GIFT OF JANE Ko^ATHER £w^7 THE GREEK ORATORS THE GREEK ORATORS BY J. F. DOBSON, M.A. TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, PROFESSOR OF GREEK IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BRISTOL METHUEN & CO. LTD. 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. LONDON First Published in igig y-' PREFACE THE object of this book is to provide a reasonably short account of the works of the Orators and to give a general idea of the style of each. It seemed to me at the outset that this object could be best attained, not by applying methods of scientific analysis, but by giving numerous quotations from the speeches to emphasise the points which I wished to bring out. I have therefore avoided as far as possible the techni- caHties of criticism, and illustrated my remarks by translations of characteristic passages, hoping thus to make my work easily accessible not only to classical students, but also to others who, while generally interested in the Classics, have not the time or the capacity to study them in the original. I have no idea of superseding the standard works on the subject, such as Jebb's Attic Orators and Blass' Attische Beredsamkeit, which deal with the subject more fully and from a somewhat different point of view. No student of the Orators can afford to neglect the works of these scholars, but though I have frequently consulted them, I have by no means considered myself bound by their opinions ; in fact, my chief claim to consideration is that my own judgments are entirely independent of authority, and are based directly Y 44Geea vi THE GREEK ORATORS upon a first-hand study of the extant writings of the Orators. The chief work, in addition to the two above men- tioned, to which I am indebted is Croiset's Histoire dt la LitUrature Grecque. I have to thank BalHol College and the Clarendon Press for permission to print extracts from Jowett's Plato. J. F. DOBSON Bristol, /u/y igig CONTENTS I. THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY II. ANTIPHON. .... III. THRASYMACHUS — ANDOCIDES , IV. LYSIAS V. ISAEUS VI. ISOCRATES VII. MINOR RHETORICIANS VIII. AESCHINES IX. DEMOSTHENES . X. PHOCION, DEMADES, PYTHEAS . XL LYCURGUS, HYPERIDES, DINARCHUS XII. THE DECLINE OF ORATORY INDEX PAGE I 19 50 74 103 126 160 163 199 268 271 308 315 vU I • THE GREEK ORATORS CHAPTER I THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY §1 ORATORY is one of the earliest necessities of society ; as soon as men were organised on terms of equality for corporate action, there must have been occasions when opinions might differ as to the best course to be pursued, and, if there were no inspired king whose unquestioned authority could impose his will, the majority must decide whether to flee or to fight, to kill or to keep ahve. Thus different plans must be discussed, and, in cases where opinion was evenly balanced, that side would prevail which could state its views most convincingly ; and so the need for deliberative oratory arose. With the Greeks oratory was instinctive; in the earliest serm-historical records that we possess, eloquence is found to be~ a gift prized not less highly than valour m battle ; the kings and princes are not only ' re- nowned for their power,' but are * leaders of the people by their counsels, . . . wise and eloquent in their instructions ' ; strength and courage are the property of all, .but the real leaders must be the counsellors, pov\r)(f)opoi, avhpe^. Nesto r, who is alm ost „ past the age for fightings Js honoured among the first for his_ ,.,2.^ THE GREEK ORATORS , eloquence, dn'd' whereas Achilles shares with many /' '. : f^jfiicr warriors the glories of the tUad, Odysseus, fertile in counsel, is the chief subject of an entire poem. >^ The speech of Phoenix in the ninth book of the Iliad shows us"the~ Heals wlucli were aimed at in~tlie~educa- tion of a prince. He tells how he trained the young Achilles to be a ' speakerof words and a doer of deeds-~L and Achilles, as we know him, well justified this train- ing. The leading characters in the Homeric poems are already fluent orators, able and ready to debate inteUigently on any concrete subject, and, moreover, to seek guidance from general principles. Nestor makes frequent appeals to historical precedent ,* Phoenix introduces allegorical illustration ; ^ many speakers refer to the sanctity of law and custom ; though the particular case is foremost in the mind, generalisations of various kinds are by no means in- r frequent. The Homeric counsellor can urge his own ^ . I arguments and rebut those of his opponent with a ^^^ / natural facility of speech and readiness of invective ^K I which even a polished wielder of personahties like [^ Demosthenes might envy. From the spontaneous outpourings of Achilles and his peers to the studied artifice of Lysias and Demo- sthenes is a long journey through unknown country, and it is obvious that no definite course of develop- fment can be traced; Jbut__a xeieisiKe to Hoiner is of I twofold importance. In the first place, it may indicate c. / that Greek oratory was obviously of native growth, \>^^/ since the germs of it are to be found in the earliest ^ I £^nais ; secondly. Homer was studied with such i devout reverence not only by the Athenian orators 1 Iliad, ix. 443. ^ Ihid., ix. 502 sqq. THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 3 themselves butjby their immediate literary prede- cessor^^ the cosmopolitan Sophists and the rhetoricians of Sicily, that his influence may have been greater than would at first sight seem probaMe. §2 The records of eloquence may be studied from various points of view, which may be roughly classified under the headings * literary ' and * practical,' though it is not always easy to keep the elements distinct. A stylistic study of the writings of the Athenian orators must find a place in any systematic work on the de- velopment of Attic prose, but in a work like the present, which professes to deal with orators only, such a study cannot be carried out with any attempt at complete- ness ; thus, while it may be possible to discuss the influence of Thucydides or Plato on Demosthenes, there will be no room to consider how far the historian himself may have been influenced directly by Antiphon, or the philosopher by Gorgias, though a cursory in- dication may be given that such influences were at work. When, however, we regard rhetoric not for its literary value but as a practical art, our task becomes more feasible ; in literature there are many eddies and cross-currents, but in oratory, especially of the forensic type, there is more uniformity of flow. Anti- phon and Demosthenes had, to a great extent, similar ground to traverse, similar obstacles to overcome or circumvent ; and a study of their different methods of approaching like problems may give some reasonable and interesting results which will be a contribution to the history of the * Art of Persuasion.' Even here we shall find diificulties, for one who is reckoned among 4 THE GREEK ORATORS the greatest orators, Isocrates, is known not to have been practical at all in the sense in which Demosthenes was ; his so-called speeches were never meant to be delivered, and depended for their efficacy far more on their literary style than on their practical character- istics. There is, perhaps, only one great factor which is common to all orators alike ; they all give us, both directly and indirectly, invaluable materials for the study of Athenian history, information with regard both to pubhc and private life and national character. While the speeches before the assembly and in public causes increase our historical knowledge in the wider sense, the private speeches, often dealing with matters of the utmost triviality, provide a miscellaneous store of information on domestic matters only comparable to that more recently recovered from the papyri of Egypt. §3 r It would _seem that constitutional liberty and_ a ' strong civic feeling are indispensable as a basis for the growth of oratory. Such a statement must bejnade with caution, as iOeaves"out of accoxmt a thousand ^(j^,^ influences which may have been operative ; but we y^ \ have no records of oratory at Athens before the estab- ^ I lishment of the democracy, and after the limitatfon ! of Athenian influence diie to the spread of Hellenism '( under Alexander, oratory very rapidly decHned. The imagination of Herodotus gives us, in the de- bates of the Persian court, some idea of what he conceived the oratory of an earlier age to be; but as he transferred the ideas of his own coimtry to another, without any serious attempt at realism, such speeches THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 5 are of little value to us. Thucydides again inserted speeches freely into his history, but these, he candidly admits, are not authentic records but imaginary reconstructions. Nevertheless, it is chiefly on Thucy- dides that we must draw for information about the eloquence of the early statesmen of the democracy. Themistocles has left behind him some reputation as a speaker. Herodotus indicates how he harangued the Greeks before the battle of Salamis ; ^ Thucydides commends him for ability in explaining his policy, ^ and the author of the pseudo-Lysian Epitaphios names him as ' equally capable in speech, decision, and action.' ^ Beyond these meagre notices, and a reference to his eloquence in Cicero,* we have nothing earlier than Plutarch,^ who tells us that from early youth he took an interest in the practice of speech-making, and that he studied under a Sophist, Mnesiphilus, who apparently t£|.ught him something of the science of statesmanship. Plutarch records his answer to Eurybiadas, who had taunted him in the council of alHes with being a man without a city — since Athens was evacuated — and therefore not entitled to the right of speech : ' We, villain, have left our houses and our walls, disdain- ing to be slaves for the sake of these lifeless things ; but still we have a city — the greatest of Greek cities — ^in our fleet of 200 triremes, which now are ready to help you if you care to be saved by their aid ; but if you go away and betray us a second time, the Greek world shall forthwith learn that the Athenians possess a free city and a country no worse than the one they have lost. * ^ * Herod., viii. 83. * Thuc, i. 138. » § 42. * Brutus, § 28. • Themistocles, ch. ii. " Ibid., ch. xi. 6 THE GREEK ORATORS . Another fragment is preserved by Plutarch, an ad- dress to Xerxes in quite a different vein, containing an elaborate metaphor which may have been thought suited to the Oriental mind : ' The speech of man is like to a piece of cunning em- broidery, for both when unrolled display their patterns, but when folded up conceal them.' ^ Many others of his sayings are chronicled ; they are more or less apocryphal, as his retort to the man af Seriphos, who hinted that Themistocles owed his greatness to the fact that his city was great. ' You, Themistocles, would never have been famous if you had been a Seriphian ' — ' Nor would you, if you had been an Athenian.' ^ His interpretation of the oracle, explaining ' wooden walls ' as ships, shows the man ready at need like Odysseus ; and the impression that we form of him from the very slight indications which we possess, is of a man always clear and plausible in his statements, never at a loss for an explanation, and perhaps rather a good debater than an orator. Of Pericles, who represents the following generation, we have a clearer picture. We know more about his private life and the associates who influenced his opinions. His earliest instructors were the musicians Damon and Pythoclides, of whom the former remained his intimate friend through life,^ and, if we believe Plutarch, was capable of giving him advice even on questions of statesmanship.* The friendship of Anaxa- ^ Ch. xxix. 2 Plato, Republic, i. 330 a. ^ Plato, Alcihiades, i., 118 c. * Plut., Pericles yCh. iv., who quotes Plato (comicus) : crv yap, Cos (f)a*^.**-' THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 7 goras was_dffiibtless__,a- powerfiil infliiP.nc£^.as_JElatdN^- affirms in a well-knownjpassagejof th^^ Phaedrusj^ j * All the arts require discussion and high speculation/*^ about the truths of nature ; hence come loftiness of thought and completeness of execution. And this, as I conceivel was the quaUty which, in addition to his natural gifts, \ Pericles acquired from his intercourse with Anaxagoras / ... He was thus imbued with the higher philosophy . . .j and apphed what suited his purpose to the art of speaking. '\ He is saidjlso to Jiave _been„acq[Mi^^ of \ Sea, an accomplished dialectician, and with the great j Sophist Protagoras, Plutarch represents him as amusing himself by dis- ; cussing with Protagoras a question which is the theme j of one of Antiphon's tetralogies — a man in a gym- / nasium accidentally kills another with a javelin : who j is to blame ? ^ In Xenophon's Memorabilia ^ we find -^ him engaged in sophistical discussion with his young • nephew Alcibiades, who, fresh from the rhetorical schools, was apparently his superior in hair-splitting argument. Thucydides puts three speeches into the mouth of Pericles ; though the language is that of the historian, some of the thoughts may be those of the statesman. / We seem to recognise his high intelligence, developed I by philosophical training, and the loftiness and effec- f tiveness of which Plato speaks.* The comic poet Eupolis gives us a picture from a different point of view : v/' A. ' Whenever at Council he rose in his place ^ That powerful speaker — so hot was the pace — Could give other runners three yards in the race.' / * p. 270 A, Jowett's translation. 2 Antiphon, Tetral. ii. ^ j^ 2. 40. * Plato, I.e. 8 THE GREEK ORATORS \ B. ' His speed I admit ; in addition to that A mysterious spell on his lips ever sate : He charmed ; and alone of the orators he Left something behind, like the sting of a bee.' ^ We know from Thucydides the extent of his influence over the people. He was no demagogue in the vulgar sense ; they knew him to be sincere and incorruptible. He was never deterred by the unpopularity of his i policy ; he would lead the people rather than submit to be led by them ; he could abase their spirits when they were unduly elated, or raise them to confidence -4l when imseasonably disheartened. ^ At the height of his career his eloquence was the more effective because it was rarely displayed ; minor matters in the assembly were transacted by his subordinates ; when Pericles himself arose to speak it was a signal that a matter of national importance was to be debated, and his ap- pearance roused a confident expectation that the treat- ment would be worthy of the subject.^ The epithet ' Olympian,' applied to him originally in sarcasm, was felt to be more truly applicable than its originator, perhaps, intended. His eloquence was a noble ex- n/ position of the fine intelligence and high character which first claimed a hearing. Though we have no verbal record of his speeches, a few of his phrases stuck in the memory of chroniclers. Aegina was to him ' the eye-sore of the Piraeus ' — it spoiled the view from the Athenian harbour,^ The Samians, who' submitted very reluctantly to the bless- * Bothe, Comic Frag., i. 162. See also Aristophanes, Acharn. 530. * Then Pericles the Olympian in his wrath Lightened and thundered and confounded Greece.' * Thuc, ii. 65. » Plut., Pericles, ch. vii. * Arist., Rhet., iii. 10. 7 D. THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 9 ings of Athenian civilization, are like * babies tha-t cry when you give them their pap, but take it all the same ' ; ^ and Boeotia, disintegrated by civil war, is like an oak spHt by oaken wedges. ^ His finest simile — ^not, perhaps, original, since Herodotus attributes a similar phrase to Gelon, when Greece refused his invaluable assistance — occurred, according to Aristotle, in a ftmeral speech : ' The city has lost its Youth ; it is as though the year had lost its Spring.' ^ §4 The eloquence of these earlier statesmen, though significant of the tendency of the Attic genius, is an isolated phenomenon. It has no bearing on the development of Athenian oratory. We have now to consider two direct influences, that of the Sophists and that of the early rhetoricians of Sicily. In the middle of the fifth century B.C., — when in turn the unrestricted imagination of the Ionian phil^ osophers had failed to explain the riddle of existence i on physical grounds, the metaphysical Parmenides had denied the possibihty of accurate knowledge, ajod Zeno, the dialectician of Elea.^ had reduced himselfJto dumbness by the conclusion that not only knowledge is impossible but even grammatical predication isj im justifiable, for you cannot say that one thing is/' another, or like things unlike, — Philosophy fell somej what into disrepute^j^ A spirit of scepticism sprea^ .. ^^ 1 Thuc, i. 115-117 ; Arist., Rhet., iii. 4. 3. * Arist., ibid. ' Herod., vii. 162 ; Arist., Rhet., i. 7. 34. In a later age the orator Demades borrowed it. (Athenaeus, iii. 99 d.) %r 10 THE GREEK ORATORS over the Greek world, and the greatest thinkers, foiled in tTi~eTfattenipts"fo~dis^covef the higher truths, turned their attention to the practical side of education:: - In various cities of Greater Greece there arose men of high intellectual attainment, conveniently classed together under the title of Sophists (educators), who, neglecting abstract questions, undertook to prepare men for the higher walks of civic life by instruction of various kinds. The^reatest of these, Protagoras^ of Abdera, expressed his contempt for philosophy in the well-known dictum, ' Man is the measure of all things — of what is, that it" is"; and~of what is not, that it is not? He" th:efef6fe devoted himself to the study of literature, and, in particular, of Homer. He attained great popularity ; in the course of long travels throughout the Greek world, he made several visits to Athens, where he knew Pericles. Plato, in the dialogue named after him, gives us some idea of the fascination which his personality exercised over the young men of Athens, and, indeed, * Sophistry ' as a whole had a tremendous popularity. All young men of good family and position, who aspired to political life, flocked to hear the lectures of the Sophists. Alcibiades, Critias, and others undoubtedly owed to this movement much of their political ability. The morality of sophistry has been much discussed. The comic poets represent it as the chief instrument for the destruction of the ancient ideals of conduct- Plato, though he recognized its humanistic value and spoke with appreciation of several individual teache s, blamed their teaching as a whole. Certainly the claim of Protagoras, that he could make the worse cause appear the better, laid him particularly open to attack. THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY ii Protagoras made some elementary studies in grammar, presumably as a basis for logic. His method of teach- ing was apparently by example. In the dialogue of Plato he gives a demonstration of how a given subject should be discussed : his discourse consists first of a * myth/ then a continuous speech, finally a criticism on a poetical quotation. We may suppose that this "^ is a reasonable imitation of his methods. His pupils committed to memory such speeches, or summaries of J them, on various -subjects, and were thus moderately well equipped for purposes of general debate. Prodicus of Ceos, who seems to have been many years younger than Protagoras,^ was more concerned with moral philosophy than with dialectical exercises. He paid the greatest attention in all his teaching to opOoeireLa, the correct use of words, i.e. the distinction -^ of meaning between words which in the popular language have come to be treated as synonymous.? This precision may have been carried to the point of pedantry, but as the correct use of terms is an important element in prose style, his studies deserve consideration. Hippias of Elis is of less importance. He was ready j-f to discourse on any subject under the sim, and could teach his pupils a similar glibness ; abundance of words was made to conceal a lack of ideas. §5 Cicero has preserved, from Aristotle, a statement that forensic rhetoric came to its birth at Syracuse, when, after the expulsion of the tyrants in 465 B.C., 1 Plato, Protag., 317 c. 2 Plato, Protag., 337 a-c, where Plato parodies his style. 12 THE GREEK ORATORS many families, whose property had been confiscated by them, tried to re-estabhsh their claims.^ Certainly Corax, the founder of rhetoric, was teaching about the year 466 B.C., and composed a ri^^^vr), or handbook„of rhetorical principles. ^ He was followed by his pupil TiStas,^^ who also wrote a treatise which Aristotle pronounced to be better than his master's, and was in turn soon superseded by a better one.^ Both Corax and Tisias attached great importance to et/co? (pro- bability) as a means of convincing a jury. A sample of the use of this argument from the work of Corax is the case of the man charged with assault, who denies the charge and says, ' It is obvious to you that I am weak in body, while he is strong ; it is therefore inherently improbable that I should have dared to attack him.' The argument can of course be turned the other way by the prosecutor — * the defendant is weak in body, and thought that on that accoimt no one would suspect him of violence.' We shall find ^ that this argument from eUora is very characteristic of the orator Antiphon ; it occurs in his court speeches as well as in his tetralogies, which are model exercises. It seems, indeed, that he almost preferred this kind of argument to actual proof, even when evidence was available.^ Tisias improved on the theme of Corax ; supposing that a feeble but brave man has attacked a strong one who is a coward, he suggests that both should tell lies in court. The coward will not like to admit his cowardice, and will say that he was attacked by more than one man. The culprit will prove this to be a lie, and will then fall back on the argument of 1 Cicero, Brutus, § 46. 2 Arist., Rhet, ii. 24. 11. * Soph. Elench.y 183 p. 28 sqq. * Vide infra, p. 36. THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 13 Corax, ' I am weak and he is strong ; I could not have assaulted or robbed him/ — and so on.^ An anecdote of these two rhetoricians further in- dicates the slipperiness of the groimd on which they walked.^ Tisias took lessons from Corax on condition that he should pay the fee only if he won his first case in court. After some lapse of time Corax grew im- patient for his money, and finally brought an action — the first case, as it happened, on which Tisias was ever engaged. Corax asserted, ' If I win the case, I get my money by the verdict ; if I lose it, I claim payment by our contract.' * No,' said Tisias, * if I win, I don't pay, and if I lose I don't pay.' The court dismissed the case with the remark, * A bad crow lays bad eggs ' ; ^ ^1 ,^~-- and this was obviously to the advantage of the younger man, who had nine points of the law on his side. Though no writings of either are preserved, we can form an idea of their methods. They were wholly immoral or non-moral, and perversely sophistical.^ The^^;glausible was_ preferred to the true, and the one object was to win the case. Their method of teaching was, according to Aristotle, ' quick but unscientific,' * and consisted of making the pupil learn by heart a ^ large number of ' commonplace ' topics and standard * arguments suitable to all kinds of legal processes . They do not appear to have paid any attention to style on the literary side. §6 Gorgias of Leontini, a contemporary of Protagoras, started out, like the Sophist, from the position that 1 Quoted by Plato, Phaedrus, 273 b-c. * Schol. on Hennogenes; also Sext. Empir. adv. Mathem,, ii. 96. . ; ^ ' KdKQxi KbpuKot KaKo. (}}d. * Soph. Blench., 184 a. i. ,^i' \* 14 THE GREEK ORATORS nothing can be known, and the pursuit of philosophy is a ploughing of the sand. He is said to have been a pupil of Tisias, and occupies a place between the early rhetoricians and the Sophists usually so-called. Like the former, he studied and taught orator y, but whereas they we re only concerned with the struggle lor mas tery iiT (TeBale^ he entertained, likeT^otagoras, a broad"view of education, and, while continuing to regard rhetoric as the art of persuasion,^ attached more attentioril:o the artistic side than any other educator had done. He became the first conscious artist in prose style. Like the other Sophists he travelled from town to town giving displays of his art, and gained riches which he spent freely. ^ In 427 B.C. he came to Athens as an ambassador from his native city,^ and produced a remarkable impression on his hearers, not only the multitude before whom he spoke, but the highly educated class who could appreciate his technique. Thucydides owed something to him, and the poet Antiphon showed traces of his influence.* We hear of his sojourn at Larissa, where the Thessalians, in ^5 admiration, coined from his name the word which */ Philostratus uses to express his exuberant style. ^ His first work is said to have been a sceptical treatise on Nature, or the Non-existent.^ This was followed by a 1 Cf. Plato, Gorgias, 453 a ; Phaedr., 259 e. 2 Isocr., Antid., § 155. 3 If it is true, as Philostratus, Ep. ix. says, that Aspasia ' sharpened the tongue of Pericles ' in Gorgian style, he must have visited Athens in a private capacity at an earlier date, unless his Olym- piac and other speeches were widely circulated and read. * IloXXaxoO rG}v id/x^up yopycd^ei, Philost., Lives of the Sophists, ix. 493- ^ Plato, Meno, 70 b ; Philost., Epist. ix. 364. ^ irepl (piLxrem ij rod fir] 6vtos, Sext. Emp., vii. 65. Cicero {Brut., § 46) mentions also a collection of communes loci made for instructional purposes. THE BEGINNINGS OF ORATORY 15 certain number of speeches, the most famous of which was the Olympiac, in which, Uke Isocrates at a later-^'" date, he urged on the Greeks the necessity of union. ' The Funeral Oration, to which we shall recur, is sup- posed to have been delivered at Athens, but this can hardly have been the case, as such speeches were regularly delivered by prominent Athenian statesmen, and there would be no occasion for calling in a foreigner. A Pythian speech and various Encomia are recorded ; some on mythical characters, which may be regarded as mere exercises, some on real people, as the Eleans.^ He seems not to have written speeches for the law- courts ; his tendency, as in his personal habits, so in his speech, was towards display, and so he originated ' the style of oratory known as epideictic, which Isocrates ^ in a subsequent age was destined to bring to perfection. Though an Ionian by birth, he instinctively recognized the great possibilities of the Attic dialect, and chose" it as his medium of expression ; it was not, however, the Attic of everyday life, but a language enriched by the exuberance of a poetical imagination. We possess of his actual work only one noteworthy extract from the Funeral Speech ; but from this, joined to a few isolated criticisms and phrases preserved by com- mentators, as well as from the language ascribed by Plato to his imitator Agathon,^ we can form some idea of his pompous exaggerations. He was much addicted to the substitution of rare expressions — yXcoTrat, as the Greek critics called them — for the ordinary forms of speech. His language 1 Arist., Rhet., iii. 14. 12. 2 Symposium, 194 e, sqq., 197 d ; the latter contains some excel- lent examples : Trpa^TTjTa fi^p iroplj^wp, dypidrrp-a 8' i^opi^uw ^xov<^^^ ^PXh^ '^'^^ reKevrijv avrijv Ka6* airriju Kal fiiyedoi tva^uovrToi'. Ibid., 5 : evapdiry^varos. 26 y THE GREEK ORATORS And during his reign he did other noteworthy deeds, as follows. He fought with the Milesians . . .' etc., etc.^ Yet even Herodotus, the most obvious exponent of ^ the loose style, shows a tendency towards the greater compression of periodic writing ; this tendency is at times strongly marked, e.g. in the speeches of the Persian nobles in debate. ^ Here there is a continual movement towards the balance of clauses ; it is very far from the harmonious structure of Isocrates, and is perhaps unconscious, but the elements of the periodic style are there. The particular faculty of this latter st3de is that it can be more emphatic and precise than the other. It must be concentrated (KaTearTpafifievrj) ^ if the sentence is to be of moderate length ; it tries, as Dionysius says, * to pack the thoughts close together, and bring them out compactly/ * These qualities, concentration of thought and pre- ciseness of expression, are essential for a pleader in the courts, and so it was not unnatural that the develop- ment of the periodic style should coincide at Athens with the rise of forensic oratory. Antiphon, the first practical pleader on scientific lines, is also the earHest of extant writers known to have been a careful student of periodic expression. It must not be supposed that all his work consisted of periods carefully balanced : on the one hand, perfec- tion could not be attained at the first onset ; many of the sentences are crude ; in some cases there is a ^ Herod., i. 16-17. ' ^^j "i- 80-81. ^ Arist., Rhet.y iii. 9. 3. * Dion., de Lysia, 6 : -q avarpiipovaa rd vo'/jfiara /cat arpoyyTjXws iK (nafiari, fi€Ta rrj^ atTtas T^s ov irpocT'qKO'va'rjSf a. ivravOot ovSiv jjl ij)€\r)(r€v 17 ifitreipia, B. o5 Sc fxt Set dYJvaL /xera Tr)s dkyjOeias tlrrovra to. y€v6fi€va, ft. iv TovTip fi€ ftXdirrn, yj tov Xkytiv dSvvafxia. Though there is no rhythmical correspondence here, and the syllabic lengths only correspond roughly, the * an tis trophic ' structure is obvious. Gorgias, if we may condemn him on the evidence of a single short fragment, seems to have affected rhyme — at any rate his collocation of yvoyfirjv and pco/nrjv can- not have been accidental — and the similar sound of the endings of the two clauses in the first passage quoted above proves that Antiphon at any rate took no pains to avoid such natural assonance. In an in- flexional language, where there is always a strong probabihty that a rhjnne will occur wherever we have to use an adjective agreeing with a noun, or two verbs in the same tense and person, some ingenuity has to be employed at times to avoid a rhyme, and ANTIPHON 31 Antiphon here, at any rate, did not choose lo avoid it. The use of rhyme in verse seems to have been offensive^"^ to the Greek ear ; ^ perhaps for that very reason it may have been at times desirable in prose, its harshness producing the same kind of effect which Antiphon else- where attains by the use of uncommon words. Hiatus is of fairly common occurrence in Antiphon, and I cannot point to any certain instance of an attempt to avoid it by a change from the natural order of words. Antiphon draws little from common speech ; perhaps ^ his dignity prevented him from enforcing a point by the use of those r^v&iJbai — ^proverbial maxims — ^which Aristotle recommends ; and he seldom has recourse to colloquiaHsms. We are inchned, however, to put in this class such a phrase as TrepiiTrea-ev oh ov/c rjdeXep — 'he got what he didn't want' — ^used of an im- fortunate who has been accidentally killed through his own neghgence. Metaphors are rare, but teUing when they do occur, as --^ SUrj Kv^€pvf]!( they simulate the broken utterance of passion. Of such is the following : * Then the herald inquired who had deposited the sup- pHant's branch, and no one answered. Now we were 1 (S aPTa Kai iTriTpnTTov KivaSos, k.t.X., de Myst., § 99. " Ibid., § 93. » Supra, p. 66. * § 8. X 70 THE GREEK ORATORS standing close by, and Callias could see me. When nobody answered, he retired into the temple. Eucles, stepping forward — oblige me by calling him up — Now then, Eucles, first of all give evidence whether I am speaking the truth.* ^ §4 I have dealt hitherto chiefly with the speech de My sterns, the best of Andocides' work. The other speeches now demand a short mention. The de Reditu differs remarkably from the later speech, de Mysteriis, but it is chiefly a difference of tone. The verbal style is much the same, though there is rather more tendency to antithetical structure. The language is simple, the sentences are less hampered with par- entheses. But here Andocides is humble ; he appears as a young man without friends speaking before a critical and hostile assembly ; he is moderate in his language, apologetic in tone, careful not to give offence by any sarcastic or ill-considered utterance. In the de Mysteriis he is speaking with the conscious- ness not of a better cause but of increased powers and an assured position in the State. He is confident, almost arrogant at times ; he is bitter and violent in his attacks on his enemies. The de Pace bears a general resemblance in style to the other speeches, except for certain grammatical peculiarities. Dionysius declared it to be spurious, but modem critics mostly regard it as genuine. The chief groimds for suspicion are the inaccuracies of the historical narrative (§§ 3-9) and the curious fact that a very similar passage occurs in Aeschines {de F. L., §§ 172-176), where even certain peculiarities 1 de Myst.y § 112. ANDOCIDES 71 of phraseology^ are reproduced. As to history, the orators were often inaccurate about the past history '" of their own country. Careless statements occur even in the de My stents. Demosthenes is an untrustworthy- authority even for events almost contemporary. As to the other matter, there is good reason for the behef that Aeschines plagiarized Andocides in the fact that a reference to Andocides, the grandfather of the orator, which occurs in both speeches, is in place in a speech of Andocides, while there is no particular reason why Aeschines, if he were composing the passage, should have mentioned him. In some minor points, as Jebb has shown, Andocides is more accurate than Aeschines. The suggestion that the de Pace is a spurious speech, composed by a later rhetor who plagiarized from Aeschines, is therefore hardly tenable. There remains a third possibility, that both Aeschines and Andocides borrowed from the same semi-historical compilation, perhaps a lost rhetorical exercise. The de Pace and the de Reditu are not enlivened by excursions into anecdote or the consequent direct quotations of speech which characterize the deMysteriis. The historical argument already mentioned is dull in itself, but the tedium of the de Pace is some- what relieved by a not infrequent use of rhetorical question. ' What is there left for us to discuss ? The subject of Corinth and the invitation of Argos. First, I should hke to b3 informed about Corinth : if the Boeotians do not join us in the war but make peace with Sparta, what will Corinth be worth to us ? Remember the day, men of Athens, ^ E.g., the poetical v\p'r]'^6v ripe. Andoc, § 7 ; Aesch., § 174. Cf. Euripides, Supp., 555, and Her. 323. n THE GREEK ORATORS when we made our alliance with the Boeotians ; what was our feeUng in that transaction ? Was it not that we and Boeotia in combination were strong enough to stand against all the world ? But now our question is, if the Boeotians make peace, how shall we be able, without Boeotian help, to fight against Sparta ? We can do it, say some people, if we protect Corinth, and have an alliance with Argos. ' But when the Spartans attack Argos, are we going to help Argos or not ? We must definitely choose one course or the other.' ^ An appeal for peace does not give such opportunities for oratory as a call to arms ; nevertheless, a greater orator might have made more of the subject. TYi^^'^^^oh Against Alcihiades is undoubtedly spurious and belongs to a much later date. It is based upon a complete misconception of the nature of the law about ostracism. The speaker is represented as discussing the question whether he himself or Nicias or Alcibiades should be ostracized — a quite impossible position. The speech is little more than a collection of some of the stock anecdotes about Alcibiades, such as occur in Plutarch. The names of four lost speeches are preserved : — TT/oo? €TaLpovaL fall under various heads ; they deal with all offences against the State, directly compris- ing treason, sacrilege, embezzlement, unconstitutional 1 The reference to the Amazons and the general vagueness of the historical setting are closely paralleled by the Funeral Speech in Plato's Menexenus, which is generally regarded as a parody. * Rhet., III. 10. 7. ^ de Lys., ch. 32. LYSIAS 95 procedure, evasion of military service, wrongful claims for admission to office ; or against the State in the person of an individual, e.g. charges of murder or attempted murder. They range in importance from high treason (e.g. Ergocles) and dehberate murder [e.g. Eratosthenes) to the attempt of the Cripple (Or. xxiv.) to obtain an insignificant pension by alleged false pretences. For Polystratus (Or. xx.), 411-405 B.C. This speech is entitled ' For Polystratus ; defence on a charge of attempting to subvert the democracy.' Polystratus had held office imder the Four Hundred, and had even been a member of that body. The nature of the charge brought against him is uncertain, but as the penalty proposed was only a fine, it cannot have been so serious as the title implies. Modem critics decide that the speech is spurious, entirely on grounds of style and method. The arrangement is at times confused, the argument obscure, and the style weak. This kind of argument against genuineness must always be a subjective one ; it is hard to prove the case. The speech Against Theomnestus [see below, p. 100) has faults imworthy of Lysias, and yet, according to the same critics, it is undoubtedly genuine. It should be remembered that the present speech is earlier by some years {c. 407 B.C.) than any of the orations accepted as genuine, and perhaps in the case of an orator's earlier efforts we should look for less precision and finish. Or. xxi., on a charge of taking bribes, is only the second half of the speech. The first part, dealing with .vV 96 THE GREEK ORATORS specific charges, is lost. The defendant points to his distinguished pubhc services as a proof that he is not the sort of man to be bribed to betray his country. The date is probably 402 B.C. Against Ergocles (Or. xxviii.). Against Eptcrates (Or. xxvii.), and Against Philocrates (Or. xxix.) may be taken together as speeches delivered by a public prosecutor, all in the year 389 B.C. ; they assume that the previous speakers have gone fully into the charges, so that they themselves need only recapitulate them. The speakers are vigorous and concise, but impersonal. There was no need in such formal orations for the kind of adaptation to the speaker's character which we find elsewhere. Ergocles was prosecuted and put to death for betraying Greek cities in Asia and enriching himself by embezzlement. Philocrates had been his subor- dinate and confederate. Epicrates was also accused of embezzling pubhc money when in a position of trust. Against Nicomachus (Or. xxx.), date probably 399 B.C. — The only charges against Nicomachus are that, having been appointed to revise certain laws, he was dilatory in his work and did not finish it within the appointed time, and has caused an excessive ex- penditure of public money — ^not, be it noted, for his own advantage. Though Nicomachus at the worst was unbusinesshke and indiscreet, the accuser thinks fit to shower abuse on him, chiefly in connection with his humble origin, for his father was a freedman.^ Against the Corn-dealers (Or. xxii.) is a plain, unpre- tentious speech arising out of the laws relating to the 1 Cf. supra, p. 90. LYSIAS 97 com supply ; the dealers were not allowed to make a profit of more than one obol a bushel, and monopoly was strictly guarded against. The date is imcertain ; possibly about 390 B.C. On the Confiscation of the Property of the Brother of Nicias (Or. xviii.), about 396-385 B.C. — Nicias' brother Eucrates was put to death by the Thirty in 404 B.C., and at some time later a decree was passed for the confiscation of his estate. The sons and nephew of Eucrates plead against the enforcement of this sen- tence. Of the fragment which remains the greater part consists of an appeal to pity, which is very un- usual in the speeches of Lysias. For the Soldier (Or. ix.), 394-387 B.C. ; a defence of Polyaenus, who is prosecuted for non-payment of a fine, is of doubtful authenticity, though the arguments concerning it are not conclusive. On the Property of Aristophanes (Or. xix.), 387 B.C., is another case dealing with confiscation. The speech is very carefully constructed to meet what was evidently a difficult case. Against Evandrus (Or. xxvi.), 382 B.C. — This is a considerable fragment of a speech relating to a scrutiny (SoKifiaala). Leodamas, the first man to be elected as archon for the year 381 B.C., having been rejected as unfit, the second choice, Evandrus, becomes archon if he can pass the scrutiny ; but his enemies refer to his actions in the time of the oligarchy, and, while admitting that he has been blameless since the Re- storation, refuse him all credit for this. The bitterness 98 THE GREEK ORATORS '^ and injustice of this speech are unusual in Lysias, but its genuineness is not suspected. For Mantitheus (Or. xvi.),^ about 392 B.C. ; Against Philo (Or. xxxi.), 405-395 B.C. ; and the wrongly entitled Defence on a charge of subversion of the demo- cracy (Or. XXV.), 402-400 B.C., are all concerned with SoKCfiaa-la. There is more bitterness in the Kara ^lX(ovo'Oi;i^>/: and the State. The speaker asserts a claim to the property of Eraton (which has been confiscated), for the repayment of a debt. Against Pancleon (Or. xxiii.), date uncertadn. — Pancleon, accused on some unknown charge, and sup- posed by the prosecutor to be a metoecus, has put in a plea that he is a Plataean citizen and therefore not amenable to the law under which he was indicted. He turns out after all to be a runaway slave. These last two speeches consist almost entirely of narrative. Spurious or Doubtful Speeches Against Andocides (Or. vi.), 399 B.C. — It is generally beheved that this speech is not by Lysias, the most - '' serious argument being that the writer of it is a blunderer. As J ebb points out, he makes at least three damaging admissions calculated seriously to injure his own case. It may, however, reaUy be a speech dehvered against Andocides. It contains some statements which do not agree with Andocides' own admissions, but, as we have seen, it cannot be proved that Andocides was always veracious. On the groimd of general agreement with Andocides' statements we may believe that it was composed by some contempo- rary orator, and not, as has been sometimes asserted, by a late Sophist. It may have been actually de- livered at the trial of Andocides in 399 B.C. Eroticus. — Phaedrus, in the dialogue of Plato which bears his name, reads aloud a speech of Lysias which -)^ Socrates criticizes. If Plato could be taken literally, we should believe ^■-s^ \ ro^ ; n J^HE (rREEK ORATORS that what is read was the authentic work of Lysias ) but Plato is if anything too emphatic in his attempts to produce this illusion, and most readers will pro- bably be left with the impression that Plato is follow- ing his usual custom ; he tries to give his myths the solemnity of fact, and what he produces here is an imitation too close to be called a parody. We may compare Plato's reproduction of Aspasia's oration in the Menexenus. The speech To his Companions (Or. viii.) cannot reasonably be attributed to Lysias, and indeed is so trivial that it can hardly be the work of any self- respecting forger. It is probably to be regarded as a declamatory exercise. The speaker complains that his friends have slandered . him by asserting that he forced his company on them ; -'^ '^^ they have sold him an unsound horse, and accused him of inducing others to slander them. He therefore abjures their friendship. Extracts from six lost speeches are preserved by quotation in various writers : Against Cinesias (Athenaeus, xiii. 551 d) ; Against Tisis (Dion., de Demos., ch. xi.) ; For Pherenicus (Dion., de Isaeo, ch. vi.) ; Against the Sons of Hippocrates (ibid.) ; Against Archehiades (ibid., ch. x.) ; Against AescMnes (Athenaeus, xiii., 611 E-612 c).^ The fragments of other speeches, in Suidas, Harpocra- tion, and others, are negligible. 1 Cf. supra, p. 90. CHAPTER V ISAEUS §1 DIONYSIUS could find, in the authorities whom he consulted, no definite information about the hfe of Isaeus. The dates of his birth and death are unknown ; we cannot, as Dionysius observes, say what were his political opinions, or even whether he had any at all.^ We are even in doubt as to his birth- place ; some authorities called him an Athenian, others a Chalcidian. The suggestion that he may have been the descendant of an Athenian who settled in Chalcis as a cleruch is plausible, but without any authority. 2 The inference, from the fact that he took no part in public life, that he was probably an aHen, is not justifiable. The fact that, whether an Athenian or not, he never spoke at any of the great national assemblies, where rhetoricians from all Greek countries gave displays, seems to argue that he had no ambition for personal distinction as an orator, but was content to be a professional writer of speeches. There is a legend that the young Demosthenes,- impressed by the effectiveness of Isaeus' oratory, induced the latter to live in his house and train him thoroughly in all the arts of the forensic speech- writer ; it is even said that the earliest speech of 1 Dion., de Isaeo, ch. i. * Jebb, vol. ii. p. 265. 104 THE GREEK ORATORS Demosthenes, against Aphobus, was in reality composed by his master. The authority for these tales is quite insignificant, but the influence of Isaeus on Demo- sthenes was nevertheless considerable, whether or not they came much into personal contact. Dionysius records, on the authority of Hermippus, that Isaeus ' was a pupil of Isocrates and a teacher of Demosthenes, and came into close contact with the \best of the philosophers.' ^ There is no evidence that he was ever a companion of Socrates, since his name is not anywhere mentioned by Plato. His earliest speech (On the Estate of Dicaeogenes) is assigned with some probability to the year 390 B.C., and his latest (On the Estate of Apollodorus) to 353 B.C. If the date 390 B.C. is correct, the period of his study imder Isocrates may reasonably be placed during the period 393-390 B.C., when that orator was starting his school, and on this assumption we might place the birth of Isaeus approximately at 420 B.C. But the chronology rests entirely on internal evidence which in this case is ambiguous ; a later date for the speech is equally possible, and in that case the earliest speech is that On the Estate of Aristarchus, 377-371 B.C. Isaeus, then, need not have been bom before 400 B.C. There is more certainty in the dating of, the last ex- tant speech about 353 B.C., but we have no means of knowing whether or not the orator lived long after its composition. He may have spent many years in retirement. Isocrates was writing up to the moment of his death, but he had great thoughts to express ; Isaeus, with no interest in politics, may, when he re- ^ de Isaeo, ch. i. ISAEUS 105 tired from the monotonous task of writmg speeches for others, have been glad to find no further necessity for composition. However, the approximate dates 420- 350 B.C. will give a reasonable duration for such a life. Isaeus is perhaps the only one of the orators for-^ whom we cannot feel any enthusiasm. If we had, from external sources, the slightest clue to his real feelings, we might be able to collect from his speeches some hints that would help us to form an image of his personality. He is known to us only from speeches which he wrote for others, all of them, with the ex-" ception of one fragment, dealing with testamentary cases, which are not the most interesting province of law. He was not personally interested in any of these trials, unless we can believe the more than doubtful assertion of the Greek argument to the fourth oration, that he himself spoke in support of Hagnon and Hagnotheus, being their kinsman. We may contrast his case with that of Antiphon, who similarly is known to us chiefly from speeches in one department of law — trials for homicide ; but in Antiphon's case we are fortunate in having a short but illuminating notice of his life by Thucydides, which forms the outline of the picture ; and in addition we have the tetralogies which to some extent help to fill in the details. Of Isaeus as a man we know less, almost, than we do of Homer. We gather only an impression of his wonderful efficiency in dealing with subjects of a particular class — his exhaustive J knowledge of the intricacies of testamentary law, and' his dexterity in applying that knowledge to the best purpose ; a kind of efficiency which is admirable,, but dull. V io6 THE GREEK ORATORS Isaeus is our chief authority for the Attic Laws of inheritance.^ These laws were often arbitrary, and though they were to some extent simpHfied by the fact that a man who had sons could not legally will his property away from them, the intricacies of tables of consanguinity were so complex that only a specialist could be expected to have a complete mastery of them. There was no class of professional lawyers at Athens ; the Attic Laws were very largely framed by amateurs, of which we have evidence in the number of recorded cases in which the proposers of laws were prosecuted for illegahty, i.e. for enacting laws contrary to laws already established ; and as the framing of them was a matter of haphazard improvisation, so their inter- pretation was often a question of the temper of the jury for the moment. No doubt some record of ver- dicts was kept, but the Athenians had no great respect for precedent, or at any rate could not make full use of it in the lack of professional judges who should be experts in such matters. Thus there were great opportunities for a man like Isaeus, who combined a minute knowledge of law and procedure with skill in applying his knowledge ; who could quote at will either the law or precedent for departing from its letter, and, where the wording of the law left any room for am- biguous interpretation, could twist the meaning to one side or the other to suit his case. The particular branch of law which Isaeus chose as his special province was important owing to the large number of cases dealing with inheritances which seem to have come before the Athenian Courts, and * He is by far the most important ; in some cases we can supple- ment him from Demosthenes, but other authorities are negUgibie. ISAEUS 107 these cases were often in themselves important owing to the religious significance of the fact of inheritance. An Athenian desired to leave behind him a male heir not only that his property might remain in the family, but that the family might have a representative who should carry on the private worship of the household gods, and in particular should duly perform the funeral rites of the testator and offer all the proper sacrifices at his grave. Heirship, therefore, carried with it certain definite rehgious duties, and a man who had no child living usually ensured the continuity of the family worship by adopting a son either in his hfetime or by will. The skill of Isaeus in deahng with compHcated cases ^ is well shown by a consideration of the argimients of any of the remaining speeches ; for instance. Oration v. {On the Estate of Dicaeogenes) is concerned with the claims of a certain man's nephew as against his cousin, who inherited a third portion under a will subsequently proved to be false, and eventually succeeded to the whole under a second will which the claimants proved false. Two wills and the results of two previous trials have to be kept in mind, as well as the rather compli- cated relationship of the parties ; but Isaeus makes the case substantially clear. Again, in Oration xi. {On the Estate of Hagnias) twenty-three members of the family are referred to by name, and it is necessary to trace the family's ramifications through a large number of second cousins whose nearness of consan- guinity is in some cases affected by the intermarriage of first cousins. The facts of the case are not easy to follow even on paper, and it appears that the judges on this occasion were puzzled into giving a wrong verdict. io8 THE GREEK ORATORS The orator's methods may, howfever, be studied more conveniently in a simpler speech, On the Estate of Ciron (Or. viii.). The essential facts of the case are as follows : — Ciron by his first marriage had one daughter, the mother of the two claimants. Ciron married a second wife, the sister of Diodes. The son of Ciron's brother, instigated by Diodes, made a counter-claim on the grounds that (i) Ciron's daughter was illegitimate and consequently her sons were illegitimate ; (2) a brother's son in any case has a better claim than a daughter's son. The speaker, the elder of the claimants, first estabhshes his mother's legitimacy, proving that Ciron always treated her as his daughter and twice gave her a dowry, and regarded her sons as his natural heirs. * Our grandfather Ciron died, not without issue, but leaving as issue my brother and myself, the sons of his legitimate daughter ; but the plaintiffs claim the inheri- tance on the assumption that they are the next of kin, and insult us by the insinuation that we are not sons of Ciron's daughter, and that he never had a daughter at all. This is due to the claimants' covetousness and the great amount of Ciron's estate, which they have seized, and now control. They have the impudence to say that he left nothing, and in the same breath to lay a claim to the inheritance. ' Now your judgment ought not, in my opinion, to have reference to the man who has urged the claim, but to Diodes of Phlya, known as Orestes, who has incited him to annoy us, endeavouring to withhold the property which Ciron left at his death, and to endanger our interests, so that he may not have to part with any of it, if you are misled by the assertions of the claimant. Since they are working for these ends it is right that you should be informed of all the facts, in order that no detail may escape you, and that ISAEUS 109 you may have a full knowledge of all that has occurred, before you give your verdict. So I ask you to consult the interests of justice by giving to this case as serious con- sideration as you have given to any other case before. This is only just. Recall the numerous cases that have come before you, and you will find that no plaintiffs have ever made a more shameless or barefaced claim to property that does not belong to them than these two. * Now it is a hard task, Gentlemen, for one entirely in- experienced in the procedure of the courts to hold his own in a trial for such an important issue against concerted speeches and witnesses who give false evidence ; but I have a confident hope that I shall obtain justice from you, and that my own speech will be satisfactory to the point, at least, of stating a just cause, unless I am thwarted by some obstacle of the kind which I apprehend. I therefore urge you. Gentlemen, to give me a courteous hearing, and if you consider that I have been wronged, to support the justice of my claim. * First, I shall convince you that my mother was the legitimate daughter of Ciron. For events long past I shall rely on reported statements and evidence, for those within our memory I shall adduce witnesses who know the facts, as well as proofs which are stronger than depositions ; and when I have laid this all before you I shall prove that I have a better right than the claimant to inherit the estate of Ciron. * I shall start from the point at which my opponents began, and from thence onwards instruct you in the facts. * My grandfather Ciron, Gentlemen, married my grand- mother, who was his own first cousin, being the daughter of a sister of his own mother. After the marriage she in due course gave birth to my mother, and four years later she died. * My grandfather, having only this one daughter, married his second wife, the sister of Diodes, who bore him two sons. He brought up my mother in the house with his wife and no THE GREEK ORATORS children, and during the lifetime of the latter, when his daughter was of marriageable age, he bestowed her on Nausimenes of Cholarge, giving her a dowry of clothing and gold ornaments, as well as twenty-five minae. Three or four years after this, Nausimenes fell ill and died, before my mother had borne him any children. My grandfather took her back to his house, but owing to the disorder of her husband's affairs he did not recover all the dowry he had given with her ; he then married her a second time to my father, with a dowry of looo drachmae. ' In face of the charges now brought by the plaintiffs, how can my statements be proved ? I sought and found the way. * Ciron's domestic slaves, male and female, must know whether my mother was or was not his daughter ; whether she lived in his house ; whether he did or did not on two occasions give feasts in honour of her marriage ; what dowry each of her husbands received. Wishing to examine them under torture by way of supporting the evidence already in my hands, in order that you might put more confidence in their evidence when they had submitted to the examination than you would if they were only appre- hending it, I requested the plaintiffs to surrender their slaves of both sexes to be examined on the above points and all others of which they have knowledge. But this man, who will shortly request you to believe his own wit- nesses, shrank from submitting to such an examination. But if I can prove that he refused, how can we avoid the presumption that his witnesses are now giving false evidence since he has shrunk from a test so searching ? * To prove the truth of my assertion, take first this deposition and read it.^ [The deposition.] 'Now you hold the opinion, both personally and officially, that torture is the surest test ; and whenever slaves and ISAEUS III freemen come forward as witnesses and you have to arrive^! at facts, you do not rely on the evidence of the freemen, r but torture the slaves and seek thus to discover the truth. You are right in your preference ; for you know that whereas some witnesses have been suspected of giving false evidence, no slaves have ever been proved to have made untrue statements in consequence of the torture to which they were submitted.^ * Who may be expected to know the early facts ? Obvi- ously those who were acquainted with my grandfather, and they have told us what they heard. Who must know about my mother's marriage ? The parties to the marriage contracts, and their witnesses. On this point the relations of Nausimenes and of my father have given evidence. And who knew that my mother was brought up in Ciron's house, and was his legitimate daughter ? The present claimants give clear evidence that this is true, by their action in refusing the torture. Surely, then, it would not be reasonable for you to discredit my witnesses, while you can hardly fail to disbelieve those of the other side. * Besides these, we can bring other proofs by which you shall know that we are sons of Ciron's daughter. He treated us as he naturally would treat his daughter's sons ; he never conducted a sacrifice without our presence, but whether the sacrifice were small or great, we were always there and joined in it. Not only were we summoned for such occasions, but he always used to take us to the rural Dionysia, and we used to see the show with him, sitting by his side ; and we came to his house to keep every feast- day. And when he sacrificed to Zeus Ktesios, a sacrifice to which he attached the utmost importance, never allow- ing slaves or even freemen, outside the family, to participate, but doing everything by himself, we used to share in the sacrifice ; we helped him to handle the offerings, we helped ^ § 12. I have translated this section, though not relevant to the matter under discussion, because it gives a good indication of Athenian feeling on the subject of the torture of slaves. 112 THE GREEK ORATORS him to place them on the altar, we helped him in every- thing, and, as our grandfather, he would pray the God to give us health and wealth. But if he had not considered us as his daughter's sons, and seen in us the only descend- ants left to him, he would never have done anything of the kind, but would have kept by his side this man who now claims to be his nephew. The truth of this is known best of all by my grandfather's servants, whom the plaintiff refused to surrender to torture ; but it is known accurately enough by some of my grandfather's friends, whose evidence I shall produce ' (§§ 14-17). The speaker continues that he and his brother were enrolled by Ciron in the phratria, and were allowed to conduct the funeral by Diodes, who thus tacitly admitted their claim. He next proves by legal argument that direct de- scendants have a better claim than collateral relations. By way of epilogue he gives an account of the property and the machinations of Diodes, whose personal char- acter he attacks, and at the end produces evidence that Diodes has been proved guilty of adultery. § 2. Literary Characteristics N. Isaeus studied imder Isocrates, and it is therefore reasonable to follow the chronological order and take the master first ; but as the master survived the pupil by several years, and was actively engaged in literature down to the day of his death, ordinary considerations of seniority do not apply in this case. It is more satisfactory to study Isaeus in relation, not to Isocrates, but to the earlier speech- writers, Antiphon and Lysias. He is more closely connected with them in his subject-matter, since he is, like them, ISAEUS 113 essentially a practical writer, and his businesslike style has more affinity to the terse condensation of Lysias than to the florid * epideictic ' diction of the author of the Panegyric. In language there is not very much difference between Lysias and Isaeus ; both use the current vocabulary, making a literary medium out of the popular speech of their day. A search through the latter's speeches re-discovers a certain number of words which, so far as our knowledge goes, have a poetical tinge ; but practically all these may be foimd in other orators and prose-writers.^ Again, there are a few noteworthy metaphors, such as iKKoiTTtiv, to * knock out ' or ' knock on the head ' — this is used again by Dinarchus — and KaQinriroTpo^^lv, ' to race away one's money,' i.e. squander it on a stable. We know little of the idioms of the language spoken in the streets of Athens in the fourth century, but we do know that popular speech has always a tendency to the employment of rough meta- phors, and where we come into contact with the spoken word we expect to find expressions of this kind. 2 A study of the private letters contained among the Oxyrhynchus Papyri will give many ex- amples to the point. ^ Lastly, a few words recall the — language of comedy.* We may readily beheve that, in admitting these few blemishes to the purity of his Atticism, the orator 1 Jebb, Attic Orators, \o\. ii. p. 277'. 2 Cleisthenes [Herod., vi. 129), in a moment of extreme excitement, remarked to Hippoclides d7rajpx'^<''*o t^" y^iJ-ov — ' You have danced away your chances of marriage.' • Cf., jtoo, the use of viroitnd^fa in the New Testament. * E^. ypv^ai. H 114 THE GREEK ORATORS was indulging in a realism of which we find very few traces, as a rule, in hterary prose. ^ His grammar, according to strict Attic rule, is occasionally at fault, ^ and the MSS. exhibit a certain number of word-forms which are supposed to be un- Attic.3 Whether we should emend these passages to suit the supposed standard, or make the standard more liberal to admit such passages, is a matter for contro- versy. The MSS. of Thucydides exhibit a wealth of ingenious perversity in the way of grammar, and in that case, though many critics have spent their in- genuity on reducing the text to order and decency, an opposite school of criticism maintains that the historian may have chosen to write as he Hked. The greatest artists are above the laws of their art, and Isaeus may have condescended to a level which he knew not to be the highest. With regard, then, to the purity of language, Isaeus, though surpassed by Lysias and Isocrates, is not far behind them. He is on a level with Lysias also in clearness and accuracy of thought, and in what Dionysius calls ivdpyeta, vividness of presentation. But in the structure of sentences some differences between these two must be noted. Lysias, as has already been stated, varied his structure considerably according to the subjects of his speeches, the succes- sion of periods being broken by the introduction of * It has been already remarked that the speech-writers are, cis a rule, ridiculously unsuccessful in their attempt to make their cUents speak in the way that is natural to them {vide supra, p. 37). • E.g. Or. V. 23, 7]yo}jfi€voL ovk Slv airbv ^e^aiibaeiv, k.t.X. Or. v. 31, d}lj.o\oy^ffafi€v ififiepeiv oTs tv yvoiev. Or. v. 43, dairavrjdels (in middle sense) . ' E.g, KaBiffrdveLV, \l/riTT}v rp irarpiSi ToXlTfiap. Ps.-Plut., 837 B. ■■'¥ 128 THE GREEK ORATORS # it, and in Ep. vi. § 2 (to the children of Jason) excuses himself from visiting Thessaly on the ground that people would comment tmfavourably on a man who had ' kept quiet ' all his Hfe if he began traveUing in his old age.i Jebb assumes a short stay in Chios in 404-403 B.C. Between 403 and 393 B.C. Isocrates composed a certain number of speeches for the law-courts, in which, however, he never appeared as a pleader, for natural ■ disabilities — lack of voice and nervousness, to which i he refers with regret — made him unfitted for such work. About 392 B.C. he opened a school at Athens, and ^^ in 391 B.C. pubhshed, in the discourse Against the -■^ Sophists, his views on education. His pupils were mostly Athenians, many of them afterwards being men of distinction. 2 It was probably between 378 and 376 B.C. that Isocrates went on several voyages with Conon's son, Timotheus, who was engaged in organizing the new maritime league. From this time down to 351 B.C. he had many distinguished pupils from far countries — Sicily and Pontus as well as all parts of Greece — and amassed, as he tells us, a reasonable competence, though not a large fortune. In the year 351 B.C., when a great contest of eloquence was held by Artemisia, widow of Mausolus of Caria, \ in honour of her husband, it is reported that all the competitors were pupils of Isocrates. In the last period of his Hfe, 351-338 B.C., Isocrates * However, if we pressed this passage, we must regard the journey with Timotheus as unhistorical. All the evidence is to be found in Blass, Att. Ber., vol. ii. pp. 16-17. 2 Antid., §§ 159 sqq. ISOCRATES 129 still continued to teach, and was also busily occupied in writing. He published the Philippus, which is one of his most important works, and one of the greatest in historical interest, in 346 B.C. ; in 342 B.C. he began the lengthy Panathenaicus, which he had half finished when he was attacked by an illness, which made the work drag on for three years. It was finished in 339 B.C. In the following year, a few days after the battle of Chaeronea, he died. A report was current in antiquity that he committed suicide, by starving himself, in consequence of the news of this downfall of Greek liberty ; the story is quite incredible when we consider that the result of the battle gave a possi- bility of the fulfilment of the hopes which Isocrates had been cherishing for half his life, the end to which he had been labouring for over forty years — the con- centration of all power into the hands of one man, who might redeem Greece by giving her union and leading her to conquest in the East. His last letter, in fact, written after the battle of Chaeronea, congratulates Philip on his victory; and even if this letter is spurious, the probability, to judge from the tone of his earlier works, is that he would have hailed the Macedonian success as a victory for his imperial ideas. § 2. Style Though Isocrates composed, in his youth, a few forensic speeches, it is not by such compositions that he must be judged ; indeed he himself, far from claim- ing credit for his activity in that direction, in later life adopted an apologetic tone when speaking of his earher work. As a teacher of rhetoric he won great 130 THE GREEK ORATORS ^^ \^. renown, numbering, as he boasts, even kings among his pupils ; and he had a complete mastery of all the technique of the rhetorical art. He was also a master of style, having theories of composition which he exemplified in practice with such skill that he must occupy a prominent place in any treatise on the development of Greek prose. But his highest claim to consideration is as a political "^ thinker. His bold and startling theories of Greek poUtics were expressed indeed in finished prose, and in rhetorical shape ; but the artistic form is only an added ornament ; if Isocrates had written in the baldest style he must have made a name by his treatises on political science, and by the fact that he took a broader and more liberal view of Hellenism than any Athenian before or after. Thus he, who perhaps never delivered a public speech, is of more importance than any of the other orators ; and though no pohtician in the narrow sense, he exerted a wider influence than any, not excepting Demosthenes, who devoted , their lives to political activity, for he originated and ^. promulgated ideas which completely changed the ^, course of Greek civilization. It was probably he who ^ was the first to instigate Philip to attempt the conquest ^ of Asia, as he had before urged Dionysius and others to make the attempt — all for the sake of the union of Greek States and the spread of Hellenism ; certainly he encouraged the Macedonian in his project, and perhaps it may be said to be due to him that on Philip's death Alexander found the way prepared. Isocrates could not fully foresee the results of Alexander's conquests ; Alexander himself modified and expanded his ambitions as he advanced ; but ISOCRATES 131 undoubtedly Isocrates urged the general desirability of the undertaking and saw clearly, up to a certain point, the lines on which it ought to be carried out. The petty law-suits which occupied Lysias and Ando- cides seem trivial and unimportant, even the patriotic utterances of Demosthenes seem of secondary weight, compared with these literary harangues of Isocrates, in cases where civilization and barbarism, unity and discord, are the litigants, and the court is the world. Isocrates is named by Dionysius as an example of the smooth (or florid) style of composition, which resembles closely woven stuffs, or pictures in which the lights melt insensibly into the shadows.^ It is clear that to aim consciously at producing such effects as these is to exalt mere expression to supreme heights, and to risk the loss of clearness and emphasis. We may gather the opinions of Isocrates on the structure of prose partly from his own statements, partly from the criticisms of Dionysius, and partly from a study of his compositions. The subject has been very fully and carefully dealt with by Blass, and in the present work only a summary of the chief results can be attempted. The most noticeable feature of the style is the care taken to avoid hiatus. This is particularly remarked by Dionysius, who, after quoting from the Areopagiticus a long passage which he particularly admires, notes, ' You cannot find any dissonance of vowels, at any rate in the passage which I have quoted, nor any, I think, in the whole speech, unless some instance has escaped my observation.' ^ ^ de Comp. Verb., ch. xxiii. 2 de Comp. Verb., ch. xxiii. He quotes Areop., §§ 1-5. ^, 132 THE GREEK ORATORS We should expect to find that, to produce this effect, it was necessary to depart frequently from natural forms of expression, either by changing the usual order, or by inserting unnecessary words. It is probable that Isocrates resorted to both these devices ; but such is the skill with which he handles his materials that careful reading is necessary to detect the distortions.* ^ Dionysius further notes that dissonance or clashing of consonants is rare, and herein Isocrates seems to have been at pains to follow the rules of euphony laid down in his own Tixvv- In a fragment preserved by Hermogenes he tells his readers to avoid the repetition of the same syllable in consecutive words — as riXiKa KaXd, evda %a\rj<;^ The ingenuity of Blass has dis- covered passages in which the natural form of a phrase has been altered to avoid such juxtaposition of similar syllables.' Certain combinations of consonants, too, '^ are hard to pronounce, and must therefore be avoided. There is, in truth, much justice in the remark of Dionysius that in reading Isocrates it is not the separate words but the sentence as a whole that we must take into account. '^^ The third characteristic of Isocrates* style is his attention to rhythm. The extravagance of Gorgias had hindered the development of the language by introducing into prose the rhythms and language of poetry ; Thrasjnnachus, 1 Isocrates allows elisions of certain short vowels, but he is more sparing than most poets in the use of it. In the epideictic speeches the commonest elision is of enclitics or semi-enclitics {re, 5i, etc.) and of personal pronouns. Crasis, except of Kai &v, is rare. In the forensic speeches (his early work) eUsion is much less restricted. 2 Maxim. Planud. ad Hermog., v. 469. ' Vol. ii. p. 144. ISOCRATES 133 as we know from Aristotle's Rhetoric, had studied the effect of the foot * paeonius ' ( — ^^ ^ v^ or ^ s^ ^ — ) at f the beginning and end of periods. ^ Isocrates, while deprecating the use of poetical metres in any strict sense, asserted that oratorical prose should have rhythms of its own, and favoured combinations of the trochee and the iambus. In this he differed from Aristotle, who disapproved of the iambic rhythm as being too similar to the natural course of ordinary speech, and of the trochaic, as being too light and tripping — in contrast to the hexameter, which he classed as too solemn for spoken language. ^ The periods of Isocrates are remarkable for their elaboration . The analyses of Blass show us a compHca- tion of structure in some of the longer sentences which may almost be compared to that of a Pindaric ode.-| Never, perhaps, has there been a writer who attained such luxuriant complexity in his composition of sentences. But Isocrates is too much the slave of his own virtues ; his periods are so long, so complete, so imiformly artistic, that their everlasting procession ? ■ is monotonous. Lysias, less perfect in form, has in consequence more variety ; Demosthenes, who could compose long periods, did not confine himself to them, but enlivened his style by contrast. The structure of the period lends itself naturally to antithetical forms of expression. We observed in Antiphon the frequency of verbal antitheses of various kinds — the \6ya) and epyo), the fikv and Bi, and others. Isocrates, having before him the examples of his predecessors and the precepts of rhetoricians, and having theories of his own on sentence-construc- 1 Rhet., Book iii. 8. 4. « Ibid. \ 134 THE GREEK ORATORS tion, developed very fully a scheme of parallelism in word, sense, and somid. Thus a period will consist, as we have seen, of a succession of /cwXa or limbs, each one corresponding to another in size, and pairs of corresponding KSiKa will contain pairs of words parallel in sense, form or sound. So the whole period is bound closely together. Vocabulary. Schemata His vocabulary avoids excess ; he is, in the judgment of Dionysius, the purest of Atticists, with the exception of Lysias. But if we compare the two we find much more tendency to fine writing in Isocrates. Using ordinary words he can produce notable effects, and he is always consciously striving after a certain poni- posity of diction. This is most noticeable in the exhibition-writings, such as the Helen and Busiris, where grandiloquent compound words are not in- frequent, and metaphors are commoner and more strik- ing than in the speeches on real subjects. One of his affectations, copied by nearly all subse- quent orators, is the unnecessary piling up of words almost synonymous to express one idea.^ On the other hand we sometimes find synonyms apparently con- trasted in different parts of the sentence ; such con- trast is only verbal, and is made for the purpose of rounding the period ; in either case we must note that the writer departs from simplicity in order to improve the sound of his words, but does not add much to the sense. 2 ^ dav/xd^eiv Kal ^rj\ovy, iiraiV€T}' Kal rifxav, etc. * E.g. Paneg., § 5, 6Tav H) rd vpAy/xara Xd^y r^Xos . . . i) t6v \6yoy tdri Tis itx^vTo. vipaiy where t^Xoj and nipat, two words for end or ISOCRATES 135 Another characteristic is the use of the plural of abstract nouns, in much the same sense as the singular.^ Vt All these details — the partiality for compounds, for the accumulation of synonyms and for the use of the plural instead of the singular, may be classed together under the head of exaggerations of expression, and recorded .; ^^ as characteristics of the epideictic style. ■ In general, the tone is heightened, and Isocrates tends to appear florid when compared with Lysias ; if, on the other hand, we take Gorgias as a standard, we see how far Isocrates, who imdoubtedly imitated the Sicilian style, has surpassed his model in the direction of refinement. . § 3. On Education Prevented by natural disabilities from exercising his talents in public, but urged on by the necessity of earn- ing a living, since the Peloponnesian War had dissi- pated his fortune, Isocrates turned to a profession for .f'^^ which he was well fitted, that of an educator. During i many years he was, like Gorgias, a teacher of rhetoric, and like Gorgias he may be classed as a Sophist. This title is misleading. In itself it means nothing more v than an educator, or teacher of wisdom, and early < writers use it in a laudatory sense ; Herodotus applies it to the Seven Sages. In the fourth century it was debased, partly by the comic poets, as representing the completion, are not really distinguishable, or, at any rate, the dis- tinction is very sUght. So in Evagoras, § 11, evXayelu and iyKWfu- d^eiv are used antithetically (to praise — to eulogise). ^ E.g. Evagoras, § 10, ai/Tois rats eipvOfxiais koI rats avfifierplais \l>vxLa'Tal — ' Sophists of the baser sort.' Isocrates' earliest work on education, the speech or ~X tract Against the Sophists (Or. xiii.), dates from the beginning of his professional career, perhaps about the year 390 B.C. We possess only part, perhaps less than half, of the speech. What remains is purely destruc- * Aristoph., Clouds^ passim. ISOCRATES 137 tive criticism which, as is clear from the concluding words, was meant to lead up to an exposition of the writer's own principles and theory. The loss is to be regretted, but is not irreparable, since the speech On the Antidosis, composed thirty-five years later, supple- ments it by a full constructive statement. The introduction on the Sophists is sweeping in its severity : ^ * If all our professional educators would be content to tell the truth and not promise more than they ever intend to perform, they would not have a bad reputation among laymen. As it is, their reckless effrontery has encouraged the opinion that a Hfe of incurious idleness is better than one devoted to philosophy. ' He proceeds to criticize various classes : ' We cannot help hating and despising the professors of contentious argument (eristic), who, while claiming to seek for Truth, introduce falsehood at the very beginning of their pretensions. They profess in a way to read the future, a power which Homer denied even to the gods ; for they prophesy for their pupils a full knowledge of right conduct, and promise them happiness in consequence. This in- valuable commodity they offer for sale at the ridiculous price of three or four minae. They affect, indeed, to de- spise money — mere dross of silver or gold as they call it — yet, for the sake of this small profit they will raise their pupils almost to a level with the immortals. They profess to teach all virtue ; but it is notable that pupils, before they are admitted to the course, have to give security for the payment of their fees.' The general tone of this censure recalls the attacks of the Platonic Socrates on the * eristic ' Sophists ; but * Cf. Isocrates' reference to this passage in Antid., § 193. 138 THE GREEK ORATORS it is certain that the * eristics/ whom Isocrates here attacks, are some of the lesser Socratics. This is made obvious by the reference in § 3 to the knowledge (iTrco-TrjfjLrj) which, according to these teachers, will lead to right conduct or virtue, and so to happiness. The Socratic view that knowledge is the basis of virtue, and virtue of happiness, is well known. Socrates himself did not profess to teach virtue for a fee ; but the Megarians, the followers of his pupil EucHdes, did, and at them the sarcasm of Isocrates seems to be directed. Elsewhere, indeed, Isocrates refers definitely to the Platonic school as belonging to the eristic class. ^ The teachers of * Political Discourse ' fall next under ban, that is, the teachers of practical rhetoric, whether forensic or deliberative. ^ ' They care nothing for truth ' — whereas the eristics, at any rate, professed to seek it — * they consider that their profession is to attract as many pupils as possible by the smallness of their fees and the greatness of their promises. They are so dull, and think others so dull, that though the speeches which they write are worse than many non- professionals can improvise, they undertake to make of their pupils orators equal to any emergency. They say that they can teach oratory as easily as the alpha- bet, which is a subject fixed by unchangeable rules, whereas the conditions for a speaker are never quite the same on two occasions. A speech, to be successful, must be appropriate to the subject, to the occasion, and to the speaker ; and in some degree original. Instruction can give us technical skill ; but cannot call * Hel. (Or. X.), § I, ol 8i S(,e^i6vT€s ws iySpla Kal •<. of the letter remaining to us is incomplete. *-^ 146 THE GREEK ORATORS realized that Macedon was to play a leading part in Greek politics. In 346 B.C. Isocrates addressed Philip as one capable of taking the lead, first in combining the Greek States into a union, and secondly, in leading them to conquer the barbarian. 1 The ten years of desultory hostilities between Philip and Athens had now been ended by the peace of Philocrates, and Isocrates, thinking that Amphipolis, for which they had been fighting, was an undesirable possession for either party, imagined and hoped that the peace might be made permanent. Though the Panegyric and the addresses to Dionysius and Archidamus had failed, Isocrates hoped that an appeal to Philip might be more successful. * I decided,' he writes, ' to broach the subject to you, not as a special compliment, though I should be glad if my w6rds could find favour with you, but from the following motive. I saw that all other men of distinction have to obey their cities and their laws, and may do nothing beyond what they are told ; and moreover none of them are capable of dealing with the matter I now intend to discuss. ' You alone have had given you by fortune a full authority to send embassies to whom you will, and receive them from where you choose, and to say whatever you think ex- pedient. Besides, you possess wealth and power beyond any other Greek — ^the two things which are the most potent either to persuade or to compel : and you will find per- suasion useful for the Greeks and compulsion for the barbarians.' '^ A summary of a few extracts will indicate the tenor of the speech. * It is your duty to try to reconcile the four great cities 1 Philippus, 346 B.C. * Ibid. (Or. v.), §§ 14-17. ISOCRATES 147 — ^Argos, Sparta, Thebes, and Athens ; bring these four to their right mind, and you will have no difficulty with the rest, which all depend on them (§§ 30-31). Your an- cestors are Argive by descent, and these cities should never have been at enmity with you or each other. All must make allowances, as all have been at fault (§§ 33-38). If Athens or Sparta were now, as once, predominant, nothing could be done ; but all the great cities are now practically on a level. No enmities are so deep-seated that they cannot be overcome : Athens has at different times been allied with both Thebes and Sparta. Sparta, Argos, and Thebes all desire peace ; Athens has come to her senses before the others, and already made peace. She will be ready to give you her active sympathy ' (§§ 39-56). * History provides many instances of men who, with few advantages, even with disabilities, have achieved great tasks : you, with all your resources, should find the present task easy ' (§§ 57-67). * Success in such a cause would be magnificent ; even failure would be noble : your slanderers impute to you the design of subjugating Greece ; you will convince them of their error' (§§ 68-80). ' So much for your duty to Greece ; now turn to the conquest of Asia. Agesilaus failed because he stirred up political animosities. * The Greeks under Cyrus defeated the Persian army, and though left leaderless they made good their retreat. All conditions are favourable for you. The Greeks of Asia were hostile to Cyrus, but will welcome you. The present King of Persia is less of a man than his predecessor, against whom Cyrus fought ; and Persia is divided against itself. Cyprus, Cilicia, and Phoenicia, which provided the king with ships, will do so no longer ' (§§ 83-104). ' You may aim at conquering the whole Persian Empire ; failing of that you might win all that is west of a line drawn from Cihcia to Sinope. Even this would be an enormous 148 THE GREEK ORATORS advantage. You could found cities for the hordes of mercenaries who are driven by destitution to wander and prey upon the settled inhabitants — a growing menace to Greeks and Persians alike. You would thus render these nomads a great service, and at the same time establish them as a permanent guard of your own frontiers. If this proved too much for you, at the very least you could free the Greek cities of Asia. However great or little is your success, you will at least win great renown for having led a united expedition from all Greece ' (§§ 1 19-126). * No other state or individual will undertake the task ; you are free from restrictions, as all Hellas is your native land. You will fight, I know, not for power or wealth, but for glory. Your mission, then, is this : — ^To be the bene- factor of Greece, the king of Macedon, the governor of Asia' (§§127-155). It may be said that Isocrates overrated the purity of Philip's motives. On the other hand, it may be con- ceived that Philip would have greatly preferred to march to Asia as the general of a Greek force willingly united. He, whom Isocrates reckons as a Greek of royal or semi-divine descent, whom Demosthenes stigmatized as a barbarian of the lowest type, had much more of the Greek than the barbarian in his nature. To Athens at least he always showed extraordinary clemency, treating her with a respect far beyond her merits, and honouring her for her ancient greatness. He did all that was possible to conciliate her, and this policy he handed on to his son. But he could not start for the East, leaving so many irreconcilable enemies behind him ; and the refusal of the States to accept his hegemony made Chaeronea inevitable. Those who read, not this short summary, but the essay as a whole, must be struck by the firm grasp which ISOCRATES 149 the writer has on contemporary history, and by his insight into the forces at work. He under-estimated the conservatism of the city-states, wrongly imagining that the majority could be as broad-minded as himself. The chapters on Asia show considerable knowledge both of the conditions and the requirements. His advice about the founding of cities was followed liter- ally by Alexander, who, immediately after his first victory, initiated this pohcy for securing his conquests. In 342 B.C. Isocrates wrote again to Philip, reproach- ing him for his recklessness in exposing his own life in battle. He repeated some of the arguments of the first essay, and summarized his advice as follows : ' It is far nobler to capture a city's good-will than its walls.' After Chaeronea, in the year 338 B.C., he wrote once more, recalling his former advice, and reflecting with satisfaction that the dreams of his youth were some of them already fulfilled, and others on the point of fulfilment. § 5. Remaining Works The general contents of the Panegyricus have already been discussed, but only a careful study of the speech will reveal the skill with which one topic is made to lead up to another, the nice proportion of the parts, and the adroitness displayed in gathering and binding together the various threads of the argument. Numer- ous paragraphs which seem at first to be almost digres- sions are foimd, when we take the speech as a whole, to be essential to its unity, and though in its course a large number of topics is handled, the main subject is never left out of view. The level of style is high throughout, and no extracts can properly represent it. 150 THE GREEK ORATORS A short analysis may, however, serve to indicate the coherence of the arguments : ^ ' I am here to offer advice about the necessity of war with Persia and unity among the Greeks. Others have handled the same theme, but the fact of their failure renders any excuse for a fresh attempt superfluous, and the subject admits of being treated better than it has been ' (§§ 1-14). * My predecessors have missed an important point ; that nothing can be done until the leaders — ^Athens and Sparta — are reconciled, and persuaded to share the leadership. ' Sparta has accepted a false tradition, that leadership is hers by ancestral right. I shall try to prove that the leadership really belongs to Athens ; Sparta then should consent to a joint command ' (§§ 15-20). ' Athens first possessed maritime empire, and her civilization is the oldest in Greece (§§ 21-25). Her claims to hegemony are as follows : — 'A. (a) Tradition, which has never been refuted, records that Athens first provided the necessities of life. Demeter taught in Attica the cultivation of corn and instituted the Mysteries. ' (b) Athens undoubtedly led the way in colonization, thus enlarging the boundaries of Greek land, and driving back the barbarians (§§ 28-37). ' (c) Athens had the earliest laws, and the earUest con- stitution. She established the Piraeus, the centre of Greek trade. She provides in herself a perpetual festival, at which the arts are encouraged. Practical philosophy and oratory are so highly honoured at Athens that the name " Greek " is applied properly not by claim of blood but by virtue of the possession of Athenian culture (§§ 38-50). ' B. {a) From heroic times downwards Athens has shown herself the helper of the oppressed. Even Sparta grew great through her support {§§ 57-65). * Isocrates is said to have spent ten years over the composition of the Panegyricus ; it was probably pubUshed in 380 B.C. ISOCRATES 151 ' (6) Athens in the earhest times and in the Persian Wars distinguished herself against the barbarians (§§ 66-74). ' In old days the rivalries between opposite political parties and between Athens and Sparta were noble ones, and the honourable competition of the two cities shamed the other Greeks into taking arms against Xerxes. Athens, however, furnished more ships than all the rest put to- gether. Her claim to leadership, up to the end of the Persian War, is therefore established ' (§§ 75-79). * It is true that Athens treated her revolted allies — Melos and Scione— severely : rebels must expect punish- ment. On the other hand, our loyal subjects enjoyed for seventy years freedom from tyranny, immunity from barbarian attacks, settled government, and peace with all the world ' (§§ 100-106). ' Sparta and her partisans inflicted more harm in a few months than Athens in the whole duration of her empire ' (§§ 110-114). 'Our rule was preferable to the so-called "peace and independence " which Sparta has given the cities. The seas are overrun by pirates, and more cities are raided now than before the peace was made. Tyrants and harmosts make life in the cities intolerable. The Great King, whom Athens confined within stated limits, has raided the Peloponnese (§§ 115- 119) ; Sparta has abandoned the lonians to slavery, and herself caused devastation in Greece, and burdened the islanders with taxation. It is monstrous that we Greeks, owing to our petty quarrels, should devastate our own country, when we might reap a golden harvest from Asia ' §§ (120-132). ' We have allowed the Great King to attain unheard of power — simply through our quarrels, for he is not really strong. ' Numerous instances from history betray the inferiority of the Persian leaders and organization. They have often been defeated on the coast of Asia ; when they invaded Greece we made an example of them ; finally, they cut a -^ 152 THE GREEK ORATORS ridiculous figure before the walls of their own palaces ' ^ (§§ 133-149) • * This is what we might expect from their manner of life ; the mass of the people are more fit to be slaves than soldiers ; the nobles are by turns insolent and servile, and being permanently corrupted by luxury they are weak and treacherous. They deserve our hatred, and, in fact, our enmity can never be reconciled. One of the reasons even of Homer's popularity is that he tells of a great war against Asia ' (§§ 150-159)- ' The time is favourable for attack ; Phoenicia and Syria are devastated ; Tyre is captured ; Cilicia is mostly in our favour ; Egypt and Cyprus are in revolt. The Greeks are ready to rise ; we must make haste, and not let the history of the Ionic revolt repeat itself. The present suffering in Greece passes all records, and for this the present generation deserves some recompense — another reason for haste. The leading men in the cities are callously indifferent, so we who stand outside politics must take the lead, as I am doing ' (§§ 160-174). * The treaty of Antalcidas need not stand in our way ; it has been broken already in spirit. We only observe the provisions which are to our own shame, i.e. those by which our allies are given over to the Persians. It was never a fair covenant — ^we submitted to terms dictated by the king. ' Honour and expediency ahke demand that we should combine to undertake this war, whose fame will be greater than that of the Trojan war ' (§§ 175-189). We may now consider the group of speeches which deals with the internal affairs of Greece. Plataicus (Or. xiv.). Plataea, destroyed in 427 B.C., was restored by Sparta in 386 B.C. as a menace to Thebes, but was forced into the Boeotian Confederacy in 376 B.C. In 373 B.C. it was surprised by a Theban army and again destroyed. The inhabitants escaped 1 I.e. the victory of the 10,000 at Cunaxa. ISOCRATES 153 to Athens, and their case was discussed in the ecclesia, and also at the congress of allies. The present speech is professedly deUvered by a Plataean before the Athenian ecclesia. It consists chiefly of an appeal to sentiment through history ; the speaker recalls the ancient relations of Plataea and Athens, and thence infers the present duty of Athens. The speech is in a form suitable for dehvery before the assembly, and may have been so delivered. On the Peace (Or. viii.), on the other hand, is a political treatise. It dates from 355 B.C., when the Social War was near its end. The main theme of the speech is the necessity of peace between Athens and all the world, but the urging of this policy naturally brings in a criticism of the war-party, and a severe indictment not only of present politics but of the conditions of the old empire of Athens. The speech is remarkable from the fact that for once Isocrates abandons his even and temperate language, and allows indignation and even bitterness to give colour to his criticisms. * The acquisition of empire,' he says, * over unwilling subjects, is both unjust and impolitic. Ambition is like the bait which entices a wild beast into a trap. Our adminis- . tration is rotten ; our citizens have lost faith in personal effort, and we employ mercenaries to fight our battles. Our politicians are our worst citizens, and we appoint as generals incompetent men who are not fitted for any position of trust. We hold our own, but only because our rivals are as weak as we are. The follies of our assembly win allies for Thebes ; their follies in turn are our salvation. It would pay either State to bribe the assembly of the other to meet more often. ' Our hope lies in abandoning our empire ; it is unjust, and moreover, we could not maintain it when we were rich. 154 THE GREEK ORATORS and now we are poor. The statesmen of imperial Athens did all that they could to make their city's policy un- popular. They displayed the tribute extorted from the allies, thus reminding all the world of their tjnranny ; and paraded the children of those who had fallen in wars in various parts of the world — ^the victims of national cove- tousness. Far different was the position of Athens under Themistocles and Aristides. National life is demoralized by Empire. The history of Sparta's supremacy is another case to the point. Pericles was a demagogue, and led the city on a disastrous career, but he at least enriched the treasury, not himself. Our modern demagogues are merely self-seeking, and their covetousness reduces not only the state but the citizens to penury. ' Peace, at the price I have indicated, is the only remedy. We must deliver Greece, not despoil her. Athens should hold among Greek States the position that the kings occupy in Sparta ; they are not tyrants ; they have a higher standard of conduct than any private person, and are held in such respect that any man who would not throw away his Ufe for them in the field is reckoned meaner than a deserter. ' There is much truth in the invectives aimed at the old empire ; Isocrates could see behind the glowing colours in which the glories of the Periclean age are sometimes painted, and equally with Demosthenes he realized, and did not shrink from noticing, the weakness of Athens in his own days. But his advice, though noble, is unpractical. He failed, in spite of his know- ledge of history, to fathom the depth of Greek selfish- ness. No State that relied solely or chiefly on moral worth could have a voice in the council of Greece, far less dominiate its policy, ^V^' The Areopagiticus (Or. vii.), perhaps composed in ^ the same year, in many points supplements the de Pace. ISOCRATES 155 It is chiefly devoted to a contrast between the old days of dignified government under the constitutions of Solon and Cleisthenes, and the unsatisfactory con- ditions of hfe in the orator's time. The description of the old constitution is, perhaps, a fancy picture, but the contrast serves to bring out the evils at which Isocrates is aiming in the modern State. The speech deals with the inner life of Athens rather than with her foreign policy, and the chief credit for good govern- ment and good life in the old days is given to the Council of the Areopagus, that majestic body which even now * has so strong an influence that the worst men of modem times, if promoted to membership of it, are pervaded by its spirit, and, losing the meanness of their own hearts, think and act in accordance with the Council's high traditions.' The Archidamus (Or. vi.) is put into the mouth of the Spartan king of that name, for whom, as we know from a letter, Isocrates had a deep respect. It professes to be part of a debate in 366 B.C., on the proposal of the Thebans to grant peace on condition that Sparta re- cognized the independence of Messenia. It probably contains a fair representation of the feelings of the Spartans at the time when it was proposed to make an independent and permanently hostile state of the Messenians, whom for generations they had regarded as their slaves. There still remain works of three classes — the ' horta- tory letters/ the * displays,' and forensic speeches. Hortatory Letters To Demonicus (Or. i.), 372 B.C. (?). This letter, ad- dressed to a young monarch, of whom nothing else is known, is destined to be a * storehouse ' (ra/jLielov) > 156 THE GREEK ORATORS of moral maxims, comprising duty to the gods, duty to men, and duty to oneself. It contains a vast number of maxims, mostly of a practical or semi-practical nature — ' We test gold by fire, friends by misfortune.' * Never swear by the gods where money is concerned ; some will think you a perjurer, others a covetous man.' Occasionally the moral tone is higher — ' If you do wrong, nevecihope to be undiscovered ; if others dis- cover you not, your own conscience will discover you to yourself.' To Nicocles (Or. ii.), 374 B.C., addressed to Nicocles, fl who became king of Salamis in Cyprus in 374 B.C., deals with the duties and responsibilities of a king. * Re- member your high position, and be careful that you never do anything unworthy of it.' Nicocles, or the Cyprians (Or. iii.), 372 B.C., is a com- plement to Or. ii. In it the king himself is represented as discoursing on the duties of subjects towards their king. ' Do to your king as you would wish your own subjects to do to you.' Epideictic Speeches Many of the Sophists wrote imaginary speeches on legendary themes, and Isocrates, though this art was outside his province, strayed into it as a critic. The --s^ Busiris (Or. xi.), 391 B.C., addressed to a Sophist Poly- crates, contains first a criticism of a speech composed by Poly crates on that subject, and secondly an ex- position of how Isocrates himself would treat such a theme. Incidentally, Isocrates accepts the early legends as true on the whole, while rejecting certain parts of them as unbecoming. The Encomium of Helen (Or. x.), 370 B.C., begins with criticism of a certain encomium which is generally ISOCRATES 157 believed to be the extant one attributed to Gorgias. The previous writer has written not an encomium but an apology ; Isocrates himself will write a real en- comium, omitting all the topics which have been used by others. The Evagoras (Or. ix.), 365 B.C. (?), was composed for a festival celebrated by Nicocles in memory of his father, Evagoras of Salamis, who died 374 B.C. It con- tains a laudatory account of the king's career, and an encouragement to the son to emulate his father's virtues. The Panathenaicus was begun when Isocrates was ^^z" 94 years old, i.e. in 342 B.C. Owing to an illness, he was not able to finish it for three years. It contains much of the material which had already been used in the Areopagiticus. Its main topic is the greatness of Athens, considered historically, and not with refeience to contemporary politics. But it contains long digres- sions — a defence of his own system against the attacks of certain baser Sophists (§§ 5-34) ; a discourse on Agamemnon (§§ 62-73) ; a personal explanation (§§ 99 sqq.), in which the author explains that the speech would naturally end at this point, and details the conver- sations and discussions which led him to continue it. He was blamed for being too harsh against Sparta, and though he silenced his critics, he had some misgivings. The result is to increase the length of the speech by one third, and completely to spoil the balance and destroy whatever unity it possessed. Forensic Speeches Six forensic speeches have come down to us ; they belong to the early days of Isocrates, who in later years regretted that he had ever been concerned 158 THE GREEK ORATORS with such an art ; they may be dismissed in a few words : Against Lochites (Or. xx.), 394 B.C., is an action for assault ; Aegineticus (Or. xix.), 394 B.C., a claim to an in- heritance; Against Euthynus (Or. xxi.), 403 B.C., an action to recover a deposit ; Trapeziticus (Or. xvii.), 394 B.C., a similar action, against the famous banker Pasion ; irepl rov feu^ou? (Or. xvi.), 397 B.C., spoken by the younger Alcibiades against a man Tisias, who asserts that the elder Alcibiades, father of the speaker, robbed him of a team of four horses. This is an action for damages amounting to five talents. Against Calli- machus, 399 B.C., a irapaypa^TJ or special plea entered by the defendant, who contends that an action for damages brought against him cannot be maintained. Letters Reference has already been made to certain letters, to Dionysius, 368 B.C., Archidamus, 365 B.C., Philip and Alexander, 342 B.C. Others extant are addressed to ,the children of Jason (Ep. vi.), 359 B.C. — i.e. Thebe and her half-brothers, children of the tyrant of Pherae, who was murdered in 370 B.C. ; to Timotheus (Ep. vii.), 345 B.C. — a king of Heraclea on the Euxine ; to the Rulers of Mitylene {Ep. viii.), 350 B.C. — the oligarchs who had recently overthrown the democracy ; to Antipater {Ep. iv.), 340 B.C., at the time, appar- ently, regent of Macedonia during Philip's absence in Thrace. This list of the correspondents of Iso- crates, with some of whom at least he is on terms of familiarity, may serve to indicate his importance in the Greek world. ISOCRATES 159 Isocrates is also credited with the composition of a rix^rj or treatise on the art of rhetoric, now lost, except for a single quotation ; and the editions of the text contain a number of apophthegms attributed to him. None are important. V v.^ CHAPTER VII MINOR RHETORICIANS THE contemporaries of Isocrates are over- shadowed by his genius ; nevertheless there were in his time other speakers and teachers of ability. The only one of them who deserves serious considera- ^ tion is Alcidamas, a pupil of Gorgias or of his school, who, though a rival of Isocrates, had come imder the influence of the latter's style. We possess under his name a sophistical exercise, the Accusation ofPalamedes by Odysseus, which is of no importance, and may be spurious, and a declamation On the Sophists, which is - probably genuine ; at least we may say that it is the work of an able critic and a graceful writer. His other works included two rhetorical exercises, the Praise of Death and the Praise of Nais, and a Messenian Oration, which was apparently a counterblast to the Archidamus of Isocrates. \' The Sophists is really an attack on the methods of Isocrates, and is directed against the practice of labori- ously composing written speeches, which are no real help to a man who wishes to be an orator, whether in the assembly or the law-courts. Certain so-called Sophists, he contends, who, while quite incapable of speaking, have practised writing, pride themselves on this accomplishment, and though they can call only 160 MINOR RHETORICIANS i6i one small department of rhetoric their own, claim to be masters of the complete science. He would not dis- parage the art of writing, but he considers it of second- ary importance, while other accompHshments deserve far more attention. Any man of abihty, given the time, can learn to write moderately well ; but in order to speak well you must apply a careful training to the development of certain special gifts. To be able to speak extemporaneously is a very important gift ; a man who possesses it can adapt himself to the mood of his audience, while one who relies on prepared orations must often miss a great opportunity, for it is beyond human powers to learn by heart enough speeches to be ready at a moment's notice to speak on any subject and to any kind of audience. A man accustomed to the use of written speeches, when forced to speak ex tempore, will not maintain his proper level of performance.^ Many arguments, of more or less value, are adduced ; in all of them there is a certain cleverness. Dionysius thought the style of Alcidamas coarse and trivial ; ^ Aristotle says that he used his epithets ' not as seasoning but as meat.' ^ These strictures do not apply to the one surviving work. He seems to have been raised above the dead level of rhetoricians by possessing ideas ; in the speech advocating the freedom of the Messenians occurred the sentence, * God has made all men free ; nature has made no man a slave ' ; and his description of the Odyssey as * a noble mirror of human life,' is a fine expression in itself, though Aristotle objects that such ornaments detract ^ The truth of this maxim is illustrated by our records of the impromptu performances of Demosthenes, vide infra, p. 190. ' de Isaeo, ch. xix., TraxOrepoy tvra t^v \4^iv Kal Koivdrepov. « Rhet., iii. 3. 3. i62 THE GREEK ORATORS from the value of a speech, as giving the impression of over-preparation . ^ Poly crates, a rhetorician of the same period, is known to have composed a fictitious Accusation of Socrates, to which Isocrates refers.^ His Encomium of Busiris, the cannibal king of Egypt, stirred Isocrates to write his own Busiris, in order to show how such a theme ought to be treated. Dionysius found his style inane, frigid, and vulgar.^ Lycophron, an imitator of Gorgias, is quoted several times by Aristotle ; and Cephisodorus, the best known rhetorician of the school of Isocrates, wrote an admirable defence of his master against the attacks of Aristotle.* These minor teachers, who are mentioned only as offshoots from the prominent schools, had no perman- ent influence on the growth either of rhetoric or of oratory. 1 Arist., Rhet.^ iii. 3. 4. 2 Busiris, §§ 5-6. He endeavoured to make Socrates responsible for the misdeeds of Alcibiades. 3 de Isaeo, ch. xx. * Dion., de Isocrate, ch. xviii. : Tr\v itrokoyiav t^p irdvv davixaar^v iv Tats ir/>6j ^ApiffTOT^Xr) &vTiypa ^^ Cor., § 41. ' Timarchus, § 174 ; Ctes., § ^S. AESCHINES 169 haps we should attach more importance to the other fact urged by Demosthenes, that Aeschines from time to time urged the city to accept Phihp's vague promises of goodwill ; but before we condemn him on this ground we must recollect that Isocrates, a man of far greater intelligence than Aeschines, and of undoubted honesty, had come so completely under the spell of Phihp's personality as to place a thorough belief in the sincerity of his professions.^ Aeschines may have been duped in the same manner. But the most severe condemnation of Aeschines* policy is contained in his own speeches. During a visit to the Macedonian army in Phocis he was guilty of a gross piece of bad taste by joining r '^ with Philip in dancing the paean to celebrate the defeat of Phocis. He admits the charge, and main- tains that it was even a proper thing to do.^ His conduct at the Amphictyonic Council was far more serious.^ He was invited to make a speech, and as he began, was rudely interrupted by a Locrian of Amphissa. In revenge it ' occurred to him ' * to recall the impiety of the Amphissians in occupying the Cirrhaean plain. He caused to be read aloud the curse pronounced after the first Sacred War, and by recalling the forgotten events of past generations worked up his audience to such a pitch of excitement that on the following morning — for it was too late to take action that night — the whole population of- f Delphi marched down to Cirrha, destroyed the har- T hour buildings, and set fire to the town. Though this 1 Supra, p. 148. ' de Leg., § 163. * Vide supra, p. 166. * iirri\ei fxoi, Aesch., Ctes., § 118, where A. complacently relates the whole incident. 170 THE GREEK ORATORS action undoubtedly plunged Greece into an Amphic- tyonic War, Aeschines, quite regardless of the awful ^^ consequences, can only dwell upon the remarkable effects of his own oratory. § 3. Personality Something of the personal characteristics of Aeschines may be gathered from his own writings and those of Demosthenes. He must have been a man of dignified presence, for even if he only played minor parts, as Demosthenes so frequently asserts, he acted, on occasion, in good company, as his enemy, in an un- guarded moment, admitted. The conditions under which Greek tragedy was performed required a majestic ^ bearing even in a tritagonist, and the taunt of Demo- sthenes, who calls him ' a noble statue,' makes it certain that Aeschines did not fall short of these requirements. ^ The words of Demosthenes probably imply that the ^ dignity was overdone, that the statuesque pose of the ex-actor appeared pompous and exaggerated in a law- court. Aeschines himself condemned the use of excited gestures by orators. He urged the necessity of re- ^ straint, and often insisted that an orator should, while speaking, hold his hand within his robe.^ This de- clared prejudice on his part gave Demosthenes his opportunity for a neat retort — ' You should keep your hand there, not when you are speaking, but when you go on an embassy.' ^ On this occaision Demosthenes scored a point, but where wit and repartee were in 7/ question, the honours generally rested with Aeschines. 1 de Cor., §§ 129, 262, etc. Further, de Falsa Leg., § 246. A tritagonist would ordinarily have to play the parts of kings and tyrants, who must as a rule be majestic characters (cf. 6 Kpicov Aitrxivrfs, de Falsa Leg., § 247). ' Timarch., § 25. ' Dem., de Falsa Leg., § 252. AESCHINES 171 Another striking characteristic of Aeschines was his magnificent voice, which he used with practised skill ; Demosthenes, who had serious natural disabiHties as a speaker, envied him bitterly, and in consequence was always trying to ridicule his delivery.^ Conscious, no doubt, of his natural advantages, to which Demo- sthenes had once paid a more or less sincere tribute,^ Aeschines was apparently unmoved by these taunts ; but he seems to have been deeply injured when Demo- sthenes compared him to the Sirens, whose voices charm men to their destruction. His indignation can find no repartee ; he can only expostulate that the charge is indecent, and even if it were true, Demo- sthenes is not a fit man to bring it ; only a man of deeds would be a worthy accuser ; his rival is nothing but a bundle of words. Here, recovering himself a Uttle, he delivers himself of the idea that Demosthenes is as empty as a flute — ^no good for anything if you take away the mouthpiece.^ In the case of other orators I have laid but little stress on personal characteristics, because as a rule the orator must be judged apart from his qualities as a man. In considering Isaeus, for instance — an extreme case, certainly — personal qualities and pecuHarities are of no importance at all. But so many personal traits appear in the writings of Aeschines that we cannot afford to neglect them ; they form important data for our estimate of him, both as a speaker and a public character. There is some excuse, then, for dealing at * Dem., de Falsa Leg., § 255, aeixvoKoyel . . . (puivaa Krja as y etc.; de Cor., § 133, atfivoXbyov ; and numerous references to rpiTayuviffrvs. 2 Aesch., de Leg., § 41, ttjv (pv 6py^u T^v vfiCT^pav irapaiTc'iTai, 6ov alrel SpKow alreT, ydfiov alrcc, SrjfioKpaTlav alTe7, S}v oOtc alTrjffdi oiidiv Sffiov qPt' OtlTiiQhTa hipif bovvai. y^ i84 THE GREEK ORATORS Aeschines does not seem to have paid any attention to rhythmical writing ; his style is too free to be bound by unnecessary restrictions ; verses and metrical pas- sages occur sporadically, but they are rare. He seems to have fallen into them by accident, since they occur in positions where no special point is marked by an unusual rhythm. ^ Direct quotations of poetry, for which he had a ^ great liking, are, on the other hand, very frequent. ^ No other orator, except Lycurgus, is comparable to him in this respect, and Lycurgus uses his power of quotation with much less force than Aeschines, who often employs it aptly. He gives us the impression that serious religious conviction is at the back of his quotation from Hesiod : ' Often the whole of a city must suffer for one man's sin.' 2 In other cases the quotations are excessively long and, like those of Lycurgus, have hardly any bearing on the point. His metaphors are sometimes vivid and well chosen — dfi'TreXovp'yelv ttjv ttoKlv — * to strip the city like a vineyard ' ; evavKov rjv iraaiv — ' it was dinned into everybody's ears.' Some of the most forcible occur in passages which purport to be quotations or para- phrases of Demosthenes : e.g. iir lotto fiiaai, ' to bridle ' the war-party ; aTToppd-^eiv to ^tXinrirov (TTofiay ' to ^ E.g. iambics, Ctes.^ § 239, A a\T)v dWd irpbaobov KiKT7}Tac. The play upon words is not easy to reproduce: /ce^X^, of course, suggests K€ly^, kuI ^ijveffi, etc. T CHAPTER IX DEMOSTHENES §. I. Introduction HE art of rhetoric could go no further after Isocrates, who, in addition to possessing a sjtyle which was as perfect as technical dexterity could make it, had imparted to his numerous dis- ciples the art of composing sonorous phrases and linking them together in elaborate periods. Any young aspirant to literary fame might now learn from him to write fluent easy prose, which would have been impossible to Thucydides or Antiphon. If the style seems on some occasions to have been so over-elabor- ated that the subject-matter takes a secondary place, that was the fault not so much of the artist as of the man. Isocrates never wrote at fever-heat ; his greatest works come from the study ; he is too reflective and dispassionate to be a really vital force. With Demosthenes and his contemporaries it is otherwise ; they are men actively engaged in politics, actuated by strong party-feeling, and swayed by per- sonal passion. This was the outcome of the political situation : just as feeling was strong in the generation immediately succeeding the reign of the oligarchical Thirty at Athens, so now, when Athens and the whole of Greece were fighting not against oligarchy but the empire of a sovereign ruler, the depths were stirred. 199 ^-. 200 THE GREEK ORATORS ^ A new feature in this period is the publication of ^ poHtical speeches. From the time of the earhest orator — Antiphon — the professional logographoi had preserved their speeches in writing. The majority of these were delivered in minor cases of only personal importance, though some orations by Lysias and others have reference indirectly to political questions. Another class of speeches which were usually pre- served is the epideictic — orations prepared for delivery at some great gathering, such as a religious festival or a public funeral. Isocrates was an innovator to the extent of writing in the form of speeches what were really political treatises ; but these were only composed for the reader, and were never intended to be delivered. Among the contemporaries of Demosthenes we find some diversity of practice. Some orators, such as Demades and Phocion, never published any speeches, and seem, indeed, hardly to have prepared them before delivery. They relied upon their skill at improvisation. Others, for instance Aeschines, Lycurgus, and Dinarchus, revised and published their judicial speeches, especially those which had a political bearing. Hyper- ides and Demosthenes, in addition to this, in some cases gave to the world an amended version of their public harangues. Demosthenes did not always pub- lish such speeches ; there are considerable periods of his political life which are not represented by any written work ; but he seems to have wished to make a permanent record of certain utterances containing an explanation of his policy, in order that those who had not heard him speak, or not fully grasped his import, might have an opportunity for further study of his views after the ephemeral effect of his eloquence had DEMOSTHENES 201 passed away. It is probable that most of the speeches so pubhshed belong to times when his party was not predominant in the State, and the opposition had to reinforce its speech by writing. The result is of im- portance in two ways, for the speeches are a serious contribution to literature, of great value for the study of the development of Greek prose ; and they are of still greater historical value ; for, though untrust- worthy in some details, they provide excellent material for the understanding of the political situation, and the aims and principles of the anti-Macedonian party. § 2. Life, etc. [-Demosthenes the orator was bom at Athens in 384 B.C. . His father, Demosthenes, of the deme of Paeania, was a rich manufacturer of swords ; his mother was a daughter of an Athenian named Gylon;] who had left Athens, owing to a charge of treason, at the end of the Peloponnesian War, settled in the neigh- bourhood of the Cimmerian Bosporus (Crimea),^ and married a rich woman who was a native of that district. We know nothing more of her except that Aeschines describes her as a Scythian. She may have been of Hellenic descent ; even Plutarch doubts the assertion of Aeschines that she was a barbarian ; the suspicion, however, was enough for Aeschines, who is able to call his enemy a Greek-speaking Scythian. fDemosthenes the elder died, leaving his son seven years old and a daughter aged five. By his will two nephews, Aphobos and Demophon, and a friend * Aesch. {Ctes., § 171) says only dcpiKveTrai eis Bdairopov, which is ambiguous, as there were several BSairopoi. The fact that he calls the woman S/cv^i's seems to prove that he meant the Crimea. 202 THE GREEK ORATORS Therippides, were appointed trustees, i The two former, as nearest of kin, were, according to Attic custom, to marry the widow and her daughter, but these pro- visions were not carried out. ^During the years of Demosthenes' minority his guardians ruined the sword business by their mismanagement, and squandered the accumulated profitSt^ At the age of eighteen Demosthenes, who had been brought up by his mother, laid claim to his father's estate. The guardians by various devices attempted to frustrate him, and three years were spent in at- tempts at compromise and examinations before the arbitrators. During this time Demosthenes was study- ing rhetoric and judicial procedure under Isaeus, to whose methods his early speeches are so deeply in- debted that a contemporary remarked ' he had swal- lowed Isaeus whole.' ^ At last,-when he was twenty- one years old, he succeeded in bringing his wrongs before a court ; thanks to the training of Isaeus he was able to plead his own case, and he won it.^ The in- genuity of his adversaries enabled them to involve him in further legal proceedings which lasted perhaps two years more. In the end he was victorious, -but by the time he recovered his patrimony there was very nttle of it left.- |r Being forced to find a means of living he adopted the profession of a speech-writer, which he followed through the greater part of his life.^ He made speeches ^ Pytheas, quoted by Dionysius. * The last private speeches of which the genuineness is un- doubted are dated about 346 and 345 B.C., but others, e.g. Against Phormio, of which the authenticity was not questioned in ancient times, go down to 326 b.c. or even later. The genuineness of the Phormio is at least probable. DEMOSTHENES , 203 for others to use, as his father had made swords, and he was as good a craftsman as his father. He succeeded by this new trade in repairing his damaged fortunes. '^ In addition to forging such weapons for the use | of others, he instructed pupils in the art of rhetoric. -^| v-^ This practice he seems to have abandoned soon after ■ the year 345 B.C., when pubHc affairs began to have^i the chief claim on his energies.^ - From that time for- ward he wielded with distinction a sword of his own manufacture. It is said that as a youth barely of age he made an attempt to speak in the ecclesia, and failed. His voice was too weak, his dehvery imperfect, and his style un- suitable. The failure only inspired him to practise that he might overcome his natural defects. We are famihar with the legends of his declaiming with pebbles in his mouth and reciting speeches when running up hill, of his studies in a cave by the sea-shore, where he--" tried to make his voice heard above the thunder of the waves. - The training to which he subjected himself enabled him to overcome to a great extent whatever disabihties he may have suffered from, but he never had the ad- ^ '' vantage of a voice and delivery such as those of Aeschines. Legends current in the time of Plutarch represent him as engrossed in the study of the best prose-writers. He copied out the history of Thucy-.r dides eight times, according to one tradition. This we need not accept, but it may be taken as certain that he studied the author's style carefully. He may not 1 Aesch. (in 345 b.c.) in the Timarchus, §§ 117, 170-175, refers to him as a teacher. In the Embassy (343 b.c.) there is no reference to this profession. 204 THE GREEK ORATORS have been a pupil of Isocrates or Plato, but from the former he must have learnt much in the way of prose- construction and rhythm, and the latter's works, though he dissented from the great principle of Plato that the wise man avoids the agora and the law-courts, may well have inspired him with many of the generous ideas which are the foundation of his policy. From the study of such passages as the Melian controversy and others in which the historian bases Justice upon the right of the stronger, he may have turned with relief to the nobler discussion of Justice in the Republic, and indeed, in his view of what is right and good, ^V^- Demosthenes approaches much nearer to the philo- sopher than to the historian. A professional speech-writer at Athens might make a speciality of some particular kind of cases, and by thus restricting his field become a real expert in one department, as Isaeus, for instance, did in the probate court ; or, on the other hand, he might engage in quite general practice. A farmer might have a dispute with his neighbours about his boundaries, or damage caused by the overflow of surface water ; ^ a quiet citizen might seek redress from the law in a case of assault against which he was unable or unwilling to make re- taliation in kind ; ^ an underwriter who had been defrauded in some shady marine transaction might wish to bring another knave to accoimt.^ But besides these private cases, whether they are purely civil,* or practically, if not technically, criminal actions, there "-^ is other work of more importance for a logographos. 1 Against Callichs. ' Against Conon. 3 The speeches Against Zenothemis, Lacritus, Dionysodotus, and Phormio. * E.g. Against Boeotus. DEMOSTHENES 205 The State may wish to prosecute an of&cial who has - abused its trust. In times when honesty is rarer than cleverness it may find the necessity of appointing a prosecutor rather for his known integrity than for his abihty in the law-courts. Such a prosecutor will need professional assistance ; and this need evoked some of the early poUtical speeches of Demosthenes, Against AndroHon, Timocrates, and Aristocrates (355-352 B.c.).i It is noticeable that we have no trace of his work between the speeches dehvered against his guardians and the first of this latter group. Probably he spent these ten years partly in study and partly in the con- duct of such cases as fell to the portion of a beginner. In this time he must gradually have built up a repu- tation, but he may not have wished to keep any record of his first essays which, when he had arrived at his maturity as a pleader, could not, perhaps, have seemed to him worthy of his reputation. V-It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of these varied activities to the career of Demosthenes. In the course of these early years he must have made himself famiUar with many branches of the law ; he was brought into intimate relations with individuals of all classes, and all shades of political opinion. ^ In order to be of use vicariously in poUtical cases he must have made a careful study of poHtics. Such studies were of great value in the education of a statesman, and by means of the semi-pubHc cases in which he was engaged, though not on his own account, and perhaps not always in accordance with his convictions, his own poUtical opinions must gradually have been formed. V-In 354 B.C., the year after the trial of Androtion, 2o6 THE GREEK ORATORS Demosthenes appeared in person before the dicastery on behalf of Ctesippus in an action against Leptines. This was a case of some poUtical importance. A few months later he came forward in the assembly to deliver his speech On the Symmories, which was shortly followed by another public harangue On behalf of the people of Megapolis (353 B.C.). Two years later he r came to the front not as a mere pleader, but a real i counsellor of the people, and began the great series of ^ Philippics. |- His career from this point onward is divided natur- ally into three periods. hin the first, 351-340 B.C., he was in opposition to the party in power at Athens. The beginning of it is marked by some famous speeches, the First Philippic and the first three Olynthiac orations (351-349 b.c.).-| ^Till this time the Athenians had not realized the signi- ficance of the growth of the Macedonian power. It . was only eight years since Philip, on his accession to the throne, had undertaken the great task of uniting the constituent parts of his kingdom which had long been torn by civil war, of fostering a national feeling, and creating an army. He had won incredible successes in a few years. n By a combination of force and deceit he had made himself master of Amphipolis and Pydna in 357 B.C. In the following year he obtained pos- session of the gold mines of Mt. Pangaeus, which gave him a source of inexhaustible wealth, and enabled him to prepare more ambitious enterprises. This was an important crisis in his career : the bribery for which "* he was famous and in which he greatly trusted could now be practised on a large scale. In the early speeches of Demosthenes there is Httle DEMOSTHENES 207 reference to Philip ; he is certainly not regarded as a dangerous rival of Athens. There is a passing mention of him in the Leptines (384 B.C.) ; ^ in the Aristocrates he plays a larger part, but is treated almost contemp- tuously : ' You know, of course, whom I mean by this Philip of Macedon * (care Stjttov ^iXiinrov tovtovl rov MaKehova) is the form in which his name is intro- duced (§111). He is considered as an enemy, but only classed with other barbarian princes, such as Cerso- bleptes of Thrace. But Philip was not content with annexing towns and districts in his own neighbourhood in whose in- tegrity Athens was interested — Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, Methone, and part of Thrace. He interfered in the affairs of Thessaly, which brought the trouble nearer home to Athens (353 B.C.). In 352 B.C. he proposed to pass through Thermopylae, and take part in the Sacred War against Phocis, but here Athens intervened for the first time and checked his pro- gress. After this one vigorous stroke the Athenians, in spite of Philip's renewed activities in Thrace and on the Propontis, relapsed into an apathetic indiffer- ence, from which Demosthenes in vain tried to rouse them. — The language of the First Philippic shows that Demosthenes fully recognized the seriousness of the situation, and the imminent danger to which the com- placency of his countrymen was exposing them ; he wishes to make them feel that the case, though not yet desperate, is likely to become so if they persist in doing 1 § 61. ' Pydna and Potidaea, which are subject to Phihp and hostile to you.' Also § 63. 2o8 THE GREEK ORATORS nothing, while a whole-hearted effort will bring them into safety again :^ § 2. ' Now, first of all, Gentlemen, we must not despair about the present state of affairs, serious as it is ; for our greatest weakness in the past will be our greatest strength in the future. What do I mean ? I mean that you are in difiiculties simply because you have never exerted your- selves to do your duty. If things were as they are in spite of serious effort on your part to act always as you should, there would be no hope of improvement. Secondly, I would have you reflect on what some of you can remember and others have been told, of the great power possessed not long ago by Sparta ; yet, in face of that power you acted honourably and nobly, you in no wise detracted from your country's dignity ; you faced the war unflinchingly in a just cause. . . .' § 4. * If any of you thinks that Phihp is invincible, considering how great is the force at his disposal, and how our city has lost all these places, he has grounds for his belief ; but let him consider that we once possessed Pydna, Potidaea, and Methone, and the whole of that district ; and many of the tribes, now subject to him, were free and independent and better disposed to us than to Macedon. If Philip had felt as you do now, that it was a serious matter to fight against Athens because she possessed so many strongholds commanding his own country, while he was destitute of aUies, he would never have won any of his present successes, or acquired the mighty power which now alarms you. But he saw clearly that these places were the prizes of war offered in open competition ; that the pro- perty of an absentee goes naturally to those who are on the spot to claim it, and those who are willing to work hard and take risks may supplant those who neglect their chances. ' § 8. 'Do not imagine that he is as a God, secure in eternal possession. There are men who hate and fear and DEMOSTHENES 209 envy him, even among those who seem his closest associates. These feelings are for the present kept under, because through your slowness and your negligence they can find no opening. These habits, I say, you must break with. ' § 10. * When, I ask, when will you be roused to do your duty? — ^When the time of need comes, you say. What do you think of the present crisis ? I hold that a free nation can never be in greater need than when their conduct is of a kind to shame them. Tell me, do you want to parade the streets asking each other, *' Is there any news to-day ? " What graver news can there be than that a Macedonian is crushing Athens and dictating the policy of Greece ? " Philip is dead," says one. " Oh no, but he is ill," says another. What difference does it make to you ? Even if anything happens to him you will very soon call into existence a second Philip if you attend to your interests as carefully as you are doing now. For it is not so much his own strength as your negligence that has raised him to power.' The orator proceeds to give detailed advice for the j conduct of the war ; he asks for no * paper forces,' ^ such as the assembly is in the habit of voting, irre- spective of whether they can be obtained or not — ten or twenty thousand of mercenaries or the like. He requires a small but efficient expeditionary force, of which the backbone is to be a contingent of citizen- * hoplites, one quarter of the whole ; a small but efficient fleet, and money to pay both army and navy — this was a matter often overlooked by the assembly — and an Athenian general in whom the host will have confid- ence. The advice was moderate and sound in the extreme. Demosthenes probably knew what he was talking about when he said that two thousand hoplites, 1 iiriaroXi/JLalovs dvvdfxeii, § 19. 210 THE GREEK ORATORS two hundred cavalry, and fifty triremes were enough for the present. A resolute attack on Philip by such a force would probably have put fresh heart into the many enemies whom he had not yet completely subdued. There is a further point which marks the difference between the present advice and that of previous coim- sellors. The army is not to be enlisted for a particular expedition only ; it is to be maintained at its original strength as long as may be necessary. ^ Soldiers will serve for a certain Hmited time, and at the end of their term will be replaced by fresh troops. ^ The army which he suggests will not be enough to defeat Philip unaided, but enough to produce a strong impression. They might send a large force, but it would be un- wieldy, and they could not maintain it.^ The First Philippic failed to produce the effect desired. The Olynthiac speeches which closely followed it were also ineffectual. In 349 B.C. Philip seized a pretext for making war on Olynthus, which appealed for help to Athens. The alliance, which had been sought in vain in 357 and 352 B.C., was now, apparently, granted with little opposition, and Chares with two thousand mercenaries sent to the help of the Olynthian league. Demosthenes tries to emphasize the import- ance of the situation^ the aid which has been voted is not enough ; they ought to act at once, sending two forces of citizens, not mercenaries ; the one to protect Olynthus, the other to harass Philip elsewhere. Large * § 19, Sivaixiv . . . '^ (ruvexws iro\einif)(Tei. . . . * § 21, XP^^^^ TaKTbv a-rparevofi^povs, fir] fiuKpov rovrov, dW 6aov tv doKTJ KoXQi ^X* "'» ^'f Siadoxrjs dXXiJXois. ' § 23, 0^ Toipvv viripoyKov avT-f^v {oi> y^p (ari fxicrdbt 0^5^ Tpo^), oid^ waPTeXQs raveiv^v elvai 8eT, DEMOSTHENES 211 supplies of money are necessary, and he hints that the Athenians have such supplies ready at hand. He refers to the Festival Fund (decopiKov), but concern- ing this he is in a delicate position. The ministry of Eubulus was in power, and a law of Eubulus had pronounced any attempt to tamper with the dempcKov a criminal offence. Demosthenes, being one of a weak minority, could only move cautiously, suggesting that a change of administration was desirable, but not proposing a definite motion. V There is a marked difference in tone between the first two speeches and the third. In the former Demosthenes insists that everything is still to be done, but he points out that there are many weak points in Philip's armour, and a vigorous and united policy may still defeat him. In the third he makes it clear that the opportunity is past, and the lost ground can only be recovered by desperate measures. He openly advocates the conversion of the Festival Fund into a military chest, and this is the main theme of the oratjon, to which every argument in turn leads up.i -\ '• The efforts of Athens were dilatory and insufficient ; Olynthus and the other cities of the Chalcidian League fell in the following year (349 B.C.) ; they were de- stroyed, and all the inhabitants made slaves. \ Attempts to unite the Peloponnesian States against the common enemy were futile, and negotiations were begun between Philip and Athens. They were conducted at first informally by private persons, but in 347 B.C., on 1 I have assumed the traditional order of the Olynthiac speeches to be the correct one. The question is much disputed, and is lucidly discussed by M. Weil in his introductions to the speeches {Les Harangues de Wmosth^ne). 212 THE GREEK ORATORS the proposal of Philocrates, an embassy was sent to Philip. Philip's answer, received in 346 B.C., de- manded that Phocis and Halus should be excluded from the proposed treaty. Demosthenes contested this point, but Aeschines carried it. A second em- bassy was sent, and the discreditable Peace of Philo- crates was signed. The result was the ruin of Phocis. Although Demosthenes disapproved of the peace, later in the year, in his speech On the Peace, he urged Athens to keep its conditions, arguing that to break it would bring upon them even greater disaster. In consequence of the peace, Philip had been able to convoke the Amphictyonic Council, and pass a vote for the condemnation of Phocis. Twenty-two towns were destroyed, and the Phocian votes in the Council transferred to Philip, who was also made president of the Pythian Games. Thus the barbarian of a few years ago had received the highest religious sanction for*his claim to be the leader of Greece. Athens alone, whose precedence he had usurped, refused to recognize him, and Demosthenes saw that to persist in a hostile atti- tude might involve all the States in a new Amphictyonic war. It was better to surrender their scruples, and to regard the convention not, indeed, as a permanent peace, but a truce during which fresh preparations might be made. Six years of nominal peace ensued, during which Philip extended his influence diplomatically. Whether from principle or policy he treated Athens with marked courtesy, and, through his agents, made vague offers of the great services which he was prepared to render. Many of the citizens believed in his sin- cerity, notably Isocrates, who in 346 B.C. spoke of the baseless suspicions caused by the assertions of mahcious DEMOSTHENES 213 persons, that Philip wished to destroy Greek freedom. ^ Demosthenes was never duped by these professions. ^ He was now a recognized leader, and was gathering to his side a powerful body of patriotic orators such as Lycurgus and Hyperides. Phihp, after organizing the government of Thessaly and allying himself with Thebes, interfered in the Peloponnese by supporting Messene, Arcadia, and Argos against Sparta. An Athenian embassy, led by Demosthenes, was sent to these states to advise them of the danger which they incurred by their new alliance. Some impression was produced, and apparently an embassy was sent by some of the states to Athens. In reply to their re- presentations, of which no trace is preserved, Demo- "" sthenes delivered the Second Philippic. In it he ex- -^ poses the king's duphcity. ' The means used by Athens to coimteract his manoeuvres are quite in- adequate ; we talk, but he acts. We speak to the point, but do nothing to the point. Each side is superior in the line which it follows, but his is the more effective line (§§ 1-5). Philip's assurances of goodwill are accepted too readily. He realized that Thebes, in consideration of favours received, would further his designs. He is now showing favour to Messene and Argos from the same motive. He has paid Athens the high comphment of not offering her a disgraceful bargain (§§ 6-12). His past actions betray him ; as he made the Boeotian cities subject to Thebes, he is not likely to free the Peloponnesian States from Sparta. He knows that he is really aiming at you, and that you ,, . are aware of it ; that is why he is ever on the alert, ' and supports against you Thebans and Peloponnesians, ^ Isocr,, Philippus, § 73-74. 214 THE GREEK ORATORS who, he thinks, are greedy enough to swallow his present ofers, and too stupid to foresee the conse- quences ' (§§ 12-19). The epilogue contains an in- dictment of those whose policy is to blame for the present troubles. In accordance with Demosthenes* general practice Aeschines and Philocrates, at whom he aims the charge, are not mentioned by name. The anti-Macedonian party grew in strength in 343 B.C. Hyperides impeached Philocrates, who re- tired into exile and was condemned to death. About the same time Demosthenes himself brought into court an action against Aeschines, which had been pending for three years, for traitorous conduct in connexion with the embassy to Philip. The position was a diffi- cult one for two reasons : his own policy in that matter could not be sharply distinguished from that of Aeschines ; the accusation depended largely on dis- crimination of motives, and he had practically no proof of the guilt of Aeschines. Considering the technical weakness of the prosecutor's case it is not surprising that Aeschines escaped ; it is more remarkable that he was acquitted only by a small majority. In 342 B.C. Philip, whose influence in the Pelopon- nese had sHghtly waned, began a fresh campaign in Thrace, and in 341 B.C. had reached the Chersonese. The possession of this district meant the control of the Dardanelles, and, as Athens still depended largely on the Black Sea trade for her com supply, his progress was a menace to her existence. Diopeithes, an Athenian mercenary captain, had in 343 B.C. taken settlers to Cardia, a town in the Chersonese in nominal alliance with Macedon. Cardia was unwilling to receive them, and PhiHp sent help to the town. Dio- DEMOSTHENES 215 peithes, who, in accordance with the habit of the times, in order to support his fleet, exacted ' benevolences ' from friends and foes impartially, happened to plunder some districts in Thrace which were subject to Mace- don. Philip addressed a letter of remonstrance to Athens, and his adherents in the city demanded the recall of Diopeithes. Demosthenes in his speech On 4^ the Chersonese urged that the Chersonese should not be abandoned at such a crisis : a permanent force must be maintained there. He defends the actions of Diopeithes by an appeal to necessity. The Athenians were in the habit of voting armaments for foreign service without voting them supplies ; consequently the generals had to supply themselves. ' All the generals who have ever sailed from Athens take money from Chios, Erythrae, or from any other Asiatic city they can. Those who have one or two ships take less ; those with a larger force take more. Those who give, whether in large or small amounts, are not so mad as to give them for nothing ; they are purchasing protection for merchants sailing from their ports, immunity from ravages, safe convoy for their own ships and other such advantages. They will tell you that they give '* Benevolences," which is the term applied to these extortions. ' Now in the present case, since Diopeithes has an army, it is obvious that all these people will give him money. Since he got nothing from you, and has no private means to pay his soldiers with, where else do you imagine he can get money to keep them ? Will it fall from the skies ? Un- fortunately, no. He has to live from day to day on what he can collect and beg and borrow. ' ^ In addition to including a plan of campaign, the speech contains, as many of the orations do, a frank 1 Chers., §§ 24-26. 216 THE GREEK ORATORS statement of the position of affairs, and the usual in- vectives against Athenian apathy. The concluding section, however, contains a more solemn warning than is usual, showing that Demosthenes almost despairs of success. * If you grasp the situation as I have indicated, and cease to make light of everything, it may be, it may be that even now our affairs may take a favourable turn ; but if you continue to sit still and confine your enthusiasm to expressions of applause and votes of approval, but shirk the issue when any action is required of you, I cannot conceive of any eloquence which, without performance of your duty, can guide our State to safety. ' ^ ^ The Third Philippic was dehvered in the same year (341 B.C.). The situation is in all essentials the same. Demosthenes again demands that help should be sent to the Chersonese and the safety of Byzantium assured ; but he does not enlarge on these points, which have been treated by previous speakers. ^ ' We must help them, it is true, and take care that no harm befalls them ; but our deliberations must be about the great danger which now threatens the whole of Greece.' ^ It is this breadth of view which distinguishes the Third y^ V Philippic, and makes it the greatest of all the public ' harangues. In the Chersonese Demosthenes had suggested the dispatch of numerous embassies ; he now enlarges on this topic ; the interests of Athens must be identified with those of all Greece, and all States must be made I to realize this. Philip's designs are against Greek liberty as a whole ; Athens must arm and put herself at the head of a great league in the struggle for freedom. M 77- ' § 19- ' § 20. DEMOSTHENES 217 ' I pass over Olynthus, Methone, and Apollonia, and thirty-two cities in the Thracian district, all of which he has so brutally destroyed that it is hard for a visitor to say whether they were ever inhabited. I am silent about the destruction of a great nation, the Phocians. But how fares Thessaly ? Has he not deprived the cities of their govern- ments, and established tetrarchies, in order that they may be enslaved, not only city by city, but tribe by tribe ? Are not the cities of Euboea now ruled by tyrants, though that island is close on the borders of Thebes and Athens ? Does he not expressly state in his letters " I am at peace with those who will obey me " ? And his actions corro- borate his words. He has started for the Hellespont ; before that he visited Ambracia ; he holds in the Pelopon- nese the important city of EUs ; only the other day he made plots against Megara. Neither Greece nor the countries' beyond it can contain his ambition.' ^ This short extract is a fair example of Demosthenes* vigorous use of historical argun^ent, but it can give little idea of the speech as a whole. r It abounds, indeed, in enumerations of recent events bearing on the case, and in contrasts between the present and the past. This running appeal to example to a great extent takes the place of reasoned argument, but the effect of the whole, with its combined appeals to feeling and reason, is convincingly strong. H The orator himself must have attached great im- portance to this speech as an exposition of his policy, for he appears to have published two recensions of itr^ Both are preserved in different families of MSS. The shorter text contained in S (Parisinus) and L {Lauren- tianus) omits many phrases and even whole passages which occur in the other group. It is beheved that the 1 §§ 26-27. 2i8 THE GREEK ORATORS shorter is the final form in which Demosthenes wished to preserve the speech.* )r The Fourth Philippic contains the suggestion that • - I Athens should make overtures to the Persian king for ' help against Phihp. The speech is probably a forgery, but one of a peculiar kind. About a third of the text consists of passages taken directly from the speech On the Chersonese, and one division (§§ 35-45) is in favour of a distribution of the Theoric Fund, which is quite opposed to the policy of the Olynthiacs and the Chersonese speech. On the other hand, some passages are in a style and tone quite worthy of Demosthenes, and consistent with his views. There can be little doubt that we have here a compilation from actual speeches of Demosthenes, expanded by a certain amount of rhetorical invention. The * answer to Phihp's letter ' and the speech irepl o-vvrd^eco^ are, on the other hand, simple forgeries. This concludes • the list of the Philippic speeches. \- Y ^^^ record of Demosthenes' pubhc speeches ceases with the Third Philippic, at the moment when his eloquence had reached its greatest height. The great speeches belong to the years of opposition ; now, after 1 The subject is admirably discussed by M. Weil {Les Harangues de Ddmosihine (2nie 6d.), pp. 312-316). His axguments should be carefully read by those interested in the subject. I quote only his conclusions : ' Nous avons dej4 vu que plusieurs passages, qui manquent dans S et L, ne pouvaient guere emaner que de Demo- sth^ne lui-meme ' (p. 314). ' Le resultat de cet examen, c'est que nous nous trouvons en presence de deux textes egalement autoris6s, et que les additions et les modifications qui distinguent I'un de I'autre doivent etre attribuees a I'orateur lui-meme . . .' (p. 315)- These conclusions are adopted by Blass (Ati. Bered., 1893) and Sandys (1900), who, however, considers that the shorter version was the orator's first draft. Butcher {Demosthenes , 3rd ed., 191 1) considers that the shorter text represents ' the maturer correction of the orator.' DEMOSTHENES 219 eleven years of combat, he had estabhshed himself as chief leader of the assembly. He spoke, no doubt, frequently and impressively, but, engaged in im- portant administrative work, he had no leisure or need^ for writing. The years 340-338 B.C. were a time of vigorous re- vival for Athens. For a short but brilliant period it ^ seemed that the city-state might emerge triumphant from the struggle against monarchy. Enthusiasm inspired the patriotic party to noble efforts. Euboea was removed from Philip's influence, and Athens in- augurated a new league, including Acarnania, Achaea, Corcyra, Corinth, Euboea, and Megara. Philip himself suffered a check before Byzantium, which had ap-. pealed to Athens for help, and had not called in vain. }' In internal affairs, a new trierarchic law not only increased the efficiency of the fleet, but abolished a great social grievance by making the burden of trier- archy fall on all classes in just proportion to their means, whereas hitherto the poorer citizens had suffered unduly. A still greater reform was the exe- cution of the project, so long cherished, for applying the Theoric Fund to the expenses of war (339 B.C.). In 338 B.C. Lycurgus was appointed to the Ministry of ^ Finance, an office which he was to fill with exceptional efficiency for twelve years to come. But PhiHp held many strings, and was most dan- gerous when he seemed to turn his back on his enemies. Unsuccessful on the Hellespont, he withdrew his fleet and undertook an expedition by land against a Scythian prince who had offended him. This journey had no direct relation to his greater designs, and Athens was pleased to think that he might be defeated or even 220 THE GREEK ORATORS killed. He was, indeed, wounded, but he returned to Macedonia in 339 B.C., having accomplished what was probably his chief object, to restore the confidence of his soldiers after their reverses in recent encounters with the Greeks. Meanwhile events in Greece, which perhaps were partly directed by his influence, pursued a course favourable to his plans. In 340 B.C. two enemies of Demosthenes, Midias and Aeschines, represented Athens as pylagorae at the Amphictyonic Council. Aeschines describes how, ap- parently from no political motive but for the satis- faction of a personal grudge, he himself inflamed the passions of the Amphictyons to the point of declaring a sacred war against the Locrians of Amphissa. Any war between Greeks was to PhiHp's advantage. The Amphictyonic War was carried on in a dilatory way, and in the autumn of 339 B.C. the Council, still under the influence of Aeschines, nominated Philip to carry the affair to a conclusion. The king had recovered quickly from his wound, and eagerly embraced the sacred mission which allowed him to pass through Thessaly and Thermopylae unmolested. On reaching Elatea, once the principal town of Phocis, but now desolate, he halted and began to put the place in a state of defence. The news was received at Athens with great consternation, as Demosthenes vividly describes.^ Aji assembly was hastily summoned, and Demosthenes explained the full import of this action. It was a threat to Athens and Thebes alike. All the masterly eloquence of the great statesman was exerted to the utmost of his powers to induce Athens to forget 1 de Cor., §§ 169-170. DEMOSTHENES z2T long-standing enmities and offer to Thebes the help of --^ her entire fighting force freely and unconditionally. It was probably the greatest triumph of eloquence ever \ known that Demosthenes was successful in his plea. J War was inevitable sooner or later, and it is greatly to his credit that he brought about the Theban alliance, though it ended disastrously for all the Greeks con- cerned in the battle of Chaeronea (338 B.C.). Henceforward the influence of Athens on external affairs was strictly limited, though she retained her independence, for Philip was a generous foe.^ Demo- sthenes busied himself with internal matters ; to him was committed the repair of the fortifications, to the expense of which he gave a contribution of 100 minae. For this act Ctesiphon proposed in 337 B.C. that he should be rewarded with a gold crown. Aeschines indicted Ctesiphon for an illegal motion, and the famous case of The Crown, which produced great speeches from ^\ both the rivals, was the result. The case, however, was not heard till six years later, r In 336 B.C. Phihp was murdered. Demosthenes set the example of rejoicing by appearing in public crowned with flowers, though he was in mourning for "^ his daughter at the time. The great hopes which the city-states had entertained were dashed to the ground by the energy of Alexander, who, though only twenty |^ years old, proved himself an even greater general and statesman than his father. V Thebes was induced to revolt by Demosthenes, who was supported by Persian gold, but Alexander crushed ^ Philip seems to have had a genuine admiration for Athens, and always treated her with extraordinary consideration. For a full appreciation of this attitude see Hogarth, Philip and Alexander. 222 THE GREEK ORATORS "^^ and destroyed Thebes before help could reach it, and sent an ultimatum to Athens. He demanded the ^' surrender of Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and eight other orators of their party. They were saved, it appears, by the intervention of Demades.^ Alexander departed for Asia, and Athenian states- men were left to quarrel about the politics of their city. It was now that the great case in which Demosthenes and Aeschines were concerned came up for trial. The matter nominally in dispute was only a pretext ; it was really a question of reviewing and passing judg- ment on the pohtical Hfe of the two great antagonists for the last twenty years. The charges of illegality brought against Ctesiphon were three : (i) That the decree, falsely asserting that Demosthenes had done good service to the State, in- volved the insertion of a lie into the public records. (2) That it was' illegal to crown an official who, like Demosthenes, was still subject to audit. (3) That proclamation of the crowning in the theatre was illegal. On (2) and (3), the technical points, the prosecutor had a strong case, but the first section was the only one of real importance, since the process was really aimed at Demosthenes. The main part of the speech of Aeschines against Ctesiphon is accordingly devoted ^"^ to an indictment of the public life of Demosthenes. — " Four periods are taken : (i) From the war about Amphipolis to the peace of Philocrates (357-346 B.C.). (2) The years of peace (346-340 B.C.). (3) The ministry of Demosthenes (340-33S B.C.). (4) The years after Chaeronea (33^-33^ B.C.). The reply of Demosthenes [de Corona) is mainly con- 1 Plut., Dem., ch. xxiii. DEMOSTHENES , 223 cemed with a defence of his own pohc}^ the technical points on which the issue nominally depended being kept very much in the background. It is remarkable that in dealing with the early years he makes no attempt to take credit for the great speeches by which in that time he attempted to influence his country — the First Philippic and the three Olynthiacs. He dis- cusses chiefly, the peace negotiations. He speaks more fully of the second period, and lays the greatest stress on the third — the years during which he was the ac- knowledged leader of the people, so that an eulogy of the national policy must involve a tribute to his own patriotism. Only short allusions are made to the last period, the years since the battle of Chaeronea. The order is not chronological, and the structure is not apparently systematic ; nevertheless the de Corona is the greatest of all Athenian speeches. The speech cannot be represented by extracts ; it must be read as a whole to be appreciated. All that a summary can do is to draw attention to the peculiarities of structure, which are possibly due in some measure to the length of the speech and the variety of the sub- jects which have to be treated : ^ 1. §§ 1-8. The conventional exordium, in this case both introduced and finished by a solemn prayer. 2. §§ 9-52. Refutation of the calumnies uttered by Aeschines. This section consists chiefly of Demosthenes' own version of the negotiations for the peace of 346 B.C., showing that Aeschines and his associates were really guilty of treason in their dealings with Philip. 1 See also infra, p. 253, note i, and p. 254. 224 THE GREEK ORATORS 3- §§ 53-125. Defence of Ctesiphon — Demosthenes undertakes to prove (a) that he deserved to receive a crown, (b) that on the legal point Ctesiphon is not to blame, {a) He summarizes the condition of Greece during the years of peace, and immediately after it records his own public services and justifies his policy, {b) He examines the question of legality, and proves that Ctesiphon is on the right side of the law. 4. §§ 126-159. Invective against Aeschines. This might be called a pseudo-epilogue, but is really only an interlude. It deals with (a) the birth and life of his rival, and {b) in particular, his action which kindled an Amphictyonic war. * 5. §§ 160-251. Demosthenes continues the dis- cussion of his past policy, in regard to the Theban alliance and the last war with Philip. 6. §§ 252-324. An epilogue of exceptional length, mainly devoted to a comparison between Demosthenes and Aeschines. The speaker closely identifies himself with the city, whose policy he has shaped; so that in attacking him, Aeschines attacks Athens. The speech ends, as it began, with a prayer. §3 For the next few years Demosthenes probably spent some of his time in composing private speeches for others, though the extant speeches of this period are mostly of doubtful authenticity. He also remained as a prominent figure in Athenian pohtics. He had not changed his views, but he seems to have been deposed from the leadership of the patriotic party by DEMOSTHENES 225 others whose patriotism was of a more violent type than his, so that he must be now counted as a moderate in opinion. It may have been this position which brought him into danger in 324 B.C. *^ Harpalus, who had been left as Alexander's governor at Babylon, on receipt of a rumour of his master's death in India, made off with the royal treasure, and, accompanied by a force of six thousand men, took ship and sailed for Greece. He appeared off Piraeus, and the fervid patriots proposed that Athens should wel- come him and use his treasure and his men to help them in a revolt. Demosthenes opposed an open breach with Alex-, ander, and on his motion admission was refused to the flotilla. Harpalus came a second time without his army, and was admitted. Close on his heels came messengers from Alexander to demand his surrender, but this was resisted by Demosthenes and Phocion. On the motion of Demosthenes it was decided to tem- porize ; Harpalus was to be treated as a prisoner, and the treasure deposited in the Parthenon. The amount of the treasure was declared by Harpalus as 720 talents, but it soon became known that only 350 talents had been lodged in the Acropolis. Harpalus in the meantime had escaped from prison and dis- appeared, and suspicion was roused against all who had had any kind of dealings with him. To allay the public excitement Demosthenes proposed that the Council of the Areopagus should investigate the mystery of the lost talents. Six months later the Council gave its report, issuing a list of nine pubHc men whom it declared guilty of receiving part of the lost money. The name of Demosthenes himself headed the list ; he p 226 THE GREEK ORATORS was charged with having received twenty talents for helping Harpalus to escape. This declaration did not constitute a judicial sentence, but in consequence of it prosecutions were instituted, ten public prosecutors "u were appointed, and Demosthenes was found guilty. He was condemned to pay a fine of fifty talents, and being imable to raise the money he was cast into prison. He soon escaped, and fled first to Aegina and then to Troezen, where, according to Plutarch, he sat daily by the sea, watching with sad eyes the distant shores of Attica. The whole affair is obscure ; we do not know how Demosthenes defended himself, but we possess two of ^A the speeches for the prosecution, by Hyperides and ■ Dinarchus. Neither is explicit. The report of the Areopagus was held to have estabhshed the facts, so that no further evidence was required ; it was the business of the court only to interpret motives and decide the degree of each defendant's guilt. Hyperides ^ afiirms that Demosthenes began by ad- mitting the receipt of the money ; but he afterwards denied it, declaring that he was ready to suffer death if it could be proved that he had received it.^ It was certainly Demosthenes who proposed that the Areo- pagus should investigate the affair. Two details in the case give rise to perplexity : the fine inflicted — two and a half times the amount in- volved — was fight, considering that the law demanded ten-fold restitution ; secondly, it is difficult to see when Demosthenes can have received the money. Harpalus could not pay him at the time of his escape, * Hyp., Against Dem., fr. 3, col. xiii. * Dinarchus, Against Dem., § i. DEMOSTHENES 227 or indeed at any time subsequent to his arrest, for he did not take the money to prison with him. It seems improbable that the money should have been paid earlier, for Demosthenes was acting against Harpalus all the time. Professor Butcher supposed that pay- ment might have been made when Demosthenes re- sisted the surrender of Harpalus to Alexander. ^ Two theories have been proposed with a view to the complete or partial exculpation of the orator — one, that he was absolutely innocent, but became the victim of a coinbination of his political enemies, the extreme patriots, who were dissatisfied with his moderate policy, and his ancient foes the Macedonian party. The other view is that he received the money and spent it, or in- tended to spend it, on secret service of the kind on which every State spends money, though it is generally impossible to give a detailed account of such expenses. Even if he could not prove such a use, the offence of receiving bribes was a venial one, as even his prosecutor Hyperides admits, if they were not received against the interests of the State. In Demosthenes' favour we have the late evidence of Pausanias, who affirms that an agent of Harpalus, when examined by Alex- ander with regard to this affair, divulged a list of names which did not contain that of Demosthenes. A minor charge of briberj^ is brought by Dinarchus, who asserts that Demosthenes received 300 talents from the Great King to save Thebes in 335 B.C., but sacrificed Thebes to his own avarice because he wished to keep ten talents which had been pro- mised to the Arcadians for their assistance. The story is ridiculous. 1 Butcher, Dem., pp. 124-127. 228 THE GREEK ORATORS In 323 B.C. Alexander died ; the hope of freedom ^revived, and Demosthenes started at once on a tour of the Peloponnese to urge on the cities the need of joint action. He was reconciled with the party of Hyperides and recalled from exile. He was fetched home in a X trireme, and a procession escorted him from the har- bour to the city. By a straining of the law, the public paid his fine. The Lamian war opened successfully under Leosthenes, but at the battle of Crannon Anti- pater crushed the Greek forces. Athens was forced ^ to receive a Macedonian garrison, to lose her demo- cratic constitution, and to give up her leaders to the conqueror's vengeance. Demades carried a decree for the death of Demosthenes and Hyperides. Demo- sthenes had already escaped and taken sanctuary in the temple of Posidon on the island of Calauria. Here he was pursued by an agent of Antipater, one Archias, known as the exile-hunter, who had been an actor. This man tried to entice him forth by generous promises, but Demosthenes answered, ' Your acting never carried ' conviction, and your promises are equally uncon- vincing.' Archias then resorted to threats, but was met by the calm retort, * Now you speak like a Mace- donian oracle ; you were only acting before ; only wait a little, so that I may write a few lines home.' ^" While pretending to write he sucked poison from the end of his pen, and then let his head sink on his hands, as if in thought. When Archias approached again he looked him in the face and said, ' It is time for you to play the part of Creon, and cast out this body un- buried. Now, adored Posidon, I leave thy precinct while yet aUve; but Antipater and his Macedonians have left not even thy shrine undefiled.' He essayed DEMOSTHENES 229 to walk out, but fell and died upon the steps of the altar. ^ Lucian, in his Encomium of Demosthenes, has given a fanciful account of Antipater receiving the news from Archias ; these are the concluding words : * So he is gone, either to live with the heroes in the Isles of the Blest or along the path of those souls that cUmb to Heaven, to be an attendant spirit on Zeus the giver of Freedom ; but his body we will send to Athens, as a nobler memorial for that land than are the bodies of those who fell at Marathon.' 2 . "* § 4. Literary Reputation \ The verdict of antiquity, which has generally been accepted in modem times, ranked Demosthenes as the greatest of orators. In his own age he had rivals : Aeschines, as we have seen already, is in many respects worthy of comparison with him ; of his other contem- poraries Phocion was impressive by his dignity, sin-., cerity, and brevity — ' he could say more in fewer words ' ; the vigorous extemporizations of Demades were sometimes more elective than the polished subtleties of Demosthenes ; Aeschines claims to prefer the speaking of Leodamas of Achamae, but the tone in which he says so is almost apologetic, and the laboured criticism to which Aeschines constantly sub- jects his rival practically takes it for granted that the latter was reckoned the foremost speaker of the time. Later Greek authorities, who are far enough removed to see in proper perspective the orators of the pre- Macedonian times, have an ungrudging admiration for Demosthenes. The author of The Sublime saw in him 1 This account is taken from Plutarch {Dem., ch. xxix.). * Lucian, Dem. Enc, § 50. 230 THE GREEK ORATORS many faults, and admitted that in many details Hyperides excelled him.^ Nevertheless he finds in Demosthenes certain divine gifts which put him apart from the others in a class by himself ; he surpasses the t' orators of all generations ; his thunders and lightnings \ shake down and scorch up all opposition ; it is im- possible to face his dazzling brilliancy without flinching. But Hyperides never made anybody tremble. In later times we find Demosthenes styled ' The Orator,' just as Homer is * The Poet.' Lucian, whose literary appreciations are always worthy of attention, wrote an Encomium of Demosthenes, containing an imaginary dialogue, in which Antipater is the chief speaker. He pays a generous tribute to his dead enemy, who * woke his compatriots from their drugged sleep * ; 2 the Philippics are compared to battering- rams and catapults, and Philip is reported to have ^rejoiced that Demosthenes was never elected general, for the orator's speeches shook the king's throne, and his actions, if he had been given the opportunity, would have overturned it. Of Roman critics, Cicero in many passages in the Brutus and Orator expresses extreme admiration for the excellence of Demosthenes in every style of oratory ; he regards him as far outstripping all others, though failing in some details to attain perfection. Quin- tilian's praise is discriminating but sincere ; in fact we may say that the Greek and Roman worlds were prac- tically unanimous about the orator's merits. ~^ It is difficult to take a general view of the style of Demosthenes, from the mere fact that it is extremely 1 de Sublimi, ch. xxxiv. ^ § 3^> olop eK fxapdpaydpov KadeiL^SovTas. DEMOSTHENES 231 varied ; the three classes of speeches — the forensic speeches in private and pubhc suits, and the pubhc harangues addressed to the assembly, all have their particular features : nevertheless there are certain characteristics which may be distinguished in all classes. First of these is his great care in composit ion. Isocrates is known to have spent yeSfs in polishing the essays which he intended as permanent contributions to the science of politics ; Plato wrote and erased and wrote again before he was satisfied with the form in which his philosophy was to be given to the world ; y Demosthenes, without j^ears^ Ql.toil> could produce for definite occasions speeches whose finished b rillianc y made them worthy to be ranked as great literature quite apart from their merits as contributions to practical policy. V . v . /A ; ^ . ^' v- x\>v It is a well-known jest against him that his speeches smelt of midnight oil, but he must have had a remark- able natural fluency to be able to compose so many speeches so well. It is quite possible, on the other hand, that the speeches which survive are not alto- gether in the form in which they were delivered. It seems to have been a habit among orators of this time to edit for publication their speeches delivered in important cases, in order that a larger audience might have an opportunity of reading a permanent record of the speakers' views on political or legal questions which had more than a transitory interest. We have indirect evidence that Demosthenes was in the habit of introducing corrections into his text. Aeschines quotes and derides certain expressions, mostly exaggerated metaphors, which do not occur in .^ 232 THE GREEK ORATORS the speeches as extant to us, though some of them evidently should, if the text had not been submitted to a recension.^ We may note the remark of Erato- sthenes 2 that while speaking he sometimes lost control of himself, and talked like a man possessed, and that of Demetrius of Phaleron, that on one occasion he offended against good taste by quoting a metrical oath which bears the stamp of comedy : ' By earth and fountains, rivulets and streams/ ^ This quotation is not to be found in any extant speech, but it is noticeable that formulae of the kind, typically represented by the familiar w 7^ kuI Oeol — * Ye Earth and Gods ' — are commonly affected by Demo- sthenes, as indeed they are to be found in his contem- porary AescKines. Evidently the Attic taste ,was undergoing a modi- fication ; such expressions are foreign to the dignified harmonies of Isocrates and of rare occurrence in the restrained style of Lysias ; but they begin to appear more frequently in Isaeus, whose style was the model for the early speeches of Demosthenes. Certain other expressions belonging to the popular speech, and pro- bably avoided by Isocrates as being too colloquial, are foimd in Demosthenes' public speeches — e.g. 6 Selva and 0) rav. Under the same heading must come the use of coarse expressions and terms of personal abuse. In many of the speeches relating to public law-suits Demo- sthenes allows himself all the latitude which was 1 Aescl)., Ctes., §§ 72, 166 ; de Leg., § 21 ; Ctes., §§ 84, 209. 2 Plut., Dem., ch. ix., irapd^aKxov. * ipdovariQvTa. Cf. Aristophanes, Clouds, 194 : fxa yriv, fid vaylSas, fia ve(p^\ai, /id dlKTva. DEMOSTHENES 233 sanctioned by the taste of his times. In the actual use of abusive epithets — Orjpiov, Kardparo^, and the Hke — he does not go beyond the common practice of Aeschines, and is even outstripped by Dinarchus ; but in the accumulation of offensive references to the sup- posed private character of his pohtical opponents he condescends to such excesses that we wonder how a- decent audience can ever have tolerated him.^ Evi- dently an Athenian audience loved vulgarity for its own sake, apart from humour. In the private speeches there is at times a certain coarseiiess — ^inevitably, since police-court cases are offen concerned with sordid details. Offensive actions sometimes have to be described ; ^ but this is a very different matter from the irrelevant introduction of offensive matter. In the speeches delivered before the ecclesia Demo- sthenes set himself a higher ideal. Into questions of pubHc policy, private animosities should not be allowed to intrude, and throughout the Philippics and Olyn- thiacs Demosthenes observes this rule. Under no stress of excitement does he sink to personalities ; his political opponents for the time being are not abused, not even mentioned by name. The courtesies of debate are fully and justly maintained. ^ Notably the caricatures of Aeschines' private Ufe and family history in the de Corona, §§ 129-130, 260. Mr. Pickard-Cambridge makes it clear that the habitual members of the law-courts would be of a lower average socially than the ecclesia. The pay in either case was not enough to attract any but the unemployed, but whereas members of the leisured classes would have sufficient motives for attending the ecclesia, and well-to-do business-men might sacrifice valuable time unselfishly for the good of the State, there would be little inducement to such people to endure the wearisome routine of the law-courts (see Demosthenes, ch. iii.). « E.g. Canon, § 4. 234 THE GREEK ORATORS § 5. Style and Composition Though Demosthenes wrote in pure Attic Greek, it is to Lysias and Isocrates rather than to him that Diony- sius assigns praise for the most perfect purity of lan- s^ guage. It is probable that Demosthenes was nearer to the hving speech. Even in his dehberative speeches he can use such famihar expressions as w rav, 6 Belva and such expletives as vrj Ala, the frequent use of which would have seemed to Isocrates to belong to the vocabulary of Comedy. The epideictic style would also have shunned such vigorous touches as Xayo) ^iov If?/? — * you hved a hare's life,' or, to give the proper equivalent, * a dog's life,' ^ or the famous kukcov TXta? — * Twenty-four books of misery.' ^ Colloquial vigour is apparent in some metaphorical uses of single words, e.g. i(oKa KoX '^frvxpd — * stale and cold ' (applied to crimes),^ irpoaijX&a-daL — * to be pinned down,' ^ or the succession of crude metaphors in the account of how Aristogiton, in prison, picked a quarrel with a new- comer ; * he being newly caught and fresh, was getting the better of Aristogiton, who had got into the net some time ago and been long in pickle ; so finding himself getting the worst of it, he ate off the man's nose.' ^ There is bold personification of abstractions in * Peace, which has destroyed the walls of your allies and is now building houses for your ambassadors,' ^ and such phrases as redvaai rcS Seec tov<; tolovtov^; airoaToKov^ ^ de Cor., § 263. 2 ^^ Falsa Leg., § 148. 3 Midias, § 91. * Ibid., § 105. ' On the other hand he often apologizes for metaphors by w^irep or oXov — fjv Tovd^ dxnrep ifxirddiafxd rt r^ fl^i\lTnr(p though ifiirbSitTfin is probably as natural a form of expression as our ' obstacle.' « de Falsa Leg., § 275. DEMOSTHENES 235 — * they are frightened to death of so and so/ are more ""' vigorous than Hterary.^ Demosthenes seems to discard metaphor in his most solemn moments. In a spirit of sarcasm he can use such expressions as those quoted above about the disorderly scene in prison, and in an outburst of indig- nation he can speak of rival politicians as * Fiends, who have mutilated the corpses of their fatherlands, and made a birthday present of their liberty first to Philip, and now again to Alexander ; who measure happiness by their belly and their basest pleasures ' ; ^ but on grave occasions, whether in narrative or in counsel, -^ he reverts to a simplicity equal to that of Lysias. The plainness of the language in which he describes the excitement caused by the news of Philip's occupation of Elatea is proverbial ; ^ and the closing sentences of the Third Philippic afford another good example : * If everybody is going to sit still, hoping to get what he wants, and seeking to do nothing for it himself, in the first place he will never find anybody to do it for him, and secondly, I am afraid that we shall be forced to do every- thing that we do not want. This is what I tell you, this is what I propose ; and I believe that if this is done our affairs may even yet be set straight again. If anybody can offer anything better, let him name it and urge it ; and what- ever you decide, I pray to heaven it may be for the best.' The simplicity of the language is only equalled by the sobriety of tone. The sim plest w ords, if properly used, can produce a great effect, which is sometimes heightened by repetition, a device which Demosthenes ^ I PhiL^ § 45 ; cf. Ttdvikvai rip ^\j ) ; in this instance no other arrangement of the words was possible ; ou5' otioGv div eirj cl^eXos would give a harsh hiatus* Cf. also First Olynthiac, § 27, iiKlKa 7' iarl rd 5ui ^ v> -) at the beginning and end of a sentence. 2 The effect of increasing the number of short syllables, whether in verse or prose, is to make the movement of the line or period more rapid. The frequent use of "^^ tribrachs by Euripides constantly produces this im- pression, and an extreme case is the structure of the Galliambic metre, as seen, for instance, in the Attis of Catullus.^ Conversely the multiphcation of long syl- lables makes the movement slow, and produces an effect of solemnity.* v^ Demosthenes seems to have been the first prose- writer to pay attention to the avoidance of the tri- ^.^ brach; Plato seems to have consciously preferred a succession of short syllables where it was possible. The difference between the two points of view is pro- bably this — that Plato aimed at reproducing the natural rapidity of conversation, Demosthenes aimed ^ E.g. de Falsa Leg., § ii, Stc^tcbv TjKiKa T7)p"EX\aSa iraaav^ ovxl Tds iSias adiKOvai fidvov Trarpldas oi dojpoSoKovPTes. The position of ddiKoOai is peculiar, but the sentence already contains a preponderance of short syllables, and any other arrangement would give more of them together : e.g. the more natural orders rds iSiai iibvov TarplSas ddtKodai, (^\^y^^^ — ^^ or iSLas fxbvov dStKovcfi irarpidas (v^w — ^v^^v^ — v>^v> vy). 2 Arist., Rhet., iii. 8. 4. * Super alta vectus Attis celeri rate maria, etc. The ending with five short syllables gives an impression of headlong speed. * Cf. the ' spondaic ' hymn, ZeC Trdj'rwi' dpxd, iravrwy iiyr}Top, ZeO croi fffrifdu ravray vjxvuv dpxdv. \ DEMOSTHENES 243 at a more solemn and dignified style appropriate to / impressive utterance before a large assembly. This is the only metrical rule which Demosthenes ''^ ever observed, and one of the soundest of modem critics believes that even this observance was instinc- tive rather than conscious.^ He never affected any metrical formula for the end of sentences comparable to Cicero's famous esse videatur, or the double trochee ( — v^ — s^) at the beginning of a sentence, approved by later writers. An examination shows that he has an almost infinite variety both in the opening and the close of his sentences. He seems never to follow any mechanical system. Much labour has been expended, especially in Ger- many, on the analysis of the rhythmical element in Demosthenes' style. There is no doubt that many orators, from Gorgias onwards, laboured to produce approximate correspondence between parallel or con- trasted sections of their periods. In some cases we find an equal number of syllables in two clauses, and even a more or less complete rhythmical correspond- ence. Such devices serve to emphasize the peculiar figures of speech in which Gorgias deUghted, and may have been appropriate to the class of oratory intended primarily for display, but it is hard to believe that such elaboration was ever consciously carried through a long forensic speech. The appendix to the third volume of Blass' Attic -^ oratory is a monumental piece of work. It consists of an analysis of the first seventeen sections of the de Corona, and the whole of the First Olynthiac and Third Philippic speeches, and conveys the impression that ^ Croiset, Hist, de la Litt. Gr., tome iv., pp. 552-553. 244 THE GREEK ORATORS this Demosthenic prose may be scamied with almost as much certainty as a comparatively simple form of composition like a Pindaric ode. It is hard to pro- nounce on such a matter without a very long and careful study of this difficult subject ; but the theory of rhyth- mical correspondence seems to have been worked out far too minutely. In many cases emendation is re- quired ; we have to divide words in the middle, and clauses are split up in an arbitrary and unnatural way. I am far from beheving that analysis can justifiably be carried to this extent ; it is more reasonable to suppose that Demosthenes had a naturally acute ear, and that practice so developed his faculty that a certain rhythm was natural to all his speech. I am not convinced that all his effects were designed.^ § 6. Rhetorical Devices Isaeus, the teacher of Demosthenes, was a master of reasoning and demonstration ; Demosthenes in his earhest speeches shows strong traces of the influence of Isaeus, but in his later work he has developed varied gifts which enable him to surpass his master. Real- izing the insufficiency, for a popular audience, of mere reasoning, he reinforced his logic by adventitious aids, appeahng in numerous indirect ways to feeling and prejudice. One valuable method of awakening interest was his striking use of paradox : * On the question of resources of money at present at our disposal, what I have to say will, I know, appear para- doxical, but I must say it ; for I am confident that, con- sidered in the proper light, my proposal will appear to be the only true and right one. I tell you that we need not raise the question of money at all : we have great resources ^ See ad hoc, Croiset, iv. 553. i. DEMOSTHENES 245 which we may fairly and honourably use if we need them. If we look for them now, we shall imagine that they never will be at our disposal, so far shall we be from willingness to dispose of them at present ; but if we let matters wait, we shall have them. What, then, are these resources which do not exist at present, but will be to hand later on ? It looks like a riddle. I will explain. Consider this city of ours as a whole. It contains almost as much money as all other cities taken together ; but those individuals who possess it are so apathetic that if all the orators tried to terrify them by saying that the king is coming, that he is near, that invasion is inevitable, and even if the orators were reinforced by an equal number of soothsayers, they would not only refuse to contribute ; they would refuse even to declare or admit the possession of their wealth. But suppose that the horrors which we now talk about were actually reaHzed, they are none of them so foolish that they would not readily offer and make contributions. . . . So I tell you that we have money ready for the time of urgent need, but not before.' ^ Similarly in the Third Olynthiac he rouses the curiosity of the audience by propounding a riddle, of which, after some suspense, he himself gives the answer. The matter under discussion is the necessity of sending help to Olynthus. There is, as usual, a difficulty about money. * " Very well," you may say ; "we have aU decided that we must send help ; and send help we will ; but how are we to do it ; tell me that ? " Now, Gentlemen, do not be astoiii shgdJLl.what I say comes as a bUi'piiseTo most of youT Appoint a legislative hoard. Instruct this board not to pass any law (you have enough already), but to repeal the laws which are injurious under present conditions. I refer to the laws about the Theoric Fund.' ^ 1 de Symmor., §§ 24-26. ' Third Olynthiac, §§ lo-ii. 246 THE GREEK ORATORS This mention of the Festival Fund suggests some reflections on the orator *s tenacity and perseverance. He is not content to say once what he has to propose, and leave his words to sink in by their own weight. Like a careful lecturer he repeats his statement, em- phasizing it in various ways, until he perceives that his audience has really grasped its importance. The walls which he is attacking will not fall flat at the sound of the trumpet ; his persistent battering-rams must make a breach, his catapults must drive the defenders from their positions. Such is the meaning of Lucian's comment in the words attributed to Philip.^ The speech On the Chersonese, for instance, may be divided into three parts, dealing successively with the treatment of Diopeithes, the supineness of Athens, and the guilt of the partisans of Phihp ; but in all parts we find emphatically stated the need for energetic action. This is really the theme of the speech ; the rest is important only in so far as it substantiates the main thesis. The extract last given ^ shows with what adroitness he introduces dialogues, in which he questions or answers an imaginary critic. This is a device fre- quently employed with considerable effect. The fol- lowing shows a rather different type : ' If Philip captures Ol5nithus, who will prevent him from marching on us ? The Thebans ? It is an unpleasant thing to say, but they will eagerly join him in the invasion. Or the Phocians ? — ^when they cannot even protect their own land, unless you help them. Can you think of any one else? — "My dear fellow, he won't want to attack us." It would indeed be the greatest surprise in the world if he * Quoted above, p. 230. ' Supra, p. 245. DEMOSTHENES 247 did not do it when he got the chance ; since even now he is fool enough to declare his intentions/ ^ Narrative, too, can take the place of argument; a recital of Philip's misdeeds during the last few years may do far more to convince the Athenians of the necessity for action than any argument about the case of a particular ally who chances to be threatened at the moment. 2 Demosthenes' knowledge of history was deep and broad. The superiority of his attainments to those of Aeschines is shown in the more philosophic use which he makes of his appeals to precedent ; his examples are apposite and not far-fe tched ; he can illuminate the present not only by references to ancient facts, but by a keen insight into the spirit which animated the men of old times. ^ The examples already quoted of rhetorical dialogue with imaginary opponents will have given some idea of his use of a sarcastic tone. Sarcasm thinly con- cealed may at times run through a passage of consider- able length, as in the anecdote which follows. We may note in passing that he is usually sparing in the use of anecdote, which is never employed without good reason. Here it may be excused by the fact that it figures as an historical precedent of a procedure which he ironically recommends to his contemporaries. 1 First Olynthiac, §§ 25-26. 2 Chersonese, §§ 61-67. The recital of the present condition of Phocis is a simple but impressive piece of argument by description : ' It was a terrible sight, Gentlemen, and a sad one ; when we were lately on our way to Delphi we were compelled to see it all, houses in ruins, walls demoUshed, the country empty of men of military age ; only a few poor women and little children and old men in pitiable state — words cannot describe the depth of the misery in which they are now sunk ' {de Falsa Leg., § 65). 3 Cf. Third Olynthiac, §§ 24-26. c<^^.^ 4o~^ 248 THE GREEK ORATORS Inveighing against the reckless procedure of the Athenian poUticians, who propose laws for their own benefit almost every month,^ he recounts the customs of the Locrians, and, with an assumption of seriousness, imphes a wish that similar restrictions could be im- posed at Athens : ' I should like to tell you, Gentlemen, how legislation is conducted among the Locrians. It will do yQ\L nn harm to^have an example before you, espeaallythe example of a weH-govemed State. There men are so convinced that they ought to keep to the established laws and cherish their traditions, and not legislate to suit their fancy, or to help a criminal to escape, that any man who wishes to pass a new law must have a rope round his neck while he proposes it. If they think that the law is a good and useful one, the proposer lives and goes on his way ; if not, they pull the rope and there is an end of him. For they cannot bear to pass new laws, but they rigorously observe the old ones. We are told that only one new law has been enacted in very many years. Whereas there was a law that if a man knocked out another man's eye, he should submit to having his own knocked out in return, and no monetary compen- sation was provided, a certain man threatened his enemy, who had already lost an eye, to knock out the one eye he had left. The one-eyed man, alarmed by the threat, and thinking that life would not be worth hving if it were put into execution, ventured to propose a law that if a man knocks out the eye of a man who has only one, he shall submit to having both his own knocked out in return, so that both may suffer alike. We are told that this is the only law which the Locrians have passed in upwards of two hundred years.' ^ This, however, occurs in a speech before the law- * Viz., on every meeting of the ecdesia at which legislation was possible. 2 Timocrates, §§ 139 sqq. DEMOSTHENES 249 courts ; it is excellent in its place, but would have been unsuitable to the more dignified and solemn style in which he addresses the assembly. Equally unsuitable to his pubHc harangues would be anything like the virulent satire which he admits into the de Corona, the vulgar personaUties of abuse and gross caricatures of Aeschines and his antecedents. ^ For these the only excuse is that, though meant maUciously, they are so exaggerated as to be quite incredible. They may be compared to Aristophanes' satire of Cleon in the Knights, which was coarse enough, but cannot have done Cleon any serious harm. Demosthenes indeed becomes truly Aristophanic when he talks about Aeschines* acting : * When in the course of time you were relieved of these duties, having yourself committed all the offences of which you accuse others, I vow that your subsequent life did not fall short of your earlier promise. You engaged yourself to the players Simylus and Socrates, the " Bellowers," as they were called, to play minor parts, and gathered a har- vest of figs, grapes, and olives, like a fruiterer getting his stock from other people's orchards ; and you made more from this source than from your plays, which you played in dead earnest at the risk of your lives ; for there was a truceless and merciless war between you and the spectators, from whom you received so many wounds that you natur- ally mock at the cowardice of those who have never had that great experience.' ^ He is generally described as deficient in wit, and he seems in this point to have been inferior to Aeschines, ^ In particular de Corona, §§ 129-130, 258-262. Cf. supra, p. 164. - de Corona, §§ 261-262. 250 THE GREEK ORATORS though on one or two occasions he could make a neat repartee. 1 As Dionysius says : * Not on all men is every gift bestowed.' ^ If, as his critic afhrms,^ he was in danger of turning the laugh against himself, he had serious gifts which more than compensated this deficiency. It must not be supposed that he was entirely free from sophistry. Like many good orators in good or bad causes he laboured from time to time to make a weak case appear strong, and in this effort was often absolutely disingenuous. The whole of the de Corona is an attempt to throw the judges off the scent by lead- ing them on to false trails. It may be urged in his defence that on this occasion he had justice really on his side, but finding that Aeschines on legal ground was occupying an impregnable position, he practically threw over the discussion of legality and turned the course of the trial towards different issues altogether. In this case, admittedly, the technical points were merely an excuse for the bringing of the case, and were probably of Httle importance to the court. The trial was reaUy concerned with the poHtical principles and actions of the two great opponents, while Ctesiphon was only a catspaw. But a study of other speeches results in the discovery of many minor points in which, accurately gauging the intelligence of his audience, he has intentionally misled them. Thus, his own know- ledge of history was profound ; but experience has proved that the knowledge possessed by any audience 1 Vide supra, pp. 170, 177. ^ ov ydp TTws dfia ir6.vTa deol SSaau dvdpuTroKTi. ' de Sublimty ch. xxxiv. DEMOSTHENES 251 of the history of its own generation is likely to be sketchy and inaccurate. Events have not settled down into their proper perspective ; we must rely either on our own memories, which may be distorted by prejudice, or on the statements of historians who stand too near in time to be able to get a fair view. This gives the pohtician his opportunity of so grouping or misrepresenting facts as to give a wrong impression. Instances of such bad faith on the part of Demo- sthenes are probably numerous, even if unimportant. In the speech on the Embassy ^ he asserts that Aeschines, far from opposing Phihp's pretension to be recognized as an Amphictyon, was the only man who spoke in favour of it ; yet Demosthenes himself had counselled submission. In the speech Against Timo- crates there are obvious exaggerations to the detriment of the defendant. Timocrates had proposed that cer- tain debtors should be given time to pay their debts ; Demosthenes asserts that he restored them to their full civic rights without payment. ^ Towards the end of the speech a statement is made which conflicts with one on the same subject in the exordium.^ But such rhetorical devices are only trivial faults to which most politicians are liable.* The orator him- 1 de Falsa Leg., §§ 112-113, with Weil's note. 2 § ^q. ^ §§ 9» 196. Weil remarks truly, * Les orateurs ne se piquent pas d'etre exacts : ils usent largement de I'hyperbole mensongdre.' * Mr, Pickard-Cambridge {Demos., p. 80) observes : ' Men who are assembled in a crowd do not think. . . . The orator has often to use arguments which no logic can defend, and to employ methods of persuasion upon a crowd which he would be ashamed to use if he were deaUng with a personal friend.' This is partly true, but should be accepted with reservations. The arguments in the harangues of Demosthenes will generally bear the light, and the public speeches by distinguished statesmen of this country on the causes of the Great War have frequently appealed to the higher nature of their audiences. 252 THE GREEK ORATORS self would probably feel that even more doubtful actions were justifiable for the sake of the cause which he championed. We must remember that all the really important cases in which he took part had their origin on political grounds, and during his pubhc career he never relaxed his efforts for the maintenance of those principles which he expoimded in his public harangues. Until the end he had hopes for Greek freedom, freedom for Athens, not based on any un- worthy compromise, but dependent on a new birth of the old Athenian spirit. The regeneration which he pictured would be due to a revival of the spirit of per- sonal self-sacrifice. Every man must be made to reahze first that the city had a glorious mission, being destined to fulfil an ideal of liberty based on principles of justice ; secondly that, to attain this end, each must live not for himself or his party but wholly for the city. It is the consciousness that Demosthenes has these enlightened ideas always present in his mind which makes us set him apart from other orators. Lycurgus, a second-rate orator, becomes impressive through his sincerity and incorruptibihty ; Demosthenes, great among orators, stands out from the crowd still more eminently by the nobleness of his aspirations. § 7. Structure of Speeches The structure of the speeches will give us a last example of the versatility of the composer and his freedom from conventional form. We find, indeed, that he regularly has some kind of exordium and epilogue, but in the arrangement of other divisions of the speech he allows himself perfect free- dom ; we cannot reckon on finding a statement of the DEMOSTHENES 253 case in one place, followed regularly by evidence, by refutation of the opponent's arguments, and so forth. All elements may be interspersed, since he marshals his arguments not in chronological nor even, necessarily, in logical order, but in such an arrangement as seems to him most decisive. He is bound by no conventional rules of warfare, and may leave his flanks unprotected while he delivers a crushing attack on the centre. In some cases it is almost impossible to make regular divisions by technical rule ; thus, in the de Corona there is matter for dispute as to where the epilogue really begins. ^ The majority of the speeches actually end, according to the Attic convention which governed both Tragedy and Oratory, in a few sentences of moderate tone con- trasting with the previous excitement ; a calm succeeds to the storm of passions. In the forensic speeches there is usually at the very end some appeal for a just verdict, or a statement of the speaker's conviction that the case may now be safely left to the court's decision ; thus the Leptines ends with a simphcity worthy of Lysias : * I cannot see that 1 need say any more ; for I conceive there is no point on which you are not sufficiently in- structed ' ; the Midias more solemnly, * On account of all that I have laid before you, and particularly to show respect to the god whose festival Midias is proved to have profaned, 1 There is a pseudo-epilogue, §§ 126-159, devoted chiefly to the birth and Hfe of Aeschines. Here the speech might have ended, but the orator reverts in § 160 to an examination and defence of his own political life. The real epilogue is contained in §§ 252-324. The disorder is undoubtedly due in part to the pecuUar facts of the case, namely, that the issues of the trial were much wider than might have appeared. Demosthenes is not so much concerned to prove the legality of Ctesiphon's decree as to offer an apologia of his own political conduct during many years. 254 THE GREEK ORATORS punish him by rendering a verdict in accordance with piety and justice.* In the de Falsa Legatione there is more personal feel- ing : * You must not let him go, but make his punish- ment an example to all Athens and all Greece/ The Timocrates is rather similar : ' Mercy under these circumstances is out of place ; to pass a light sentence means to habituate and educate in wrong-doing as many of you as possible/ The Androtion ends with a personal opinion on the aspect of the offence, and the Aristocrates is in a similar tone. The (first) speech against Aristogiton appeals directly to the personal interests of all the jurors : ' His offence touches every one, every one of you : and all of you desire to be quit of his wickedness and see him punished.' The de Corona is remarkable in every way ; this great speech, which, arising from causes almost trivial, abandons the slighter issues, and is transformed into a magnificent defence of the patriotic policy, begins with a solemn invocation : * I begin, men of Athens, with a prayer to all the gods and goddesses that you may show me in this case as much good-will as I have shown and still show to Athens and to all of you.' It ends in an unique way with an appeal, not to the court but to a higher tribunal, an appeal which is all the more impressive as its language recalls the sacred formulas of religious utterance. * Never, ye gods of heaven, never may you give their conduct your sanc- tion ; but, if it be possible, may you impart even to my enemies a sounder mind and heart. But if they are beyond remedy, hurl them to utter and absolute destruction by land and sea ; and to the rest of us DEMOSTHENES 255 grant, as quickly as may be, release from the terrors which hang over us, and salvation imshakable/ The speeches before the assembly are naturally different in their endings from the judicial speeches ; there is no criminal to attack, and no crime to stig- matize ; the hearers themselves are, as it were, on their defence, and Demosthenes freely poin ts out their faults, but, as has been noticed, individual opponents escape ; if there have been evil counsellors, the re- sponsibiHty for following bad advice rests with the public, and they can only be exhorted to follow a better course. The speeches on the Symmories and on Megalopolis end with a summary of the speaker's advice. So, too, does that On the Freedom of Rhodes, the last words containing a fine appeal to the lesson of antiquity. * Consider that your forefathers dedicated these trophies not in order that you might gaze in ad- miration upon them, but in the hope that you might imitate the virtues of those who dedicated them.' Several of the speeches dealing with the Macedonian question end with a short prayer for guidance : thus, the First Philippic, ' May that counsel prevail which is likely to be to the advantage of all ' ; the First Olynthiac, ' May your decision be a sound one, for all your sakes ' ; the Third Philippic, * Whatever you decide, I pray to heaven it may be to your advantage ' ; the Third Olynthiac, * I have told you what I think is to your advantage, and I pray that you may choose what is likely to be of advantage to the State and all your- selves.' Sometimes there is a greater show of confidence, as in the Second Olynthiac : ' If you act thus, you will not only commend your present counsellor, but you will 256 THE GREEK ORATORS have cause to commend your own conduct later on, when you find a general improvement in your prospects/ The Second Philippic ends with a prayer rather similar to that in the de Corona, though less emphatic ; the speech On the Chersonese with a reproof and a warning. 1 The Peace contains no epilogue at all, but breaks off with a sarcasm. An indication of the nature of the subjects of the genuine speeches may be useful for reference. They may be taken in their three groups : A. Private, B. Public, C. Deliberative speeches. A. — Speeches in Private Causes Against Aphobus, i. and ii., 363 B.C., delivered in the action which Demosthenes brought against his guar- dian for the recovery of his property. For Phanos against Aphobus, 363 B.C. Aphobus, convicted in the former case, accused a witness, Phanos, of perjury : Demosthenes defends the latter. Against Onetor, i. and ii., 362 B.C. Another case aris- ing out of the guardianship. When Aphobus was convicted it was found that he had«made over some of the property to his father-in-law Onetor, against whom Demosthenes was forced to bring a BUrj efouX?;?. On the Trierarchic Crown, between 361-357 b.c. Apollodorus, having been awarded the crown given each year to the trierarch who first had his ship in commission, claims a second crown for having given the best equipped ship. Against Spudias (date unknown). One Polyeuctus died, leaving his property equally to his two daughters. The husband of the elder claims that the dowry pro- mised with her was never paid in full, and that Spudias, 1 Quoted supra, p. 216. DEMOSTHENES 257 the husband of the younger daughter, has consequently no right to half of the gross estate. The debt to the complainant should be discharged first. Against Callicles (date unknown) . Callicles, a farmer, alleges that the defendant's father built a wall stopping a water-course ; consequently the plaintiff's land was flooded in rainy weather. The defendant denies the charge, and ridicules it on the ground that the high- road was the natural water-course.^ Against Conon (possibly 341 B.C., see Paley and Sandys' edition). Ariston prosecutes Conon for as- sault. The quarrel dated from a time when the two parties were on garrison duty, and Conon and his sons deliberately annoyed Ariston and his friends. Subse- quently the defendant, aided by his sons and others, members of a disreputable * Mohock ' club called the ' Triballi,' violently assaulted the speaker.^ For Phormio, 350 B.C. Phormio, chief clerk to Pasion, the famous Athenian banker, succeeded him in the business. Some years later ApoUodorus, Pasion's elder son, claimed a sum of money, said to be due to him under his father's will ; Phormio, however, proved that a compromise had been made which rendered the present action invahd. Against Stephanus, i., 349 or 348 B.C. ApoUodorus accuses Stephanus, a witness for Phormio in the previous case, of perjury. It is noticeable that Demosthenes, the professional speech-writer, has now changed sides, an action of rather dubious morality if judged by strict standards. ^ A plausible answer. In Greece at the present day water- courses are used as roads, and the same is true of the south of Spain. At Malaga, a few years ago, the tram-line actually crossed the river-bed. * Vide supra, p. 237. R 258 THE GREEK ORATORS Against Boeotus, i., 348 B.C. Mantias, an Athenian politician, had three sons, Mantitheus (legitimate), and Boeotus and another illegitimate. Boeotus laid claim to the name Mantitheus, and the true Mantitheus brought an action to restrain him from using the name. Against Pantaenetus, 346 B.C. A plea (7rapaypa(j>7]) by one Nicobulus against Pantaenetus, who had charged the former with damaging his mining property. "The case is hard to follow, since the mine in question was held in succession by no less than six different parties, whether as owners, mortgagees, or lessees. Against Nausimachus (about 346 B.C.). Nausima- chus and Xenopeithes, orphans, brought an action against their guardian Aristaechmus with regard to their estate, but agreed to compromise for three talents, which was duly paid. After his death they brought 201 action against his four sons, renewing their original claim. The sons put in a irapaypacf)!] to stop the action on the ground of the compromise. Against Eubulides, 345 B.C. Euxitheus, who has been ' objected to ' at the revision of the Hst of citizens, claims that he is a citizen by rights, but has been re- moved from the roll maliciously by Eubulides. The present case is his appeal {e<^eaL^ victions.i His indictments were characterized by such inflexible severity that his contemporaries com- pared him to Draco, saying that he wrote his accusa- tions with a pen dipped in death instead of blood. ^ He died a natural death in 324 B.C. ,3 and was honoured by a public funeral. His enemy Menes- aechmus, who succeeded to his office, accused him of having left a deficit, though, according to one story, Lycurgus, on the point of death, had been carried into the ecclesia and successfully defended himself on that score. His sons were condemned to make restitution, and, being unable to pay, were thrown into prison, in spite of an able defence by Hype rides. They were released on an appeal by Demosthenes, then in exile.*/ § 2. Works Fifteen speeches of Lycurgus were preserved in anti- quity, nearly all accusations on serious charges. He prosecuted Euxenippus, whom Hyperides defended ; he spoke against the orator Demades, and, in alliance with Demosthenes, against the sycophant Aristogiton. Other speeches known to us by name are Against Auto- lycus, Against Leocrates, two speeches Against Lycophron, 1 See his condemnation of the advocates of Leocrates, § 135. 2 oil fiiXaPL dXXA davdrip XP^^^'''"- "^^^ KdXafxov Kara rCov irovqpQv {Ps.- Flut.). ^ Suidas. * Assuming (with Blass) the authenticity of the third letter of Demosthenes, which is doubtful. M !%.. 274 THE GREEK ORATORS Against Lysicles, against Menesaechmus, a Defence of himself against Demades, Against Ischyrias, irpb^ rct^ fiavreia^ (obscure title), Concerning his administration. Concerning the priestess, and Concerning the priesthood.^ Only one speech is now extant, the impeachment of Leocrates. Leocrates, an Athenian, during the panic which succeeded the battle of Chaeronea, fled from Athens to Rhodes, and thence migrated to Megara, where he engaged in trade for five years. About 332 B.C. he returned to Athens, thinking that his desertion would have been forgotten ; but Lycurgus prosecuted him as a traitor. Only a small part of the speech is really devoted to proving the charge. By § 36 Lycurgus regards it as generally admitted. The remaining 114 sections con- sist mostly of comment and digressions which aim at emphasizing the seriousness of the crime and produce precedent for the infliction of severe punishment in such cases. Analysis 1. Introduction. Justice and piety demand that I should bring Leocrates to trial (§§ 1-2) ; the part of a prosecutor is unpopular, but it is my duty to undertake it (§§ 3-6). This is a case of exceptional importance, and you must give your decision without prejudice or partiality, emulating the Areopagus (§§ 7-16). 2. Narrative. The flight of Leocrates to Rhodes. Evidence (§§ 17-20). His move to Megara and occupation there. Evidence (§§ 21-23). 1 This list is taken from Suidas. The hst compiled by Blass, from various sources, is different in some details. LYCURGUS 275 3. Argument. Comments on the narrative. Possible line of defence (§§ 24-35). The case is now proved. It remains to describe the circum- stances of Athens at the time when Leocrates deserted her (§ 36). 4. The panic after the battle of Chaeronea (§§ 37-45). Praise of those who fell in the battle there (§§ 46-51)- Acquittal is impossible (§§ 52-54). Another ground of defence cut away (§§ 55-58). Further excuses disallowed (§§ 59-62) . Attempt of his advocates to belittle his crime refuted by appeal to the principles of Draco (§§ 63-67). They appeal to precedent — the evacuation of the city before the battle of Salamis : this precedent can be turned against them (§§ 68-74). The sanctity of oaths and punishment for per- jury. Appeals to ancient history. Codrus (§§ 75-89). Leocrates says he is confident in his in- nocence — quern deus vult perdere, prius dementat (§§ 90-93)- Providence (§§ 94-97). Examples of self-sacrifice ; quotations from Euripides and Homer (§§ 97-105). Praise of Sparta. Influ- ence of Tyrtaeus on patriots. Thermopylae (§§ 106-110) . Severity of our ancestors towards traitors (§§111-127). Sparta was equally severe (§§ 128-129). Due severity will discourage treachery, and the treachery of Leocrates is of the basest sort (§§ 130-134). His advocates are as bad as he is (§§ 135-140). Appeal to the righteous indignation of the judges (§§ 141-148), Epilogue (§§ 149-150) : * I have come to the succour of my country and her religion and her laws, and have pleaded my case straight- 276 THE GREEK ORATORS forwardly and justly, neither slandering Leocrates for his general manner of living, nor bringing any charge foreign to the present matter ; but you must consider that in acquitting him you condemn your country to death and slavery. Two urns stand before you, the one for betrayal, the other for salvation ; votes placed in the former mean the ruin of your fatherland, those in the latter are given for civil security and prosperity. If you let Leocrates go, you will be voting for the betrayal of Athens, her religion, and her ships ; but if you put him to death, you will en- courage others to guard and secure your country, her re- venues, and her prosperity. So imagine, Athenians, that the land and its trees are supplicating you, that the har- bours, the dockyards, and the walls of the city are imploring you ; that the temples and holy places are urging you to come to their help ; and make an example of Leocrates, remembering what charges are brought against him, and how mercy and tears of compassion do not weigh more with you than the safety of the laws and the commonwealth ' ^ § 3. Style, etc. Lycurgus is called a pupil of Isocrates ; whether he was actually a student under the great master we cannot be sure, but undoubtedly he had studied the master's works. The influence of the Panegyric may be traced here and there in the forms of sentences and in certain terms of speech which are characteristic of the epideictic style . Blass and others have drawn attention to isolated sentences in the speech against Leocrates which might have been deliberately modelled, with only the neces- sary changes of words for the different circumstances, on sentences in Isocrates. ^ The employment of a pair ' §§ 149-150. * E.g. cf. § 3, i^ovKbixTjv 8' &v, HxTirep 6v(p4\ifx6v itxTi, etc., with Isocr. viii. {dt Pace), § 36, ij^ovXbixrjv 5' Hv, &ffirtp irpoffjjKdp icnv, etc. also § 7 with Isocr. vii. (Areopagiticus), § 43, etc. LYCURGUS 277 of synonyms, or words of similar sense, where one would suffice, also belongs to this style ^ — e.g. safe- guard and protect, § 3 ; infamous and inglorious, § 91 ; greatheartedness and nobility, § 100. With these we must class such phrases as rd KOLvd ro}v d8iK7)/j.dTa)v for rd KOivd dBifcrjfjiaTa^ (§ 6), and the employment of abstract words in the plural, as evvoiai, (t>6^oi, § 48, 43. Lycurgus is very variable with regard to hiatus. In some instances he has deliberately avoided it by slight distortions of the natural order of words ; ^ in some passages he has been able to avoid it without any dis- location of order — a work of greater skill ; * but again there are sentences where the sequences of open vowels are frequent and harsh. ^ Other instances of careless writing may be foimd in the inartistic joining of sen- tences and clauses, for instance in §§ 49-50, where several successive clauses are connected by ydp,^ or in the clumsy accumulation of participles, as in § 93.' We must conclude that Lycurgus, though so familiar with the characteristics of Isocratean prose as to reproduce them by unconscious imitation, was too much interested in his subject to care about being a stylist ; and that 1 Cf. supra, p. 134. 2 This circumlocution may have been employed originally for the avoidance of hiatus, as in the example quoted, and in § iii, Ttt /caXd Twv ^pyoop ; it is, however, also used in cases whero no such consideration enters, e.g. § 48, Toi>i iroi.riToi>s rdv iraripuv. ' E.g. § 7, oit fiLKpbv Ti ixipos ffvuixfi- T'J^*' T^s •7r6Xea;s', oi'5' ^tt' dXiyhv XP^vov, where o-w^x^i \ oiS' is deliberately avoided. * E.g. §§ 71-73- '^ E.g. § 143, Kal avrUa fidy vfids dfiaJaei d/coi/eiv adroO dwoXoyovfi^vov. § 20, TToXXoi iTreladtjcrav twp fiapTvpwv i) dfivijfioveiv rj firj i\6clv ^ ir^pav irp6vy6vTa, Kal oid^v ^Tov . . . dirodavbvTa. 278 THE GREEK ORATORS though, like Demosthenes, he wrote his speeches out, he really belongs rather to the class of improvisatory speakers like Phocion. His tendency towards the epideictic style is also seen in his treatment of his subject-matter ; thus §§ 46-51 are nothing but a condensed funeral speech on those who died at Chaeronea. It is introduced with an apology (§ 46) ; it may seem irrelevant, he says, but it is frankly introduced to point the contrast between the patriot and the traitor. The concluding sections of the eulogy are as follows : ' And if I may use a paradox which is bold but neverthe- less true, they were victorious in death. For to brave men the prizes of war are freedom and valour ; for both of these the dead may possess. And further, we may not say that our defeat was due to them, whose spirits never quailed before the terror of the enemy's approach ; for to those who fall nobly in battle, and to them alone, can no man justly ascribe defeat ; for fleeing from slavery they make choice of a noble death. The valour of these men is a proof, for they alone of all in Greece had freedom in their bodies ; for as they passed from life all Greece passed into slavery ; for the freedom of the rest of the Greeks was buried in the same tomb with their bodies. Hence they proved to all that they were not warring for their personal ends, but facing danger for the general safety. So, Gentlemen, I need not be ashamed of saying that their souls are the garland on the brows of their country. ' ^ This, with the exception of a slight imperfection of style already noticed, is good in its way, in the style which tradition had established as appropriate to such subjects. It is less conventional and, in spite of its bold metaphors, less insincere than Gorgias, avoiding as it does the extravagance of his antithetical style. ' §§ 49-50. LYCURGUS 279 But in spite of the speaker's apology we feel that it is out of place, and its effect is spoiled by the use to which it is put in the argumentative passage which imme- diately follows : ' And because they showed reason in the exercise of their courage, you, men of Athens, alone of all the Greeks, know how to honour noble men. In other States you will find memorials of athletes in the market-places ; in Athens such records are of good generals and of those who slew the tyrant. Search the whole of Greece and you will barely find a few men such as these, while in every quarter you will easily find men who have won garlands for success in athletic contests. So, as you bestow the highest honours on your benefactors, you have a right to inflict the severest punishments on those by whom their country is dis- honoured and betrayed. ' ^ His use of examples from ancient history is similar to that of Isocrates, e.g. in the Philip and the Pane- gyric ; but many of these episodes are forcibly dragged into a trial of the kind with which Lycurgus was con- cerned, whereas those of Isocrates always help to convey the lesson which he is trying to enforce. Thus the following passage, which succeeds a quotation from Homer, leads up to a digression on Tjrtaeus, accom- panied by a lengthy quotation from his works. There is only a bare pretence that all this has anything to do with the case : ' Hearing these lines and emulating such actions, our ancestors were so disposed towards manly courage that they were content to die not only for their own fatherland but for all Greece, as their common fatherland. Those, at any rate, who faced the barbarians at Marathon, conquered the armament of all Asia, by their individual sacrifice gain- M51. 28o THE GREEK ORATORS ing security for all the Greeks in common, priding them- selves not upon their fame but on doing deeds worthy of their country, setting themselves up as champions of the Greeks and masters of the barbarians ; for they made no nominal profession of courage, but gave an actual display of it to all the world.' 1 Here Lycurgus has reverted to the antithetical style of Antiphon, the opposition of * word ' and *deed,' * private * and ' public,' and the like. We are also from time to time reminded of Antiphon by the prominence given in the Leocrates to religious considera- tions. The digressions may be partly explained by the speaker's avowed motive in introducing some of them — his wish to be an educator. He introduces a very moral tale of a young Sicilian who, tarrying behind to save his father, on the occasion of an^ruption of Etna, was providentially saved while all the others perished. ^ This is his excuse — * The story may be legendary, but it will be appropriate for all the younger men to hear it '"""""--iiow ' ; 2 and the manner of the lecturer is evident elsewhere — * There are three influences above all which guard and protect the democracy and the welfare of vthe city,' etc. 'There are two things which educate / our youth : — the punishment of evil-doers and the , rewards bestowed on good men.' ^ Quite apart fron these decorative digressions, Lycurgus admits into his ordinary discourse poetical ^^r-^ phrases and metaphors which the stricter taste of Isocrates would have excluded. The bold personifica- tions in his epilogue and elsewhere are cases in point : ' So imagine, Athenians, that the land and its trees are supplicating you ; that the harbours, the dockyards, and ■ § 104. » § 95. I 3 §§ 3, 10 ; cf. also § 79. LYCURGUS 281 the walls of the city are imploring you ; that the temples and holy places are urging you to come to their help. ' ^ Lycurgus must have tried the patience of his hearers by his lengthy quotations from the poets. No other orator, perhaps, would have dared to recite fifty-five lines of Euripides and to follow them, after a short extract from Homer, with thirty- two lines of Tyrtaeus. Aeschines, no doubt, was fond of quoting, but his extracts are comparatively short and generally to the point ; he can make good use of a single couplet. Demosthenes too, in capping his great adversary's quotations, observed moderation and season. But the long quotations in Lycurgus are superfluous ; that from Euripides is a mere excrescence, for he has already summarized in half a dozen lines the story from which he draws his moral ; and the only purpose in telling the story at all is to introduce the refrain ' Leocrates is quite a different kind of person.' In this matter Lycurgus lacks taste — that is to say, he lacks a sense of proportion ; but for all that he is felt to be speaking naturally quite according to his own character ; he is attaining the highest ethos by being himself. We know his interest in the tragedians from the fact that he caused an official copy of the plays to be preserved ; and though religious motives would suffice to account for this decree, probably personal feeling, the statesman's private affection for the works which he thus perpetuated, to some degree influenced his judgment. * § 150, cf. also § 43. ' He contributed nothing to the nation's safety, at a time when the country was contributing her trees, the dead their sepulchres, and the temples their arms.' And § 17, ofire Tovs Xifievas rrjs TriXeojs iXewv ; § 61, iroXewj iari ddparoi dvaffrarov yev^cdai. Hyperides has a similarly bold expression, ' Condemning the city to death.' 282 THE GREEK ORATORS Though he may be unskilful, if judged by technical standards, Lycurgus impresses us by his dignified manner. He will not condescend to any rhetorical device which might detract from this dignity. He has no personal abuse for his opponent ; he promises to keep to the specific charge with which the trial is con- cerned,^ and at the end of the speech can justly claim that he has done so.^ Though it may lay him open to the suspicion of sycophancy, he disclaims any personal enmity against Leocrates ; he professes to be impelled entirely by patriotic motives, and we believe him.^ He may seem to us excessively severe ; we may regard the crime of Leocrates as nothing worse than cowardice; but we are convinced that to Lycurgus it appeared as the greatest of all crimes ; and the Athenian assembly too was apparently so convinced.* Failure in patriotism was to Lycurgus an offence ^ against religion, and religion has the utmost prominence in his speech. There can be no doubt of his sincerity. The court of the Areopagus, which was more directly under religious protection and more closely concerned with religious questions than any other court, is men- tioned by him with almost exaggerated praise.^ The Areopagus was very highly respected by all Athenians, but it was not a democratic court ; it was a survival from pre -democratic da3^s. An orator who only wished to propitiate the good-will of his popular audience would praise not the old aristocratic court but the modem popular assembly before which he was speaking. Mil- M 149. Ms. * Leocrates was acquitted by one vote only. * § 12. ' It is so far superior to other courts that even those who are convicted before it do not question its justice. You should take it as your model.' LYCURGUS 283 Lycurgus gives praise and blame where he thinks them due. . He is by no means satisfied with the democratic courts. ' I too, shall follow justice in my prosecution, neither falsif5dng an3d;hing, nor speaking of matters extraneous to the case. For most of those who come before you behave in the most inappropriate fashion ; for they either give you advice about public interests, or bring charges, true or false, of every possible kind rather than the one on which you are to be called on to give your verdict. * There is no difficulty in either of these courses ; it is as easy to utter an opinion about a matter on which you are not deliberating as it is to make accusations which nobody is going to answer. But it is not just to ask you to give a verdict in accordance with justice when they observe no justice in making their accusations. And you are re- sponsible for this abuse, for it is you who have given this licence to those who appear before you. . . .'^ The whole speech is pervaded by references to religion ; Rehdantz has noted that the word ^€09^ occurs no less than thirty-three times ; and other words -^ of religious import are very frequent, though the orator never uses ejaculations such as the w 7^ koX Beoi of Demosthenes. This reiteration is of less significance than the serious tone of the passages in which such references occur ; his opening sentences indicate the attitude which he is to maintain : ' Justice and Piety will be satisfied, men of Athens, by the prosecution which I shall institute, on your behalf and on behalf of the gods, against the defendant Leocrates. For I pray to Athena and the other gods, and to the heroes whose statues stand in the city and in the country, that if I have justly impeached Leocrates ; if I am bringing to 284 THE GREEK ORATORS trial the betrayer of their temples, their shrines and their sanctuaries, and the sacrifices ordained by the laws, handed down to you by your forefathers, they may make me to-day a prosecutor worthy of his offences, as the interests of the people and the city demand ; and that you, remember- ing that your deliberations are concerned with your fathers, your children, your wives, your country, and your religion, and that you have at the mercy of your vote the man who betrayed them all, may prove relentless judges, both now and for all time to come, in dealing with offenders of this kind and degree. But if the man whom I bring to trial before this assembly is not one who has betrayed his father- land and deserted the city and her holy observances, I pray that he may be saved from this danger both by the gods and by you, his judges.' ^ Passages later in the speech deepen this impression, and contain definite statements of belief which we cannot disregard : * For the first act of the gods is to lead astray the mind of the wicked man ; and I think that some of the ancient poets were prophets when they left behind them for future generations such lines as these : For when God's wrath affiicteth any man. By his own act his wits are led astray, And his straight judgment warped to crooked ways. That, sinning, he may know not of his sin. I * The older men among you remember, the younger have heard, the story of Callistratus, whom the city condemned to death. He fled the country, and hearing the god at Delphi declare that if he went to Athens he would obtain his due, he came here, and took sanctuary at the altar of the twelve gods ; but none the less he was put to death by the city. ' This was just ; for a criminal's due is punishment. And the god rightly gave up the wrong-doer to be punished by HYPERIDES 285 those whom he had wronged ; for it would be strange if he revealed the same signs to the pious and the wicked.' * But I am of opinion, Gentlemen, that the god's care' watches over every human action, particularly those con- ;, cerned with our parents and the dead, and our pious duty towards them ; and naturally so, for they are the authors of our being, and have conferred innumerable blessings on us, so that it is an act of monstrous impiety, I will not say to sin against them, but even to refuse to squander our own lives in benefiting them.* ^ The following fragment deserves quotation as an example of his dignified severity : * You were a general, Lysicles ; a thousand of your fellow- citizens met their death, two thousand were made prisoners, and our enemies have set up a trophy of victory over Athens, and all Greece is enslaved ; all this happened under your leadership and generalship ; and yet do you dare to live and face the sun's light, and invade the market-place — you, who have become a memorial of disgrace and reproach to your country } ' '^ HYPERIDES Hyperides, a member of a middle-class family, was bom in 389 B.C., and so was almost exactly con- temporary with Lycurgus, whose political views he shared. He too, according to his biographer, was a pupil of Isocrates and of Plato, but the influence of the latter can nowhere be traced in his work. A man of easy morals and self-indulgent habits, he-^ presents a striking contrast to the austerity of Lycurgus. The comic poets satirized his gluttony and his partiality for fish, and the Pseudo-Plutarch records that he took ^ §§ 92-94. * Against Lysicles, fr. 75. N 286 THE GREEK ORATORS a walk through the fish-market every day of his hfe ; but the pursuit of pleasure did not impair his activity. He was at first a writer of speeches for others, as Demosthenes was at the beginning of his career ; ^ but before he reached the age of thirty he began to be concerned personally in trials of political import. He prosecuted the general Autocles on a charge of treachery, in 360 B.C. ; he appeared against the orator Aristophon of Azenia, and Diopeithes. He impeached in 343 B.C., Philocrates, who had brought about the peace with Philip. ^ He was sent as a delegate to the Amphictyonic Council,^ and showed himself a vigorous supporter of the policy of Demosthenes ; in 340 B.C., when an attack on Euboea by Philip was anticipated, he collected a fleet of forty triremes, two of which he provided at his own cost. Shortly before Chaeronea he proposed a decree to honour Demosthenes ; after the battle he took extreme measures for the public safety, including the enfranchisement of metoeci and the manumission of slaves. He was prosecuted by Demades for moving an illegal decree, and retorted, * The arms of Macedon made it too dark to see the laws ; it was not I who proposed the decree, but the battle of Chaeronea.' * He was able to retaliate soon aften\^ards by prosecuting Demades for the same offence of illegal- ity. Demades had proposed to confer the title of proxenos on Euthycrates, who had betrayed Olynthus 1 He could not afford to be particular as to the kind of cases which he took up ; the affair of Athenogenes is far from respectable on either side, and several of his speeches were in connexion with heiaivai of the less reputable sort. His defence of the famous Phryne was his masterpiece. « He mentions these three among the most famous cases in which he has been concerned {For Euxenippus, § 28). * Demos., de Cor., §§ 134-135. '* Fr. 28. HYPERIDES 287 to Philip. A fragment which remains of Hyperides' speech on this subject shows him to be a master of sarcasm.^ We know nothing for certain about the origin of the breach between him and Demosthenes ; it may have been due to his disapproval of the latter's pohcy of inactivity when Sparta in 330 B.C. wished to fight with Antipater ; at any rate his language in 334 B.C. shows him to be an irreconcilable adversary of Macedon. Nicanor had sent a proclamation to the Greeks request- ing them to recognize Alexander as a god, and to receive back their exiles. At the same time Harpalus, Alex- ander's treasurer, had deserted from the king's side and arrived at Athens with a considerable treasure. Demosthenes was in favour of negotiating with Alex- ander ; Hyperides wished to reject the proposals of Nicanor, and use the treasure of Harpalus for con- tinuing the war against Macedon. Harpalus was ar- rested, but succeeded in escaping, and many prominent statesmen came under suspicion of having received bribes from him. Hyperides was chosen as one of the prosecutors, and Demosthenes was exiled. Hyperides, after Alexander's death, took the chief responsibility for the Lamian war, and was chosen to pronounce the funeral oration on his friend, the general Leosthenes, and the other Athenians who fell in the war. Demosthenes had now returned from exile ; the two patriots were reconciled, and persisted in the policy of resistance from which the prudence of Phocion had long striven to dissuade Athens. After the battle of Crannon, Antipater demanded the surrender of the leaders of the war party ; Hyperides fied, was captured * Vide infra, p. 295. 288 THE GREEK ORATORS and put to death in 322 B.C. He is said to have bitten ^^-out his tongue for fear that he might, under torture, betray his friends. His body was left unburied till the piety of a kinsman recovered it and gave him interment in the family tomb by the Rider's Gate. He had proved himself consistent throughout his public life, and how- ever mistaken his policy, especially in the latter years, may have been, honour is due to him for the unflinching patriotism which led him to martyrdom in a vain struggle to uphold his country's honour. Until the middle of the nineteenth century. Hyper- ides was known to the modem world only from the criticisms of Dionysius and other ancient scholars, and from a few minute fragments preserved here and there by quotations in scholiasts and lexicographers. A manuscript is believed to have existed in the library at Buda, but when that city was captured by the Turks in 1526 the library was destroyed or dispersed, and Hyperides was lost. -4^- In 1847 portions of his speeches began to reappear among the papyri discovered in Egypt. In that year a roll, containing fragments of the speech Against Demosthenes and of the first half of the Defence of Lycophron, was brought to England; a second roll discovered in the same year was found to contain the second half of the Lycophron and the whole of the Euxenippus. In 1856 were discovered considerable fragments of the Funeral Speech. In 1890, some frag- ments of the speech Against Philippides were acquired by the British Museum, while the most important dis- covery of all was that of the speech Against Athenogenes. The MS. was purchased for the Louvre in 1888, but the complete text was only pubUshed in 1892. Its import- HYPERIDES 289 ance may be estimated by the fact that Dionysius couples this speech and the defence of Phryne as being the best examples of a style in which Hyperides sur- passed even Demosthenes. The pap5mis itself is of interest as giving us one of the very earliest classical MSS. that we possess ; it dates from the 2nd century B.C. ^ In many points Hyperides challenges comparison with Lysias. The criticism of Dionysius is well worth our consideration : ' Hyperides is sure of aim, but sel- dom exalts his subject ; in the technique of diction he surpasses Lysias, in subtlety (of structure) he surpasses all. He keeps a firm hold throughout on the matter at issue, and clings close to the essential details. He is well equipped with intelligence, and is full of charm ; he seems simple, but is no stranger to cleverness.' ^ The first sentence contrasts Hyperides once for all with his contemporary Lycurgus, who, while less sure of his aim, has a personal dignity which gives exaltation to every theme. We have hardly enough of the work of Hyperides to enable us to form a first-hand judgment as to the merits of his diction compared with that of Lysias. He has, indeed, the same simpHcity and naturalness, but hardly, so far as we can judge, the same felicity of expression. Hermogenes blames him for carelessness and lack of restraint in the use of words, instancing such expres- sions as /jLOV(i)TaTO)v Kpiais, V. 6. 290 THE GREEK ORATORS may be found occasionally in every orator, almost in every writer. Hyperides was no purist ; he enlivened his style with words taken from the vocabulary of Comedy and of the streets. He did not wait for authority to use any expression which would give a point to his utterance. Critics who expected dignified restraint in oratorical prose may have been shocked by the adjective dpcirrj- Bea-Tos, * worm-eaten,' which he applied to Greece ; to us it seems an apt metaphor. Of his other colloquialisms some recall the language of Comedy — as Kp6vo<; (' an old Fossil'), the diminutive depairovTiov, and 6^okoaTdT7)<^^ ('a weigher of small change ' = ' usurer '), m-poairepi' KOTTTeiv (' to get additional pickings ' — the metaphor is apparently from pruning a tree), TratBaycoyelv in the sense of ' lead by the nose.' Others seem to be merely colloquial, part of that large and unconventional voca- bulary which was soon to form the basis of Hellen- istic Greek ; for we must remember that we are already on the verge of Hellenism, and that the Attic dialect must soon give way before the spread of a freer language. In this class we may put iirocfydaXfMcdv (* to eye covetously '), viroirl'irTeLv {' to put oneself under control of somebody '), iva-elci) (' to entrap '), Kar are five lv {'to abuse'), iirefi^aLvco (poetical or colloquial, 'to trample on'). In some of his speeches relating to hetairai he seems to have used coarse language which offended his critics ; nothing offensive is found in his extant speeches. ^ Other metaphors and similes abound ; he is fond of comparing the life of the State to the life of a man, as 1 d^oKoaraTftv was used by Lysias also (fr. 41). * Demetrius, irepl ep/j-rfvelas, § 302. HYPERIDES 291 LycurgllS does also — ev /juev a-ay/ia dddvaTOv V7r€i\'r}(f>aT] Trapavoficov against Phihppides, otherwise unknown, who had proposed a vote of thanks to a board of irpoehpot or presidents of the ecclesia for their action in passing a certain decree, which seems to have been a vote of honour to PhiHp. It was passed under compulsion, and Philippides attempted sub- sequently to exonerate them from all possible blame by a decree which is here declared illegal. The Efitafhios or Funeral Speech is a composition in a well-known conventional form. The topics for such a speech were already laid down by long custom. The skill of the orator is seen in his original way of handling the traditional commonplaces. First of all there is the strong personal note. He had been asso- ciated in politics with Leosthenes, and with him was jointly responsible for the Lamian war in which the latter met his death. ^ His personal feeling for the general is very prominent in the speech ; Leosthenes is in fact the principal theme ; he is put, as M. Croiset remarks, almost on a level with Athens : — ' Leosthenes seeing all Greece humbled and cowering, brought to ruin by the traitors whom Philip and Alexander had bought ; seeing that our city wanted a man, and all Greece wanted a city, to take the leadership, freely gave himself for his country and gave our city for the Greeks to win their freedom.' ^ It is not, he says, that he wishes to slight the other patriots, but in praising Leosthenes he is praising all. He draws a fancy picture of the heroes of antiquity welcoming Leosthenes in Hades. It is a sign of the times that the individual * Date 336-5 B.C. 2 322 B.C. ' Epttaphtos, § 10. 300 THE GREEK ORATORS should so be exalted ; we have travelled far indeed from the cold impersonaHty of Pericles, to whom the nameless heroes who sacrifice their lives are but part of a pageant passing before the eyes of the deathless ^ city. The consolation to the living is remarkable for -^"containing references to a future life, which is quite without precedent : — ' It is hard to comfort those who are in such grief ; for neither speeches nor laws can send sorrow to sleep ' . . . (there follow remarks about eternal praise, which are not particularly characteristic ; but he concludes in a higher strain) : — ' Furthermore, if the dead are as though they had never been, our friends are released from sickness and pain and the other misadventures which afflict mankind ; but if the \ dead have consciousness, and are under the care of I God, as we beheve, we may be sure that they, who upheld the honour of the gods when it was threatened, are now the objects of God's loving kindness.' ^ Truly Socrates had not lived in vain. . , The speech Against Athenogenes ^ is an admirable "^^ - example of the orator's lighter style. Its chief merit is the way in which the narrative of the events is delivered by the speaker. Hyperides' client, a young Athenian, wished to obtain possession of a young slave, who was employed in a perfumery-shop. Athenogenes, the owner of the shop — ^ ' a vulgar speech-maker, and worst of all an Eg3rptian ' — saw his opportunity for a good stroke of business, and at first refused to sell the slave. A quarrel ensued. At this point Antigona, once the most accomplished courtesan of her day, but now retired, came and offered her services to the young man. She contrived to pick * Epitaphios, §§ 41-43. ^ Date between 328 and 323 B.C. HYPERIDES 301 up for herself a gratuity of 300 drachmas, just as a proof of his good opinion. Later, she told the young man that she had persuaded Athenogenes to release the boy, not separately, but together with his father and brother, for forty minas. The young man bor- rowed the money ; a touching scene of reconcihation followed, Antigona exhorting the two adversaries to behave as friends in future. * I said that I would do so, and Athenogenes answered that I ought to be grateful to Antigona for her services ; " and now," he said, "you shall see what a kindness I will do you for her sake." ' He offered, instead of setting the slaves free, to sell them formally to the plaintiff, who could then set them free when he liked, and so win their gratitude. * As to any debts they have contracted, you can take them over ; they are trifling, and the stock remaining in the shop will easily cover them.' Assent having been given, Athenogenes produced a contract in these terms, which he had brought with him, and it was signed and sealed on the spot. Within three months the unhappy purchaser found himself liable for business debts and deposits amounting to five talents. Athenogenes made the preposterous excuse that he had not known any- thing about this enormous debt. His dupe was in an awkward position, as he had formally taken over the business and its liabilities. He tries to prove that the contract should be held not valid. His legal claim is very slight ; the appeal is really to equity. The second part of the speech deals with Athenogenes in his political relations. The epilogue exhorts the judges to take this opportunity of pimishing such a scoundrel on general groimds, even if he cannot actually be brought under any particular law. 302 THE GREEK ORATORS DINARCHUS Dinarchus, the last of the ten orators of the "^^ Alexandrian Canon, was a Corinthian by birth. He lived as a metoecus at Athens, but never obtained the citizenship, and was therefore unable to appear in the courts or the assembly. He was bom about 360 B.C. ; on coming to Athens he is said to have studied under Theophrastus, and he began to write speeches, as a professional logographos, about 336 B.C. He did not come into prominence till about the time of the affair of Harpalus, and his most flourishing period was after ^ the death of Alexander, under the oligarchic constitu- tion set up by Cassander. During these fifteen years, 322-307 B.C., he composed a large number of speeches. In 307 B.C. the democratic restoration threatened danger to all who had flourished imder the oligarchy, and he retired to Chalcis in Euboea, where he lived for fifteen years. ^ He returned to Athens in 292 B.C. and stayed for a time with one Proxenos, who, taking advantage of his age and infirmity, robbed him of a large srnn of money. He brought his host to justice, and, according to Dionysius and other biographers, himself spoke in court for the first time. We know nothing of the result of the case, and have no informa- tion of the rest of the life of Dinarchus or his death. 2 1 Dion, {de Dinarcho, ch. iv., ad fin.) believed that he wrote no speeches during this time, for nobody would take the trouble to go to Chalcis for a speech either in a private or public action— o^ yd.p riXeoy TjTdpovv oUtoj X&yoov. Dionysius consequently rejected as spurious all speeches attributed to Dinarchus which were dated between 307 and 292 b.c. * Suidas says that he was appointed Commissioner of th© Pelo- p>onnese {iiniui€\7}T^5 UeXoiropv-^aov) by Antipater, but this was another Dinarchus, Demetrius Magnes, quoted by Dionysius Din., ch. i), mentions four men of this name. \ DINARCHUS 303 Dinarchus wrote, according to Demetrius Magnes,^ over a hundred and sixty speeches. Many of these were rejected by Dionysius, who, however, admits the authenticity of a sufficiently large number — sixty out of eighty-seven which he knew.^ Three only have come down to us, and the authenticity of the longest of these — Against Demosthenes — was questioned by Demetrius. We shall, however, treat it as genuine, since in style and subject-matter it is very similar to the others. The three speeches, Against Demosthenes, Aristogiton, and Philocles, all relate to the affair of Harpalus. The corruption connected with this affair was so deep-rooted that it was necessary above all to find men of upright character to conduct the prosecu- tions, and these would not be well-known orators, since most of the prominent politicians were impUcated as defendants in the case. It is hardly remarkable, therefore, that professional speech- writers should be employed or that one writer should compose speeches to be delivered in three of the many prosecutions. Dinarchus, the last of the truly Attic orators, is of very little importance in himself, but must find a place in any history of this kind as representing the beginning of the decline of oratory. * He flourished most of all,' says Dionysius, * after the death of Alexander, when Demosthenes and the other orators had been con- demned to perpetual banishment or put to death, and there was nobody left who was worth mentioning after them. ' This contains a fairly j ust estimate of the merits of the man, who, according to the same critic, * neither invented a style of his own, like Lysias and Isocrates * In Dionysius, de Din., ch. i. * The curious may collect the titles from Dionysius {de Din. chs. x.-xiii.). 304 THE GREEK ORATORS and Isaeus, nor perfected the inventions of others, as, in our judgment, Demosthenes, Aeschines, and Hyperides did.' ' His merits and defects are very obvious. He "^ knows all the technique of prose composition ; he can avoid hiatus cleverly, and writes a style which is easily intelligible, even when his sentences are inordinately long. He has some skill in the use of new words and metaphors — ^eToicoviaaaOaL Tr}v rif^rjv, * auspicate your fortunes anew ' — iKKaOdpare, * purge him away from the State ' — Seuo-oTroto? Trovrjpla, * ingrained wickedness.' He has some vigour and liveliness : abrupt statements like the following are terse and graphic enough — ' You chose prosecutors in due course ; he came before the court ; you acquitted him ' ; ^ he makes good use of rhetorical questions addressed to the defendant : — ' Did you propose any motion about it ? Did you give any counsel ? Did you contribute any money ? Did you ever in any small matter prove serviceable to those who were working for the common safety ? Not in the slightest degree ' . . . etc,^ His sarcasm, which is rare, because he is generally too directly violent to be sarcastic, is at times pointed : — * Read again the decree which Demosthenes proposed against N^ Demosthenes.' * He knows the oratorical tricks : he ' can flatter the jury by references to their intelligence, by praise of the Areopagus, by encomia on the virtues of their ancestors. He can appeal to ancient and modem precedent for the impartiahty of judges and their severity against evil-doers. He is at his best in the long refutation of the defence which he anticipates from Demosthenes^^ — this is, on 1 Dion., Din., ch, 2. * Demos., § 58. » Ibid., § 35. * Ibid., 83. » Demos., §§ 48-63. DINARCHUS 305 the whole, orderly and effective — and in short passages like the following from the speech Against Phtlocles : * Reflecting on these facts, Athenians, and remembering the present crisis, which calls for honour, not corruption, it is your duty to hate evil-doers, to exterminate from your city such beasts, and show the world that the nation has not shared in the degradation of certain of its politicians and generals, and is not a slave to conventional opinion ; knowing that, by God's favour, with the help of justice and concord, we shall easily defend ourselves, if any enemies wrongfully attack us, but that in union with corruption and treachery and other such vices which infect mankind, no city can ever be saved. ' ^ He was, then, thoroughly competent ; but he was careless. He passes from section to section with no logical and little formal connection ; invective takes the place of argument, and even his abuse is incoherent. Everything is overdone ; other writers have produced striking effects by slight changes in the order of words ; Dinarchus disarranges his order without improving the emphasis. 2 Again, the repetition of a single word may give emphasis, as thus : — * A hireling, men of Athens, a hireling he is and has been ' ; but this device is used ad nauseam.^ His sentences, great concatenations of participles and relatives, trail along like wounded snakes.* Invective had its place in Athenian oratory, but when on every page we find such expressions as beast, 1 Phil, § 19. ' In such extravagances as 17 rajv 4k irpovolas o^ Ly- curgus, 273. Evagoras, the, of Isocrates, 135, 157- Evandrus, speech of Lysias against, 97, 98. Falsa Legatione, de, see Embassy. Figures of thought (see also Rhetorical devices), 31, 58, 89, 183, 294. ' Florid ' style, the, 131. Four Hundred, the, 19-20, 57. Gelon, 9. Glottal (rare words), 15, 51. Gorgias, 12-18 ; 19, 21, 22, 30, 51, 52, 91, 93, 127, 135, 160, 240, 243, 278, 308. Hagnias, speech of Isaeus on the estate of, 107, 124. Heilonnesus, speech of Demo- sthenes on, 266. Harpalus, 225-7, 287, 302. 3i8 THE GREEK ORATORS Harpocration, 102. Hegesias, 313. Hegesippus, 266. Helenae encomium of Gorgias, 51, 157 ; of Isocrates, 134, 138, 156-7- Hellenism, 4, 130, 290. Hermae, the, 34, 53-4. Hermogenes, 13, 58, 289. Herodes, speech of Antiphon on the murder of, 27, 33-4, 36, 37-43, 44, 46, 60. Herodes Atticus, 58. Herodotus, 4, 5, 9, 21, 26, 27, 135. Hesiod, 173, 184, 186. Hiatus, 29, 30, 1 31-2, 183, 241, 267, 277, 304. Hippias, II. Hippocrates, speech of Lysias against the sons of, 102. Hogarth, D. G., 221. Homer, i, 2, 10, 65, 105, 137, 152, 230, 279. Hyperbolus, 72-3. Hyperides, 285-301 ; 167, 192, 200, 213, 214, 226-8, 230, 273, 304- Inheritance, 105-7. Ionian philosophers, 9, 142. Isaeus, 102-125; 81, 171, 192, 202, 244, 270, 303. Ischyrias, speech of Lysias against, 274. Isocrates, 125-159; 4, 14, 16, 51, 81,91, 100, 104, 112, 113, 114, 160, 162, 177, 199, 200, 204, 212, 231, 234, 238-9, 241, 276, 279, 285, 303. Jason, letter of Isocrates to the children of, 127, 158. Jebb, Sir R. C., 34, loi, 102, 128. Lacedaemon, 92, 145, 147, 150- 2, 154, 215. Lacritus, speech of Demosthenes against, 204, 260. Lamian War, the, 228, 287, 299. Leochares, speech of Demo- sthenes against, 260. Leocrates, speech of Lycurgus against, 273, 274-6, 280, 283-5. Leodamas, 229. Leosthenes, 287, 299-300. Leptines, speech of Demosthenes against, 206-7, 253-4, 261. Libanius, 271. Lochites, speech of Isocrates against, 158. Locrians, the, 248. Logographi, 34, 84, 92, 200, 202, 286, 295, 302. Longinus, 192. Lucian, 229, 230, 246. Lycophron, 162 ; speech of Hyperides for, 298 ; of Ly- curgus against, 273, 288, 298. Lycurgus, 271-285. Lysander, 126. Lysias, 73-102; 2, 51, 61, 112, 113, 114, 117, 120, 133, 135, 192, 236, 253, 289, 303, 308, 313- Lysicles, speech of Lycurgus against, 274, 285. Macartatus, speech of Demo- sthenes against, 260. Macedonia, 128, 129, 311. Trpb% ras Marreias, speech of Lycurgus, 274. Mantitheus, speech of Lysias for , 83-5, 98. Mausolus, 128. Megalopohs, 165, 168 ; speech of Demosthenes for the people of, 206, 255, 266. Menecles, speech of Isaeus on the estate of, 124. Menesaechmus, speech of Ly- curgus against, 274. Menexenus, the, of Plato, 94, 102. Messenian Oration, the, of Alci- damas, 160-1. Metaphor, 31, 184, 234-5, 290-1, 304- Midias, 190, 220; speech of Demo- sthenes against, 253, 262-3. Mitylene, letter of Isocrates to the rulers of, 158. INDEX 319 Mnesiphilus., 5. j Mommsen, 193. Mysteries, speech of Andocides | on the, 55, 37, 62-5, 69, 71. I NaiSy the Praise of^ by Alcidamas, ! 160. I Nausimachus, speech of Demo- I sthenes against, 258. Neaera, speech of Demosthenes j against, 265. \ Nestor, i. - j Nicias, speech of Lysias on the j property of the brother of, 97. { Nicocles, or The Cyprians, by j Isocrates, 140, 156. Nicomachus, speech of Lysias against, 90, 96. Nicostratus, speech of Isaeus on the estate of, 116, 123. Nicostratus, speech of Demo- sthenes against, 259. Odysseus, 2, 6, Odyssey, the, 161. Olympia, 91, 144, 311. Olympiacus, the, of Gorgiais, 15 ; of Lysias, 77, 91. Olympiodorus, speech of Demo- sthenes against, 260. Olynthiacs, the, of Demosthenes, 206, 210, 223, 233, 245, 246, 255- Olynthus, 2 10-2 11, 217, 245, 286, 295- I Onetor, speech of Demosthenes j against, 256. Orphism, 164. ! Palamedes, the defence of, by i Gorgias, 16, 51. j Panathenaicus, the, of Isocrates, : 126, 127, 129, 157. i Pancleon, speech of Lysias against, 10 1. Panegyricus, the, of Isocrates, 91, 134, 140, 144, 146, 149-52, 276, : 279. i Pantaenetus, speech of Demo- sthenes against, 258. j Papyri, 4, 113, 288. Paradox, 244-5. Paraleipsis, 32, 174. Parallelism, 17, 29. Parenthesis, 69. Parmenides, 9, 142. Pasion, 158. Pathos, 88, 123, 178. Pausanias, 227. Peace, on the, speech of Ando- cides, 57, 70 ; of Demosthenes, 212, 256 ; of Isocrates, 140, 153-4. Peloponnesian War, the, 126-7, 135, 201. Pergamus, 308. Pericles, 6, 7, 10, 34, 74, 93, 141, 154, a^e; 309. 2.^:^ r^.^ , /. ri-u.^t/'^ Period, 16, 24-6, 82-4, 114, 133. ^^'^ Persia, 4, 92-3, 144,147, 150-2,221. Personalities, 35, 67-9, 122, 164, 170-1, 187-91, 233, 248, 305. Personification, 198, 234, 280-1. Persuasion, the goddess, 142. Phaedrus, the, of Plato, 7, 50, 127. Phaenippus, speech of Demo- sthenes against, 260. Phanos, speech of Demosthenes for, 256. Pherenicus, speech of Lysias for, 102. Phihp of Macedon, 81, 126, 129, 130, 145-9, «58, 165, 167-9, 176-7, 189, 206-221, 251, 269, 286, 294-5. Philip's letter, Demosthenes* answer to, 267. Philippics, the, of Demosthenes, 207-10, 213, 2i6-i8, 255-6, 266. Phihppides, speech of Hyperides against, 288, 299. Philippus, the, of Isocrates, 126, 129, 146-9, 215, 279. Philocles, speech of Dinarchus against, 303-5- Philocrates, speech of Hyperides against, 214, 286 ; speech of Lysias against, 96. Philocrates, the peace of, 146, 168, 212. 320 THE GREEK ORATORS Philoctemon, speech of Isaeus on the estate of, 124. Philon, speech of Lysias against, 98. Philostratus, 14. Phocion, 268-269 ; 196, 200, 225, 229, 278, 287, 311. Phocis, 169, 212, 217, 220. Phoenix, 2. Phorinio, speech of Demosthenes for, 257 ; do. against, 204, 260. Phryne, Hyperides' defence of, 286, 289, 293. Phrynichus, 20. Pickard-Cambridge, A. W., 233, 251. Piraeus, 8, 150, 225, 272. Pisander, 19. Piso, 76-7. Plataicus, the, of Isocrates, 152-3. Plato, 3, 7, 10, II, 14, 15, 20, 50, 51, 74-5, 101-2, 104, 127, 136, 204, 231, 238-9, 285, 309. Plato comicus, 4. Plutarch, 5, 6, 166, 201, 203, 226, 229, 232, 268. Pseudo-, 44, 57, 59, 74-5, 90, 123, 127, 143, 272-3, 285, 298. Poetical quotations, 184, 187, 232, 275, 279, 281. Poetical words, 16, 17, 23, 51-2, 179. Poisoning, speech of Antiphon on a charge of, 29, 44, 48. Polemarchus, 99. Polycles, speech of Demosthenes against, 259. Polycrates, 162. Polysperchon, 310. Polystatus, speech of Lysie^ for, 95- Priestess and Priesthood, speeches of Lycurgus on the, 274. Probability, argument from, 36. Prodicus, 10, 20. Prooemia, of Demosthenes, 267 ; of Lysias, 82. Prose-style (see also Period, Style, etc.), 3, 14, 16, 21, 130, 201, 238-240. Protagoras, 7, 10, 11, 13, 14, 22, 127, 136, 308. Ptolemy Philadelphus, 272. Pyrrhus, speech of Isaeus on the estate of, 124. Pytheas, 202, 270. Pythian speech, the, of Gorgias, 15- Pythian Games, the, 212. Pythoclides, 6. Questions, rhetorical, 58, 71, 115-16, 293, 304. Quintilian, 58, 230, 312. de Reditu, speech of Andocides, 54-55, 70- Rhetoric and rhetoricians, 3, 9, 12, 32, 50, 59, 129-30, 133, 138, 161, 162, 181, 199, 312. Rhetorical devices, 33, 64, 69, 93, 183, 244-52, 304. Rhodians, speech of Demo- sthenes on the freedom of the, 255, 266. Rhyme, 18, 30-31. Rhythm, 16, 27-30, 52, 132-3, 184, 241-4. Rome, 314. Sacred Ohve, speech of Lysias on the, 99-100. Sacred War, the, 166, 169. Sacrilege, 53. Salamis, 5. Samos, 8. Samothrace, 19, Sandys, Sir J. E., 218. Sextus Empiricus, 13, 14. SiciUan expedition, the, 53, 126 Sicily, 3, 9. Simile, 9, 290-1. Simon, speech of Lysias against, 99. Smooth style, the, 131. Social War, the, 153. Socrates, 127, 136-8, 300. Socrates, the Accusation of, by Polycrates, 162. Socratics, 138. INDEX 321 Soldier, speech of Lysias for the, 97- Solon, 141, 173. Sophists, the, 3, 5, 7, 9, 10, 13, 14, 22, 135-44, 157, 160. Sophists, speech of Alcidamas on the, 160. Sophists, speech of Isocrates against the, 127, 128, 136-144. Spudias, speech of Demosthenes against, 256. Stephanus, speech of Demo- sthenes against, 257, 259. Structure of sentences, 30, 82, 133-4, 181-2, 292-3 ; of speeches, 35, 52, 81, 114, 117, 120-2, 191, 252-5. Style, types and characteristics of, 15-16,21-7, 51, 58,61,78, 82, 113, 117, 119, 179-81, 185, 234, 238, 276, 292-3, 303-4. Sublime, treatise on the, 229, 297. ■Kepi cvvra^em, Speech of Demo- sthenes, 267. Symmories, speech of Demo- sthenes on the, 206, 244-5, 255, 265. Syracuse, 11. Tarsus, 308. Tetralogies, the, of Antiphon, 19- 43, 44-9, 60. Thebes, 126, 141, 145, 147, 152, 186, 215, 221, 227, 271. Themistocles, 5, 6, 141, 154, ' 198. Theccrines, speech of Demo- sthenes against, 265. Theodorus of Byzantium, 50, 52-3- Theomnestus, speech of Lysias against, 100. Theophrastus, 269, 302, 313. Theoric Fund, the, 211, 218, 219, 245-6. Theramenes, 20, 127. Thermopylae, 220. Thessaly, 14, 217, 220. Thirty, The, 76, 98, 127, 164, 174, 199, 271. Thrasymachus, 50-52; 132, 308. Thucydides, 3, 5, 7, 8, 16, 18-20, 27-9, 51, 52, 55, 105, 114, 199, 203. Thurii, 74-5. Timarchus, speech of Aeschines against, 164-6, 168, 170, 173, 176, 193-4. Timocrates, speech of Demo- sthenes against, 205, 248, 251, 254, 261. Timotheus, son of Conon, 128. Timotheus, letter of Isocrates to, 158. Tisias, 12-14, 5°, 75- Tisis, speech of Lysias against, 102. Torture of staves, 47, no- 11, 112. Trapeziticus, the, of Isocrates, 158. Treaty with Alexander, speech of Demosthenes on the, 267. Trierarchic Crown, speech of Demosthenes on the, 256. Trierarchic law, 219. Verrall, a. W., 31. Vocabulary, 18, 22, 23, 61, 68, 81, 113, 134-5, 179, 289. Weil, H., 218, 251, 265, 306. Wounding with intent, speech of Lysias on, 99. Xenophon, 7. Xerxes, 6. Zeno, 7, 9. Zenothemis, speech of Demo- sthenes against, 204, 259. irepl TOO ^euyovs, speech of Iso- crates, 158. Zfj)s Krijcrios, III. Printed by T, and A, Constable, Printers to His Majesty at the Edinburgh University Press A SELECTION OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY METHUEN AND CO. LTD. LONDON 36 ESSEX STREET W.C.(2^ CONTENTS PAGE FAGB General Literature . 2 Miniature Library . «9 Ancient Cities . 12 New Library of Medicine 19 Antiquary's Books . . 12 New Library of Music . M Arden Shakespeare . »3 Oxford Biographies . ao Classics of Art . . . 13 Nine Plays . . . ao 'Complete' Series . 14 Sport Series . ao Connoisseur's Library . 14 States of Italy . •0 Handbooks of English Church Westminster Commentaries so History .... '! ' Young ' Series . ax Handbooks of Theology . >5 Cheap Library . •X Health Series . . 15 Books for Travellers . . aa ' Home Life ' Series . IS Some Books on Art. aa Leaders of Religion 16 Some Books on Italy «3 Library of Devotion 16 Little Books on Art 17 Fiction •4 Little Guides . . . 17 Books for Boys and Girls aS Little Librai-y . . 18 Cheap Novels . . . . •9 Little Quarto Shakespeare T9 One and Threepenny Novels. V A SELECTION O? Messrs. Methuen's PUBLICATIONS In this Catalogue the order is according to authors. Colonial Editions ate published of all Messrs. Methobn's Novels issued at a price above 4*. net, and similar editions are published of some works of General Literature. Colonial Editions are only for circulation in the British Colonies and India. All books marked net are not subject to discount, and cannot be bought at less than the published price. Books not marked net are subject to the discount which the bookseller allows. The prices in this Catalogue are liable to alteration without previous notice. Messrs. Methuen's books arc kept in stock by all good booksellers. If there is any difficulty in seeing copies, Messrs. Mcthuen will be very glad to have early information, and specimen copies of any books will be sent on receipt of the published price plus postage for net books, and of the published price for ordi)»ary books. This Catalogue contains only a selection of the more important books published by Messrs, Methuen. A complete catalogue of their publications may be obtained on application. JLndrewes (Lancelot). PRECES PRI- VATAE. Translated and edited, with Notes, by F. E. Brightman. Cr. %vo. ^s. 6d, net. Aristotle. THE ETHICS. Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by John Burnet. Detny Zvo. 15J. net. Atkinson (T. D.). ENGLISH ARCHI- TECTURE. Illustrated. Fourth Edition. Fcap, 8»<7. ts. net. A GLOSSARY OF TERMS USED IN ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE, Illus- trated. Second Edition. Fcap. Zvo. ts. net. Atterldge (A. H.). FAMOUS LAND FIGHTS. Illustrated, Cr. Svo. 7*. 6d. net. Baggally (W. Wortley). TELEPATHY : Genuine and Fraudulent. Cr. Svo. 3*. 6d. net. Bain (F. W.). A DIGIT OF THE MOON: A Hindoo Love Story. Twelfth Edition. Fcaj>. Svo. ss, net. THE DESCENT OF THE SUN : A Cycle OF Birth. Seventh Edition. Fcap. Svo. SS. net. A HEIFER OF THE DAWN. Ninth Edition, Fcap. Svo. 5s. net. IN THE GREAT GOD'S HAIR. Sixth Edition. Fcap. Svo. ^s. net. A DRAUGHT OF THE BLUE. Sixth Edition, Fcap. Svo. ^s. net. AN ESSENCE OF THE DUSK. Fourth Edition. Fcap. Svo. 5^. net. AN INCARNATION OF THE SNOW, Fourth Edition. Fcap. Svo. 5^. net. A MINE OF FAULTS. Fourth Edition Fcap. Svo. 5J. net. THE ASHES OF A GOD. Second Edition, Fcap. Svo. 5^. net. BUBBLES OF THE FOAM. Secona Edition. Fcap. ^to. 7s. 6d. net. Alsc Fcap. Svo. 5J. net. A SYRUP OF THE BEES. Fcap. 4/0. 7J, 6^. net. Also Fcap. Svo. 5J, net. THE LIVERY OF EVE. Second Edition. Fcap. 4to. js. 6d. net. A BOOK OF DARTMOOR. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr.Zvo. 7j.6d.net. A BOOK OF DEVON. Illustrated. TUrd Edition. Cr. Zvo. 7*. td. net. Baring-Oould (S.) and Sheppard (H. F.). A GARLAND OF COUNTRY SONG. English Folk Songs with their Tradi- tional Melodies. Demy ^to. js. 6d. net. Baring-OoQld (S.), Sheppard (H. F.), and BusseU (F. W.). SONGS OF THE WEST. Folk Songs of Devon and Corn- wall. Collected from the Mouths of the People. New and Revised Edition, under the musical editorship of Cecil J. Sharp. Second Edition. Large Imperial &vo. js. 6d. net. Barker (B.). GREEK POLITICAL THEORY : Plato and his Predecessors. Demy Bvo. 14J. net. Bastable (C. F.). THE COMMERCE OF NATIONS. Eighth Edition, Cr.Zvo. s*. net. Beckford (Peter). THOUGHTS ON HUNTING. Edited by J. Otho Paget. Illustrated. Third Edition. Demy 8vo. js. 6d. net. Belloc (H.). PARIS. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. js. 6d. net. HILLS AND THE SEA. IVinth Edition. Fcap. %vo. ts. net. ON NOTHING AND KINDRED SUB- JECTS. Fourth Edition. Fcap.Zvo. (>s. net. ON EVERYTHING. Fourth EdiHon. Fcap. %vo. 6j. net. ON SOMETHING. Third Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6j. net. FIRST AND LAST. Second Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6j. net. THIS AND THAT AND THE OTHER. Second Edition. Fcap. %vo. ts, net. MARIE ANTOINETTE. Illustrated. Fourth Edition. Demy Swo. i8j. net. THE PYRENEES. Illustrated. Second Edition. Demy %vo. lojr. dd. net. Bennett (Arnold). THE TRUTH ABOUT AN AUTHOR. Fcap. Zvo. 5^. mt. Bennett (W. H.). A PRIMER OF THE BIBLE. Fifth Edition. Cr. 8vo. 4s. net. Bennett (W. H.) and Adeney (W. F.). A BIBLICAL INTRODUCTION. With a concise Bibliography. Sixth Edition. Cr. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net. Also in Two Volumes. Cr. Bvo. Each ss. net. Berrlman (Algernon B.). AVIATION. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo. 12s. 6d. net. MOTORING. 1 2 J. 6d. net. Illustrated. Demy Bvo. Bicknell (Bthel E.). PARIS AND HER TREASURES. Illustrated. Fcap. Bvo. Round comers. 6s. net. Blake (William). ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE BOOK OF JOB. With a General Introduction by Laurence Binyon. Illus- trated. Quarto. £1 is. net. Bloemfonteln (BUhop of). ARA CCELI : An Essay in Mystical Theology. Seventh Edition. Cr. Bvo. ss. net. FAITH AND EXPERIENCE. Third Edition. Cr. Bvo. sj. net. THE CULT OF THE PASSING MOMENT. Fourth Edition. Cr. Bvo. SS. net. THE ENGLISH CHURCH AND RE- UNION. Cr.Bvo. ss.net. Brabant (P. G.). RAMBLES IN SUSSEX. Illustrated. Cr. Bvo. 7s. 6d. net. Braid (James). ADVANCED GOLF. Illustrated. Eighth Edition. Demy Bvo. I2S. 6d. net. BuUey (M. H.). ANCIENT AND MEDI- EVAL ART. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 7s. 6d. net. Carlyle (Thomas). THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. Edited by C. R. L. Fletcher. Three Volumes. Cr. Bvo. iBs. net. THE LETTERS AND SPEECHES OF OLIVER CROMWELL. With an In- troduction by C. H. Firth, and Notes and Appendices by S. C. Lomas. Three Volumes. Demy Bvo. iBs. net. Chambers (Mrs. Lambert). LAWN TENNIS FOR LADIES. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo. sj. net. Chesterton (G. K.). CHARLES DICKENS. With two Portraits in Photogravure. Eighth Edition. Cr. Bvo. 7s. td. net. Mbthuen and Company Limited THE BALLAD OF THE WHITE HORSE. Fifth Edition, ts. rut. ALL THINGS CONSIDERED. Tenth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6j. net. TREMENDOUS TRIFLES. Fifth Edi- tion. Fcap. Zvo. ts. net. ALARMS AND DISCURSIONS. Second Edition. Fcap. %vo. 6*. ntt. A MISCELLANY OF MEN. Second Edition. Fcap. Zve. &J. net. WINE, WATER, AND SONG. Ninth Edition. Fcap. 8ptf. is. dd. net. Claasen (George). ROYAL ACADEMY LECTURES ON PAINTING. Illustrated. Cr. ivo. 7S. 6d. net. Clephan (R. Oeltman). THE TOURNA- MENT: Its Periods and Phases. With Preface by Chas. J. ffoulkbs. Illustrated. Royal 4to. £2 as. net. Cluttou-Brock (A.). THOUGHTS ON THE WAR- Ninth Edition. FcAp. 8w. xs. td. net. WHAT IS THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN ? Cr. %vo. 5J. net. Conrad (Joseph). THE MIRROR OF THE SEA : Memories and Impressions. Fcap. iioo. IS. net. CoultOB (O. G.). CHAUCER AND HIS ENGLAND. Illustrated. Second Edition. Demy 8w. 12*. (td. net. Cowpar (William). POEMS. Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by J. C. Bailkv. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. lai. 6d. net. Cox (J. C). RAMBLES IN SURREY. Illustrated, Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. js. 6d. net. RAMBLES IN KENT. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. js. 6d. net. Dalton (Hugh). WITH BRITISH GUNS IN ITALY. Illustrated. Cr. 6vo. is. 6d. net. Davis (H. W. C). ENGLAND UNDER THE NORMANS AND ANGEVINS : 1066-1272. Fifth Edition. Demy %90. 12s. 6d. net. Day(HapryJL),P.B.H.S. SPADECRAFT: OR, How TO BB Gardknkr. Second Edi- tion. Cr. Svo. 25. net. VEGECULTURE : How to Grow Vhgk- takles, Salads, and Herbs in Town AND Coontbt. Second Edition. Cr. Bva. as. net. THE FOOD- PRODUCING GARDEN. Cr. ivo. as. net. Dearmer (Mabel). A CHILD'S LIFE OF CHRIST, Illustrated. Fourth Edition. Large Cr. Zvo. 6s. net. Dickinson (SirG.L.). THE GREEK VIEW OF LIFE. Eleventh Edition. Cr. Ivo. Ss. net. Ditchfleld (P. H.). THE VILLAGE CHURCH. Second Edition. Illustrated. Cr. tvo. 6j. net. THE ENGLAND OF SHAKESPEARE. Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. 6s. net. DowdeB (J.). FURTHER STUDIES IN THE PRAYER BOOK. Cr. ivo. 6s.net. Durham (The Earl of). THE REPORT ON CANADA. With an Introductory Note. Second Edition. Demy Bvo. js. 6d. net. Egorton (H. K.). A SHORT HISTORY OF BRITISH COLONIAL POLICY. Fifth Edition. Demy Bvo. 10*. 6d. net. •Etlenne.' A NAVAL LIEUTENANT, 1914-1918. Illustrated. Cr. ivo. is. 6d. net. Fairbrother (W. H.). THE PHILO- SOPHY OF T. H. GREEN. Second Edition. Cr. ivo. ss. net. fifoulkes (Charles). THE ARMOURER AND HIS CRAFT. Illustrated. Royal 4/tf. £2 us. net. DECORATIVE IRONWORK. From the xith to the xviirth Century. Illustrated. Royal ^o. £2 2s. net. Plrth (C. H.). CROMWELL'S ARMY. A History of the English Soldier during the Civil Wars, the Commonwealth, and the Protectorate. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. ivo. 7s. 6d. net. Fisher (H. Jl. L.). THE REPUBLICAN TRADITION IN EUROPE. Cr. ivo. js. 6d. net. FitzGerald (Edward). THE RUBAiyAt OF OMAR KHAYYAM. Printed from the Fifth and last Edition. With a Com- mentary by H. M. Batson, and a Biograph- ical Introduction by E. D. Ross. Cr. i7>o. "js. 6d. net. Pyleman (Rose), FAIRIES AND CHIM- NEYS, j^caf. ivo. Fourth Edition. 3*. 6d. net. General Literature Gftntln (Crosby). THE MUD-LARKS AGAIN. Fcajy. Ivo. 3J. td. net. Glbbins (H. de B.). INDUSTRY IN ENGLAND: HISTORICAL OUT- LINES. With Maps and Plans. Ninth Edition. Demy Zvo. xns. 6d. net. THE INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND. With 5 Maps and a Plan. Twenty-sixth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 5*. Gibbon (Edward). THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. Edited, with Notes, Appendices, and Maps, by J. B. BoKY. Illustrated. Seven Volumes. Demy %vo. Illustrated. Etuh 12J. td. net. Also in Seven Volumes. Cr. 8vo. Each 7*. 6rf. net. aiadBtont (W, Ewart). GLADSTONE'S SPEECHES : Descriktive Index and Bibliography. Edited by A, Tilney Bas- SBTT. With a Preface by Viscount Bryck, O.M. Demy %vo. xis. 6d. net. Qloirer (T. R.). THE CONFLICT OF RELIGIONS IN THE EARLY ROMAN EMPIRE, Seventh Edition. Demy Zvo. loj. 6T'0. i6j. net. Hannay (D.). A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ROYAL NAVY. Vol. I., 1217-1688. Second Edition. Vol. II., 1689-1815. Demy Zvo. Each los. 6d. net. Marker (Alfred). THE NATURAL HIS- TORY OF IGNEOUS ROCKS. With 112 Diagrams and 2 Plates. Demy Zvo. 15s. net. Harper (Charles G.). THE 'AUTOCAR' ROAD-BOOK. With Maps. Four Volumes. Cr. ivo. Each 8j. dd net. I. — South of the Thames. II.— North and South Wales and West Midlands. III.— East Anglia and East Midlands. IV. — The North of England and South of Scotland. HasRall (Arthur). THE LIFE OF NAPOLEON. Illustrated Demy Zvo. los. td. net. Henley (W. B.). ENGLISH LYRICS: CHAUCER TO POE. Second Edition, Cr. Svo. 6s. net. Hill (George Francis). ONE HUNDRED MASTERPIECES OF SCULPTURE. lUnstrated. Demy Svo. 12s. 6d. net. Hobhouse (L. T.). THE THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE. Second Edition. Demy Zvo. 155. net. Hobson (J. A.). INTERNATIONAL TRADE : An Application of Economic Theory. Cr. Zvo. ss. net. PROBLEMS OF POVERTY : An Inquiry INTO THE Industrial Condition of the Poor. Eighth Edition. Cr. Svo. sj. net. THE PROBLEM OF THE UN- EMPLOYED: An Inquiry and an Economic Policy. Sixth Edition. Cr.Svo. Ss. net. GOLD, PRICES AND WAGES : With an Examination of the Quantity Theory. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 5^. net. Hodgson (Mm. W.). HOW TO IDENTIFY OLD CHINESE PORCELAIN. Illus- trated. Third Edition. Post Svo. 7s. 6d. net. Holdsworth (W. S.). A HISTORY OF ENGLISH LAW. Four Volumes, Vols. /., //., ///. Each Second Edition. Demy Svo. Each 15^. net. Hutt (C. W.). CROWLEY'S HYGIENE OF SCHOOL LIFE. Illustrated. Second and Revised Edif ion. Cr. Zvo. bs. net. Methuen and Company Limited Button (Edward). THE CITIES OF UMBRIA. Illustrated. Fifth Ediiion. Cr. Zvo. js. 6d. net. THE CITIES OF LOMBARDY. Illus- trated. Cr. 8v0. js. M. net. THE CITIES OF ROMAGNA AND THE MARCHES. Illustrated. Cr. 8w. js. 6d. net. FLORENCE AND NORTHERN TUS- CANY, WITH GENOA. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. ?,va, js. 6d. net. SIENA AND SOUTHERN TUSCANY. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. 8?'<7. js. 6d. net. VENICE AND VENETIA. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 7J. 6d. net. NAPLES AND SOUTHERN ITALY. Illustrated. Cr Zvo. js. 6d. net. ROME. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 7S. 6d. net. COUNTRY WALKS ABOUT FLORENCE. lUu.strated. Second Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6.V. net. THE CITIES OF SPAIN. Illustrated. Fifth Edition. Cr. Zvo. js. M. net. Ibsen (Henrik). BRAND. A Dramatic Poem, translated by William Wilson. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 5s. net. In^e(W.R.). CHRISTIAN MYSTICISM. (The Bampton Lectures of 1899.) Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. 6d. net. Innes (A. D.). A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH IN INDIA. With Maps and Plans. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo, 7J. 6d. net. ENGLAND UNDER THE TUDORS. With Maps. Fi/th Edition. Demy Svo. 1 2 J. 6d. net. Innes (Mary). SCHOOLS OF PAINT- ING. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 8j. net. Jenks (E.). AN OUTLINE OF ENG- LISH LOCAL GOVERNMENT. Third Edition. Revised by R. C. K. Ensor. Cr. Bvo. 5J. net. A SHORT HISTORY OF ENGLISH LAW : From the Earliest Times to THE End of the Year igii. Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. net. Johnston (Sir H. H.). BRITISH CEN- TRAL AFRICA. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. t^to. \Ss. net. THE NEGRO IN THE NEW WORLD. Illustrated. Crown ^to. £x xs. net. Julian (Lady) of Horwich. REVELA- TIONS OF DIVINE LOVE. Edited by Grace Warrack. Sixth Edition. Cr. Svo. 5J. net. Keat8(John). POEMS. Edited, with Intro- duction and Notes, by E. de Selincoxjrt. With a Frontispiece in Photogravure. Third Edition. Demy Svo. xos. f>d. net. Keble(John). THE CHRISTIAN YEAR. With an Introduction and Notes by W. Lock. Illustrated. Third Edition. Fcap. Svo. 5J. net. Kelynack (T. N.), M.D., M.R.C.P. THE DRINK PROBLEM OF TO-DAY IN ITS MEDICO-SOCIOLOGICAL AS- PECTS. Second and Revised Edition. Demy Svo. los. 6d. net. KIdd (Benjamin). THE SCIENCE OF POWER. Eighth Edition. Cr.Svo. 7S.6d. net. Kipling (Rudyard). BARRACK - ROOM BALLADS. xSgth Thousand. Cr. Svo. Buckram, 7s. 6d. net. Also Fcap. Szw. Cloth, ts. net ; leather, is. td. net. Also a Service Edition. T%vo Volumes. Square fcap. Svo. Each 3J. net. THE SEVEN SEAS. 140^-% Thousand. Cr. Svo. Buckram, js. 6d. net. A Iso Fcap. Svo. Cloth, 6s. net; leather, js. 6d. net. Also a Service Edition. Ttvo Volumes. Square fcap. Zvo. Each 3J. net. THE FIVE NATIONS. 120^/t Thousand. Cr. Svo. Buckram, "js. 6d. net. Also Fcap. Svo. Cloth, 6j. net ; leather, 7s. 6d. net. Also a Service Edition. Two Volumes. Square fcap. Svo. Each 3^. net. THE YEARS BETWEEN. Cr. Svo. Buckram, 7 s. fid. net. Also on thin paper. Fcap. Svo. Blue cloth, 6j. ns,t; Limp lambskin, "js. 6d. net. Also a Service Edition. Tivo volumes. Square fcap. Svo. Each 3.1. net. DEPARTMENTAL DITTIES. S^th T/wu- sand. Cr. Svo. BtickTam, 7s. 6d. net. Also Fcap. Svo. Cloth, 6s. ret; leather, 7s. 6d. net. Also a Service Edition. Two Volumes. Square fcap. Svo, Each js. net. HYMN BEFORE ACTION. Illuminated. Fcap. ^to. IS. 6d. net. RECESSIONAL. Illuminated. Fcap. ^io. IS. 6d. net. TWENTY POEMS FROM RUDYARD KIPLING. 360M Thousand. Fcap. Svo. IS. net. Lamb (Charles and Mary). THE COM- PLETE WORKS. Edited by E. V. Lucas. A New and Revised Edition in Six Volumes. With Frontispieces. Fcap. Svo. Each 6s. net. The volumes are : — I. MiSCELLANEOtJS PrOSE. II. ElIA AND the Last Essays of Elia. hi. Books FOR Children, iv. Plays and Poems. V. and VI. Letters. General Literature Lane-Poole (Stanley). A HISTORY OF EGYPT IN THE MIDDLE AGES. Illustrated. Second Edition^ Revised. Cr. Zvo. 9^. net. Lankester (Sir Ray). SCIENCE FROM AN EASY CHAIR. Illustrated. Eighth Edition. Cr. Zvo. js. 6d. net. SCIENCE FROM AN EASY CHAIR Second Series. Illustrated. First Edition Cr. %vo. 7J. bd. net. DIVERSIONS OF A NATURALIST, Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. 2vo, js. ixl. net. Lewis (Edward). EDWARD CARPEN TER : An Exposition and an Apprecia TiON. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo. 6s. net. Lock (Walter). ST. PAUL, THE MASTER BUILDER. Third Edition. Cr. Stjo. 5s. net. THE BIBLE AND CHRISTIAN LIFE. Cr. Zvo. 6s. mt. Lodge (Sir Oliver). MAN AND THE u5lIVERSE : A Study of the Influence OF THE Advance in Scientific Know- ledge UPON OUR Understanding of Christianity. Ninth Edition. Crown ivo. js. 6d. net. THE SURVIVAL OF MAN : A Study in Unrecognised Human Faculty. Seventh Edition. Cr. 2>vo. js. 6d. net. MODERN PROBLEMS. Cr. Bvo. js. 6d. net. RAYMOND ; on, Life and Death. Illus- trated. Eleventh Edition. DetnyZvo. 15J. net. THE WAR AND AFTER : Short Chap- ters ON Subjects of Serious Practical Import for the Average Citizen in a.d. 1915 Onwards. Eighth Edition. Fcap. %vo. 2s. net. Loreburn (Earl). CAPTURE AT SEA. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 2J. 6d. net. HOW THE WAR CAME. With a Map. Cr. Zvo. js. 6d. net. Lorimer (George Horace). LETTERS FROM A SELF-MADE MERCHANT TO HIS SON. Illustrated. Twenty- fourth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. net. OLD GORGON GRAHAM. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. net. Lorimer (Uorma). BY THE WATERS OF EGYPT. Illustrated. Third Edition. . Cr. Zvo. JS. 6d. net. Lucas (E. Y.). THE LIFE OF CHARLES LAMB. Illustrated. Sixth Edition. Demy Zvo. los. 6d. mt. A WANDERER IN HOLLAND. Illus- trated. Sixteenth Edition. Cr. Zvo. Zs. 6d. net. A WANDERER IN LONDON. Illus- trated. Eighteenth Edition, Revised. Cr. Zvo. Zs. 6d. net. LONDON REVISITED. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. Zs. 6d. net. A WANDERER IN PARIS. Illustrated. Thirteenth Edition. Cr. Zvo. Zs. 6d. net. Also Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. A WANDERER IN FLORENCE. Illus- trated. Sixth Edition. Cr. Zvo. Zs. 6d. net. A WANDERER IN VENICE. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. Zs. 6d. net. THE OPEN ROAD : A Little Book for Wayfarers. Twenty-seventh Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. 6d. net. India Paper, js. 6d. net. Also Illustrated. Cr. ^to. 15s.net. THE FRIENDLY TOWN : A Little Book FOR the Urbane. Ninth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. FIRESIDE AND SUNSHINE. Ninth Edition. Fcap, Zvo. 6s. net. CHARACTER AND COMEDY. Eighth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. THE GENTLEST ART: A Choice of Letters by Entertaining Hands. Tenth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. THE SECOND POST. Fifth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. HER INFINITE VARIETY : A Feminine Portrait Gallery. Eighth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. GOOD COMPANY: A Rally of Men. Fourth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. ONE DAY AND ANOTHER. Seventh Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. OLD LAMPS FOR NEW. Sixth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. LOITERER'S HARVEST. Third Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. CLOUD AND SILVER. Third Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. LISTENER'S LURE : An Oblique Narra- tion. Twelfth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. OVER BEMERTON'S: An Easy-Going Chronicle, Sixteenth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. MR. INGLESIDE. Twelfth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. LONDON LAVENDER. Twelfth Edition. Fcap. Zvo, 6s. net. LANDMARKS. Fifth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. 8 Methuen and Company Limited THE BRITISH SCHOOL : An Anecdotal Guide to the British Painters and Paintings in the National Gallery. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. rut. A BOSWELL OF BAGHDAD, AND OTHER ESSAYS. Third Edition. Fcap. %V0. 6s. net. 'TWIXT EAGLE AND DOVE. Third Edition. Fcap. Svo. 6s. net. Lyd«kker (R.). THE OX AND ITS KINDRED. Illustrated. Cr.Zvo. js. 6d. net. Macaulay (Lord). CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Edited by F. C. Montague. Three Volumes. Cr. ivo. iSs. net. Macdooald (J. R. M.). A HISTORY OF FRANCE. Three Volumes. Cr. Bvo. Each los. 6d. net. MoDon^all (William). AN INTRODUC- TION TO SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY. Twelfth Edition. Cr. ivo. 7S. 6d. net. BODY AND MIND: A History and a Defence of Animism. Fourth Edition. Demy 8vo. 12*. 6d. tut. Maeterlinck (Hauriee). THE BLUE BIRD: A Fairy Play in Six Acts. Translated by Alexander Teixeira de Mattos. Fcap. Szfo. 6s.net. Also Fcap. 8otf. 2J. net. Of the above book Forty- one Editions in all have been issued. MARY MAGDALENE: A Play in Three Acts. Translated by Alexander Teixeira DE Mattos. Third Edition. Fcap. Svo. 5 J. net. Also Fcap. 8rd. net. 4LL'S WELL: A Collection of War Poems. 175M Thousand, Small Pott Bvo. Paper, is. 3^. net; Cloth Boards, 2j. net. THE KING'S HIGH WAY. 120th Thousand. Small Pott Zvo. is.yi.net; Cloth Boards, 2S. net. THE VISION SPLENDID. 100th Thou- sand. Small Pott ivo. Paper, is. 3d. net ; Cloth Boards, 2s. n*t. THE FIERY CROSS. 80M TJiousand. Small Pott Zvo. Paper, is. 3d. net ; Cloth Boards, ts. net. HIGH ALTARS : Thb Record of a Visit to thb Battlefields of France and Flanders. 40M Thousand. Small Pott 2ioo. IS. 3d. net ; Cloth Boards, 2s. net. HEARTS COURAGEOUS. Small Pott Bvo. IS. 3d net. Cloth Boards, 2s. net. ALL CLEAR. Small Pott %vo. 1s.3d.net. Cloth Boards, 2s. net. WINDS OF THE DAWN. Small Poti Zvo. 2S. net. Oxford (M. H.). A HANDBOOK OF NURSING. Seventh Edition, Revised. Cr. Bvo. 5s. net. Pakes (W. C. C). THE SCIENCE OF HYGIENE. Illustrated. Second and Cheaper Edition. Revised by A. T. Nankivell. Cr. Bvo. 6s. net. Petri* (W. M. Flinders.) A HISTORY OF EGYPT. Illustrated. Six Volumes Cr. Bvo. Each gs. net. Vol. I. From the 1st to the XVIth Dynasty. Eighth Edition. Vol. II. The XVIIth and XVIIIth Dynasties. Sixth Edition. Vol. III. XIXth to XXXth Dynasties. Second Edition. Vol. IV. Egypt under the Ptolemaic Dynasty. J. P. Mahaffy. Second Edition. Vol. V. Egypt under Roman Rule. J. G. MiLNB. Second Edition. Vou VI. Egypt in the Middle Ages. Stanley Lane Poole. Second Edition. RELIGION AND CONSCIENCE IN ANCIENT EGYPT. Illustrated. Cr.ioo. 5*. net. SYRIA AND EGYPT, FROM THE TELL EL AMARNA LETTERS. Cr. Bvo. 5s. net. EGYPTIAN TALES. Translated from the Papyri. First Series, ivth to xiith Dynasty. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. Bvo. Ss. net. EGYPTIAN TALES. Translated from the Papyri. Second Series, xviiith to xixth Dynasty. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo. ss. net. Pollard (Alfred W.). SHAKESPEARE FOLIOS AND QUARTOS. A Study in the Bibliography of Shakespeare's Plays, 1594-1685. Illustrated. Folio. £1 is. net. Porter (G. R.). THE PROGRESS OF THE NATION. A New Edition. Edited by F. W. Hirst. Demy Bvo. £1 is. net. Power (J. O'Connor). THE MAKING OF AN ORATOR. Cr. Bvo. 6s. net. Price (L. L.). A SHORT HISTORY OF POLITICAL ECONOMY IN ENGLAND FROM ADAM SMITH TO ARNOLD TOYNBEE. Ninth Edition. Cr. Bvo. SS. net. Ravlin^s (Gertrude B.). COINS AND HOW TO KNOW THEM. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. 6d. net. Regan (C. Tate). THE FRESHWATER FISHES OF THE BRITISH ISLES. Illustrated. Cr. Bvo. js. 6d. net. Reld (G. Archdall). THE LAWS OF HEREDITY. Second Edition. Demy Bvo. £1 IS. net. Robertson (C. Grant). SELECT STAT- UTES, CASES, AND DOCUMENTS, 1660-1832. Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Demy Bvo. iss. net. ENGLAND UNDER THE HANOVER- IANS. Illustrated. Third Edition. Demy BzH>. t2S. 6d. net. Rolle (Richard). THE FIRE OF LOVE AND THE MENDING OP LIFE. Exlited by Frances M. Comper. Cr. Bvo. 6s. net. Ryley (A. Beresford). OLD PASTE. Illustrated. Royal ^to. £2 2s. net. •BaW (H. H. Munro). REGINALD. Fourth Edition. Fcap. Bvo. 3*. 6d. ntt. 10 Methuen and Company Limited REGINALD IN RUSSIA. Fcap. Zvo. 3^. 6d. net. Sohldrowitz (Philip). RUBBER. Illus- trated. Second Edition, Demy Zvo. 15J. net. Selous (Edmund). TOMMY SMITH'S ANIMALS. Illustrated. Sixteenth Edi- tion. Fcap. ivo. y. 6d. net. TOMMY SMITH'S OTHER ANIMALS. Illustrated. Seventh Edition. Fcap. Zvo. y. 6d. net. TOMMY SMITH AT THE ZOO. Illus trated. Second Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 2S. gd. TOMMY SMITH AGAIN AT THE ZOO. Illustrated. Fcap. Zvo. is. gd. JACK'S INSECTS. Illustrated. Cr. ivo. 6s. net. Shakespeare (William). THE FOUR FOLIOS, 1623; 1632; 1664; 1685. Each XJ4 4J. net, or a complete set, ;£i2 \is. net. THE POEMS OF WILLIAM SHAKE- SPEARE. With an Introduction and Notes by George Wyndham. Demy ivo. Buck- ram, 12S. (d. net. Shelley (Percy Bysshe). POEMS. With an Introduction by A. Glutton- Brock and notes by C. D. Locock. Two Volumes. Demy 8r*. £,1 iJ. net. Sladen (Douglae). SICILY: The New Winter Resort. An Encyclopaedia of Sicily. With 234 Illustrations, a Mapj and a Table of the Railway System of Sicily. Second Edition, Revised. Cr. ivo. js. 6d. net. Blesser (H. H.). TRADE UNIONISM. Cr. ivo. ss. net. Smith (Adam). THE WEALTH OF NATIONS. Edited by Edwin Cannan. Two Volumes. Demy ivo. £x 5s. net. Smith (Q. P. Herbert). GEM-STONES AND THEIR DISTINCTIVE CHARAC- TERS. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. ivo. 7s. 6d. net. Stanollffe. GOLF DO'S AND DONT'S. Sixth Edition. Fcap. 8w. 2s. net. Stevenson (R. L.). THE LETTERS OF ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON. Edited by Sir Sidney Colvin. A New Re- arranged Edition in four volumes. Fourth Edition. Fcap. ivo. Each 6*. net. Leather, each 7s. 6d. net. Snrtees (R. S.). HANDLEY CROSS. Illustrated. Eighth Edition. Fcap. ivo. 7*. td. net. MR. SPONGE'S SPORTING TOUR. Illustrated. Fourth Edition. Fcap. ivo. JS. 6d. net. ASK MAMMA; or, THE RICHEST COMMONER IN ENGLAND. Illus- trated. Second Edition. Fcap. ivo. js. 6d. net. JORROCKS'S JAUNTS AND JOLLI- TIES. Illustrated. Sixth Edition. Fcap, ivo. 6s. net. MR. FACEY ROMFORD'S HOUNDS. Illustrated. Third Edition. Fcap. ivo. js. 6d. net. HAWBUCK GRANGE ; or, THE SPORT- ING ADVENTURES OF THOMAS SCOTT, Esq. Illustrated. Fca/. ivo. 6s. net. PLAIN OR RINGLETS? Illustrated. Fcap. ivo. 7s. 6d. net. HILLINGDON HALL. With la Coloured Plates by Wildrake, Heath, and Jeixi- COE. Fcap. ivo. 7s. 6d. net. Saso (Henry). THE LIFE OF THE BLESSED HENRY SUSO. By Himself. Translated by T. F. Knox. With an Intro- duction by Dean Inge. Second Edition. Cr. ivo. 6s. net. Swanton (B. W.). FUNGI AND HOW TO KNOW THEM. Illustrated. Cr. ivo. los. 6d. net. BRITISH PLANT -GALLS. Cr. ivo. xos. 6d. net. Tabor (Margaret B.). THE SAINTS IN ART. With their Attributes and Symbols Alphabetically Arranged. Illustrated. Third Edition. Fcap. ivo. 5*. net. Taylor (A. B.). ELEMENTS OF META- PHYSICS. Fourth Edition, Demy ivo. i*s. 6d. net. Taylor (J. W.). THE COMING OF THE SAINTS. Second Edition. Cr. ivo. 6s. net. Thomas (Edward). MAURICE MAE- TERLINCK. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. ixfo. 6s. net. A LITERARY PILGRIM IN ENGLAND. Illustrated. Demy ivo. \2S. 6d. net. Tileston (Mary W.). DAILY STRENGTH FOR DAILY NEEDS. Twenty-fifth Edition. Medium \6mo. y. 6d. net. Toynbee (Paget). DANTE ALIGHIERI. His Life and Works. With x6 Illustra- tions. Fourth and Enlarged Edition. Cr, ivo. 6s. net. Trevelyan (G. M.). ENGLAND UNDER THE STUARTS. With Maps and Plans. Seventh Edition. Demy ivo. xts. 6d. net. Triggs (H. Inigo). TOWN PLANNING: Past, Present, and Possible. Illustra- ted. Second Edition, Wide Royal tvo. i6s. net. General Literature II Underbill (Evelyn). MYSTICISM, A Study in the Nature and Development of Man's Spiritual Consciousness. Seventh Edition. Demy Zvo. i$s. net. Yardon (Harry). HOW TO PLAY GOLF. Illustrated. Eleventh Edition. Cr. ivo. Ss. net. Yernon (Hon. W. Warren). READINGS ON THE INFERNO OF DANTE. With an Introduction by the Rev. Dr. Moore. Two Volumes. Second Edition, Rewritten. Cr. Svo. 1 5 J. net. READINGS ON THE PURGATORIO OF DANTE. With an Introduction by the late Dean Church. Two Volumes. Third Edition, Revised. Cr. Svo. 15J. net. READINGS ON THE PARADISO OF DANTE. With an Introduction by the Bishop of Ripon. Two Volumes. Second Edition, Revised, Cr^Svo. x5s.net. Yickers (Kenneth H.). ENGLAND IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES. With Maps. Second Edition, Revised. Demy Zvo. \7.s. 6d. net. Waddell (L. A.). LHASA AND ITS MYSTERIES. With a Record of the Ex- pedition of 1903-1904. Illustrated. Third Edition. Medium. Bvo. 12s. 6d. net. Wade (G. W. and J. H.). RAMBLES IN SOMERSET. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 7s. 6d. net. Wagner (Richard). RICHARD WAG- NER'S MUSIC DRAMAS. Interpreta- tions, embodying Wagner's own explana- tions. By Alicb Leighton Cleather and Basil Crump. Fcap. %vo. Each^s. net. The Ring of the Nibelung. Sixth Edition. Lohengrin and Parsifal. Third Edition. Tristan and Isolde. Second Edition. TannhAuser and the Mastersingbrs of Nuremburg. Waterhousa (Bllzabeth). WITH THE SIMPLE-HEARTED. Little Homilies. Third Edition. Small Pott Zvo. y. 6d. net. THE HOUSE BY THE CHERRY TREE. A Second Series of Little Homilies. Small Pottivc. 3J. f>d, net. COMPANIONS OF THE WAY. Being Selections for Morning and Evening Read- ing. Cr. Bvo. ys. 6d. net. THOUGHTS OF A TERTIARY. Second Edition. Small Pott Zvo. xs. 6d. net. VERSES. Second Edition, Enlarged. Fcap. 8cv. ax. net. A LITTLE BOOK OF LIFE AND DEATH. Nineteenth Edition. Small Pott Svo. Cloth, as. bd. net. Waters (W. G.). ITALIAN SCULPTORS. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo. js. 6d. net. Watt (Francis). CANTERBURY PIL- GRIMS AND THEIR WAYS. With a Frontispiece in Colour and 12 other Illustra- tions. Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. net. Welgall (Arthur B. P.). A GUIDE TO THE ANTIQUITIES OF UPPER EGYPT: From Abvdos to the Sudan Frontier. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo. 10s. 6d. net. Wells (J.). A SHORT HISTORY OF ROME. Sixteenth Edition. With 3 Maps. Cr. Bvo. 6s. Wllde (Oscar). THE WORKS OF OSCAR WILDE. Thirteen Volumes. Fcat>. Bvo. Each 6s. 6d. net. T. Lord Arthur Savile's Crime and the Portrait of Mr. W. H. ii. The Duchess of Padua, hi. Poems, iv. Lady Windermere's Fan. v. A Woman of No Importance, vi. An Ideal Hus- band. VII. The Importance of being Earnest. viii. A House of Pome- granates. IX. Intentions, x. De Pro- fundis and Prison Letters, xi. Essays. XII. Salome, A Florentine "Tragedy, and La Saints Courtisane. xiv. Selected Prose of Oscar Wilde. A HOUSE OF POMEGRANATES. Illus- trated. Cr. ^to. 21s. net. Wilding (Anthony P). ON THE COURT AND OFF. With 58 Illustrations. Seventh Edition. Cr. Bvo. 6s. net. Wilson (Ernest H.), A NATURALIST IN WESTERN CHINA. Illustrated. Second Edition. 2 Vols. Demy Bvo. £1 xos. net. Wood (Sir EYelyn). FROM MIDSHIP- MAN TO FIELD-MARSHAL. Illus- trated. Fi/th Edition. Demy Bvo. X2S. 6d. net. THE REVOLT IN HINDUSTAN (x^sj. 59). Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. js. 6d. net. Wood (Lieut. W. B.) and Edmonds (Ool. J. B.). A HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES (1861-65). With an Introduction by Spenser Wilkinson. With 24 Maps and Plans. Third Edition. Demy Bvo. 15 j. net. Wordsworth (W.). POEMS. With an Introduction and Notes by Nowell C Smith. Three Volumes. Demy Bvo. xSs. net. Yeats (W. B.). A BOOK OF IRISH VERSE. Third Edition. Cr. Bvo. 6s.net. 12 Methuen and Company Limited Part II. — A Selection of Series Ancient Cities General Editor, Sir B. C. A. WINDLE Cr. Svo, 6s. net each volume With Illustrations by E. H. New, and other Artists Bristol. Alfred Harvey. Canterbury. J. C. Cox. Chester. Sir B. C. A. Windle. Dublin. S. A. O. Fitzpatrick. Edinburgh. M. G. Williamson. Lincoln. E. Mansel Sympson. Shrewsbury. T. Auden. Wells and Glastonbury. T. S. Holmes. The Antiquary's Books General Editor, J. CHARLES COX Demy %vo. \os. 6d. tut each volume With Numerous Illustrations Ancient Painted Glass in England. Philip Nelson. ARCHiBOLOGY and FaLSE ANTIQUITIES. R. Munro. Bells of England, The. Canon J. J. Raven. Second Edition. Brasses of England, The. Herbert W. Macklin. Third Edition. Castles and Walled Towns of England, The. a. Harvey. Celtic Art in Pagan and Christian Times. J. Romilly Allen. Second Edition. Churchwardens' Accounts. J. C. Cox. Domesday Inquest, The. Adolphus Ballard. English Church Furniture. J. C. Cox and A. Harvey. Second Edition. English Costume. From Prehistoric Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century. George Clinch. English Monastic Life. Cardinal Gasquet. Fourth Edition. English Seals. J. Harvey Bloom. Historical Science. FoLK-LoRE AS AN Sir G. L. Gomme. Gilds and Companies of London, The. George Unwin. Hermits and Anchorites of England, The. Rotha Mary Clay, Manor and Manorial Records, The. Nathaniel J. Hone. Second Edition. MEDiiEVAL Hospitals of England, The. Rotha Mary Clay. Old English Instruments of Music. F. W. Galpin. Second Edition. General Literature The Antiquary's BookB— continued 13 Old Ekglish Libraries. Ernest A. Savage. Old Service Books of the English Church. Christopher Wordsworth, and Henry Littlehales. Second Edition. Parish Life in MsDiiCivAL England. Cardinal Gasquet. Fourth Edition. Parish Registers of England, J. C. Cox. The. Remains of the Prehistoric Age in England. Sir B. C. A. Windle. Second Edition. Roman Era in Britain, The. J. Ward. Romano-British Buildings and Earth- works. J. Ward. Royal Forests of England, The. J. C Cox. Schools of Medieval England, The. A. F. Leach. Second Edition, Shrines of British Saints. J. C Wall. The Arden Shakespeare General Editor— R. H. CASE Demy Zvo, 6s. net each volume An edition of Shakespeare in Single Plays ; each edited with a full Introduction, Textual Notes, and a Commentary at the foot of the page All's Well That Ends Well. Antony and Cleopatra. Third Edition. As You Like It. Cvmbeline. Second Edition. Comedy of Errors, The. Hamlet. Fourth Edition. Julius Caesar. Secotid Edition. King Henry iv. Pt. l King Henry v. Second Edition. King Henry vi. Pt. i. King Henry vi. Pt. ir. King Henry vi. Pt. hi King Henry viil King Lear. Second Edition. King Richard ii. King Richard hi. Second Edition. Life and Death of King John, The. Love's Labour's Lost. Second Edition, Macbeth. Second Edition. Measure for Measure. Merchant of Venice, The. Fourth Edition. Merry Wives of Windsor, The. Midsummer Night's Dream, A. Othello. Second Edition. Pericles. Romeo and Juliet. Second Edition. Sonnets and a Lover's Complaint. Taming of the Shrew, The. Tempest, The. Second Edition. TiMON OF Athens. Titus Andronicus. Troilus and Cressida. Tv/elfth Night. Third Edition, Two Gentlemen of Verona, The. Venus and Adonis. Winter's Tale, The. Classics of Art Edited by Dr. J. H. W. LAING With numerous Illustrations. Wide Royal Szw Art of the Greeks, The, H. B. Walters. iSs. net. Art ok the Romans, The. H. B. Walters. i6,r. net. Chakdin. H. E. a. Furst. x^s, net. Donatello. Maud Cmttwell. i&r. net. Florentine Sculptors of the Renais- sance. Wilhelm Bode. Translated by Jessie Haynes. 15J. net. George Romney. Arthur B. Chamberlain. 15J. net. 14 Methuen and Company Limited Classics of Art — continued Ghirlandaio. Gerald S. Davies. Second Edition. 15^. net. Lawrsncb. Sir Walter Armstrong. 25^. net. Michelangelo. Gerald S. Davies. 15J. net. Raphael. A. P. Oppd. 15J. mi Rembrandt's Etchings. A. M. Hind. Two Volumes. 25X. net. Rubens. Edward Dillon. 301. nti. Tintoretto. Evelyn March Phillipps. id*. net. Titian. Charles Ricketts. i6j. net. Turner's Sketches and Drawings. A. J. Finberg. Second Edition. 15^. net. ! Velazquez. A. de Beruete. 15*. net. The * Complete' Series Fully Illustrated. Demy Svo Complete Amateur Boxer, The. J. G. Bohun Lynch, los. 6d. net. Complete Association Footballer, The. B. S. Evers and C. E. Hughes- Davies. lof. 6d. net. Complete Athletic Trainer, The. S. A. Mussabini. lof. €)d. net. Complete Billiard Player, The. Charles Roberts. 12^. 6d. net. Complete Cook, The. Lilian Whitling. zof . dd. net. Complete Cricketer, The. Albert E. Knight. Second Edition, los. 6d. net. Complete Foxhunter, The. Charles Rich- ardson. Second Edition. i6s. net. Complete Golfer, The. Harry Vardon. Fifteenth Edition^ Revised. 12s. 6d. net. Complete Hockey- Player, The. Eustace E. White. Second Edition. 10s. 6d. net. Complete Horseman, The. W. Scarth Dixon. Second Edition. 12s. 6d. net. Complete Jujitsuan, The. W. H. Garrud. SJ. net. Complete Lawn Tennis Player, The. A. Wallis Myers. Fourth Edition. 12s. 6d. net. Complete Motorist, The. Filson Young and W. G. Aston. Revised Edition. 10s. 6d. net. Complete Mountaineer, The. G. D. Abraham. Second Edition, xts. net. Complete Oarsman, The. R. C. Lehmann. 1 2 J. td. net. Complete Photographer, The. R. Child Bay ley. Fifth Edition, Revised. 12s. 6d, net. Complete Rugby Footballer, on the New Zealand System, The. D. Gallaher and W. J. Stead. Second Edition. 12s. ()d. net. Complete Shot, The. G. T. Teasdale- Buckell. Third Edition. 16s. net. Complete Swimmer, The. F. Sachs. loi. 6d. net. Complete Yachtsman, The. B. Heckstall- Smith and E, du Boulay. Second Edition, Revised, -its. net. The Connoisseur's Library With numerous Illustrations, Wide Royal Svo. 25J. tut each volume English Coloured Books. Martin Hardie. English Furniture. F. S. Robinson. SecoTui Edition. Etchings. Sir F. Wedmore. Second Edition. European Enamels. Henry H. Cunyng- hame. Fine Books. A. W. Pollard. Glass. Edward Dillon. Goldsmiths' and Silversmiths' Work. Nelson Dawson. Second Edition. Illuminated Manuscripts. J. A. Herbert Second Edition. Ivories. Alfred Maskell. Jewellery. H. Clifford Smith. Second Edition. Mezzotints. Cyril Davenport. Miniatures. Dudley Heath. Porcelain. Edward Dillon. Seals. Walter de Gray Birch. Wood Sculpture. AHred MaskelL General Literature 15 Handbooks of English Charch History Edited by J. H. BURN. Croton Sva. ^s. mt each volume Rbformation Period, The. Henry Gee. Foundations of thb English Church, The. J. H. Maude. Saxon Church and the Norman Conquest, The. C. T. Cruttwell. MEDiiGVAL Church and the Papacy, The. A. C. Jennings. Struggle with Puritanism, The. Bruce Blaxland. Church of England in the Eighteenth Century, The. Alfred Plummer. Handbooks of Theology Demy %vo Doctrine of the Incarnation, The. R. L. Ottley. Fifth Edition. 15*. net. History of Early Christian Doctrine, A. J. F. Bethune-Baker. 15J. net. Introduction to the History of Religion, An. F. B. Jevons. Seventh Edition. laj. 6d. net. i6 Methuen and Company Limited Leaders of Religion Edited by H. C. BEECHING. With Portraits Crown Svo. y. net each volume AOGOSTINE OF CANTERBURY. E. L. CuttS. Bishop Butler. W. A. Spooner. Bishop Wii.ber force. G. W. Daniell. Cardinal Manning. A. W. Hutton. Second Edition. Cardinal Newman. R. H. Hutton. Charles Simeon. H. C. G. Moule. George Fox, the Quaker. T. Hodgldn. Third Edition. John Donne. Augustas Jcssop. John Howe. R. F. Horton. JohnKeble. Walter Lock. Seventh Edition. John Knox. F. MacCunn. Second Edition. John Wesley. J. H. Overton. Lancelot Andrewes. R- L. Ottley. Second Edition. Latimer. R. M. and A. J. Carlyle. Thomas Chalmers. Mrs. Oliphant. Second Edition. Thomas Cranmer. A. J. Mason. Thomas Ken. F. A. Clarke. William Laud. W. H. Hutton. Fourth Edition. The Library With Introductions and Small Pott Svo, cloth, ^s. net; 3J. 6d. net Bishop Wilson's Sacra Privata. Book of Devotions, A. Second Edition. Christian Year, The. Fifth Edition. Confessions of St. Augustine, The. Ninth Edition, y. 6d. net. Day Book from the Saints and Fathers, A. Death and Immortality. Devotions from the Apocrypha. Devotions of St. Anselm, The. Devotions for Every Day in the Week AND the Great Festivals. Grace Abounding to the Chief of Sin- ners. Guide to Eternity, A. Horae Mysticae. a Day Book from the Writings of Mystics of Many Nations. Imitation of Chiust, The. Eighth Edition. Inner Way, The. Third Edition. Introduction to the Devout Life, Am. of Devotion (where necessary) Notes also some volumes in leather^ each volume Light, Life, and Love. A Selection from the German Mystics. Little Book of Heavenly Wisdom, A. A Selection from the English Mystics. Lyra Apostolica. Lyra Innocentium. Third Edition. Lyra Sacra. A Book of Sacred Verse. Second Edition. Manual of Consolation from the Saints AND Fathers, A. On the Love of God. PRrcES Privatae. Psalms of David, Thbc Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life, A. Fifth Edition. Song of Songs, The. Spiritual Combat, The. Spiritual Guide, The. Third Edition. Temple, The. Second Edition. Thoughts of Pascal, The. Second Edition. General Literature Little Books on Art IVifh many Illustrations, Demy i6mo. $s. net each volume Each volume consists of about 200 pages, and contains from 30 to 40 Illustrations, including a Frontispiece in Photogravure Albrecht Dorer. L. J Allen. Arts of Japan, The. K Dillon. Third Edition. Bookplates. E. Almack. Botticelli. Mary L. Bonnor. BuRNE-JoNES. F. de Lisle. Third Edition. Cellini. R. H. H. Cust. Christian Symbolism. Mrs. H. Jenner. Christ in Art. Mrs. H. Jenner. Claude. E. Dillon. H. W. Tompkins. Second Constable. Edition. A. Pollard and E. Birnstingl. Water-Colour. C. Corot. Early English Hughes. Enamels. Mrs. N. Dawson. Second Edition. Frederic Leighton. A. Corkran. George Romney. G. Paston. Greek Art. H. B. Walters. Fifth Edition. Greuzb and Boucher. E. F. Pollard. Holbein. Mrs. G. Fortescue. Jewellery. C. Davenport. Second Edition. John Hoppner. H. P. K. Skipton. Sir Joshua Reynolds. J. Sime. Second Edition. Millet. N. Peacock. Second Edition. Miniatures. C. Davenport, V.D., F.S.A. Second Edition. Our Lady in Art. Mrs. H. Jenner. Raphael. A. R. Dryhurst. Second Edition Rodin. Muriel Ciolkowska. Turner. F. Tyrrell-GilL Vandyck. RI. G. Smallwood. Velazquez. W. Wilberforce and A. R. Gilbert. Watts. R. E. D. Sketchley. Second Edition. The Little Guides With many Illustrations by E. H. New and other artists, and from photographs Small Pott %vo. ^s. net each volume The main features of these Guides are (i) a handy and charming form ; (2) illus- trations from photographs and by well-known artists ; (3) good plans and maps ; (4) an adequate but compact presentation of everything that is interesting in the natural features, history, archaeology, and architecture of the town or district treated. Cambridge and its Colleges. A. H. Thompson. Fourth Edition^ Revised. Channel Islands, The. E. E. Bicknell. English Lakes, The. F. G. Brabant. Isle of Wight, The. G. Clinch. London. G. Clinch. Malvern Counti?y, The. Sir B.C. A. Windle, Second Edition. North Wales. A. T. Story. Oxford and its Colleges. J. Wells. Tenth Edition. St. Paul's Cathedral. G. Clinch. Shakespeare's Country. Sir B. C. A. Windle. Fifth Edition. South Wales. G. W. and J. H. Wade. Temple, The. H. H. L. Bellot. Westminster Abbey. G. E. Troutbeck, Second Edition. i8 Methuen and Company Limited The Little Quldei— continued Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire. H. W. Macklin. Berkshire. F. G. Brabant. Buckinghamshire. E. S. Roscoc. Second Edition^ Revised. Cambridgeshire. J. C. Cox. Cheshire. W. M. Gallichan. Cornwall. A. L. Salmon. Second Edition. Derbyshire. J. C. Cox. Second Edition. Devon. S. Baring-Gould. Fourth Edition. Dorset. F. R. Heath. Fourth Edition. Durham. J. E. Hodgkin. Essex. J. C Cox. Second Edition, Gloucestershire. J. C Cox. Second Edition. Hampshire. J. C. Cox. Third Edition. Herefordshire. G. W. and J. H. Wade. Hertfordshire. H. W. Tompkins. Kent. J. C. Cox. Second Edition, Re- written. Kerry. C. P. Crane. Second Edition. Leicestershire and Rutland. A. Harvey and V. B. Crowther-Beynon. Lincolnshire. J. C. Cox. Middlesex. J. B. Firth. Monmouthshire. G. W. and J. H. Wade. Norfolk. W. A. Dutt. Fourth Edition, Revised. Northamptonshire. Edition, Revised. Northumberland. J. W. Dry. Second E. Morris. 5X. net. Nottinghamshire. L. Guilford. Oxfordshire. F. G. Brabant Second Edition. Shropshire. J. E. Auden. Second Eaition. Somerset. G. W. and J. H. Wade. Fourih Edition. Staffordshire. tion. C. Masefield. Second Edi- Suffolk. W. A. Dutt. C Cox. Second Edition. Third Edition, Re- Surrey. J. written. Sussex. F. G. Brabant. Fifth Edition, Warwickshire. J. C. Cox. Wiltshire. F. R. Heath. Third Edition. Riding. J. E. Riding. J. E. Riding. J. E. Brittany. S. Baring-Gould. Second Edition. Normandy. C. Scudamore. Second Edition. Rome. C. G. EUaby. Sicily. F. H. Jackson. Yorkshire, Morris. The East Yorkshire, The North Morris. Yorkshire, The Morris, ^s. net. West The Little Library With Introduction, Notes, and Photogravure Frontispieces Small Pott Svo. Each Volume^ clothe 2s. dd, net ; also some volumes in leather at 31. 6d. net Anon. A LITTLE BOOK OF ENGLISH LYRICS. Second Edition. 3s.6d.net. AuBten (Jane). PRIDE AND PREJU- DICE. Two Volumes. NORTHANGER ABBEY. Bacon (Francis). THE ESSAYS OF LORD BACON. Barnett (Annie). A LITTLE BOOK OF ENGLISH PROSE. Third Edition. Beckfopd (William). THE HISTORY OF THE CALIPH VATHEK. Blake (William). SELECTIONS FROM THE WORKS OF WILLIAM BLAKE. Browning (Robert). SELECTIONS FROM THE EARLY POEMS OF ROBERT BROWNING. Canning (George). SELECTIONS FROM THE ANTI-JACOBIN : With some later Poems by George Canning. Cowley (Abraham). THE ESSAYS OF ABRAHAM COWLEY. General Literature iO The Little L\hv&rY— continued Crabbe (Qeorg«). SELECTIONS FROM THE POEMS OF GEORGE CRABBE. Crashaw (Richard). THE ENGLISH POEMS OF RICHARD CRASHAW. PURGATORY. Dante Alighierl. PARADISE. Darley (George). SELECTIONS FROM THE POEMS OF GEORGE DARLEY. Kinglake (A. W.). EOTHEN. Stcond EdiiioH. M. 6d. tut Locker (P.). LONDON LYRICS. POEMS OF Harvell (Andrew). THE ANDREW MARVELL. Milton (John). THE MINOR POEMS OF JOHN MILTON. Moir (D. M.). MANSIE WAUCH. Nichols (Bowyer). A LITTLE BOOK OF ENGLISH SONNETS. Smith (Horace and James). REJECTED ADDRESSES. Sterne (Laurence). JOURNEY. A SENTIMENTAL Tennyson (Alfred, Lord). THE EARLY POEMS OF ALFRED. LORD TENNY- POEMS OF SON. IN MEMORIAM. THE PRINCESS. MAUD. m HENRY VAUGHAN. Waterhouse (Elizabeth). A LITTLE BOOK OF LIFE AND DEATH. Nituteenth Edition. Wordsworth (W.). SELECTIONS FROM THE POEMS OF WILLIAxM WORDS- WORTH. Wordsworth (W.) and Coleridge (S. ¥.). LYRICAL BALLADS. Third Ediiion. The Little Quarto Shakespeare Edited by W. J. CRAIG. With Introductions and Notes Pott i6fno. 40 Volumes. Leather ^ price is, gd. net each volume Miniature Library Demy Z^mo. Leather^ 3X. 6d. net ecuh volume EuPHRANOR : A^Dialogue on Youth. Edward I Polonius ; or, Wise Saws and Modern In- FitzGerald. " \ stances. Edward FitzGerald. The RubaivAt of Omar Khayv^m. Edward FitzGerald. Fifth Edition. Cloth, w, net. The New Library of Medicine Edited by C. W. SALEEBY. Demy ^vo Air and Health. Ronald C. Macfie. Second Edition. los. 6d. net. Care of the Body, The. F. Cavanagh. Second Edition. 10s. 6d. net. Children of the Nation, The. The Right Hon. Sir John Gorst. Second Edition. JOS. 6d. net. Drugs and the Drug Habit. bury. loj. 6d. net. H. Sains- Functional Nerve Diseases. A. T. Scbo- field. 10s. 6d. net. Hygiene OF Mind, The. Sir T. S. Clouston. Sixth Edition. 10*. 6d. net. Infant Mortality. Sir George Newman. xos. td. net. Prevention of Tobercuiosis (Consump tion), The. Arthur Newsholme. Second Edition, las. 6d, net. 20 Methuen and Company Limited The New Library o! Musio Edited by ERNEST NEWMAN. Illustraisd. Demy 8vo. los. 6d. net Brahms. J. A. Fuller-Maitland. Second I Handkl. R. A. Streatteild. Second Edition. ^ '"*' I Hugo Wolf. Ernest Newman. Oxford Biographies Illustrated. Fcap. Hvo. Ecu: A volume^ cloth, /^s. net; also some in leather, $5. net Sir Walter Raleigh. I. A. Taylor. Dante Alighibri. Paget Toynbee. Fifth Edition. GiROLAMO Savokarola. £. L. S. Horsburgh. Sixth Edition. JoHx Howard. £. C S. Gibson. Nine Fcap. Svo. Across the Border. Beulah Marie Dix. Honeymoo.v, The. A Comedy in Three Acts. Arnold Bennett. Third Edition. Great Adventure, The. A Play of Fancy in Four Acts. Arnold Bennett. Fourth Edition. Milestones. Arnold Bennett and Edward Knoblock. Eighth Edition. Ideal Husband, An. Oscar Wilde. Acting Edition, Chatham. A. S. McDowalL Canning. W. Alison Phillips. Plays 3J. 6^. net Kismet. Edward Knoblock. Third Edi- tion. Typhoon. A Play in Four Acts. Melchior LengyeL English Version by Laurence Irving. Second Edition. '^KKB. Q,K%%, The. George Pleydell. General Post. J. E. Harold Terry. Second Edition. Flying, All About. Golf Do's and Dont's. Edition. Sport Series Illustrated. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. net Golfing Swing, Thf~ Burnham Hare. Fourth Edition. How TO Swim. H. R. Austin. Wrestling. P. Longhurst. Gertrude Bacon. StancliflFc* Sixth The States of Italy Edited by E. ARMSTRONG and R. LANGTON DOUGLAS Illustrated. Demy Svo Milan under the Sforza, A History ok. I Verona, A History of. A. M. Allen. Cecilia M. Ady. 12s. 6d. net. \ 15J. net. Perugia, A History of. W. Haywood. 155. net. The Westminster Commentaries General Editor, WALTER LOCK Demy Svo Acts of the Apostles, The. R. B. Rack- ham. Seventh Edition. 16s. net. Amos. E. A- Edghill. &s. 6d. net. Corinthians, I. H. L. Goudge. Fourth Edition. Zs. 6d. net. Exodus. A. H. M'Nelle. 15J. net. Ezekifl, H. a. Redpath. Genesis. S. R. Driver. 16s. net. Hebrews. E. C. Wickham. &r. 6d. net. Second Edition. 12s. 6d. net. Tenth Edition. Isaiah. G. W. Wade. i6j. net. Jeremiah. L. E. Binns. i6.r. net. Job. E. C. S. Gibson. Second Edition. %s. 6d. net. Pastoral Epistles, The. E. F. Brown. is. 6d. net. Philippians, The. net. St. James, R. J. Knowling. tion. 8j. 6d. net. St. Matthew. P. A. Micklem Maurice Jones. 8j. 6d. Second Edi- ie,s. net. General Literature 21 The * Young' Series Illustrated. Croivn Svo Young Botanist, The. W. P. Westell and C. S. Cooper. 6s. net. Young Carpentbr, The. Cyril Hall. f>s. net. Young Electrician, The. Hammond Hall. Second Edition, ts. net. Young Engineer, The. Hammond HalL Third Edition, dr. net. Young Naturalist, The. W. P. Westell ^s. 6d. net. Young Ornithologist, The. W. P. Westell 6j. net. Methuen's Cheap Library F<:ap. Svo. 2s. net All Things Considered. G. K. Chesterton. Best of Lamb, The. Edited by E. V. Lucas Blue Bird, The. Maurice Maeterlinck. Charles Dickens. G. K. Chesterton. Charmides, and other Poems. Oscar Wilde. ChitrXl : The Story of a Minor Siege. Sir G. S. Robertson. Customs of Old England, The. F. J. Snell. De Profundis. Oscar Wilde. Famous Wits, A Book of. W. Jerrold. From Midshipman to Field-Marshal. Sir Evelyn Wood, F.M., V.C. Harvest Home. E. V. Lucas. Hills and the Sea. Hilaire Belloc. Ideal Husband, An. Oscar Wilde. Importance of being Earnest, The. Oscar Wilde. Intentions. Oscar Wilde. Jane Austen and her Times. G. E. Mitton. John Boyes, King of the Wa-Kikuyu. John Boyes. Lady Windermere's Fan. Oscar Wilde. Letters from a Self-made Merchant to his Son. George Horace Lorimer. Life of John Ruskin, The. W. G. Colling- wood. Life of Robert Louis Stevenson, The. Graham Balfour. Little of Everything, A. E. V. Lucas. Lord Arthur Savile's Crime. Oscar Wilde. Lore of the Honey-Bee, The. Tickner Edwardes. Man and the Universe. Sir Oliver Lodge- Makv Magdalrnx. Maurice Maeterlinck. Mirror of the Sea, The. J. Conrad. Mixed Vintages. E V. Lucas. Modern Problems. Sir Oliver Lodge. My Childhood and Boyhood. Leo Tolstoy. My Youth. Leo Tolstoy. Old Country Life. S. Baring-GoiJd. Old Time Parson, The. P. H. Ditch- field. On Everything. Hilaire Belloc. On Nothing. Hilaire Belloc. Oscar Wilde: A Critical Study. Arthur Ransomc. Picked Company, A. Hilaire Belloc. Reason and Belief. Sir Oliver Lodge. R. L. S. Francis Watt. Science from an Easy Chair. Sir Ray Lankester. Selected Poems. Oscar Wilde. Selected Prose. Oscar Wilde. Shepherd s Life, A. W. H. Hudson. Shilling for my Thoughts, A. G. K. Chesterton. Social Evils and their Remedy. Leo Tolstoy. Some Letters of R. L. Stevenson. Selected by Lloj'd Osbourne. Substance of Faith, The. Sir Oliver Lodge. Survival of Man, The. Sir Oliver Lodge. Tower of London, The. R. Davey. Two Admirals. Admiral John Moresby. Vailima Letters. Robert Loub Stevenson. Variety Lane. E. V. Lucas. Vicar of Morwenstow, The. S. Barinir* Gould. Woman of no Importance, A. Oscar Wilde. A StltciUn only 22 Methuen and Company Limited Books for TraYellers Crown Svo. $s. 6d. net each Each volume contains a number of Illustrations in Colour Avon and Shakespeare's Country, The. A. G. Bradley. Second Edition. Black Forest, A Book of the. C. E. Hughes. Cities of Lombardy, The. Edward Hutton. Cities ok Romagna and the Marches, The. Edward Hutton. Cities of Spain, Fifth Edition. The. Edward Hutton. Edward Hutton. Cities of Umbria, The. Fifth Edition. Florence and Northern Tuscany, with Genoa. Edward Hutton. Third Edition. Land of Pardons, The (BrittanyX Anatole Le Braz. Fourth Edition. London Revisited. E. Edition. 8j. ()d. net. V. Lucas. Third Naples. Arthur H. Norway. Fourth Edi- tion. &r. &/. net. Naples and Southern Italy. Edward Hutton. Naples Riviera, Second Edition. New Forest, The. Fourth Edition. The, H. M. Vaughan. Horace G. Hutchinson. Norway and its Fjords. M. A. Wyllie. Rome, Edward Hutton. Third Edition. Round about Wiltshire. A. G. Bradley. Third Edition. Siena and Southern Tuscany. Edward Hutton. Second Edition. Skirts of the Great City, The. Mrs. A. G.Bell. Second Edition. Venice and Venetia. Edward Hutton. E. V. Lucas. Wanderer in Florence, A. Sixth Edition. Wanderer in Paris, A. E. V. Lucas. Thirteenth Edition. Wanderer in Holland, A. E. V. Lucas. Sixteenth Edition. Wanderer in London, A. E. V. Lucas. Eighteenth Edition. Wanderer in Venice, A. E. V. Lucas. Second Edition. Some Books on Art Art, Ancient and Medieval. M. H. BuUey. Illustrated. Crown Zvo. fs. 6d. net. British School, The. An Anecdotal Guide to the British Painters and Paintings in the National Gallery. E. V. Lucas. Illus- trated. Fcap. Svo. 6s. net. Decorative Iron Work. From the xith to the xviiith Century. Charles ffoulkcs. Royal 4to. £a 2S. net. Francesco Guardi, 1712-1793. G. A. Simonson. Illustrated. Imperial ^to. £,2. 2S. net. Illustrations of the Book of Job. William Blake. Quarto. £1 is. net. Italian Sculptors. W. G. Waters. Illus- trated. Crown ivo. js. 6d. net. Old Paste. A. Beresford Ryley. Illustrated. Royal 4/tf. £1 is. net. One Hundred Masterpieces of Sculpture. With an Introduction by G. F. Hill. Illus- trated. Demy ivo. laj. (>d. net. Royal Academy Lectures on Painting. George Clausen. Illustrated. Crown Zvo. 7s, 6d. net. Saints in Art, The. Margaret E. Tabor. Illustrated. Third Edition. Fcap. Bvo. Ss. net. Schools of Painting. Mary Innes. Illus- trated. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. Zs. net. Celtic Art in Pagan and Christian Times. J. R. Allen. Illustrated. Second Edition. Demy Zvo. le*. 6rf. net. General Literature 23 Some Books on Italy Florence and her Treasures. H. M. Vaughan. Illustrated. Fcap. Sz'tf. dr. net. Florence and the Cities of Northern Tuscany, with Genoa. Edward Hutton. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. ivo. 8j. 6d. net. Lombardy, The Cities of. Edward Hutton. Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. Zs. 6d. net. Milan under the Sforza, A History of. Cecilia M. Ady. Illustrated. Demjf Zva. 12s. 6d. net. Naples : Past and Present. A. H. Norway. Illustrated. Fourth Edition. Cr. 8vo, 8s. 6d. net. Naples Riviera, The. H. M. Vaughan. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. is. 6d. net. Naples and Southern Italy. E. Hutton. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo. 8s. 6d net. Perugia, A History of. William Heywood. Illustrated. Demy 8vo. 15J. net. Rome. Edward Hutton. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. Zzh>. 8s. 6d. net. Romagna and the Marches, The Cities OF. Edward Hutton. Cr. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net. Rome. C. G. Ellaby. Illustrated. Small Pott 8vo. 4J. net. Sicily. F. H. Jackson. Illustrated. Small Pott 8vo. 4s. net. Sicily : The New Winter Resort. Douglas Sladen. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. js. 6d. net. Siena and Southern Tuscany. Edward Hutton. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 8s. 6d, net. Umbkia, The Cities of. Edward Hutton. Illustrated. Fifth Edition. Cr. tvo. 8s. 6d. net. Venice and Venetia. Edward Hutton. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net. Venice on Foot. H. A. Douglas. Illus- trated. Second Edition. Fcap.8vo. 6s.net. Venice and her Treasures. H. A. Douglas. Illustrated. Fca/. 8zfO. 6s. net. Verona, A History of. A. M. Allen. Illustrated. Demy 8vo. 15J. net. Dante Alighieri : His Life and Works. Paget Toynbee. Illustrated. Fourth Edi- tion. Cr. 8vo. 6s. net. Lakes of Northern Italy, The. Richard Bagot. Illustrated. Second Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 6s. net. Savonarola, Girolamo. E. L. S. Horsburgh. Illustrated. Fourth Edition. Cr. 8j«o. 6*. net. Skies Italian : A Little Breviary for Tra- vellers in Italy. Ruth S. Phelps. Fcap.8100. St. net. 24 Methuen and Company Limited Part III. — A Selection of Works of Fiction Albancsi (E. Haria). I KNOW A MAIDEN. Third Edition. Cr. 8w. ^s. net. THE GLAD HEART. Fifth Edition. Cr. %vo. ^s. net. Aumonier (Stacy). Cr. ivo. ys. net. Bagot (Richard). SERRAVALLE. ivo. js. net. OLGA BARDEL. THE HOUSE OF Third Edition. Cr. Bailey (H. C), THE SEA CAPTAIN. Third Edition. Cr. Bvo, js. net. THE HIGHWAYMAN. Third Edition. Cr. ivo. js. net. THE GAMESTERS. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. js. net. THE YOUNG LOVERS. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. js, net. Baring - Gould (S.). THE BROOM- SQUIRE. Illustrated. Fifth Edition. Cr. Zvo. js. net. Barr (Bobert). IN THE MIDST OF ALARMS. Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. js. net. THE COUNTESS TEKLA. Fifth Edition. Cr. Zrw. js. net. THE MUTABLE MANY. Third Edition. Cr. ivo. js. net. Begbie (Harold). THE CURIOUS AND DIVERTING ADVENTURES OF SIR JOHN SPARROW, Bart.; or, The Progress of an Open Mind. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. js. tut. Belloc (H.). EMMANUEL BURDEN, MERCHANT. Illustrated. Second Edi- tion. Cr. Zvo. 7J. net. Bennett (Arnold). CLAYHANGER. Twelfth Edition. Cr. %vo. Sj. net. HILDA LESSWAYS. Eighth Edition. Cr. %vo. 7*. net. THESE TWAIN. Fourth Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. THE CARD. Thirteenth Edition. Cr. %vo. JS. net. THE REGENT : A Five Towns Storv of Adventure in London. Fifth Edition. Cr. 8vo. JS. net, THE PRICE OF LOVE. Fourth Edition. Cr. Bvo. JS. net. BURIED ALIVE. JVinth Edition. Cr. Bvo. JS. net. A MAN FROM THE NORTH. Third Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. THE MATADOR OF THE FIVE TOWNS. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. WHOM GOD HATH JOINED. A New Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. A GREAT MAN: A Frolic. Seventh Edition. Cr. Bzw. js. net. Benson (K. P.). DODO : A Detail of the Day. Seventeenth Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. Birmingham (George A.). SPANISH GOLD. Seventeenth Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. THE SEARCH PARTY. Tenth Edition. Cr. Bvo. JS. net. LALAGE'S LOVERS. Third Edition. Bvo. JS. net. GOSSAMER. Fourth Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. Cr. net. THE ISLAND MYSTERY. Second F.di- tion, Cr. Bvo. js. net. THE BAD TIMES. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo JS. net. Bowen (Marjorle). I WILL MAINTAIN. Ninth Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. DEFENDER OF THE FAITH. Seventh Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. WILLIAM, BY THE GRACE OF GOD. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. Fiction 25 GOD AND THE KING. Sixth Edition, Cr, ivo. js. rut. PRINCE AND HERETIC. Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. js. net. A KNIGHT OF SPAIN. Third Edition. Cr. ivo. js. n*t. THE QUE.ST OF GLORY. Third Edition. Cr. 8tw. js. net. THE GOVERNOR OF ENGLAND. Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. 7*. net. THE CARNIVAL OF FLORENCE. Fifth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 7s. net. MR. WASHINGTON. Third Edition. Cr. %vo. js. net. " BECAUSE OF THESE THINGS. . . ." Third Edition. Cr. 8zh>. 7s. net. THE THIRD ESTATE. Second Edition. Cr. 8«v. 7s. net. Burroa^ha (Edgar Rice). THE RETURN OF TARZAN. Fcap. ivo. as. net. THE BEASTS OF TARZAN. Second Edition. Cr. ivo. 6s. net. THE SON OF TARZAN. Cr. Zvo. 7*. net. A PRINCESS OF MARS. Cr.Zvc. is.net. Castle (Agnes and Egerton). THE GOLDEN BARRIER. Third Edition. Cr. ivo. 7$. net. Conrad (Joseph). A SET OF SIX. Fourth Edition. Cr. ivo. 7s. net. VICTORY: An Island Talk. Sixth Edition. Cr. Svo. gs. net. Conyers (Dorothea). SANDY MARRIED. FtjTth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net, OLD ANDY. Fovrth Edition. Cr. tvo. js. net. THE BLIGHTING OF BARTRAM. Thirtl Edition. Cr. Svo. 7*. net. B. E. N. Cr. ivo. 7s. net. CoreUi (Marie). A ROMANCE OF TWO WORLDS. rh%rtyfifth Edition, Cr. %vo. 73. 6d. net. VENDETTA ; or, The Story of Onk For- gotten. Thirtyjl/ih Edition. Cr. Svo. Ss. net. THELMA: A Norwegian Princess. Fipyninth Edition. Cr. Svo. Ss. 6d. net. ARDATH: The Story of a Dead Self. Trventy-fourth Edition. Cr. 8tw. 7s. td. net. THE SOUL OF LILITH. Twentieth Edition. Cr. St'O. 7s. net. WORMWOOD: A Drama of Paris. Twenty -second Edition. Cr. Svo. Ss. net. BARABBAS: A Dream of the World's Tragedy. Fiftieth Edition. Cr. Svo. Ss. net. THE SORROWS OF SATAN. Sixty-third Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. THE MASTER-CHRISTIAN. Eighteenth Edition, 184M Thousand. Cr, Zvo. Ss, 6d, net. TEMPORAL POWER: A Study in Supremacy. Second Edition, isoth Thousand, Cr. Svo. 6s. net. GOD'S GOOD MAN: A Simple Love Story. Twentieth Edition. 159/A Thou- sand. Cr. Svo. Ss. 6d. net. HOLY ORDERS : The Tragedy of a Quiet Life. Third Edition. 121st Thousand, Cr. Svo. Ss. 6d. net. THE MIGHTY ATOM. Thirty-sixth Edition. Cr, ivo. 7s. 6d. net. BOY : A Sketch. Twentieth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. net. CAMEOS. Fifteenth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s.net. THE LIFE EVERLASTING. Eighth Edi- tion, Cr, Svo, Ss. 6d. net. Orocliett (S. R.)- LOCHINVAR. Illus- trated. Fifth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. THE STANDARD BEARER. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. Doyle (Sir A. Conan). ROUND THE RED LAMP. Twelfth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7*. net. Dudeney (Mrs. H.). THIS WAY OUT. Cr. 8p*. 7S. net. Fry (B. and C. B.). A MOTHERS SON. Fifth Edition Cr. Svo. 7s. net, Harraden (Beatrice). THE GUIDING THREAD. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 7S. net. Hichens (Robert). THE PROPHET OF BERKELEY SQUARE. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. TONGUES OF CONSCIENCE. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7f. net. 26 Metiiuen and Company Limited FELIX : Three Years in a Life. Seventh Edition. Cr. Zdo. 7J. net. THE WOMAN WITH THE FAN. Eighth Edition. Cr. Zvo. ^s. net. BYEWAYS. Cr. Sv(f. 7s. net. THE GARDEN OF ALLAH. Twenty- sixth Edition. Illustrated. Cr. 8w. 8j. td. net. THE CALL OF THE BLOOD. Ninth Edition. Cr. %vo. Zs. dd. net. BARBARY SHEEP. Sccofid Edition. Cr. %vo. ds. net. THE DWELLER ON THE THRESHOLD. Cr. Zvo. js. net. THE WAY OF AMBITION. Fi/tk Edi- tion. Cr. 8vo. 7s. net. IN THE WILDERNESS. Third Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. Hope (Anthony). A CHANGE OF AIR. Sixth Edition. Cr. Zvo. -/s. net. A MAN OF MARK. Seventh Edition. Cr. Svo. -js. net. THE CHRONICLES OF COUNT AN- TONIO. Sixth Edition. Cr. Svo. js. net. PHROSO. Illustrated. Nin^h Edition. Cr. &V0. 7s. net. SIMON DALE. Illustrated. Ninth Edition. Cr. 6vo. 7s. n't. THE KING'S MIRROR. Fifth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 7s. net, QUISANTE. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. THE DOLLY DIALOGUES. Cr. 8vo. 7s. net. TALES OF TWO PEOPLE. TJtird Edi- tion. Cr. ivo. 7s. net. A SERVANT OF THE PUBLIC. Illus- trated. Fourth Edition. Cr, Svo. 7s. net. MRS. MAXON PROTESTS. Third Edi- tion. Cr. Zvo. 7s. net. A YOUNG MAN'S YEAR. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 7s.net. Hyne (C. J. Cutcliffe). MR. HORROCKS, PURSER. Fifth Edition. Cr. Bvo 7s. net. FIREMEN HOT. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7S. net. CAPTAIN KETTLE ON THE WAR- PATH. Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. 7s. net. RED HERRINGS. Cr. Zvo. 6s. net. Jacobs (W. W.). MANY CARGOES. Thirty-third Edition. Cr. Zvo. sjr. net. Also Cr. Zvo. 2s. 6d. net. SEA URCHINS. Nineteenth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 5J. net. Also Cr. Zvo. 3 J. ()d. net. A MASTER OF CRAFT. Illustrated. Eleventh, Edition. Cr. Zvo. 5s. net. LIGHT FREIGHTS. Illustrated. Fifteenth Edition. Cr. Zvo. s^- w^- THE SKIPPER'S WOOING. Twelfth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 55. net. AT SUNWICH PORT. Illustrated. Eleventh Edition. Cr. Zvo. 5J. net. DIALSTONE LANE. Illustrated. Eighth Edition. Cr. Zvo 5s. net. ODD CRAFT. Illustrated. Fifth Edition. Cr. Zrxf. 5J. net. THE LADY OF THE BARGE. Illustrated. Tenth Edition. Cr. Zvo. $s. net. SALTHAVEN. Illustrated. Fourth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 5J. net. SAILORS' KNOTS. Illustrated. Sixth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 5^. net. SHORT CRUISES. Third Editioiu Cr Zvo. s*. net. King (Basil). THE LIFTED VEIL. Cr. Zvo. 7s. net. Lethbridge (Sybil C). ONE WOMAN'S HERO. Cr. Zvo. 7s. net. London (Jack). WHITE FANG. Ninth Edition, Cr. Zvo. 7s. net. Lowndes (Mrs. Belloc). THE LODGER. Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. 7s. net. Lucas (E. v.). LISTENER'S LURE : An Oblique Narration. Twelfth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. OVER BEMERTON'S: An Easy-going Chronicle. Sixteenth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. MR. INGLESIDE. Thirteenth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s. net. LONDON LAVENDER. Twelfth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 6s, net, LANDMARKS. Fifth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 7s. net. THE VERMILION BOX. Fifth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 7s. net. Lyall (Edna). DERRICK VAUGHAN, NOVELIST. 44th Thousand. Cr. Zvo. Ss. rM. Fiction 27 McKenna (Stephen). SON I A : Between Two Worlds. Sixteenth Edition. Cr. Svo. 8s. net. NINETY-SIX HOURS' LEAVE. Fifth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 'js. net. THE SIXTH SENSE. Cr.Zvo. os.net. MIDAS & SON. Cr. Zvo. 8j. net. Macnaughtan (S.). I'E TER AND JANE. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo, js. net. ISal6t (Lucas). I HE HISTORY OF SIR RICHARD CALMADY: A Romance. Seventh Edition. Cr. 8z>o. ys, net. THE WAGES OF SIN. Sixteenth Edition. Cr. 8vo. js. net. THE CARISSIMA. Fifth Edition. Cr 8vo. ys. net. THE GATELESS BARRIER. Fifth Edi- tion. Cr. 2,7)0. 7s. net. Mason (A. B. W.). CLEMENTINA. Illustrated. Ninth Edition. Cr. Zvo. js. net. Maxwell (W. B.). VIVIEN. Thirteenth Edition, Cr. Zvo. ys. net. THE GUARDED FLAME. Seventh Edi- tion. Cr. 8vo. "JS. net. ODD LENGTHS. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. JS. net. HILL RISE. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo, 7s. net. THE REST CURE. Fourth Editiofi. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. Milne (A. A.). THE DAY'S PLAY. Sixth Edition. Cr. Svo. js. net. ONCE A WEEK. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. Morrison (Arthur). TALES OF MEAN STREETS. Seventh Edition. Cr.Svo. 7s. net. A CHILD OF THE JAGO. Sixth Edition. Cr. Bvo. 7s. net. THE HOLE IN THE WALL. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net, DIVERS VANITIES. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. Oppenheim (E. Phillips). MASTER OF MEN. Fifth Edition. Cr. Svo, 7s, net. THE MISSING DELORA. Illustrated. Fourth Edition, Cr. Svo. 7s. net, THE DOUBLE LIFE OF MR. ALFRED BURTON. Second Edition. Cr.Svo, 7s, net. A PEOPLE'S MAN. Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. MR. GREX OF MONTE CARLO. Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. THE VANISHED MESSENGER. Secopid Edition, Cr. S<;o. 7s. net. THE HILLMAN. Cr, Svo. 75. tiet- Oxenham (John). A WEAVER OF WEBS. Illustrated. Fifth Edition. Cr. St.'o. 75. net, PROFIT AND LOSS. Sixth Edition. Cr. Svo. 75. net, THE SONG OF HYACINTH, and Other Stories. Second Edition, Cr. Svo, 7s, net, LAURISTONS. Fourth Edition, Cr. Svo. 7s. net. THE COIL OF CARNE. Sixth Edition, Cr. Svo. 7s. net. THE QUEST OF THE GOLDEN ROSE. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. MARY ALL-ALONE. Third Edition. Cr. Svo, 7s. net. BROKEN SHACKLES. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. Mt. ♦•1914." Third Edition. Cr.Svo, 7s, net. Parker (Gilbert). PIERRE AND HIS PEOPLE. Seventh Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net, MRS. FALCHION. Fifth Edition, Cr. Svo. 7s. net. THE TRANSLATION OF A SAVAGE. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. THE TRAIL OF THE SWORD. Illus- trated. Tenth Edition. Cr. Svo, 7s, net. WHEN VALMOND CAME TO PONTIAC : The Story ok a Lost Napoleon. Seventh Edition, Cr. Svo. 7s. net, AN ADVENTURER OF THE NORTH: The Last Adventures of ' Pretty Pierre.' Fifth Edition, Cr. Svo. 7s. net, THE SEATS OF THE MIGHTY. Illus- trated. Twentieth Edition, Cr. Svo. 7s. net. THE BATTLE OF THE STRONG: A Romance of Two Kingdoms. Illustrated. Seventh Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. THE POMP OF THE LAVILETTES. Third Edition, Cr. Svo, 6s. net. NORTHERN LIGHTS. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s, net. Perrln (Alice). THE CHARM. Fifth Edition, Cr, Svo. 7s. net. Phillpotts (Eden). CHILDREN OF THE MIST. Sixth Edition. Cr. Svo. 7s. net. 28 Methuen and Company Limited THE HUMAN BOY. With a Frontispiece. Seventh Edition. Cr. Zzfc. js. net, SONS OF THE MORNING. Second Edi- tion. Cr. iv0. 7s. net. THE RIVER. Fourth Edition. Cr.Bvo. js. net. THE AMERICAN PRISONER. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. js. net. DEMETER'S DAUGHTER. Third Edi- tion. Cr. 8v0. -js. net. THE HUMAN BOY AND THE WAR. Third Edition. Cr. Svjo. js. net. Ridge (W. Pett). A SON OF THE STATE. Third Edition. Cr. 8w. 7s. net. THE REMINGTON SENTENCE. Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. js. net. MADAME PRINCE. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. TOP SPEED. Second Edition. Cr. ivo. js. net. SPECIAL PERFORMANCES. Cr. ivo. 6s. net. THE BUSTLING HOURS. Cr. ivo. js. net. Rohmer (Bax). THE DEVIL DOCTOR. Third Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. THE SI-FAN MYSTERIES. Second Edi- tion. Cr. Zvo. js. net. TALES OF SECRET EGYPT. Cr. Bvo. 6s. net. THE ORCHARD OF TEARS. 6s. net. Cr. Bvo. Swlnnerton (F.), SHOPS AND HOUSES. Cr. Bvo. js. net. Wells (H. G.). BEALBY. Fifth Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. Williamson (C. 8. and A. H.). THE LIGHTNING CONDUCTOR : The Strangb Auventurks of a Motor Car. Illustrated. Trventy-second Edition. Cr. BzM). js. net. THE PRINCESS PASSES: A Romance OF A Motor. Illustrated. Ninth Edition, Cr. 8zH>. js. net. LADY BETTY ACROSS THE WATER. Nineteenth Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. SCARLET RUNNER. Illustrated. Fourth Edition. Cr. Bvo. 7s. net. LORD LOVELAND DISCOVERS AMERICA. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo. 7s. net. THE GOLDEN SILENCE. Illustrated. Eighth Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. THE GUESTS OF HERCULES. Illus- trated. Fourth Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. IT HAPPENED IN EGYPT. Illustrated. Seventh Edition. Cr. Zvo. 7s. net. A SOLDIER OF THE LEGION. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. THE SHOP GIRL. Cr. Bvo. 7s. net. THE LIGHTNING CONDUCTRESS. Third Edition. Cr. Bvo. 7s. net. SECRET HISTORY. Cr. Bvo. 7s. net. THE LOVE PIRATE. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. Bvo. js. net. Also Cr. Bvo. y. 6d. net. CRUCIFIX CORNER. Cr. Bvo. 6s. net. Wilson (Romer). MARTIN SCHULER. Cr. Bvo. JS. net. Getting Well or Dorothy, The. W. K. Clifford. 6s. net. Girl of the People, A. L. T. Meade. HoNOUKABLB Miss, The, I^. T. Mcadc, Books for Boys and Girls Illustrated. Crown Zvo. 5j. net. Mrs. Master Rockafellar's Voyage. W, Clark Russell. Red Grange, The. Mrs. Molesworth. There was once a Prince. Mrs. M- E. Mann. Fiction 29 Methuen's Cheap Novels Fcap. %vo. 2s. net. Abandoned. W. Clark Russell. Adventures or Dr. Whittv, Thb. George A. Birmingham. Anglo-Indians, The. Alice Perrin. Anna of the Five Towns. Arnold Bennett. Anthony Cothbert. Richard Bagot. Babes in the Wood. B. M. Croker. Bad Times, The. George A. Birmingham. Barbarv Sheep. Robert Hichens. Because of These Things. . . . Marjorie Bowen. Beloved Enemy, The. E. Maria Albanesi. Below Stairs. Mrs. Alfred Sidgwick. Botor Chaperon, The. C. N. and A. M. Williamson. Boy. Marie Corelli. Branded Prince, The. Weatherby Chesney. Broken Shackles. John Oxenham. Broom Squire, The. S. Baring-Gould. Buried Alive. Arnold Bennett. Byeways. Robert Hichens. Call of the Blood, The. Robert Hichens. Cameos. Marie Corelli. Card, The. Arnold Bennett, Carissima, The. Lucas Malet. Cease Fire. J. M. Cobban. Chance. Joseph Conrad. Change in the Cabinet, A Hilaire Belloc. Chink in the Armour, The. Mrs. Belloc Lowndes. Chronicles of a German Town. The Author of " Mercia in Germany." Coil of Carne, The. John Oxenham. Convert, The. Elizabeth Robins. Counsel of Perfection, A. Lucas Malet. Crooked Way, The. William Le Queux. Dan Russbl the Fox. E. CE. Somerville and Martin Ross. Darnelby Place. Richard Bagot. Dead Men tell ho Taxe.s. E. W. Hor- nung. Demkter's Daughter. Eden Phillpotts. Demon, The. C. N. and A. M. Williamson. Desert Trail, The. Dane CooHdge. Dkvil Doctor, The. Sax Rohmer. Double Life of Mr. Alfred Burton, The. E. Phillips Oppenheim. Duke's Motto, The. J. H. McCarthy. Emmanuel Burden. Hilaire Belloc. End of her Honeymoon, The. Mrs. Belloc Lowndes. Family, The. Elinor Mordaunt Fire in Stubble. Baroness Orczy. Fikemen Hot. C. J. Cutclikfe Hvne. Flower of the Dusk. Mjnrtle Reed. Gate of the Desert, The. John Oxenham. Gates of Wrath, The. Arnold Bennett. Gentleman Adventurer, The. H. C. Bailey. Golden Centipede, The. Louise Gerard. Golden Silence, The. C. N. and A. M. Williamson. Gossamer. George A. Birmingham. Governor of England, The. Marjorie Bowen. Great Lady, A. Adeline Sergeant. Great Man, A. Arnold Bennett. Guarded Flame, The. W. B. Maxwell Guiding Thread, The. Beatrice Harraden. Halo, The. Baroness von Hutten. Happy Hunting Ground, The. Alice Perrin. Happy Valley, The. B. M. Croker. Heart of his Heart. E. Maria Albanesi. Heart of the Ancient Wood, The. Charles G. D. Roberts. Heather Moon, The. C. N. and A. M. Williamson. Heritage op Peril, A. A. W. Marchmont, Highwayman, The. H. C. Bailey. Hillman, The. E. Phillips Oppenheim. Hill Rise. W. B. Maxwell. House of Srrravalle, The. Richard Bagot. Hyena of Kallo, The. Louise Gerard. Island Princess, His W. Clark Russe!!: 30 Methuen and Company Limited Methuen's Cheap • Hovelu— continued. Jank. Marie Corelli. Johanna. B. M. Croker. Joseph. Frank Danby. Joshua Davidson, Communist. E. Lynn Linton. Joss, The. Richard Marsh. Kinsman, The. Mrs. Alfred Sidgwick. Knight of Spain, A. Marjorie Bowen. Ladv Betty Across the Water. C. N. and A. M. Williamson. Lalage's Lovers. George A. Birmingham. Lantern Bearers, The. Mrs. Alfred Sidg- wick. Lauristons. John Oxenham. Lavender and Old Lace. Myrtle Reed. Light Freights. W. W. Jacobs. Lodger, The. Mrs. Belloc Lowndes. Long Road, The. John Oxenham. Love and Louisa. E. Maria Albanesi. Love Pirate, The. C N. and A. M. Williamson. Mary All-Alone. John Oxenham. Master of the Vineyard. Myrtle Reed. Master's Violin, The. Myrtle Reed. Max Carrados. Ernest Bramah. Mayor of Troy, The. "Q." Mbss Deck, The. W. F. Shannon. Mighty Atom, The. Marie CorellL Mirage. E. Temple Thurston. Missing Delora, The. £. Phillips Oppen- heim. Mr. Grex of Monte Carlo. E. Phillips Oppenheim. Mr. Washington. Marjorie Bowen. Mrs. Maxon Protests. Anthony Hope. Mrs. Pkter Howard. Mary E. Mann. My Danish Sweetheart. V/. Clark Russell. Mv Fkiend the Chauffeur. C. N. and A. M. Williamson. My Husband and I. Leo Tolstoy. Mv Lady of Shadows. John Oxenham. Mystery of Dr. Fu-Manchu, The. Sax Rohmer. Mystery of the Green Heart, The. Max Pemberton. Nine Days' Wonder, A- B. M. Croker. | Nine to Six-Tkirtv. W. Pett Ridge. Ocean Sleuth, The. Maurice Drake. Old Rose and Silver. Myrtle Reed. Paths of the Prudent, The. J. S. Fletcher. Pathway of the Pioneer, The. Dolf Wyllarde. Peggy of the Bartons. B. M. Croker. People's Man, A. E. Phillips Oppenheim. Peter and Jane. S. Macnaughtan. Pomp of the Lavilbttes, The. Sir Gilbert Parker. Quest of Glory, The. Marjorie Bowen. Quest of the Golden Rose, Thk. John Oxenham. Regent, The. Arnold Bennett. Remington Sentence, Thk. W. Pett Ridge. Rest Cure, The. W. B. MaxwelL Return of Tarzan, The. Edgar Rice Burroughs. Round the Red Lamp. Sir A. Conan Doyle. Royal Georgib. S. Baring-Gould. SaTd, the Fisherman. Marmaduke Pick- thall. Sally. Dorothea Conyers. Salving of a Derelict, The. Maurice Drake. Sandy Married. Dorothea Conyers. Sea Captain, The. H. C. Bailey. Sea Lady, The. H. G. Wells. Search Party, The. George A. Burmingham. Secret Agent, The. Joseph Conrad. Secret History. C. N. and A. M. William- son. Secret Woman, The. Eden Phillpotts. Set in Silver. C N. and A. M. William- son. Sevastopol, and Other Stories. Leo Tolstoy. Severins, The. Mrs. Alfred Sidgwick. Short Cruises. W. W. Jacobs. Si-Fan Myspekies, The. Sax Rohmer. Spanish Gold. George A. Birmingham. Spinner in the Sun, A. Myrtle Reed. Street called Straight, The. Basil King. Supreme Crime, The. Dorothea Gerard. Tales of Mean Streets. Arthur Morrison. Tarzan of the Apes. Edgar Rice Bur- roughs. Fiction 31 Methaen'B Cheap ISoYeiis— continued. Terksa of Watling Strbet. Arnold Bennett. There was a Crooked Man. Dolf Wyllarde. Tyrant, The. Mrs. Henry de la Pasture. Under Western Eyes. Joseph Conrad. Unofficial Honeymoon, The. Dolf Wyllarde. Valley of the Shadow, The. William Le Queux. Virginia Perfect. Peggy Webling. Wallet of Kai Lung. Ernest Eramah. War Wedding, The. C. N. and A. M. Williamson. Ware Case, The, George Pleydell. Way Home, The. Basil King. Way of these Women, The. E. Phillips Oppenheim. Weaver of Dreams, A. Myrtle Reed. Weaver of Webs, A. John Oxenham. Wedding Day, The. C. N. and A. M. Williamson. White Fang. Jack London. Wild Olive, The. Basil King. William, by the Grace of God. Marjorie Bo wen. Woman with the Fan, The. Robert Hichens. WO2. Maurice Drake. Wonder of Love, The. E. Maria Albanesi. Yellow Claw, The. Sax Rohmer. Yellow Diamond, The. Adeline Sergeant. Methuen's One and Threepenny NoYels Fcap. Sv0, Is. 3^. nei Barbara Rebell. Mrs. Belloc Lowndes. By Stroke of Sword. Andrew Balfour. Derrick Vaughan, Novelist. Edna Lyall. House of Whispers, The. William Le Queux. Inca's Treasure, The E. Glanville. Katherine the Arrogant. Mrs. B. M, Croker. Mother's Son, A. B. and C. B. Fry. Profit and Loss. John Oxenham. Red Derelict, The. Bertram Mitford. Sign of the Spider, The. Bertram Mitford. 27/6/19. printed by Morrison and gibb limited, Edinburgh ^4 DAYU?^ RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED CIRCULATIOiN DEPARTMENT This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. K£T JHHHV^^^^ ^^^ subject to immediate recall. Tl JUMct{flH,i9fe^ ^m- ib:^ EE^, cm.o^'^ 1 ^ '77 AUG 10 1984 — BECEWEO J^^^JV^ cmeuuATtow oet ^Oll 1984 HEiCfriVE' MAY 1 5 c;mcuLAT LD21 — 32-m — 1,'75 (838451)4970 .Sl-Sfol-b'^S^-n'^ ""''"Srkeley / i ^?,%^;?ST:i?i>5A-32 riPtieral Library . ""'"•grkeley i GENERAL LIBRARY -U.C. BERKELEY ' Miiiliilll , BD0D71t,a27 * - .-^ /-% -> oa UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY v.-K^