWAGOUSHKUM. AN HISTORICAL SPEECH. [Boon V. what was determined on, in a council among ourselves ; and what I have spoken, is the voice of my nation. On this account, all our people have eome here to listen to me ; but do not think we have a bad opinion of you. Where should we get a bad opinion of you ? We speak to you with a good heart, and the feelings of a friend. You are acquainted with this piece of land the country we live in. Shall we give it up ? Take notice, it is a small piece of land, and if we give it away, what will become of us ? The Great Spirit, who has provided it for our use, allows us to keep it, to bring up our young men and support our families. We should incur his anger, if we bartered it away. If we had more land, you should get more , but our land has been wasting away ever since the white people became our neighbors, and we have now hardly enough left to cover the bones of our tribe. You are in the midst of your red children. What is due to us hi money, we wish, and will receive at this place ; and we want nothing more. We all shake hands with you. Behold our warriors, our women, and chil dren. Take pity on us and on our words." Notwithstanding the decisive language held by Metea in this speech, against selling land, yet his name is to the treaty of sale. And in another speech of about equal length, delivered shortly after, upon the same subject, the same determination is manifest throughout. At this time he appeared to be about forty years of age, and of a noble and dignified appearance. He is allowed to be the most eloquent chief of his nation. In the last war, he fought against the Americans, and, in the attack on Fort Wayne, was severely wounded ; on which account he draws a pension from the British government* At the time of the treaty of Chicago, of which we have made mention, several other chiefs, besides Metea, or, as his name is sometimes, written, Meeteya, were very prominent, and deserve a remembrance. Among them may be particularly named KEEWAGOUSHKUM, a chief of the first authority in the Ottowa nation. We shall give a speech which he made at the time, which is considered very valuable, as well on account of the history it contains, as for its merits in other respects. INDIAN HISTORY by an Indian, must be the most valuable part of any work about them. Keewagoushkum began : " My father, listen to me ! The first white people seen by us were the French. When they first ventured into these lakes, they hailed us as children ; they came with presents and promises of peace, and we took them by the hand. We gave them what they wanted, and initiated them into our mode of life, which they readily fell into. After some time, during which we had become well acquainted, we embraced their father, (the king of France,) as our father. Shortly after, these people that wear red coats, (the English,) came to this country, and overthrew the French ; and they extended their hand to us in friendship. As soon as the French were overthrown, the British told us, 'We will clothe you in the same manner the French did. We will supply you with all you want, and will purchase all your peltries, as they did.' Sure enough ! after the British took possession of the country, they fulfilled all their promises. When they told us we should have any thing, we were sure to get it ; and we got from them the best goods. Some time after the British had been in possession of the country, it was reported that another people, who wore white clothes, had arisen and driven the British out of the land. These people we first met at Greenville, [in 1795, to treat with General Wayne,] and took them by the hand. When the Indians first met the Ameri can chief, [Wayne,] in council, there were but few Ottowas present; but he said to them, 'When I sit myself down at Detroit, you will all see me.' Shortly after, he arrived at Detroit Proclamation was then made for all the Indians to come in. We were told, [by the general,] ' The reason I do not push those British farther is, that we may not forget their example in giving you presents of cloth, arms, ammunition, and whatever else you may require.' Sure enough ! The first time, we were clothed with great liberality. You gave us strouds, guns, ammunition, and many other things we stood in need * Schoolcrafl's Travels. CHAP. VIII.] BLACK-HAWK. 637 of, and said, ' This is the way you may always expect to be used.' It was also said, that whenever we were in great necessity, you would help us. When the Indians on the Maumee were first about to sell their lands, we heard it with both ears, but we never received a dollar. The Chippewas, the Pottowattomies, and the Ottowas were, originally, but one nation. We separated from each other near Michilimackinac. We were related by the ties of blood, language and interest ; but in the course of a long time, these things have been forgotten, and both nations have sold their lands, without consulting us." "Our brothers, the Chippewas, -have also sold you a large tract of land at Saganaw. People are constantly passing through the country, but we received neither invitation nor money. It is surprising that the Pot towattomies, Ottowas, and Chippewas, who are all one nation, should sell their lands without giving each other notice. Have we then degenerated so much that we can no longer trust one another? Perhaps the Pottowattomies may think I have come here on a begging journey, that I wish to claim a share of lands to which my people are not entitled. I tell them it is not so. We have never begged, and shall not now commence. When I went to Detroit last fall, Governor Cass told me to come to this place, at this time, and listen to what he had to say .in council. As we live a great way in the woods, and never see white people except in the fall, when the traders come among us, we have not so many opportunities to profit by this intercourse as our neighbors, and to get what necessaries we require ; but we make out to live independently, and trade upon our own lands. We have, heretofore, received nothing less than justice from the Americans, and all we expect, in the present treaty, is a full proportion of the money and goods." "A series of misfortunes," says Mr. Schoolcraft, "has since overtaken thia friendly, modest, and sensible chief. On returning from the treaty of f icago, while off the mouth of Grand River, in Lake Michigan, his canoe was struck by a ilaw of wind and upset. After making every exertion, he saw his wife and all his children, except one son, perish. With his son he reached the shore ; but, as if to crown his misfortunes, this only surviving child has since been poisoned for the part he took in the treaty." The result of this treaty was the relinquishment, by the Ottowas, Chip pewas, and Pottowattomies, of a tract of country in the southern part of the peninsula of Michigan, containing upwards of 5,000,000 acres, and for which they received of the United States, in goods, 35,000 dollars ; and several other gums were awarded to the separate tribes, to some yearly forever, and to others for a limited term of years. Some of the chiefs who attended to the treaty were opposed to this sale, and hence the reason that Keeicagoushkum'a son was poisoned. CHAPTER VIH. BLACK-HAWK'S tear Historical account of the tribes engaged in it Treaty between them Murders among the Sioux and Chippewas RED-BIRD Taken for murder Dies in prison Trial and execution of Indians BLACK-HAWK The Sacs murder 28 Menominies Indians insulted Their country sold without the consent of a large party This occasions the war Ordered to leave their country General Guinea drives them beyond the Mississippi Conclude a Treaty Treaty broken Sacs re turn again to their village Determine on war General Atkinson marches against them They retreat up Rock River. IT will be necessary, in this chapter, to give some account of such tribes of Indians as will often be mentioned as we proceed. We shall, however, con fine ourselves to such tribes as took part in the late war in the neighborhood of the Lakes Michigan and Superior, more especially ; and firstly, of the Win- nebagos. This tribe ^inhabit the country upon the Ouisconsin, a river that rises between the Lakes Superior and Michigan, and which disembogues itself into the Mississippi, near the S. W. angle of the N. W. territory. They were found seated here when the country was first visited by whites, about 54 638 BLACK-HA\VK. [BOOK V. 150 years ago, and here they still remain. In 1820, they were supposed to number 1550 souls, of whom 500 were men, 350 women, and 700 children, and lived in ten towns or villages.* A body of Winnebago warriors was in the fight at Tippecanoe, under the impostor Ellskwataiva. Sanamahhonga, called Stone-eater, and Wapamangioa, or White-loon, were leaders of the Win nebago warriors. The latter was one that opposed General Wayne in 1794, but was reconciled to the Americans in 1795, by the treaty of Greenville. He also treated with General Harrison, in 1809, at Fort Wayne, and again at Greenville in 1814 ; but he was active in the war of 1812, and on the British side. Winnebago Lake, which discharges its waters into Green Bay, was probably named from this tribe of Indians, or, what is quite as probable, they received their name from the lake. Secondly, the Menominies. This tribe inhabits a river bearing their name, and is situated about one degree north of the Winnebagos, from whom they are separated by a range of mountains. They numbered in 1820, according to some, about 355 persons, of whom not more than 100 were fighters ; but this estimate could apply only, it is thought, to the most populous tribe. Thirdly, the Pottowattomies, or Pouteouatamis. This nation was early known to the French. In the year 1668, 300 of them visited Father Allouez, at a place which the French called Chagouamigon, which is an island in Lake Superior. There was among them at this time an old man 100 years old, of whom his nation reported wonderful things ; among others, that he could go without food 20 days, and that he often saw the Great Spirit. He was taken sick here, and died in a few days after.f The country of the Pottowattomies is adjacent to the south end of Lake Michigan, in Indiana and Illinois, and in 1820 their numbers were set down at 3400. At that time the United States paid them yearly 5700 dollars. Of this, 350 dollars remained a permanent annuity until the late war. Fourthly, the Sacs and Foxes. These are usually mentioned together, and are now really but one nation. They also had the gospel taught them about 1668, by the Jesuits. They live to the west of the Pottowattomies, generally between the Illinois and Mississippi Rivers, in the state of Illinois. The chief of the Sauks, or Sacs, for at least 14 years, has been Keokuk. Of him we shall particularly speak in due course. The Sacs and Foxes were supposed to amount, in 1820, to about 3000 persons in all ; one fifth of whom may be accounted warriors. Thus we have taken a view of the most important points in the history of the tribes which were engaged in the late border war under Black-hawk, and are, therefore, prepared to proceed in the narration of the events of that war. It will be necessary for us to begin with some events as early as 1823 ; at which period a chief of the Winnebagos, called Red-bird, was the most con spicuous. This year, the United States' agents held a treaty at Prairie du Chien, with the Sacs, Foxes, Winnebagos, Chippeways, Sioux, &c., for the purpose, among other things, of bringing about a peace between the first- named tribe and the others, who were carrying on bloody wars among them selves; the treaty stipulated that each tribe should confine itself to certain boundaries, which were designated ; and as parties from them all were con stantly visiting the United States' forts, upon business, or various other occa sions, it was agreed that any party should be protected from insult or injury from any other Indians while upon such visits. It would not seem, however, that the makers of the treaty could have supposed that any such agreement would avail much, where deep hatred existed between any of the parties ; for the very circumstance of protection being offered, would lead directly to difficulty, by placing one party in a situation exactly to accommodate another, in their peculiar method of surprise ; nor could any one have supposed that any fear of punishment from the whites would have been equal to the gratification of revenge. Yet the motives of the whites were good, however little was effected by them. As was expected, frequent murders happened among the Indians ; and it waa * Dr. Morse rated them at 5000. Ind. Report, Ap. 362 t dutrlevoix, Hist, de la Nouv. France, i. 3'j5. CHAP. VIII.] TRIAL OF SEVEN INDIANS. 639 not often that those guilty of them could be found or recognized. At length, in the summer of 18:27, a party of 24 Chippewas, on a tour to Fort Snelling, were surprised by a hand of Sioux, who killed and wounded eight of them. The commandant of Fort Snelling captured four of them, whom he delivered into the hands of the Chippewas, who immediately shot them, according trj the directions of the commandant A Sioux chief, named RED-BIRD, resented the proceedings of the commandant, and resolved upon a further retaliation upon the Chippewas. Accordingly, he led a war party against them soon alter, but was defeated; and upon his return home from the expedition, his neighbors derided him, as being no brave. What were the grounds of Red-bird's enmity in the first place is now un known, nor is it important to be inquired into in our present business ; but certain it is, he had, or conceived that he had, just cause for his attack upon the Chippewas ; his last and unsuccessful expedition against them, however, was to revenge the execution of those at Fort Snelling, who, he had been told, were executed for the murder of a family of seven persons, named Method*, near Prairie des Chiens. This, however, was not very likely the case. As he could not get revenge of the Chippewas, Red-bird resolved on seek ing it among the whites, their abettors ; therefore, with two or three other desperadoes, like himself, of whom Black-hawk was probably one, he repaired to Prairie des Chiens, where, on the 24 July, 1827, they killed two persons and wounded a third. We hear of no plunder taken, but with a keg of whisky, which they bought of a trader, they retired to the mouth of Bad-axe River. Six days after, July 30, with his company augmented, Red-bird waylaid two keel-boats that had been conveying commissary stores to Fort Snelling. One came into the ambush in the day time, and, after a fight of four hours, es caped with the loss of two killed and four wounded. It was midnight before the other fell into the snare, and, owing to the darkness, escaped without much injury. Notice has probably been taken by Black-hawk, in his narrative, of these events ; but as he relates every thing without any regard to dates, it is impos sible to assign some of his incidents to their proper places in history. Not long after these events, in September, 1827, General Atkinson marched into the Winnebago country, with a brigade of troops, regulars and militia, and succeeded in making prisoners of Red-bird, and six other Winnebagos, who were held in confinement at Prairie du Chien until a trial could be had on them. On the 25 October, 1828, at a special term of the United States' Circuit Court, they were tried, all except Red-bird, who had died in prison. Waniga or the Sun, and Chik-hong-sic, the Little-bull, were each tried on two indictments ; one for the murder of Registre Gagnier, as accomplices of Red-bird, in the murder of which mention has already been made. On the second indictment, Chik- hong-sic was tried for the murder of Solomon Lipcap ; and Waniga on the same, as his accomplice. On the third indictment, Waniga was tried for scalping Louisa Gagnier with intent to kill. On the first indictment, both were brought in guilty. On the second, Chik-hon^-sic was brought in guilty, and Waniga was acquitted. On the third, Waniga was found guilty, and Chik-hong-sic was acquitted. They were sentenced to be executed on the 26 of the following December. The two charged with the murder of Mr. Methode and family were acquit ted by a nolle prosequi. Black-hawk, or Kara-zhonsept-hah, as his name was then written, and Kanonekah, the Youngest of the Thunders, were among the prisoners charged with the attack on the boats the preceding year ; but the charge not being sustained for want of evidence, they were discharged, as was also a son of Red-bird. Thus it appears a year had passed since these Indians were captured, before they were brought to trial. Such a delay of justice was to the friends of the imprisoned Indians ten times as insufferable, if possible, as any punishment could have been, inflicted in any reasonable time after a crime had been com mitted. They cannot understand why, if one be guilty, he should not at once be punished, as it seldom happens, with Indians, that they deny an act when guilty: the most of them scorn to do it Hence, the white people'* 640 MURDER OF THE MENOMINIES. [BOOK V. keeping them imprisoned, they think an act of great cowardice ; presuming they dare not punish the culprit. It has sometimes happened, that after an Indian had been imprisoned for a long time, and been discharged for want of evidence, although at the time of his capture there were no doubts of his guilt, even upon his own confession, he has been shot by some skulking white bor derer on his way to his home. This, to the friends of such Indian, is the most abominable crime ; and these things had all happened in Illinois before the end of 1828. BLACK-HAWK, as we have just seen, was captured and held some time in du rance for attacking the boats, which, it seems, could not be proved against him, as he was discharged; but if there were doubts of his guilt before, there can be none now, according to his own confession, which, it would seem, he had too much craft to acknowledge before his trial. Matters continued in a ruffled state for about three years, though acts of violence seem not often to have occurred. In 1831, it was the general opinion on the frontiers, that the Indians intended to forbear no longer ; and it was rightly judged by General Atkinson, that efforts had been, or were being made by some of them to unite all the Indians from Rock River to Mexico in a war. That this was the truth of the case we will hear Black-hawk in evidence. He says, "Runners were sent to the Arkansas, Red-River and Texas not on the subject of our lands, but a secret mission, which I am not, at present, per mitted to explain." The difference between the Sacs and Foxes, and Menominies and Sioux, was one great cause of the troubles previous to the war of 1832. The whites used their endeavors to bring about a peace between them, and finally effected it, although at the very time murders were committed by one party upon the other, while on their way to attend a treaty for their own benefit. But such is their thirst for revenge, that they will take it at the hazard of themselves and all their connections. Black-hawk himself relates, that on a certain time, which, I believe, was in the summer of 1830, the chiefs of the Foxes were invited to attend a treaty at Prairie du Chieu for the settlement of their dif ferences with the Sioux. Nine of the head men of the Foxes, with one woman in their company, set out to attend the treaty, who, on their way, were met by a company of Sioux, near the Ouisconsin, and all of them, except one man, were killed. This murder went unrevenged until the next year, when a band of Sioux and Menominies, who were encamped within a mile of the fort at Prairie du Chien, were attacked by some Foxes from Black-hawk's party, and 28 of them were killed. The whites now demanded the murderers, but Black-hawk said they had no right to make such a demand, for it was an affair between the Indian nations, over whom they had no authority ; and besides, he said, when the Menominies had murdered the Fox chiefs, the year before, they made no such demand for the murderers. According to the treaty of the 15th of July, 1830, at Prairie du Chien, the Sacs and Foxes sold their country to the United States, and the Sioux, Oma- hahs, loways, Ottoes, and several other tribes and bands, participated in the sale ; but Black-hawk had nothing to do with it. Keokuk, or the Watchful-fox, at this time headed the party of Sacs that made the treaty ; when Black-hawk knew what was done, it very much agitated and displeased him ; but Keokuk had pleased the whites, and sold his country, as the ill-advised M'Intosh had done. The next summer, 1831, Black-hawk says, that while on a visit to the Indian agent at Rock Island, he heard, for the first time, " talk of our having to leave my village. The trader (he says) explained to me the terms of the treaty that had been made, and said we would be obliged to leave the Illinois side of the Mississippi, and advised us to select a good place for our village, and remove to it in the spring." This trader was the adopted brother of the principal Fox chief, whom he had persuaded to leave his village and build another on the west side of the Mississippi. Keokuk had consented to go, and was using all his influence to induce others to go with him. A party now began to organize itself in opposition to that of Keokuk. They called upon Black-hawk for his opinion about it ; and, says the old chief, "I gave it freely and after questioning Quash-qua-me about the sale of the CHAP. VIII.] RELUCTANCE TO LEAVE THEIR COUNTRY. 641 lands, lie assured me that he never had consented to the sale of our village.' 1 now promised this party to be their leader, and raised the standard of opposition to Keokuk, with a full determination not to leave my village/' The Sac village was* on the point of land formed by Rock River and the Mississippi. The tribe had here usually about 700 acres of planting land, which extended about two and a half miles up the Mississippi. According to the tradition of the Indians, a village had stood here about 150 years. The whole extent of the Sac country on the Mississippi, was from the mouth of the Ouisconsiu to the Portage des Sioux, almost to the entrance of the Missouri, in length near 700 miles. About the time of the treaty of which we have been speaking, some out rages were committed upon the Indians by the whites in kind like the follow ing : One of Black-hawk's men having found a hive of bees in the woods, in a hollow tree, took it to his wigwam. Some whites, having learned the cir cumstance, repaired to the Indian's wigwam and demanded the honey as theirs, and he gave it up to them. They not only took the honey, but made plunder of all the skins he had got during his winter's hunt, and carried them off also. The case of the Indian was exceeding hard, for he owed the skins to liis trader. Therefore he could not pay him, nor could he get necessaries for his family, in consequence of his inability to meet his former contract. About this time Black-hawk met with gross ill treatment from some whites who met him in the woods a-huuting. They fell upon him, and beat him so severely that he was lame for some time after it. The whites pretended he had done them an injury. Such outrages, added to those of a public nature," had driven the Indians to desperation, and finally determined Black-hawk to act on the offensive. But he was sadly deceived in his real strength when he came to trial; for he had been assured that the Chippewas, Ottowas, Winnebagos and Pottowattomies all stood ready to help and second him. Neapope, who had been among some of them, was either deceived himself or he intentionally deceived his chief. But the Prophet, Wabokieshiek, was doubtless the greatest deceiver. He sent word to Black-hawk that he had received wampum from the nations just mentioned, and he was sure of their cooperation. Besides this strong encouragement, it was also told to the principal Sac chiefs, that their British father at Maiden stood ready to help them, in case of wrong being offered them by the whites ; but this was, without doubt, a stratagem of the Prophet, or JVeopope, the bearer of the intelligence. The chiefs of the whites at Maiden and other places, had been visited by Black-hawk or his head men, and, on being told their situation in respect to being obliged to leave their country, these friends of the Indians honestly told them that, if they had not sold their country, it could not be taken from them. When the old chief, Black-hawk, found that Keokuk had sold the Sac village, with the rest of their country on the east side of the Mississippi, he saw and conversed with him about it, and Keokuk was so well convinced that he had done what he had no right to do, that he promised to go to the whites, and use all his endeavors to get it back again by giving any other part of the country for it: Black-hawk said he would give up even the lead-mines, if they could only be allowed to enjoy their old village, and the little point of land on which were the beautiful cornfields which their wives had cultivated, for years, undisturbed, and the adjacent burying-grounds of their honored dead. With strong hopes that something would be effected for them, the Sacs set out upon their usual winter's hunt, in the fall of 1830, and meanwhile Vie whites came on and possessed their beloved village ! When the Indians returned, they saw families of intruders in their own wigwams and lodges, that they had left the fall previous the wives and children of the poor Indians were now upon the banks of their own Mississippi, but without a home or lodge to cover them ! This was insufferable to Black-hawk where is the white man that could endure such things ? There are none that could, even the most servile slave. The Sacs were encamped on the west bank of the Mississippi, having re turned from their hunting-grounds earlier than usual, on account of infor mation of the state of things in their village. The ice had not left the Mis- 54 2Q 642 THEIR VILLAGE POSSESSED BY THE WHITES. [Boos V. sissippi ; but before it was time to plant corn, the firm resolution of the chiefs was taken, that their village they would again possess. They acted in accord ance with their resolution, and went on and took possession. The whites were alarmed, and doubting of their ability to drive off the Indians then, said they would live and plant together ; but took care to seize upon all the best planting land. The Indians were determined not to be the first to commit any hostile act, and submitted to great insults ; some of their women being shamefully beaten by their white neighbors for the most trifling offence, to which their new situation had unavoidably subjected them, and one young man was actually beaten to death, or so that he soon after died ; nevertheless, to the shame of those whites be it told, there is no account which has ever come to me that the Indians attempted to retaliate. Other evils were experienced while the poor Sacs endeavored to live with the whites in their own village. Ardent spirits were brought in, and used to cheat the Indians out of their personal property, their guns, and articles with which they hunted. In the fall of 1830, the Indians had been told that they must not come again to the east side of the river. Meantime the lands of the Sac village had been sold, or a part of them, and all the Indians were ordered to leave them. Black-haivk and his band, however, would not obey, and some of them remained on the unsold lands, while the others were on their hunting expeditions. And early in the spring of 1831, after having used every means for a reconciliation, without giving up their village, the Sacs in a body re- crossed the river to their old cornfields, and in a menacing manner took possession ; but if we can believe Black-hawk, he did not mean to be pro voked into a war by any thing less than the life-blood of some of his people; which he said the whites dare not take, at least so long as he remained on the government's land ; for by an article of the treaty which had caused these troubles, the Indians were not obliged to leave the lands so long as they re mained unsold. But the settlers cried out against the encroachments of the. Indians upon them, which soon became so loud and clamorous that Governor Reynolds forthwith taking the responsibility, declared the state of Illinois in vaded by hostile Indians, although it does not appear that any of them were upon other lands than those owned by the United States. Accordingly, on the 28 May, 1831, Governor Reynolds wrote from Belleville, the capital of the state of Illinois, to General Gaines, the military commander of the western department, that he had received undoubted information that the section of the state near Rock Island was at that time invaded by a hos tile band of the Sac Indians, headed by Black-hawk; and that in order to re pel said invasion, and to protect the citizens of the state, he had called on 700 of the militia of the said state, to be mounted and ready for that service. He therefore, "as executive of the state of Illinois," respectfully solicited his cooperation. General Gaines said in answer, the next day, that he had ordered six companies of regular troops to proceed from Jefferson Barracks the day following, May 30, for the Sac village, and if necessary he would add two companies more from Prairie du Chien. This force he considered suf ficient to put down the " hostile Sacs ; " but, he said, if the Indian force had been augmented by other Indians, then he would correspond with his excel lency by express, and avail himself of his offer of the 700 mounted volunteers. Governor Reynolds had just before (26 May) written to General Clark, the superintendent of Indian affairs at St. Louis, and among other things said, he had considered it necessary to order out troops " to protect the citizens " of the state "near Rock Island from invasion and depredation;" but from his letter to Gaines, dated only two days after, the state was actually invaded. Hence it appears, that in something less than two days, by thinking the mat ter over, the governor had, in his mind, changed the fear of invasion into actual invasion. In the same letter he goes on : The object of the government of the state is to protect those citizens by removing said Indians, " peaceably if they can, but forcibly if they must." "I consider it my duty to inform you of the above call on the militia, and that in or about 15 days, a suf ficient force will appear before these Indians to remove them, dead or alive, over the west side of the Mississippi." Whether his excellency did not CHAP. VIII | GENERAL GAINES'S EXPEDITION. 643 mean to stop with his Indians short of the Western Ocean, I cannot say, but certainly he says nothing of leaving them any where on lands on the west side of the Mississippi ; he, however, humanely adds, " But to save all this disagree able business, perhaps a request from you to them, for them to remove to the west side of the river, would effect the object of procuring peace to the citi zens of the state." General Clark replied, two days after, that every effort en his part " had been made to effect the removal from Illinois of all the tribes who had ceded their lands." Hence no alternative now remained but to proceed on with an army to drive off the Indians. Accordingly General Gaines proceeded to the country in dispute, and by his prudent management succeeded in settling the diffi culty, which, as matters immediately afterwards turned out, seems to have amounted to but little ; and as General Gaines's account of his expedition agrees very well with what Black-hawk has since said about it, we lay it before the reader. It is contained in a letter dated Rock Island, 20 June, 1831. " I have visited the Rock River villages, with a view to ascertain the locali ties, and, as tar as possible, the disposition of the Indians. They confirm me in the opinion I had previously formed, that, whatever may be their feelings of hostility, they are resolved to abstain from the use of their tomahawks and fire-arms except in self-defence. But few of their warriors were to be seen their women and children, and their old men appeared anxious, and at first somewhat confused, but none attempted to run off. Having previously noti fied their chiefs that I would have nothing more to say to them, unless they should desire to inform me of their intention to move forthwith, as I had di rected them, I did not speak to them, though within 50 yards of many of them. I had with me on board the steam-boat some artillery, and two com panies of infantry. Then- village is immediately on Rock River, and so situ ated that I could from the steam-boat destroy all their bark houses (the only kind of houses they have) in a few minutes, with the force now with me, probably without the loss of a man. But I am resolved to abstain from firing a shot without some bloodshed, or some manifest attempt to shed blood, on the part of the Indians. I have already induced nearly one third of them to cross the Mississippi to then; own land. The residue, however, say, as the friendly chiefs report, that they never will move ; and what is very uncommon, their women urge their hostile husbands to fight rather than to move and thus to abandon their homes." Thus stood matters previous to the arrival of the Illinois militia; neither party wishing to do any thing to bring on hostilities. On the 7th June, Black-hawk met General Gaines in council, and plainly told him he would not remove, and to let him know he was not afraid of his forces, went to the council-house at the head of his band, armed and painted as though they ex pected to be attacked ; the consequence was, nothing was effected thus far. But the general was satisfied that the reports of other tribes having engaged to assist them were entitled to little credit That the general well understood the affairs of the Sacs at this time, no doubt will be entertained, on compar ing his account with the statement of Black-hawk in his life. " Several other tribes," observes the general, "such as the Wirinebagos, Pottowattomies, and Kikapoos, have been invited by these Sacs to assist them ; but I cannot positively ascertain that more than 200 have actually joined, and it is very doubtful whether these will remain true to their offending allies." As General Gaines found he could not effect a compliance with his demands, lie concluded to wait for the militia, who, on the 25 June, promptly arrived. o These the Indians thought it not proper to oppose, knowing well that border militia would submit to no restraint from their officers ; they therefore fled across the Mississippi to avoid being massacred ; and on the following day, June 26, the army took possession of the Sac village, without the firing of a gun on either side. On the 27th, Black-hawk caused a white flag to be dis played to show his disposition to have a parley, which soon after ensued, and this ended in a treaty. In his despatch to the secretary of war, General Gaines said he was of opinion that "these Indians were as completely humbled, as if they had been diusti^ed in battle, and less disposed to disturb the frontier inhabitants;" 644 BLACK-HAWK RETIRES UP ROCK RIVER. [Boox V- and tliat Governor Reynolds was of the same opinion. But in this they were both mistaken, although when the treaty was made, Black-hauk without doubt intended strictly to observe it ; yet he could not foresee what would happen. He had been promised corn to supply the wants of his people, in stead of that which they had been obliged to abandon ; but what they received was far from sufficient, and they began to feel the encroachment of famine. In this state of things, a party of Sacs, as the old chief says, went over the river to steal corn from their own fields ! and thus began a new series of troubles which ended in bloodshed. Black-hawk, with his chief men, had signed the treaty, and it was broken the same year by both parties. It was dated on the 30 June, 1831, five days after the " flight," and among the signers we recognize, besides MUCATA-MU- III-EATAK (Black-hawk), as his name was then written, PASHEPAHO (Slabbing- chief), WEES HEAT (Sturgeon-head), KAKEKAMAH (All-feh), and several others. It was in the course of the same summer, that the party from Black-hawk's band killed the 28 Menornonies, of which we have before given an account, and although the whites considered it their concern, seem not to have under taken to revenge it until the spring of 1832; and the probability is, they would hardly then have undertaken it, had not some of the Sacs intruded themselves again into their old village, by which a new cry was raised against them. Be this as it may, General Atkinson set out for the Upper Mis sissippi, about the first of April, at the head of the sixth regiment of United States infantry, at whose approach Black-hawk and his party abandoned their camp on the Mississippi, where Fort Madison had been built, and ascended Rock River. It was in this direction he expected to be reinforced by the Pottowattomies, Winnebagos, and Kikapoos, but who in the end declined the hazardous and unequal conflict. As Black-hawk moved leisurely up Rock River, he received several ex presses from General Atkinson, ordering him in a peremptory manner to leave the country ; but he constantly said he would not, and said he was going to the ProphtCs village to make corn, to which he had been invited, and the whites might attack him if they dared ; that they might come on if they chose, but they would not find him unprepared ; yet he would not begin with them. Meanwhile General Atkinson, not judging it expedient to pursue the Indians up Rock-River, made a stand at Dixon's Ferry, and waited for a rein forcement. CHAPTER IX. March of Major Stillman Kills some of BLACK-HAWK'S men Stillman's defeat Talk with the Winnebagos Menomonies join the whites Settlement on Indian Creek destroyed Captivity of tico young icomen Murders Plum River settle ment broken up Congress orders out troops Murders near Galena Indians cut off by General Dodge Snider's defeat Stevenson's defeat Attack on the fort at Buffalo Grove On that at Apple River Defeat of Major Dement Murder at Cincinawa Mound Ravages of the cholera among the regular troops Rattle of the Ouisconsin Action with the steam-boat Warrior Battle of the 2d of August, and end of the war. BEFORE the arrival of General Atkinson at Ogee's or Dixon's Ferry, General Whitesides had proceeded there with a considerable body of mounted men, and a march of discovery was resolved upon. Accordingly, about the 13th of May, a company of 270 men proceeded on towards Sycamore Creek, under Major Stillman. BLACK-HAWK being apprized of the march of this detach ment, sent out three young warriors with a white flag to meet them, and in vite them to his camp ; but the whites, paying no regard to the flag, took the bearers of it prisoners. Five others had been sent after the first, to see what ensued, and to report what might take place. These five were discovered and pursued by a small party of the whites, and, l-eing overtaken, two of CHAP. 1 L] STILLMAN'S DEFEAT. 645 them were killed, and the rest escaped. It was now near night, on the 14th of May. The party that had killed the two Indians returned to the main body, which, it seems, was preparing to encamp for the night when this cir cumstance took place ; all immediately mounted their horses and rushed forward in confusion. It does not appear that Black-liawk had any thoughts that the whites would attack him, for he had not but about 40 of his men with him at this time, the others being out upon a hunting excursion ; but when his spies returned, and reported that two of their number had been barbarously murdered, the war-whoop was sounded, and the best prepara tions were made, that the time would allow to meet the invaders. When they approached Sycamore Creek, the whites proceeded to cross it in the same disorderly manner they came to it, although the country was very favorable for ambushes. The Indians stood firm, and were doubtless sure of a victory, seeing the enemy pass the creek man by man as they arrived ; and when a sufficient number had crossed, the Indians rushed upon them with their usual fury of attack. The whites say the Indians " showed them selves on every quarter, mounted and armed. They commenced the attack with guns," and continued it with knives and tomahawks. Their situation became in a moment desperate, and Major StiMman, who was in the rear, learning the situation of the advance column, immediately ordered a retreat, but none was effected it was a most disorderly and wretched flight ! scarce two flying together ; and it was owing to the smallness of Black-hawk's force that any were so fortunate as to escape. Thus Black-hawk with about 40 men had put 270 to flight, and dispersed them in such a manner, that it was reported at first by themselves, that 60 or 70 had been killed ; but, as it proved afterwards, it was their great fear of the Indians, that had driven them so far from their companions, that they did not all arrive at Dixon's Ferry for several days after the fight, although the battle-ground was only 30 miles from that place. They generally came in, one at a time, as they had crossed Sycamore Creek on the evening of the 14th ; and in the end, all but 12 were accounted for, and 11 of these were found afterwards on the battle-ground and interred. A letter from that country says, " The dead that were found were cut and mangled in a most shocking and indecent manner ; their hearts cut out, heads off, and every species of indignity practised upon their persons. One alone escaped this treatment : he was found dead, with his head nearly cut oft', embraced by the arms of an Indian who had been shot through the body, but yet had strength enough remaining to tomahawk the man who had shot him, and partly to cut off his head, dying in the very act his last convulsive struggle being an embrace of his enemy even in death." From Black-hawk's own account, it appears he lost but three men in the whole transaction, and that these were killed who were sent out to meet the whites in their approach to Sycamore Creek. Hence it appears that the whites were guilty of the first blood shed in this war. The affair of Sycamore Creek caused a dire alarm to be sounded through out the western region. Black-hawk's 40 warriors were magnified into 1500, and only the next day after Stillman's defeat, Governor Reynolds issued a proc lamation calling on the militia to assemble at Hennepin, on Illinois River, by the 10 of June, to the number of 2000 men ; which number, he said, he "con sidered necessary to subdue those Indians, and drive them out of the state." Although the news of Major Stillmari's disaster flew over the country among the whites with great rapidity, yet it is mentioned as a circumstance well worthy of remark, that messengers from the hostile Sacs, bearing to the Missouri Indians the news of their victory, arrived at the Des Moines Rapids 24 hours before the express sent by Governor Reynolds at the same place. About the time the proclamation of the 15th of May was issued, calling for 2000 militia, an attempt was made by the whites to secure or draw off the Winnebagos, and prevent their joining the war party. On the 26 May, Mr. Gratoit, a sub-Indian agent, held a council at the head of the Four Lakes with a number of the Winnebago chiefs, and they all signified their desire of remaining at peace with the white people. At this council, the chief] called the Lottie-Hick, made a speech, and among other things said, 646 MURDERS ON INDIAN CREEK. [Boon V. " Father, what you have heard of us is from forked tongues, and what you have heard of Man-eater is false. Man-eater is sick; but he has sent his sister and daughter here to speak for him. Father, since I knew you, I have al- vays heard your counsel, and did what you told me. My father, the Great Spirit, has sent you both here. You have taken me by the hand, and you have held it fast in yours. We hope, in the name of the Great Spirit, and all our women and children, that you will hold it fast, and we will hold on to you so hard that you cannot shake us off. My father, I ask nothing but a clear sky over our heads, which have been hanging down lately, and the sky has been dark, and the wind has been blowing continually, and trying to blow lies in our ears, but we turn our ears from it ; but when we look towards you, the weather is clear, and the wind does not blow. My father, our young men do not travel much, for they are afraid of the Sacs, and afraid they will be taken for Sacs by the troops. My father, we wish you to give us a paper like the one General Atkinson gave us, that we may show it to the whites whom we meet, that they may know we are friends and for peace." As soon as the troubles began, there were many of the Menomonies and Sioux, who, thirsting for the blood of the Sacs, came and offered themselves to the whites, to fight for them, but their services were refused ; now they had had a fight, and being beaten, they were glad to call upon the Indians for assistance, and it was granted. Yet it should not be supposed that it was from any love they bore towards the whites that they were glad to fight for them, but from their natural inclination to war, and to seek revenge for in juries they had received from the Sacs during their former troubles. Con sequently several hundreds of them were soon upon the inarch in various directions to surprise those belonging to the war party, and others attached themselves to the army. Blood had now been shed, and no one had any right to expect but that the Indians would retaliate upon any whites, according to their manner, whether in arms or the cradle. There was a small settlement upon Indian Creek, near its confluence with Fox River, about 25 miles from the town of Hennepin, the rendezvous of the army. On the 20th * of May, this settlement was fallen upon by a small band of warriors, led by a Pottowattomie, who, after killing 15 persons, took considerable plunder, and proceeded to Black-nawKs camp. The Indians gave as a reason for their attack upon this place, that not long before, a man who lived there by the name of Hall, had severely beaten the Pottowattomie who led the party that committed the murder. Yet the family of this man, if not the man himself, had been told by a friendly Indian, that a party would come and murder them, and advised them to fly for their lives. They immediately did so, but as vengeance had decreed, they appear to have returned again very soon, as they were there found and murdered, as before stated. Two daughters of Mr. Hall were led away captive, one about 16, and the other about 18 years of age ; two brothers of these young women, who were at work in the field when the massacre began, made their escape and arrived safe at Dixon's Ferry. Black-hawk said the young women would have been killed by the Pottowattomies when they were taken, but were spared at the intercession of two of his men, who were with them. The following account was written immediately after they were delivered from captivity, by a person at Dixon's Ferry, where they were delivered, and is probably correct. " Of the Misses Halls, whose case seems to interest every body, (and who are now at Galena,) it may not be uninteresting to hear the following, as the best information that could be collected from the Indians who succeeded in procuring their liberation. After the bloody scene of despatching such of the family as were about the house, (to which they could not avoid being eye-wit nesses,) those young women were each placed on a horse, which was led by a man other men walked alongside, to guard and keep them from falling off " The editor of the American Annual Register is under a great mistake in placing this affair a mouth earlier. It changes the whole aspect of affairs ; making the Indians the first murderers, which is not fact. CHAP. IX.] DODGE'S FIGHT NEAR GALENA. 647 in difficult passes. At night a lodge was set apart, and blankets spread for them, and elderly squaws made to sleep on each side, by whom they were taken care of. Such food as the Indians had, was offered to them ; but they cried and wept, and were too unwell to eat or be comforted. All of which the young women say is true, and that the Indian men offered no insult to them. They also confirm what is stated of Black-hawKs camp, as seen in going through a narrow passage, where their horses mired in the mud: more of the camp, it is supposed, they were not allowed to see. It seems there was more difficulty in procuring the liberty of one than the other : a young warrior claimed her as his prize, and was very unwilling to give her up ; but after using all the arguments they were capable of, the Winnebagos say they had to use threats, which, together with an addition of ten horses to the offer, obtained his consent The young warrior cut from Miss Hall's head a lock of her hair; which, by the by, has no affinity to a similar act among whites, but is to be kept as a trophy of his warlike exploits. The price paid by the Winnebagos is stated to be forty horses, wampum and trinkets, in all to the amount of 2000 dollars." Black-hawk was now in the neighborhood of Four Lakes, at the head sources of Rock River, about 60 miles from Fort Winnebago, and General Atkinson was in pursuit of him ; but before he reached his place of retreat, he had retraced his step?, and was next discovered on the Ouisconsin. About this time, a travelling preacher of the denomination called Dunkards was killed on the road to Chicago. His head was severed from his body, and carried off* as a trophy. He was noted for his odd appearance ; his beard being represented as near a yard in length. He had been informed that sus picious Indians were in the neighborhood, and a family, at whose house he stopped, retreated towards the settlements on receiving the information ; but the Dunkard preacher thought proper to abide in the deserted house over night, and was killed. On the 22 May, a party of spies having been sent out by General Atkin son, with despatches for Fort Armstrong, were attacked by the Indians, and four of them were killed. St. Vrain, an Indian agent, was among the num ber. They were all scalped, and their scalp* ^ -v carried to Black-hawKs camp. St. Vrain had been odious to the Sacs trom the part he took concern ing their removal. About this time, a man by the name of Smith was murdered near the Blue Mounds on the Galena frontier, and Mr. Winters, a mail contractor at Galena, was killed near Dixon's Ferry. The body of another man was found near the same place, but it was so disfigured that it was not known. On the 6th June, a small settlement at the mouth of Plum River, 30 miles from Galena, was attacked, and the people retreated to a block-house, which they had wisely taken the precaution to erect. This the Indians tried to take for about an hour, but could, not effect their object, and drew off". The inhab itants then went down the river in a boat to Galena. Whether any persons were killed, I do not find. By the beginning of June, there were so many troops spread over the Indian country, that Black-hawk's party found but few opportunities to murder the frontier inhabitants. And although there were about 3000 men in arms to combat 500 Indians, yet congress ordered 600 mounted rangers to be raised "for the defence of the frontiers." On the 14th of June, five persons were killed not far below Hamilton's Fort, near Galena, and on the 16th one man was killed within a mile of the same place. General Dodge being in the neighborhood, marched with 30 of his mounted men immediately in pursuit. When about three miles on his way, he discovered 12 Indians, whom he took to be the party who had committed the murders, and he pursued them with great spirit Immediately after c.ossing East Pichetoneka Creek, the Indians buried themselves in a thick swamp. The whites dismounted, and after securing their horses, and placing a small guard to watch for any that might attempt to escape, rushed in after the retreating Indians. They presently came up with them, and began an indis- i-hminate slaughter. No resistance was made, and every Indian was killed 648 STEVENSON'S DEFEAT. FORTS ATTACKED. [Boon V. or murdered in a few minutes. Not satisfied with this, they tore off the scalps of every one, and bore them off in triumph. On the same day, Captain Snyder met with and defeated a small Indian force near Kellog's Grove. Four of the Indians were said to have been killed, and one of the whites was mortally wounded. In their return march, they were attacked by an ambush and defeated, having three of their men killed and mortally wounded. The whites now escaped by flight. On the 18th of June, as Captain Stevenson with a small force was scouting near where General Dodge cut off the 12 Indians, he was met by a force under Black-hawk, and a fierce contest ensued. The whites fought well, but they were defeated. At one time, Captain Stevenson was left almost alone by his party, and was severely wounded ; but they rallied again, and effected a retreat, with the loss of three only of their number. The fight was close and desperate for a short time, in which bayonets, knives and tomahawks were chiefly used. An attempt was made on the 24 of June, by a considerable body of war riors, to surprise the fort at Buffalo Grove, on Rock River, only about 12 miles to the northward of Dixon's Ferry. It was guarded by 150 militia, who were prepared to meet them, and a considerably sharp contest ensued. Sixteen of the Indians were killed before they retreated. But few of the whites were wounded. The garrison was in great fear of being cut off, having ex pended all their ammunition before a reinforcement arrived, which had b^en sent for while the attack was going on. About this time, as Black-haivk wac. approaching a small fort on Apple River, about 12 miles from Galena, he fell in with four men who had been sent express to this place. They did not discover the Indians until fired upon, when they fled for the fort, and the Indians pursued them ; one of the men, a Mr. Welsh, was wounded before reaching the fort, and another man was killed in the fort, who had raised his head goove the pickets to make discovery. The Indians contented themselves by taking away a considerable quantity of flour, and a number of cattle and horses. They would doubtless have burnt the fort and buildings, and killed all the people, but from fear that the Jight of them would be seen by some large body of white soldiers, who might pursue and overtake them. On the 25th of June, a pretty severe fight took place between a company of spies under Major Dement and a band of Indians, not far from Kellog's Grove. He had arrived there only the evening before, and being informed that an Indian trail was discovered in the neighborhood, set off immediately with 30 mounted men to attack them. He had not proceeded far before the Indians appeared, and confidently attacked him. The Indian yell so fright ened the horses that they were thrown into confusion, and soon began a retreat. The Indians pursued them a considerable distance, and lost nine of their number, two of whom were chiefs. Five of the whites were killed, and they lost about 30 of their horses. On the 29th of June, three men were attacked in a field at the Cincinaway Mound, about 10 miles from Galena, and two of them were killed. Major Stevenson marched immediately in pursuit of the murderers. On arriving at the Mound he found the bodies of the two men, John Thompson and James Boxley, both shockingly mutilated. The heart of the former was taken out, and both were scalped. Having left a few men to bury the dead, Major Stevenson followed the trail of the party to the Mississippi, where he found they had stolen a canoe and effected their escape across the river. Mention has been made of the prompt action of congress for the relief of the frontiers. " General Scott was ordered from the sea-board with nine com panies of artillery, and their cannon were to be drawn from the coast : nine com panies of infantry were ordered from the lakes, and two companies from Baton Rouge, to put an end to the war. Such was the promptness with which these orders were executed, that five out of the six companies of artillery ordered from Fort Monroe in the Chesapeake arrived in 18 days at Chicago, 1800 miles distant in the interior of the country. Unfortunately this detachment was attacked by the cholera on the route, and the whole CHAP, ix.] RAVAGES OF THE CHOLERA. 649 were rendered unfit to take the field before they arrived at the scene of action." Accordingly General Scott informed General Atkinson that he could not cooperate with him without endangering the troops already in the field, and therefore directed him to act without reference to his forces. The scenes of horror occasioned by this most singular disease will doubt less be told of in after-times with an effect which has not been surpassed in that of the histories of the plagues in ancient days. Several of the com panies before mentioned were entirely broken up. Of a corps of 208 men under Colonel Tiviggs, but nine were left alive. Mr. John Norvell, at Detroit, wrote on the 12th July, to the editor of the Pennsylvania Enquirer, concern ing its ravages in that region, as follows : " I regret to add, that the intelligence from the regular troops is disastrous. Of the three companies of artillery under Colonel Turiggs, and two or three more companies of infantry with them, few remain. These troops, you will recollect, landed from the steam-boat Henry Clay below Fort Gratiot. A great number of them have been swept off by the disease. Nearly all the others have deserted. Of the deserters, scattered all over the country, some have died in the woods, and their bodies been devoured by the wolves. I use the language of a gallant young officer. Others have taken their flight to the world of spirits, without a companion to close their eyes, or console the last moments of their existence. Their straggling survivors are occasionally seen marching, some of them know not whither, with their knapsacks on their backs, shunned by the terrified inhabitants as the source of a mortal pesti lence. Colonel Twiggs himself, and Surgeon Everett, are very low. They were still living at the latest accounts from Fort Gratiot, and sanguine hopes were entertained of their recovery. No other officers have yet been assailed, except Lieutenant Clay. "You will remember that the troops under Colonel Cummings, several of whom died here, embarked on board the steam-boat William Penn, on Sunday last, for Chicago. The sickness among them increased as they proceeded to Fort Gratiot, and became so great by the time they arrived there, that they were disembarked, and have returned to the vicinity of this city, and en camped at Springwells, about three miles below town. Seventeen or eight een of them have died, and some still remain sick, probably never to recover. One half of the command of General Scott, ordered to Chicago by the lakes, will never reach him ; a large portion of them dying ; a still larger number deserting from an overwhelming dread of the disease, and the residue obliged to march back again." In pursuing the thread of events in our narrative, we left General Atkinson in pursuit of Black-hawk, whose camp was said to be at the Four Lakes. General Atkinson had got this information from a Potto wattornie Indian, named WAPANSETH, whom, with several others, he had employed for the purpose. He said the old chief's camp was " inaccessible on all sides, except through a narrow pass, which was muddy, being otherwise surrounded by water or swamps. It was a little above the junction of a small creek, called White water, with the principal stream of Rock River, and between the two." But, as we have already noted, when the army arrived at the Four Lakes, Black-hawk had gone ; and so well did he manage his retreat that the whites were deceived as to the direction he had taken. "Gen. Atkinson, expecting, when he marched, to meet the enemy in a short time, had taken with him but a small quantity of provisions, in conse quence of which he was obliged to halt and divide his forces at Lake Cosh- ko-nong (one of the four) above named. He himself with the regulars, some 650 strong, remained at the lake ; the militia, consisting of three brigades, under Generals Posey, Dodge and Henry, about 2000 men, were ordered to march to Fort Winnebago, on the Ouisconsin, where stores were hourly ex pected. It was the intention of the commander-in-chief to consolidate hia forces, and renew the pursuit as soon as he had obtained sufficient stores." Instead of crossing the country to escape beyond the Mississippi, as was expected, Black-hawk descended the Ouisconsin to escape in that direction ; by which means General Dodge came upon his trail and commenced a vigor ous pursuit. The old chief had received encouragement that in the country 55 650 BATTLE OF THE OUISCONSIN. [BOOK V to which he had retreated, he should not only receive additional forces by which he could withstand all the Americans could bring against him, biu also provisions in abundance. He found too late that he had been deceived in both particulars ; he was obliged to fly from Atkinson's army, without pro visions, nor had he time to procure any upon the way. Dodge was imme diately upon his trail, but did not overtake him until near a hundred miles pursuit On the 21 of July, General Dodge, with about 900 men besides Indians came up with Black-hawk on the Ouisconsin, 40 miles from Fort Winnebago, over against the old Sac village, and it was only by the superior management of the old warrior chief, that himself or any of his people escaped capture. A great number of Indians belonged to Dodge's army, who contributed much to the successful result of the affair. The whites came upon the Indians as they were about to cross the river, and the time being evening, may account for their not being all cut off; for immediately after the attack began, it was so dark that the whites could not continue it without disadvantage to them selves. A letter dated at Fort Howard, 25 July, gives the following account of the affair : " Last evening we received the intelligence of a battle having been fought be tween Gen. Dodge and his division, and the Sacs and Foxes, in which the former were victorious. The particulars, as stated in Capt. Plimpton's letter to Capt. Clark, are these : Parquett, with a few Wirmebagos, left the Portage a few days since, to proceed to Gen. Dodge's army, and guide them to the Sac camp. On Saturday morning last, 21st hist., Gen. Dodge sent his adjutant to report to Gen. Atkinson of his movements. He had not proceeded far before he came upon the Sacs' and Foxes' trail, directing their course to the Ouisconsin river. He immediately returned and reported the circumstance to Gen. Dodge, who pursued and overtook them about sundown of the same day, (Saturday) oil the left bank of the Ouisconsin, and about 40 miles from Fort Winnebago, when the fight ensued ; the Indians at the same time re treating. The night being very dark, they found it impossible to pursue them. They had found, when Parquett left them, which was early the next morning, 16 Indians killed, and but one white man killed, and four wounded. Parquett thinks not less than 40 Indians fell in the engagement." We have the official account of the battle by General Dodge ; but as it contains no additional facts, and is less minute than this, it was^not thought worth while to insert it. The truly deplorable condition of the Indians at this time cannot well be conceived of. In their pursuit of them before the battle, the whites found numbers dead in the way emaciated, and starved to death ! When overtaken by Gen. Dodge, they were not estimated to be but about 300 men, besides women and children, and although the affair of the 21st is called a battle, it does not seem that it can scarcely deserve that name, for if there had been any thing more than a show of resistance, more of the whites Would have been killed. The Indians report that they were attacked about a mile from the river : the approach of the army was discovered, and Black-hawk, with only 50 or 60 men, met them, to give the remainder time to cross to an island. Neapope, who had been ordered to march in the rear with about 20 warriors, to give notice when the whites were discovered, had been passed by them by an un expected route, and Black-hawk heard no more from him until after the war. He found there was no chance of success by continuing it, deserted his braves, went to the Winnebago village, and soon after became a prisoner to the whites. Meanwhile General Atkinson had marched from Coshconong, and following in the trail of Dodge, had arrived within two days' march of the place where the fight had been with the Indians, and was immediately ready to cooperate with him. After receiving the news of the battle, he inarched to the Blue Mounds on the Ouisconsin, opposite to where the fight had been. The Indians were surprised that they were not pursued ; but for want of boats or canoes, or the means of constructing rafts, they could not even cross to the island to which the Indians had escaped for two days after, and in the mean time they escaped. That they were not pressed harder on the night of CHAP. IX.] AFFAIR WITH THE STEAM-BOAT WARRIOR. 651 the battle, General Dodge urged in excuse, that his men were womdown with fatigue, having inarched 40 miles that day. Among the prisoners taken by General Dodge's party, was the wife of the warrior called the BIG-LAKE. She was a sister of Keokuk, and her husband had been killed in the fight. Although the whites were satisfied before, they were now informed by this squaw of Black-hawk's final resolution ; which was, for such of his men as had good horses to proceed with him and strike the Mississippi above Prairie du Chien, while the remainder should proceed by the Ouisconsin ; and a place of rendezvous was appointed for all to meet on the west side of the great river. This squaw also stated that before the battle on the Ouisconsin, in which she was taken, 200 of Black-hawk's men had been killed. General Dodge having recommended a cannon to be placed on the bank of the river, at a suitable place below the battle-ground, to cut off such iis should attempt an escape in that direction, marched with his army on the 23d, and joined General Atkinson at the Blue Mounds, and every thing was immediately put in readiness to pursue the main body of the Indians undei Black-hawk. As was intended, many fell into the hands of the whites as they descended the Ouisconsin. Some of the boats conveying these poor wretches were overset, and many of those in them were drowned ; the greater number, how ever, fell into the hands of their enemies in their passage. Many of the children were found to be in such a famished state that they could not be revived. Several untoward circumstances now transpired to prevent the escape of the main body under Black-haivk. The first was his falling in with a steam boat on the 1st of August, just as they were preparing to cross the Mississippi, by which means that day was lost And upon the next day, the whole army of whites under General Atkinson came upon them, which completed their destruction. As in the affair of the 21 of July on the Ouisconsin, Black-haick did not wish to fight, but to escape ; and when the steam-boat fell in with him he used every means to give the captain of her to understand that he desired to surrender. He displayed two white flags, and about 150 of his men approached the river without arms, and made signs of submission ; but whether, as was said by the whites, the interpreter on board was so frightened that he could not convey the meaning of those on shore to the captain of the boat, or whether, as it would seem, the whites were determined to kill Indians, we will not take upon us to decide, but lay before the reader the account of the affair by Captain /. Throcmorton, of the boat, which is as follows : "Prairie du Chien, 3 Aug. 1832. I arrived at this place on Monday last, [30 July,] and was despatched, with the Warrior alone, to Wapashaw's village, 120 miles above, to inform them of the approach of the Sacs, and to order down all the friendly Indians to this place. On our way down, we met one of the Sioux band, who informed us that the Indians (our enemies) were on Bad-axe River, to the number of 400. We stopped and cut some wood, and prepared for action. About 4 o'clock on Wednesday afternoon, [1 Aug.] we found the gentlemen [Indians] where he stated he had left them. As we neared them, they raised a white flag, and endeavored to decoy us ; but we were a little too old for them ; for instead of landing, we ordered them to send a boat on board, which they declined. After about 15 minutes' delay, giving them time to remove a few of their women and children, we let slip a six- pounder loaded with canister, followed by a severe fire of musketry ; and if ever you saw straight blankets, you would have seen them there. I fought them at anchor most of the time, and we were all very much exposed. I have a ball which came in close by where I was standing, and passed through the bulk-head of the wheel-room. We fought them for about an hour or more, until our wood began to fail, and night coming on, we left, and went on to the Prairie. This little fight cost them 23 killed, and, of course, a great many wounded. We never lost a man, and had but one man wounded, (shot through the leg.) The next morning, before we could get back again, on account of a heavy fog, they had the whole [of General Atkinson's] army upon them. We found them at it, walked in, and took a hand ourselves. The first ^hot fro-u 652 DEFEAT OF BLACK-HAWK ON THE MISSISSIPPI. [BOOK V. the Warrior laid out three. I can hardly tell you any thing about it, for I am in great haste, as I am now on my way to the field again. The army lost eight or nine killed, and seventeen wounded, whom we brought down. One died on deck last night. We brought down 36 prisoners, women and children. I tell you what, Sam, there is no fun in fighting Indians, particularly at this season, when the grass is so very bright. Every man, and even my cabin-boy, fought well. We had 16 regulars, 5 riflemen, and 20 of ourselves. Mr. How, of Platte, Mr. James G, Soulard, and one of the Rolettes, were with us, and fought well." Lieutenant Kingsbury, an officer in command of the United States' troops on board the Warrior at the time of the fight, reported that, about 40 miles above Prairie du Chien, a great number of the Sacs and Foxes were seen, who hoisted a white flag, but would not send a canoe on board, although they were told that, in case they did not, they should be fired upon, which was imme diately done. They seemed much alarmed when the six-pounder was dis charged upon them, and all immediately covered themselves with trees and whatever offered. Five or six were supposed to have been killed. Early on the morning of the next day, August 2, the whole combined army, amounting to 1600 men, came up with the Indians ; and the following are the particular details of that whole transaction, as published at Galena, four days after it happened, namely, August 6. " The whole army under General Atkinson, embracing the brigades com manded by Generals Henry, Posey, and Alexander, and squadron under com mand of General Dodge, all crossed over to the north side of the Ouisconsin at Helena, on the 28th and 29th ult. They took up a line of march in a northerly direction, in order to intersect the Indian trail. At the distance of about five miles, the great trail was discovered, leading in a direction N. of W. towards the Mississippi, and supposed to be about four days old. General At kinson, seeing the direction of the enemy, knew well that it would require all diligence and expedition to overtake them before they would cross the Mis sissippi, and hence commenced from that time a forced march; leaving all baggage wagons, and every thing else which was calculated to retard the pursuit. " The country through which the enemy's trail led our army between the Ouisconsin Bluffs and the Kickapoo River was one continued series of moun tains. No sooner had they reached the summit of one high and almost per pendicular hill, than they had to descend on the other side equally steep to the base of another. Nothing but a deep ravine, with muddy banks, separated these mountains. The woods, both upon the top of the highest mountains, arid at the bottom of the deepest hollows, was of the heaviest growth. The under-bushes were chiefly thorn and prickly ash. This is a short description of the route, and shows the difficulties of the pursuit. Notwithstanding all this, our army gained on the enemy daily, as appeared from the enemy's en campments. The tedious march thus continued was met by our brave troops without a murmur; and as the Indian signs appeared more recent, the officers and men appeared more anxious to push on. On the fourth night of our march from Helena, and at an encampment of the enemy, was discovered an old Sac Indian, by our spies, who informed them that the main body of the enemy had, on that day, gone to the Mississippi, and intended to cross on the next morning, Aug. 2d. The horses being nearly broken down, and the men nearly exhausted from fatigue, General Atkinson ordered a halt for a few hours, (it being after 8 o'clock,) with a determination to start at 2 o'clock for the Mississippi, about ten miles distant. At the precise hour the bugles sound ed, and in a short time all were ready to march. " General Dodge's squadron was honored with being placed in front ; the infantry followed next ; General Henry's brigade next ; General Alexander's next ; and General Posey's formed the rear-guard. General Dodge called for, and as soon received, 20 volunteer spies to go ahead of the whole army. " In this order the march commenced. They had not, however, gone more tlian five miles, before one of our spies came back, announcing their having come in sight of the enemy's picket-guard. He went bark, and the intelli gence was quickly conveyed to General Atkinson, then to all the comm;uiders CHAP. IX.] DEFEAT OF BLACK-HAWK ON THE MISSISSIPPI. 653 of the brigades ; and the celerity of the march was instantly increased. In a few minutes more, the firing commenced at about 500 yards ahead of the front of the army, between our spies and the Indian picket guard. The Indiana were driven by our spies from hill to hill, and kept up a tolerably brisk firing from every situation commanding the ground over which our spies had to march ; but being charged upon and routed from their hiding-places, they sought safety by retreating to the main body on the bank of the river, and joining in one general effort to defend themselves there or die on the ground. "Lest some might escape by retreating up or down the river, General At kinson very judiciously ordered General Alexander and General Posey to form the right wing of the army, and march down to the river above the Indian encampment on the bank, and then move down. General Henry formed the left wing, and marched in the main trail of the enemy. The if. S. infantry, and General Dodge's squadron of the mining troops, marched in the centre. With this order our whole force descended the almost perpendicular bluff, and came into a low valley, heavily timbered with a large growth of under brush, weeds and grass. -Sloughs, deep ravines, old logs, &c. were so plenti ful as to afford every facility for the enemy to make a strong defence. Gen eral Henry first came upon and commenced a heavy fire, which was returned by the enemy. The enemy, being routed from their first hiding-places, sought others. General Dodge's squadron and the U. S. troops soon came into action, and, with General Henry's men, rushed into the strong defiles of the enemy, and killed all in their way, except a few who succeeded in swimming a slough of the Mississippi, 150 yards wide. During this time the brigades of Generals Alexander and Posey were marching down the river, when they fell in with another part of the enemy's army, and killed and routed all that opposed them. " The battle lasted upwards of three hours. About 50 of the enemy's women and children were taken prisoners, and many, by accident in the battle, were killed. When the Indians were driven to the bank of the Mississippi, some hundreds of men, women, and children, plunged into the river, and hoped by diving, &c. to escape the bullets of our guns ; very few, however, escaped our sharp-shooters. " The loss on the side of the enemy never can be exactly ascertained, but, according to the best computation, they must have lost in killed upwards of 150. Our loss in killed and wounded was 27. " Some had crossed the river before our arrival ; and we learn by a prisoner, that Black-haivk, while the battle waxed warm, had stolen off, and gone up the river on this side. If he did, he took nothing with him ; for his valuables, many of them, together with certificates of good character, and of his hav ing fought bravely against the United States during the last war, &c., signed by British officers, were found on the battle-ground. " It is the general impression in the army and at this place, that the Sacs would be glad to conclude a peace on almost any terms we might propose. On the morning of the 4th inst a party of Sioux came to our camp', and beg ged premission to go on the back trail and have a fight with them. On the same day, our whole army started to go down to Prairie du Chien, (about 40 miles,) and wait further orders. " General Atkinson, accompanied by Generals Dodge and Posey, with tho U. S. infantry, arrived at the Prairie on the evening of the 4th, on board the S. B. Warrior, and will remain until the mounted volunteers arrive. The Winnebagos, at Prairie du Chien, are daily bringing in Sac prisoners and scalps. " On the same day, a party of 15 men from Cassville, under command of Captain Price, were reconnoitring the country between that pkce and the Ouisconsin, and fell upon a fresh Sac trail making towards the Mississippi. They rushed with full speed of horses, and soon came upon, killed and took prisoners to the number of 12. "General Scott and staff left here this morning for Prairie du Chien, in the steam-boat Warrior, to join General Atkinson." This was the finishing stroke to the war with the Sacs and Foxes, although Black-hawk himself had made his escape. General Atkinson immediately 55* 654 NEAPOPE. [BOOK V directed Keokuk to send out some of his Indians to demand a surrender of all the warriors that had escaped, and if possible to capture Black-hawk, and bring him in either alive or dead. Respecting his last battle, Black-haivk has said, that when the whites came upon his people, they tried to give themselves up, and made no show of re sistance until the soldiers began to slaughter them, and then his braves deter mined to fight until they were all killed. With a small party he went to the Winnebago village at Prairie la Cross. Here he told the chief he desired to give himself up to the whites, and let them kill him, if they wished to do so. The squaws at this place made him a dress of white deerskins, preparatory to his departure for Prairie du Chien, to which it appears he went voluntarily with those that had been sent out after him. The Sioux, of whom we have made mention, that had permission to go out after the flying Sacs on the 3d of August, were about 100 in number. They soon after met with the flying band on the west side of the Mississippi, and indiscriminately murdered about 120 of the poor half-starved creatures who had escaped from the whites through so many perils. A most distressing incident is related as having taken place in the battle of the 2 August, which it may not be improper to lay before the reader, that ex amples of the horrors of war may not be wanting. " When our troops charged the enemy in their defiles near the bank of the Mississippi, men, women, and children, were seen mixed together, in such a manner as to render it difficult to kill one, and save the other. A young squaw of about 19 stood in the grass at a short distance from our line, holding her little girl in her arms, about four years old. While thus standing, apparently unconcerned, a ball struck the right arm of the child above the elbow, and, shattering the bone, passed into the breast of its poor mother, who instantly fell dead to the ground. She fell upon the child, and confined it to the ground also. During the whole battle, this babe was heard to groan and call for relief, but none had time to afford it. When, however, the Indians had retreated from that spot, and the battle had nearly subsided, Lieutenant Anderson, of the United States' army, went to the place and took from under the dead mother her wounded daughter, and brought it to a place selected for surgical aid. It was soon ascertained that its arm must come off; and the operation was per formed upon the little sufferer without drawing from it a tear or a shriek." At the last accounts it was doing well. When we are told that this Indian child was sucking a piece of dry biscuit during the whole time of the ampu tation, it almost causes a disbelief of the whole story ; but such are the facts given. Although no further depredations could be feared from the Sacs, yet on the 9 August, six Indians approached a block-house on Cedar Creek, which runs into Henderson's River, about 10 miles north of Warren court-house, and shot, tomahawked and scalped a young man named William Martin. They left behind them a pair of leggins and a loaded gun, and fled, as was sup posed, over the Mississippi. A company of 15 rangers went in immediate pursuit, but could not come up with them. It was soon after discovered that this murder was committed by some of Keokuk's band, and he gave up his nephew as the perpetrator of it. CHAPTER X. Particulars in the lives of the chief men NEAPOPE His account of himself Surren der of BLACK-HAWK Speeches on the occasion His speech on the same Particu lars in his early history WABOKIESHIEK,^S Prophet Treaty of September , 1832 Account of Black-hawk's companions Arrival of the Indians at Washington Black-hawk's interview witli the President. NEAPOPE was second in command to Black-hawk, and in all the expeditions against the whites ; he was taken prisoner in the fight with the Sioux, and at CHAP. X.] SURRENDER OF BLACK-HAWK. 655 his examination afterwards by General Scott, about the murders which had been committed on the whites, he gave this account of himself: " I always belonged to Black-hawk's band. Last summer I went to Maiden ; when 1 came back, I found that by the treaty with General Gaines, the Saca had moved across the Mississippi. I remained during the winter with the Prophet, on Rock River, 35 miles above the mouth. During the winter, tha Prophet sent me across the Mississippi, to Black-haick, with a message, to tel. him and his band to cross back to his village and make corn ; that if the Americans came and told them to move again, they would shake hands with them. If the Americans had come and told us to move, we should have shaken hands, and immediately have moved peaceably. We encamped on Syracuse Creek. We met some Pottowattomies, and I made a feast for them. At that time I heard there were some Americans [under Major StUlman] near us. I prepared a white flag to go and see them, and sent two or three young men on a hill to see what they were doing. Before the feast was finished, I heard my young men were killed. This was at sunset. Some of my young men ran out ; two killed, and the Americans were seen rushing on to our camp. My young men fired a few guns, and the Americans ran off, and my young men chased them about six miles." Neapope further said, that the Pottowattomies of the village immediately left them, and that no Kikapoos joined them, but those who were originally with Black-hawk ; but the Winnebagos did, and brought in scalps frequent ly; that, at last, when they found the Sacs would be beaten, they turned against them. It was also given in by some of those examined at this time, that Black-hawk said, when the steam-boat Warrior approached them, that he pitied the women and children, and began to make preparations to surrender to the whites, and for that purpose sent out a white flag to meet the boat, which immediately fired upon them. Then said he, " I fired too." The truth of this will not be questioned, inasmuch as the facts agree with the captain of the Warrior's own account. Hence the inference is clear, that much blood might have been saved, but for the precipitancy of those who only sought a fight with the Indians. Parties of the friendly tribes were so continually on the alert, that it seemed very probable the principal chiefs would soon fall into their hands. These expectations were soon realized; for at 11 o'clock, 27 August, Black-hawk and his Prophet were delivered to General Street at Prairie du Chien. They were brought by two Winnebagoes, Decorie and Chaetar, and, when delivered, were dressed in a full dress of white-tanned deerskins. Soon after they were seated in the presence of the officer, Decorie, called the One-eyed, rose and spoke thus to him : "My father, I now stand before you. When we parted, I told you I would return soon ; but I could not come any sooner. We have had to go a great distance, [to the Dalle, on the Ouisconsin, above the Portage.] You see we have done what you sent us to do. These [pointing to the prisoners] are the two you told us to get. We have done what you told us to do. We always do what you tell us, because we know it is for our good. Father, you told us to get these men, and it would be the cause of much good to the Winneba goes. We have brought them, but it has been very hard for us to do so. That one, Mitcatamishkakaekq, [meaning Black-haivk,] was a great way off. You told us to bring them to you alive : we have done so. If you had told us to bring their heads alone, we would have done so, and it would have been less difficult than what we have done. Father, we deliver these men into your hands. We would not deliver them even to our brother, the chief of the warriors, but to you ; because we know you, and we believe you are our friend. We want you to keep them safe ; if they are to be hurt, we do not wish to see it. Wait until we are gone before it is done. Father, many little birds have been flying about our ears of late, and we thought they whis pered to us that there was evil intended for us ; but now we hope these evil birds will let our ears alone. We know you are our friend, because you take our part, and that is the reason we do what you tell us to do. You say you love your red children : we think we love you as much if not more than you love us. We have confidence in you, and you may rely on us. We have 656 BLACK-HAWK. [BooK V. been promised a great deal if we would take these men, that it would do much good to our people. We now hope to see what will be done for us. We have come in haste ; we are tired and hungry. We now put these men into your hands. We have done all that you told us to do." General Street said, in answer : "My children, you have done well. I told you to bring these men to me, and you have done so. I am pleased at what you have done. It is for your good, and for this reason I arn pleased. I assured the great chief of the warriors, [General Atkinson,] that if these men -were in your country, you would find them, and bring them to me, and now I can say much for your good. I will go down to Rock Island with the prisoners, and I wish you who have brought these men, especially, to go with me, with such other chiefs and warriors as you may select. My children, the great chief of the warriors, when he left this place, directed me to deliver these, and all other prisoners, to the chief of the warriors at this place, Colonel Taylor, who is here by me. Some of the Winnebagoes south of the Ouisconsin have befriended the Saukies, [Sacs,] and some of the Indians of my agency have also given them aid. This displeaseth the great chief of the warriors and your great father the president, and was calculated to do much harm. Your great father, the president at Washington, has sent a great war-chief from the far east, General Scott, with a fresh army of soldiers. He is now at Rock Island. Your great father, the president, has sent him and the governor and chief of Illinois to hold a council with the Indians. He has sent a speech to you, and wishes the chiefs and warriors of the Winnebagoes to go to Rock Island to the council on the tenth of next month. I wish you to be ready in three days, when I will go with you. I am well pleased that you have taken the Black- hawk, the Prophet, and others prisoners. This will enable me to say much for you to the great chief of the warriors, and to the president, your great father. My children, I shall now deliver the two men, Black-hawk and the Prophet, to the chief of the warriors here ; he will take care of them till we start to Rock Island." Colonel Taylor, having taken the prisoners into his custody, addressed the chiefs as follows : " The great chief of the warriors told me to take the prisoners when you shall bring them, and send them to Rock Island to him. I will take them and keep them safe, but 1 will use them well, and send them with you and General Street, when you go down to the council, which will be in a few days. Your friend, General Street, advises you to get ready and go down soon, and so do L I tell you again I will take the prisoners ; I will keep them safe, but I will do them no harm. I will deliver them to the great chief of the war- rial's, and he will do with them and use them in such manner as shall be ordered by your great father, the president." Chaetar, the other Winnebago, next spoke, and said, " My father, I am young, and do not know how to make speeches. This is the second time I ever spoke to you before people. I am no chief; I am no orator; but I have been allowed to speak to you. If I should not speak as well as others, still you must listen to me. Father, when you made the speech to the chiefs Waugh kon Decorie Carramani, the One-eyed Decorie, and others, 'tother day, I was there. I heard you. I thought what you said to them, you also said to me. You said, if these two [pointing to Black-hawk and the Prophet] were taken by us and brought to you, there would never more a black cloud hang over your Winnebagoes. Your words entered into my ear, into my brains, and into my heart. I left here that same night, and you know you have not seen me since until now. I have been a great way ; I had much trouble ; but when I remembered what you said, I knew what you said was right. This made me continue and do what you told me to do. Near the Dalle, on the Ouisconsin, I took Black-hawk. No one did it but me. I say this in the ears of all present, and they know it and I now appeal to the Great Spirit, our grandfather, and the earth, our grandmother, for the truth of what I say. Father, I am no chief, but what I have done is for the benefit of my nation, and I hope to see the good that has been promised to us. That one Wa-bo- kie-shiek, [the Prophet,] is my relation if he is to be hurt, I do not wish to CHAP. X.] BLACK-HAWK. 657 see it. Father, soldiers sometimes stick the ends of their guns into the backs of Indian prisoners when they are going about in the hands of the guard. [ hope this will not be done to these men." The following is said to be the speech which Black-hawk made when he surrendered himself to the agent at Pairie du Chien : " You have taken me prisoner with all my warriors. I am much grieved, for I expected, if I did not defeat you, to hold out much longer, and give you more trouble before I surrendered. I tried hard to bring you into ambush, nut your last general understands Indian fighting. The first one was not so wise. When I saw that I could not beat you by Indian fighting, I determined to rush on you, and fight you face to face. I fought hard. But your guns were vvell aimed. The bullets flew like birds in the air, and whizzed by our ears like the wind through the trees in the winter. My warriors fell around me ; it began to look dismal. I saw my evil day at hand. The sun rose dim on us in the morning, and at night it sunk in a dark cloud, and looked like a ball of fire. That was the last sun that shone on Black-hawk. His heart is dead, and no longer beats quick in his bosom. He is now a prisoner to the white men ; they will do with him as they wish. But he can stand torture, and is not afraid of death. He is no coward. Black-hawk is an Indian. "He has done nothing for which an Indian ought to be ashamed. He has fought for his countrymen, the squaws and papooses, against white men, who came, year after year, to cheat them and take away their lands. You know the cause of our making war. It is known to all white men. They ought to be ashamed of it. The white men despise the Indians, and drive them from their homes. But the Indians are not deceitful. The white men speak bad of the Indian, and look at him spitefully. But the Indian does not tell lies ; Indians do not steal. " An Indian, who is as bad as the white men, could not live in our nation ; he would be put to death, and eat up by the wolves. The white men are bad schoolmasters ; they carry false looks, and deal in false actions ; they smile in the face of the poor Indian to cheat him ; they shake them by the hand to gain their confidence, to make them drunk, to deceive them, and ruin our wives. We told them to let us alone, and keep away from us ; but they fol lowed on, and beset our paths, and they coiled themselves among us, like the snake. They poisoned us by their touch. We were not safe. We lived in danger. We were becoming like them, hypocrites and liars, adulterers, lazy drones, all talkers, and no workers. " We looked up to the Great Spirit. We went to our great father. We were encouraged. His great council gave us fair words and big promises ; but we got no satisfaction. Things were growing worse. There were no deer in the forest. The opossum and beaver were fled ; the springs were drying up, and our squaws and papooses without victuals to keep them from starving ; we called a great council, and built a large fire. The spirit of our fathers arose and spoke to us to avenge our wrongs or die. We all spoke before the council fire. It was warm and pleasant. We set up the war-whoop, and dug up the tomahawk ; our knives were ready, and the heart of Black-hawk swelled high in his bosom, when he led his warriors to battle. He is satisfied. He will go to the world of spirits contented. He has done his duty. His father will meet him there, and commend him. " Black-hawk is a true Indian, and disdains to cry like a woman. He feela for his wife, his children and friends. But he does not care for himself. He cares for his nation and the Indians. They will suffer. He laments their fate. The white men do not scalp the head ; but they do worse they poison the heart ; it is not pure with them. His countrymen will not be scalped, but they will, in a few years, become like the white men, so that you can't trust them, and there must be, as in the white settlements, nearly as many officers as men, to take care of them and keep them in order. " Farewell, my nation ! Black-hawk tried to save you, and avenge your wrongs. He drank the blood of some of the whites. He has been taken pris oner, and his plans are stopped. He can do no more. He is near his end. His sun is setting, and he will rise no more. Farewell to Black-hawk." 2R 658 BLACK-HAWK. [Boon V. It is somewhat singular that the old chief should ever have been taken alive, and he probably never would have been by the whites. When it was report ed currently that he had sacrificed himself in the stand that he made upon the banks of the Mississippi, in the end of July, as has been related, Spenser's famous lines were the first to discover themselves to our mind, upon the great event. " Unto the mighty stream him to betake, Where he an end of battle and of life did make." FAIRY QUEEN. But we were soon glad to learn that the report, like the lines of Spenser, was only poetry. It can be scarcely necessary to add that the prisoners were set at liberty, ar.d the offenders were ordered again to be sought after. On the 7 September, the Indian prisoners and their guards went on board the steam-boat Winnebago, and were conveyed down the river to Jefferson Barracks, ten miles below St. Louis. There were, besides Black-hawk and the prophet, eleven chiefs or head men of the Sacs and Foxes, together with about fifty less distinguished warriors. These were landed just above the lower rapids, on their pledge of remaining peaceable. Two days before, a boat had conveyed to the barracks six or seven warriors, among whom was JVea- pope. On their arrival at the barracks, all of them were put in irons. Black-hawk is not so old a man as was generally supposed. Some, who knew him well, said he was not above 48, although the toils of wars had made him appear like one of 70.* He was by birth a Pottowattomie, but brought up by the Sacs. His height is about six feet. As to his physiognomy, it is un necessary for us to add concerning it here, as that may be better had from an inspection of the engraving of him, as our likeness is said, by many who have seen him, to be excellent. Like other Indian names, his is spelt in as many ways as times used by different writers. At a treaty which he made with the United States in 1829, at Prairie du Chien, it is written Hay-ray-tshoan-sharp. In a description of him about the time he was taken, we find him spelt Mus-cata-mish-ka-kaek ; and several others might be added. The Prophet, or Wabokieshiek, (White-cloud,) is about 40 years old, and nearly six feet high, stout and athletic. He was by one side a Winnebago, and the other a Sac or Saukie, and is thus described: He "has a large, broad face, short, blunt nose, large, full eyes, broad mouth, thick lips, with a full suit of hair. He wore a white cloth head-dress, which rose several inches above the top of his head ; the whole man exhibiting a deliberate savageness ; not that he would seem to delight in honorable war, or fight, but marking him as the priest of assassination or secret murder. He had in one hand a white flag, while the other hung carelessly by his side. They were both clothed in very white dressed deerskins, fringed at the seams with short cuttings of the same." This description, though written long before any painting was made of him, will be found, we think, to correspond very well with the engraving of him which we have given. It is said by many, and is evident from Black-hawk's account, that Wabokies- hiek was the prime mover of this war, and had powwowed up a belief among his people, that he was able to conjure such kind of events as he desired; and that he had made Black-haiok believe the whites were but few, and could not fight, and therefore might easily be driven from the disputed lands. It seems, however, rather incredible that Black-hawk should have believed that the Americans were few and could not Jight, when it is known that he was opposed to them in the last war, and must, therefore, have been convinced of the falsity 'of such a report long before this war. In September, a treaty was made by the United States with the Winneba- * In the account of his life, published by Mr. J. B. Patterson, in 1834, Black-hawk says he was born in 1767, on Rock River ; and hence, in 1332, he was in his 65th year. His father's name was PYESA. His great-grandfather's name was NA-NA-MA-KEE, or Thunder, who was born in the vicinity of Montreal, " where the Great Spirit first placed the Sac nation " CHAP. X.] BLACK-HAWK. 659 goes, and another with the Sacs and Foxes. The former ceded all their lands south of the Ouiscousin, and east of the Mississippi, amounting to 4,000,000 acres of valuable lands. The treaty with the Sacs and Foxes was on the 21 of that month, and 6,000.000 acres were acquired at that time, " of a quality not inferior to any between the same parallels of latitude." It abounds iu lead ore, and the Indians say in others. For these tracts the United States agreed to make the following considera tions: " To pay an annuity of 20,000 dollars for 30 years ; to support a black smith and gunsmith in addition to those then employed ; to pay the debts of the tribes ; to supply provisions ; and, as a reward for the fidelity of Keokuk and the friendly band, to allow a reservation to be made for them of 400 miles square * on the loway River, to include Keokuk's principal village." By the same treaty, Black-hawk, his two sons, the Prophet, Naopope, and five others, principal warriors of the hostile bands, were to remain in the hands of the whites, as hostages, during the pleasure of the president of the United States. The other prisoners were given up to the friendly Indians. A gentleman who visited the captive Indians at Jefferson Barracks, Mis souri, speaks thus concerning them : " We were immediately struck with admiration at the gigantic and symmetrical figures of most of the warriors, who seemed, as they reclined in native ease and gracefulness, with their half- naked bodies exposed to view, rather like statues from some master-hand, than like beings of a race whom we had heard characterized as degenerate and debased. We extended our hands, which they rose to grasp, and to our question, ' How d'ye do ? ' they responded in the same words, accompanying them with a hearty shake." " They were clad in leggins and moccasins of buckskin, and wore blankets, which were thrown around them in the manner of the Roman toga, so as to leave their right arms bare." " The youngest among them were painted on their necks, with a bright vermilion color, and had their faces transversely streaked with alternate red and black stripes. From their bodies, and from their faces and eyebrows, they pluck out the hair with the most assiduous care. They also shave, or pull it out from their heads, with the exception of a tuft of about three fingers' width, extending from between the forehead and crown to the back of the head ; this they sometimes plait into a queue on the crown, and cut the edges of it down to an inch in length, and plaster it with the vermilion, which keeps it erect, and gives it the appearance of a cock's-comb." The same author says, the oldest son of Black-hawk, Nasineuriskuk, called Jack, but for want of "that peculiar expression which emanates from a culti vated intellect," could have been looked upon by him " as the living personi fication of his beau ideal of manly beauty." He calls Black-hawk Mack-atama- sic-ac-ac, and states his height at about five feet eight inches, and that he should judge his age to be 50. Those who have known him for years, say his disposition is very amiable ; that he is endowed with great kindness of heart, and the strictest integrity ; that, like Mishikinakwa, he was not a chief by birth, but acquired the title by bravery and wisdom. Naseuskuck, or the Thundercloud, is the second son of Black-hawk, and accom panied him in his captivity. He is said not to be very handsome. Opeekeeshieck, or Wabokieshiek, the Prophet, of whom we have already given some particulars, carries with him a huge pipe, a yard in length, with the stem ornamented with the neck feathers of a duck, and beads and ribands of various colors. To its centre is attached a fan of feathers. He wears his hair long all over his head. NE-A-POPE, Naopope, JVaapope, &c., or Broth, of whom we have also several times spoken, was brother to the Prophet, and "some years his junior;" and our informant adds, " he resembles him in height and figure, though he is not so robust, and his face is more sharp : in wickedness of expression they are par nobile fratrum." " When Mr. Catlin, the artist, was about taking the por trait of Naapope, he seized the ball and chain that were fastened to his leg, and raising them on high, exclaimed, with a look of scorn, ' Make me so, ana * So says our authority, (Niles's Register,) but we very much doubt this enormous space 40 miles square gives 1600 square miles, which perhaps might have been the truth 13uf- H-I.CU 100,000 square miles are considered, all probability is outraged. 660 BLACK-HAWK. [BooK V shoiv me to the. great father." On Mr. Cailirfs refusing to paint him as he wished, he kept varying his countenance with grimaces, to prevent him from catching a likeness. " Pow eeshieck, or Strawberry, is the only Fox among them, the rest l>eing all Sacs. He is the son of the chief Epanoss: his parents dying while he was an infant, he was adopted by Naapope. He is 19 years of age." " Pomahoe, or Fast-siinmming-Jlsh, is a short, thick set, good-natured old brave, who bears his misfortunes with a philosophy worthy of tne ancients." The following act of congress we extract, as it throws light upon subse quent details : " For the expenses of 12 prisoners of war of the Sac and Fox tribes, now in confinement, and to be held as hostages, under the seventh article of the treaty of 21 Sept. 1832, embracing the cost of provisions and clothing, compensation to an interpreter, and cost of removing them to a place of safety, where they may be kept without being closely confined, the sum of 2500." On the 22 April, (1833,) the captive Indians arrived at Washington, and the next day Black-hawk had a long interview with President Jackson. The first words with which it is said he accosted the president were, " I AM A MAN, AND YOU ARE ANOTHER." The president, after a few brief observations, directed the articles of dress provided for them to be exhibited to them, and told Black-hawk that the whole would be delivered to him to be distributed as, in his judgment, he should think best. He then told them they must depart immediately for Fort Monroe, and remain there contented, until he gave them permission to return to their country. That time, he said, depended upon the conduct of their people ; that they would not be set at liberty, until all the articles of the treaty had been complied with, and good feelings were evinced by their countrymen. The Prophet then said : " We expected to return immediately to our people. The war in which we have been involved, was occasioned by our attempting to raise provisions on our own lands, or where we thought we had a right so to do. We have lost many of our people, as well as the whites. Our tribes and families are now exposed to the attacks of our enemies, the Sioux and the Menominies. We hope, therefore, to be permitted to return home to take care of them." Black-hawk spoke some time to the president, giving a clear and compre hensive history of the rise of the war, and, towards the close, said : "We did not expect to conquer the whites; no. They had too many houses too many men. I took up the hatchet, for my part, to revenge injuries whicn my people could no longer endure. Had I borne them longer without striking, my people would have said, Black-hawk is a woman ; he is too old to be a chief he is no Sac. These reflections caused me to raise the war-whoop. I say no more of it; it is known to you. Keok.uk once was here ; you took him by the hand, and when he wished to return to his home, you were willing. Black-hawk expects, that, like Keokuk, we shall be permitted to return too." The president added, that he was well acquainted with the circumstances which led to the disasters to which they had alluded. It was unnecessary to look back upon them. He intended now to secure the observance of peace. They need not feel any uneasiness, he said, about their own women and children. They should not suffer from the Sioux and Menominies. He would compel the red men to be at peace with one another. That when he was satisfied that all things would remain quiet, then they would be permitted to return. He then took them by the hand, and dismissed them. It is said, that, while in Washington, the Indians expressed more surprise and pleasure at the portraits of the Indian chiefs in the war department than any thing else that was shown them. On Friday, 2G April, the captives were conducted from Washington towards Fort Monroe, which is upon a small island, at Old Point Comfort, on the west s : de of the Chesapeake Bay, in Virginia. Before closing the present chapter, a few other interesting matters shall \>e laid before our readers. We have just given the description of the Indians while at Jefferson Barracks, by one who visited them there not long after their confinement. We now intend to give what the author of Knicker- CHAP. XL] BLACK-HAWK. slant, prisoners a forlorn crew emaciated and dejected the redoubtable chieftain himself, a meagre old man upwards of 70. He has, however, a fine head, a Roman style of face, and a prepossessing countenance." Since we are upon descriptions, the following will not be thought out of place, perhaps, although we had reserved it for our next chapter. It is from the pen of the editor of the U. States Literary Gazette, Philadelphia. " We found time, yesterday, to visit the Black-hawk, and his accompanying Indian chiefs, and the Prophet, at Congress Hall Hotel. We went into their cham ber, and found most of them sitting or lying on their beds. Black-hawk was sitting in a chair, and apparently depressed in spirits. He is about 65, of middling size, with a head that would excite the envy of a phrenologist one of the finest that Heaven ever let fall on the shoulders of an Indian. The Prophet has a coarser figure, with less of intellect, but with the marks of decision and firmness. His face was painted with red and white. The son of Black-hawk is a noble specimen of physical beauty a model for those who would embody the idea of strength. He was painted, and his hair cut and dressed in a strange fantasy. The other chiefs had nothing in particular in their appearance to distinguish them from other natives of the forest. Tho whole of the deputation visited the water works yesterday, [June 11 or 12,] and subsequently were taken to the Cherry-hill Prison, and shown the manner in which white men punish. The exhibition of arms and ships at the navy-yard, led the Hawk to remark that he suspected the great father was getting ready for war" It was remarked by some in Philadelphia that Black-liawKs " pyramidal forehead " very much resembled that of Sir Walter Scott. Others observed that his countenance strongly reminded them of their late worthy benefactor, Stephen Girard. In Norfolk it was noticed that the old warrior very much resembled the late President Monroe. CHAPTER XI. From the time of the setting out of BLACK-HAWK and his five * companions from For tress Monroe, 5 June, 1833, to their arrival on the Upper Mississippi, on the first of August following ; prefaced by some reflections upon the events of the war. IT is not difficult to perceive, without a formal commentary, that in the late Indian war, much blood was shed which might have been avoided. Twice had the despairing Indians displayed the white flag, to give notice of their willingness to surrender ; but, like the wretched Hallibees, the rifle was the only answer they received. When Major Stillman was on his march to Syca more Creek, a few Indians were sent from Naopope's camp with friendly in tentions, and under a white flag ; but such was the carriage of the whites, no interview could be had, and they were obliged to fly to save their lives, which all, it seems, were not fortunate enough to do. This, it will be said, is Indian talk it is even so. What say the whites ? They say, the Indiana whom they first discovered were only a decoy. This is mere assertion, and proves nothing on their own side, neither does it disprove the Indian account. Is it not plain that Black-hawk caused a white flag to be exhibited before he was attacked by the steam-boat Warrior? He had resolved to fight no more, if he could get terms of peace ; but his flag was at once fired upon ; then Bays the old chief, " IJired too ; " and the whites expected nothing else, and too many of them, it would seem, desired nothing else. But we reflect no more upon this matter. The reader has, in the last chapter, been conducted through the principal, * An anonymous author, of whom we have made considerable use in this chapter, gives ns their names, &.c. as follows . Mnc-cut-i-misk-e-ca-cac, Blark Imirk. Na-she escurk, his son, Loud Thunder. VVa-be-ke-zhick, the Prophet, Clear Day. 56 Pamaho, Prophet'* brother, Fish Fin. Po-we-zhirk, Prophet's adopted son,.. Strawberry Najwpe, the warriur, Strong Soup 662 BLACK-HAWK. LEAVES FORTRESS MONROE. [Boon V and all the important events of the war, and accompanied the chiefs of the Indians engaged in it to Fortress Monroe, in Virginia. We are now to ob serve what passed in their travels from hence through several of our great cities, and thence to their wilderness homes in the distant west. Having been conducted to Fort Monroe, the captives found themselves in a kind of elegant confinement ; and instead of balls and chains to their ankles, were kindly treated, and saw nobody but friends. This state of things, how ever, must have become, in a short time, exceedingly irksome ; but an early order for their liberation prevented such result. For, on the 4 June, 1833, orders came for their being liberated ; and the next day, Major John Garland set off' with them in a steam-boat for Baltimore, by Norfolk, Gosport, Ports mouth, &c. During their short stay at Monroe, the Indians became much attached to its commander, Colonel Eustis, and on the afternoon of the same day that the order of release arrived, Black-hawk went and took his leave of him, and at parting made the following speech : " Brother, I have come on my own part, and in behalf of my companions, to bid you farewell. Our great father has at length been pleased to permit us to return to our hunting-grounds. We have buried the tomahawk, and the sound of the rifle will hereafter only bring death to the deer and the buffa lo. Brother, you have treated the red men very kindly. Your squaws have made them presents, and you have given them plenty to eat and drink. The memory of your friendship will remain till the Great Spirit says it is time for BLACK-HAWK to sing his death-song. Brother, your houses are as numer ous as the leaves upon the trees, and your young warriors, like the sands upon the shore of the big lake, which rolls before us. The red man has but few houses, and few warriors, but the red man has a heart which throbs as warm ly as the heart of his white brother. The Great Spirit has given us our hunt ing grounds, and the skin of the deer which we kill there is his favorite, for its color is white, and this is the emblem of peace. This hunting-dress and these feathers of the eagle are white. Accept them, my brother ; I have given one like this to the White-otter. Accept of it as a memorial of BLACK- HAWK. When he is far away, this will serve to remind you of him. May the Great Spirit bless you and your children farewell." Colonel Eustis, in his reply, said, the fortune of war had placed him in his hands, and as it was not the practice of the whites to attack an unarmed foe, he was safe ; but that if he had met him in the field of battle, his duty would have required him to have taken his life. He rejoiced, he said, at his prospect of speedily returning to his friends, and hoped he would never again trouble his white neighbors. To which Black-hawk added, " Brother, the Great Spirit punishes those who deceive us, and my faith is now pledged" <3h leaving Fort Monroe, the Indians were taken to Portsmouth and Gos port, to see the navy-yard, the dry-dock, and men-of-war. At Gosport, they went on board the 74 Delaware, where they could not but express much astonishment at the vastness of the " big canoe," as they called it, and its extraordinary uncouth furniture. Black-hawk seemed the most to admire the ship, and wished to see the chief who commanded it, and especially the man that built it ; for he wished, he said, " to take him by the hand." When they left the ship, they passed around under her bow, which terminates in a colossal statue of an Indian warrior. This the Indians beheld with considerable emotions of surprise and evident demonstrations of high gratification. At Norfolk, the rush to see the Indians was very great, and many could not be gratified even with a sight of them. This great curiosity in the very v'cinity where they had been for near 10 weeks, will not be thought strange, when it is considered, that no one expected their immediate removal, and therefore few had been to see them ; thinking they could do so when some more convenient time offered. Having taken lodgings at the hotel in Norfolk, the Indians were aware of the great curiosity of the people, and therefore they exhibited themselves upon the balcony, from whence Wabokieshiek, the Prophet, made the follow ing address : CHAP. XI.] BLACK-HAWK. BALTIMORE. o63 " The Great Spirit sent us here, and by the same fiat we are now happily about to return to our own Mississippi, and our own people. It affords ua much happiness to rejoin our friends and kindred. We would shake hands with all our white friends assembled, and offer our best wishes for their pros perity. Should any of them go to our country on the Mississippi, we would take pleasure in requiting the many kindnesses we have received from their people here. We will go home with peaceable dispositions towards our white brethren, and endeavor to make our conduct hereafter more satis factory to them. We bid you all farewell, as it is the last time we may see each other." Black-hawk then said a few words, expressing the same sentiments ; and one o'clock having arrived, they departed. This was 5 June. When the steam-boat was near Baltimore, it was discovered that there had been a robbery committed on board ; and when this became known to Black- hawk, he showed considerable concern, fearing some of his party should be suspected ; and when the boat lay to at considerable distance from the wharf, to make search for the money, he said, " he desired that himself and company should be searched, for he would let the whites know that the Sacs did not steal" President JACKSON had arrived in Baltimore, and after Black-hawk's arrival he had an interview with him. The Indians were conveyed in the steam boat Columbus, and arrived about 11 o'clock in the forenoon of the next day, after leaving Norfolk, namely, 6 June. Among the crowds.who visited them were many ladies, to whom, generally, the Indians said, " Pretty squaws, pretty squaws." The Indians and the president attended the theatre the same night, and it was remarked, that the attention of the house was pretty nearly equally divi ded between them. On the next day occurred the interview between them, of which mention has just been made ; at which time, among other things, the president said to the old chief: " When I saw you in Washington, I told you, that you had behaved very badly, in raising the tomahawk against the white people." He added, that his conduct last year had caused him to send out his warriors against him, and that he and those with him had been surrendered to him to be kept dur ing his pleasure, or until he should think there would be no danger from let ting him go. " I told you," he continued, " I would inquire whether your people wished you should return, and whether, if you did return, there would be any danger to the frontier. General Clark and General Atkinson, whom you know, have informed me that Sheckak, your principal chief, and the rest of your people, are anxious you should return, and Keokuk has asked me to send you back. Your chiefs have pledged themselves for your good conduct." " You will see the strength of the white people. You will see that our young men are as numerous as the leaves in the woods. What can you do against us ? " " When you go buck, listen to the counsels of Keokuk and the other friendly chiefs." To this the Prophet said a few words, as follows: " Father, my ears are open to your words ; I am glad to hear them ; I am glad to go back to my people. I want to see my family. I did not behave well last summer. I ought not to have taken up the tomahawk. But my people have suffered a great deal. When I get back, 1 will remember your words. I will not go to war again. I will live in peace. I will hold you by the hand." Black-hawk intended to have made a long speech at this time ; but the president was unable to hear him out, on account of the great fatigues he had undergone, and the old chief was, therefore, very short. He said, "My heart is big, for I have much to say to my great father" and closed, after many expressions of affection and respect for him. The warmth of the weather and the great crowd that surrounded the hotel in which the Indians were , lodged, caused them to retire to Fort M'Henry, about 3 miles below the city. The landlord said the crowd was so great about his house, that they had carried away his banisters, windows, and he was fearful, if they remained longer, that his whole house would be carried away also. 664 BALTIMORE. NEW YORK. [Boos V. They visited the Washington monument, among other places, while at Baltimore, and were at first afraid to ascend in it, upon its circular steps ; Baying it was the Manitou of the white people. At length Naopope said he would venture up. Black-hawk observed, that then they would all go ; for if it fell down, he said they would not be safer on the ground at its base than if they were in it. They visited the circus also, while here, and were much better pleased with the performances there, than at the theatre. The elegant horses pleased them far more than the stars and garters of the mock lords and ladies of the theatre, and it was very natural they should. To see a lady ride upon one foot, while the horse was running at his utmost speed, was matter of fact to them, and excited the greatest admiration. But to see a fellow popping out from behind a curtain, strutting about the stage, uttering to himself some unintelligible nonsense, could not interest any one similarly situated. They said they believed those who rode in the circus could hunt buffalo even better than the Sacs. Considerable inconvenience was experienced from the meeting of two such conspicuous characters as the PRESIDENT of the United States and Black-hawk, at the same time, in populous places ; and it was announced in a Philadelphia paper, of 9 June, that Major Garland had arrived there, but had left the Indians in Baltimore, and that they would not proceed to N. York until the day after the president. Accordingly they did not arrive in Philadelphia until 10 June, when they were conducted to lodgings in Con gress Hall. The next day there was a great military display, accompanied by an immense procession, and the whole passed up Third Street, opposite Congress Hall, by which means the Indians had a fine opportunity to sec and contemplate their numbers. Pointing to the soldiers, Black-hawk asked if they were the same that were in his country last summer. Having visited all places of amusement and curiosity in Philadelphia, the Indians departed for N. York, where they arrived in a steam-boat of the People's Line, about 5 o'clock, 14 June, on Friday. The arrival of Lafayette, in 1825, could not have attracted a greater crowd than was now assembled at and in the vicinity of Castle Garden. As it happened, Mr. Durant, the aeronaut, had just got ready to ascend in his balloon from the garden. The steam-boat, therefore, rounded to, that the passengers might witness the ascension. When it was known on shore that the Indians were on board, the choering and clapping became tremendous ; and it was not a little aug mented from those on board the numerous craft in the river. Those in the boat answered as well as their numbers would admit. The Indians, at first, were some terrified, supposing they had at last come to an enemy, and that the noise about them was the war-whoop of the whites, but were soon undeceived. Soon after the balloon had cleared the walls of the castle, and Mr. Duranl had unfurled his flag, Black-hawk was asked what he thought of it. To which he answered : " That man is a great BRAVE. / don't think he'll ever get back. He must be a Sac." Another said, u lf he is a Sac, he'll get none of his brothers to follow in his trail. None of 'em will ever see the smoke of his wigwam. He will have to live alone without any squaw." When the balloon had attained a vast height, and almost out of the old chief's sight, (which had become considerably impaired,) he exclaimed, " / think he can go to the heavens ; to the Great Spirit." Pomahoe then said, " / think he can see the country of the English." The Prophet, or Wabokieshiek, having been asked what he thought of the balloon, said, " I can't form any idea, but think he, can go up to the clouds if he will. Should think he could see the Great Spirit noiv." We can only conjecture what might have been passing in their minds at this strange sight They were struck with wonder, and no doubt were ready to exclaim, " What cannot the white people do ? Why can they not send an army in that way to hurl down destruction upon their enemies ? They sure ly will do it. If they can ascend to the Great Spirit, they must be Great Spirits too!" CHAP. XI.] BLACK-HAWK IN NEW YORK. 605 On their landing, such was the density of the crowd, that for a time it seemed impossible to effect a passage for them. After some time, however, by the aid of the police officers, they were taken up in carriages, and carried to their lodgings at the Exchange Hotel in Broad Street The spacious square and street adjacent were instantly filled by the people, whose eager uess to see the strangers was so great, that it seemed almost impossible to prevent a forcible entrance into the house. Whereupon the directors of the Indians let Black-hawk show himself several times at a window; and imme diately after, the multitude quietly dispersed, without carrying away banisters or windows, as had been complained of in Baltimore. Thus ended Friday. On Saturday evening, they were conducted to the Bowery Theatre, and o'l Monday, the papers of the city announced that they would visit Castle Gar den that evening, the Park Theatre on Tuesday, Niblo's on Wedn^sd.iy, Richmond Hill Theatre on Thursday, Vauxliall Garden on Friday, ar.d, on Saturday, leave for Albany. Thus were the doings of every evening of their Ktay allotted, which, we believe, came to pass accordingly. Of the manner iii which the daytime was spent, we shall, in the next place, proceed to give some account. On Monday, 17 June, the Hon. John A. Graham met the Indians, a t their quarters, and made a speech to them, which is as well adapted to the Indian manner, as any thing we have seen. He began : " Brothers, open your ears. You are brave men. You have fought like tigers, but in a bad cause. We have conquered you. We were sorry, last year, that you raised the tomahawk against us ; but we believe you did not know us then as you do now. We think, that in time to come, you will be wise, and that we shall be friends forever. You see that we are a great peo ple numerous as the flowers of the field, as the shells on the sea-shore, or the fish in the sea. We put one hand on the eastern, and, at the same time, the other on the western ocean. We all act together. If) sometimes, our great men talk loud and long at our council fires, but shed one drop of white men's blood, our young warriors, as thick as the stars of the night, will leap on board our great boats, which fly on the waves, and over the lakes swift as the eagle in the air then penetrate the woods, make the big guns thun der, and the whole heavens red with the flames of the dwellings of their en emies. Brothers, the president has made you a great talk. He has but one mouth. That one has sounded the sentiments of all the people. Listen to what he has said to you. Write it on your memories. It is good, very good. BLACK-HAWK, take these jewels, a pair of topaz ear-rings, beautifully set in gold, for your wife or daughter, as a token of friendship, keeping always in mind that women and children are the favorites of the Great Spirit. These jewels are from an old man, whose head is whitened with the snows of 70 winters ; an old man, who has thrown down his bow, put off' his sword, and now stands leaning on his staff, waiting the commands of the Great Spirit. Look around you, see all this mighty people, then go to your homes, open your arms to receive your families. Tell them to bury the hatchet, to make bright the chain of friendship, to love the white men, and to live in peace with them, as long as the rivers run into the sea, and the sun rises ai.d sets. If you do so, you will be happy. You will then insure the prosperity of un born generations of your tribes, who will go hand and hand with the sons of the white men, and all shall be blessed by the Great Spirit. Peace' and hap piness, by the blessing of the Great Spirit, attend you. Farewell." When this was ended, Black-hawk said, "Brother, we like your talk. We will be friends. We like the, ivhite people. They are very kind to us. We, shall not forget it. Your counsel is good. We shall attend to it. Your valuable present shall go to my squaw. It pleases me very much. We shall always be friends" The following circumstance is said to have occurred, while the Indians were in New York : One day, after dinner, a gentleman got admittance to their room, whose object was to communicate to tliem some religious instruction. He began with Black-hawtfs son ; but when the young fellow understood by the interpreter what his object was, he said, "/ lazee" and, covering his face with ais blanket stretched himself out ui in a sofa, and went to sleep. 56* 6(J6 BLACK-HAWK. NEW YORK. ARSENAL. [Boo* V. The Cherokee Phoenix was shown to Black-hawk, in New York, by a gen tleman, who gave the chief to understand that it was the first and only news paper printed in Indian. Alter explaining the great use of papers to him, the chief was well pleased, said he knew tlie Cherokee tribe well, but did riot know they had such a thing among them as a newspaper. He requested the gentleman to make the name of Black-hawk on it, which he did, and gave it to him ; when the old chief carefully folded it up and laid it away, saying he would show it to his people when he got home. On Thursday, 20 June, the Indians were shown the famous arsenal in White Street. The great cannon, mortars and shells, on the first floor, filled them with astonishment and awe, in spite of their philosophical indifference. On visiting the second floor, their countenances were seen to enliven. The sight of 10,000 stand of small arms, all as bright as polishing could make them, with all the bayonets fixed, was evidently more agreeable to them than the great, unwieldy cannon below. Their admiration was greatly heightened on being shown the operation of Mr. Hiddon's new patent artillery lock. It had been fitted for the occasion, on the beautiful brass 3 pounder, which Gov Tompkins gave the state in 1814. This gun being placed in the yard, and charged with a blank cartridge, Gen. *Qrcidarius, of the arsenal, drew the string attached to the lock, and the discharge was instantaneous. Here again they could not conceal their astonishment, which w 7 as much raised by the mysterious operation of the lock. The cannon being again charged, Black-hawk was invited to pull the string and discharge it ; but he declined from timidity, and all the rest followed his example. At length the Prophet stepped forward, with a great air of resolution, and discharged it. The re port startled him a little ; but the moment after, finding himself unharmed, he laughed heartily. Then all the rest ventured to discharge it. When M r. Hiddon showed them the fulminating w r afer, upon which his lock acts, " the vacant seriousness and gravity," says one present, " with which they returned it, as a matter quite too profound for their comprehension, was irresistibly comic." Several of the captives had been attacked with an inflammation in their eyes, accompanied with some fever, supposed to have been brought on by the fatigues they had experienced during their journey. But while they remained in New York, they had nearly recovered. When it was announced in the papers, that the Indians would not proceed any farther north, great disappointment was felt here ; but we heard no one complain. All seemed sensible that to show them about from place to place, was inflicting a punishment upon them which could in no wise benefit us. There might be one exception, for we were informed that a gentleman had made large arrangements here for writing Black-hawk's life. But whether it were the old chiefs good or bad fortune that prevented him from falling into the ambush of that biographer, we do not undertake to say ; but there may be those cold-hearted beings, w r ho are glad that both Black-hawk and the pub lic have escaped. On Saturday, 22 June, they left New York for Albany, where they arrived the next day at evening. Here, as we should expect, the crowd was far more savage than had been witnessed any where in the journey, and it was near three hours before a landing for them could be effected ; and even then only by disguising them. Black-hawk was not recognized until he had got almost to the tavern where he and his party were to lodge. One observes, that Albany, at this time, was more like an Indian camp, than the residence of civilized beings. Some urged, that if Black-hawk had been permitted to have shown himself to the multitude, and addressed them, they would at once have ceased their boisterous clamors. It is said he was about to do so, but his son would not consent to it Whether the conduct of the populace was such, after they were in their quarters, as to cause alarm for their safety, is not mentioned ; but certain it is, they set off from Albany in the night, 24 June, and proceeded west upon the railroad. When they had got upon the grand canal, and seen how they were trans- poi-ted by means of locks, some of the party said it must be the work of a CHAP. XI.] HIS VISIT TO THE SENECAS. 667 MANITOU, for it was the first river they ever saw go over hills ami. across other rivers. The interview of our travellers, the Sacs and Foxes, with their country men, the Senecas, cannot fail to be interesting to all our readers. Having arrived at Buffalo on Friday, 28 June, they remained there until Sunday morning. The next morning after their arrival, they rode over to Black Rock, where they viewed the union of the grand canal with the lake at that place. From this place they had a full view of the Canada shore, and Black- hawk immediately pointed out Fort Erie, and seemed well acquainted with the adjacent country; he having been there in the time of the last war with England, in the British service, and at the time " when the Americans walked into Fort Erie" as he expressed the capture of it. After the battle of Lake Erie, he said, he was obliged to return with his band to his own country. In the afternoon of the same day, the party visited the Senecas, who had col lected at the council house, on their reservation, to receive them. They were addressed by the chief, Capt. Pollard, or Karlundawana, of whom we have already spoken, an old and very respectable man. After expressing the pleasure which it gave him and his people to meet the chiefs of the Sacs and Foxes, and after alluding to the present state of the aborigines, he counselled his visitors to return home with a peaceable mind ; to cultivate the earth, and no more to fight against so powerful a people as the whites. Black-hawk replied as follows : " Our aged brother of the Senecas, who has spoken to us, has spoken the words of a good and wise man. We, are strangers to each other, though we have the same color, and the same Great Spirit made us all, and gave us this country to gether. Brothers, we have seen how great a people the whites are. Thnj are very rich, and very strong. It is folly for its to fight with them. We sJiall go home ttrith much knowledge. For myself, I shall advise my people to be quiet, and live like good men. The advice which you gav us, brother, is very good, and we tell you now we mean to walk the straight path in future, and to content ourselves with what we have, and with cultivating our lands. The Prophet added a few sentences, but nothing worthy of notice, except he said he wished all the tribes of Indians could be collected upon one spot, west of the Mississippi. From Buffalo the Indians were conveyed by water to Detroit, where they arrived July. Here a curiosity was evinced by the inhabitants to s; j e them ; not exactly such as had been shown in the Atlantic cities, but with that cold indifference, their near vicinity to the late scenes of blood was calculated to call forth. A writer has remarked, that they were soon seen walking the streets "unknowing and unknown," and newspapers from that region say they were burnt in effigy. Black-hawk had often been there in times past; and when he visited the former residence of Gov. Cass, he said, " Thin is the old council ground. I have heard mvch good counsel here ; but my trail led to the opposite shore, and my ears were close!" From Green Bay they were to pass through the country of the Menominiea and Winnebagoes* to Chicago. As these tribes are bitter enemies to the Sacs and Foxes, troops were detached from that place to attend them. Having left Chicago, as they passed up Fox River and down the Ouis- consin, Black-Jiawk would point out the spots, where, once, he said, had stood the fine villages of the Sacs. His depression at the sight was evident, and he seemed much to regret their emigration beyond the Mississippi. It was about the first of August, 1833, that the captives arrived at Fort Armstrong, on the Upper Mississippi, where we are presently to take 0111 leave of them. The Prophet had been set at liberty a little before at Prairie * This tribe is divided into five families the Decorie, Black-leg, &c. One-eyed Decorie, before mentioned, is one of their most conspicuous chiefs. He appeared about 50 years old in 1826. Mr. W. J. Smiling saw him at the Portage in that year, accompanied bv a wife of 15. The name Winnehazo is supposed to be that of a kind of duck, found on the lake of the same name, in great abundance. 668 HIS LIBERATION. [BooK V du Chien; he having declared his conviction of the power of the Americans, and that now he would return and live in peace. " His return," says our informant, " is attended with as many unpleasant associations as that of any of the party. The village over which he once presided has been broken up ; his wigwam has been burnt to the ground ; his family without a protector, and he must find a home in the village of some neighboring chieftain." The Indians were at first gloomy and taciturn, on entering their own forests, but in a short time they began to be more communicative, and at length would laugh and talk about the jokes and odd manoeuvres they had seen among the whites. Being now at Rock Island, where it was concluded to dismiss the party, they were considerably disappointed in not meeting with some of their friends, from whom they might gain intelligence of their families. Mean while they examined their bundles and packages, containing the presents they had received during their journey. These were by no means incon- eiderable, and were said, by those who saw them, to be in value of at least 1,000 dollars; which, when their friends arrived, were liberally distributed among them. They had not been long in suspense when this happened. A band of Foxes arrived the next day after them, who gave the desired intelli gence. To an observer of nature, their meeting must have been exceedingly interesting. Notwithstanding their long separation, their first interviews were nearly the same as though it had been but of a day's continuance. But they very soon discovered to the spectators, that they had met with those who were capable of enjoying again their society ; and the freedom of early life began gradually to show itself. " Fort Armstrong, Rock Island, Illinois, was selected as the most appro priate place for the liberation of Black-hawk and his party. It Iteing the most central point from the surrounding villages, a greater number of Indians could be there assembled at a short notice, than at any other point on the Mississippi. With most of the party, their return was the return of happy days, and of those manners and customs which they had looked forward to with much anxiety, during their long and arduous journey. But with Black- hawk it was the revival of those scenes associated with his former greatness and power when no white man crossed his trail, or encroached upon his hunting grounds. He is now hailed not as a chieftain, nor as a warrior, but as a Sac, divested of his honors, au humble suppliant for the sympathies and hospitalities of his tribe. "It was understood, on their arrival, that Keocuck^ the principal chief of the tribe, was absent with most of his band, upon a buffalo hunt, and it was doubtful whether he had yet returned. A courier, however, was despatched to his village, with instructions, if returned, to request his immediate attend ance, with as many of his tribe as could conveniently accompany him. The messenger returned the same night, saying that Keocuck was encamped about 20 miles below, with a large number of his tribe, and would arrive during the day. About noon, the dull monotony of the Indian drum, accompanied with occasional shouts, was heard, which announced his approach. He led the van, with two large canoes, bished side by side, with a large canopy extended over him and hie three wives, where he sat in all his dignity, with the American flag waving over the bow. About 20 canoes followed in his train, each containing from 4 to 8 of his companions, who made the 'welkin ring' with their wild and savage songs. They proceeded up the river at a moderate rate, and encamped on the opposite side from Black-hoick 1 s camp. After remaining about two hours to arrange their toilets, they again com menced their songs, making their way directly across the river. Keocuck was the first to land, decorated, as well as the rest of the party, with all their medals, and in all the paraphernalia which distinguishes the braves from the common Indians. After the party had landed, he turned to them and said, ' The Great Spirit has sent our brother back. Let us shake hands in friendship.' 1 He then proceeded towards Black-hawk, who was seated with his party, in front of their tent, leaning upon his cane, apparently lost in deep reflection. He extended his hand, which the old man seemed to shake with some cor diality. Having saluted the rest of the party, he took his seat in their imme- CHAP. XI J BLACK-HAWK'S RETURN. 669 diate vicinity. His companions followed the example, and & altered them selves upon the ground. Not a murmur was heard among the crowd. Nc one presumed to break the silence, until the chieftain had spoken. Fifteen minutes elapsed before a word was uttered by any one, when Keocuck asked Black-hawk how long he had been upon the road ? ' That he had been expecting him, and was coming up in the expectation of meeting him.' Pipes were soon introduced, and passed among both parties, as an interchange of good feel ing. After smoking and talking, alternately, for about an hour, a general move was made for their departure. Keocuck arose, shook hands with all the party, saying, 'to-morrow he should return.'" They now crossed the river in silence, and the night was spent in songs and dances. On the next day, by appointment, was to be opened the grand council. "A commodious room in the garrison was prepared for the reception of both parties. About 10 o'clock, Keocuck was announced by the incoherent and guttural strains of more than 100 savages. When they arrived at the garrison, they followed silently in, preceded by their chief, who was shown to the room, where he was to be elevated upon the ruins of an indiscreet old man, with whom he had been struggling many years for supremacy. He took his seat with Parsheparho, (the stabbing chief,) chief of the Sacs, upon one side, and Wapella, (the little prince,) chief of the Foxes, upon the other He told his young braves to sit immediately behind him ; and all maintained the most profound silence during the interview. Keocuck, they said, would speak for all of them. "Black-haivk and his party soon made their appearance. As they entered the room, the chiefs arose and shook hands with them. They passed round, and took their seats immediately opposite. Black-hawk and his son appeared quite dejected. They manifested some reluctance to the proposed council, the day previous ; and that morning, as it would have too much importance attached to it, the son felt keenly his situation. It was as humiliating to him as it was to his father. Maj. Garland was the first to break the silence in council. He told them that he was grateful to find so much good feeling ex isting in the tribe towards Black-hawk and his party. He felt confident, from what he had witnessed since his arrival, that they would hereafter live in peace. He had but little to say, as the president's speech to Black-hawk and party, at Baltimore, said all, which should be read to them. It was inter preted to them by an able interpreter, to which the whole company respond ed, at the termination of each sentence." Keocuck then arose, shook hands with the most important personages pres ent, and commenced : "I have listened to the talk of our great father. It is true we pledged our honors, with those of our young braves, for their liberation. We thought much of it ; our councils were long ; their wives and children were in our thoughts. When we talked of them, our hearts were full. Their wives and children came to us, which made us feel like women ; but we were men. The words which we sent to our great father was one word, the word of all. The heart of our great father was good ; he spoke like the father of children. The Great Spirit made his heart big in council. We receive our brothers in friendship ; our hearts are good towards them. They once listened to bad counsel ; now their ears are closed. I give my hand to them ; when they shake it, they shake the hands of all. I will shake hands with them, and then I am done." Maj. Garland then told them, that he wished it distinctly understood by all present, that the president considered, and should hi future acknowledge Keocuck as the principal chief of the nation ; that he wished and expected Black-hawk to listen and conform to his counsels; and that if any discordant feeling now existed, it must be buried here ; that the two bands that had heretofore existed in the tribe must be broken up. From the misapplication of some word on the part of the interpreter, Black-hawk understood him, that he must conform to the counsels of Keocuck. The old man became com pletely infuriated. The spirit and vigor of his youth broke forth like a vol cano ; he rose to speak, but was so much excited, he could scarcely articulate. He said: 670 BLACK-HAWK DEPOSED. HIS DISAPPOINTMENT. [BooK V I am a man an old man I will not conform to the counsels of any one. 1 will act for myself no one shall govern me 1 am old my hair is gray I once gave counsels to my young men am I to conform to others ? I shall soon go to the Great Spirit, where I shall rest. What I said to our great father in Washington, I say again I will always listen to him. I am done." The feeling which he evinced, caused a momentary excitement among all present ; it was his last expiring struggle. The nature of the remark was explained to him that the president requested him to listen to Keocuck. He made no reply ; he sat completely absorbed in his own feelings, when Keo cuck, in a suppressed tone, said to him, " Why do you speak so before the white men ? / will speak for you ; you trembled ; you did not mean it" He consented when Keocuck arose and said : " Our brother, who has again come to us, has spoken ; but he spoke in wrath his tongue was forked he spoke not like a man, a Sac. He knew his words were bad ; he trembled like the oak, whose roots have been washed by many rains. He is old ; what he said, let us forget. He says he did not mean it ; he wishes it forgotten. I have spoken for him. What I have said is his own words not mine. Let us say he spoke in council to-day that his words were good. I have spoken." Col. Davenport, who commands at Rock Island, then told Black-hawk that he was gratified to meet him that once he was his enemy, but now he met him as a friend that he was here by the commands of his great father, and should always be glad to see him. If he wished for advice at any time, he should be always ready to give it to him ; he had had, during his absence, frequent talks with his tribe, who were anxious for his return ; and could assure him, that his nation entertained for him and his party the most friendly feeling. Maj. Garland told him, that he was now at liberty to go where he pleased ; that he, and all the Americans, were pleased with his and his party's uniform good conduct while among them ; that they were convinced that their hearts were good, but they had listened to bad counsels. They had seen the power of the white men, and had taken their great father by the hand, who had re stored them to their families, upon his and his tribe's faithful assurances of peace and friendship. Black-hawk, after reflecting upon what he had said, requested that if his remarks were put upon paper, a line might be drawn over it he did not mean it. Wapella, chief of the Foxes, said he had nothing to say. "I am not," said he, " in the habit of talking I think I have been thinking all day Keocuck has spoken I am glad to see my brothers I will shake hands with them. I am done." A general shaking of hands was commenced by the chief, which was an indication that the council was adjourned sine die. The impetuosity of Black-hawk's speech was undoubtedly influenced by the presence of his son, who evidently governed his speech and actions dur ing their tour through the United States. He appeared anxious tliat his father should maintain his former stand, in spite of all opposition, and no doubt gave instructions to that effect. The old man's pride was deeply wounded ; yet he would have submitted to any degradation, rather than to have been committed in the presence of so large a number of the most conspicuous men of the nation. He felt convinced that he had erred, and endeavored to atone for it, during the day, by saying, " he did not know what he said" That evening, Maj. Garland invited the principal chiefs, together with Black-hawk, to his quarters, as it would afford a good opportunity to ascertain, explicitly, the feeling which existed among them towards their fallen foe. About seven o'clock they arrived. They took their seats in silence, passed the pipe for all to take a whiff, and in return quaffed a glass of champagne, which seemed to have a peculiar relish. Parsheparho shook hands with all present, and commenced : "We met this morning; I am glad to meet again. That wine is very good ; I never drank any before. I have thought much of our meeting to day ; it was one that told us we were brothers, that we were Sacs. We had ji-t returned from a buffalo-hunt ; we thought it was time for our brothers CHAP. XI.] BLACK-HAWK. SPEECHES. 671 to be here, as our fathers at St Louis told us this was the moon. We started betbre the rising sun to meet you ; we have met, and taken our brothers by the hand in friendship. They always mistrusted our counsels, and went from the trail of the red men, where there was no hunting grounds, nor friends re turned, and found the dogs howling around their wigwams, and wives look ing for their husbands and children. They said we counselled like women ; but they have found our counsels were good. They have been through the country of our great father. They have been to the wigwams of the white men ; they received them in kindness, and made glad then- hearts. We thanked them ; say to them that Keocuck and Parsheparho thank them. Our brother has promised to listen to the counsels of Keocuck. What he said in council to-day, was like the Mississippi fog the sun has shone, and the day is clear let us forget it; he did not mean it. His heart is good, but his ears have been open to Bad counsels. He has taken our great father by the hand, whose wdrds are good. He listened to them, and has closed his ears to the voice which came across the great waters. He now knows that he ought to listen to Keocuck. He counselled with us, and our young braves, who listened to his talk. We told our great father that all would be peace. He opened his dark prison, and let him see the rising sun once more, gave him to his wives and children, who were without a lodge. Our great father made straight his path to his home. I once took the great chief of the Osages prisoner. I heard the cries of his women and children ; I took him out by the rising sun, and put him upon the trail to his village ; ' There,' said I, 'is the trail to your village ; go, and tell your village, that I, Parsheparho, the chief of the Sacs, sent you.' We thank our great father; say to him that I wish to see him ; I reach out my right hand ; he is a great way off, but I now shake him by the hand ; our hearts are good towards him ; 1 will see him before I lie down in peace ; may the Great Spirit be in his councils ; what our brother said to-day, let us forget. I am done." Keocuck, after going through the usual ceremonies, said, " We feel proud that you have invited us here this evening to drink a glass with you ; the wine which we have drank, we never tasted before ; it is the wine which the white men make, who know how to make any thing ; I will take another glass, as I have much to say ; we feel proud that we can drink such wine ; to-day we shook hands with our brothers, whom you brought to us ; we were glad to see them ; we have often thought of our brothers ; many of our nation said they would never return ; their wives and children often came to our wigwams, which made us feel sad ; what Parsheparho has said, is true ; 1 talked to our young men, who had the hearts of men ; I told them that the Great Spirit was in our councils ; they promised to live in peace ; those who listened to bad counsels, and followed our brothers, have said their ears are closed, they will live in peace ; I sent their words to our great father, whose ears were open, whose heart was made sad by the conduct of our brothers; he has sent to their wigwams ; we thank him ; say to him that Keocuck thanks him ; our brothers have seen the great villages of the white men ; they trav elled a long road, and found the Americans like the grass ; I will tell our young men to listen to what they shall tell them. Many years ago I went through the villages of our great father; he had many, that were like the great prairies ; but he has gone, another is our father, he is a great war chief, 1 want to see him, I shall be proud to take him by the hand, I have heard much of him, his head is gray, I must see him ; tell him that as soon as the snow is off of the prairie, I shall come. What I have said, I wish spoken to him, before it's put upon paper, so that he shall hear it as I have said it ; tell him that Keocuck spoke it ; what our brother said in council to-day, let us forget ; he told me to speak ; I spoke his words. I have spoken." Black-hawk then said, in a very calm and dejected manner, " I feel that 1 am an old man ; once I could speak, but now I have but little to say ; to-day we met many of our brothers, we were glad to see them ; I have listened to ivhat my brothers have said, their hearts are good ; they have been like Sacs since 1 left them ; they have taken care of my wife and children, who had no wigwam ; 1 thanked them for it ; the Great Spirit knows mat I thank them ; 672 BLACK-HAWK. [BooK V. before the sun gets behind the hills to-morrow 1 shall see them, I want to see them; when I left them, I expected soon to return; 1 told our great father, when in Washington, that I would listen to his counsels ; I say so to you, 1 will listen to the counsels of Keocuck; 1 shall soon be far away, I shall have no village, no band, I shall live alone. What I said in council to-day I wish forgotten. If it has been put upon paper, I wish a mark to be drawn over it. I did not mean it. Now we are alone, let us say we will forget it. Say to our great father and Gov. Cass, that I will listen to them. Many years ago I met Gov. Cass in councils, far across the prairies, to the rising sun. His counsels were good. My ears were closed ; I listened to the great father across the great waters. My father listened to him whose band was large. My band was once large. Now I have no band. I and my son, and all the party, thank our great, father for what he has done. He is old, I arn old ; we shall soon go to the Great Spirit, where we shall rest. 'He sent us through his great villages. We saw many of the white men, who treated us with kindness. We thank them ; say to them we thank them. We thank you and Mr. Sprague for coming with us; your road was long, and crooked. We never saw so many white men before. When you was with us, we felt as though we had some friends among them. We felt safe ; you knew them all. When you come upon the Mississippi again, you shall come to my wigwam. 1 have none now. On your road home, you pass where my village once was. No one lives there now ; all are gone. I give you my hand ; we may never meet again ; I shall long remember you. The Great Spirit will be with you, and your wives and children. Before the sun rises I shall go to my family. My son will be here to see you, before we go. I will shake hands with my brothers here, then 1 am done." The party separated with a most perfect understanding among themselves, and in fellowship and good feeling ; but Black-hawk was cast down, his pride was wounded, and he departed in silence. CHAPTER X1L From the time Black-hawk was set at liberty in his own country, in 1833, to his death, on October 3d, 1838, with other important matters connected with the Indians in the west. " In pain and peril, when thy years were few, And death's dark shadow on thy pathway foil, Thou to the greatness of thy trial grew, Bade fortune, friends, and blighted hope farewell." S. L. FAIRFIELD. FOR about three years after the liberation of Black-hawk, few incidents of importance seem to have transpired. The first we shall notice is the death of a great Win nebago chief, some of whose family have passed under our notice in a former chapter, from the conspicuous part he acted in the capture of Black-hawk. His name was SCHACHIPKAKA, or Decorie. He died in Wisconsin, on the 20th of April, 1836, in his 90th year. Died also, at the Seneca reservation, MAJOR BERRT, aged 74. He fought with the Americans in the war of 1812, and died a pensioner. His place of residence was known as Jack Berry's town. He was a distinguished chief. And on the 29th of the same month died that celebrated pioneer of the west, SIMON KENTON, aged 82. He, it will be recollected, it was who was engaged as a pilot to the army of Lord Dunmore, in 1774, being then about nineteen years of age. He afterwards spent many years in a most wretched captivity among the Miami Indians, and finally made some escapes, which, it seems to us, that nothing short of miraculous interference could have brought about. On the 24th of May, 1836, a treaty of cession was made at Washington, between a delegation of chiefs and others of the Chippewas, and the United CHAP. XII.] SIOUX WAR. WAUCO3HAUSHE. 673 States, by which all the reservations heretofore held by them in the state of Michigan is relinquished. A report was current among us in the summer of this year, that a san guinary battle had been fought on the 20th of June, at a noted place on the Red River, called the Cross Timbers, between 25 Shawanees and 350 Caman- ches ; that the battle lasted a whole day, and eventuated in the defeat of the mtter, who lost 77 of their number. On the 19th of November, 1836, a large war party of Sioux surprised five lodges of Foxes, on the lower loway, 15 or 20 miles from where the line of the "Black-hawk purchase " crosses it, and killed about 20 of them. One of the Foxes, a young man, though severely wounded in the neck, made his escape, and carried the news to Poweeshieck's village. In May, 1837, died at the Huron village, LORETTE, or GRAND Louis, whose Indian name is Tandarelion, aged 74. He had been a great hunter and an upright man, though at times intemperate. A man who had a grudge against another, endeavored to hire him to shoot his enemy, but Lorette replied, " Je ne suis pas en guerre avec lui," "I have no cause of war with that man," and turned scornfully from him. And on the 13th of the following June, another respected chief paid the debt of mortality. CAPT. GEORGE, principal chief of the ancient and once famous tribe of the Onondagas, died, aged 70. He was one of the most able orators of the Six Nations, not only possessing the confidence of his own, but all the confederate tribes, and was greatly esteemed by the white people. In the order of time, the next event of importance was a severe battle between the Sacs and Foxes, and Sioux. And what makes it to be the more lamented is, in consequence of the criminal negligence of our government When the Sacs and Foxes sold us the best portions of Illinois, Missouri, and Wisconsin, amounting to 26,500,000 acres, which included all the lead mines, for the sum of THREE CENTS PER ACRE, certain provisions were to be made them ; certain grounds were to be put in cultivation, certain amounts of money paid at certain times, and, especially, they were promised protection from their bloody enemies, the Sioux, when hunting upon certain grounds allowed to them. But none of the promises made them had been performed, and famine forced them, when they could wait for us no longer, to go unpro tected into the wilderness to hunt for game. The battle, of which we are to give an account, happened about the 2d of August, 1837, and the history we have of it is derived from the chief of the Sacs and Foxes, who was mortally wounded in it He had been to St. Louis to see what could be done for his people, and he says, " when I returned, 1 found our people starving at the village. I divided all the provisions I had received from our trader among them, and powder and lead to enable us to make a hunt to supply our families until our corn was ripe, or that our great father had paid our money to enable our traders to furnish us_" Having divided his tribe into two parties, that they might hunt to better advantage, one*was to proceed along the dividing country between the loway and Red Cedar Rivers, and the other to advance up the right bank of Cedar River. At the head of the latter division was the chief of whom mention has been made, whose name was WAU-COSH-AU-SHE. He had in his company about 170 people, of whom but 40 were men, the rest women and children. They found no game for many days, and, says the old chief, " we had to depend on fish, which we caught from the Cedar, to keep our people from dying with hunger." He was in great expectation, that, if he could reach a belt of wooded country, between the Wapesepineca and Cedar, to find plenty of game. Accordingly he sent out some of his young men in advance, and followed as well as he was able with the rest, but his pioneers soon returned, and informed him that the Winnebagoes were hunting there. " This was bad news," says Waucoshaushe, "in our starving condition, and we could not return, for we had nothing to return to," and their nearest hope was about the mouth of Otter River. He therefore bent his course thither. On arriving on the confines of that country, he encamped, and sent out some hunters, but, as before, they soon returned, and reported that their ground was in possession of the Sioux; and, he asks, " What was now to be 57 2S 674 SIOUX AND SAC AND FOX WAR. BATTLE. [Boox V. done? My number of fighting men was small ; but to retreat was impossible ; for we must have been discovered by the Sioux, and followed ; and whenever you turn your back on an enemy, you are sure of defeat. My braves agreed with me, that we should immediately start on the trail, leave our women and children at the camp, and go and ascertain their strength ; that if we found them not too strong, to drive them out of our hunting-grounds. We followed their trail across Otter River, and then it took a direction into the prairie, to wards where the sun sets. About midnight, we thought we discovered the Sioux lodges. We raised the war-cry, and rushed upon them ; but found no Sioux there, only sand-hills instead of lodges. They were encamped in a hollow; and by this mistake we were discovered. We might now have re treated ; but, reflecting on our condition, our families starving, our hunting- grounds possessed by our enemies, and the remembrance of our friends they had murdered last winter on the loway, determined us to follow them as far as the line. u We had not proceeded far, when the Sioux fired on us. 1, with my party, rushed into their camps, and, after fighting desperately for some time, found they were in too strong a force for us. All that could, retreated out of the camps, and, taking a position back of a small rise, within gunshot of their camps, fired upon them until our ammunition was exhausted. We then re treated to our camp, where we had left our women and children, bringing thirteen wounded with us, and leaving eleven killed on the field." Such is the account of the battle, by an actor in it As soon as he could, Waucoshaushe sent two of his braves with this account, to the agency, at Rock Island, where they arrived on the 8 of August. The chief closed his talk in the following words : " My father, I am one of the wounded, and ex pect never to see you again. I have followed your advice, and done the best I could for my nation, and / do not fear to die. We have with the greatest dif ficulty reached our village, and fear that many of our people will die of hun ger. Father, I have no more to say." What was done for these poor, distressed Indians, I have no account, but doubt not it might be quickly told ! However, a delegation of Sacs and Foxes, and another of Sioux and loways, visited Washington in the end of the follow ing September ; but we hear nothing of any redress for the former ; yet the government bought of the Sioux 5,000,000 of acres of their land, on the east side of the Mississippi, at twenty cents an acre. These same Indians were induced to travel through our great cities by advice of the president, who wished to make them acquainted with our power and consequence ; and they accordingly arrived in Boston, the extent of their journey on the coast, on the 27 October, 1837. They consisted of both deputations, in all, 35. Among the Sacs and Foxes were the well-known and celebrated old ex-chief, BLACK-HAWK, his son NASHEESKUK, (Loud Thunder,) KEOKUK, and WA- PELLA. On Saturday morning, the whole party had an audience of the mayor, Mr. S. A. Eliot, the aldermen, and common council of the city, in Faneuil Hall. The Sacs and Foxes arrived first, in carriages, and were seated on the right of the elevated platform ; and the Sioux, arriving immediately after, were seated on the left. As each party entered, a band of music, sta tioned for the occasion, played martial airs. The mayor then welcomed them in a short speech, through their interpreters. Gov. Everett was pres ent, and, being introduced to them, invited them to an audience in the State- House, on Monday ; for which civility Keokuk presented him with a bow and arrows. They were then shown the armories in the upper hall of the same building, where they expressed high gratification at seeing so many bright guns fit for use. They then returned to their lodgings in Concert Hall. On Sunday morning, a part of the Sac and Fox delegation visited the navy- yard, and in the afternoon the Sioux and loways were there. They were presented by Capt. Percival to Com. Downes, who conducted them over the yard, much to their entertainment The ships of war most astonished them, and we are not sure they understood the use of that grand affair, the dry dock ; they approached and looked down its sides with evident feelings of awe. To a handsome address from Com. Downes, they made an appropriate reply, and returned to their quarters. In the evening, some attended the CHAP. XI1.J BLACK-HAWK IN BOSTON. SPEECHES. 675 oratorios at Boylston Hall and the Masonic Temple. On Monday, they held a levee at Faneuil Hall, under the direction of the city marshal, for the especial accommodation of the ladies, which was closed at eleven o'clock, when pre parations were made for meeting the governor at the State-House, agreeably to previous arrangements. As but a very small portion of the community could be admitted to the "Indian council" in the representatives' chamber, notice was given in the newspapers to such as might expect admission, that " passes " had been pro vided for them, and were to be had between 9 and 11, A. M., at the offices of the adjutant general and city auditor. These "passes" were cards, on which was printed, "PASS TO THE REPRESENTATIVES' CHAMBER, 30TH OCTOBER, 1837." Meanwhile, the Sioux left the city, and proceeded on their journey west. It was evidently unpleasant to both parties to meet at the same time and p ace, as the war between them, of which we have taken notice, had not ceased, and, for aught they knew to the contrary, the friends of each were falling by the hand of the other, in the country from which they were thus temporarily absent The hour having arrived for the Indians to make their appearance in the hall of the State-House, it was crowded to dverflowing, as was every avenue leading to it The governor occupied the speaker's chair, with his aids and council around him, when the chiefs came in and took seats in the adjacent area. The governor then arose, and, in explanation, stated the object of their visit. " They are," said he, " a most respectable deputation from the Sac and Fox tribes, which are in amity with our government. The object of their mission to Washington, was to form a treaty explanatory of the great treaty made in 1836, denning the boundaries between their territory and that of the United States. Their lands are situated between the Mississippi and Missou ri. The united tribes comprise about 5000, of whom about 1400 are braves. They are the descendants of the Algonquins, or Lennape, and speak the same language as that anciently spoken by the Indians of this region." Some per sons in the galleries showing a disposition to manifest their ridiculous con ceptions, when the Indians came in, the governor observed to the audience, that any such demonstrations by laughing, however seemingly ludicrous any appearance might be, would be highly improper, and the Indians might con strue such exhibition of mirth into disrespect The interpreter was then requested to inform them that the governor bade them a hearty welcome to the hall of council of their white brethren. " We have," said he, " before heard of the Sacs and Foxes, by our travellers ; and we have been told the names of their great men and chiefs ; and now we are glad to see them with our eyes. We are called the people of Massachusetts ; it is the name of the red people who once lived here. In former times, the red man's wigwam stood on our very fields, and his council-fire was kindled on this spot. When our forefathers came to this country, they were but a small band. The red man stood on the rock on the sea-side, and looked at them. He might have pushed them off, and drowned them ; but he took them by the hand, and said, ' Welcome.' Our forefathers were hungry, and the red man gave them corn and venison. They were cold, and the red man spread his blanket over them, and made them warm. We are now grown great and powerful ; yet we remember the kindness of the red man to our forefathers. " Brothers ! our faces are white, and yours are red ; but our hearts are alike. You dwell between the Mississippi and Missouri ; they are mighty streams. One stretches out to the east, and the other away to the west, even to the Rocky Mountains ; but still they make but one river, and they run to gether to the sea. Brothers ! we dwell in the east, and you live in the far west ; but we are one family. Brothers ! as you passed through the hall be low, you stopped to look upon the image of our great father, Washington ; it is a cold stone, and cannot speak ; but our great father loved the red man, and he commanded us to love you. He is dead ; but his voice made a deep print in our hearts, like the footsteps of the great buffalo in the clay of the prairie." 676 BLACK-HAWK IN BOSTON. KEOKUK. [Be OK V. Keokuk had his son with him, about 14 years old. The governor alluded to him, when he said, " May the Great Spirit preserve the Hie of your son. May he grow up by your side, like the tender sapling by the side of the mighty oak. May you long flourish together ; and when the mighty oak is fallen in the forest, may the young tree take its place, and spread out its brandies over his people. Brothers ! I have made you a short talk, and once more bid you welcome to our council hall." KEOKUK said in reply, " I am very much gratified at the pleasure of shak ing hands with the great chief of the country, and others about him. The Great Spirit, as you have said, made us the same ; we only speak different languages. Brother ! I am very happy to be able to say, before I die, that I have seen the house where your fathers used to speak with ours, as we now do with you, and hope the Great Spirit is pleased at the sight I hope he will long keep peace between the white and red men." WAPELLA next spoke. He said, " I am very happy to meet my friends in the land of our forefathers. I recollect, when a little boy, of hearing my fore fathers say, that at this place the red man first took the white man by the hand. I am very happy that this island can support so many white men as have come on to it ; I am glad they can find a living, and happy they can be contented with living on it I am glad to hear the white men call us their orothers ; it is true they are the oldest ; but where I live my tribe is the oldest among the red men. I shall go home and tell my brethren that I have been to this great place, and it shall not be forgotten by me nor my children." WAACASHAASHEE then came forward, and said, " I have just listened to the words spoken by you and my chiefs about our forefathers. I have long wished to see the shores where my fathers took the white men by the hand, and I shall not forget it." POWEESHIECK next spoke as follows : " You have heard what my chiefs have to say. They are much gratified with their visit to this town. This is the place where our tribe once lived. I have often heard my father and grandfather say that they once lived by the sea coast, where the white man first came. I wish I had a book,* and could read in it all these things. 1 have been told that this is the way you get all your knowledge. I think the Americans are among the greatest of the white people, that very few can overpower them. It is so with the Sacs, though I say itf They call me a great man where I live, and I am very happy that two such great men as you and I should meet and shake hands together." Next came the Indian who wore a buffalo skin all over him, its head on his own, with horns erect. His name we could not get hold of; but he said, " I am much pleased with the conversation our chiefs have had with you. I am glad you noticed Mausanwovt, Keokuk's son. He will succeed his father, and be a chief. The chiefs who have spoken to you are all village chiefs ; for my part, I have nothing to do with the villages ; but I go to war, and fight for the women and children." APPANOSEOKEMAR next spoke : "I am very happy to shake hands with you. I do it with all my heart. Although we have no paper to put down words on, we shall not forget this good council. I am a brave, and have my arms in my hands. They are all my defence ; but I wish to leave them in this house for the white man to remember the red man of the far west My presents may not be agreeable, but they are given with a good heart." And, divesting himself of all his clothes, wampum belt, moccasins, &c., except a blanket, he gave them and his arms to the governor. BLACK-HAWK'S turn now came. His voice was very shrill, and he was the only one among them with any of the costume of the whites about him. He began, " I like very well to hear you talk of the Great Spirit. He made us both of one heart, though our skins are of different complexions. The first white men that came to this island were French. They were our brothers as CHAP. XII. J GREAT MORTALITY. 677 you are. When at the president's village, your people put medals about our necks. The French used to do so by our fathers. The Great Spirit is pleased at our talking together. I am a man. You are a man. None of us are any thing more. I live between the Mississippi and Missouri. I have now got to be an old man. It is surprising to me how so many people can live in so small a place as this village is. I cannot see where they get venison and corn enough to live upon ; but if they like it, I am satisfied.* I cannot shake hands with all my friends, but by shaking hands with you, I mean it for all." Keokuk then presented his son to the governor, who caused his own son to shake the hand of that of the chief apparent Then came forward a brave, who said his father was a Frenchman ; he presented the governor with a pipe. His excellency then informed the Indians that some presents had been prepared for them, in the balcony in front of the hall, and that they should proved there and receive them, which was accordingly done. The presents consisted of guns, swords, trinkets, and clothes for their women and chil dren, &c. To the son of Keokuk the governor gave an elegant little rifle, and observed that he hoped he would soon be able to shoot buffaloes with it. All these affairs took up much time, especially the speeches, as the inter preters had to repeat them sentence by sentence, as they were delivered, to both parties of Indians. At the end of each sentence delivered to the Indians, they would simultaneously utter assent to it in an inexpressible sound, some thing like what might be derived from a peculiar pronunciation of the letters a-ugk-yak, which must be done in the same breath, and a gradual raising of the voice. And there was such a dissimilarity in language between one por tion of the chiefs and the others, that two interpreters were necessarily em ployed. Agreeably to notice given, the Indians withdrew from the balcony of the State-House to the senate chamber, where they partook of a collation, and then appeared on the common, where they performed a mock war dance, to the great amusement of the immense multitude. Jn the evening, they visited the Tremont Theatre, where Forrest took a benefit in the "Banker of Bogota." The Sioux had before attended the National Theatre. On Tuesday, the 31st, they left the city, taking their journey west. Indian deputations were things new to this generation, in Boston, and when some began to think they were satisfied with seeing one, another was an nounced ; and, on the 20 November, there arrived hi the Providence cars 26 chiefs, from a country far beyond that from whence came the preceding ones. They were said to represent the Grand Pawnees, Pawnee Loupes, and Re publican Pawnees, Otoes, and Omahas. The name of the principal chief is Odderussin, a descendant of the ancient Mohawks. They were lodged at Concert Hall also, and the next day visited the navy-yard, theatre in the even ing, and on Wednesday left the city. They were dressed entirely in the far forest costume, and fantastically painted ; and some of them were of immense stature, and appeared as though they had endured the frosts of countless winters. < Scenes of wretchedness have been recorded in our early pages, occasioned by malignant diseases, among Indians of our own land. We are now to re late the doings of death on a broader scale, in the regions of the Upper Mis souri. In October last, (1837,) the small-pox was still raging over that vast country. Up to the first of that month, the Mandans were reduced from 1,600 to 31 souls; the Minetarees from 1,000 to 500, and they were still dying fast. The Ricarees, who had recently joined them, were hunting by themselves, when the disease was raging among their friends, and were not seized by the horrid malady until a month after. They numbered 3,000, and half of them were in a few days swept away, and hundreds of the survivors were killing themselves in despair ; some with their own spears and other instruments of war, and some by casting themselves down the high precipices along the Missouri. The great nation of Assinnaboines, 10,000 strong ; the Crees, 3,000, are nearly all destroyed. The Black Feet had known no such foe be- * None of the reporters did justice to the old chiefs speech ; but my ears did not deceive me. These last two sentences were omitted by all. 57* 678 DEATH OF BLACK-HAWK. [Boon V fore ; it had reached the Rocky Mountains, and swept away the people in a thousand lodges. They were reckoned at 60,000 strong. It is impossible to be accurate in these details, but such are the accounts from the west ; and they are to this day, 1841, uncontradicted. Here is a commentary upon our policy of settling the border Indians among the wild tribes in the west! of which we have expressed our opinion in an earlier part of this work. Proceeding in the order of events, we next find BLACK-HAWK, his noted son Nasheuskuk, and his wife, a handsome squaw of the Sac tribe, attending a ball, by invitation, at Fort Madison, in Wisconsin, in honor of Washington's birthday, 22 February, 1838. On the 4th of the July following, Black-hawk (vas again present at the same place, where a celebration was enacted. At the table, Mr. J. G. Edwards honored him by the following sentiment: " Ortr illustrious guest. May his declining years be as calm as his previous life has been boisterous from warlike events. His present friendship to the whites fully eit'Ules him to a seat at our board" To which Black-hawk made the following very sensible reply: " It has pleased the Great Spirit that I am here to-day. The earth is our mother, and we are now permitted to be upon it A few snows ago, I was fighting against the white people perhaps I was wrong but that is past, it is buried ; let it be forgotten. I love my towns and cornfields on the Rock River, it was a beautiful country. I fought for it, but now it is yours. Keep it as the Sacs did. I was once a warrior, but I am now poor. Keokuk has been the cause of what 1 am do not blame him. I love to look upon the Mississippi ; I have looked upon it from a child. I love that beau tiful river ; my home has always been upon its banks. I thank you for your friendship. I will say no more." Now we have approached the closing scene of the celebrated BLACK- HAWK. How long he had had his camp on the Des Moines, we are not in formed ; but about this time we find him there, and there he died, on the 3 of October, 1838, aged 73. When it was known that the spirit of the old chief had departed, many, whites as well as Indians, assembled at his lodge, and performed his last request, which was, that he might be buried as all Sac chiefs anciently were, and it was in accordance done. No grave was made ; but his body was placed upon the ground in a sitting position, with his cane between his knees, and grasped in his hands ; slabs or rails were then piled up about him. Such was the end of Black-hawk. Here, however, his bones did not long rest in peace, but they were stolen from their place of deposit some time in the following winter ; but, about a year after, it was discovered that they were in possession of a surgeon, of Quincy, Illinois, to whom some person had sent them to be wired together. When Gov. Lucas, of loway, became acquainted with the facts, they were, by his requisition, restored to his friends. " What fiend could thus disturb the peaceful dead? Remembrance pointing to what last he said : ' Prepare the hollow tomb, and place me low, My trusty bow and arrows by my side ; For long the journey is that I must go, Without a partner and without a guide.' " FRENEAU. CHAPTER XHL MONAKATTOOATHA, or ScARovADA. at Braddoch's defeat His son killed there His coolness in battle His great concern for the frontier settlements after the defeat Visits Philadelphia Speech to the Governor and Assembly His counsel neglected His friendship continues Incidents of the war in Pennsylvania Murdered people carried to Philadelphia John Churchman. TREATY OF FORT STANWIX. HAVING in a former chapter given but a passing notice of a very prominent chief, we shall in this place proceed with his biography. MONAKATTOOCHA, or, according to Peter Williamson, wlio knew him, Monokatoathy, was also CHAP. XIII.] TROUBLES IN PENN. F5CAROYADA. 579 called SCARROOYDA, and Scaroyada. We believe him to have been a Wyan- dot, as he, and also a son of his, were often employed upon messages between that nation and the government of Pennsylvania; yet the anonymous author of "A Brief View of the Conduct of Pennsylvania for the year 1755," says he was an Iroquois, and had for a long time lived among "our friendly Indians about Shamokin, and other places on the Susqueliannah." He was one of the few warriors who escaped the perils of Braddock's bloody field ; having fought on the side of the English, he was among those who stood by that unfortunate general to the last. His son, a bold and intrepid warrior, whom we have just mentioned, lost his life there, though not by the enemy, it is believed, but by his own friends, in their random discharges amongst them selves in their amazed condition. Scaroyada sincerely lamented him, espe cially as he had been killed by his own people, whom he was faithfully endeav oring to serve. When no more could be done, and a retreat was ordered, finding he had fired away all his ammunition, he coolly lighted his pipe, and seating himself under the branches of a tree, began smoking as though the day had gone the other way. When the border war broke out anew in October, about three months after Braddock's defeat, it excited great alarm throughout Pennsylvania, and although there was a continual domestic warfare between the general assem bly and their governor, R. H. Morris, yet Scaroyada was not forgotten by the latter, who recommended that he and Jlndrew Montour, an interpreter, should be rewarded to their satisfaction for their trouble and great service. The friendly Indians were situated between the English and hostile party, and they applied to the'governor for liberty to leave their country and go out of the way of the war parties. Scaroyada, Montour, and Col. Conrad Weiser were employed to persuade them to join the English in the war. How the chief viewed the crisis of this period, may better be learned from his own account than from any other source. Several families having been murdered in the most revolting manner, Scaroyada proceeded to Philadelphia with Col. Weiser and two other chiefs. "A mixture of grief, indignation, and concern sat upon their countenances." Scaroyada immediately demanded an audience of the governor and all the members of the assembly, to whom, when assem bled, he thus addressed himself: " Brethren, we are once more come among you, and sincerely condole with you on account of the late bloodshed, and the awful clouds that hang over you and over us. Brethren, you may be assured that these horrid actions were committed by none of those nations that have any fellowship with us ; but by certain false-hearted and treacherous brethren. It grieves us more than all our other misfortunes, that any of our good friends the English should suspect us of having false hearts. "Brethren, if you were not an infatuated people, we are yet about 300 warriors firm to your interest ; and if you are so unjust to us, as to retain any doubts of our sincerity, we offer to put our wives, our children, and all we have, into your hands, to deal with them as seemeth good to you, if we are found in the least to swerve from you. But, brethren, you must support and assist us, for we are not able to fight alone against the powerful nations who are coming against you ; and you must this moment resolve, and give us an explicit answer what you will do; for those nations have sent to desire us, as old friends, either to join them, or to go out of their way and shift for ourselves. Alas! brethren, we are sorry to leave you! We remember the many tokens of your friendship to us but what shall we do ? We cannot stand alone, and you will not stand with us. " Brethren, the time is precious. While we are here consulting with you, we know not what may be the fate of our brethren at home. We do, there fore, once more invite and request you to act like men, and be no longer as women, pursuing weak measures, that render your names despicable. If you will put the hatchet into our hands, and send out a number of your young men in conjunction with our warriors, and provide the necessary arms, am munition, and provisions, and likewise build some strong houses for the pro tection of our old men, women, and children, while we are absent in war we shall soon wipe the tears from your eyes, and make these false-hearted brethren repent their treachery and baseness towards you and us 680 SCAROYADA. SHOCKING MURDERS. [Boon V. " But we must at the same time solemnly assure you, that if you delay any longer to act heartily in conjunction with us, or think to put us off, as usual, with uncertain hopes, you will see our faces under this roof no more. W must shift for our own safety, and leave you to the mercy of your enemies, as an infatuated people, upon whom we can have dependence no longer." Tears were standing in the old chief's eyes when he finished his speech; but he was doomed to suffer yet greater perplexity, from the delay of the assembly to act upon the matter. This appeal of the chiefs was made on a Saturday, and an adjournment was 'immediately moved and carried, and no action could be had at that time. On the following Tuesday the assembly met again, but several days passed and nothing was done. The Friends ha 1 a majority of members in that body, and they would not believe that war on any conditions was to be tolerated ; and thus the good intentions of Scaroyada were thrown away, and the war was carried on with success by the enemy. Notwithstanding the neglect shown him on this occasion, we find him busily engaged in November following in his humane purpose of warding off the calamities from the frontier families. At one time he learned that a party of Delawares and Shawanees were preparing to strike a blow on the English border, and he forthwith repaired to Harris's Ferry, and gave the information in time to prevent the intended mischief. We hear no more of Scaroyada until 1757, in which year he raised a company of Mohawks, and in May inarched to the relief of Fort Augustus. In 1742 mention is made of a chief named Skanarady, who was acting a conspicuous part among the Cayugas. He may be the same person, but of that we have no other evidence than the approximation in the spelling of the names. It may'be mentioned that one of the chiefs, CAYENQUILOQUOAS, who went to Philadelphia with Scaroyada in 1755, had two sons in an academy in that city, where they had been placed the year before to be educated. They were supported by the province. We will in this place recur again to an incident in the war of 1755, as it was a fulfilment of the prediction of Scaroyada, which probably gave Penn sylvania more alarm, and caused her greater consternation than any other in her whole history ; not even excepting the war of the revolution, or the "Western Insurrection." The author of the view of that province in 1755, closes his work with this "POSTSCRIPT. I send you," he writes, "the following postscript to my Jong letter. The scalping continues ! Yesterday [December 14th] the Dutch brought down for upwards of 60 miles, in a wagon, the bodies of some of their countrymen who had been just scalped by the Indians, and threw them at the State-House door, cursing the Quakers' principles, and bidding the com mittee of assembly behold tlie fruits of their obstinacy, and confess that their pre tended sanctity would not save the province without the use of means, at the same time threatening, that if they should come down on a like errand again, and find nothing done for their protection, the consequences should be fatal. A Dutch mob is a terrible thing ; but methods are taking to pacify them, and prevent it." The manner in which this serious affair is spoken of by honest JOHN CHURCHMAN, in his life and travels, deserves to be noticed, as well for its addition to the stock of historical facts, as showing how it was viewed by one of the strictest of the Friends' party. " The Indians," he says, " having burnt several houses on the frontiers of this province, also at Gnadenhutten, in Northampton county, and murdered and scalped some of the inhabitants, two or three of the dead bodies were brought to Philadelphia in a wagon, with an intent, as was supposed, to animate the people to unite in prepara tions for war, to take vengeance on the Indians, and destroy them. They were carried along several of the streets, many people following, cursing the Indians, also the Quakers because they would not join in war for destruction of the Indians. The sight of the dead bodies and the outcry of the people were veiy afflictive and shocking to me : standing at the door of a friend's house, as they passed along, rny mind was much humbled, and turned much inward, when I was made secretly to cry, What will become of Pennsylvania ? " The good man also said to himself, that the sins of drunkenness, pride, pro- faneness, and other wickedness, had not only polluted the borders where the murders were committed, but Philadelphia likewise, and that in the day of retribution blood would be required here also. CHAP. XIV.] ESTILL'S DEFEAT. 681 Severe reflections were indulged in relative to the conduct of some of the Quakers. Nathaniel Grubb, member of the assembly, and a prominent char acter among them, was sent into the interior to learn the truth respecting the ravages complained of; he is reported to have said that " those killed by the Indians were only some Scotch-Irish, who could well enough be spared ; " and such, it was further reported, was " the common language of many of that sect." But these charges are to be taken with large allowances. CHAPTER XIV. Early western liistnry Incidents of buttles ESTILL'S DEFEAT Simon Girty Siege of Bryant's station DANIEL BOONE BATTLE OF THE BLUE LICKS Its disastrous issue Massacre of Major Doughtifs men Harmer's Campaign COL. HARDIN His first defeat Narrow escapes of individuals MAJOR WYLLYS Second defeat Majors Fontaine and Wyllys killed Buttle near Fort Recovery Chiefs UNDER WOOD AND SALLAD McMAHou's DEFEAT AND DEATH Gallant action of Lieut Drake Ca.pt. Hartshorne killed Fate of the chief SALLAD PIOMINGO. " Of all men, saving Sylla the man-slayer, Who passes for in life most lucky Of the (front names, which in our faces stare, The General Boon, backwoodsman of Kentucky, Was happiest amort? mortals anywhere ; The present case in point I Cite is, that Boon lived hunting up to ninety. 'Tis true he shrank from men, even of his nation, When thi.-y huilt up into his darling trees, Hn moved some hundred miles off, for a station Where there were fewer houses and more ease." BYRON, As the tide of emigration rolled westward, farther and farther was carried from the Atlantic shores the van billow, which broke in blood as it rolled on ward, and which will not cease until it has met its kindred wave, progressing from the western ocean, and both shall have swept down and buried in their course those forms of humanity, in whose name there will remain a charm forever ; and which will strike the imagination stronger and stronger, as the times in which they were are seen through the dim distance of ages. We can yet view upon the hills of the west, as the sun sinks beyond them, the figure of one of the race, with his bow in his hand, and its production by hia side, in his way to his humble wigwam in the glen to which its smoke above the tops of the lofty trees directs him. Is there a landscape in nature like this? Who that has even read of the Indian can efface it from his memory? But it is our ruling maxim not to indulge in descriptions merely to delight the imagination, but to give our space entirely to facts which should be remembered, leaving poetry to those writers better skilled in it. We shall here proceed to the detail of the events of one of the most san guinary battles, considering the numbers engaged, ever fought in the west, On the 22 March, 1782, a company of 25 Wyandots attacked Estill's station, in Kentucky, killed one man and took a negro prisoner. The owner of the station, Capt JAMES ESTILL,* a bold pioneer, was at the time absent engaged in scouting in defence of his neighbors, and having received intelligence of the attack upon his own house, hastened in pursuit of the party which had made it Their trail led across Kentucky River, thence towards the Ohio, which Capt Estill followed with ardor ; and when he came within about two miles of Little Mountain, now the village of Mount Sterling, the Indians were discovered on the right bank of Hinkston's branch of Licking River. They immediately threw themselves into a position of defence, and Capt Estill whose men numbered the same as those of the Indian chief, drew up his in * In all the editions of Boone's Narrative it is Ashton, but it is an error. A county per petuates the name of the brave Estill. 682 SIEGE OF BRYANT'S STATION. [Boos V front of them on the opposite side. All now depended o, i the greatest exer cise of skill ; for neither could claim to be better marksmen than the other if the whites were good, so were the Wyandots. They waited for the Ken- tuckians to begin the battle, which they immediately did, and on the first fire the chief of the Indians was severely wounded. This so disconcerted his men that many of them were for making a rapid retreat; but his voice rallied them to their posts, and the strife was now urged with the utmost determina tion on both sides. Each was confident in his own superiority in skill over his adversary, and for some time but few fell, owing to the covered positions both parties held. At length it was apparent to the chiefs that it would require a long time to decide the contest by that mode of action, and each waited impatiently for the other to make some advances by which advantage might be gained. It is un natural for a white man to lie by a deer's path all day, waiting for it to pass, at the end of which he is quite as uncertain whether it will come in the course of another, or, perhaps, not till the end of ten days. It may be as unnatural for the Indian ; but he will wait day in and day out without half the uneasi ness which a white man feels. Thus, at the memorable battle of the Little Mountain, the whites would not wait for a change of position by the Indians, and therefore resolved to make one themselves. Experienced tacticians sel dom divide their forces. The Indian chief kept his imbodied ; but the Ken- tuckian divided his, and it proved his ruin. Capt Estill despatched Lieut Miller, with six men, with orders to cross the river, and come upon the backs of the Indians, while he would occupy them in front. Accordingly, Miller marched out on this design ; and, to deceive the Indians, the captain extended his line in front, with the view of closing in on the flanks of the Indians the moment Lieut. Miller should divert them in his direction. Unhappily for the whites, that time never came ; Miller was easily defeated ; or, as some * say, came no more into action. Yet Estill was enabled to continue the fight for more than an hour ; meanwhile, his centre became weak, and being furiously charged by the Indians, his men broke and dispersed. Each man shifted for himself as well as he could ; Capt. Estill, and his second lieutenant, South, both escaped from the field of battle ; but they fell by the tomahawk in their flight. Four only escaped from that san guinary strife, excepting those under Miller, and those four were all wounded. The Indians were supposed to have lost half their number; but they were imboldened by this success, and other depredations followed. In the following August, that noted fiend and miscreant, Simon Girty, now twice a savage in disposition, came down upon Kentucky at the head of above 500 Indians, from the tribes of the Wyaudots, Miamies, Potto wattomies, Shawanees, and Cherokees. Their object was the destruction of Bryant's station, on the Elk Horn, which fortunately had news of their approach in time to prepare for them. Nevertheless, Girty, relying on his numbers, de termined to reduce it A spring near the fort, which supplied it with water, was unprotected, and he stationed a considerable body near it, in conceal ment, to cut oflfsuch as should venture to it during the siege. Another party was ordered to post themselves in full view in front of the garrison, by which feint it was expected the main strength of it would be drawn out ; in which event a third party was to storm a certain gate, and, if possible, force it, and thereby gain possession. The attack commenced in front ; but Girty's design was fathomed by the shrewd backwoodsmen. They at once saw that but a small party began the onset, and rightly judged a much greater one lay concealed in their rear. They now determined to attempt a stratagem on Girty's camp, and with what success we shall next proceed to state. Thirteen young men were sent out to attack the Indians in front, while the remainder of the garrison (about 30) were prepared to receive the party in the rear. Girty was completely de ceived by the manoeuvre, for supposing the main body had gone in pursuit * Gov. MOREHEAD, in his admirable address in Commemoration of the First Settlement of Kentucky. CHAP. XIV.] SIEGE OF BRYANT'S STATION. 683 of the small party in front, he rushed up with great fury to execute this part of his plan. At the same moment the garrison opened upon him a most deadly fire. This was entirely unexpected, and "the whole Indian army" fled witli the utmost precipitation, leaving the 13 brave men, who had made the sortie, at liberty to rejoin their friends. But the siege was not to termi nate here ; the fugitives returned in a short time, under cover of logs and fences, and for several hours kept up a continual firing upon the garrison. Meanwhile, word had been received at Lexington, that Bryant's fort was in imminent danger, and a party of about 50 men, horse and foot, set off to re lieve it The besieging Indians, being aware of their march, ambushed the road near the garrison, and were exulting in the prospect of cutting off the whole party ; but such was the dexterity of that company of men, that they succeeded in dashing through the whole body of Indians, with the loss only of six of their number ; and even those were lost, as it were, by accident. The company approached the garrison in two divisions at the same time, and the party first attacked did not lose a man, while the other, instead of pro ceeding directly to the fort, tacked and marched for the relief of their friends, and thereby came directly into the hands of the Indians, who had now noth ing to do but to turn their arms upon them. In this affair Girty was knocked down by the force of a ball which lodged in his shot-pouch, without doing him any injury. Girty, being now well aware that a further waste of time and ammunition would be of no avail, resolved, as a last resort, to try the effect of a gascon ade. Accordingly, crawling up as near the fort as he could find a covert, he hailed those within, and demanded a surrender ; said they now had an opportunity to save their lives ; but if they held out longer, he could not be accountable for their safety. And, besides, he said, he hourly expected two pieces of cannon, and a thousand more Indians, who, when arrived, would make deplorable havoc of every man, woman, and child ; that now was their only chance of escaping that scene of blood. And, after extolling their bra very and courage, he closed with the announcement of the name of SIMON GIRTT, and that what had been promised was upon his honor; and demanded whether the garrison knew him. A young man, named Reynolds, was appointed to reply to him, which he did in a style of taunt which will long be remembered in Kentucky stoiy. "Know you?" said Reynolds ; "Ay, that we do. I have a good-for-nothing dog named Simon Girty. Bring up your reinforcements and artillery, and be d d to you ; we will not fight you with guns, but have prepared switches with which to drive you out of the fort if you should get in;" with much more in like kind. If Girty was not satisfied before, he became so now ; and, on the following morning, the whole army marched off towards then- own coun try. Thus ended the celebrated siege of Bryant's station, August 17th, after about 36 hours' duration. The country had become alarmed over a wide extent, and, on the next day after the termination of the siege, a large number of men had assembled on the ground, eager to pursue the Indians. Among them were several officers of known valor, the chief of whom were Col. JOHN TODD of Lexington, Lieut Col. TRIGG of Harrodsburgh, Lieut. Col. BOONE of Boonesborough, and Majs. HARLAN, McGARY, and LEVI TODD. Col. Logan had been notified, and was believed to be on his march to join them ; but such was the ardor of the men now assembled, though no more than 182, to have a fight with those Indians, whom they believed 600 strong, that they would not be restrained, and they marched on the evening of the same day, on their trail. This irrational im petuosity, it should be remembered, did not extend to such men as Daniel Boone,* who coolly gave it as his opinion, that it was not prudent to pursue until a reinforcement should arrive ; but this sage counsel was scouted by some, while others attributed it to cowardice. Like Little Turtle, before the * The writer of the life of " Boon," in the " American Portrait Gallery,'' has not noticed the distinguished part he acted in the battle of the blue Licks. This iuslly-cilebrated man died in the house of his son, JVlaj. N. Boone, of Montgomery county, & September, 1820, in liis Sotli year. DISASTER AT THE BLUE LICKS. [BooK V. battle of Miami, Boone bore the insult in silence, but did his duty in the bat tie which ensued. As this devoted band marched along, it was apparent to every man of ex perience which composed it, that the enemy expected pursuit, for they had, in many ways, left traces of their march, which an enemy not courting pur suit would never have made. Boone, arid others of his mind, who had doubt ed the propriety of the proceeding, hoped that the impetuous party would come to their reason as they approached the scene of danger, which doubtless would have been the case, but for the mad act of one man, and that was a Maj. McGaiy. After a march of about 40 miles, they came to Licking River, at the since well-known point called the Blue Lacks ; and as the hill opened to their view on the opposite side, a few Indians were discovered slowly ascending it, and leisurely disappeared on the other side. Here a council of war was called, and Col. Todd, the commander-in-chief, called on Col. Boone for his advice. It was given with candor, and caution was strongly recommended, as it had been before leaving Bryant's, on the preceding day. This course of the com mander ought to have silenced all clamors, especially as none could but ac knowledge the wisdom of Col. Boone. He well understood the nature of the adjacent country ; he had made salt at the lick ; hunted in its vicinity ; and it was there he fell into the hands of the Indians in 1778, and suffered a long captivity. These considerations availed little. Spies were sent out ; but they returned without making any discovery. Boone described a ravine, in which he did not doubt the Indians lay concealed, and proposed two measures ; one of which he thought should be adopted. The first was to wait for a ree'n- forcement ; but if they would not consent to that, he advised that a part of their force should be detached up the river, to cross it and surprise the In dians ; while the remainder should make a feint in front of their position. Here all deliberations were suspended by the war-whoop, not from the In dians, but McGaiy, who, spurring his horse into the river, in defiance of all subordination, called out for all that were not cowards to follow him he would shoiv them the Indians. The miserable " example was contagious among the fiery spirits ;" and though a part remained with Todd and Boone for a short time, all were soon over the river, and, says Boone,* "we discovered the enemy lying in wait for us. On this discovery, we formed our columns into one single line, and marched up in their front within about 40 yards, before there was a gun fired. Col. Trigg commanded on the right, myself on the left, Maj. McGary in the centre, and Maj. Harlan the advance party in front. From the manner in which we had formed, it fell to my lot to bring on the attack. This was done with a very heavy fire on both sides, and ex tended back of the line to Col. Trigg, where the enemy was so strong that they rushed up and broke the right wing at the first fire. Thus the enemy got into our rear, and we were compelled to retreat with the loss of 77 of our men,f and 12 wounded." Such is the summary account of that sanguinary battle by Col. Boone himself, a most conspicuous actor in it. The right wing was dreadfully cut to pieces. Col. Trigg was killed, with most of his men, while Boone sustained himself manfully in his position. Maj. Harlan, whom no danger could daunt, maintained his ground until but three of his men were left, when he fell mortally wounded. The tomahawk was now resorted to by the savages, and the remainder of the little army gave way, one wing after another, and a dismal rout ensued. Some regained then horses, while others fled on foot. They were a mile from the lick where they had crossed the river; and when they arrived there, the Indians in great num bers were upon them. No pen can describe the scene now begun. Col. Todd was here numbered with the slain. Boone very narrowly escaped, cpnveying away his son by a secret path, who, to his lasting sorrow, he soon found was mortally wounded, and he was obliged to leave him in the way. * In a letter to the governor of Virginia, dated on the 30 August following the battle, ap pended to Gov. Morehead's discourse. t The Indians were said to have lost the same number ; but it is improbable. They burnt at the stake several of the whites who fell alive into their hands. CHAP. XIV.] MASSACRE OF MAJ. DOUGHTY'S MEN. 685 The flying party met Col. Logan with the expected I'eenforcement, before they arrived at Bryant's station. That veteran officer shed tears when he heard of the blind fate of so many valuable men. With Col. Boone, and such others as would join him, he marched for the battle-ground of the 19th, and arrived there on the 21st ; from whence, after burying the dead, he returned to the settlements. " The news of this grievous disaster went like a dagger to the hearts of the people of Kentucky." But its strength was to be exerted under more favorable auspices in future. Gen. Clark destroyed the Indian town of Chillicothe, and several other villages on the Miami, immediately after, which terminated the war in Kentucky, lii this expedition, too, Boone was conspicuous. Passing over minor events of border warfare, we come next to the detail of Banner's campaign, one of the most extraordinary incidents in western history. With the war of the revolution that with the Indians closed, only to be revived according to circumstances on their part, or when it suited their convenience. Various acts of hostility were kept up, growing out of what the Indians with truth were made to believe were infringements upon their rights and privileges. That both parties had cause of complaint will not be denied ; but thtvt both had an equal chance for redress, is a question no one will seriously propound. The Indians were by no means on equal footing in this respect ; and hence the cause of their frequently attempting redress by retaliation. In fact, few of them knew any other remedy. The complaints from the western frontiers had become so loud in 1790, that congress re quested the secretary of war, Gen. Knox, to collect what information he could, relative to depredations by the Indians upon the inhabitants of that region. An able report was the result of the investigation, in which it was stated that within two years past, upwards of 1,500 persons had been killed or carried into captivity, and a great amount of property destroyed. Among other mischiefs, was an attack upon a company of government soldiers, under the following circumstances : In the month of April, 1790, Maj. John Doughty and Ensign Sedam went, with 15 men, in boats, upon some public business to the friendly Chikasaws. Having performed their mission, and, as they were ascending the Tennessee River, 40 Indians approached them in canoes, under a white flag. They were admitted on board ; and nothing but a friendly disposition being manifested, presents were distributed to them, and they left in seeming good faith ; but no sooner had they put off from their friends, than they poured in upon them a destructive fire. The Americans were almost entirely unprepared for such a salutation ; but they returned it as soon as their circumstances would al low, and the fight continued for some time ; and, notwithstanding the great inequality of numbers, finally succeeded in beating off the Indians, though not until they had killed all but four of the company. Such are the incidents of the massacre of Maj. Doughty's men. This, with other events of a less atrocious character, caused the appointment of Gen. Josiah Harmer, then commanding at Fort Washington, to be placed at the head of a force, to be led against the Indians on the Miami ; an account of which, in the next place, we shall proceed to give in detail. Gen. Harmer was considered an able tactician, and was an officer of the late revolutionary army ; and it was expected that he would find little diffi culty in breaking up the haunts of the Indians, and subduing them, if they attempted to meet him in a general battle. He had 320 regular troops put under him, with orders to call upon Kentucky and Pennsylvania for quotas of militia to increase his force to 1,500 men. About the close of September, the requisite number of men having arrived, the army marched from Fort Washington for the Indian country. Col. Hardin was detached, with 600 men, with orders to proceed in advance of the main body; and, after a march of 17 days, he arrived at the Great Miami village, October 16. He found it deserted and in flames. It was situated at the confluence of the St Joseph's and St. Mary's Rivers a site now included in Allen county, Indiana. About 5 acres were enclosed by pickets, within which the army encamped. In the burning buildings, great quantities of grain were discov ered ; and, on further search, abundance more was found in holes in the 5 (586 DEFEAT OF HARJIER'S ARMY. [BooK V. ground. At the same time, a detachment of 300 men, under Col. Trotter and Maj. Rhea, marched out upon discovery. They found 5 villages, all burnt, and saw about 30 Indians. Thinking these a decoy, they did not at tack them. The next day, which was the 17 October, Maj. Fontaine, aid-de camp to Gen. Harmer, with a party of 200 loot and about 50 horsemen, pro ceeded to find Indians. Numerous signs were discovered ; and, at some 6 or 7 miles from camp, he fell in with a party, and was defeated with a loss of 70 men. Others state that there were but 170 men in all, 30 of whom were regulars under Lieut. Armstrong and Ensign Hartshorn ; that 23 of the latter were killed or taken, and seven escaped by flight. Lieut. Armstrong saved himself by plunging into a slough, and remaining most of the night up to his neck in mud and water. Ensign Hartshorn made an equally narrow escape. In his flight he stumbled over a log, which, as he fell, he observed contained a cavity of sufficient magnitude to admit his body. He crawletl into it, and eventually escaped unobserved. While he lay in the hollow tree, he witnessed from a knot-hole the burning and dreadful torture of several of his comrades on the same ground where they had been defeated. Ensign Harts horn is believed to be the same who fell afterwards in the battle at Fort Re covery. Never did Indians gain a more complete victory, and never was a plan better laid to insure it. They drew the army after them by their trail ; then, dividing themselves into two parties, marched back, on each side of it, to a heath or plain, and there lay concealed in the bushes, while their pursuers came directly into the snare. "The militia," Gen. Harmer said, "shamefully and cowardly threw away their arms and ran, without scarcely firing a gun ;" and thus the regulars were left to fight the whole force of the Indians, which could not have been less than a thousand warriors ; and it is matter of sur prise how even seven of the whites should have escaped. This defeat was on the 17 October ; and the next day Harmer arrived with the main body at the Great Miami village, having lost several of his scouting parties on his march. Among these was Sergeant Johonnet, who published a narrative of his captivity, after his escape, which is one of the most interest ing of the kind. We are at great loss to account for the movements the general next made. Why he began a retreat without any further operations, it is difficult to see. Perhaps he had decided in his own mind that any further efforts would be useless, and, without holding a council of his officers, had determined to re turn home. If such was his resolution, and had he kept it, he would have saved many valuable lives, if he had lost his reputation ; yet, as the case turned, he not only lost his reputation, but what was of far greater moment to the country, many valuable lives with it Whether conscious that he was grossly reprehensible for what he had done, or not, we can only infer the fact from tlie circumstances ; for he gives us no journal of his marches from place to place, and we next find him about 8 miles on his way home, on the evening of 21 October. Here he made a stand, and again detached Col. Hardin, with about 400 men, of whom 60 only were regulars, with orders to return to the Great Miami village, which, it seemed, the general had already been informed, was in possession of the Indians, and to bring on an engagement with them. Under Col. Harden went, at this time, Maj. Wyllys of Connecticut, Maj. Fontaine, Maj. McMul- len, and Col. Hall. They marched in the course of the same night, and about day, on the 22d, came to the village in four divisions, to each of which was assigned a different point of attack. They did not find the Indians un prepared ; but were met by them with a bravery and valor not to be over come. By one account, it is said the fight lasted three hours ; that, durvng it, Maj. McMullen drove a party of the Indians into the Miami. Maj. Wyllys, with about 60 men, was cut off by a band of warriors, who came upon him in the rear, under cover of a field of thick hazels. Maj. Fontaine, having ordered his men to retreat, himself, " in a frenzy of courage," rode directly back into the thickest of the enemy, "cutting and slashing," till he was wounded, and carried off by two of his men ; but he was overtaken, killed, nnd scalped. Maj. Wyllys was left mortally wounded. He requested to be helped upon his horse, " that he might give them another charge ; but, in the CHAP. XIV.] ACTION NEAR FORT RECOVERY. 637 hurry of the retreat, it could not be done;" and Lieut Frothingham, of his command, was left among the slain. A retreat was made in tolerable order ; and because the whites were not pursued, Mariner pretended to claim a victory! But Indians will never leave plunder to pursue a flying foe, who has left all behind him. There fell in this miserably conducted expedition, 214 men, of whom 183 were killed in battle, and 31 wounded ; several of these died of their wounds. The proportion of officers was very great ; besides those already named, there were lost, Capts. Tharp, Scott, and McMutrey ; Lieuts. Sanders, Worley, Clark, and Rogers; Ensigns Sweet, Bridges, Arnold, Higgins, and Threl- keld. On reviewing the conduct of Gen. Harmer in this affair, it would seem that he was either crazy, or utterly devoid of judgment. It must have been apparent to every subaltern of his command, that the first battle with the Indians had not only increased their boldness, but their numbers also. Then, at the very time, the troops are marched off the ground, leaving them in full triumph ; and when at a safe distance from danger, a fifth part is sent back into the very jaws of destruction. With these glaring facts in full view, it is difficult to comprehend on what ground a court martial could honorably ex onerate Gen. Harmer of all blame ; nor is it any easier to discover how he could have been acquitted of unofficerlike conduct with honor. In the battles with the Indians during this expedition, many of them fought on horseback, having their horses equipped with a bunch of bells hanging down the left side of their heads, and two narrow strips of red and white cloth as a sort of pendants. The Indians themselves were painted red and black, in a manner " to represent infernal spirits." Their most hideous and terrific appearance, added to the noise of the bells and the flapping of the pendent strips of cloth, rendered them so formidable to the horses of the militia, that they shrunk back in dismay, and it was with the greatest diffi culty they could be brought to the charge. The accounts of Harmer's campaign are of the most conflicting character, no two agreeing in its important details. His official account of it is one of the most meagre documents of the kind to be found any where. The most we can learn from it is, that he had been somewhere to fight Indians, and had got back again to Fort Washington, and had lost 183 men. But where, or when, or how it was done, he has left us to conjecture. Judge Marshall has unaccountably placed it under 1791, and Shallus, who is generally to be relied on, places his march from Fort Washington, and all his battles (which, by the way, he never fought any) under the date of 30 September. I am aware that this account of Harmer's campaign differs considerably from those before printed, but the main facts were long since obtained from persons engaged in it, and may be received as substantially correct The next prominent event hi western history occurred during the cam paign of Gen, Wayne, and has been referred to as THE ACTION NEAR FORT RECOVERY. Fort Recovery was so named because it was built on the ground where Gen. St Clair had been defeated ; and hence that ground was recovered out of the hands of the savages. This fort became immediately very noted in history, from a bloody battle fought in its vicinity, on the 30th of June, 1794. Fort Recovery was one of those advanced posts upon which Gen. Wayne depended, iji the event of his being obliged to retreat out of the Indian country, upon any unforeseen disaster. It was on a small branch of the Wabash, (mistaken by Gen. St Clair for the St Mary's,) about 23 miles from Greenville, and about 80 or 90 from Fort Washington, (Cincinnati,) and is upon the southern border of Mercer county, Ohio, not 3 miles from the line dividing Ohio from Indiana. It had been built in the winter of 1793, and in J une, 1794, the general ordered a quantity of provisions to be deposited there, as a link in the chain of his supplies. It was not until the 29th of this month that a convoy was ready to proceed thither from Fort Greenville. Meanwhile two distinguished Indian chiefs, with a few followers, had marched for Fort Recovery, to learn what they could, in the way, of the ricinity of the enemy. These two chiefs were named CAPT. UNDERWOOD, 688 ACTION NEAR FORT RECOVERY. [Boo* V. and CAPT. BOBB SALLAD ; the former a Chikasaw, and the latter a Choctow They performed their service faithfully, and arrived at Recovery the same evening that the convoy did, but whether before or after, is not mentioned ; yet the value of their service upon this occasion was lost from want of a proper arrangement ; for on hailing the fort, they were taken for the enemy, and speaking a different language from the western Indians, could make no communication to those within, and hence were obliged to retire with morti fication. They were prepared to communicate the important intelligence, that " a large army " of Indians was hovering about the fort, and were to be expected immediately to attack it It was discovered afterwards, that the Indians had learned the weakness of the garrison, and determined on carry ing it by storm, thus proving the value of the information which was lost ; the important post, Recovery, being then defended by but about 100 men, under Capt. Gibson. Of these, 30 were infantry, under the immediate com mand of Lieut Drake, who, in the battle which followed, acted a most con spicuous part \ The convoy consisted of 300 pack-horses, 80 riflemen under Capt. Harts horn, and 50 dragoons under Capt Taylor; the whole under Major J. McMA- HON. They arrived the same evening at their place of destination, without accident On the morning of the last day of June, as the convoy was about to resume its return march, it was fiercely attacked by a numerous body of Indians, 3,000 or upwards, as was afterwards ascertained. Previous to march ing, the pack-horsemen had spread themselves along their road, and were grazing their horses, and some were nearly a mile from the fort when the onset begun. On hearing the firing, Major McMahon, supposing the Indians but few, took only the 50 dragoons, and pushed forward to the point of attack. Near the extremity of the line of pack-horses, he found himself almost en compassed by Indians, who, showing themselves of a sudden, seemed to cover the ground for a great distance. With their deafening yells they poured an incessant fire upon the devoted band with deadly effect Among the first killed was the commander, who was shot dead from his horse. Capt. Taylor, with the remainder of the troops, came immediately to the rescue, but finding himself surrounded by the great numbers of the enemy, endeavored to cut his retreat through them, and was likewise slain, as was also Cornet Terry. Capt. Hartshorn, who commanded the riflemen, received a severe wound in the knee, and notwithstanding he was carried some distance by his men, he was finally overtaken and killed. They gained an eminence and continued the fight. In the meantime the remnant of dragoons and other fugitives had gained the cleared ground adjacent to the fort, and were contending at most fearful odds with their victorious enemy. Seeing their desperate situation, Capt. Gibson permitted Lieut Drake, at his own request, to make a sally from the fort in aid of his companions. " He accordingly sallied out, at the head of bis own men and a portion of the riflemen, skilfully interposed his detach ment between the retreating troops and the enemy, opened upon them a hot fire, arrested their advance, and thus gave an opportunity to the wounded to effect their escape, and to the broken and retreating companies to reform and again to face the enemy. ' Throughout the whole affair, Drake's activity, skill, and extraordinary self-possession, were most conspicuous. The enemy ob served it as well as his friends. The numerous shots directed at him, how ever, were turned aside by providential interference, until he Jiad accom plished all that he had been sent to perform. He then received a ball through his body and fell ; a faithful corporal came to his assistance, and with his aid he reached the fort ; and those two were the last of the retreating party that entered it Drake making it a point of honor that it should be so." * Lieut. Drake was not mortally, though very severely wounded, but never en tirely recovered. He returned home to Connecticut in the summer of 1796, on a furlough, and died there shortly after, from the immediate effects of the yellow * From a communication of our present worthy chief magistrate, GEN. HARRISON, by which he illustrated in the most happy manner, that it was no proof of cowardice for an officer to decline righting a duel ; Drake having before refused to accept a challenge from, notwithstanding he had been grossly insulted by, another officer. CHAP. XV.] EXPLOITS AT FORT RECOVERY. 6S9 fever, it is said, which he had contracted in passing through Philauelphia, in his way. The brave Capt Hartshorn, as has been mentioned, was wounded. and could not travel. He requested his men to leave him and take care of themselves, and immediately a British officer (the notorious Capt. M'Kee) came to him, and told him to surrender and he should be well treated. But he had determined never to fall alive into the hands of the Indians, and at the same moment aimed a blow at M'Kee with his rifle, which knocked him off his horse ; and before he recovered, his negro servant and an Indian were upon Capt. Hartshorn, and had despatched him. Lieut. Marks, of Capt. Harts horn's company, was surrounded and alone. He fought, and kept off the Indians with his spontoon until it was broken to pieces, and then jumping over the heads of some, and knocking down with his fist one that had taken him prisoner, escaped. In this protracted and desperate fight, 25 of the Americans were killed and 40 wounded, and all the pack-horses lost; on many of which the Indians con veyed away their dead and wounded ; but their actual loss was never known. Several other American officers deserve especial notice ; as Ensign Dodd of Lieut. Drake's command, and Lieut. Michael of Capt. Hartshorn's. Michael had been detached with a chosen party, all of whom were killed but three ; himself escaping in a similar manner to that of Lieut Marks. The Indians closely besieged the fort all that day and night, and the next day till about noon, when they drew off. The Indians displayed great bravery, often ad-* vancing in solid column within the range of the guns of the fort.* The well-known chiefs, LITTLE TURTLE and BLUE JACKET, were among the foremost leaders of the Indians in this battle. Of Capt Underwood, we have no further account ; but the sequel of the life of his companion is soon told. He had about this time been sent upon an excursion, and meeting with a party of the enemy, defeated them ; pursued one into the midst of a large encampment, where he despatched him ; but, at the same time, lost Ms own life. There were, in Gen. Wayne's army, 20 warriors out of the tribe of Chok- taws. PIOMINGO, who had been with St Clair, was also of the number. He is believed to have been the same, afterwards called Gen. COLBURT, in which suggestion, if we are correct, he was the son of a Scottish gentleman by an Indian woman, whose father was killed in an affair near the mouth of the Ohio, in 178L His services under Gen. St. Clair have been touched upon ; and for those under Gen. Washington, he received a sword, and a commission of major ; and Gen. Jackson gave him a sword also, and a colonel's commis sion. Having been always in the interest of the government of the United States, he supported the emigration principle ; and that his example might have weight, he went himself to Arkansas, in 1836, with the Ridge party. But his years there were few, as doubtless they must have been in the land of his nativity, for in 1839 he had attained his 95th year, which ended his earthly career. He died there in November of that year. PIOMINGO was a true Indian. His men having taken a prisoner who had been engaged in St Glair's defeat, he ordered him to immediate execution ; and that no warrior should be disgraced by the act, an old man was ap pointed to shoot him. He had joined Gen. St. Claims army with 21 men. CHAPTER XV. EVENTS OF THE INDIAN WAR OF 1763 AND 1764, ON THE OHIO. Siege of Fort Pitt Mhj defended by Capt. ECUYER Col. Henry Bouquet ordered to march to its relief Extreme danger of the undertaking Throws succor into Fort * 1 have been thus circumstantial in detailing this important event in our Indian wars, be cause it lias not been done by any writer ; several have, however, noticed it, but their ac counts are very incomplete. My chief authorities are, "A Litter dat>>d at Fort Greenville, fovr d'ius after the battle," The Western Review, awl Withers Chronicles. 53 * 2T 690 BOUQUET'S EXPEDITION SIEGE OF FORT PITT. [BooK V Ligonier, as docs Capt. OUURY Fort Bedford besieged BATTLE OF BUSHY Ren A second battle End of the campaign In army raised for another Col. Bou quet commands it Col. Bradstreet to cooperate by the Lakes Indians completely subdued and sue for peace Surrender 206 captives. Westward the waves of population roll, Like the wild pyramid of awful flame, Sweeping the broad prairie witliout control, Urged by fierce tempests which no might can tame IN this chapter it is proposed to detail those events of Pontiak's war not before particularly considered. We have seen the termination of the siege of Detroit, and we will now return into the distant south, to another besieged fort, upon the Ohio, named Pitt, in honor of the great statesman, WILLIAM PITT. It had been closely invested for many days, when Pontiak gave up the siege of Detroit, and all communication was cut off from it, when an order was given for an attempt to throw supplies into it by marching through the wilderness. This fort stood upon a narrow tongue of land made by the con fluence of the Monongahela with the Ohio, and such was the boldness of the Indians that " they had posted themselves under the banks of both rivers, by the very walls of the fort, and continued, &s it were, buried there, from day to day, with astonishing patience ; pouring in an incessant storm of musketry and fire arrows ; " by which they had counted upon starving or burning out at length the beleaguered garrison. Fort Pitt was commanded by Capt. Ecuyer, an officer who did himself much credit on the occasion, for he had not only the wily chiefs of forty bands of savages to provide against, but the flood-gates of heaven had been opened against him ; by which the swollen rivers had nearly destroyed the foundation of his fortress. He Was 200 miles, by any travelled path, from all settlements, and could send no account of his distressed condition beyond the walls of the fort Gen. Amherst was acquainted with the fate of some of the outposts, and he had thrown succors into Detroit ; but whether Fort Pitt was in the hands of the Indians or the English, there was nothing beyond conjecture. Such was the condition of things when he magnanimously determined to send a force to its relief. He had only the shattered remainder of the 42d and 77th regiments, just returned from the West Indies, that he could spare for the enterprise, and it was hazarding not a little to attempt it with men worn down with hard ser vice and disease ; when those in high spirits and sound health could scarcely hope to pass Braddock's fatal fields with safety. The forces destined for the expedition were ordered to rendezvous at Car lisle hi Pennsylvania, and Col. HENRY BOUQUET was appointed to lead them. Melancholy forebodings occupied the minds of the frontier inhabitants ; a great number of plantations had been plundered and burnt, mills destroyed, " and the full ripe crops stood waving in the fields, ready for the sickle, but the reapers were not to be found." But about 500 effective men were all that the colonel could count upon, and it was feared that they would meet with a defeat, which would leave the inhabitants in a vastly worse condition than if the expedition had not been undertaken. And such was the despondency of the people, that, notwithstanding a deposit of provisions had been ordered at Carlisle early in the season, when Col. Bouquet arrived there in July, he found nothing had been done ; and instead of finding supplies for his men, he found the wretched inhabitants expecting them of him, and he actually bestowed some upon them out of his own stores. Yet in spite of these discouragements, he was ready, in about eighteen days, to take up his line of march. Meanwhile, Fort Ligonier, far advanced into the wilderness, and west of the Alleghany Mountains, was in the greatest danger of falling into the hands of the Indians, and all haste was made by Col. Bouquet to reach it with the army to prevent such a catastrophe. This was of especial importance, inasmuch as that fort contained a large quantity of military stores, and was in a ruinous condition, as well as weakly garrisoned, notwithstanding two other small forts had been abandoned to strengthen it ; namely, one "at the crossings of the Juniata," and the other at Stony Creek. CHAP. XV.] BATTLE OF BUSHY RUN. 691 Not being able to march with the main body as soon as he deemed it neces sary, Col. Bouquet determined to send thirty men in advance through the woods to join the garrison. " For an object of that importance, every risk was to be run," it was said ; and they set out on their hazardous journey with small hopes from th'eir friends. Contrary to what might have been expected, as well as former experience, this little band succeeded, by forced marches, without being discovered by the Indians, until they had got within sight of the fort, by throwing themselves into it; and although fired upon, escaped unin jured. Their having been anticipated, however, in their benevolent work, detracts nothing from the honor of its performance ; nor is Capt Ourry the less to be commended for having encouraged twenty volunteers to march from Fort Bedford, where he commanded, upon the same difficult service. These few brave woodsmen met with a success proportionate to their courage. " Here the distressed families, scattered for twelve or fifteen miles around, fled for protection, leaving most of their effects a prey to the savages." Fort Bedford was as closely invested as Ligonier ; and about this time a party of eighteen men were surprised in its veiy neighborhood and all cut off. This happened but a few days previous to the arrival of Col. Bouquet at that place, which was on the 25 July, 1763. Fort Bedford was 100 miles beyond the frontier, and the same distance from Fort Pitt. As soon as the Indians became acquainted with the march of the English army, they broke up the siege of Fort Pitt, and proceeded to waylay the route they knew it must take. There were many formidable leaders among them at this period, as KIKYUSKUNG, the WOLF, Delaware chiefs ; but the most savage and dreaded were Shawanese, whose names have not reached us. The colonel marched from Fort Bedford on the 28 July, and having to pass several dangerous defiles, he prudently determined to leave his wagons and proceed only with pack-horses. Turtle Creek, along which he was to pass, was commanded the whole way by high and craggy hills. This place he intended to have passed on the night of the 29 July, by a forced march, thereby, if possible, to have eluded the vigilance of his wily adversary ; but this he was not able to effect ; and we will give, in his own words, Col. Bouquet's account of the attack made upon his men on their march. His official de- * spatch was dated at Edge Hill, twenty-six miles from Fort Pitt, 5 August, 1763 ; and is as follows : " The 2d instant the troops and convoy, intended for Fort Pitt, arrived at Ligonier, where I could obtain no intelligence of the enemy ; the expresses sent since the beginning of July, having been either killed, or obliged to return, all the passes being occupied by the enemy. On the 4th, proceeded with the troops, and about 340 horses laden with flour. 1 intended to have halted to-day at Bushy Run, a mile beyond this camp, and, after having refreshed the men and horses, to have marched in the night over Turtle Creek, a very dangerous defile of several miles, commanded by high and craggy hills ; but at one o'clock this afternoon, after a march of seventeen miles, the savages suddenly attacked our advanced guard, which was immediately repulsed by the two light infantry companies of the 42d regiment, who drove the savages from their ambuscade, and pursued them a good way. They immediately returned to the attack, and the fire being obstinate on our front, and extending along our flanks, we made a general charge with the whole line, to dislodge the savages from the heights ; in which attempt we suc ceeded, though without obtaining by it any decisive advantage ; for as soon as they were driven from one post, they appeared on another, till, by continual reinforcements, they were at last able to surround us, and attack the convoy left in our rear. This obliged us to march back to protect it The action then became general, and though we were attacked on every side, and the savages exerted themselves with uncommon resolution, they were constantly repulsed with loss. We also suffered considerably : Capt Lieut. Graham and Lieut M'Intosh are killed, and Capt. Graham wounded. Of the Royal American regiment, Lieut Dow, who acted as deputy quartermaster-general, is shot through the body. Of the 77th, Lieut Donald Campbell, and Mr. Peebles, a volunteer, are wounded; in all, above sixty are killed and wounded. The action has lasted from one o'clock till night, and we expect to begin again at daybreak." (392 BOUQUET'S SECOND EXPEDITION. [BooK V. Thus enderl the first battle " near Bushy Run," and both armies were deter mined on another as soon as they could distinguish friend from foe, at the earliest return of daylight. Accordingly, " in the morning," says Col. Bou quet, "the savages surrounded our camp, at the distance of about 500 yards, and by shouting and yelping quite round that extensive circumference, thought to have terrified us with their numbers: they attacked us early, and under favor of an incessant fire, made several bold efforts to penetrate our camp ; and though they failed in the attempt, our situation was not the less perplex ing, having experienced that brisk attacks had little effect upon an enemy who always gave way when pressed, and appeared again immediately: our troops were, besides, extremely fatigued with the long march, and as long action of the preceding day, and distressed to the last degree by a total want of water, much more intolerable than the enemy's fire." Such was the commencement of the second battle near Bushy Run ; at this stage of which many had been killed and wounded, and some had fallen into the Indians' hands. Nothing seemed to be gained, but every thing wore an unfavorable aspect Tied to their convoy, the whites could neither pursue the foe nor continue their march, and many of their horses were killed, and their drivers had taken refuge in the woods. At length the colonel put in practice a stratagem, which probably was the only means he could have adopted to have saved his army from a total defeat. He saw that the Indians became every moment more and more imboldened, and to repulse them effected nothing, while to him it would soon amount to certain defeat ; he therefore made a feigned retreat, and so masterly was it performed, that the Indians were completely deceived, and they pressed forward in a body from their coverts to gain the centre of the circular encampment, while one of the wings of the army, under Major Campbell, seconded by Capt. Basset, suddenly closed in upon them from a point of the hill where he could not be observed, pouring in at the same time a tremendous fire, and then charging them with impetuosity. Many of them were killed, and though they returned the fire, their ardor was damped, and victory was no longer doubtful. The whole army was upon them before they could reload, and numbers were cut off by a cross fire before they could regain their trees. The battle having now closed, the army was enabled to encamp and take a little repose, of which it was in extreme need. On mustering, it was found that 115 had been killed, wounded, and missing of the regular troops, fifty of which were of the former number. Of the Indians they learned sixty were killed. Four days after Col. Bouquet arrived at Fort Pitt, without any other accident than a few scattering shot from unseen Indians ; and here he was obliged to end this campaign, not having sufficient force to pursue the enemy beyond the Ohio, nor any prospect of a reinforcement The next year it was determined to send out a larger force under the same excellent commander, which should be able to strike an effectual blow upon the Indians in their strong-holds, or awe them into submission. Pennsylva nia was to raise 1,000 men ; Virginia was c .lied upon, and 200 friendly Indians tendered their services. With these, part of two regiments of regulars were to be joined, and the whole were expected at Carlisle ready to march by July ; but it was the beginning of August before they were ready, and then no men from Virginia appeared, and the friendly Indians never came. Vir ginia excused herself by saying it had already 700 men in the field, and those were insufficient to protect its own frontier. Meanwhile, as soon as the spring returned, the Indians fell anew upon the back settlements of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and spread a deplorable ruin over a great extent of country, killing and carrying away the inhabitants with their wonted barbarity. Gen. Gage was now commander-in-chief in the colonies, and he ordered Col. Bradstreet, with a strong force, to act in conjunction with Col. Bouquet, by proceeding by way of the lakes, and falling upon the backs of the Wyan- dots, Ottawas, and Miamies. Col. Bouquet marched from Carlisle on the 9 August, 1764, and reached Fort Loudon on the 13th. In this march of four days, desertions had become alarming among the Pennsylvania troops, notwithstanding they had been CHAP. XV.] BOUQUETS SECOND EXPEDITION. 693 warned, both by the commander and Gov. Penn, of the ruin it would create, and the condign manner in which it would be punished. The latter gentlo- inan had accompanied Col. Bouquet to Carlisle, and there appropriately ad dressed the troops before they began their march. Nevertheless the Pennsyl vania troops had decreased from 1,000 to 700 men, and the colonel was obliged to apply to the governor and commissioners to complete his complement. And by the exertions of Gov. Fauquier of Virginia, the quota of men from *hat province were enabled to join the expedition at Pittsburgh. Before leaving Fort Loudon, Col. Bouquet received despatches from CoL Bradstreet, acquainting him that he had concluded a peace with the Dela- wares and Shawanese ; but Col. Bouquet had no faith in their pretensions, and on communicating with Gen. Gage, the treaty was rejected by him, and offensive measures were not relaxed. As soon as the army had arrived at Fort Pitt, ten Indians were observed on the north side of the Ohio, who signified a desire for a conference. This the colonel looked upon as a stratagem made use of by them to get information of his strength and intentions. Three of the party were induced to visit the fort ; and not being able to satisfy the whites of their good intentions, they were held as spies, and their associates fled. On the 20 September the colo nel sent one of the three out with a message to his countrymen, informing them that he had heard of the treaty with Col. Bradstreet, but he had learned too, that since then they had committed several murders ; that he was now prepared to distress them to the utmost, if they did not immediately stop their depredations, and give assurances of their sincerity by leaving the path open to Detroit, and safely returning the messengers he was now to send to Col. Bradstreet; and if the said messengers were detained or injured, he would put his hostages to death, and show no mercy in future to any of them. Twenty days were allowed them to perform the mission. This talk had a salutary influence on the minds of the chiefs ; they had be come pretty well assured that Col. Bouquet was not to be trifled with, nor caught asleep ; and on the 1 October, an Onondaga and one Oneida came to Fort Pitt, pretending friendship, claiming to be friends under the ancient league between the Five Nations and English. They offered him a little friendly advice, as that his force was too small to think of doing any thing against so numerous an enemy as were the Indians, and that if he would wait a little they would all come and make peace with him ; and especially if he would set at liberty those he held as hostages. But Col. Bouquet understood Indian talk quite as well as they understood him, probably, when he told them he should now proceed to Tuscarawas, and, if they had any thing further to say, they might meet him there ; but as to delay, that was out of the question. And the next day, October the 2d, he was ready to take up his line of march, and his entire force consisted of 1,500 men. Before leaving, he found it neces sary to shoot two soldiers for desertion. All the women, except one to each corps, and two nurses for the general hospital, were ordered to return to the settlements, and every other encumbrance was avoided before taking up the line of march. On the 6th the army reached Beaver Creek, and here a soldier joined it, who had been taken near Fort Bedford, and now escaped from his captors. He informed the colonel that the Indians had watched the army, and were surprised at its numbers. Two miles farther on was found the skull of a child set upon a pole. On the 9th trees were seen, on the bark of which were many hieroglyphical characters painted, said to have been done by the In dians to denote their war exploits. On the 13th the army arrived at Tusca rawas, and here the colonel found the two men who had been sent to Col. Bradstreet with despatches, before spoken of. They stated that they had been made prisoners by the Delawares, who carried them to one of their towns, 16 miles from Tuscarawas, where they kept them until the army reached here ; and now, " making a virtue of necessity," set them at liberty, and ordered them to tell " the great white captain " that the head men of the Delawares and Shawanese were coming as soon as possible to treat with him. On the 15th they encamped on Margaret's Creek, and soon after a deputation of six In dians arrived, and informed Col. Bouquet that the chiefs were in council ready 694 DELIVERY OF CAPTIVES. [BooK V. to treat with him, about eight miles off. He returned answer that he would meet them the next day at a bower at some distance from his own camp, and in the interim fortified his position, trusting nothing in their protestations of friendship. On the 17 October the colonel marched to the bower, making the best dis play he could of his best troops, and soon after the Indians arrived, and were as follows: KIYASHUTA, chief of the Senecas, with 15 warriors; CUSTALOGA, chief of the Wolf tribe of the Delawares, and BEAVER, chief of the Turkey tribe of the same nation, with 20 warriors ; KEISSINAUTCHTHA, a chief of the Shaw- anese, and 6 warriors. The Indian speakers were KIYASHUTA, TURTLE-HEART, CCSTALOGA, and BEAVER. These severally spoke, but we know not that their speeches have been preserved ; but what they said went only to excuse them selves, and cast the blame on their young men, and the western nations, over vhom they had no control ; but " they sued for peace in the most abject man- uer," promising to deliver up all their prisoners without delay. The colonel then dismissed them, and told them he would meet them again the next day, but owing to the weather the meeting was deferred to the 20th. He then tofd them their excuses amounted to nothing ; recounted to them the outrages they had committed, as killing and captivating the traders sent among them at their own request ; attacking Fort Pitt, which had been built by their consent, mur dering four men, who had been sent to them with messages ; their attacking his troops last year ; their falsifying their promise to Col. Bradstreet, of deliv ering up their captives to him by the 10 of last month, &c ; that they might rest assured that the army would not leave their country until his terms were complied with, and 12 days were allowed them to deliver the prisoners in, which was to be done at Wakatamake. All persons were required, " English men, Frenchmen, women and children ; whether adopted, married, or living among them under any denomination or pretence whatsoever ; and to furnish horses, clothing and provisions, to carry them to Fort Pitt." When they had fully complied with these terms, "they were to be informed on what terms they might have peace." It should have been observed, that at the first meeting, on the 17th, the Delaware chiefs delivered up 18 white prisoners, and 83 small sticks, indica ting the number still remaining in their hands. Meanwhile Col. Bouquet determined to march further into their country, knowing that his success in getting prisoners depended much on the presence of bis army ; and on the 25 October he arrived within a mile of the Forks of Muskingum, where, instead of Wakatamake, the prisoners were to be delivered ; this position being very convenient for the Indians, most of their principal towns lying around it. Besides, it was a position from whence an effectual blow might be struck at any moment Here convenient houses were built for the reception of the captives. On the 28 October, PETER, the Caughnawaga chief, and 20 others of that nation, arrived from Sandusky, bringing a letter from Col. Bradstreet, by which it appeared he had ascended the River Sandusky as far as he could in canoes, but had not effected any treaty or received any prisoners, and was about to leave that part of the country. By the 9 November, there were delivered to Col. Bouquet 206 captives, of which 90 were Virginians, and 116 belonged to Pennsylvania : among them there were 125 women and children. There yet remained with the Shawa- nese about 100 more, which, from their scattered condition, could not be had, but hostages were taken for their safe delivery the next spring. The separa ting of these captives from the Indians, and their meeting with their friends and relatives, (many of whom were present,) was a scene past description ; children brought up among the Indians clung to their adopted mothers, and the mothers to them, flying with fear from their own parents. The Indian has by many been denied that paternal affection so common to humanity ; but had such witnessed this scene, their opinions would have changed. Some would not be separated from their white captives, and even followed the army in its march to Philadelphia. Thus ended one of the most brilliant Indian expeditions upon record; not brilliant by reason of sanguinary battles, but from far more glorious deeds of humanity. That the Indians were completely humbled by the firm and resolute con- CHAP. XV.j BOUQUET'S LAST CONFERENCE. 695 duct of Col. Bouquet, has been remarked ; but we cannot, with justice to the subject, submit it, without letting the chiefs be fully heard. Notwithstanding tho Shawanese had, by their deputy, assented to the demands of the colonel, as far as they could under present circumstances, they were considered " still out in rebellion," and remained to be treated with. They had shown " a dil- atoriness and sullen haughtiness in all their conduct, which rendered it very suspicious." Accordingly, a separate conference was had with them^ on the 12 November, when there appeared the chiefs, KEISSINAUTCHTHA and NIM- VVHA, with the RED HAWK, LAVISSIMO, BENSIVASICA, EWEECUNWEE, KEIG- LEIGHQOE, and 40 warriors. There were also present, the Caughnawaga, Seneca, and Delaware chiefs. RED HAWK was chief speaker of the Shawa- uese, and he thus addressed the English : " Brother, listen to us, your younger brothers. As we see something in your eyes that looks dissatisfaction, we now clear them. You have credited bad stories against us. We clean your ears, that you may hear better here after. We wish to remove every thing bad from your heart, that you may be as good as your ancestors. [4 belt.] We saw you coming with an uplifted tomahawk in your hand. We now take it from you, and throw it up to God Let him do with it as he pleases. We hope never to see it more. Brother, as you are a warrior, take hold of this chain [handing a belt] of friendship, and let us think no more of war, in pity of our old men, women, and children. We, too, are warriors." The remarkable figure made use of in this speech, of throwing the hatchet up to God, is new ; and it was remarked by Thomas Hutchins, who heard it, that by it the speaker wished probably to be understood that, by this disposition of it, it would be out of the reach of bad men, and would be given only to the party in future, to whom the right of revenge belonged ; whereas if it were buried in the ground, any miscreant might dig it up. The English did not much like the talk of RED HAWK ; they saw no sup plication, but a manly independence, which they ought to have admired, rather than reprobated. That the Indians, especially the Shawanese, did not ac knowledge themselves entirely in the wrong, is evident from their producing at this time, through their speaker, the treaty made with Pennsylvania in 1701, and three messages or letters from that government, of different dates, by which they undoubtedly intended to show that the English had been guilty of bar barities as well as the Indians. However, RED HAWK promised, on behalf of his nation, that all the prisoners should be delivered up at Fort Pitt the next spring. Col. Bouquet finding no more prisoners could be obtained, owing, as has been stated, to tlieir being scattered with their masters upon very distant hunt ing grounds, gave up his campaign, and returned to Philadelphia, where he arrived in the beginning of January, 1765. Before leaving " these remote parts," however, the colonel gave the Indians a talk, in which he observed, that what the Shawanese had said would have been agreeable to him, provi ded their acts had corresponded with it He reminded them that they had promised, at Tuscarawas, a month before, that all the prisoners should be delivered to him at his present encampment in 10 days, and demanded what right they had to expect better terms than the Delawares and others, who had, without delay, brought in their captives. This was rather unreasonable on the part of the colonel, inasmuch as he was well aware that he was press ing an impossibility. " But," he says, " I will cut this matter short with you ; and before I explain myself further, I insist on your immediate answer to the following questions : 1st. Will you collect and deliver up all the prisoners, taken in this or former wars, whether French, English, or negroes, and with out any exception or evasion whatsoever ? 2d. Will you deliver 6 hostages into my hands as security for the performance of your promise, and as a guaranty that your people shall commit no more hostilities on his majesty's subjects ? " BENSIVASICA said the Shawanese would comply, excepting as regarded the French ; but over them they had no control, and the English might do with them as they pleased ; but he believed they had nearly all returned to their own cr/untry. And here it will be proper to remark that the captives were 696 RED HAWK CAPT. PIPE. [Boos V delivered at Fort Pitt agreeable to this treaty. After the hostages were deliv ered, Col. Bouquet remarked to them, " that though he had brought the tom ahawk in his hand, yet as they had now submitted, he would not let it fall on their heads, but let it drop to the ground," and exhorted them to be kind to the prisoners, and said he should send along with them some of the friends of the captives, to aid in the collection of them. At the same time the chiefs of the other tribes present, severally addressed the Shawane chiefs, whom they called grandchildren and nephews, and urged them " to perform their promises, and be strong in doing good, that this peace might be everlasting." These transactions occurred on the 12 November, 1764. In the narration of the delivery of captives on the 9 of the same month, the relation of a captive was passed over, which shall here be given. A Mr. Smallman, who had been a major of Pennsylvania troops, and had been made Erisoner in the summer of 1763, near Detroit, by the Wyandots, who delivered im to the Shawanese, was among those surrendered at that time. He proved of great service to the whites, as well as Indians, on this occasion, by being able to confirm much of the information given by the latter. He told Col. Bouquet that all the Indians who had heard of his demand had come on im mediately with their captives. It had been reported among the Shawanese that the object of the English was to put them all to death. As soon as this news came to be circulated among them, they began to prepare to kill all the captives ; and a French trader among them, who had many barrels of powder and ball, offered it all to them to go out and fight the English army. When they were about to commence murdering the prisoners, the message from the colonel was received, stating that he only wanted the captives and to make peace with them, and thus a horrid tragedy was prevented. Soon after, when many prisoners had been collected, and inarched as far as Wakauta- mikie, news came that a soldier had been killed near the camp of the army at Muskingum. This the Indians thought would blast all their hopes of mercy, and they again resolved to put the captives to death ; and when they had even got them into a small compass for that purpose, another express arrived from Col. Bouquet, which assured them that he had no suspicion that they had any knowledge of the murder, and thus a second calamity was happily averted. Several eminent chiefs, it will have been perceived, make their appearance in this part of our work, and to them we can add the name of HOPOCAN, or CAPT. PIPE. He was one of the two Indians whom we have mentioned as having been detained as spies at Fort Pitt ; the name of the other was CAPT JOHN. These were set at liberty when the 206 captives were given up. Of the melancholy and barbarous murder of RED HAWK, notice has been taken. The causes of this war were well known in England, and the complaints of the Indians were acknowledged " to have been too well founded." They had long watched the progress of settlements upon the Susquehannah, and the building of forts in their country, against treaty stipulations. They had not only submitted to this, but to treatment the most insolent. They resolved, in the spring of 1763, to drive back their oppressors ; not, however, without first remonstrating in respectful terms to the English, in one of their capitals, through a deputation of their chiefs. Here they declared that whatever deeds might be produced by one J. H. Lydias of Albany, or others, pretending to claim lands upon the Susquehannah, they were utterly false, and would not be allowed ; and that they would defend them to the last extremity. The result we have seen. Thus we have traced the events of Pontiak's war to its close a glorious termination, inasmuch as it was a bloodless one. Many years of comparative peace ensued ; indeed the troubles with the Indians were not very serious for the next ten years. Cresap's war was the next, which terminated in the sanguinary battle of Point Pleasant. Then succeeded the calamities of the Revolution, from which the Indians never recovered. APPENDIX. EXISTING CONDITION OF THE EXPATRIATED INDIAN TRIBES, 1859. The Indian tribes west of the Mississippi occupy the territory bounded by the Red river and the Nebraska, between the 34th and 40th degrees of north latitude, and the 94th and 100th degrees of west longitude. The Cherokees hold 15,000,000 acres on the north bank of the main channel of the Arkansas river, and an adjoining tract of 300,000 acres; the Choctaws and Chickasawa own jointly 15,000,000 acres ; and the Creeks and Seminoles 13,140,000 acres. Adjacent, on the east, are the Quappas, possessing 96,000 acres of land; the Senecas, owning 67,000 acres ; and the mixed Senecas, holding 100,000 acres. The latest census returns present an aggregate population of 97,657, exclusive of the indigenous tribes within the same area of territory, which number 7,355 persons ; but, as these returns are not of recent date, and as the tribes have, meanwhile, been increasing and prospering, the gross population of the four most important tribes, the Choctaws, Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Creeks, with the affiliated Seminoles, may now be estimated to exceed 100,000 souls. Mr. Schoolcraft, who explored this territory in 1819, thus narrates its peculiar characteristics and advantages : "Geologically viewed, its surface consists of a drift deposit of sand, loam, clay, marl, and comminuted gravel, arising from the broken down silurian series, in which the leading strata of sandstone, limestone, and slate, are the parent elements. Over this, deposits of leaves, of the decayed forms of organic life, and of carbonaceous matter from the forests, have formed a rich mould, making the soil mellow and easy to cultivate. Much of it is level, or lying in gentle slopes, unencumbered with a heavy forest, difficult to be removed by the axe. It is, nevertheless, well watered, and there is a full supply of timber for building fences, and for firewood. "Among the advantages of the country may be mentioned the saline forma tion. Salt springs exist in many localities, and this geological trait is attended with the usual accompaniment of this formation, namely gypsum and coal. The discovery of efflorescent bodies of salt on the prairies, originated the onco prevalent opinion that masses of rock-salt were deposited beneath the soil. Through these beds, which lie on gently sloping hills and in valleys, the Red river, the Washitaw, the Arkansas, and the Kanzas, flow out of, or from the direction of, the Rocky mountains, and, with their numerous affluents, water the entire country ; the Missouri washes its borders for several hundred miles ; the Red river bounds its southern line to the distance of six degrees of longitude ; and the States of Missouri and Arkansas lie between its eastern limits and the Mississippi. " Geographically, this great tract of arable land is bounded by the Ozark hills, or mountains, a very broad midland range, resting on azoic rocks, ex tending from the Hot Springs of Arkansas, to the head waters of the River St. Francis, of Missouri. At both terminal points there arises a series of these rocks ; that at the south, consisting of slate, schist, and quartz ; and at the north, of granite, sienite, trap, and porphyry. Superimposed upon these, and frequently concealed altogether for a considerable distance, are the characteristic sandstone and limestone formations of the region. Through these the Red river, Washitaw, Arkansas, White river, and St. Francis, pursue their way to the Mississippi, producing rapids, but no striking falls. Con- 59 (697) 698 THE EXPATRIATED TRIBES. nected with this central upheaval of the old rocky strata, are developments of mineral wealth. "Of the climatic phenomena of the Indian territories, thus bounded, we cannot speak from instrumental observations. It may suffice to observe that travellers, official agents, and missionary teachers, all concur in describing the climate as mild, genial, and favorable to the growth of all the varieties of cereals and esculents. The cotton plant thrives, and is cultivated in the southern portion. Wheat and Indian corn are its staples ; and grazing is nowhere more profitably pursued. Its water-power is sufficient for the pur poses of mills and manufactories." The industrial condition and resources, the governmental polity and moral status of the four principal tribes cannot be better exhibited to the reader, than as set forth in the language of Mr. Armstrong, the western superintend ent of Indian affairs. We will quote from his report to the government in detail : Choctaws and Chickasaws. The Indians of the former tribe have long since justly acquired for themselves, not only from the Government of the United States, but from the citizens with whom they have intercourse, a name for honesty and fidelity, at least not surpassed by any of our Indian tribes. They have, by a steady attention to their own business, since they emigrated to their present homes, greatly increased in wealth ; they have not been un mindful, at the same time, of educating the rising generation, and they have, by these means, added to the general intelligence and standing of the nation. This favorable change is indicated more clearly on Red river than with that portion of the nation on the Arkansas ; and the wealth as well as the intelli gence of the nation are confined mainly to the two districts on Red river. The Choctaws may be considered as an agricultural and stock-raising people farms on Red river will compare with any in the States. They have great advantages over other tribes, as a portion of their country is located in the cotton region. The past year they cultivated this valuable staple to a considerable extent; they have eight or ten cotton gins, and shipped between 700 and 800 bales of cotton. Many of the Choctaws live in comfortable houses, and, with very few exceptions, even the poorer class have good, sub stantial log cabins. They own large stocks of horses, cattle, hogs, and sheep, which constitute the wealth of those who may be termed the poorer class. It is rare indeed to find a family that has not a good supply of stock ; and the richer class, in addition to stock, own, many of them, a number of slaves, who are engaged generally in cultivating cotton. The manufacture of salt is carried on at two points in the Choctaw nation. The works owned by Col. David Folsom, a Choctaw of respectability and energy, are perhaps the most extensive; about twenty bushels a day are manufactured a supply equal to the demand, which no doubt will be increased as the article is wanted. The Choctaws have mechanics in the nation, in addition to those furnished by the United States. These consist of four blacksmiths, two of whom are native Choctaws, and all the strikers or assistants are youths selected from the nation. There is also a millwright, who has been engaged in erecting mills for the Choctaws. Trade is carried on at suitable and convenient places in the nation. The most extensive trading is at Doaksville, within a mile of Fort Towson. There are five stores at this place, three of which are owned, in part, by Choctaws ; the other two are exclusively owned by citizens of the United States. The stocks of goods are large, and the assortments such as are usual in stores sugar and coffee being used by all classes in the nation, to an extent at least equal to the whites. It may not be uninteresting to Btate, that the village of Doaksville is one of the most orderly and quiet towns that may be found in the West. In addition to the five stores, there are a resident physician, a good tavern, blacksmith's shop, wagon-maker, and wheelwright; a church has also been erected, in which there is preaching usually once or twice every Sabbath, by the missionaries who reside in the neighborhood ; a temperance society is also organized, which numbers a large portion of the most respectable Choctaws and Chickasaws, as well as our own population. I have been at this village a week at a time, without seeing anything like ardent spirits or a drunken Indian.. THE CHICKASAWS. 699 The Choctaws and Chickasaws, to a great extent, may be regarded as one people ; they speak the same language, and intermarried with each other, even before the emigration of the Chickasaws. By an arrangement between the tribes, the Chickasaws obtained what is now called the Chickasaw district of the Choctaw nation, making a fourth district, entitling them to an equal representation in the general council, which passes all laws for the govern ment of the people. They enjoy equal privileges, according to the treaty, to settle in whatever district they may choose, and each to vote and be eligible to any office within the gift of the people. The only difference is, that each tribe manages its own annuities or public moneys without any interference from the other. The country owned by the Choctaws, according to the treaty and the patent received from the department, commences near Fort Smith, running up the Arkansas to the mouth of the Canadian, up the same to the limits of the United States, and with those limits to Red river, down the same to where a due south line, from the beginning near Fort Smith, will strike the Red river, which is tjie dividing line between the State of Arkansas and the Choctaws. The line from the Canadian to the Red river has not been run. The Choctaws are governed by written laws and a constitution ; elections are held annually for members to the general council. The nation is divided into four districts (one being the Chickasaw). Each district elects, by the qualified voters, a chief, who holds his office for four years, and is eligible for two terms. These chiefs receive a salary from the United States of $250 each, per annum, by treaty stipulation. The general council, consisting of forty members, convenes on the first Monday in October ; a speaker and a clerk is elected ; the speaker is addressed as is customary in legislative bodies, and the whole business of the council is conducted with the utmost decorum. Each chief delivers a message in person to the council, recommending such laws as he may deem conducive to the interests of the people, and as there is but one representative body, all laws that are passed by the council are sub mitted to the chiefs; if approved, the same become laws; if not, the bills are returned to the council, and if passed by two-thirds, become laws. The council-house, a large, and commodious building, with committee-rooms, and also seats for spectators, Wtis erected under the treaty stipulations. Much interest is manifested by the people in electing councillors, and also when they meet together ; they usually remain in session from ten to fifteen days, and receive a per-diem pay of $2. Judges are nominated by the chief of the district, and receive a small compensation ; and trial by jury is guaranteed in all capital offences ; but there is no law enforcing the collection of debts. It will be seen that the Choctaws have materially bettered their condition by an exchange of country ; are fast approximating to our own laws and institutions ; and feel a deep interest in the success and prosperity of our own people, as well as the perpetuity of our Government. . They have school funds sufficient to educate a large portion of the people, beside annu ities from the United States, and also an investment of $500,000, at five per cent., in bonds of the State of Alabama, for the benefit of the whole people. They have also other sources of wealth. Their laws are generally respected, and when violated, punishment is inflicted. It is very rare that acts of violence take place between themselves ; every individual feels safe in his own property ; and travellers pass through the nation with as much safety as they do in any country. The Chickasaws number about 5000. They have settled promiscuously among the Choctaws ; lately they are beginning to move up to the district assigned them, which they did not do at first, owing to the scarcity of pro visions and the exposed situation of the frontier. The Chickasaws have obtained greater pecuniary advantages by the exchange of their country than any of the tribes. Their lands were surveyed and sold at a time when specu lation was at its highest, and when the most enormous prices were paid. The funds thus arising were invested for the benefit of the nation, after each head of a family had obtained a reservation. Some profited by receiving large amounts ; but in most cases, the money having been easily obtained, was AS freely spent. It is, however, the home the Chickasaws obtained from the Choctaws that compensates them. They are now fairly settled in a 700 THE EXPATRIATED TRIBES. country at least as fertile as the one they left, and removed, to a great extent, from the evils that were fast destroying them as a people. They unite with the Choctaws in forming the fourth district, and come into the general council of the nation with a representation corresponding to their population. The Chickasaws have ample national funds to extend the mechanic arts, as well as education, among their people. Some of the more wealthy are planting cotton, and, with few exceptions, the people are getting around them small stocks of horses, cattle, and hogs, which, with care and attention, in a country BO well adapted to stock-raising, will soon greatly increase. Cherokees. This people combine more intelligence than any of the tribes. They have intermarried more with the whites, have had the advantages of education, and, by their location, have had an opportunity of observing more immediately the customs and manners of a civilized people than any other of the Indian tribes. There are many intelligent and well-educated Cherokees. The nation consists of about 18,000 souls, spread pver an extent of country sixty miles square, comprising several varieties of soil. Estimating one warrior to every five souls, would give 3600. They are improving in intel lectual condition; have executive, legislative, and judicial departments; an organized government ; a principal and assistant chief, elective every four years ; a council and committee, organized somewhat upon the principle of the House of Representatives and Senate of the United States the former consisting of twenty-four members, and the latter of sixteen, elective every two years. They sit annually, and are usually in session from three to four weeks. The judiciary is composed of a supreme bench, a circuit court, and a district court; the first consisting of five members, the second of four, and the latter of eight. They have written laws, and a criminal code. The circuit court sits spring and fall ; the supreme court once a year ; the district court whenever an emergency arises. They have juries, and hear pleadings. The judges of the circuit and district benches are appointed more for their probity and personal worth than on account of their legal attainments, and will com pare, in point of moral worth, with any similar body in the United States. They are rigid in the execution of their laws ; generally impartial in the administration of justice, as yet necessarily in a rude state. As many as four executions have taken place in one year. The people are very tenacious of the management and regulation of their internal afi'airs. There are about 2000 professors of the Christian religion, consisting of Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians : the former, comprising much the largest class, may be considered the first both for intelligence and general integrity. The greater part of the Cherokee people are half-breeds, or what are known to be the middle class, who are ardent and enterprising, and passionately fond of gaming. When not under the influence of ardent spirits, they are hospitable and well disposed ; but, when under such influence, their worst passions seem to be roused. They have a school fund of their own, which they are wisely appropriating to the diffusion of knowledge throughout the nation, by appointing trustees to superintend the disbursements. The Cherokees are not naturally disposed to labor ; but there is a manifest change in this particular, both from necessity and inclination, and they are now engaged in agricultural pursuits. Their country is well watered, and supplies abundantly all the products known to that latitude, such as corn, wheat, rye, oats, tobacco, and hemp. Within the limits of the nation, there are two abundant and valuable salt springs ; one of them is leased to a Cherokee for an inconsiderable sum, but is not worked to much advantage, either to the proprietor or the nation. Stone coal of the finest quality abounds in two adjacent sections. The Cherokees have received from the Government of the United States large sums of money ; some have profited by the money received, while others have lavished theirs away, leaving only a desire to be supplied, without any disposition to do so by their own labor. Their country is well adapted to raising corn, wheat, oats, &c., with the usual varieties of garden vegetables, and farms, as well as neat houses, are found in many parts of the nation, exhibiting signs of wealth and intelligence unusual in an Indian country. A THE CREEKS SEMINOLES. 701 large portion of the country is well watered, is generally divided into wood land and prairie, and the lands are rich and very productive. Large stocks of cattle, horses, hogs, and sheep, are owned by the natives, and many have also paid attention to planting orchards, which are very unusual in an Indian country. Salt water is found in great abundance, and the Grand Saline, if judiciously managed, is capable of supplying a large portion of our own population with salt. Stone coal is to be found in several places, and if the country was examined, it would, no doubt, exhibit great resources of wealth in minerals and salt water. They are furnished by the United States with four blacksmiths and assist ants, iron, and steel ; also, a wheelwright and wagon-maker ; independent of whom they have mechanics of different kinds in the nation. They also hold a large fund for educational purposes, placed by treaty under the control of the national council, which, if properly applied, will go far to educate a large portion of the people. They are governed by a constitution and laws adopted and passed by the people. Debts are collected in the usual way, by issuing executions ; letters of administration are also granted on estates of deceased persons in the nation ; and, indeed, all the forma and regulations are ob served, usually in use in the States. In government the Cherokees are in advance of any of their red brethren. Creeks. These are more numerous than any of the tribes, numbering at least 20,000. The census of the nation has not been taken since the emigration, the annuity not being paid to the heads of families. As a people, they have less education and intelligence than either the Choctaws or Cherokees ; but lately they have given better evidences of a disposition to encourage education than at any previous time. Many of the Creeks have separate fields ; but their ancient custom of making a town field is still, to a great extent, observed. They raise large quantities of corn, melons, pumpkins, beans, and are culti vating rice to some extent, which is said to grow well, and will be a great accession to their living. They have four blacksmiths and assistants, with iron and steel furnished by treaty stipulations, and also a wheelwright and wagon-maker. Possessing but few, if any, native mechanics, they rely mainly for their work upon mechanics furnished by the Government. They have quite a large annuity, which is paid to the chiefs, and by them divided among the different towns, in accordance with existing laws, and their own request, which at least makes it satisfactory to the chiefs. They have commenced passing regular laws, which are recorded by the clerks appointed for that purpose ; but they do not elect representatives, their chiefs being the law-makers generally. The principal chief, Roily M'Intosh, is a man of un doubted attachment to the United States Government, and the same may be said of most of the chiefs. The certainty that the country they own is really theirs, does much to reconcile old feelings. The late emigrants, or what are termed the Upper Creeks, although very much dissatisfied for a length of time after their removal to their new homes, owing mainly to their sufferings from sickness, and the great mortality that prevailed among them, are now a happy, healthy, and contented people, are much in advance of the Lower Creeks (or early emigrants) in the variety, quality, and quantity of their agricultural products, as well as in the man agement of their farms, and have larger and better stocks of domestic animals. They are likewise much in advance of the Lower Creeks in domestic or household manufactures, making quantities of cotton cloth from the raw material, planted and cultivated upon their own farms ; have also several useful native mechanics among them, such as carpenters, wheelwrights, loom-makers, smiths, &c. ; and all reside in good comfortable houses of their own construction. Seminoles. This tribe have from time to time removed, until it is now under stood they have generally emigrated. Unfortunately for the Seminoles, the chief of each party, as they landed at or near Fort Gibson, endeavored to settle away from the others. This was done by the chiefs, with the hope of keeping around them a party of which they were the head, fearing that if they become united, some other more favored leader would supersede them, and by this means they were scattered not only in the Creek but also in the Cherokee 702 THE EXPATRIATED TRIBES. country. Micanopy, and other leading Seminoles, settled on the Deep Pork of the Canadian, in the country assigned them. Efforts have been made to concentrate the Seminoles at this point ; but this is difficult to do, and does not meet with much favor from the Creeks. They are willing for them to settle in a-ny part of the Creek nation promiscuously, giving as a reason that the Seminoles themselves are not suited, from their present feelings, to locate in a body, and become quiet and orderly neighbors. That portion of the Seminoles who settled on the Deep Fork of the Canadian have raised a surplus of corn, beans, pumpkins, and melons, all of which grow to great perfection, and a few have raised small patches of rice. The labor, however, is principally performed by their negroes, who were participants in the Florida war, but who have thus far conducted themselves with great propriety. Whatever may have been the importance or distinction of the Seminole chiefs in Florida, they seem to lose their greatness in the crowd of other Indians who are engaged in the cultivation of the soil. The twenty-one tribes transferred from the old States and settled in the territory partially included in Kansas, comprise the Delawares, Shawnees, Wyandots, Miamies, Weas, Piankashaws, Ottowas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies, Kickapoos, Sacs and Foxes, Senecas, mixed Senecas and Shawnees, Peorias Kaskaskias, lowas, Stockbridges or Mohicans, Munsees, and portions of the Iroquois, forming together an aggregate population of 30,893. The indi genous tribes residing in the territory are the Quappas, Osages, Kanzas, Pawnees, and Arapahoes, numbering 7358. The Otoes, Omahaws, Missouries, Cheyennes, and some other indigenous tribes, have not been enumerated.* The local agents, writing to the head of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, a short time after the period of colonization, present a report of the condition of the Indians under their jurisdiction, from which we make a few extracts. Quappas. This tribe have greatly changed their habits within a few years ; from having been a whiskey-drinking, squalid, poverty-stricken race, they have become temperate, frugal, and industrious, directing their attention to agriculture, and to the general improvement of their condition. They are now well clothed, and have enough to eat. This change is in part owing to the fact, that the venders of spirits in the Cherokee settlements north of the Quappas, whence their supplies were principally drawn, have abandoned the trade, in consequence of the opposition of some of their more respectable neighbors. A great deal of credit is, however, due to the Quappas them selves, for they could, if so disposed, procure liquor from the whites ; but they have listened to better counsels, and resisted the temptation. Mixed Senecas and Shawnees. These Indians have never been as much inclined to intemperance as some of the other bands, and there has not been so great a change among them. They continue to raise corn, wheat, oats, garden vegetables, &c., and, on, the whole, are improving rather than otherwise. The country occupied by these tribes is high, rolling, healthy, and finely watered ; containing springs of the best water in every direction, sometimes gushing out of the solid rock in streams large enough to turn a mill. Where it is fit for cultivation at all, the land is fertile ; but much of it is hilly and barren, worthless except for the timber. The lands on the water-courses are of the best quality, well suited to the cultivation of tobacco, hemp, corn, and the small grains, and the upland prairies are scarcely inferior ; but there is a much greater quantity of good land than the present occupants will ever use. The heavily-timbered bottoms on the Pomme de Terre and the Neosho afford not only good winter range for cattle, but an abundance of marsh for hogs. The Quappas have a coal-bank immediately on the Neosho, the coal in which is bituminous, of good quality, easily obtained, and the supply appa rently inexhaustible. In the vicinity of this coal there are several tar-springs, or rather springs of sulphur-water and mineral tar, or petroleum, together; the latter substance rising with the water, and separating from it immediately after it issues from the earth. Osages. This tribe has made but little perceptible improvement in agri- * History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes, Vol. VI. SHAWXEES OTTOES AND MISSOURIAS. 703 cultural pursuits, though some ten or twelve families of Pa-ha-sca's (George White Hare) and Clermont's bands, have lately fenced and ploughed their fields. They are still living, with few exceptions, in large towns, where it will be impossible to make much progress in stock-raising or farming ; Tab- hu-sca, the principal chief, and a bad man, being much opposed to the farming operations of his people. They have adopted a short code of penal laws for the government of their people, which forbid, not the introduction, but the sale, of ardent spirits in their country, under the penalty of the destruction of the spirits, and lashes on the offender. The people meet in general council once in each and every year, assisted by their agent and interpreter, for the purpose of law-making, &c. Shawnees. This tribe own a tract of country twenty-five miles north and south, and one hundred east and west, bounded on the east by the State of Missouri, and on the north by the Kanzas river, which, in point of soil, timber, and water, is equalled by but few tracts of the same size in any country ; though there is, however, hardly a sufficient proportion of timber for the prairie. The Shawnees have become an agricultural people ; their buildings and farms being similar to those of the whites in a new-settled country ; enclosed by rail fences, and most of them in good form ; each string of fence being straight, sufficiently high to secure their crops, and many of them staked and ridered. They all live in comfortable cabins, perhaps half or more being built of good hewn logs, and neatly raised, with outhouses, stables, and barns. Delawares. The Delawares own a tract of country sixty miles east and west, and about twenty-four miles north and south, bounded on the south by the Kanzas river, and on the east by the Missouri river, or State of Missouri. The soil, timber, and water, are generally very good. Xike the Shawnees, they depend for a subsistence mainly on their farms, which, with their horses, are nearly or quite equal to those of the Shawnees. They cultivate Indian corn, wheat, oats, beans, peas, pumpkins, potatoes, cabbage, turnips, and many other vegetables in abundance, and raise a great number of horses, cattle, and hogs. Kickapoos. The Kickapoos own a tract of country immediately north of the Delawares, about sixty miles east and west, by thirty north -and south, bounded on the east by the Missouri river, or State of Missouri, and on the south by the Delaware country. They raise a large surplus of Indian corn ; also beef and pork for sale. Stockbridges. By permission, this little band of Stockbridges settled on the Delaware lands, near the Missouri river, and about seven miles below Fort Leavenworth, some time in February, 1840, since when they have built for themselves a number of neat log cabins, opened several small farms, and raise more Indian corn than they need for their own use. They grow pump kins, beans, peas, cabbage, potatoes, and many other vegetables, and have made good root-houses to preserve them ; all of which they have effected with very little means. Christian Indians. The Christian Indians came with, and at the same time as the Stockbridges, settled among the Delawares, built comfortable little cabins, and made small farms. Kanzas. The Kanzas Indians, located on the Kanzas river, about eighty miles above its mouth, make many excuses for not turning their attention to agricultural pursuits ; the principal one being, that they are afraid to work, for fear the Pawnees will come on them and kill them all off. They raise but little grain, in fact, not enough to subsist them ; and their only dependence for a subsistence is on the buffalo, and what few deer and turkeys they can kill. They follow the chase. Otloes and Missourias. These Indians are in a most deplorable situation, notwithstanding they have had the assistance of the Government extended to them for many years, and that, during certain periods they bid fair to follow the example of some of their more advanced red brethren of the west in the pursuits of agriculture and civilization having been furnished with teachers, blacksmiths, and farmers, for these purposes ; but the evil spirit found its way, through various channels, into their lodges, and generated among them 704 THE EXPATRIATED TRIBES. discontent, jealousy and strife, which eventually terminated in butchery and bloodshed. This state of things produced in their minds a settled prejudice against the spot which they then occupied, on the north side of the river Platte, under the impression that an evil spirit hovered over and around them ; and, acting under this belief, they, in a moment of drunkenness and riot, set fire to their village, which was soon reduced to ashes. Their farm, which was located contiguous to the village, suffered a similar fate ; the greater part of the fences having been torn down and burnt, and the whole is now lying waste and uncultivated. They have totally abandoned this ill- fated spot, and settled, rather temporarily, in various lodges or villages on the south side of the Kiver Platte. The village of the Missourias stands on the prairie, on the bank of the river, while the Ottoe villages, four in number, are located a short distance from the river, between a point five miles above its mouth, and one eighteen miles higher up. Omahas. These Indians follow the chase as usual, and claim the country bounded by the Missouri river on the east, by Shell creek on the west, by the lliver Platte on the south, and on the north by the Poncas country. The Elkhorn, which runs in a southerly direction and empties into the Platte about twenty miles above its mouth, is the largest stream which passes through their territory. Their favorite village once stood near the Missouri river, and about one hundred miles above Fort Leavenworth ; but several years since they were driven from this location by the Sioux, and since then have settled temporarily on the Elkhorn, where they now suffer from extreme indigence, not using even ordinary savage exertion in the culture of corn. Pawnees. The four principal chiefs, with a number of their respective bands, have removed to their new homes on the Loup fork of the Platte. They generally evince a peaceable and friendly disposition, though they have an unsettled difficulty with the Ottoes, growing out of murders heretofore committed by the latter on some of their people. Kaskaskias, Weas, Piankashaws, and Pottawattamies. These tribes have made but little change in their condition ; owning some cattle and hogs, work-oxen, farming utensils, &c., and depending entirely on agricultural pur suits for a subsistence ; though if it were not for the ruinous practice pursued by those lawless individuals who are settled immediately on the line of the State of Missouri, and, in violation of the State laws, furnish them with whiskey, their improvement would be rapid. Ottowas. This people is still advancing in agricultural pursuits ; they may be said to have entirely abandoned the chase ; all of them live in good, comfortable log cabins ; have fields enclosed with rail-fences ; and own domestic animals. Out of their annuity they have erected a good horse-mill ; many of them are sowing wheat, and ere long they will raise grain enough to supply themselves with flour and meal for their own consumption. lowas. This tribe is located on the waters of the Namaha, a tributary of the Missouri, and their principal village is situated one mile above the mouth of the Great Namaha. These Indians are much given to intemperance, and while under the influence of liquor act very ill toward each other, as well as toward the whites. Sacs and Foxes. These Indians are a proud, independent people, pursuing the chase during the hunting season. They are not so much given to intem perance as the lowas, and entertain much more respect and love for the white man than do the latter; frequently boasting of their friendship to the whites, and their peaceable disposition toward their red brothers. Some years later, the chief officer of the Indian Bureau at "Washington, makes use of the following language, after having visited personally the colonized tribes : " The condition of the Indians located west of Missouri and Iowa is not as prosperous, or their advance in civilization as rapid, as the official reports annually received from that part of the country would authorize us to expect. In several tribes are to be found some educated, intelligent men ; and many are able, by the cultivation of the earth, to subsist themselves. Among these classes there are some sincere professors of religion ; but the mass of the THE BLACKFEET INDIANS. 705 Indians are indolent and intemperate, and many of them are degraded and debased. " The transplanting of these Indians, and the dedication of their present country to their use, and for their future home, was an emanation of the purest benevolence, and the dictate of humanity. Vast sums of money have been expended by the Government for the sustenance, comfort, and civiliza tion of these unfortunate people, and the missionary has occupied that field of labor long and faithfully ; but, notwithstanding all that has been done by the Government and good men, the experiment has measurably failed. Located generally on large tracts of land, separated into small and distinct bands, roaming at will, and wandering in idleness, the mass of these tribes are in a degraded state, with no hope of a considerable degree of reformation (even with such improvements as are practicable in their present manage ment), without a change of residence." A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE BLACKFEET INDIANS.* The Blackfeet originally inhabited that region of country watered by the Saskatchawain and its tributaries, never extending their war parties farther south than the head waters of the Marias river, or farther east than the head waters of the Milk river, a tributary of the Missouri, into which it empties about one hundred and fifty miles above the Yellow Stone river. The cause of their separation and dispersion over a wider range of country grew out of a civil war regarding the claims of two ambitious chiefs, each claiming sovereign powers, and each having different-colored banners or flags the one red, the other black. The red was called the bloody flag, on account of the sanguinary character of the contending chief; the black was one of mourning for the death of the legitimate chief, who had recently been killed in a great battle with the Assiniboins. The warriors, being divided, enrolled themselves under the two banners ; the younger and more warlike under the red ; the old men contending for the claims of the hereditary chief. After many skirmishes and assassinations, a pitched battle ensued, which resulted in the disastrous defeat of the black chief the contest lasting for three days and nights. Subsequent to their defeat the black party fled toward the south ; marching under their black banner, and clothed in deep mourning. They appear to have reached the Missouri during the fall, when the prairies were burning, and the black ashes of the consumed grass colored their moccasins and leggins. In this condition they were first seen by the Crow Indians, who called them Blackfeet, and made known the arrival of this strange tribe to the Gros Ventres and Mandans, with whom they were on friendly terms. Hence the name became known throughout the country. Another civil war afterwards broke out among the Missouri Blackfeet, which resulted in a second division of the tribe. A chief, called the Peigan, or pheasant, contended for the chieftainship, and, after being defeated, fled across the Missouri, and took refuge among the mountains, situated south of the three forks. The original tribe is now divided into three bands the Blood Indians, Blackfeet, and Peigans. The Blood Indians still remain in the north, though a portion of them make an annual visit to their relatives on the Missouri, when their friendly feelings are such as to justify it. The Peigans formed a treaty of alliance and friendship with the Flatheads, which, with few interruptions, has been keept in good faith up to the present time. The section of country that may now be considered as claimed and occupied by the three bands, generally known as the Blackfeet Nation, extends from the waters of the Hudson Bay, south to the head waters of the Missouri river, and to the northern sources of the Yellowstone river. Like all prairie tribes, the Blackfeet are wandering hordes, having no fixed habitation ; but are generally found following the ever varying migration of the buffalo, except when driven out of their trail by a superior force of thei? * History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes, Appendix to VoL V. 45 706 INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA. enemies. Their only occupations, beyond the social circle, are war and hunting. War, however, absorbs all other considerations, and this will be the case, so long as their present laws and regulations exist. As soon as a youth is capable of using the bow and arrow, he enlists under the wolf-skin banner of some favorite war chief, and joins in the first campaign against their hereditary enemies, the Crows and Assiniboins. These war parties frequently last for one or more years, it being considered disgraceful to return without scalps; and on one occasion, a war party, consisting of 300 young men, were absent for four years, without seeing or hearing from their own people. The cause of this extraordinary perseverance may be traced to their fundamental laws, one of which prohibits a youth to marry, or have a lodge of his own, until he has taken a scalp, or performed some other military exploit that will entitle him to rank as a brave. Neither is he permitted to sit in council, or be present at a feast; and, what is still more mortifying to youth, he is not allowed to join in a war or scalp-dance, when all the belles of the tribe are seen in gayest feathers, jingling bells, and fancy paints. The laws or regulations by which a Blackfoot camp is governed, are well adapted to their peculiar condition, being legislative, judicial, and military. The chiefs, as a general rule, are elective, though great respect is paid to hereditary chiefs ; but they have little or no power, unless they have distin guished themselves as warriors, and are supported by a band of braves. In every camp there is a military police, which consists of all the unmarried who rank themselves as braves, and a lodge for their accommodation is erected in the centre of the camp, which is generally of a circular form. When any matter of sufficient importance occurs, the subordinate chiefs are summoned to attend at the lodge of the head chief, where the subject is gravely discussed, and the decision made known to the war chief, whose duty it is to assemble his soldiers, and carry the orders of the chief into immediate execution. Though these orders from the chief sometimes condemn to death a father or a brother of one or more of the soldiers, yet they never hesitate to obey. On one occasion a wife of one of the chiefs being condemned for infidelity to be stripped of all her clothing, her nose cut off, to be whipped out of the camp, and to become the slave of any one who chose to take her, two of her brothers assisted in carrying the sentence into execution. All questions of peace or war, of the time for raising the camp, or in regard to the regulations for a general hunt, are decided upon by the chiefs, and carried into execution by the soldiers. Notwithstanding the camp might be in a state of starvation, and there were plenty of buffalo or other game in sight, no one, not even the head chiefs, would be allowed to disturb them, without the consent of the council. The policy of this is obvious, as one individual might frighten off a herd of buffalo sufficient to feed the whole camp. The Blackfoot has always been regarded as a treacherous, blood-thirsty savage ; but this is a mistake, growing out of ignorance of his true character. It is true, they killed and scalped a great many of the mountain trappers ; but they found them trespassing on their hunting-grounds, and killing off the game upon which they relied for subsistence ; and any other tribe, or even civilized nation, would have retaliated for much less cause of provocation. Those who have long resided among them, have always found them frank, generous, and hospitable ready at all times to repay any kindness they might receive from the whites. INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA.* The men are generally tall living in a state of nature, so far as dress goes, not even possessing that natural article of clothing, a breech clout. The dress of the female consists mostly of a Tale skirt, fastened around the waist with a cord, and extending loosely to a little below the knees. They wear their hair long behind, but so cut in front as to shade their eyes ; tattoo their * History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes, Appendix to Vol. V. SUPERSTITIONS OF THE DAKOTAHS. 707 china with three lines ; and wear ornaments in their ears, formed of the leg bones of fowls, ornamented with carving, and used also as a pipe. The tribes living in the valley of the San Joaquin river inhabit houses formed of mats laid on a framework of willow or cotton-wood ; but the Sacra mento tribes construct a more permanent habitation, made of a framework of heavy timber, covered with mud and grass the floor being about two feet below the level of the ground. There are but two openings, a door for entrance, and a hole at the top, for the escape of the smoke of their fifes, which they build on the ground. The men are indolent, doing only the lighter labor, such as making their arms and nets, while the women collect the grass seeds, acorns, &c., for their subsistence, in which occupation they are attended by one or more of the elders of the villages. Their food, consists of grass seeds and acorns, pounded together, mixed with water, .and baked in the sand, whereby all the deleterious properties of the acorn, as well as its bitter taste, are removed. Grasshoppers and crickets also form a part of their subsistence, and these they collect by setting fire to the prairies in a circle, when, moving in a body towards the centre, they drive the insects into the flames, by which their legs are burned off. They are then collected, and pounded with deer tallow, or any kind of grease they may have, and used for food. As soon as the acorns commence falling, they collect great quantities of them, which they put up in cylindrical stacks, from eight to ten feet high, made of willows bound together by cords of wild hemp. Their weapons for war and the chase consist of bows and arrows ; the former being made of a kind of cedar, covered on the back with the sinews of a horse or elk, which make them very strong and elastic; the latter are chiefly of cane those used in the chase having a point of hard wood, those intended for war are pointed with small heads of flint, beautifully barbed. They are superstitious, knowing but little of the Christian religion, except what they have learned from association, either with the whites, or with other Indians who have been educated at the old Catholic mission, under Spanish rule. The first fish of the season they offer to the Deity, on a platform erected in the middle of a stream ; the fish being hung on a high pole, decorated with feathers and other ornaments, beside which the medicine man takes his place, and harangues for nearly the whole day, after which the fish is left to decay. Every village has its sweat-house, which is generally built near the edge of a stream, so that when individuals have perspired sufficiently within its walls, they may have the pleasure of an immersion in the cold water, which is their usual mode of relieving fatigue. The tribes of California are divided into small bands, speaking different languages, and warring on each other, though living but a few miles apart. Their general domestic habits vary but little, feeding upon the same kind of food, and preparing it in the same manner. In their disposition they are cowardly ; treachery and theft, as with most Indians, forming part of their creed. Their animal food consists of the game of the country, except the grizzly bear, which the uncivilized ones will not eat. Horses, both wild and tame, form, particularly among those residing near the coast settlements, their principal animal diet. In the manufacture of their baskets and socks they manifest much neatness and taste, particularly in those covered with feathers, which generally con sist of those of the summer duck, and scalps of the red-headed woodpecker, bound round the top with beads of their own manufacture. They are also very expert in weaving blankets of feathers, many of which have really beautiful figures worked on them. SUPERSTITIONS OF THE DAKOTAH INDIANS. According to the Rev. Gideon II. Pond, of Minnesota, " Every Dakotah warrior looks to the wakan-man as almost his only resource. From him he receives a spear and tomahawk, constructed after the model furnished from the armory of the gods, and also those paints which serve as an armature for 708 SUPERSTITIONS OF THE DAKOTAHS. his body. To obtain these things, the proud applicant is required to become a servant to the Zuya-wakan, while the latter goes through those painful and exhausting performances which are necessary preparatory to the bestowal of them ; such as vapor-baths, fastings, chants, prayers, &c. The implements of destruction being thus consecrated, the person who is to receive them, wailing most piteously, approaches the war-prophet and presents the pipe to him as to a god; while in the attitude of prayer, he lays his hands upon his sacred head, and penetrated with a sense of his own impotency, sobs out his request in substance as follows : ' Pity thou one who is poor and helpless a woman in action and bestow on me the ability to perform manly deeds.' The prophet then presents the weapons desired, saying, 'Go thou, try the swing of this tomahawk and the thrust of this spear, and witness the power of the god to whom they belong; but when in victory thou shalt return, forget not to perform thy vows.' Each warrior is required to paint himself for battle in the same manner as his arms have been painted by the prophet ; and must never paint in the same manner at any other time, except it may be in the performance of extraordinary religious rites. In this manner every young man is enlisted for life into the service of the war-prophet. These weapons are preserved as sacredly by the Dakotah warriors as was the ' ark of the covenant/ by the Israelites, are carefully wrapped up in a cloth cover, together with plumes and sacred pigments, laid outside of the tent every day, except in the storm, and must never be touched by a female who has arrived at the age of puberty. Every warrior feels that his success, both in war and hunting, depends entirely upon the strictnesss with which he conforms to the rules and ceremonies imposed upon him by the wakan warrior. The ' armor feasts' are of almost daily occurrence in the Dakotah camp, when the fruits of the chase are sufficient to supply them, at which time these arms are always religiously exhibited. Thus the influence of the medicine-man, as a warrior, pervades the whole community, and it is hardly possible to over estimate it; though, however, vastly weakened by coming in contact with civilization and Christianity. The medicine-men themselves seem to be well aware of the fact, that the dissemination of knowledge among the people tends directly to the destruction of their influence. " In the capacity of a doctor, or wapiya, the influence of the Dakotah medicine-man has scarcely any limits, as health is hardly more necessary to the happiness of the Indian than the wakan-man is for the preservation of health. It is believed that they have in their bodies animals (gods), which have great powers of suction, and which serve as suction-pumps, such as the lizard, bull-frog, leech, tortoise, garter-snake, &c. Other gods confer on them vocal powers, and their chants and prayers are the gifts of inspiration. " If the doctors are long without practice, they suffer great inconvenience from the restlessness of the gods within them, to pacify whom they sometimes take blood from the arm of some person and drink it. When one of them, having been respectfully and reverently called upon, and liberally prepaid, is about to operate upon a suffering patient 'a little ox struggling on the . earth' he has him placed upon a blanket on the ground, in a tent, with the body chiefly naked, and also generally strips off his own clothes, except the middle-cloth. After chants, prayers, the rattling of the gourd-shell, and innumerable other trite ceremonies, making a variety of indescribable noises, and muttering something like the following, ' The god told me that having this, I might approach even a skeleton and set it on its feet,' he gets down upon his knees, and applying his mouth to the affected part of the patient, sucks with an energy which would seem to be almost superhuman the gourd-shell still rattling violently. In this manner the god which is in the doctor pumps the disease from the sufferer. After sucking thus for a con siderable time, the doctor rises on his feet in apparent agony, groaning so as- to be heard a mile if the atmosphere is clear, beating his aides, writhing, and striking the earth with his feet so as almost to make it tremble, and holding a dish of water to his mouth, he proceeds with a sing-song bubbling to deposit in the dish that which has been drawn from the sick person. This laborious and disgusting operation is repeated at short intervals, for hours, and the operator is thus enabled not only to relieve the sufferer, but also to discover MYTHOLOGY OF THE SIX NATIONS. 709 the sin on account of which he has been afflicted, the spirit of which he sees rush into the lodge, and violently lay hold of the unfortunate sinner, as if he would rend him to atoms. The doctor now makes an image of the offended animal whose enraged spirit he saw, and causes it to be shot by three or four persons in quick succession, when the god that is in him, leaping out, falls upon, not the image, but the spirit of the animal which the image represents, and kills it. Now the sick man begins to convalesce, unless other offended spirits appear to afflict him ; but sometimes the doctor is overcome by these spirits and the patient dies, unless one of greater wakan powers can be ob tained ; for they are wakan to different degrees, corresponding to the strength of this attribute as it exists in the gods by whom they are respectively inspired. It seems to be the general impression that there are wakan-men who are able to subdue any foe to health till the superior gods order other wise ; but it is difficult to obtain their aid ; for if they are not properly respected at all times, and well remunerated for their services, they let the sufferers perish without exerting their power to save them doing their work deceitfully. It is also believed that they can inflict diseases as a punishment for sins committed against themselves, that death is often the effect of their wakan power, and that when they thus kill a person, they cut off the tip of his tongue and preserve it as a memento of the fact. The people stand in great fear of these medicine-men, and when sick will give all they possess, and all they can obtain on credit, to secure their services; frequently giving a horse for a single performance. They are always treated with the greatest respect, and generally furnished with the best of everything ; and if there are impostors, this fact turns decidedly to the advantage of those who are believed to be true. There are from five to twenty-five of these men and women at each of the villages, most of whom have a fair reputation and con siderable employment; and that, notwithstanding these Indians are now receiving so much aid from our own people who follow the medical profession. I do not believe that an individual Dakotah can be found, who does not believe that these jugglers can heal diseases without the help of vegetable or mineral medicines, except as this faith has been destroyed by the introduction among them of science and Christianity ; and, even at this day, the persons who do not employ them as wakan j ugglers are very few indeed." MYTHOLOGY OF THE SIX NATIONS.* "An unlimited expanse of water once filled the space now occupied by the world we inhabit, and here was the abode of total darkness, which no ray of light ever penetrated. At this time the human family dwelt in a country situated in the upper regions of the creation, abounding in everything con ducive to the comfort and convenience of life ; the forests were full of game ; the lakes and streams swarmed with fish and fowl ; while the earth and fields spontaneously produced a profusion of vegetables for the use of man ; an unclouded sun enlivened their days, and storms and tempests were unknown in that happy region. ^HCrof t Liuf^ffT "The inhabitants were strangers to death, and its harbingers, pain and disease ; while their minds, freed from the corroding passions of jealousy, hatred, malice, and revenge, were perfectly happy. "At length, however, an event occurred which interrupted their tranquil lity, and introduced care and anxiety, till then unknown. A certain young man, of high position, was observed to withdraw himself from the circle of their social amusements ; the solitary recesses of the grove became his favorite walks; care and chagrin were depicted in his countenance ; and his body, from long abstinence, presented to the view of his friends the mere skeleton of a man. Anxious friends again and again vainly solicited to know the cause of his grief, until, debilitated both in body and mind, he yielded to the importunities of his associates, and promised to disclose the cause of hi troubles, on condition that they would dig up by the roots a certain white Paper by James Dean, Esq., of Oneida County, New York, in History, Ac., of Indiaus, Vol. VL 710 MYTHOLOGY OP THE SIX NATIONS. pine tree, lay him on his robes near the edge of the hole, and seat his wife by his side. Complying with his request, the fatal tree was taken up by the roots ; in doing which the earth was perforated, and a passage opened to the abyss below, when the robe was placed by the side of the opening, and the youth laid thereon ; his wife taking her seat by his side. The multitude, eager to learn the cause of such strange and unusual conduct, pressed around ; when, on a sudden, to their horror and astonishment, he seized upon the woman, then enciente, and precipitated her headlong into the darkness below ; then, rising from the ground, he informed the assembly that he had for some time suspected the chastity of his wife, and that having now dis posed of the cause of his mental suffering, he should soon recover his usual health and vivacity. "All the birds and amphibious animals which now inhabit the earth, then occupied the watery waste, to which the woman in her fall Avas hastening. The loon first discovered her coming, and called a council to prepare for her reception. Observing that the animal which approached was a human being, they knew that earth was indispensably necessary for her accommodation, and the first subject of deliberation was, who should support the burden. The sea bear first presented himself for a trial of his strength, when instantly the other animals gathered around, and seated themselves on his back ; but the bear, unable to support the weight, sunk beneath the surface of the water, and was judged by the whole assembly unequal to the task of supporting her, and her prerequisite, the earth. Several others in succession presented them selves as candidates for the honor, and with similar ill-success. Last of all, the turtle modestly advanced, tendering his broad shell as the basis of the earth, now about to be formed. The beasts then made trial of its strength to bear weight, and finding their united pressure unable to sink the turtle below the surface, adjudged to him the honor of supporting the world. A foundation being thus provided, the next subject of deliberation was, how to procure earth, which, it was concluded, must be obtained from the bottom of the sea. Several of the most expert divers went in quest of it ; but invariably, when they rose to the surface of the water, they were dead. The mink at length took the dangerous plunge, and when, after a long absence, his carcass floated to the surface, a critical examination discovered a small quantity of earth in one of his claws, which he had scratched from the bottom, and this being carefully preserved, Avas placed on the back of the turtle. In the mean time, the woman continued falling, and at length alighted on the back of the turtle, on which the earth had already grown to the size of a man's foot, and on this she stood with one foot covering the other. Shortly after she had room for both feet, and was soon able to sit down. The earth continued to expand, and soon formed a small island, skirted Avith willow, and other aquatic plants and shrubbery ; and at length it stretched out into a widely- extended plain, interspersed with rivers and smaller streams, which, with gentle current, rolled forward their tributary waters to the ocean. Atahent- sic, the woman, then repaired to the sea-shore, erected a habitation, and settled in her new abode, where, not long after, she became the mother of a daughter, and was supported by the spontaneous productions of the earth until the child arrived at adult years, when the latter was solicited in marriage by several animals, changed into the form of young men. The loon first pre sented himself as a suitor, in the form of a tall, well-dressed, fine-looking young man, but after due consultation with the mother, his suit was rejected. Several others presented themselves, and were rejected by the mother ; until, at length, the turtle, with his short neck, short bandy legs, and humped back, offered himself as a suitor, and was received. After she had laid herself down to sleep, the turtle placed upon her abdomen two arrows in the form of a cross, one headed with a flint, the other with the rough bark of a tree, and took his leave. In due time she became the mother of two sons, called, in Iroquois, Yoskiki and Thoitsaron ; but died in giving them birth. When the time arrived for the children to be born, they consulted together about the best mode of egress from their place of confinement, and the youngest deter mined to make his exit by the natural passage, whilst the other resolved to take the shortest route, by breaking through the walls of his prison ; in MYTHOLOGY OF THE SIX NATIONS. 71 1 effecting which he consequently destroyed his mother, thus giving the first evidence of his malignant disposition. The grandmother, enraged at her daughter's death, resolved to destroy the children, and, taking them in her arms, threw them hoth into the sea, but scarcely had she reached her wigwam, when the children appeared at the door. The experiment of drowning them was several times repeated, but in vain. "Discouraged by her ill success, she determined to let them live. Then, dividing the corpse of her daughter into two parts, she threw them upwards towards the heavens, when the upper part became the sun and the lower part the moon, which is the reason why the latter has always presented the form of the human face. At this time began the succession of day and night in our world. The children speedily became men, and expert archers. The elder, whose name, in Oneida, was Thau-wisk-a-lau (a term expressive of the greatest degree of malignity and cruelty), used the arrow of the turtle pointed with flint, and killed with it the largest beasts of the forest ; while the younger, whose name, in the same dialect, was Tau-lou-gliy-au-wan-goon (a name de- doting unbounded goodness and benevolence), had the arrow headed with bark ; but the former was, on account of his malignant disposition, and his skill and success in hunting, a favorite with his grandmother. They lived in the midst of plenty, but would not permit the younger brother, whose arrow was not sufficiently powerful to destroy anything but birds, to share in their abundance. As this young man was one day wandering along the shore, he saw a bird, perched upon a bough projecting over the water, which he attempted to kill ; but his arrow, till that time unerring, flew wide of the mark and sank in the sea. He determined to recover it; and, swimming to the place where it fell, plunged to the bottom, when, to his astonishment, he found himself in a small cottage, in which a venerable old man was sitting, who received him with a smile of fraternal complacency, and thus addressed him : ' My son, I welcome you to the habitation of your father. To obtain this interview, I have directed all the circumstances which have conspired to bring you hither. Here is your arrow, and here is an ear of corn, which you will find pleasant and wholesome food. I have watched the unkindness both of your grandmother and your brother, and while he lives the earth can never be peopled ; you must, therefore, take his life. When you return home, you must traverse the whole earth ; collect all the flint-stones into heaps which you find, and hang up all the bucks'-horns, as these are the only things of which your brother is afraid, or which can make any impression upon his body, which is made of flint. They will furnish you with weapons, always at hand, wherever he may direct his course.' Having received these and other instructions from his father, he returned to the world, and began imme diately to obey his father's directions, which being done, the elder resolved on a hunting excursion. On their way to the hunting-ground, he inquired of the younger what were the objects of his greatest aversion. He informed him (falsely) that there was nothing so terrific to him as beech-boughs and bulrushes, and inquired in turn of Thau-wisk-a-lau what he most dreaded ; he answered, nothing so much as flint-stones and bucks'-horns, and that nothing else could injure him ; and that lately he had been much annoyed by them wherever he went. Having arrived at their place of destination, the elder went in quest of game, leaving the younger to attend to the menial occupation of erecting his hut, and preparing such other accommodations as he required. After an absence of some time, the elder returned exhausted with fatigue and hunger, and partaking of a hearty repast, prepared by his brother, he retired to his wigwam to sleep ; but when he had fallen into a profound slumber, the younger kindled a large fire at its entrance. After a time, the elder found himself extremely incommoded by the heat; and the flinty materials of his body, expanding by its intensity, were exploding in large scales from his carcass. In a great rage, and burning for revenge, he broke through the fire in front of the hut, hastened to a neighboring beech, armed himself with a large bough, and returned to chastise and destroy his brother ; but finding that his repeated and violent blows had no effect upon his brother, who pelted him with flint-stones and belabored him with bucks'- horns, which caused the flinty scales to fall from his body in copious showers, 712 MYTHOLOGY OF THE SIX NATIONS. he betook himself to a neighboring marsh, where he supplied himself with a bundle of bulrushes, and returned to the contest, though with the same ill BUCCCSS. Finding himself deceived, and failing of his purpose, he sought safety in flight. As he fled, the earth trembled. A verdant plain, bounded by the distant ocean, lay before him ; behind him, the earth sunk in deep valleys and frightful chasms, or rose into lofty mountains or stupendous pre cipices ; the streams ceased to roll forward their waters, and, bursting their barriers, poured down the cliffs in cataracts, or foamed through their rocky channels to the ocean. The younger brother followed the fugitive with vigorous steps, wounding him continually with his weapons, and at length, in a far distant region, beyond the savannahs of the west, he breathed his last, loading the earth with his flinty form. " The great enemy of the race of the turtle being destroyed, they came up out of the ground in human form, and for some time multiplied in peace, and spread extensively over its surface. Atahentsic, the grandmother, roused to furious resentment for the loss of her darling son, and resolving to be revenged, for many days successively, caused the rain to descend in torrents from the clouds, until the whole surface of the earth, and even the highest mountains, were covered ; but the inhabitants fled to their canoes, and escaped the impending destruction. The disappointed grandmother caused the rains to cease, and the waters to subside, when the inhabitants returned to their former places of abode. Determining to effect her purpose in another manner, she covered the earth with a deluge of snow, to escape which new evil they betook themselves to their snow-shoes, and thus eluded her vengeance. Chagrined at length by these disappointments, she gave up the idea of destroy ing the whole human race at once, and determined to wreak her vengeance upon them in a manner which, although less violent, should be more efficacious. Accordingly, she has ever since been employed in gratifying her malignant disposition, by inflicting upon mankind all those evils which are suffered in this present world. Tarenyawagon, in Oneida, Tau-lou-ghy-au-wan-goon, on the other hand, displays the infinite benevolence of his nature by bestowing on the human race the blessings they enjoy, all of which flow from his bountiful providence. This personage afterwards dwelt among his brethren under the name of Hiawatha. The name Tarenyawagon, literally translated, is ' the Holder, or Supporter of the Heavens.' Hiawatha was the minister of Tarenyawagon, and agent of his good will to mankind." NOTES, ETC. 713 NOTES, ADDITIONS, AND CORRECTIONS. P. 47. The whole of the letter of Gov. Bradatreet is now printed in the Nno Eng. Hist, and Genealog. Reg. ii. 150. P. 51. MURDER OF Miss McCREA. Among the many versions of this tragedy, there is one in Barber's Hist. Cott. of New York, pp. 569, 570, which may be worth consulting ; it would be, doubtless, had he informed us how he got hia information. Perhaps from people in the neighborhood of the murder. We do not like inferences when easily avoided. P. 69. This early voyage to New England has been reprinted entire, in 3 CoU. Mass. Hist. Soc. vol. viii. P. 83. Respecting the visit of Sir Francis Drake to the coast of New England before the settlement of Plimouth, our account is pretty full. The conclusion there arrived at, that Drake did actually land somewhere in the neighborhood of Cape Cod, we thought our authorities clearly justified. But some critical writers since my work was published, questioning the fact, I am ready to confess that the subject is not, nor did I ever consider it, settled beyond a doubt ; yet, after all, it may be quite as difficult to settle it the other way, namely, that he did not land in New England. P. 111. On this, and the pages immediately before and after it, notices are contained of several chiefs and others who were living between Boston and Sa lem when the English came. The most of them had more or less to do with all the whites who settled near them, and especially with those who settled at and about Saugits, afterwards called Lynn. This circumstance brought their history particularly under the investigation of the accomplished historian of that town, ALONZO LEWIS, ESQ.. Our text was written before the appearance of his second edition, to which is added a great amount of the most valuable infor mation, of which we were not in possession. Therefore, instead of making a long note here, of extracts, corrections, &c., we must refer our readers to the work of MR. LEWIS, where the numerous facts will be found, clothed in the easy and polished style of that writer. P. 111. Concerning SAGAMORE JOHN, we have a note as early as 1631. In his letter to the countess of Lincoln, Gov. Dudley says, " John is a handsome young man conversant with vs, affecting English Aparell and how- ses, and speaking well of our God." James, the brother of John, " commanded not above 30 or 40 men." Dudley, ib. P. 122. " The most common pronunciation of the name of Miantonomo will ap pear, I imagine, in the following couplet from S. Danforth's Almanack for 1649 : ' And by thy fall comes in the English wo If it may be by Miantonomo.' " MS. note by John Farmer. P. 182. CAPT. TOM, alias WATTASACOMPANUM. Some of the proceedings against this man have of late been brought to light. His case is one of most melancholy interest, and his fate will ever be deeply regretted ; inasmuch as the proof against him, so far as we can discover, would not at any other time have been deemed worthy of a moment's serious consideration. The younger Eliot pleaded earnestly for him, that he might even have a new trial, but without avail. In our MS. " CHRONICLES OF THE INDIANS," we have this entry : " 22 June, 1676. Death warrant signed for Captain Tom's execution." It is directed to " Edward Mitchelson, Marshall Generall," who is ordered to see that " Captain Tom Indian and Jno. Oultuck, Indian enemys be hanged on this day after y lecture till they be dead." P. 183 SAMPSON OCCOM. There was a portrait taken of this distin guished Indian while he was in England, painted by M. Chamberlain, from which a fine mezzotinto engraving was made by J. Spilsbury, and published on a folio sheet. It is thus entitled : " Thq Reverend Mr. Samson Occom, the first Indian minister that ever was in Europe, and who accompanied the Rev. Nath'l Whitaker, D. D., in an application to Great Britain for Charities to support y 9 Rev. Dr. Wheelock's Indian Academy, and Missionaries among y* Native Sav ages of N. America." Published according to act of Parliament, Sept. 20, 714 NOTES, ETC. 1768, by Henry Parker, at No. 82 in Cornhill, London. Portrait in possession of the author. P. 218. The following curious document is added, to throw some light on the Narraganset expedition of Dec. 1675 : " Whereas at the fireinge of Majo r Appletons Tent at Narragansitt Diuers annes and Clothes were lost by the fire belonging to perticuler persons, a list of whom is taken and in the hands of Capt. Swayne, then Leiut. to Majo r Appleton, who heretofore haue rec. no satisfaction for the same, This Court [Gen. Ct. of Ms.] Doth order that repayration be made by the Country to the persons Damnify ed by the s d fire, and that the Committees of Militia in the several! Townes, doe allow Damage vpon the Accounts afforesd, and enter them amongst the Disbursements of the s d townes. The Deputyes haue past this Desiring the Consent of o r Honor 4 Magistrates hereto. "William Torrey, Cleric. 15 Sept. 1676. Consented to by the magists. Edw. Rawson, Secrety." P. 222. Following other printed accounts of the war, we gave the name of " Captain Crowell," which should be " Cowell." James Cowell was of Boston, before and after this war. In our MS. " CHRONICLES," above cited, we have a circumstantial account of the affair which at this time brought him to the notice of the historians. The account is by himself, as he gave it in a deposition, at the trial of Capt. Tom, and is as follows : " As I was returning from Marlborough to Boston, in the Contoryes searvice, and had 18 men under my conduct, and about 3 miles from Sudbury wee ware Suprysed with divors hundred of Indians, whereof this Indian Tom was one, none by a grombleing sign or noyse y ( he made ; as in my Judgement was y e cause of our bejng ffyored vpon ; at which tjme fower of my Company was killed and one wounded ; beside ffive horses were disinabled, [being] shot. Vpon Capt. Wadsworth's ingadgen wjth [y*j Indians, I wentt backe and buryed y* flower men which ware killed, whereof was Thomas [Har ] and Hopkinses son of Roxbury, Goodman, a son of Robert Wayles of Dorchister." " Sworn in Court, 19 June, 1676." P. 263. MATOONAS. The following characteristic reflections and observa tions of Dr. Increase Mather, which the consideration of the acts and fate of this chief seemed to excite in his mind, are extracted, as worthy of preservation in this connection : " How often have we prayed, that the Lord would remember the cruelty, treachery, and above all the blasphemy of these heathen ! This prayer has been heard in Heaven. As for their cruelty, God hath remembered that, many of them falling into the hands of the Mohawks or other Indians, who fought in our quarrel, used their enemies after their own kind. And it hath been observed, that the ven geance from the Lord did pursue them presently upon the perpetration of some horrid acts of barbarous cruelty towards such as fell into their murderous hands. And as for their treachery, God hath retaliated that upon them ; as for the per fidious Narragansets, Peter Indian was false and perfidious to them, upon a dis gust received amongst them, and directed our army where to find them. Treach erous Philip, one of his own men ran away from him, and told Capt. Church where that grand enemy had hid himself, the issue of which was, another Indian shot a bullet into the treacherous heart of that covenant-breaking infidel. Yea, many of those cloudy and deceiptful Indians who were taken by Capt. Church, would frequently destroy and betray their bloudy and false-hearted comrades. Matoonas, who was the first Indian that treacherously shed innocent English blood in Massachusetts Colony, he some years before pretended to something of religion, being a professor in general (though never baptized, nor of the in- churched Indians) that so he might the more covertly manage the hellish design of revenge that was harbored in his divelish heart." P. 263. " The murder at Woburn here referred to by Hubbard, apparently as perpetrated a little before Philip's war, was not improbably the same as one committed in the west part of Woburn, now Burlington, the story of which has been transmitted there by tradition from time immemorial, and is briefly as follows : On a certain Sabbath, an Indian concealed himself in a hop house, the site of the kiln of which is still pointed out, about a mile from Burlington meet ing-house, close to the north side of the road to Bedford, between the houses of Deacon George Mclntire and of Miss Ruth Wilson. When he supposed the neighbors generally had gone to meeting, he came out from his lurking-place, and went to the house which then stood on the spot where Miss Wilson's now is. Upon entering, he asked for cider of a young woman that had been left at home, NOTES, ETC. 715 In compliance with his request, she went to draw some ; but upon her return, he knocked her in the head as she reached the top of the cellar stairs. The cellar door was dashed with her blood, the stain of which was never wiped off; and when the house came to be taken down, not far from a century ago, to build another on its site, this blood-stained door was removed as it was to the barn, and there, and at a house in the neighborhood to which it was subse quently conveyed, it continued for years to be exhibited as a memorial of this instance of savage cruelty." [Tradition in the Wilson family, &c.] MS. Letter from Rev. Samuel Seteall, of Burlington, Ms., to the Author. P. 264. In the History of Framingham, Ms., by the Rev. MR. BARRY, will be found many important facts relative to the destruction of the family of Thom as Eames, of Sudbury, which that diligent author derived from original MSS. We have many others, shedding further light, in our MS. CHRONICLES above re ferred to, but our limits do not allow of their admission here. A few items from himself are all we can at present add. THOMAS EAMES came to New England about 1634. He served in the Pequot war, after which he was " maimed by the hand of God in his limbs." He was born in the year 1616, and in 1668, was "the father of many children," "but had not one foote of land in y* countray of his owne," and was " very poore." His fortune seems to have been much improved not long after, for when his house was destroyed by the Indians, in 1676, he says, " Yea, I am now left des titute, and bereaved of almost all comforts of my life, and of euery bitt of my estate, which the other day amounted to no less than aboue 350 pounds. And being very lame and aged, and have half a dozen children, each under a dozen years of age." This was about the close of Philip's war, at which time he asks the General Court to grant him the land which had been possessed by those In dians that had destroyed his family ; " seeing," he says, " the ten owners and inhabitants y r of are not now extant, 6 of them burned my house and family, 3 of whome haue been hanged, and the others are all fled vnto y e enemy." The government granted him 200 acres of land, but he did not live long to enjoy it. He died on the 25th of January, 1680, aet. 64. For an account of has posterity, consult the History of Framingham. P. 280. The treaty entered into by the chiefs of the Eastern Indians and English in the midst of Philip's war, seems not to have fallen within the notice of the chroniclers, eitiier of that time or since. Possibly Hubbard may rci'er to it in his Indian Wars. It being a document of great importance, is here in serted entire, from the Massachusetts Archives. " Pascataqua River, Cochecho, 3 July [1676.] At a meeting of y 6 Com* appointed by y 6 Hon d Genl. Ct. for to treat y e Inds. of the Eastern Parts in order for y 6 procuring an Hon" Peace with y m . Wee w lh y e mut 11 consent of y* Sagamores Underwritten in behalfe of themselues and y e men Indians belonging to them being about 300 in Number, have agreed as followeth : lly. That hence forwards none of y* said Indians shall offer any violence to y persons of any English, nor doe any Damage to theyrs Estates in any kind what soever. And if any Indian or Indians shall offend herein, they shall bring or cause to bee brought y 6 offender to some English authority, there to be prosecuted by y* English Lawes according to y 6 Nature of y 6 Offence. 21y. That none of said Indians shall entertain at any time any of our enemies, but shall giue psent notice to y* Comt" when any come among them, ingaging to goe forth w* y* English against them (if desired) in order to y 8 seizing of them. And if any of s d Indians shall themselues at any time bring such o r Enemies vnto vs, they shall for their reward haue 3. for each they shall so bring in. 31y. The Indians performing on their part, as is before expressed, wee y* com- ittee doe ingage in y 6 behalfe of y 6 English not to offer any violence to any of their persons or estates, and if any injury be offered to said Indians by any English, they [their] complaints to Authority, y 6 offender shall be prosecuted by English Lawes according to y r nature of y* offence. In witness to each and all y* prmises we haue mutually shaken hands and subscribed our names. f RICHARD WALDERN /^> WANALANSET, Sagamore Comittee < NIC : SHAPLEIOH ^^) SAMPSON ABOQUACEMOXA Tuo : DANIELL * *^ MR. WM. SAGAMORE SQUANDO Sagamore DONY SEROOUMBA SAM" NUMPHOW The mark Q WAROCKOMEB. 716 NOTES, ETC. P. 303. A more precious document than the subject of this note, we seldom have the satisfaction of laying before the public. It elucidates a passage in New England's history of the deepest interest ; and had we space, much explan atory matter might be given. " Honoured Mother After my duty and my wifes presented to yourselfe these may inform you of [our] present health of our present being when other of our friends are by the barbarous heathen cut off from having a being in this world The Lord [of] late hath renewed his witnesses against vs, and hath dealt very bitterly with us in that we are deprived of the societie of our nearest friends by the breaking in of the adversarie against vs ; On Friday last in the morning your own son with your two sons in Law Anthony and Thomas Bracket and their whole families were killed and taken by the Indians, we know not how, tis certainly known by us that Thomas is slain and his wife and children carried away captiue, and of Anthony and his family we haue no tidings and therefore think that thay might be captivated the night before because of the remoteness of their habitation from neighborhood, Gm Corban and all his family Gm Lewis and his wife, James Ross and all his family, Gm Durham, John Munjoy, and Daniel "VVakely, Ben jamin Hadwell and all his family are lost, all slain by sun an hour high in the Morning and after, Gm Wallis his dwelling house and none besides his is burnt there are of men slain 11, of women and children 23 killed and taken, we that are alive are forced upon Mr. Andrews his Island to secure our own and the Hues of our families we haue but little provision and are so few in number that we are not able to bury the dead till more strength come to us, the desire of the people to your selfe is that you would be pleased to speak to Mr. Munjoy and Deacon Philips that they would entreat the Governour that forthwith aid might be sent to vs either to fight the enemie out of our borders that our Eng lish Corn may be inned in whereby we may comfortably liue or remoue vs out of Danger that we may provide for our selues elsewhere having no more at present but desiring your prayers to God for his preservation of us in these times of danger, I rest Your dutifull Son Thaddeus Clark. ffrom Casco-bay 16. 6. 76. remember my Love to my Sister &c. These ffor his honoured Mother Mr" Elizabeth Harvey living in Boston." P. 312. " I have understood that the town of Moultonborough was named in honor of Gen. Jonathan Moulton, of Hampton, who was a principal proprietor." MS. note of John Farmer in a copy of the Bd Ed. of the BOOK OF THE INDIANS. P. 313. PKOF. UPHAM, of Bowdoin College, is the author of the ballad there given. Farmer, as above cited. P. 622. CAPT. WHITEEYES. In the Narrative of Richard Bard's Adven tures among the Indians will be found some interesting details for an enlarge ment of the life of this chief. See London's Selection of Ind. Nars. ii. 57 71. P. 531. HALFKING. Besides the different Indian names which we have given for this chief, another has been published in the " History of Western Penn sylvania." He is there called Tanacharison, where it is also stated that he died at Harris Ferry, (Harrisburg,) Oct. 1st, 1754. In another part of the same work, (p. 71,) it is stated that he died at the house of John Harris, of that place, and was buried by him. P. 572. Note J. In the Boston Courier of 31th August, 1843, it is mentioned that the Capt. Newman, who fell in St. Clair's defeat, was of Boston ; that he was of the class of 1766, in the Latin school, while of the same class were Isaac Coffin, since Admiral Sir Isaac, Dr. Jona. Homer, late of Newton, Dr. James Freeman, &c. P. 683. In our note stating the age and death of Daniel Boone, we have made an alteration in conformity to information received from Rev. J. M. PF.CK. It now agrees with what he has since published in his excellent life of the old Pioneer, and corresponds very nearly with the facts in Niles's Register, printed at the time. INDEX. NOTE. The names of Indians are printed in CAPITALS ; and all hames of tribes and In dian names of places are set in Italic type. This method of distinguishing articles the author liaa found, by experience, greatly to relieve the eyes. Not only names of tribes, nations, and countries are italicized, but such English names are printed in the same letter as have been given to tribes, nations, and places inhabited by Indians. A few baptismal or Christian names, and some names of places, will be found in brackets. Those are additions, and are not found in the body of the work. A. ABBIOADASJET, sachem of Swan Island, 285. Jlbenakies, their location, 9, 321. ABEN<*UID, murder of, 306; another, 333. ABIACA, (SAM JONES,) 463,487. ABRAHAM, (a noted JVeoro chief,) 417, 43^, 4G2, 479. ACTEOX, great exploit of, 336, 7. Adair, James, Hist. Ind. 3C5, 385. Adams, B. T., his exploit in Florida, 481. Adams, Henry, killed, 221 ; John, 287 ; John Q., 108, 394, 456,463; Lieut., 481 ; Mrs. , killed, 221; Mr. , escapes massacre, 434. AGAMCUS, (CAPT. TOM,) exploit of, 334. Jigawam, Ind. troubles there,110. AHATOX, counsellor to WAMPA- TUCK, 109. AHATTA w AX, TAHATTAWAN,&C. 11-2, 181. AITTOX, John, chief of the Pe~ nobsrots, 320. AKKOMPOIN, (UnKOMPOix,) 92, 224. Alcock, Eliz., captivated at York, 292. Alden, Col., killed, 586 ; Eliza beth, 255; John, 242, 306; Rev. T., 227, 615. ALDERMAN, betrays and kills PHILIP, 226. ALEXANDER, son of MASS.VSOIT, 91, 92, 284, 187190, 191, 200, 201. Allen, John ; Mason's Hist. Pe- quot War, erroneously ascribed to him, 170. Allen, Wilkes, Hist, of Chelms- ford, 181, 282. Allen, W., his Biographical Dic tionary, 51. Allen, Lieut. H., killed at Point Pleasant, 540. ALLIGATOR, a noted Seminolc chief, 261, 318, 322, 331, 338. ALLIQUIPA, squaw chief of Yo- hogany, 533. Allison, a capt. in the Florida war, 431. Alma, Mr., 37 ; John, ii. 249. 250 ; Simon, ib. Alna, the brig, wreck of, in Florida, 487. Alston, Capt. in the Florida war, 424. Ambrister, Col., wounded at Waeasa, 406, 484. America, why so named, 19 ; bow peopled, 20 34. Amherst, Gen., 318, 547, 551, 2. Amidas and Barlow's Voyage. 83, 114, 344. Jlmoskeag Falls, Ind. ace. of, 283. AMOS, CAPT., exploits of, 269, 270. .Ina-.-an-niitacooks, country of, 6, 320, 336. Anderson, G., in the fight at Dunlawton, 425. Anderson, Mrs., her plantation ravaged, 425. Andover, surprised by Ind., 306. ANDREW, his services, 295, 300. Anecdotes, Ind., 34 45,516,596. Jindroscoggin, signification of, 318; dispersion of the tribe of, 316. Annawon's Rock, description of, 237. ANNAWOK, CAPT., 82, 200, 201, 226,235239. Anne, Queen, her reception of Indian chiefs, 509, 510. Antiquities, American, 55 64, 366, 604. Appleton, Capt, his defence of Hatfield, 217, 698. .lijuanuschioni, (Iroqums,) 499. Jiquiiintk, purchase of, by the whites, 124. ABATOMAKAW, anecdote of, 41. Arbuckle, Col., 465. Arbuthnot,A.,amongthe Creeks, 405,406 ARCHIHAU, a sachem of Poto- marJc, 41. AREIUS, his visit to Boston, 333. Argal, Capt., seizes POCAMON- TAS, 357. Aristotle, supposed to refer to America, 21. Armistead, Gen., in the Florida war, 394, 478, 494. Armstrong, Col., destroys Kit- tanning, 534. Armstrong, Gen., In the Florida war, 475. Armstrong, Lt., falls at Emuk- fau, 399. Armstrong, Lieut., in Harmar's campaigns, 686. Arnold, Gen., 157; Quebec ex pedition, 319,338. Arnold, Lieut., killed in Har- mnr's defeat, 687. Anecdotes, Ind. 3445, 516, 596. Jindroscosrgin, signification of, 318 ; dispersion of the tribe of, 316. ARRAHAWIKWABEMT, put to death, 304. Arthur, Lt. in the Florida war, 493. ASCASSASOTICK, 138; his war, 143, 144. Ashby, Capt., 471; seizes Osc- OLA, 482. ASHPETON, his exploit at Deer- field, 282. ASPI NET, sach. of JVauset, 78, 80. ASPINRUID, a Tarratine, fables about, 278. ASSACAMBUIT, a Tarratine, 294, 323, 324, 340. AJSACCMET, sold into slavery, 70, 73. AssiMiNAsquA,a Tarratine chief. 285,289. Assinnaboines, 10 ; devastated by small-pox, 677. AsvHME'iuiN, a name of Mas- SASOIT, 81,239. Atherton, Maj. Humphrey, 122, 134, 145, 155. Atkinson, Theo., a prisoner, 292. Atkinson, General, in Black Hawk's war, 644654. ATTAKULLAKULLA, 373 376. Atwater, C., on western mounds, 57, 59. Aubert, first carries Indians to France, 68. Jlucosiseo, (Abenakies) country, / 112, 277. AUM3AUEN, (AWASAQUIN,) 134. .ii/M.<.. FOXON, a witness for Uncas, 161. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 114. Fox Pt., N. H., destroyed, 334. Gill, Col., in the Florida war, FRANCIS, of JVauset, 201 ; a 475. Seminvle, executed, 400, 403; Gilmer, Gov. of Ga., 443, 453. of Penobscot, 320. Gilmore, Mr., killed at Point Franklin, Ben., 28, 41,42 ; 615. Pl-asant, 545. Frazer, Capt., in the Florida Girard, Stephen, and BLACK- war, 416 419. HAWK, 661. Freeman, Mr. John, 205. Girty, Simon, leader of Indian* Frenchmen taken by Indians, 556570, 682. 84,85. Gist, Mr., with Washington, 4<, Frontenac, Gov., anecdote of, 533. 334. Glad win, Maj., Gov. of Detroil, Frost, Capt., 281, 290; killed, 547500. 302. Glen, Alex., at Schenectady, 4S. Frye, Jonathan, killed at Pig- GLIKHIKAN, 518 ; murdered,51-) woket, 315. Gnadenhuetteu, massacre there, Fullam, Jacob, killed at Pigwo- 519, 520. ket, 317. Godfrey, Mr., his marriage, 255. Fuller, Dr. Samuel, of Ply Godfrey, T., escape of his fam mouth, 191. ily in Florida, 415. Fuller, Capt., fights PHILIP at Godman, J. D., his Nat His Pocasset, 210, 211. tory, 635. Fuller's Worthies of En "land, Goff, Capt., in the Florida war, 70, 178 ; Worthies of Devon, 475. 85. Golding, Capt. Roger, 210, 225, Furnis, T., about the Walking 226. Purchase, 529. Gold, Miss H. R., marries a FUIIE, murd. in Florida, 470. Cherokee, 459. Good, Dorothy, 184 ; Sarah,184. Goodman, Lieut, killed at PL G. Pleasant, 540. GOOD-PETER, taken prisoner, Gadsden, Col., agent in Florida, 602. 463,464. Goodwin, Col., in Florida war, Gage, Gen., at Braddock's fight, 471. 608. Gookin, Major Daniel, 176, 180, Gaines, Gen., in Wisconsin, 643 ; 181, 195, 212, 223, 228, 266, in the Florida war, 429. 273, 276 ; death of, 195, note. Gallup, Capt., exploit, 167 ; ex Gordon, Major, in the Florida ecutioner, 170. war, 475. Gamble, Col., in Florida war, Gorham, Major, in the Florida 423,494. war, 478. Games, Indians addicted to, 89, Gorton, Rev. Samuel, 119, 128, 548. 189, 225, 257. Gansevoort, Col., at Fort Stan- Gosnold, Capt., his voyage to wix, 579581. New England, 84. Gardner, Capt., in Dade'8 fight, Gould, E., lost in the fight at 417, 418 ; killed, 261. Dunlawton, 426. Gardner, Major, in the Florida Srafton, (Hassanamesit,) a town war, 476, 480. of Praying Indians, 179. Gary, Major, mad prank of, 684. Jrafton, duke of, 371. Gates, Capt., in the Florida Graham, Capt, in the Florida war, 422. war, 422, 423. Gates, Gen. Horatio, 51. Graham, J. A., speech to Indi Gatlin, Dr., killed in Dade's ans, 665. battle, Florida, 418. Graham, Lieut, wounded at Gedney, Col., 306. Oiuthlecoochee, 422. Geiger, Mr., murdered in Flori GRAND Sen resists the French. da, 494. 382,383. HARD, 561. 346, 347. Gemeraye, Lt.,defeated,504,505. Granger, Mr., on the Florida Gendal, Capt., seizes Muoo, war, 427, 498. 289. GRAXGULA, speech of to De la Gentry, Col., killed at Okeecho- Barre, 502. bee, 483. Grant, Col., his expeditions, 379. GEOFFREY, a noted jJienoJti',295. Gray, Edward, 242; a family GEORGE, CAPT., death of, 673. murdered, 4S8. George Sec., 367 3fi9 ; Third, Grayson, Lieut, in the Florida confers lands on BRAHT, 591. war, 417. GEORGE, SAGAMORE, (Winne- GREAT MORTAR, a noted Mtu- purket,) 105, 111, 278. kogte, 384. 2V 722 INDEX Gregory, (Pope,) reforms tne calendar, 85. Green, Col., exploit of, 492; Mrs., killed, 493. Green, B., printer of books in Indian, 115. Greenland, N. H., depredations at, 295. Greenville, Sir R.,345 347; 3fiO. Griffin, Mr., an original grantee of Sudbury, 117. Grotius, H., on peopling Amer ica, 2226. Groton, Mass., attacked by the JV%mrafcs,22J,26G,332. Groves, Capt., in the Florida war, 476. GUESS, GEORGE, invents letters, 364. GURISTERSIGO, liis defeat and death, 407. GRANTWAIA, (CORNPLANTER,) 606616. Gyles, J., 291 ; Cap., killed, 332. II. Hadley, troubles there, 284. Hadwell, Benj., killed at Casco, 716. HAHATUN, (AHATION,) 109. HALEC-HAGO, his parley with Jessup, 486. HALEC-TUSTENUGGE, 492, 494. HALF-KING, a Huron, 518, 519, 531, 532, 554, 555, 716. HALF-TOWN, a Seneca chief, 597, 606, 607. Halket, Sir Peter, killed at JWb- nongahela, 609. Halkett, John, Notes on the In dians, 178. HaUibees, massacre of the, 397. Hall, Mr., family of, captivated, 646. Hamble, Mr., attacked at Cherry Valley, 586. Hainden, Mr.,conjectures about, 83,89. Hamilton, Capt., wounded at Emukfau, 399. Hamilton, Dr., at OuilMecoochee fight, 423. Hammond, W., killed by a giant-like Indian, 138. Hampton, [ Winnwumet,] attack upon, 307. Hamtramk, Col., with Gen. St. Clair, 570. Haiiiim, Capt., voyage to New England, 70. Hand, Gen., his Indian expedi tion, 545. Hanno, his voyage about Africa, 30. HANS-JACOB, son of CANASSAT- EGO, 516. Hanson, Col., 493, 494; Lt. W. K., 494. Hanson, Hans, anecdote of, 515, 616. HARDIGE, DAVID, surprisal of, 436. Hardin, Col. John, a prisoner. 559 ; killed, 560, 629 ; officer under Harmer, 685. Harding, Capt., ambassador to JVarragansets, 157. Harding, Lieut., in the Florida war, 484. HARJO, his embassy to Florida 417. Harlan, Major, killed at Miami 684. Harmer, Gen., his disastrous campaign, 569, 685 ; treaty of Fort Harmer, 607, 613. Harmon, Major, takes JVor- ridgewok, 311. Harney, Col., disaster at Syne- bal, 480, 489, 495 ; among "the everglades, ib. Harper, Col., famous exploit of, 602. Harpersfield, destroyed by In dians, 588. Harris, Capt., in the Florida war, 478. Harris, Dr. John, Collection of Voyages, 39, 68. Harris, Dr. T. M., on Western Antiquities, 58, 109. Harris, Thomas, of JVarracranset, 220. Harrison, Gen., his campaigns, 617620. Harrison, Lieut., in the Florida war, 484. Harrison, , buys lands of Pequots, 150. Hart, Maj., in the Florida war, 473. Iartshorn,Capt.,686 688; kid., 689. Harvey, Eliz., of Boston, 700. Harwood, John, killed at Pig- woket, 313. Hassanamesit, its etymology, 115, 179. Hatch, Wm., buys lands of In dians, 109. Hatfield, Indians attempt upon, 217, 281, 283. Hatherly, Timothy, buys Indian lands, 109. Hatliorne, Capt., surprises In dians, 281. HATUAY, a chief, burnt at St. Domingo, 44. Haverhill attacked, 45 ; sacked, 324. HAVENS, JACK, a Wampanoag, 255. HAWKINS, (KANKAMAGUs,)297 300. HAWKINS, BEN, severely woun ded, 394. HAWKINS, SAM, executed, 394. Hawley, Rev. Gideon, of Marsh- pee, 536. Haynes, J., detects UNCAS'S per fidy, 123, 125, 141. Haywood, Dorothy, killed at Dartmouth, 245. Haywood, John, History of Tennessee, 376. Heads of Englishmen, some sent by the JVarragansets to the Nipmuks, 273 ; that of PHILIP set on a gibbet, 227; that of MATOONAS, 264 ; of Pequots, set upon Saybrook fort, 169. Heald, Capt., defeated and kid., 360. Hearne, S., journey to Northern Ocean, 40. Heckewelder, John, captivity of, 519, 534. Heillman, Major, dies in Flori da, 471. Henchman, Capt., expedition of, 276, 280. Henderson, Col., in the Florida war, 478. Henderson, William, 385; Col., 478. Henderson, Lieut., killed in Dade's fight, 418420. HENDRICE, kid. at Lake George 535. SENGUEPUSHEV a noted Dela ware, 561. Hennepin, Father, Travels in America, 365. Henry, Alexander, Travels in the West, 548. Henry, Patrick, and CORNSTALK, 546. Henry Seventh, of England, 67. Herkimer, Gen., 579 ; killed at Oriskana, 581. Hernandes, Gen., 478, 480482. Hertell, sacks Salmon Falls, 301302 ; defeated by BLACK- KETTLE, 504 ; killed, 324. HIACOOMES, a Christian Indian, 182. HICKS, C. R., a Cherokee chief, 455. HICKS, (TUKO-SEE-MATHLA,) 395, 412. Hicks, Levi, a captive, 53. Hide, Richard, his account of MIANTUNNOMOH'S death, 13] HIDE, SAM, a noted Indian, death of, 37. Higginbotham, Mr., escape ii Florida, 472473. Higgins, Benj., a juror, 196; Paul, a captive, 340. Higgins, Ensign, killed in Har- mer's defeat, 687. HICGON, NED, 298, 302, 308, 310. Hill, Col., is defeated by Indi ans, 363. HILLISHAGO, 398 403 ; hanged, 404. Hilton, Capt., his garrison at tacked, 334. Hindly, Lieut., at battle of San Felasco, 474 Hinkley, Gov., 4 ; Mr. Thomas, 205. HIGH, chief of New Albion, ( California,) 83. History, true, little read, 299 ; is not always the same, 363. Hitchcock, Capt., in the Florida war, 419, 433. Hitchcock, Prof., on Geology, 259. Hitzler, Mr., killed at Camp King, Florida, 421. Hix, JOHN, a Seminole., 463,481. Iloare, Mr. John, 109 ; ambas sador, 240, 275. HOBOMOK, a Wampanoag, 93 104. HOBSON, CAPT., voyage to New England, 72. Hogtown, murder of Indians there, 414, 470. HOLATOOCHEE, 479, 494. Holioke, Capt., at Turner's Falls, 259. Holmes, J., Travels in America, 44. Holloman, Capt., killed at camp McLemore, 432. Homer, Jonathan, History of Newton, 180. Homer, supposed to refer to America, 21. Hooder, Capt., his fight at Lake Suanee, 426. Hooke, Capt., meets Indians at Casco, 298. HO-NEC-YETH-TAW-NO-ROW, visits England, 510. HOPEHOOD, 289, 297, 298, 300, 302, 308, 334, 335. Hopkins, Edward, treaty with Indians, 125. Hopkins, Stephen, anecdote of 29, 37, 40. INDEX. 723 Hopkins, History of Housatonie Inclinns, 281. Hopkinton, (Mapvukaiivog,) Praying Indians of, 179. Hopson, Lieut., in the Florida war, 496. Horace, supposed to refer to America, 21. HORNOTLIMED taken and hanged, 404. Horseneck, Indians defeated there, 133. Hostages, Indian, 137, 149 ; murder of, 531. Howard, Mr., wounded in Flor ida, 470. Howell, Mr., his family de stroyed, 493. Howland, Isaac, Lieut in Phil ip's war, 225, 2J5. Howland, Lieut. J., 235, 236, 239 ; John, 2o5. Hoyt, Gen. E., his Antiquarian Researches, 214, 215, 217, 223. Hudibras, ludicrous passage from, 50. Hudson, Capt., discovers the river of the name, 68. [Its Indian name was Maukekum.] Hulbert, Lieut., killed, 489. Hull, Gen. W., in the war of 1812, 629. Hull, Mrs., redeemed from cap tivity, 305. Hume, Mr., his Indian charity, 3(59. Humphrey, Col., of Florida, 462, 482. HUNTER, CAPT., a Nipmuk war rior, 272. Hunter, Lieut, at the battle of OtiiMecoochee, 423. Hunter, Mr., his plantation rav aged, 416. Hunnewell, Lt, wounded, 308. Hunt, Capt, voyage of to New England, 72, 78. i Hunter, Mr., remarkable escape of, 474. Hutchinson, Ann, murd., 132. Hutchinson, Capt, ambushed and killed, 211, 213. Hutchinson, Gov. T., 132, 536. Hutchinson, Mr., commissioner, 305. Hussey, Mrs., killed at Hamp ton, 307. I. Iberville, M., takes Fort St Johns, 323. IJASOCKE, a Wampantxiv, 188. Indian Bible, account of the printing of, 115. INDIAN BILLY, killed in Florida, 475. Indian Creek, HI., murder there, 646. Indian Key, Florida, massacre at, 493. Indians, origin of their name, 19 ; some have no tradition of tlicir origin, 23 ; render good for evil, 34 ; their man agement of wives, 36 ; toler ant in religion, 36 ; first seen in Europe, G8 ; cannibals, 68, 129, 150, 568 ; their proceed ings with the English at Ply mouth, 75, 76 ; dance when visited by strangers, 79 ; great plague ot mortality among, 80, 81, 83, 139; "so many, God canuot kill them," 80 j never forget injuries, 85 ; their beds, 89 ; some whipped at Boston, 108 ; ravages of the small-pox nmong, 111, 677 ; addicted to gaming, 89 ; will play away the skins from their wives backs, 95 ; employ games as stratagems, 548 ; exact in the bounds of their lands, 120, 124 ; abuse squaw captives, 145 ; never insult white squaws, 229 ; never abandon their slain except to save their own lives, 207 ; their sagacity in following a track, 224 ; made slaves of, 72, 171, 224, 262, 288; dress of those of New England, 86, 240 ; natu ral swimmers, 286 ; first em ployed in the Revolution, 320, 340 ; why called Flatheads, 305 ; not without beard, 588 ; manner of burin), 107 ; enu meration of the tribes of, in N. America, 9 16 ; specimen of their laws, 120, 124, 177 ; rude epithets applied to, 228, 698. Innes, Judge, account of Lo gan's speech, 544. loway River, Indians defeated near, 652, 653. Ipswich, (Jl&awam,) expedition against fails, 110. fro(fuois, (Five Nations,) 499,501. Irving, Washington, visit to BLACK-HAWK, 39, 661. Irwinstown, Ga., burnt by Indi ans, 433. IsHKATAPFA,a Pawnee c\i\e{,633. Itean, (Padoucas,) captive, res cued, 634. ITOPATIN, (OPITCHEPAN,) 353, 355. Iwikties, (Ticightirees,) 16, 502. IYANOUGH, a Wampanoag chief, 78,96. Izard, Lt, killed in Florida, 429. J. JACK-OF-THE-FEATHER, (N T EM- ATTANOW,) 3tiO. JACK BERRY, a Seneca interpret er, 606. Jackson, Gen., 390 392, 395 400, 442448, 455, 458. Jackson; Serg., wounded near Fort King, 492. JACKSTRAW, servant to Sir W. Raleigh, 113. James ..First, his grant to the Plymouth company,75,76 ; his treatment of Raleigh, 114 ; acknowledged by the English of New England, 104, 107. James Second, treaty in N. H. under, 298. Jacob, Capt., [John,] in Philip's war, 221, 222. JACOBS, CAPT., 533, killed at Kittannug, 534. JAMES-THE-PRINTER, 114, 115, 240, 265, 331. JAMES, SAGAMORE, (MONTOW- AMPATE,) 105, 111, 697. JANEMO, (NiNioRET,) 131, 153. JAPAZAWS, betrays POCAHON- TA3, 357. Jaques, Lieut, kills the Jesuit Easle, 311. JAQUET, PETER, an Oneida chief, 603. Jefferson, Pres., answer to Buf- fon, 28 ; on Am. Antiquities, 55, 56 ; on the murder of Lo- GAN,536, 537; on Ind. rights, 449, 550. JEFFERY, a Wampanoag, 243, 249. Jenks, Gov. Joseph, anecdote* of, 44. Jennings, Lt, killed in Florida. 484. Jenyson, Lieut, in the Pequot war, 168. JEOFFREY, (GEOFFREY,) an -46- enaki, 295. Jesup, Gen., in Florida, 435,436, 475480, 486. JETHRO, OLD, 265, ; TANTAMOUS, 207. JETHRO, PETER, " that abomi nable Indian," 265, 267, 274. Jewell, Aaron, killed in Dade's fight, 417. Jews, not the ancestors of In dians, 24. JIM-BOY, employed by the whites, 436, 474. JOB, COL., insolence of, at a treaty, 336 ; dies in prison at Boston, 310. JOHN Nun, a Wampanoag, ex ecuted, 245. JOHN SKY, a Seneca chief, 599, 606. Johns, Mrs., barbarously killed, 473. JOHN, SAGAMORE, (WoNOHA- O.UAHAM,) 104,713. JOHN, SAGAMORE, of Pawtuck- et, 113. JOHN, accused of witchcraft, 184. Johnson, Serg., in the Florida war, 423. Johnson, Capt Edward, 98 ; Isaac. 276 ; Gov. Robert, of Carolina, 368 ; Col. R. M., 62J; Sir William, 535, 577; a chief, 597. Johnson, Mr. J., his house at tacked and people killed at Oidlla, 490. Johnson, Capt. E., Wonder working Providence, 111, 134. JOHNSON, JEMMY, a Seneca chief, 599. Johnston, Charles, his captivity, 565,566. Johoniiet, Serg. Jackson, 686. Jones, Capt. David, 51 ; W., 493 Jones, Major, wounded at the It'acasa, 484. Jones, Gen. R., in the Florida war, 488. JOSIAH, (WAMP'ATUCK,) 108,201. JOSIAH, CAPT., (PENNAHANIT,) 180. JOSIAS, CHARLES, (\VAMPI- TUCK,) 109. Josselyn, John, on Indian mon ey, 229. Judd, Lieut, falls into an am bush, 495. Juet, R., journal of H'idson 5 * voyage, 68. Jumonville, expedition and death of, 532, 533. JUMPER, 433,464,478,479 ; death of, 487. JUSKAKAKA, (LITTLE BILLY,) 532, 606. K. Kadarakkui, 504506; its ety mology, 510. Kaimes, Lord in origin of In dians, 32. 724 INDEX. KANKAMAGUS destroys Dover, 207300. KATTENAMT, Jon, 271273. Keais, Lieut., killed in Dade's fight, in Florida, 418420. KEEWAGOUSHKUM, an Ottawa chief, 636. KEISSINAUTCHTHA, a Shawanee cliief, 694. KEi.ELAMAND,a Delaware chief, 5BL Kellog's Grove, fight there, 648. Kelly, Mr., saves the life of his commander, 474. Kenisione, John, killed at Greenland, 294. KENXEFIS, an ancient Tarratine chief, 285. Kennebunk, depredation there, 335. Kennedy, Cap., embassy of, 318. Kenton, Sergeant, wounded at OuiMecooclite, 243. Kenton, Simon, a pioneer, 541 ; dies, 672. Kent, Chancellor, on the Chero kee case, 439. Kent, W., messenger in Philip's war, 265. KEOKUK, 640, 641, 668, 669, 671 ; at Boston, 674. Ker, Henry, discovers Welsh Indians, 51, 55. KEWEENAM, a Wampanoag war rior, 245. KEYENDEASDE, a Seneca chief, 606. Keys, Solomon, killed in Love- well's fight, 316. KIANDOGEWA, a Seneca chief, 607. Kiclitan, a name for God, 96. KlKNEMO, (\IMGRET,) 153. Kikapoos, 12 ; some sent to Florida, 480; west, 703. Kilhurn, John, defends Wai- pole, 338, 339. Kimbal, Thomas, of Bradford, killed, 281, 295. Kinsr, absurd name for Indian chiefs, 387. KING-CRANE, a Wyandot, 568, 626. KING-PAINE, desperate fight and death of, 406, 464. Knshon, the Iroqittris name for New England, 501. KlTAGUSTA, (SlCIJAGUSTA,) 375. S.ittaning, Indians burnt there, 534. Kittel, Mrs., a captive, 274. KIVASHUTA, cliief of the Sen- ecas, 694. Knight, Mrs., travels in New England, 87. Knight, Dr., perilous escape from captivity, 563. Knox, Gen. H., 386, 449, 685. KONKAPOT, John, a Stockbridge chief, 536. KoQUETHAOAEEHLOW, (WHITE EYES,) 556. Koskiusko, General, interview with LITTLE TURTLE, 574. KUMSKAKA, brother to TECUM- SEH, 623. KUSTALOQA, a noted Delaware, 533, 694. KUTSHAMAKIK, 105, 109, 110, 115 117, 147, 159, 164, 172, 174, 177, 279. Labrocre, Gen. of the French, Killed at Wells, 291. Lafayette, Gen., 402, 600 Lafittau, J. F., on the origin of Indians, 29. Lahontan, Baron, travels in America, 79, 90, 293, 499, 501, 502. Lane, Gov., his conduct in Vir ginia, 344; Col., 474; death of, 475 ; John, 340. Lane, Col., in the Florida war, 474 ; dies, 475. Lane, Mr., an original grantee of Sudbury, 117. Lane, Capt. John, ordered to raise a company of Inds., 340. Language, Indian, 87, 90 ; spe cimen of the Mohegan, 151 ; of the Wampanoa" and JVYp- muk, 224, 283 ; of the Tarra tine, 318, 321 ; of the southern tribes, 364 ; of the Five JVo- tions, or Iroqitois, 501 ; of the Shawanese, 623 ; Indian and Welsh compared, 628. Lambert, J., his travels in N. America, 625. Lamb, Mr., his family destroyed, 492. Lancaster, (JVashaway,) dest'yed by Inds., 239, 264266. Lasley, Mr., murdered in Flori da, 487. Laud, Lt., wounded at Point Pleasant, 540. Lauderdale, Major, in the Flori da war, 487. Lawrence, Dr., on Nat. History of Man, 27, 31. Lawrence, Dr., in the Florida war, 431. Lawson, C., buys lands of the Indians, 285. Lawson, John, on money of Indians, 328. Lee, Arthur, Indian commis sioner, 561, 607. Lee, Capt., in the Florida war, 476478. Lee, R. H., compared to CORN STALK, 546. Lee, Rev. Samuel, of Bristol, death of, 228. Leffingwell, Lt., relieves Uw- CAS, 156, 157. Leitner, Dr., killed in Florida, 484. Leonardson, . Samuel, captivity of, 46. LUTELESHA, (OLD KNIFE,) 633, 634. Letters written by Indians, 221, 267, 331. Leverett's Narraganset expedi tion, 147; Gov., 206, 280, 331. Levin, Col., killed in St. Clair's defeat, 571 ; in Braddock's de feat, 609. Lewis, A., his History of Lynn, 105, 110, 111, 713. Lewis, Col., killed at Point Pleasant, 539. Lewis, goodman, killed at Cas- co, 700. Lewis Ninth, of France, 25. LEWIS, TOM, a western depre dator, 567. LIGHTFOOT, CAPT., a Wampa- itcag, 224, 270. Lightfoot, Capt. John, of Bos ton, 141. Lincoln, W., History of Wor cester, 268. Lindsay, Col., in the Florida war, 431, 471 Littaftiche, town o, captured, 39U. LITTLE BILLY, a Seneca warrior 532, 597, liOtj. LITTLE BLACK, speech of, t Gen. Gaines, 645, 646. LITTLE CARPENTER, (ATTAKUI LAKULLA,) 373 376. LITTLE CLOUD, 417, 479, 481 483. LITTLE EYES, a Wampanoag warrior, 252, 270. LITTLE TURTLE, (MISHIKINA- KWA,) 569, 689. Little, Thomas, buys lands in Middleboro', 241. Littleton, (JVafhvbah,) a town of Praying Indians, 179, 180. Lofton, Serg., in the fight at OuiWecoocbee, 423. Logan, Col., his Indian expedi tion, 685. Logan, James, of Pennsylvania, 537. LOGAN, a Cayuga chief, 537; his famous speech, 542 ; its genuineness doubted, 543. LOGAN, the Shawanee, death of, 628. Long, J., the Indian trader, 40. Longevity in JN". Eng, 113, 255. Long-Knives, Indians so name Virginians, 543, 462. LORETTE,(GRAND Louis,) death of, 673. LORON. his embassy to Boston, 333. Lothrop, Captain, defeat and death of, 215,216. Lothrop, Isaac, Esq., of Ply mouth, 226. Loudon, A., his collection of Indian Narratives, 716. Louis Fifteenth, of France, 378. Louisbourg, capture of, 319. LOYETT, a Creek chief, 394. Love well, Capt., expeditious of, 312317. Low, Capt. A., relieves Capt, Church, 254, 255. LOWHY, Col., a Cherokee chief, 401. Ludlow, Mr. Roger, 171, 173. Lucas, Thomas, of Plymouth, killed, 225. Lumpkin, Gov., and the Chero- kees, 455, 457. Lynn, (Saugvs,) History of. See Lewis, A. Lytle, Major, at the battle of the OuitJilecoochec, 423. H. Macomb, Gen., 454, 488 ; his treaty, 489. McClenehan, R., killed at Point Pleasant, 540. Macy, Mr. Zaccbeus,202 ; Obed, 202. MAD-DOG, a Creek warrior, 387. MAD-DOGS-SON, in Jlatossee bat tle, 391. MADOKAWANDO, 288193, 302, 331, 342. Madoc, a Welsh voyager, 54, 294. MAD-WOLF, a Mikasauky, killed, 432. Magaugo. Inds. defeated there, 621. MAGNUS, (SQUAW SACHEM,) killed, 248, 254. Maitland, Lieut., m the Florida war, 422, 423. Malone, Capt., in the Florida war, 470, 471. INDEX. 725 Mammoth bones, discovery of, McGary, Major, rashness in 44, 45. danger, 684. Afandaiif,13 ; destroy M by small McGavock, Capt., wounded at pox, 677. Emukfau, 399. Man, does not degenerate in McGiLLivRAf, GEN., a Creek America, 28, 255. chief, 385387. MAN \TAuquA, murder of, 112. Mclntosh, Col., ztOuithleeooehee, M ANTED, early known in Vir 423, 433. ginia. 347. Mclntosh, Gen. L., 523; Fort, March, Capt., besieged at Casco, 561, 564. 294. MclNTosH, GEIC., 367, 391393, Marks, Mr., escape from Dun- 447 ; CHILLY, 394, 465. lawton, 426. Mclntosh, Col., property de Murk*, LL, signal exploit of, 689. stroyed in Florida, 471. Marlttorough, ( Okommakame.iit,) McKean, Capt., operations to Indians surprised there, 222. entrap BRANT, 582, 586. Marshall, John, on Ind. rights, McKee, Capt., leader of Inds., 451, 583. 559, 576, 689. Marshall, E., about the Walking McKrimmon, rescued from tor Purchase, 529. ture, 403. Marslie, William, interpreter, McLane, Mr., his family cut 515. off, 492. JVarshpee*^ ff'ampsnos JETAWATWEES, a Delaware,522, 523. VETUS, a Nipmuk, his depreda tions, 264. Vew Albion, Drake's discovery of, 83. ew ARROW, a Seneca chief, 607. fewbury attacked by the Indi ans, 295 ; the first white chifd born there, 255. Newbury, Capt., massacres 100 Indians, 249. New Kchata, Indian treaty there, 442. ew England, so named from Nova Albion, 83 ; called by the Five Nations, Kinshon, 501 ; first white child born in, 255. Vewman, Capt., killed in St. Clair's defeat, 572, 700. Vewman, Gen., in the Florida war, 398, 406. Vewman, Rev. Noah, of Reho- both, 212, 231. Vewport, Gov., duped by POW HATAN, 352. New River, settlement at, de stroyed, 415. New Smyrna, Florida, de stroyed, 416. New Style, an explanation of, 85. Newspapers, in Oeroftee,554, 558 560 ; used to the disadvan tage of the Indians, 463. Newton, (Nonantum,) Eliot be gins to preach at, 176. Newtown, BRANT defeated there, 587. Niagara described by an Indian, 381. Nianticks, country of the, 131. Nicholson, Colonel F., 47, 372, 511. NICKOTAWANCE, a Virginia chief, 362. NlHOBONTAGOWA, (BlG TREE,) 607. NlMROD, (WONASHUM,) 199 204, 212. NINIGRET, chief of the JVian- tiks, 131 ; his troubles with other chiefs, 134 ; threatened by the English, 136 ; new difficulties, 137 ; his war with ASCASSASSOTIK, 138 ; resides among the Dutch, 139 ; speech to them, 140, 141 ; mortgages his country, 1-15 ; his contempt of Christianity, 146148 ; known by various names, 153 ; determines on a war with the Muhenans, 154 ; will have the head of UNCAS, 155 ; screens fugitive Pequots, 170 ; shrewd reply to Mr. May hew, 178 ; opposes the introduction of Christianity among hu INDEX. 727 people, 260 ; " an old, crafty sachem," 145. NINIQRET, family of, 146, 149. Nipmuks, their country, 82 ; under S5 ; (OESAN,) 359. OPPAMYLUAH, a Delaware chief, 44. Oriskana, Indian victory there, 579. Orme, Capt, wounded at Mo- nonvahela, 609. Ormond, Duk of, visited by Indians, 511. ORONO, chief of the Penobscots, 339, 340. Orvilliers, D', sent against the Senecas, 504. Osborn, Sarah, accused of witch craft, 184. OSCEOLA, a Florida chief, 410 ; early difficulties with, 412; seized and put in irons, 413 ; not a chief by birth, 420 ; his town destroyed, 425 ; meets Gen. Gaines on the Ouittile- eoochee, 429, 430 ; a parley with Gaines, 431 ; kills F.math- la, 465 ; review of earlier events in his life, 470; at tacked near Fort Drane, 472 ; makes a narrow escape, 475 ; fights Gen. Call in the IVahoo, 476,477; report of cowardice, 479 ; appears at Fort Mellon, 480 ; his capture by Gen. Jessup, 481,482; Sent to Fort Moultrie, and there dies of fever, 485 ; his character, 485 Osgood, William, 295. Osteen, Mr. J., his house as saulted, 489. OSUCHEE, surprised and killed 478. OTACITE, a Cherokee chief, 372, treats with Gov. Littleton, 375 ; visits England, 367. Otoes, country of, 14 ; some visit Boston, 577; west. 703, Ottowds, their country, 14 ; their origin, 5^7; west, 704. OTTSOGHKOREE, an Iroquuis warrior, 507 OuCHEE BlLLV,(UcHEE BlLLY,) 431. OUEKACHUMPA, Chief of OcOllOS, 375. OITLTUCK, a JV7/mA, hanged at Boston, 713. OPNAKANNOWINE, aCVeei chief, 367. OURAOUHARE, a famous Iroquois, 507. OUTHLATABOA, a Creek chief, 369. OUSAMEe of, 471. Thompson, Rev. Mr., of Brain- tree, chapVain in the JVarra- ganset war, 147. Thompson, John, missionary to Cherokees, 454. Thompson, William, mission ary to Cherokees, 454. Thorowgood, T., on origin of Indians, 24, 2(59. Thornton, Mr., and TEYONIN- HAKER IWEX, 627. Threlkeld, Ensign, killed in Harmer's defeat, 687. Throgmorton, J., family of, murdered, 133. Tift, Joshua, executed as a trai tor, 219. TIGER-TAIL, a noted Florida chief, 489, 494. Tilden, Joseph, buys land of Indians, 109. Tilly, John, murdered by the P'quots, 169. Tilton, Lieut., [Jacob,] his des perate combat and extraordi nary escape from three Tar- ratines, 310. TIMPOOCHIE-BARRDEL, (BAR NARD,) 398. Tippecano, battle of, 620. Tippin, (Tappan?) Lieut., kills a chief, 294. TlSPAHUIW, (WATASPEO.UIW,) 193, 196- 244. TisquAHTUM, (SftUAirro,) 69, 70. TITUBA, accused of witchcraft, 302, 303. TOBACCO-EATER, a Musco&ee, 540. Tobacco, act against disorderly drinking of, 86 ; the first 62 known in England, carried by Drake's mariners, 113 ; uppoicok, 346. TOBIAS, 194 ; one of the sup posed murderers of SASSA- MON, 135, 242. TOBT, (NAUHNOCOMWIT,) 244. TOCKAMOCK, a Wampanoag, 198. Todd, Col., killed at the Blue Licks, 684. TOHATOOKER, (NATTAHATTA- WAMTS,) 181. Tohopeka, bloody battle there, 391, 400. TOKAMAHAMON, a Wampanoag, 78; faithful to the English, 8993; goes against CAUKBI- TAKT with Standish, 93. TOKAMONA, sachem of Second, 204 ; goes with PHILIP to Ply mouth, to confirm a treaty, 204 ; killed by the Narragan- sets, 204. TORI NOSH, an Indian preacher, 182. TOLOHT, a husband of AWA- SHONK9,249, 251. TOM, CAPT., (WATTASACOMPO- NOM,) 181, 277, 334, 697. TOM, CAPT., a mischievous Tarratine, kills people at Hampton, N. H.,307. TOM JEMMY, (SOON ANGISE,) 599. TOMOEA, JOHX, taken prisoner, 481. TOMOCHICHI, sachem of Yama- craic, 369 ; goes to England with Gen. Oglethorp, 370 ; his speech to the king, 370 ; re turns to Carolina; dies; mon ument to his memory, 371. TOMOCOMO, counsellor to Pow- HATAW, who sends him to England as a spy, 354 ; his attempt to enumerate the people, 355 ; marries a sister of POCAHOHTAS, 355. Tompkins, Capt., in Florida war, 474, 476. Tompkins, D. D., Gov. of New York, 666. Tompson, John, of Barnstable, 242. TOONAKOWI, goes to England, 369, 370. ToctuELMUT, a Tarratine chief, 306. Torrey, J., buys land of Indi ans, 109. Torrey, William, clerk of Gen eral Court of Mass., 714. TOSKEGEE, defeats Lt. Powell, 484, 485 ; has a talk with Gen. Jesup, 486 ; escapes, 488, 489. Toxus, (Moxus,) 291, &c. TOTOPOTOMOI, 217 ; chief of Pamunky, and successor of NIKOTOWANCE ; killed in the Rechahechrian war, 363. TOTOSON, a spelling of TATO- 50 x, whicb see. Tour, Lord de la, 307. Townsend, [P.,] treats with In dians, 305. Traditions, not to be relied upon, 129, 130, 156, 365. TRASKE, JOSEPH, (BAGESIOK,) 298. Treaties ; with MASSASOIT, 86 ; with nine chiefs, 94; with the Massachusetts, 104, 105 ; Jfipmuks, 106 ; Mohegans and Jfarraganscts, 124 ; JVianfifc and Jfarragansets, 134 ; with PESSACUS and others, 158, 159; with the Pequota, 106; with MIAHTUITHOMOH, 169 ; with PHILIP, 201 ; J*fai~ragansets. 211; Tarratines, 290 ; of Pern' maquid, 293 ; of 1676, at Coche- eko, 715 ; of 1703, 308, 309 ; of 1717, 320 ; of 1737, 337 ; of 1742, at Philadelphia, 514 ; of 1754, 336; with seven chiefs in England, 368 ; of Paine's Landing, 411, 463, 464; of Fort Greenville, 577 ; of Fort Harmer,G07,613 ; with BLACK- H*wK,64:t ; of Indian Springs, Is92 ; of Scherroerhorn with the Cherokees, 441, 442 ; Delaware* and Pennsylvania, 514 ; William Penn and the Indians, 517; at Portsmouth with the E. Indians, 304 , with MUGG at Boston, 289; with MADOKAWAKDO at Ta- connet, 288, 289 ; at Easton, Pa., 525 ; of Miami, 592 ; of Moscow, 616 ; of Detroit, 627 j of Broken Arrow, 392. Treat, Major, relieves Captain Mosely, 216. Trewsdale, Col., in Florida war, 475, 476. Tripg, Col., killed at the Blue Licks, 684. Trott, Rev. Mr., proceedings against, 455. Troup, Gov. G. M., his oppres sive conduct towards the Che rokees, 393, 394, 444, 446, 455. Trueman, Major, and others, murdered, 559. Trumbull, H., bis Indian Wars. 129, 130. Tuckabatchea, 388 ; Tuekabatche, 391. Tuckerman, Mr. E., on Indian names, 115. TUCKPOO, (WATUCKFOO,) 199, 245. TuKApEwiLtix, a preacher, 114. 272. TUMMADOKYOP, a Tarratine, 284. Turner, Capt. Nathaniel, sent against the Pequota with En- dicott, 116, 168. Turner, Ephraim, of Boston, 135. Turner, Capt., [William,] killed in a desperate fight at the falls above Deerfield, 259. [He had a grandson (William Turner) living in Swanzey in 1736.] Turner, Humphrey, buys lands of Indians, 109. Tuscaroras, 16 ; join the Iro- quois, 500. TuSGUOGES, (TlSPAQUIW,) 242. TPSKIHAJO, a Seminole chief. 405. TWEWTTCAWOES, a Seneca chief. C06. Twiggs, Col., 429; exploit in Florida, 487, 490, 491, 649. Tvtightwies, 16 ; at war with the Iroquais, 502. Two Guns, a Seneca chief, 606. TYASH- ance, 546. WoNOHAftUAHAM, (SAO. JOHN,) son of NANAPASHAMET, 104 ; aids CANONICUS in war, 106 ; his house burnt, 111. WOODCOCK, a Wampanoag, 245. Wood, Henry, of Middleboro', 242. Wood, Joseph, of Pennsylvania, 529 Wood, W., his New England's Prophet, 23, 112, 290, 291. WOODWARD, T., a Cherokee, im prisoned, 455. Woodstock, (Maanexit, Quan- tisset, Wabquisset,) 179. Woody, R., complains of PES- SACUS, 147. WOONASHENAH, a Wampomoag, 245. WOONASHUM, (NlMHOD,) 199 J (MUNASHUM,) 200 ; makes a treaty at Plymouth, 201 ; coun sellor to PHILIP, 203 ; makes another treaty, 204 ; killed in the fight on Rehoboth Plain, 212. WOOSPASUCK, a counsellor to PHILIP, 203. WoOTONEKANUSKE, Wife Of PHILIP, 194 ; discovery of the name, 197 ; sister to the wife of CHINKAPIN, 239; (TATA- MUMAQUE,) 199. oftUACANoosE, a Nurraganset, 145. Worcester, Mr. S. A., impris oned, 454, 457. Worley, Lieut., killed in Har- mer's defeat, 687. Wormwood, Lieut., killed, 582. WOROMBO, a Tarratine, 291 ; his residence, 297 ; his fort taken, 300 ; treaty with, 306. Worthington, E., History of Dedham, 108, 198. WOTOKOM, a counsellor to PHIL IP, 203. Wrentham, ( WoUomonopoag,') purchase of, 198. Wright, Capt., W., messenger to CANONICUS, 148. WuTTACKftUIAKOMIN, a PeqUOt, 166. WYEJAH, a Cherokee^ 375. Wyer, E., wrecked in Florida, 488. Wyffin, R., his life saved by POCAHONTAS, 356. Wyllys, Major, killed in Har- mer's defeat, 686. Wyman, Seth, kills PAuaus,315. Wyoming, destiuction of, 271. X. XAVIER, FRANCIS, an Abenaki chief, 333. Y. YAHANLAKEE, a Creek chief, 525. YAHOLOOCHIE, (LITTLE CLOUD,) 417, 479. YAHYAHTUSTANAGE, (GREAT- MORTAR,) 384. Yamacraw, settlement there, 369. Yamasees, country of, 16 ; the last of the race, 478. Yamoyden, a Tale of the Wars of KINO PHILIP, 170, 190. Yankee, origin of the name, 39. Ya^oos, country of, 16 ; de stroyed, 365. Yeardly, Sir George, Gov. of Virginia, 360. Yeates, J., on the Walking Pur chase, 529. Yeoman, Lieut., wounded, 423. York, Me., (Jlrramcntacusj de stroy ed , 290, 292. YOTASH, (YOTNESH, &c.) See OTASH. YOUNGEST-OF-THE-THUNDERS, 639. Young, Dr., his Revenge, 238. YOUNG-KING, a Seneca chief, 606. Youn glove, Dr., his captivity, 579. Z. Zeigler, Serg., his Florida fight, 493. Zeisberger, David, missionary, 519, 555. Zinzendorf, Count, a mission ary to the Delawares, 514. ' - v - x 1 s ' ' , " / '