LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 DAVIS 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES 
 
 AND 
 
 CIVIL LIFE 
 
 OP 
 
 GENERAL WILLIAM HULL; 
 
 PREPARED FROM HIS MANUSCRIPTS, 
 
 BY HIS DAUGHTER, 
 
 MRS. MARIA CAMPBELL: 
 
 TOGETHER WITH THE 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 AND 
 
 SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT, 
 
 BY HIS GRANDSON, 
 
 JAMES FREEMAN CLARKE. 
 
 NEW-YORK: 
 
 D. APPLETON & CO., 200 BROADWAY. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA I 
 
 GEO. S. APPLETON, 148 CHESNUT-STREET. 
 
 M DCCC XLVIH. 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 DAVIS 
 

 . 
 
 v - 
 
 ^ 
 
 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year of our Lord 1847, 
 
 BY E. F. CAMPBELL, 
 in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New- York. 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 IN arranging and collating this manuscript, my 
 desire is not to take more credit to myself, than com 
 mon industry can claim ; neither would I render my 
 father responsible for my failures, when I have been 
 obliged to speak in other language than his own. 
 
 General Hull left behind him Memoirs of his Rev 
 olutionary Services, in MS., which he had written 
 for the gratification of his children and grandchildren. 
 These memoirs are the basis of the present work. 
 His spirit pervades the whole, and my endeavour has 
 been, that it should not be obscured. The facts are 
 in substance precisely as he has related them. But 
 as his MS. was not prepared for the press, it was 
 necessary, to a certain extent, that the arrangement 
 of the work, and sometimes the style, should be 
 changed. When General Hull is spoken of, it will 
 be noticed throughout the book, that the first and 
 third persons are indiscriminately used. 
 
 In the chapter concerning Captain Hale, 1 have 
 more fully unfolded sentiments expressed by my fa 
 ther in his last interview with that noble young man. 
 In the work generally, I have introduced remarks not 
 found in the MS., but which were familiar to my re- 
 
IV TO THE READER. 
 
 collection from our frequent interchange of thought, 
 as he always conversed with his children, as though 
 they were his equals. He rarely spoke of himself, of 
 his sufferings, or of his services rendered to his country. 
 It was at the earnest entreaties of his children, that 
 he took up the pen. The feelings of the soldier gave 
 alacrity to the work, and it was completed. He 
 wrote without view to publication, and directed his 
 family to look for the connecting links of the narra 
 tive, in the histories of the Revolution. 
 
 The death of General Hull took place before the 
 " Writings of Washington," by JARED SPARKS, were 
 published ; but the faithfulness of his memory is ex 
 hibited in comparing his MS. with the authentic 
 documents of that most valuable work. 
 
 EDITOR. 
 
 Augusta, Georgia, 1845. 
 
Copy of a Letter from 3 are A Sparks, Esq., to the 
 Rev. James F. Clarke. 
 
 SALEM, July 31st, 1847. 
 
 DEAR Sm, I have perused the manuscript 
 which you sent to me, relating to the Revolutionary 
 Services and Civil Life of General Hull* The whole 
 appears to me to be written with close attention to 
 the facts of history ; and it derives great value from 
 the circumstance of its containing a record of the 
 observations of General Hull himself on numerous 
 public events in which he took a part, or with which 
 he was personally acquainted. Having been an offi 
 cer in the army during the whole war of the Revolu 
 tion, engaged in many actions, and highly estimated 
 for his military talents and character, he was necessa 
 rily connected with stirring incidents, which are well 
 described in this work. 
 
 I have also read, with a lively interest, the chap 
 ters on the Campaign of 1812. The narrative is 
 clear and full, and whatever judgment maybe formed 
 of the result, the particulars here set forth, give evi 
 dence of having been drawn from the highest 
 sources ; and they are exhibited in such a manner, as 
 to present the controverted points in a just light. 
 
yi LETTER FROM JARED SPARKS, ESQ. 
 
 These are my impressions, upon a hasly perusal of 
 the manuscripts, and I doubt not they would be sus 
 tained by a more careful study. 
 I am, dear sir, 
 
 Respectfully and truly yours, 
 
 JARED SPARKS. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 IF principle be of any value, its power wil be 
 felt and exhibited in the hour of adversity. Weak is 
 the man, who, after having laid down to himself a rule 
 of virtuous action, is diverted from it, by the frustra 
 tion of his plans and the disappointment of his hopes. 
 But when amidst the painful vicissitudes of life, he 
 keeps his onward course, exhibiting the same can 
 dour, dignity, and strength, which marked him in 
 more prosperous days, we learn the useful lesson, that 
 there is a sustaining power in our nature which, co 
 operating with that from above, gives peace to the 
 soul amidst its severest trials. 
 
 Many an individual more highly distinguished 
 than General Hull, has descended to the grave with 
 out a record of his public services or private worth. 
 But the manoeuvering of the Politician will some- 4 
 times fix, with more distinctness and permanency, the 
 laurel on the brow which his hand was raised to de 
 stroy. Had it not been for a persecution as severe 
 as it was unmerited, the zeal, the ability, the faithful 
 ness and the patriotism of General Hull in his 
 country's service, might never have been made public, 
 to sustain him in the hearts of the American people, 
 
v iji PREFACE. 
 
 And so trusting, so satisfied is conscious innocence, 
 in the approbation of a higher Power ; so modest in 
 its claims to notice, that perhaps not even this would 
 have been done, had not children, in the warmth and 
 respect of filial love, urged and claimed the boon. 
 
 Political necessity is the plea ever offered for 
 transferring the errors of an administration to an in 
 dividual, however innocent : and the sacred rights of 
 character are thus sacrificed on the altar of popular 
 feeling. If such be the practice of an enlightened, 
 Christian government, who can expect, in the hour 
 of adversity, the justice to which services and virtues 
 are entitled ? Even Washington, with all the high 
 perfection of his character, did not escape, when 
 faction and interest judged his conduct. 
 
 The heart sickens, while contemplating suffering, 
 produced, not by the depravity of one man, who 
 would blush to do the deed alone, but from the in 
 sensibility of the many, when acting together. The 
 laws of morality cease then to operate ; and hence, 
 as has ever been the case, individuals have been sac 
 rificed, to shield depraved or imbecile governments. 
 
 How different would have been the fate of Ad 
 miral Byng, whose sad history " is the deepest stain 
 on the memory of Chatham, and the deepest dis 
 grace of George II. and his Ministers," had the 
 administration, generously and with moral courage, 
 shielded him from calumny and outrage, under the 
 first burst of a nation's disappointment ! 
 
 When General Hull left Washington, in 1812, to 
 take the command of the Northwestern Army, he 
 
PREFACE. j x 
 
 was assured by the Government, that a naval force 
 would be placed on Lake Erie, to keep open his com 
 munication with his country, and that his army \vould 
 be reinforced, before war was declared. Having ar 
 rived at Urbana, in the State of Ohio, where 
 his army had assembled, he cut a road from 
 that place through the wilderness, for nearly two hun 
 dred miles, and reached the river Miami, seventy-two 
 miles below Detroit. Here he availed himself of the 
 water communication to send on the sick, with his 
 military stores and baggage. By mistake, a trunk 
 containing the papers of General Hull was put on 
 board the same vessel. After she had sailed, Gene 
 ral Hull received a letter, announcing that on the 
 18th of June war had been declared. Thus fourteen 
 days had passed before he was apprised of a fact so 
 important to the safety of his army, while the British 
 at Fort Maiden had four or five days previously, been 
 possessed of the information. The vessel was cap 
 tured, and the consequent possession of this portion of 
 the papers of General Hull was made the ground on 
 which the charge of treason was predicated. 
 
 After the surrender of the fortress of Detroit,, 
 when General Hull was taken a prisoner to Montreal, 
 he judged it best to commit his remaining papers, 
 with other valuable articles, to the care of his daugh 
 ter, Mrs. Hickman, who, with her family, was short 
 ly to take her departure for her paternal residence, 
 in Newton, Massachusetts. The brig Adams, in 
 which they sailed, was an American vessel, but had 
 been captured by the British. The brig arrived in the 
 
x PREFACE. 
 
 evening near Buffalo, and Mrs. Hickman was put on 
 shore, assured by the captain that her baggage would 
 be sent to her in the morning. In the course of the 
 night, the brig was attacked by our sailors, under the 
 command of Captain Elliott, and in the contest was 
 burnt. By this event, the remaining papers of Gene 
 ral Hull were destroyed. 
 
 In the public offices at Washington, there were 
 duplicates of letters and other papers, sent by Gene 
 ral Hull to the different Departments, w 7 hile Governor 
 of the Michigan Territory. To possess copies of 
 these documents, was necessary to his justification. 
 Previously to his trial, he made application for them- 
 They pointed to the necessity of a naval force on 
 Lake Erie ; and for troops, required for the garrison 
 of Detroit, Michilimackinac, and Chicago, to enable 
 the army to maintain a defensive position, or success 
 fully to carry on an offensive war against the British 
 and Indians. But the exertions of friends, joined to 
 his own efforts to obtain copies of these papers, were 
 unavailing. 
 
 When the trial of General Hull closed in 1814, 
 he yet hoped to give to his fellow-citizens a detailed 
 history of the Northwestern Campaign. Anterior to 
 that period, he had published nothing in his defence, 
 persevering in a dignified silence, while constantly 
 assailed in the public prints, with contumely and the 
 grossest falsehoods. So exaggerated was the abuse, 
 that to every reflecting mind, it carried with it the 
 materials for its own refutation. Again and again 
 were his hopes crushed by a failure in procuring 
 
PREFACE. x { 
 
 copies of these important documents. Finally, he 
 yielded, without temper and without recrimination, to 
 these last acts of injustice, which the rulers of the 
 nation, at this critical period of their power, consid 
 ered expedient, if not necessary to their safety. 
 
 At the expiration of nearly twelve years, the 
 Honourable John C. Calhoun was appointed Secre 
 tary of War. General Hull made one more effort, 
 and on his application to that officer, most of the pa 
 pers, previously applied for, were immediately for 
 warded to him. 
 
 As soon as he became possessed of these docu 
 ments, he gave to the public a Memoir of the Cam 
 paign of the Northwestern Army and in the confi 
 dence of innocence and truth, appealed to his coun 
 trymen for a reversal of a sentence which could be 
 viewed as no less cruel than unjust.* 
 
 These Memoirs have been before the public for 
 more than eighteen years, and those of his fellow- 
 citizens who have read them, have risen from their 
 perusal satisfied that the cause of failure in the un 
 successful invasion of Canada, was not to be imputed 
 to the commanding officer, but to an administration 
 that had rushed into war without foresight or prepar 
 ation. Almost every engagement pledged by the 
 Government for the support of their army was violated. 
 General Hull was sent forth with a band of brave, 
 but undisciplined yeomanry, most of whom had seen 
 
 * General Hull was sentenced to dent, under the recommendation of 
 be shot, under the charge of cow- the Court Martial, on account of his 
 ardice, but pardoned by the Presi- Revolutionary services. 
 
X JI PREFACE. 
 
 no service, to contend with the numerous and well- 
 trained army of Britain, aided by her savage allies? 
 not only unsupported, but deserted by his Govern 
 ment. 
 
 But under all these untoward circumstances? 
 General Hull could have sustained his post at Detroit? 
 had not an armistice, now a portion of history, been 
 entered into with the enemy by General Dearborn? 
 to the exclusion of General Hull's army, and without 
 his knowledge. It was this, together with previous 
 neglect on the part of General Dearborn to concen 
 trate troops at Niagara, which enabled General Brock ? 
 with an overwhelming force, suddenly to come against 
 and overpower him. 
 
 General Dearborn was Commander-in-chief of 
 the American forces. He was stationed on the Ni 
 agara river, two hundred and fifty miles below De 
 troit. His orders were to keep the enemy in cheeky 
 or to act offensively, as occasion might offer, and to 
 co-operate with the army of General Hull. 
 
 Instead of obeying these orders, he agreed to a 
 suspension of hostilities with Sir George Prevost, the 
 Commanding General of the King's forces, and stipu 
 lates that it is to the exclusion of General HulVs army ; 
 the very point to be gained by his wily adversary. 
 
 The period of five days allowed ample time for 
 the British to ascend the Lake and capture the 
 American forces at Detroit. A ruse de guerre, cred 
 itable to the acuteness of the enemy, but a sad re 
 flection on the military genius of the Commander-io- 
 chief of the American army* 
 
PREFACE. xiii 
 
 General Hull received no official information of 
 this arrangement between the two hostile armies, 
 until twelve days after it had taken place, and four 
 days after his army had surrendered to General 
 Brock ; from whom he first learned the astounding 
 fact. 
 
 Among other papers for which application was 
 made at the seat of Government, General Hull 
 asked for a copy of this fatal armistice ; none was 
 ever furnished, but the fact is recorded, and its disas 
 trous effects on the issue of the campaign can no 
 longer be gainsay ed by the most prejudiced mind. 
 
 At the period of the late war, Mr. Jefferson had 
 retired from office, but his pen was still exerted to 
 support the measures of his party, and the Adminis 
 tration of 1812. He was familiar with the character 
 of General Hull, in the military, civil, and social re 
 lations of life ; and he generously testifies to his merit 
 in a letter to Colonel Duane, at the first intelligence 
 of the surrender of the Northwestern Army. He 
 writes : 
 
 " The character of General Hull, as an officer of 
 skill and bravery, was established on the trials of the 
 last war, and no previous act of his life had led to doubt 
 his fidelity."* Yet it is not long before we perceive, 
 in another letter, that political necessity obliges this 
 distinguished individual to speak a different language- 
 In a letter to General Dearborn, the negotiator of 
 the armistice, he writes : 
 
 * Jefferson's Memoirs, Vol. IV., page 181. 
 
x j v PREFACE. 
 
 " After the disasters produced by the treason, or 
 the cowardice, or both, of Hull, and the follies of 
 some others,"* &c., &c. 
 
 But his first communication, uninfluenced by the 
 bias of political necessity, and while yielding to the 
 sober dictates of truth, with a full recollection of 
 faithful services, was but a just tribute to a man, on 
 whose public and private life, a steady and unclouded 
 light had rested for forty years, eight years of which 
 period he had served to gain our Independence. 
 
 Finally, at the age of sixty-one, General Hull 
 was summoned before a court martial to answer to 
 crimes, of which the thought had never entered his 
 mind. His appointed judges were men high in mili 
 tary rank and titles, but many of whom had obtained 
 that elevation and distinction without having ren 
 dered any service to their country. 
 
 In the defence before the court martial, while an 
 imadverting upon the testimony of some of the wit 
 nesses introduced on the part of the prosecution, 
 General Hull says : " It seems extraordinary that 
 there has not been a witness examined on the part of 
 the prosecution, who has not been promoted since he 
 was under my command. A great majority of the 
 young gentlemen, who have been called by the 
 Judge Advocate, have appeared, decorated with their 
 epaulets ; these have been bestowed, and sometimes 
 with the augmentation of a star, upon gentlemen 
 who began their military career with my unfortunate 
 campaign. By what services many of these gentle- 
 
 * Jefferson's Memoirs, VoL IV., page 258* 
 
PREFACE. xv 
 
 men have merited such rapid promotion, I have not 
 learned. But if it all arises out of their achievements 
 while under my command, I must say, that it appears 
 to me, my expedition was more prolific of promotion, 
 than any other unsuccessful military enterprise I ever 
 heard of."* 
 
 Without counsel to speak in his defence, he stood 
 before the court unaided, except by his own vigorous 
 mind and a clear and calm conscience. 
 
 In the following narrative of the Revolutionary 
 services of General Hull, there will rarely be found 
 allusion to that act of his life, which was at once his 
 glory and his shame ; the surrender of the fortress 
 of Detroit to the British arms. It was his glory *, be 
 cause he had " dared to do his duty."f It was his 
 shame, because the epithets of traitor and coward 
 were attached to a name, that had remained untar 
 nished for more than half a century. It had stood 
 the test of temptation, in the dangerous hours of 
 prosperity in the possession of wealth, and in the 
 acquisition of much honourable distinction, in public 
 and private life. Prosperity did not elate, nor did 
 adversity depress ; the same virtues shone, equally 
 bright, in both estates. 
 
 The thirteen years that succeeded his changed 
 fortunes, were spent in the peaceful pursuits of ag 
 riculture ; in the calm of a quiet conscience, in the 
 possession of the affection and respect of virtuous 
 friends ; blessed by the happiest relations of the do- 
 
 * General Hull's Trial, page 64. his wife, respecting the surrender 
 f Extract from the first letter to while a prisoner at Montreal. 
 
xv j PREFACE. 
 
 mestic fireside, and surrounded by a numerous pro 
 geny of affectionate children and grandchildren, 
 each striving to cheer his declining years, and all 
 cherishing, with filial reverence, the virtues of their 
 patriot sire. 
 
 To the latest moment of his life, when aware he 
 was on the verge of eternity, in the full possession 
 of his mental powers, General Hull still breathed his 
 thanks to his Heavenly Father, that he had been the 
 instrument of saving from the cruelties of a savage 
 foe, a people who expected and demanded protection 
 at his hands.* 
 
 One generation since that trying hour has grown 
 into manhood and imbibed the poison of falsehood 
 from our school-books, while studying the history of 
 the Northwestern Campaign. Another promising 
 band is now receiving the same distorted views, over 
 which it is hoped truth will sooner or later triumph. 
 
 Such are the returns rendered to a soldier of the 
 Revolution, who, through long and trying years of se 
 vere service, aided to secure the sweets of liberty and 
 all its associated advantages of moral and religious 
 education. 
 
 To my interesting and beloved young country 
 men, the present work is dedicated ; and when the 
 youthful student learns what the soldier of 1776 per 
 formed, he will more readily be convinced by truth 
 and facts, that he was altogether innocent of the 
 charges of which he was accused in 1812. 
 
 * General Hull was the Governor well as Commander of the army at 
 of the Territory of Michigan as this time. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 To THE READER iii 
 
 LETTER FROM JARED SPARKS, ESQ v 
 
 PREFACE vii 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EARLY LIFE OF WILLIAM HULL. HE JOINS THE ARMY OF WASHINGTON 
 AT CAMBRIDGE, IN JULY, 1775 17 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 SIEGE OF BOSTON. WASHINGTON TAKES POSSESSION OF DORCHESTER HEIGHTS. 
 EVACUATION OF BOSTON BY SIR WILLIAM HOWE . . . .25 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 EXECUTION OF CAPTAIN HALE AND MAJOR ANDRE. PARALLEL DRAWN 
 BETWEEN THESE TWO OFFICERS 31 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 BATTLE OF CHATTERTON HILL, AT THE WHITE PLAINS . . . .52 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 BATTLE OF TRENTON. CAPTAIN HULL ACTS AS FIELD OFFICER IN THE 
 ABSENCE OF MAJOR BROOKS 58 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CRITICAL STATE OF THE COUNTRY. WASHINGTON'S EFFORTS TO PREVENT 
 THE TROOPS FROM RETURNING TO THEIR HOMES. PROMOTION OF CAPTAIN 
 HULL. BATTLE OF PRINCETON 63 
 
 CHAPTER VH. 
 
 RETREAT OF GENERAL ST. CLAIR FROM TICONDEROGA . . . .72 
 
xv iii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VHI. 
 
 GENERAL ARNOLD MARCHES TO THE RELIEF OF FORT STANWIX. TRIAL 
 OF BUTLER. RETREAT OF GEN. ST. LEGER. : . 80 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 GENERAL SCHTJYLER SUPERSEDED IN COMMAND OF THE NORTHERN ARMY 
 BY GENERAL GATES 87 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 BURGOYNE'S CAMPAIGN. BATTLE OF THE NINETEENTH OF SEPTEMBER . 92 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 BATTLE OF THE SEVENTH OF OCTOBER. SURRENDER OF THE BRITISH ARMY 
 UNDER BURGOYNE 99 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 VALLEY-FORGE. SUFFERINGS OF THE AMERICAN ARMY . . .112 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 BARON STEUBEN APPOINTED A MAJOR-GENERAL IN THE ARMY. LAFAYETTE 
 SENT WITH A DETACHMENT TO WATCH THE ENEMY. HlS ESCAPE FROM 
 THE BRITISH ARMY. MAJOR HULL IN THE DETACHMENT SENT TO REIN 
 FORCE HIM. MEETING OF LAFAYETTE AND GENERAL HULL IN 1824 . 126 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF MONMOUTH 133 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 MAJOR HULL'S COMMAND ON THE LINES 142 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 CAPTURE OF STONY POINT 155 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 PROMOTION OF MAJOR HULL TO THE RANK OF LIEUTENANT-COLONEL. HE 
 
 IS TRANSFERRED FROM THE ElGHTH TO THE THIRD MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 REGIMENT. APPOINTED A COMMISSIONER TO PRESENT a PETITION TO 
 THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS, FOR THE RELIEF OF THE OFFICERS 
 AND SOLDIERS. APPOINTED INSPECTOR IN THE ARMY, UNDER BARON 
 STEUBEN .171 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 STATE OF THE CURRENCY. MUTINIES IN THE PENNSYLVANIA AND JERSEY 
 LINES. EXPEDITION OF LIEUTENANT-COLONEL HULL AGAINST MORRIS- 
 SANIA. MARRIAGE OF COLONEL HULL 178 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 COLONEL HULL DESPATCHED BY GENERAL WASHINGTON TO COUNT DE Ro- 
 
 CHAMBEAU. PLAN OF ATTACK ON NEW-YORK AND OTHER POINTS. 
 
 CHANGE OF THE SCENE OF OPERATIONS FROM NEW- YORK TO YORK- 
 TOWN. CAPTURE OF THE ARMY OF CORNWALLIS. WASHINGTON TAKES 
 
 LEAVE OF THE ARMY 199 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 DISBANDING OF THE ARMY. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SOCIETY OF CINCIN 
 NATI. MISSION TO QUEBEC 211 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 SHAYS' REBELLION 218 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THE SPIRIT OF DISAFFECTION CONTINUES. INSTRUCTIONS TO THE REPRE 
 SENTATIVE OF THE TOWN OF NEWTON, MASSACHUSETTS, PREPARED BY 
 
 COLONEL HULL , 228 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 PETITION TO CONGRESS FOR PAY OF OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS OF THE 
 REVOLUTIONARY ARMY 240 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 INDIAN WAR. COLONEL HULL APPOINTED A COMMISSIONER TO UPPER 
 CANADA, TO MAKE ARRANGEMENTS FOR A TREATY WITH THE INDIANS. 
 INTERVIEW WITH GOVERNOR SIMCOE 251 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 COLONEL HULL VISITS EUROPE. ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE 
 UNITED STATES, JOHN ADAMS, AND HIS ANSWER, IN RELATION TO 
 THE MILITIA OF THE COUNTY OF MIDDLESEX 261 
 
XX 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 I. 
 
 COLONEL HULL'S CONVERSATION WITH GOVERNOR SIMCOE (IN 1793) RE 
 SPECTING WASHINGTON'S ESCAPE FROM CORNWALLIS AT TRENTON, NEW 
 JERSEY 267 
 
 II. 
 
 THREE LETTERS FROM THE HONOURABLE HORACE BINNEY, OF PHILADELPHIA, 
 
 TO A DAUGHTER OF GENERAL WlLLIAM HULL. EXTRACT OF A LETTER 
 
 FROM AN OFFICER OF DISTINCTION (MAJOR HULL) IN THE NORTHERN 
 ARMY, DATED JULY 17, 1777, TAKEN FROM THE " CONNECTICUT Cou- 
 RANT," HARTFORD, JULY 28, 1777 269 
 
 III. 
 
 LETTERS TO MAJOR HULL, COMMANDING ON THE LINES IN 1779 . 
 
 . 277 
 
 IV. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MRS. HULL TO ONE OF HER DAUGHTERS, DATED 
 APRIL 12, 1822 284 
 
 V. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM A JOURNAL OF COLONEL HULL, WHILE COMMISSIONER TO 
 
 TREAT WITH THE BRITISH AND HOLD TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS IN 
 
 1794 . 286 
 
 Page vii. 
 18, 
 28, 
 45, 
 54, 
 74, 
 76, 
 80, 
 306, 
 317, 
 319, 
 389, 
 410, 
 
 ERRATA, 
 
 . 1, for wtl read will. 
 25, for Housatonnuc read Housatonic. 
 21, and p. 76, 1. 20, for Thatcher read Thacher. 
 . 5, for close read Clove. 
 5, for Brunx read Bronx. 
 . 3, for withia read within. 
 1, for thai read that. 
 19, for Oanesvoort read Gansevoort. 
 24, for 17*A read 14A. 
 24, for regular times read regulations. 
 24, after could read not. 
 bottom line, for Note 2d read Note 3d. 
 close, for has at last illuminated read will at last illuminate. 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EARLY LIFE OF WILLIAM HULL. HE JOINS THE ARMY OF WASHINGTON AT 
 CAMBRIDGE, IN JULY, 1775, 
 
 1775. 
 
 WILLIAM HULL was born at Derby, Connecticut, 
 24th June, 1753. His great-grandfather, Joseph 
 Hull, emigrated from Derbyshire, England, and set 
 tled in Derby, Connecticut. His grandfather, Joseph 
 Hull, survived his father but a few years. 
 
 Joseph Hull, the father of the subject of these 
 Memoirs, while following the agricultural pursuits of 
 his ancestors, was likewise engaged in the councils 
 of his country. 
 
 He was elected a member of the State Legisla 
 ture for many successive years. His immediate de 
 scendants, consisted of six sons and two daughters. 
 Joseph was the eldest. In early life, he engaged in 
 2 
 
18 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the West India trade. At the commencement of the 
 war of the Revolution, he received the appointment 
 of Lieutenant of Artillery, and was made prisoner at 
 the capture of Fort Washington, on York Island, in 
 1776. 
 
 In defence of this Fortress, he is reputed to have 
 behaved with great gallantry. He remained in cap 
 tivity two years. At length he was exchanged, and 
 his unbroken spirit was once more given to the ser 
 vice of his country. 
 
 Shortly after, he was appointed to the command 
 of some boats on Long Island Sound, formerly used 
 in the whale fishery, but now fitted out to annoy the 
 enemy, as opportunity might offer. In this limited 
 but dangerous sphere of action, he gave earnest of 
 a mind and spirit, which under other circumstances 
 would probably have developed more important 
 results. 
 
 On one occasion, a British armed schooner was 
 lying in the Sound. She was engaged in transport 
 ing provisions from the country to New- York, where 
 the British army was then stationed. Lieutenant 
 Hull proposed to some of his companions of the town 
 of Derby to go out and capture the schooner. 
 
 Derby stands on the Housatonnuc river, about 
 twelve miles from its entrance into the Sound. On 
 the evening appointed, twenty men, placing them 
 selves under the command of Lieutenant Hull, em 
 barked in a large boat, similar to those used in carry 
 ing wood to the city of New-York. The men lay 
 concealed in the bottom of the boat ; and the dusk 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. ]0 
 
 of the evening favouring the deception, it had the 
 appearance of being loaded with wood. As they ap 
 proached the vessel, the sentinel on deck hailed 
 them. 
 
 Lieutenant Hull, who was steering, answered the 
 call, but continuing his course, came quite near the 
 vessel, without exciting suspicion, when, by a sudden 
 movement, he drew close along side of her. His 
 men, well armed, sprang to her deck. The com 
 mander of the schooner was sleeping below, arid 
 aroused by the firing of the sentinel, he made an at 
 tempt to gain the deck, but was instantly shot dead. 
 
 The Americans immediately fastened down the 
 hatches, took possession of the vessel, and carried 
 her in triumph up to the town. 
 
 This gallant soldier was the father of Commo 
 dore Hull, who, by his coolness and intrepidity, was 
 the first to give to America the knowledge of her 
 naval superiority, as exhibited in his celebrated escape 
 from a British squadron and afterwards by his victory 
 over the " Guerrier." 
 
 Samuel Hull served as a Lieutenant a part of 
 the war, and was reputed a brave man. Isaac passed 
 his life in agricultural pursuits. Levi died young. 
 Elizabeth married a respectable farmer, and settled in 
 Vermont. Sarah married in Derby, and soon after 
 died. David was too young at the period of the 
 war, to be enrolled with his brothers, in the service of 
 his country. He graduated at Yale College, and be 
 came a distinguished physician, in Fairfield, Connec 
 ticut, where he settled and died. He married the 
 
20 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 daughter of Andrew Elliott, D. D., of Boston. Doc 
 tor Hull passed his life in extensive professional use 
 fulness, respected and beloved by a large circle of 
 his fellow-citizens. He died, a faithful disciple of 
 his Saviour, in the spring of 1834. 
 
 William, the fourth son, and the subject of this 
 Memoir, was sent at an early period to reside with 
 his grandfather Hull. He attended a New England 
 school, and w r as instructed in the common branches 
 of English education. Residing on a farm, he work 
 ed daily in the fields, and here he acquired that taste 
 for agricultural pursuits, which was his solace, when 
 the dark and heavy clouds of adversity gathered thick 
 ly around the gray hairs of declining years. In this 
 employment he strengthened a naturally good con 
 stitution, which secured the enjoyment of uninterrupt 
 ed health. It may here be remarked, that a vigor 
 ous body and sound mind are often united through 
 a long life, when the early years of childhood are 
 given to active and healthful employments, and the 
 mind is not hurried into premature cultivation. 
 
 It being decided that William should receive a 
 liberal education, his father sent for him to return 
 home. His grandfather remonstrated, for he could 
 not sympathize with the more enlarged views of an 
 other generation. He loved the affectionate and 
 industrious boy, and his old heart grieved to part with 
 him. " Billy," he said, " is a pure boy to work : it 
 is a shame to take him to College." 
 
 But the young plough-boy soon proved that he 
 had mental as well as physical strength. He studied 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 21 
 
 with the Rev. Mr. Leavensworth, a highly respected 
 divine, and entered Yale College at the age of fifteen 
 years. At the expiration of four years, he graduated 
 with honour. The English oration was assigned him 
 at Commencement, and his College life, as well as 
 his performance on this occasion, gave satisfaction to 
 his friends and all who were interested in his youthful 
 career, now opening with such fair promise. 
 
 His first occupation after leaving College was the 
 charge of a school. He has often been heard to say, 
 that " this was among the happiest years of his life." 
 But his parents anxiously desired that he should be 
 come a clergyman. Without the fixed bias for this 
 profession, which he deemed essential, he commenced 
 the study of Divinity, rather from motives of filial 
 affection, than from a conviction of religious duty. 
 He studied for a year with Dr. Wates, subsequently 
 Professor of Theology in Yale College. But he was 
 too deeply impressed with the sacred trust devolving 
 on a minister of the gospel, to assume its responsi 
 bilities without a single eye to the glory of God, and 
 a distinct call from the Holy Spirit. He therefore 
 withdrew from these studies, though with reluctance, 
 inasmuch as he disappointed the hopes his parents 
 had cherished in reference to the clerical profession. 
 After this decision, he attached himself to the cele 
 brated Law School in Litchfield, Connecticut, and 
 was admitted to the bar in 1775. 
 
 The war with Great Britain was now the subject 
 of universal interest, and with others of his country 
 men did the young barrister sympathize in views 
 
22 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 and feelings, which soon gave a new direction to his 
 mind. But he maintained a reserve in regard to his 
 inclinations, which he foresaw would soon ripen into 
 action. 
 
 His father returned one evening from a meeting 
 of the citizens of Derby. He said to his son, " Who 
 do you suppose has been elected Captain of the 
 company raised in this town ?" He named several. 
 His father replied, " It is yourself." He hesitated not 
 in accepting the appointment, so unexpectedly of 
 fered by his townsmen ; and prepared himself to join 
 the regiment of Colonel Webb, then being raised by 
 the State. At this interesting moment, his father 
 was seized with a severe illness, which soon termi 
 nated his useful life. 
 
 By his will, the property, respectable for the 
 times, was bequeathed to his widow and children. 
 William refused to receive any part of it. He said, 
 " I want only my sword and my uniform." With a 
 full, but resolute heart, he left his peaceful home, and 
 his afflicted family, to give his services to his country, 
 then contending for rights which neither remonstrance 
 nor patience, but force only could obtain. His com 
 pany immediately joined the regiment which marched 
 to Cambridge, the head-quarters of General Wash 
 ington. 
 
 The first incident recorded by Captain Hull, on 
 his arrival in camp, is a striking illustration of the 
 deficiency of military order, discipline and etiquette, 
 with which Washington had to contend throughout 
 the war. A body of the enemy landed at Lechmere's 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 3 
 
 Point, on the main land. It was expected an attack 
 would be made on the American lines. The alarm 
 was given, and the troops ordered to their respective 
 stations. When the regiment of Col. Webb was 
 formed for action, the captains and subalterns ap 
 peared, dressed in long cloth frocks, with kerchiefs 
 tied about their heads. Captain Hull was the only 
 man in uniform. The officers inquired " why he 
 came out in full dress ; that the regiment was going 
 into action, and that he would be a mark for the ene 
 my's fire." He replied, " that he thought the uni 
 form of an officer was designed to aid his influence 
 and increase his authority over his men and if ever 
 important in these points, it was more particularly so 
 in the hour of battle." They referred to their expe 
 rience, remarking that " in the French war it was 
 not customary, and they had never worn it." Captain 
 Hull yielded to age and experience, sent his servant 
 for a frock and kerchief, and dressed himself after 
 the fashion of his companions. His company was in 
 advance of the British lines. While at this station, 
 General Washington and suite, in the course of re 
 viewing the troops, stopped at the redoubt and asked 
 "what officer commanded there." " With feelings 
 of inexpressible mortification," says General Hull, 
 " I came forward in my savage costume, and reported 
 that Captain Hull had the honour of commanding 
 the redoubt." As soon as General Washington 
 passed on, Captain Hull availed himself of the first 
 moment to despatch his servant with all possible speed 
 to bring him his uniform. As he put it on, he quiet- 
 
24 . REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Jy resolved, never more to subscribe to the opinions 
 of men, however loyal and brave in their country's 
 service, whose views were so little in unison with his 
 own. After the troops had waited four or five hours 
 in expectation of an attack, the enemy returned to 
 his encampment, having no other object in making 
 the descent than to procure provisions. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 25 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 SIEGE OF BOSTON. WASHINGTON TAKES POSSESSION OF DORCHESTER HEIGHTS. 
 EVACUATION OF BOSTON BY SIR WILLIAM HOWE. 
 
 1776. 
 
 IN October, General Gage was recalled and Gen 
 eral Howe appointed in his place, to take command of 
 the troops in Boston. On the land side, the town 
 was blockaded by the Americans. The eyes of the 
 whole country were upon Washington and expecta 
 tion at its highest pitch. It was believed that he had 
 an army adequate to every emergency, and that the 
 British General would soon yield to the force of his 
 arms. But faint were the hopes of the American 
 General of such an issue. Yet, trusting in an over 
 ruling Providence, his strength rose in proportion to 
 his difficulties. 
 
 In a letter to a friend, he says : " I know 
 the unhappy predicament in which I stand; I 
 know that much is expected of me ; I know that 
 without men, without arms, without ammunition, 
 without any thing fit for the accommodation of a 
 soldier, little is to be done ; and what is mortifying, I 
 know that I cannot stand justified to the world, with 
 out exposing my own weakness, and injuring the 
 cause, by declaring my wants, which I am deter- 
 
2(3 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 mined not to do, farther than unavoidable necessity 
 brings every man acquainted with them. My situa 
 tion is so irksome to me at times, that if I did not 
 consult the public good more than my own tranquillity, 
 I should long ere this have put every thing on the 
 cast of a die. So far from my having an army of 
 twenty thousand men, well armed, I have been here 
 with less than half that number, including sick, fur- 
 loughed, and on command ; and those neither armed 
 nor clothed as they should be. In short, my situa 
 tion has been such, that I have been obliged to use 
 art to conceal it from my own officers."* 
 
 A resolution had been passed in Congress which 
 Washington viewed as an expression of their wishes, 
 that he should make an attack on Boston. To this 
 he was fully inclined, and he begged Congress to do 
 him the justice to consider that circumstances, not 
 inclination, occasioned the delay. He says, " It is 
 not in the pages of History to furnish a case like ours. 
 To maintain a post within musket shot of the enemy, 
 for six months together, without ammunition, and at 
 the same time to disband one army and recruit an 
 other, within that distance of twenty odd British 
 regiments, is more than probably ever was attempted. 
 But if we succeed as well in the latter as we have 
 hitherto done in the former, I shall think it the most 
 fortunate event of my whole life."f 
 
 Such were the difficulties which embarrassed the 
 
 * Sparks' Life and Writings of f Marshall's Washington, Vol. II., 
 Washington, Vol. L, page 170. page 340. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 27 
 
 movements of the Commander-in-chief. The short 
 enlistment of the troops furnished no opportunity for 
 their improvement in discipline. The officers were 
 unable to establish their authority, and insubordina 
 tion and misrule prevailed. General Washington 
 says in one of his letters to Congress : " To make 
 men well acquainted with the duties of a soldier, re 
 quires time. To bring them under proper discipline 
 and subordination, not only requires time, b'ut is a 
 work of great difficulty ; and in this army, where 
 there is so little distinction between officers and sol 
 diers, requires an uncommon degree of attention. 
 To expect, then, the same service from raw and un 
 disciplined recruits, as from veteran soldiers, is to 
 expect what never did, and perhaps never will hap 
 pen." * 
 
 To dislodge the enemy from Boston, before they 
 received reinforcements, was an object of the highest 
 importance. To effect this, four or five thousand 
 troops were enlisted in Massachusetts, but a council 
 of war decided almost unanimously against the attack, 
 principally on the ground of the w r ant of ammuni 
 tion, and to General Washington's great regret the 
 measure was abandoned. 
 
 It has been a question why General Howe, with 
 a force of ten thousand men, did not attack the be 
 sieging army ; and it is supposed to have resulted, 
 either from ignorance of its weakness, or from the 
 express orders of his government, to put nothing to 
 
 * Marshall's Washington, Vol. II., page 345. 
 
28 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 hazard. As the attack on Boston was abandoned, 
 Washington decided to take possession of Dorchester 
 Heights, which lie east of the town and entirely com 
 mand it. This step, if successful, would force the 
 British to evacuate. To deceive the enemy and fa 
 cilitate the execution of the plan, a heavy bombard 
 ment and fire was kept up from Lechmere's Point, 
 Cobble Hill and Roxbury, together with other posi 
 tions in* the neighbourhood of the enemy. This took 
 place on the second of March. On the night of the 
 fourth, immediately after our firing began, a body of 
 American troops, under the command of General 
 Thomas, in which was Captain Hull's company, 
 marched from Roxbury to the Heights, and having 
 prepared fascines, for the construction of the works 
 by hand-labour, at morning light a barrier had been 
 raised to screen them from the enemy. A severe 
 but ineffectual fire was directed by the British 
 against our works, and General Howe deemed it ne 
 cessary to dislodge our troops from their position, or 
 he could no longer hold the town. Dr. Thatcher, in 
 his Military Journal, who was a witness of what he 
 narrates, gives a lively description of these events. 
 
 Here Washington showed the genius and resolu 
 tion of the soldier. In one night he made himself 
 master of ground that left no alternative to his adver 
 sary, but to fight or evacuate the town. The plan 
 was bold, and in the execution of it he was nobly 
 sustained by the brave and virtuous yeomanry of New 
 England. His ranks were filled ; the munitions of 
 war were brought to his aid, and the spirit of so many 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 29 
 
 heroes supplied, for the time, the deficiency of disci 
 pline ; while his single word moved the congregated 
 multitude to act with one voice and one heart. 
 
 Napoleon, when addressing his army, just before 
 the battle of Moscow, as the sun arose, said, with the 
 tact of one who well knew the human heart ' This 
 is the Sun of AusterlitzS Washington, at the moment 
 when he expected to be engaged in a severe conflict 
 with the enemy, exhorted his troops " to bear in mind 
 the fifth of March" when the first blood of their 
 countrymen was shed in the sacred cause of liberty. 
 He has been called the American Fabius, it being 
 said, " that the art of avoiding battle, of baffling the 
 enemy, and of temporizing, was his talent as well as 
 his taste." But we have seen at this period, his fixed 
 purpose, to make an attack on Boston, in the hope, 
 that it would result in the destruction of the British 
 army. In this he was disappointed ; for after the 
 decision of three successive councils of war, he was 
 obliged to abandon a plan, in the prosecution of which 
 he was sanguine of success. Washington combined 
 the two indispensable ingredients which form the 
 character of the soldier, and when we arrive at the 
 stirring scenes of Trenton and of Princeton, when he 
 took an offensive position and won two battles in less 
 than twenty-four hours, we shall find it difficult to 
 admit the assertion that ; avoiding battles, baffling the 
 enemy, and temporizing, was his talent as well as his 
 taste !' 
 
 Again, in his new position on the Heights, he 
 challenges his adversary to battle, and carries out his 
 
30 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 plans of offensive operations. In the full expectation 
 of an assault on Dorchester Heights, his intention 
 was, either during or after the battle, should a favour 
 able moment offer,* " to embark from Cambridge 
 four thousand chosen men, who, rapidly crossing the 
 arm of the sea, should take advantage of the tumult 
 and confusion, to attempt the assault of the town." 
 
 Upon General Washington's taking possession of 
 Dorchester Heights, General Howe was compelled 
 either to attack him immediately in this new and 
 strong position or to evacuate the town. For many 
 reasons he judged the latter course preferable, and ac 
 cordingly abandoned Boston to the Americans. The 
 details of these transactions may be found in Botta, 
 and in other histories of the Revolution. 
 
 * Otis's Translation of Botta's History, Vol. II. 5 page 39. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 EXECUTION OF CAPTAIN HALE AND MAJOR ANDRE. PARALLEL DRAWN BE 
 TWEEN THESE TWO OFFICERS. 
 
 1776. 
 
 THE successful termination of the siege of Boston 
 rendered the presence of the American army no long 
 er necessary ; and New-York being now the object 
 of the enemy, General Washington removed the 
 troops to the defence of that city. To obtain this 
 position, was highly important to the British, as it 
 would, by means of the Hudson, open their communi 
 cation with Canada, and enable them to co-operate 
 with the troops in that quarter. 
 
 General Howe sailed from Boston to Halifax, 
 where he received reinforcements from England. 
 He then bent his course southwardly, and took pos 
 session of Staten Island, near New- York. 
 
 The Americans had been engaged under General 
 Greene in fortifying the Heights of Brooklyn. This 
 officer was obliged from illness to retire from command, 
 and General Sullivan succeeded him. General Put 
 nam was finally sent over, and on him the command 
 devolved, four days before the battle commenced. 
 The British army, soon after, passed over to Long 
 Island, between the Narrows and Sandy Hook. A 
 
32 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 severe action took place. The force of the Ameri 
 cans was about five thousand that of the British, 
 fifteen thousand men. Lord Stirling's division con 
 sisted of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Delaware troops. 
 They fought with great bravery. General Sullivan's 
 corps was attacked on both sides, and after an obsti 
 nate resistance for three hours, he was compelled 
 to surrender. The courage and good conduct of all 
 the troops were universally acknowledged. Their 
 loss was between eleven and twelve hundred, more 
 than a thousand of whom were captured. 
 
 General Sullivan and Lord Stirling were among 
 the prisoners. In the midst of this sanguinary battle, 
 General Washington crossed over to Long Island 
 with a part of his army and took possession of Brook 
 lyn Heights. The regiment of Colonel Webb, to 
 which Captain Hull was attached, was in this division. 
 We saw the carnage of our brave countrymen. The 
 soul of Washington seemed bursting with anguish at 
 an event so unexpected and distressing. To hasten 
 to the succour of his gallant troops, was his first wish; 
 but prudence denied this relief, which he had too 
 much reason to apprehend could only be secured by 
 the sacrifice of his remaining brave soldiers. Besides 
 those with him, he had at command the troops in 
 New-York, which he might have ordered into the bat 
 tle. But sensible of his inability to contend with the 
 powerful army of the British, in the spirit of his usual 
 wisdom and self-command he restrained the desire, 
 and turned his attention to the best mode of making 
 a retreat. " A council of war was called. No time 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 33 
 
 was lost in deliberation. It was resolved to with 
 draw the troops from Long Island. Boats were col 
 lected and other preparations were made without 
 delay. On the morning of the thirtieth, the whole 
 army, amounting to nine thousand men, the military 
 stores, nearly all the provisions, and the artillery ex 
 cept a few heavy cannon, were safely landed in New- 
 York. 
 
 " With such secrecy, silence and order was every 
 thing conducted, that the last boat was crossing the 
 river, before the retreat was discovered by the enemy, 
 although parties were stationed within six hundred 
 yards of the lines. 
 
 " This retreat, in its plan, execution, and success, 
 has been regarded as one of the most remarkable 
 military events in history, and as reflecting the high 
 est credit on the talents and skill of the Commander. 
 So intense was the anxiety of Washington, so un 
 ceasing his exertions, that for forty-eight hours he 
 did not close his eyes, and rarely dismounted from his 
 horse."* 
 
 It was evident, that the superior force of the 
 British, would soon give them possession of New- 
 York. The Commmander-in-chief, therefore, took 
 a position at Fort Washington, at the other end of 
 the Island. To ascertain the further object of the 
 enemy, was now a subject of anxious inquiry with 
 General Washington. He communicated his wishes 
 to Colonel Knowlton, who made it known to Captain 
 
 * "Writings of Washington," by Sparks. Vol. I., page 192. 
 
 3 
 
34 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Hale and other officers of his regiment. Captain 
 Hale had recently been transferred from the regiment 
 of Colonel Webb to that of Colonel Knowlton. 
 There existed a warm friendship between himself 
 and Captain Hull. They were of the same age, and 
 had been classmates at Yale College. Two years 
 after they graduated, the war commenced. They 
 heard of the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill. 
 Their names were soon enrolled under the standard 
 of their country, and they marched in the same regi 
 ment, to join the army of Washington at Cambridge, 
 shortly after his arrival in camp. 
 
 Captain Hull had every opportunity to learn the 
 true character of his much loved associate, nor can it 
 be supposed, that there was a want of discrimination 
 in the warm expression of his sentiments. He says 
 in his MSS. Memoirs : " There was no young man 
 who gave fairer promise of an enlightened and 
 devoted service to his country, than this my friend 
 and companion in arms. His naturally fine intellect 
 had been carefully cultivated, and his heart was filled 
 with generous emotions ; but, like the soaring eagle, 
 the patriotic ardour of his soul < winged the dart 
 which caused his destruction.' 
 
 " After his interview with Colonel Knowlton, he 
 repaired to my quarters, and informed me of what 
 had passed. He remarked, < That he thought he owed 
 to his country the accomplishment of an object so 
 important, and so much desired by the Commander 
 of her armies, and he knew of no other mode of ob 
 taining the information, than by assuming a disguise 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 35 
 
 and passing into the enemy's camp.' He asked my 
 candid opinion, I replied, that it was an action which 
 involved serious consequences, and the propriety of 
 it was doubtful ; and though he viewed the busi 
 ness of a spy as a duty, yet, he could not official 
 ly be required to perform it. That such a service 
 was not claimed of the meanest soldier, though 
 many might be willing, for a pecuniary compensation, 
 to engage in it ; and as for himself, the employment 
 was not in keeping with his character. His nature 
 was too frank and open for deceit and disguise, and 
 he was incapable of acting a part equally foreign 
 to his feelings and habits. Admitting that he was 
 successful, who would wish success at such a price ? 
 Did his country demand the moral degradation of her 
 sons, to advance her interests ? Stratagems are 
 resorted to in war ; they are feints and evasions, 
 performed under no disguise ; are familiar to com 
 manders ; form a part of their plans, and, considered 
 in a military view, lawful and advantageous. The 
 tact with which they are executed, exacts admiration 
 from the enemy. But who respects the character 
 of a spy, assuming the garb of friendship but to be 
 tray ? The very death assigned him is expressive of 
 the estimation in which he is held. As soldiers, let 
 us do our duty in the field ; contend for our legitimate 
 rights, and not stain our honour by the sacrifice of 
 integrity. And when present events, with all their 
 deep and exciting interests, shall have passed away, 
 may the blush of shame never arise, by the remem 
 brance of an unworthy, though successful act, in the 
 
36 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 performance of which we were deceived by the be 
 lief that it was sanctified by its object. I ended by 
 saying, that should he undertake the enterprise, his 
 short, bright career, would close with an ignominious 
 death. 
 
 " He replied, ' I am fully sensible of the conse 
 quences of discovery and capture in such a situation. 
 But for a year I have been attached to the army, and 
 have not rendered any material service, while re 
 ceiving a compensation, for which I make no return. 
 Yet,' he continued, ' I arn not influenced by the ex 
 pectation of promotion or pecuniary reward ; I wish 
 to be useful, and every kind of service, necessary to 
 the public good, becomes honourable by being ne 
 cessary. If the exigencies of my country demand 
 a peculiar service, its claims to perform that service 
 are imperious.' 
 
 "He spoke with warmth and decision. I replied, 
 c That such are your wishes, cannot be doubted. 
 But is this the most effectual mode of carrying them 
 into execution ? In the progress of the war, there 
 will be ample opportunity to give your talents and 
 your life, should it be so ordered, to the sacred cause 
 to which we are pledged. You can bestow upon 
 your country the richest benefits, and win for your 
 self the highest honours. Your exertions for her in 
 terests will be daily felt, while, by one fatal act, you 
 crush for ever the power and the opportunity Heaven 
 offers, for her glory and your happiness.' 
 
 " I urged him, for the love of country, for the love 
 of kindred, to abandon an enterprise which would 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 37 
 
 only end in the sacrifice of the dearest interests of 
 both. 
 
 " He paused then affectionately taking my hand, 
 he said, I will reflect, and do nothing but what 
 duty demands.' He was absent from the army, and 
 I feared he had gone to the British lines, to execute 
 his fatal purpose. In a few days an officer came to 
 our camp, under a flag of truce, and informed Hamil 
 ton, then a captain of artillery, but afterwards the 
 aid of General Washington, that Captain Hale had 
 been arrested within the British lines, condemned as 
 a spy, and executed that morning. 
 
 " I learned the melancholy particulars from this of 
 ficer, who w r as present at his execution, and seemed 
 touched by the circumstances attending it. 
 
 " He said that Captain Hale had passed through 
 their army, both of Long Island and York Island. 
 That he had procured sketches of the fortifications, 
 and made memoranda of their number and different 
 positions. When apprehended, he was taken before 
 Sir William Howe, and these papers, found concealed 
 about his person, betrayed his intentions. He at once 
 declared his name, his rank in the American army, 
 and his object in coming within the British lines. 
 
 " Sir William Howe, without the form of a trial, 
 gave orders for his execution the following morning. 
 He was placed in the custody of the Provost Marshal, 
 who was a Refugee, and hardened to human suffering 
 and every softening sentiment of the heart. Captain 
 Hale, alone, without sympathy or support, save that 
 from above, on the near approach of death asked for 
 
38 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 a clergyman to attend him. It was refused. He 
 then requested a Bible ; that too was refused by his 
 inhuman jailer. 
 
 " ' On the morning of his execution,' continued 
 the officer, ' my station was near the fatal spot, and 
 I requested the Provost Marshal to permit the pris 
 oner to sit in my marquee, while he was making the 
 necessary preparations. Captain Hale entered : he 
 was calm, and bore himself with gentle dignity, in 
 the consciousness of rectitude and high intentions. 
 He asked for writing materials, which I furnished 
 him : he wrote two letters, one to his mother and one 
 to a brother officer. 5 He was shortly after summoned 
 to the gallows. But a few persons were around 
 him, yet his characteristic dying words were remem 
 bered. He said, ' I only regret, that I have but one 
 life to lose for my country.' ' 
 
 Thus terminated the earthly existence of a man ? 
 whose country mourned the loss of one of her fairest 
 sons, and whose friends wept, in the bitter recollec 
 tion of his untimely fate. 
 
 The Provost Marshal, in the diabolical spirit of 
 cruelty, destroyed the letters of his prisoner, and as 
 signed as a reason, " that the rebels should not know 
 that they had a man in their army who could die 
 with so much firmness." 
 
 The sentence was just, according to the laws of war^ 
 but the manner of its execution must ever be deplored. 
 
 There is a similarity in the fate of Major Andre 
 and that of Captain Hale ; the former of whom ex 
 cited so lively an interest in both armies, while the 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 39 
 
 latter has been rarely alluded to by the historians of 
 the Revolution. 
 
 Major Andre was the Adjutant General of the 
 British army. He possessed a cultivated mind, 
 genius in the fine arts, and was the charm of society 
 wherever he was known. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, who in Sept. 1780 was com 
 manding in New-York, placed the highest confidence 
 in his abilities and patriotism. For eighteen months, 
 an anonymous correspondence had been held be 
 tween the British Commander and General Arnold, 
 when finally Arnold made himself known, and offered 
 to deliver to the enemy of his country West Point 
 and the neighbouring fortresses in the Highlands, 
 then under his immediate command. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton proposed to Major Andre to 
 ascend the Hudson in the Vulture sloop of war, and 
 have an interview with General Arnold, that they 
 might settle upon a plan, which, if successful, they 
 hoped would strike a fatal blow to the liberties of 
 America, and thus put an end to the war. 
 
 Andre, it was believed, possessed the talent and 
 the tact to negotiate this delicate business. He was 
 promised promotion and pecuniary reward. In a 
 fatal hour he consented to go ; to meet a traitor ; a 
 man low in every thing but military genius : and by 
 thus descending, brought ruin on himself, and injured 
 the cause, for which he was making such immense 
 sacrifices. They met. Their plan was settled ; 
 was committed to paper, together with the drawings 
 of the fortifications ; all of which were given to Ma 
 jor Andre. 
 
40 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 The Vulture sloop of war having been fired upon 
 by the Americans, had dropped down the river, but 
 soon after returned to her station. 
 
 Joshua Smith, the only person that could be em 
 ployed by Arnold to take Andre back to the vessel, 
 became alarmed, it is supposed, on account of the 
 firing, and refused to go. This man was perfectly 
 ignorant of the nature of the transaction. He believ 
 ed he was acting for his country's interests, and, 
 as appeared on his trial, was completely duped by 
 Arnold. 
 
 The only alternative for Andre \vas, to return by 
 land. This was full of danger, but the danger must 
 be met. 
 
 Major Andre received the pass of General Arnold, 
 took off his uniform, assumed the name of John 
 Anderson, and crossing the Hudson at Stony Point, 
 commenced his perilous journey. He felt his situa 
 tion extremely critical when within the American 
 lines, and stopped at their outposts : but the pass of 
 Arnold still carried him on with safety. 
 
 At length a guide was no longer necessary, and 
 Smith left him and returned home. Andre went on, 
 until he arrived within half a mile of Tarrytown. 
 Here he was stopped by three men. Their names 
 were John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van 
 Wart.* One of them said, " There comes a gentle 
 manlike looking man, who appears to be well dressed, 
 
 * For a most interesting account ferred to Sparks' Life of Benedict 
 of the circumstances attending the Arnold, from which some of the 
 capture of Andre, the reader is re- above particulars are taken. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 4J 
 
 and has boots on, and whom you had better step out 
 and stop, if you don't know him."* 
 
 ." On that I got up and presented my firelock at 
 the breast of the person, and told him to stand ; and 
 then I asked him which way he was going. ' Gen 
 tlemen,' said he, c I hope you belong to our party.' 
 I asked him what party. He said, c The lower par 
 ty.' Upon that I told him I did. Then he said, 
 ' I am a British officer, out of the country, on particu 
 lar business, and 1 hope you will not detain me a 
 minute ;' and to show that he was a British officer, 
 he pulled out his watch. Upon which, I told him to 
 dismount. He then said, ' Well, I must do any 
 thing to get along,' and seemed to make a kind of 
 laugh of it, and pulled out General Arnold's pass, 
 which was to John Anderson, to pass all guards to 
 White Plains, and below. Upon that, he dismount 
 ed. Said he, ' Gentlemen, you had best let me go, 
 or you will bring yourselves into trouble ; for your 
 stopping me will detain the General's business ;' and 
 said, he was going to Dobb's ferry to meet a person 
 there and to get intelligence for General Arnold. 
 Upon that, I told him, that I hoped he would not 
 be offended ; that we did not mean to take any 
 thing from him ; and 1 told him, there were bad 
 people who were going along the road, and I did 
 not know but perhaps he might be one. 
 
 " We took him into the bushes," said Williams, 
 
 * This was a part of the testimo- er's Journal, page 261, for Resolu- 
 ny given by his captors, eleven days tion of Congress, in a Note, 
 after Andre was taken. See Thatch- 
 
42 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 " and ordered him to pull off his clothes, which he 
 did ; but on searching him narrowly, we could not 
 find any sort of writings. We told him to pull off 
 his boots, which he seemed to be indifferent about ; 
 but we got one boot off, and searched in that boot 
 and could find nothing. But we found there were 
 some papers in the bottom of his stocking, next to 
 his foot, on which, we made him pull his stocking 
 off, and found three papers wrapped up. Mr. 
 Paulding looked at the contents, and said he was a 
 spy. We then made him pull off his other boot, 
 and there we found three more papers, at the bot 
 tom of his foot, within his stocking. Upon this, we 
 made him dress himself, and I asked him, what he 
 would give us to let him go. He said, he would 
 give us any sum of money. I asked him whether 
 he would give us his horse, saddle and bridle, watch, 
 and one hundred guineas. He said yes, and told 
 us, he would direct them to any place, even if it was 
 that very spot, so that we could get them. I 
 asked him if he would not give us more. He said 
 he would give us any quantity of dry goods, or any 
 sum of money, and bring it to any place that we 
 might pitch upon, so that we might get it. Mr. 
 Paulding answered, c No, if you should give us ten 
 thousand guineas, you should not stir one step.' 
 
 " I then asked the person, who had called him 
 self John Anderson, if he would not get away if it 
 lay in his power. He answered, * Yes, I would.' I 
 told him, 1 did not intend he should. While tak 
 ing him along, we asked him a few questions, and 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 43 
 
 we stopped under a shade. He begged us not to 
 ask him questions, and said, when he came to any 
 Commander, he would reveal all. 
 
 " In a few hours, we delivered him up to Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel Jameson, who commanded at North 
 Castle, with all the papers that had been taken from 
 his boots. "* 
 
 The papers were of great importance, and had 
 the plot succeeded, would have given to the enemy 
 an advantage, productive of the most serious conse 
 quences. Major Andre, aware that his papers had 
 been sent to General Washington, and not to General 
 Arnold, as he had hoped, wrote to the Commander- 
 in-chief, a full confession of his name, rank in the 
 British army, and his object in coming within the 
 American lines. After he had written this letter, it 
 was remarked by Major Tallmage, who now had 
 charge of the prisoner, that he seemed more cheerful, 
 entered into conversation, in his own delightful and 
 peculiar way, and greatly interested all around him, 
 by the vivacity and beauty of a well-stored intellect. 
 
 In a communication to Mr. Sparks, Major Tall- 
 mage writes : " When we left West Point for Tappan, 
 early in the morning, as we passed down the Hudson 
 river to King's Ferry, I placed Andre by my side, on 
 the after seat of the barge. I soon began to make 
 inquiries about the expected capture of our fortress, 
 then in full view, and begged him to inform me, 
 whether he was to have taken a part in the military 
 
 * See Sparks' Life and Treason of Benedict Arnold, page 226. 
 
44 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 attack, if Arnold's plan had succeeded. He instantly 
 replied in the affirmative, and pointed me to a table 
 of land on the west shore, which he said was the 
 spot where he should have landed, at the head of 
 a select corps. He then traversed, in idea, the 
 course up the mountains, into the rear of Fort Put 
 nam, which overlooks the whole parade of West 
 Point. This he did with much greater exactness 
 than I could have done ; and as Arnold had so dis 
 posed of the garrison, that little or no opposition 
 could be made by our troops, Major Andre supposed 
 he should reach that commanding eminence without 
 difficulty. 
 
 " In such case, that important key of our coun 
 try would have fallen into the hands of the enemy, 
 and the glory of so splendid an achievement would 
 have been his. The animation with which he gave 
 the account, I recollect, perfectly delighted me, for 
 he seemed as if he were entering the fort, sword 
 in hand. 
 
 " To complete the climax, I inquired what 
 would have been his reward, if he had succeeded. 
 He replied, that military glory was all he sought : 
 and that the thanks of his General and the appro 
 bation of his King were a rich reward for such an 
 undertaking. I think he further remarked, that if 
 he had succeeded (and with the aid of the opposing 
 General who could doubt of success ?) he was to 
 have been promoted to the rank of a Brigadier-Gen 
 eral. 
 
 " After we disembarked at King's Ferry, near Ha- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 45 
 
 verstraw, we took up our line of march, with a fine 
 body of horse, for Tappan. Before we reached the 
 close, Major Andre became very inquisitive to know 
 my opinion, as to the result of his capture. In 
 other words, he wished me to give him candidly my 
 opinion, as to the light in which he would be viewed 
 by General Washington and a Military Tribunal, if 
 one should be ordered. 
 
 "This was the most unpleasant question that had 
 been propounded to me, and I endeavoured to evade 
 it, unwilling to give him a true answer. 
 
 " When I could no longer evade his importunity, 
 I remarked to him as follows : ' I had a much loved 
 classmate in Yale College, by the name of Nathan 
 Hale, who entered the army in the year 1775. Im 
 mediately after the battle of Long Island, General 
 Washington wanted information respecting the 
 strength, position, and probable movements of the 
 enemy. Captain Hale tendered his services, went 
 over to Brooklyn, and was taken prisoner, just as he 
 was passing the outposts of the enemy on his return.' 
 
 " Said I with emphasis, ' Do you remember the 
 sequel of this story ?' < Yes,' said Andre, ' he was 
 hanged as a spy. But you surely do not consider his 
 case and mine alike ?' I replied, ' Yes, precisely 
 similar, and similar will be your fate.' 
 
 " He endeavoured to answer my remarks, but it 
 was manifest he was more troubled in spirit than I 
 had ever before seen him. 
 
 " The day after his arrival at Tappan, a Board of 
 Officers, of six Major- Generals and eight Brigadier- 
 
46 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Generals, were appointed to examine his case. Gen 
 eral Greene was the President. The names of the 
 officers constituting the Board were read to him. 
 
 " General Greene told the prisoner that he might 
 be at liberty to answer or not the questions put to 
 him, and to take his ow r n time for recollecting and 
 weighing what he said. 
 
 " He was asked, if when he came on shore, he 
 considered himself under a flag. He answered, it 
 was impossible for him to suppose he came on shore, 
 under the sanction of a flag, and added, that if he 
 came on shore, under that sanction, he certainly 
 might have returned under it. 
 
 " During his examination, he was dignified and 
 manly, and answered with frankness and truth every 
 thing that related to himself, and used no words to 
 explain or defend any part of his conduct. So deli 
 cate was he in regard to other persons, that he 
 scrupulously avoided mentioning names, or alluding 
 to any particulars, except such as concerned himself. 
 
 " After the most careful examination of his case, 
 to which he offered no defence, he was, by the laws 
 of war, sentenced to die as a spy. 
 
 " His fate created great interest and sympathy, 
 not only in the British, but in the American army. 
 On both sides, the desire was to save him. But 
 trying as it was to the feelings of General Washing 
 ton, yet justice demanded the sacrifice. 
 
 " Efforts were made to save him. Captain Ogden, 
 an American officer, was sent to the British lines, 
 under a flag of truce, with a packet of letters from 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 47 
 
 General Washington. He was directed to obtain 
 further orders from General La Fajette. The Ge 
 neral told him to arrange his visit in such a way, as 
 to make it so late at night that he would be invited 
 to remain. That in the course of conversation, it 
 might probably be asked, by the officers, if there was 
 any way in which Andre could be saved. That he 
 should reply, yes, that there was a way ; which was, 
 if Sir Henry Clinton would deliver up Arnold and 
 take Andre in exchange, the prisoner would be set 
 at liberty. Captain Ogden was asked if he had 
 authority for such a declaration. He replied, * I 
 have no such assurance from General Washington, 
 but I am prepared to say, that if such a proposition 
 were made, I believe it would be accepted, and 
 Major Andre set at liberty.' 
 
 " The commanding officer immediately went to 
 Sir Henry Clinton. On his return, he told Captain 
 Ogden that such a thing could not be done ; that to 
 give up a man, who had deserted from the enemy and 
 openly espoused the King's cause, was such a viola 
 tion of honour and every military principle, that Sir 
 Henry Clinton would not listen to the idea for a mo 
 ment." 
 
 Major Andre asked of General Washington the 
 privilege of being shot, but this request could not be 
 granted, according to the strict laws of war. Ge 
 neral Washington made no reply to his application. 
 
 Dr. Thatcher, in his Military Journal,* says : " At 
 
 * Journal, page 273. 
 
48 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the moment, therefore, when suddenly he came in 
 view of the gallows, he involuntarily started back 
 ward and made a pause. * Why this emotion, sir ?' 
 said an officer by his side. Instantly recovering his 
 composure, he said, * I am reconciled to my death, 
 but I detest the mode.' While waiting and stand 
 ing near the gallows, I observed some degree of 
 trepidation ; placing his foot on a stone, and rolling 
 it over, and choking in his throat, as if attempting to 
 swallow. So soon, however, as he perceived things 
 were in readiness, he stepped quickly into the wag 
 on, and at this moment he appeared to shrink ; but 
 instantly elevating his head, with firmness he said, 
 ' It will be but a momentary pang ;' and taking from 
 his pocket two white handkerchiefs, the Provost 
 Marshal with one loosely pinioned his arms, and with 
 the other the victim, after taking off his hat and stock, 
 bandaged his own eyes, with perfect firmness, which 
 melted the hearts and moistened the cheeks, not only 
 of his servant, but of the throng of spectators. The 
 rope being appended to the gallows, he slipped the 
 noose over his head, and adjusted it to his neck, with 
 out the assistance of the awkward executioner. Colo 
 nel Scammel now informed him that he had an oppor 
 tunity to speak, if he desired it ; he raised the hand 
 kerchief from his eyes and said, I pray you to bear 
 me witness, that I meet my fate like a braVe man.' 
 The next moment life was extinguished." 
 
 Major Andre is described as being possessed of 
 personal attraction, and was highly accomplished. A 
 likeness of him is preserved, taken by himself with 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 49 
 
 a pen, on the morning of his execution, while seated 
 at a table in the guard-room.* 
 
 A parallel has been drawn by historians between 
 Andre and Hale ; and it may be admitted, without a 
 bias in favour of our countryman, that Hale was in 
 fluenced by nobler and purer motives than Andre : 
 for his death marked the Patriot and the Christian. 
 
 But if we consider how different were their early 
 condition in life, as well as their official stations, 
 we would find abundant cause for this difference. 
 Unhappily, men are more governed in their conduct 
 by the circumstances in which they are placed, than 
 by principle. The influence which surrounds them 
 involuntarily becomes an element in action, and their 
 motives are often worldly and selfish in their charac 
 ter. 
 
 Andre and Hale both possessed a high sense of 
 moral rectitude, elevated tastes, and pure habits. 
 Had their positions in life been changed, we are not 
 sure but that Andre might have exhibited the qual 
 ities of Hale, and Hale those of Andre. The coun 
 try of Hale was poor and feeble, contending for its 
 rights, under circumstances of great disadvantage, 
 and deep depression. Its defenders were disciplined 
 by suffering, and rather felt for her than themselves. 
 
 Andre belonged to the most powerful nation of 
 the earth : a nation whose armies were victorious in 
 every quarter of the globe. To contend for her, 
 was to contend for the enlargement of her borders 
 
 * The original drawing is now in the Trumbull Gallery of Yale College. 
 
 4 
 
50 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 and the increase of her pride. To combat for suf 
 fering America, was to combat for liberty, for home, 
 
 for virtue. 
 
 Where is the man whose feelings and opinions 
 would not be affected by such a discipline, and would 
 not in the hour of death feel more for his country's 
 interests than his own personal reputation ? Andre 
 said, " I pray you to bear me witness, that I meet 
 my fate like a brave man." The words of Hale 
 were, " I only lament, that I have but one life to lose 
 for my country." The one, in the event of success ex 
 pected promotion and pecuniary rewards ; the other, 
 looked only for the unspeakable happiness of having 
 done what he deemed his duty. 
 
 Andre engaged in the enterprise without the 
 thought or view of danger. Protected by the 
 power and influence of Arnold, and his retreat from 
 our shores secured by a British armed vessel in the 
 river, he had nothing to apprehend ; while animated 
 by the prospect of almost certain success in viewing 
 the advantage presented by the defection of Arnold. 
 
 On the contrary, Hale went to the enemy's lines 
 in the very spirit of self-devotion, resolved to achieve 
 his work, or meet death, which he knew was the 
 certain alternative. 
 
 In the solemn hours preceding the approach of 
 eternity, Andre sought relief in intellectual enjoy 
 ments, in the works of genius, and left to the world 
 a drawing of his own person, taken in his guard 
 room, from which he was soon to pass to the scaf 
 fold. He asked that he might die the death of a 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 5J 
 
 soldier, and not by the hands of the common hang 
 man. 
 
 Hale thought not of the mode of his death. He 
 felt like the virtuous Raleigh ; when inquired of by 
 the executioner which way he should lay his head, 
 replied, "No matter, so that the heart is right." 
 
 In the near view of death, Hale sought the con 
 solations of religion. He asked for a Bible and a 
 clergyman, to assist him in his preparation for the 
 eternal world. Though denied them both, yet we 
 may be permitted to believe that the wish of his 
 heart was blessed, and that the Spirit of God became 
 his Teacher. 
 
 The memory of Andre is enshrined in monu 
 ments of art, that of Hale in the hearts of his coun 
 trymen. 
 
52 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 BATTLE OF CHATTERTOX HILL, AT THE WHITE PLAINS. 
 
 1776. 
 
 THE British army being in possession of New- 
 York, General Washington took a strong position on 
 the heights about Kingsbridge, at the eastern end 
 of the island. The main body of the enemy ad 
 vanced to a narrow part of the island, near his posi 
 tion, their right extending to the East River, and 
 their left to the Hudson, near Bloomingdale. Be 
 tween these lines partial engagements took place, 
 which were honourable to the American arms. The 
 gallant manner in which the troops of Washington 
 fought, together with the strength of his position, 
 were undoubtedly among the reasons which prevent 
 ed the British Commander from hazarding a general 
 action. Even if Washington had been beaten on 
 this ground, he had two lines of defence across the 
 Island, and a very strong position at Kingsbridge, 
 which would have enabled him to have retreated 
 with safety, and preserved his communication with 
 his country. 
 
 Under these circumstances, General Howe made 
 a movement, the object of which was to compel 
 General Washington to abandon his position on 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 53 
 
 York Island and at Kingsbridge, or suffer his commu 
 nication to be entirely obstructed. For this purpose 
 he embarked his army on the East River, in flat-bot 
 tomed boats, passed Hellgate, and landed on Frog 
 or Throg's Neck, a suitable point from which to march 
 his army across the country, attain the rear of the 
 Americans, and communicate with a part of the 
 British fleet in the" Hudson, which had passed forts 
 Washington and Lee, notwithstanding their fire and 
 the obstructions placed in the river to oppose their 
 passage. 
 
 The American Commander perceiving the object 
 of this movement, determined, though with reluc 
 tance, to abandon his position on York Island, and 
 march the left of his army to the White Plains ; the 
 right extending in the first instance to Kingsbridge. 
 
 It was soon apparent that General Howe was 
 concentrating his whole army at Frog's Neck and its 
 vicinity, excepting a small body left in New- York for 
 its defence. Washington therefore moved his right 
 division from Kingsbridge to the White Plains. 
 
 So anxious was he, however, to retain a footing 
 on York Island, especially for the purpose of obstruct 
 ing the navigation of the Hudson, that he left a gar 
 rison of between two and three thousand men at 
 Fort Washington, under the command of Colonel 
 McGaw, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 While the American General was marching the 
 right wing of his army from Kingsbridge to the 
 White Plains, General Howe commenced his march 
 from Frog's Neck towards the same point. On the 
 
54 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 march, the left wing of the British and the right wing 
 of the American army were very near each other. 
 
 When the left wing, under the command of 
 Major-General Charles Lee, arrived at the White 
 Plains, General McDougal's brigade was directed to 
 take possession of Chatterton's Hill, about a mile in 
 advance of the White Plains, on the right of the 
 American army. The river Brunx ran in the low 
 grounds, at the foot of the hill, and about one hun 
 dred yards in front of McDougal's brigade. 
 
 Colonel Webb's regiment, in which was Captain 
 Hull's company, belonged to this brigade, which con 
 sisted of about fifteen hundred men. 
 
 " Early in the morning," says General Hull in 
 his MSS., " having taken our position, we discovered 
 at a distance the approach of the British army. Its 
 appearance was truly magnificent. A bright autum 
 nal sun shed its full lustre on their polished arms ; 
 and the rich array of dress and military equipage, 
 gave an imposing grandeur to the scene, as they ad 
 vanced, in all the pomp and circumstance of war, to 
 give us battle. 
 
 " Wlien the columns arrived within a small dis 
 tance of our line, on the opposite side of the Brunx, 
 they halted ; their field artillery was advanced, with 
 which they commenced a heavy fire. We had but 
 three or four pieces of artillery. 
 
 " They returned the fire, until the whole of them 
 were dismounted. The enemy then made a nearer 
 approach, and with chain and grape shot, continued 
 the cannonade for more than an hour. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 55 
 
 " General Howe, finding that he could not dis 
 lodge us from the hill with his artillery, formed three 
 columns of infantry, which passed the Brunx, one 
 against our centre, and the other two against each 
 flank. 
 
 " At this moment Colonel Webb received orders 
 from General McDougal to move and take a posi 
 tion further to the left, to prevent the enemy from 
 turning his left flank. This was promptly done, and 
 with much order and regularity. After a sharp con 
 flict, the object was completely attained. Our whole 
 line sustained the attack with persevering bravery, 
 for a considerable time, but at length, overpowered 
 by numbers, the right and the centre first retreated 
 in some disorder. Colonel Webb's regiment main 
 tained the conflict for a time, after the other part of 
 the brigade had abandoned the field, and it had the 
 honour to receive the particular thanks of Washing 
 ton for its bravery and orderly retreat."* 
 
 The loss of the Americans in killed, wounded, 
 
 * Extract from a letter of General Plains, General Hull acted under my 
 
 Brooks, to the President of the Court immediate orders, and was detached 
 
 Martial, held at Albany, for the trial from the line, to oppose a body of 
 
 of General Hull, dated February 4th, Light Infantry and Yagers, advanc- 
 
 1814, touching the battle at the ing upon the left flank of the Amer- 
 
 White Plains. It will be perceived, ican army. .His orders were exe- 
 
 that General Hull does not mention cuted with promptitude, gallantry, 
 
 the fact, that he was the officer de- and effect. Though more than 
 
 tached from the line by his Com- double his number, the enemy was 
 
 mander, to oppose the enemy on compelled to retreat, and the left of 
 
 the left. the American line thus enabled, by 
 
 General Brooks says, " In the a flank movement, to pass the 
 
 month of September, 1776, at White Brunx." 
 
56 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 and prisoners, was about two hundred and fifty. The 
 British loss nearly the same. 
 
 General Howe did not pursue the advantage he 
 had gained. A general action was expected the next 
 morning, but a violent storm of rain was probably 
 the cause which prevented it. When the storm 
 ceased, General Howe changed his mode of opera 
 tions, and made a retrograde movement to Kings- 
 bridge, for the purpose of reducing the garrison at 
 Fort Washington, on Long Island. 
 
 The historians of the Revolution give an account 
 of the reduction of this fortress, and the retreat of 
 General Washington in November and December, 
 through New Jersey, and over the Delaware. Cap 
 tain Hull was not a witness of these events. The 
 MSS. continues : 
 
 " Our regiment formed a part of the division un 
 der Charles Lee, and was stationed in the Highlands, 
 on the Hudson. 
 
 " General Lee was ordered to march through the 
 
 o 
 
 upper parts of New Jersey, and join, as speedily as 
 possible, the army of Washington. During the 
 march, at a halt in Morris county, he went one night 
 to lodge at a farm-house, three miles distant from the 
 camp. The British, by some means, obtained infor 
 mation of this step, and Colonel Harcourt, with a body 
 of cavalry, made a forced march in the night, and 
 early in the morning surrounded the house. The 
 troops fired into the windows, and General Lee was 
 made prisoner, before he suspected that an enemy 
 was near. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 57 
 
 " They mounted him on a horse in great haste, 
 without cloak or hat, and carried him in triumph to 
 New- York. It is impossible to describe the excite 
 ment produced by this event. 
 
 " General Lee was second to Washington in 
 command. He had held a high rank in the British 
 army, and had seen much military service. The 
 country deplored his loss. Washington felt it to be a 
 severe misfortune, and the army considered that, next 
 to Washington, Lee was the sinew and soul of their 
 strength. 
 
 " General Sullivan, of New Hampshire, was the 
 next officer of rank in the division. He marched it 
 with great rapidity to the Delaware, and about the 
 20th of December joined the main army in Pennsyl 
 vania. Here we remained inactive but a few days. 
 General Washington deemed it necessary to make 
 some bold effort to rouse the desponding spirit of the 
 country, which at this period had sunk into the deep 
 est gloom." 
 
 Although the enemy had abandoned for the pre 
 sent, the idea of proceeding to Philadelphia, on 
 account of the severity of the season, and the diffi 
 culty of passing the Delaware, yet Rhode Island and 
 New- York were in their possession ; a great part 
 of New Jersey was conquered, and a spirit of disaf 
 fection prevailed in Pennsylvania. The patriotic 
 feelings that pervaded every part of the country at 
 the commencement of the contest, appeared now to 
 be nearly extinguished. 
 
58 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 BATTLE OF TRENTON. CAPTAIN HULL ACTS AS FIELD OFFICER IN THE AB 
 SENCE OF MAJOR BROOKS. 
 
 1776. 
 
 GENERAL WASHINGTON having been reinforced by 
 the division under General Sullivan, and by a part of 
 the northern army which had served under General 
 Gates, formed the bold design of passing the Dela 
 ware, and attacking the different posts of the enemy 
 on its eastern shore. At Trenton there were sta 
 tioned three regiments of Hessians, consisting of fif 
 teen hundred men, besides a troop of light-horse. 
 
 Other detachments were at Burlington, Borderi- 
 town, Mount Holly, and Black Horse. General Cad- 
 wallader was appointed to attack these posts, and 
 directed to cross the river at Bristol, while Washing 
 ton would cross above Trenton, and General Ewing 
 below, and unite in the attack on the Hessians in 
 that place. 
 
 Early in the evening of the twenty-fifth of De 
 cember, the troops were put in motion, and com 
 menced crossing the river. The army consisted of 
 two thousand four hundred men, and twenty pieces 
 of artillery. 
 
 It crossed the Delaware about ten miles above 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. f 
 
 Trenton. The evening set in with a violent storm 
 of hail and snow, which continued during the night. 
 The weather was intensely cold, and the ice floated 
 down the river in such quantities, that the passage 
 of the troops was not completed until three o'clock in 
 the morning. They were then formed into two 
 columns. The right marched on a road near the 
 river, under General Sullivan ; and the left on a road 
 a little distant from it, towards the east. Both of 
 these roads entered the town of Trenton, and the 
 distance to be marched was about the same. Gen 
 eral Greene led on the other column, but Washing 
 ton commanded in person. Colonel Webb's regi 
 ment formed a part of it. At daylight the columns 
 halted, but the men were not permitted to leave their 
 ranks. During the halt, Captain Hull was sent for 
 by his Commander, who informed him, that his Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel was absent, and that Major Brooks, 
 overcome with fatigue, had returned to the encamp 
 ment ; that he had no field officer with him, and 
 desired Captain Hull to give the command of his 
 company to his Lieutenant, and assist him as a field 
 officer in the general command of the regiment. 
 This order was promptly obeyed. 
 
 When the columns were ordered to resume the 
 march, the fatigue of the troops was so great that 
 nearly one half of the men were asleep, and those 
 awake passed by, leaving them standing on their 
 posts. It was with difficulty they could be roused 
 and the order of march resumed. According to the 
 plan, both columns arrived at the point of attack with- 
 
60 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 in a few minutes of each other. Notwithstanding 
 the severity of the weather, the elements raging 
 around us, the moment the firing commenced by 
 the outguards of our columns, and the outguards 
 of the enemy, the whole corps was animated 
 with new spirit, and advanced with a firmness 
 and impetuosity, which bore a striking contrast 
 to the drowsy attitudes they exhibited a few mo 
 ments before. The firing of the advanced parties 
 having given the alarm to the enemy, the command 
 ing officer, Colonel Rhal, immediately prepared for 
 battle. He formed his line on ground, then an 
 orchard, on the right of the road leading to Phila 
 delphia, and facing to the northwest. 
 
 The column led on by General Washington 
 pressed with such irresistible force on the right arid 
 centre of the enemy, while the column on the left 
 acted with equal spirit, that the British force, after 
 a short struggle, was compelled to surrender. Some 
 of the British attempted to retreat on the Princeton 
 road, but were prevented by a detachment from our 
 left column. In a short time, nearly the whole body 
 were either killed, wounded, or taken prisoners ; and 
 all their artillery, magazines, and military stores, were 
 in our possession. 
 
 A small part of the enemy retreated to Borden- 
 town and Burlington, which they could not have 
 done had it been possible for the detachment under 
 Ewing and Cadwallader to have crossed the Dela 
 ware, below Trenton, and at Burlington above, as 
 was the intention. Among the killed was the com- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. Q\ 
 
 manding officer, Colonel Rhal, a truly brave man, 
 and nearly one thousand officers and. soldiers were 
 made prisoners. 
 
 General Washington, with all possible speed, com 
 menced his march back to the same ferry where he 
 had crossed the Delaware, taking his prisoners, can 
 non, arms, and military stores. 
 
 It occupied a part of the second night to recross 
 the river, so great were the difficulties, increased 
 by the accumulation of ice. The operation was 
 not completed until three o'clock in the morning. 
 " Six brass field-pieces and a thousand stand of 
 arms, were the trophies of victory. Colonel Rhal, 
 the Hessian commander and a gallant officer, was 
 mortally wounded. Six other officers and between 
 twenty and thirty men were killed. The American 
 loss was two privates killed and two others frozen 
 to death. Captain William Washington, distinguished 
 as an officer of cavalry at a later period of the war, 
 and Lieutenant Monroe, afterwards President of the 
 United States, were wounded in a brave and success 
 ful assault upon the enemy's artillery. The fact that 
 two men died by suffering from cold, is a proof of the 
 intense severity of the weather. It snowed and 
 hailed during the whole march. The ice had formed 
 so fast in the river, below Trenton, that it was im 
 practicable for the troops under Cadwallader and 
 Ewing to pass over at the times agreed upon. Cad 
 wallader succeeded in landing a battalion of infant 
 ry, but the ice on the margin of the stream was in 
 such a condition, as to render it impossible to land 
 
Q<% REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the artillery, and they all returned. If Ewing had 
 crossed, as was proposed, and taken possession of 
 the bridge on the south side of the town, the party 
 that fled would have been intercepted and captured. 
 And there was the fairest prospect that Cadwallader 
 would have been equally fortunate against the 
 detachment below, or have driven them towards 
 Trenton, where they would have met a victorious 
 army."* 
 
 Captain Hull writes : " To give you some idea of 
 the excessive fatigue of the troops engaged in this 
 enterprise, I relate the following anecdote respecting 
 myself. It was between two and three o'clock in 
 the morning of the second night, when my company 
 recrossed the Delaware. I marched them to the 
 house of a farmer, and halted to obtain refreshments 
 and rest. After my men were accommodated, I went 
 into a room where a number of officers were sitting 
 around a table, with a large dish of hasty pudding 3 
 in its centre. 1 sat down, procured a spoon, and be 
 gan to eat. While eating, I fell from my chair to the 
 floor, overcome with sleep, and in the morning, when 
 I awoke, the spoon was fast clenched in my hand." 
 
 * Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington, Vol. I., page 228. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CRITICAL STATE OF THE COUNTRY. WASHINGTON'S EFFORTS TO PREVENT THE 
 
 TROOPS FROM RETURNING TO THEIR HOMES. PROMOTION OF CAPTAIN HULL. 
 
 BATTLE OF PRINCETON. 
 
 1777. 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING the success which attended 
 our arms at Trenton, the situation of the army and 
 country was extremely critical. 
 
 The time for which the best troops from the north 
 ward had engaged, would expire in a few days. The 
 recruiting service in every part of the country was 
 attended with little success. It was with great dif 
 ficulty that the militia could be called into active ser 
 vice, and a spirit of despondency every where prevail 
 ed. There was no period of the war more gloomy and 
 discouraging than the close of the year 1776. Had 
 General Washington now retreated into winter quar 
 ters, the whole of New Jersey would have remained 
 in possession of the enemy ; and as soon as the ice 
 had formed on the Delaware, the British would have 
 marched to Philadelphia without opposition. The 
 state of the army and the circumstances of the coun 
 try required bold and decisive measures. 
 
 Of this Washington was sensible. After recruit 
 ing his army for two or three days, he recrossed the 
 
4 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 river to Trenton. The British garrison below, at 
 Bordentown and Burlington, after our victory at 
 Trenton, had retreated to Princeton and Brunswick, 
 and Generals Ewing and Cadwallader had recrossed 
 the Delaware with the militia under their command, 
 and taken possession of the posts vacated by the 
 enemy. 
 
 The year was drawing to a close, and the most 
 effective part of the army, in a few days, would be 
 entitled to a discharge. At this critical moment 
 Washington received information that a part of the 
 British army, under Lord Cornwallis, was advancing 
 from New-York to retrieve the misfortunes which 
 had attended their arms at Trenton. General Wash 
 ington immediately ordered the troops from the High 
 lands into New Jersey, with all the militia that could 
 be collected, to press upon the rear and right of Lord 
 Cornwallis's division, to retard their movements as 
 much as possible. He likewise ordered the militia 
 from Burlington and Bordentown to join him at 
 Trenton. 
 
 Washington made a solemn appeal to that part 
 of his army whose term of service was now expiring. 
 He spoke of the fidelity with which they had served, 
 and acknowledged their just right to a discharge. He 
 begged them, however, to consider what would be the 
 situation of the country, if they availed themselves of 
 that right. He reminded them of their gallant con 
 duct a few days before, on the very ground on which 
 they were then standing ; how honourable it had been 
 to them, how advantageous to their country, and how 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. (35 
 
 mortifying to the enemy. That if they now returned 
 to their homes, all the advantages gained by us would 
 be lost, and there would be no army to oppose the 
 progress of the enemy, wherever he was inclined to 
 march ; and asked them to consider what would be 
 his situation under circumstances like these. He 
 then urged them to engage for six weeks, and as an 
 inducement, offered a bounty of ten dollars. 
 
 Captain Hull communicated the proposition of 
 the Commander-in-chief to his company, and used 
 every argument in his power, in addition to what his 
 General had urged, to induce them to comply. He 
 was happy to return every man of them for the next 
 six weeks. A large proportion of the army complied 
 with the wishes of their Commander. 
 
 The state of the country had now become so dis 
 tressing, and the dangers impending so alarming, that 
 Congress confided to General Washington extraordi 
 nary powers, in relation to appointments in the army, 
 requisitions on the State for militia, and resources for 
 their support, but limiting these powers to the period 
 of six months. 
 
 The day before the army marched from Trenton 
 to Princeton, Captain Hull was informed that the 
 Commander-in-chief wished to see him at head-quar 
 ters. He was introduced to General Washington, 
 who observed to him that he understood that he was 
 a Captain in the Connecticut line ; that there was no 
 vacancy in that line, but there was a vacancy in the 
 Massachusetts line ; that if Captain Hull was willing 
 5 
 
66 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 to be transferred to another regiment, he was autho 
 rized arid disposed to give him promotion. 
 
 Captain Hull expressed his grateful feelings, 
 and replied, " I am a soldier for my country, and it 
 is immaterial in what particular line of the army 
 I serve." Shortly after he received a commis 
 sion as a Major in the eighth Massachusetts regi 
 ment. 
 
 About the first of January, Lord Cornwallis ad 
 vanced from Princeton. General Washington directed 
 a small body of troops to observe his motions, and 
 by skirmishing with his advanced parties, to impede 
 his progress. 
 
 On this service Captain (now Major) Hull was 
 ordered. The Americans met the guard of the 
 British about three miles from Trenton, and skir 
 mished with light parties of them, retreating at the 
 same time towards the town. This continued during 
 the afternoon, until the main body of the enemy 
 reached Trenton, a little before sunset. 
 
 Unimportant as this skirmishing may appear to 
 one who knew not the secret design of Washington, 
 yet it had a strong bearing on the future success of 
 the American arms. His plan was well matured, 
 and to retard the approach of the British until night 
 was necessary to its execution. It was this delay 
 which led to his escape from Lord Cornwallis at 
 Trenton, and his subsequent victory at Princeton. 
 
 On the approach of the enemy General Wash 
 ington retired over the Assanpink, a creek which 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 7 
 
 runs through the southern part of Trenton, and emp 
 ties into the Delaware. Here he formed, with the 
 creek in his front, his left extending to the Delaware, 
 and his right as far on the creek as his numbers 
 would admit. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis was on the other side of the 
 creek, his right extending to the Delaware and his 
 left towards Maidenhead. 
 
 The American force, including militia, did not 
 exceed five thousand men. The British were double 
 the number. They commenced a cannonade, which 
 was briskly returned, until darkness put an end to 
 the contest. Both armies were without tents, and 
 kindled fires for the night. The sentinels were sta 
 tioned on the borders of the creek, and could hear 
 each other's heavy tread, as they moved up and 
 down its banks. The Delaware was so full of ice 
 that a retreat seemed impossible. Lord Cornwallis 
 expected, by a general action the following morning, 
 to destroy this remnant of the American army. 
 
 Here, amidst a choice of difficulties, Washington, 
 with consummate foresight, adopted an expedient 
 which not only saved his army, but added fresh lau 
 rels to it. New Jersey was relieved from the pre 
 sence of the enemy, and Philadelphia freed from the 
 danger with which it was threatened. 
 
 In the middle of the night Washington ordered 
 his fires to be re-kindled ; " fires which were a light 
 to the Americans, but darkness to the British ;" the 
 outguards to remain on their posts, and men to dig so 
 near the enemy's line, that the turning up of the 
 
68 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 earth could be distinctly heard by their sentinels. He 
 then silently drew off his army to the right, and made 
 a circuitous march to Princeton. On approaching 
 the town between daylight and sunrise, we met two 
 British regiments, which had commenced their march, 
 to join CornwaJlis at Trenton. An action imme 
 diately commenced with these regiments, by the van 
 guard of our column, in which the enemy at first had 
 the advantage ; but, on the arrival of General Wash 
 ington, with a superior force, they were dispersed, 
 one part towards Trenton, the other towards Bruns 
 wick. A third regiment, near the Colleges, had 
 formed ; it was immediately attacked, and the rem 
 nant of it, after much loss, retreated to Brunswick. 
 About one hundred of the enemy were killed, and 
 three hundred made prisoners. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis had no knowledge of this move 
 ment, until it was announced to him by the firing at 
 Princeton. It was doubtful what course he would 
 pursue. The possession of Philadelphia, the capital 
 of America, had seemed a favorite object. Now that 
 the road was open, he was not disposed to avail himself 
 of the occasion to gain that point, but immediately 
 commenced a rapid march, to attack us at Princeton. 
 
 As soon as General Washington had collected the 
 
 o 
 
 prisoners, he advanced about three miles on the road 
 leading to Brunswick, and after passing Millstone 
 Creek, filed off to the left, and directed his march to 
 Morristown, where he established his winter quar 
 ters. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, supposing that Washington had 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 9 
 
 gone in the direction of Brunswick, and anxious for 
 the fate of the garrison, as well as for the protection 
 of a large sum of money deposited there, pushed di 
 rectly to that place. 
 
 During these operations, in the midst of winter, 
 our army was destitute of the necessary articles of 
 clothing. This circumstance, and the extreme fa 
 tigue it had endured, prevented General Washington 
 from proceeding to Brunswick, where in all probabi 
 lity he would have gained another complete victory.* 
 
 It was the fortune of Major Hull to be in the se 
 verest parts of the memorable battles of Trenton 
 and Princeton. The classical and eloquent Italian 
 historian of the war, Charles Botta, after describing 
 these transactions, adds : " Achievements so aston 
 ishing, acquired an immense glory for the Captain 
 General of the United States. All nations shared 
 in the surprise of the Americans ; all equally admired 
 and applauded the prudence, the constancy, and the 
 noble intrepidity of General Washington. An 
 unanimous voice pronounced him the saviour of his 
 country : all extolled him as equal to the most cele 
 brated commanders of antiquity ; all proclaimed him 
 the Fabius of America. His name was in the mouth 
 of all ; he was celebrated by the pens of the most 
 distinguished writers. The most illustrious person 
 ages of Europe lavished upon him their praises and 
 their congratulations. The American General there- 
 
 o 
 
 fore, wanted neither a cause to defend, nor occasion 
 
 * See Appendix No. I. Colonel Simcoe, respecting Washington's 
 Hull's conversation with Governor escape from Cornwallis at Trenton. 
 
7Q REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 for the acquisition of glory, nor genius to avail him 
 self of it, nor the renown due to his triumphs, nor an 
 entire generation of men perfectly well disposed to 
 render him homage."* 
 
 In a former chapter, the reader was informed that 
 the regiment of Colonel Webb left the Highlands, 
 under the command of General Lee, to reinforce the 
 army of Washington in Pennsylvania. The march 
 commenced about the beginning of December. Ma 
 jor Hull writes : 
 
 " In recounting the hardships and fatigue which 
 my company encountered, and the patience and for 
 titude with which they endured them, you will have 
 a representation of the situation and conduct of the 
 whole American army at that time. I relate nothing 
 but what I was in the best possible situation to 
 know, and what I personally witnessed. 
 
 " When we left the Highlands, my company con 
 sisted of about fifty, rank and file. On examining 
 the state of the clothing, I found there was not more 
 than one poor blanket to two men : many of them 
 had neither shoes nor stockings ; and those who had, 
 found them nearly worn out. All the clothing was 
 of the same wretched description. 
 
 " These troops had been almost a year in service, 
 and their pay which was due, remained unpaid. Yet 
 their privations and trials were only equalled by their 
 patience. They knew the resources of their country 
 did not admit of their being more comfortable ; yet ? 
 
 * Otis's Botta, Vol. II., page 227. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 7| 
 
 in a noble spirit of patriotism, they served her in 
 her greatest need without compensation, and almost 
 without the hope of more prosperous days. 
 
 " In this condition, during the inclement month 
 of December, we marched through New Jersey, slept 
 on the cold ground, until we joined the army of 
 General Washington in Pennsylvania. Here we 
 remained a few days, but found no relief from our 
 sufferings, unless it was relief to join companions in 
 similar distress. 
 
 " In the attacks at Trenton and Princeton we were 
 in this destitute situation, and continued to sleep on 
 the frozen ground, without covering, until the seventh 
 of January, when we arrived at Morristown, New 
 Jersey, where General Washington established his 
 winter quarters. The patient endurance of the army 
 at this period, is perhaps unexampled in this or any 
 other country." 
 
72 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 RETREAT OF GENERAL ST. CLAIR FROM TICONDEROGA. 
 
 1777. 
 
 WHEN the army was established in winter quar 
 ters in New Jersey, Major Hull was ordered to re 
 pair to Boston and assist in recruiting the eighth 
 Massachusetts regiment. Michael Jackson, Esquire, 
 was the Colonel of the regiment, and John Brooks, 
 Esquire, afterwards Governor of Massachusetts, was 
 the Lieutenant-Colonel. 
 
 Colonel Jackson had not recovered from his 
 wounds, received at Montressor's Island, near New- 
 York, in the second year of the war, and was unable 
 to perform duty. Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks had 
 been active in recruiting the regiment, and several 
 companies had been sent to rendezvous at Springfield, 
 on Connecticut River. Major Hull was ordered to 
 that place, to take the command of them, and attend 
 to their discipline. Here he remained until the 
 month of April, when about three hundred men had 
 been recruited, and he was directed to march them 
 to Ticonderoga, to reinforce the army at that station, 
 under the command of Major-General St. Clair. 
 Major Hull arrived early in May at Ticonderoga. 
 His troops were posted at the old French lines, and 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 73 
 
 were employed in strengthening tjie works, until the 
 latter part of June, when General Burgoyne ap 
 proached with his army from Canada, and commenc 
 ed an investment of the place. 
 
 Ticonderoga is a neck of land, situated on the 
 west side of Lake Champlain, and surrounded on all 
 sides by water, excepting where the French lines 
 were established. Mount Independence is on the 
 eastern side of the lake, opposite to Ticonderoga. 
 The two posts were connected by a bridge. Mount 
 Independence was fortified, and a part of St. Glair's 
 army stationed there for its defence. The Americans 
 had no naval force on the lake. The British army 
 came up in boats, and several armed vessels. It had 
 been joined by a great number of savages. 
 
 General Burgoyne commenced operations by 
 landing his forces on both sides of the lake, about 
 three miles above Ticonderoga. His right wing took 
 possession of Mount Hope. This was an eminence in 
 front of the French lines, and extended to the outlet 
 of Lake George. 
 
 His taking this position, entirely cut off our com 
 munication with Lake George, and completely in 
 vested Ticonderoga on the west side. 
 
 The Germans, under the command of General 
 Reidesel, landed on the east side of the lake, about 
 three miles from Mount Independence ; they com 
 menced cutting a road and advancing to a position, so 
 as to form an investment of that place. 
 
 The armed vessels took a station across the lake, 
 a small distance from Ticonderoga. On the south 
 
74 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 of the fort is a hill, called Sugar-loaf Hill, which over 
 looks both Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, 
 and withia point blank shot of both of these places. 
 
 Between this hill andTiconderoga, is a narrow bay, 
 into which is the outlet, running from Lake George. 
 
 General St. Clair frequently spoke of the import 
 ance of fortifying this hill ; but remarked, that it 
 would be improper to do so, until the garrison was 
 reinforced ; for he had not at that moment a sufficient 
 number of men to defend the works already estab 
 lished, and that by extending them he should weaken 
 his post. 
 
 General Burgoyne, perceiving the advantage of 
 this position, with great labour surmounted the diffi 
 culties of its almost perpendicular ascent, and com 
 menced preparing a battery on its summit. General 
 St. Clair was now convinced that the loss of his army 
 would be inevitable, if he persevered in defending the 
 fort. 
 
 On the sixth of July, he summoned a council of 
 war, and the unanimous opinion was to retreat, be 
 fore the investment was completed, which would have 
 taken place the following day. 
 
 That evening the baggage and stores were put 
 on board the boats, and at an early hour in the night 
 the troops silently retired from Ticonderoga, over the 
 bridge, to Mount Independence. The intention was 
 to move quietly, that the enemy would have no in 
 formation of the retreat until the next morning. Un 
 fortunately, the barracks of General Fournay took 
 fire, and the whole of Mount Independence was illu- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 75 
 
 minated. By this disaster, the enemy were apprised 
 of the projected retreat, before our march was com 
 menced ; and they immediately prepared for pursuit. 
 
 A brigade of troops under the command of Co 
 lonel Long, proceeded with the baggage by water, 
 to Skeensborough. The main body of the army, under 
 the command of General St. Clair, marched through 
 a wilderness to Castletown, in Vermont, about thirty 
 miles from Ticonderoga. A large body of the enemy, 
 under the command of Generals Frazer and Reidesel, 
 pursued, and the morning after the retreat attacked 
 the rear-guard, consisting of about thirteen hundred 
 men, commanded by Colonel Warner. The guard 
 had been much increased by a large number of troops 
 falling out from the main body through fatigue and 
 other causes. It was impossible to avoid this irregu 
 larity, as the march was through a thick wilderness, 
 in a path but just wide enough for two men to walk 
 abreast. 
 
 Colonels Warner and Francis were the principal 
 officers who commanded in this trying and perilous 
 situation. They made great exertions, and for some 
 time successfully resisted. But when the main body 
 of the enemy was brought into action, our gallant 
 troops were compelled to retreat. At this time Co 
 lonel Francis was killed ; and the loss of killed, 
 wounded, and prisoners, was probably five or six 
 hundred. 
 
 It was the intention of General St. Clair to have 
 marched to Skeensborough ; but at the same time 
 that the rear of his army was defeated, he received 
 
76 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 information thai Colonel Long had retreated from 
 that place. As his object in quitting Ticonderoga 
 was to save his army for future operations, he changed 
 his line of march, and proceeded by the way of Rut 
 land and Manchester in Vermont, to Fort Edward on 
 the Hudson, and there joined the forces commanded 
 by General Schuyler. 
 
 The clamour against General St. Clair was exces 
 sive. Even the army which he had saved from destruc 
 tion joined in the popular cry against him. It was as 
 serted that he had sold the key of the country ; and 
 many of his own troops were made to believe that they 
 were guarding him and his treasure to a place of safety. 
 A public inquiry was made into his conduct, and he 
 was honourably acquitted. Had he remained a few 
 days longer at Ticonderoga, there is not a doubt but 
 that his whole force would have been captured, and 
 the result of the campaign of a very different char 
 acter. 
 
 Dr. Thatcher, who was with the army of General 
 St. Clair, remarks in his military journal : 
 
 " It is predicted by some of our well-informed and 
 respectable characters, that this event, apparently so 
 calamitous, will ultimately prove advantageous, by 
 drawing the British army into the heart of the coun 
 try, and thereby place them more immediately in our 
 power." 
 
 The wisdom that deduces good from evil is often 
 rewarded by the event. It was made apparent in 
 the close of the campaign, and the prophecy exactly 
 fulfilled. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 77 
 
 When the army of St. Clair was ordered to re 
 treat, boats were in readiness to receive the cannon, 
 baggage and military stores. Major Hull, like the 
 rest of the officers, lost every thing but the clothing 
 he had on. Some valuable books, a good military 
 library for that period, and his camp furniture, were 
 captured by the enemy at Skeensborough. 
 
 Trying as was their situation, and humbling to 
 the feelings of the army, yet from the first, the ex 
 pediency of the retreat was apparent to Major Hull, 
 and he did every thing in his power to convince 
 those of his brother officers who joined in the preju 
 dice against St. Clair, of the necessity of the step. 
 Major Hull availed himself of the first opportunity 
 that offered, to communicate his views to the public, 
 that he might justify his commander. 
 
 At a halt of the army, not far from Fort Edward, 
 he addressed a letter * to the Honourable Judge 
 Mitchell, of Wethersfield, Connecticut the stump of 
 a tree serving him for a table stating all the circum 
 stances connected with an event, the author of 
 which was so severely censured by his countrymen. 
 About the fifteenth of July General St. Clair joined 
 General Schuyler's army at Fort Edward. General 
 Burgoyne did not prosecute the advantage he had 
 gained at Ticonderoga. He lost some weeks at 
 Skeensborough and Fort Ann, in bringing forward 
 his heavy artillery and supplies. 
 
 * See Appendix, No. II., for a 1 777, together with other letters pre- 
 copy of this letter, which was pub- fixed in the Appendix in relation to 
 lished by Judge Mitchell, in " The it, from the Honourable Horace Bin- 
 Hartford Courant," of date July 17th, ney, of Philadelphia. 
 
78 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 General Schuyler availed himself of this delay to 
 recruit his army, but retreated when General Bur- 
 goyne advanced towards Fort Edward, not being suf 
 ficiently strong to defend the position he had taken. 
 He crossed to the west side of the Hudson above 
 Saratoga. Major Hull commanded the rear-guard 
 in this retreat. 
 
 When the troops halted in the evening near Sar 
 atoga, Major Hull was directed to remain two miles 
 in the rear, during the night. His command consist 
 ed of about three hundred continental troops ; the 
 remainder were militia. He formed his plan early 
 in the evening, placing the continental troops on the 
 right, extending to the river; and on the left, as far 
 from the river as the numbers would admit. 
 
 In front of his lines he stationed small patrols of 
 observation ; one up the river, one on his left, and a 
 third between these two parties ; w r ith directions to 
 proceed as far as they could, and if no enemy ap 
 peared, to return early in the morning. 
 
 Soon after daylight, the patrols returned without 
 having made any discoveries. About sunrise, the 
 advanced guards were seen retreating. An officer 
 was despatched to ascertain the cause. He was in 
 formed that a large body of the enemy was ad 
 vancing, and very near to our troops. Major Hull 
 immediately formed the line, and shortly after, the 
 enemy appeared, formed in his front, and commenced 
 a fire. The fire was returned, which gave a tempo 
 rary check to the assailants. 
 
 In a few moments a body of regular troops and 
 savages attacked the left flank, which, being com- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 79 
 
 posed of militia, gave way and retreated in some 
 disorder. The enemy then advanced, discharged a 
 heavy fire on the centre and right ; being unsupported 
 by the left, and the numbers opposed greatly superior, 
 Major Hull ordered a retreat. As soon as it,com- 
 menced, the enemy pursued with great rapidity, pour 
 ing upon them an incessant fire, while the savages, 
 like so many demons, were sounding their hideous 
 yells in our ears. 
 
 After retreating three quarters of a mile, some ris 
 ing ground was perceived on the right, and it was 
 determined to form and make a stand. Major Hull 
 was now in the rear of his troops. He rode full speed 
 past the retreating line, towards the front, and point 
 ing to the hill, informed each officer, as he passed, 
 that it was his intention to take possession of that 
 ground. When the detachment came opposite to the 
 hill, the officer most in advance was directed to wheel 
 his men to the right and march up the hill. 
 
 To prevent any of the men from continuing to 
 retreat, an officer was posted in the road, with a 
 small guard, with orders to stop them at all events. 
 
 In a short time the line was formed, and the ene 
 my advanced with great violence to break it. They 
 were met with a heavy fire, and the position was sus 
 tained until a reinforcement arrived, and compelled 
 them to retreat with considerable loss. 
 
 In this little rencontre, one officer was killed, two 
 wounded, and about twenty men killed and wounded. 
 Major Hull received the thanks of General Schuyler 
 for his conduct on this occasion. 
 
80 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 GENERAL ARNOLD MARCHES TO THE RELIEF OF FORT STANWIX. TRIAL OF 
 BUTLER. RETREAT OF GEN. ST. LEGER. 
 
 THE day following the events related in the pre 
 ceding chapter, Major Hull was ordered to march his 
 detachment to Albany, to join the residue of the re 
 giment, the command of which now devolved on that 
 gallant officer, Colonel Brooks. 
 
 Fort Stanwix was at this time besieged by a large 
 bddy of British troops and savages. Our regiment 
 was ordered to join the detachment of General Ar 
 nold, appointed to march to its relief. The name of 
 this fort was now changed to that of Schuyler. It 
 was situated on the Mohawk river, about one hun 
 dred miles from Albany, on the site of the present 
 town of Rome. It was garrisoned by one continental 
 regiment, a company of artillery, and a small body of 
 infantry, consisting in all of about six hundred men, 
 and commanded by Colonel Ganesvoort. The Amer 
 icans had established this post for the protection of 
 the western settlements against the predatory incur 
 sions of the British soldiers, loyalists, and savages. 
 General Burgoyne, considering the occupation of the 
 country on the Mohawk river would be of great im 
 portance in his plan of operations, previously to his 
 descent upon Ticonderoga sent a detachment against 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 3] 
 
 the fort, of about fifteen hundred men, consisting of 
 regulars, loyalists, and savages. As soon as the fort 
 was reduced, the troops were to co-operate w r ith him 
 in his expedition on the Hudson. 
 
 Shortly after St. Leger invested the fort, the mili 
 tia of Tryon county assembled under the command 
 of General Herkimer, for the purpose of raising the 
 siege. 
 
 St. Leger, receiving the information of Herkimer's 
 approach, detached a portion of his regulars and all 
 his savages, arid formed an ambuscade on the route 
 they were marching, within about four miles of the 
 fort. The plan completely succeeded. The militia 
 were attacked on each flank, before they knew that 
 an enemy was near. Being thrown into disorder by 
 the first fire, the Indians rushed upon them with tom 
 ahawks and scalping knives, and a horrible slaughter 
 ensued. More than four hundred fell victims to the 
 fury of the savages ; among them were many of the 
 most respectable citizens of New- York. 
 
 After the defeat of General Herkimer, the divi 
 sion of continental troops, under General Arnold,, 
 consisting of about fifteen hundred men, marched in 
 separate bodies, and assembled at the German Flats r 
 on the Mohawk, then the most westerly settlements 
 of the State of New- York. Here they remained a 
 few days, waiting the arrival of the whole body and 
 the necessary supplies. 
 
 General St. Leger continued indefatigable in 
 pressing the siege, and made his approaches to within 
 a very small distance of the fort ; but the brave 
 
 6 
 
32 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Gansevoort constantly repelled the summons to sur 
 render. 
 
 During this state of things, General St. Leger 
 despatched a subaltern officer by the name of Butler, 
 to treat with the inhabitants ; expecting that after so 
 severe a demonstration of his power against General 
 Herkimer, they would be induced to take protection 
 under his standard. The party sent out consisted of 
 some influential loyalists, with a number of armed 
 savages ; it went forth under a flag of truce. Butler 
 proceeded down the southern side of the Mohawk, 
 until he came opposite General Arnold's encampment. 
 He had with him large bundles of General Burgoyne's 
 and St. Leger's proclamations. They were addressed 
 to the inhabitants only, and he was directed to have 
 no communication with any civil or military officer. 
 
 As soon as General Arnold received information 
 of the progress of this party, he detached Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Brooks with one hundred men, with orders 
 to make prisoners of them. As Brooks approached, 
 Butler paraded his men, as if he intended to give 
 battle, though with his flag of truce flying before 
 them. Colonel Brooks ordered him to lay down his 
 arms. Butler refused. Brooks directed his men to 
 advance with the bayonet, when the party imme 
 diately surrendered. General Arnold appointed a 
 board of officers to report to him in what character 
 Butler should be considered, and what punishment 
 should be inflicted. The Board reported that his bu 
 siness was not with the civil officers of the State, nor 
 with the officer commanding the American forces, and 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 33 
 
 therefore the flag was no protection to him. That 
 as he was taken in our territory, and near the army, 
 his object must have been, under the cover of a flag 
 of truce, to have ascertained and informed the enemy 
 of our situation and strength ; and that he ought to 
 be considered a spy, and executed according to the 
 laws of war. 
 
 The sentence was not carried into execution. 
 General Arnold sent him a prisoner to Albany. He 
 was committed to jail, from which he shortly made 
 his escape. 
 
 It may be questioned whether the opinion of the 
 court was correct. There was a difference between 
 his situation and that of Andre. They both came 
 within the American lines in full uniform. Both 
 performed their business in their uniforms. Andre 
 put off his to favour his escape ; when taken he 
 was without it. Butler wore his uniform, believing 
 that he was acting under the only proper authority, 
 that of the King, and when exposed to arrest, assumed 
 no disguise. Major Hull was present at the trial. 
 Butler conducted himself with great fearlessness. 
 When the charges were read to him, and when asked 
 whether guilty or not guilty, he replied to the Board, 
 that he was a British officer, and acted under the 
 authority of the King ; and that he would not answer 
 their questions until they showed by what authority 
 they acted. He further said that he was then in the 
 King's dominions, and was amenable to no other 
 power than what was derived from his sovereign. 
 
 The Court admonished the prisoner of his impru- 
 
34 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 dence, and apprised him of the consequences of his 
 not answering to their questions. He then remarked, 
 that he could not be considered as a spy, as he ap 
 peared without disguise, and his business was with 
 the inhabitants of the country, whom his General and 
 himself viewed as his Majesty's subjects. 
 
 Among the loyalists taken with Butler, was a 
 man by the name of Schuyler, sometimes by histo 
 rians called Cuyler. His family was respectable, and 
 resided in the neighbourhood of the German Flats. 
 
 The father of Schuyler applied to General Arnold 
 for the pardon of his son. General Arnold asked him, 
 if he would be answerable for the fidelity of his son, 
 if he intrusted him with a message to St. Leger. 
 He replied, he would. Arnold then sent for the 
 young man, and in the presence of the father inform 
 ed him of the sentence, and probable fate of his com 
 panion, Butler; that he was equally implicated, and 
 his fate must be the same. He then asked Schuyler 
 whether he was personally acquainted with General 
 St. Leger, and whether St. Leger had confidence in 
 him. To both questions he replied in the affirmative. 
 General Arnold said, " To save your life, are you wil 
 ling to go to the fort and inform St. Leger that But 
 ler and his party were made prisoners ; that Butler 
 had been tried as a spy, and was condemned to be 
 executed; that, expecting the same fate, you had 
 succeeded in making your escape, at the peril of your 
 life ?* 
 
 * Sparks, in his life of Benedict friendly Indian, wily by nature and 
 Arnold, page 110, relates, "that a skilled in artifice from habit, pro- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 35 
 
 " General St. Leger will naturally inquire of you, 
 the strength of the force brought against him, and 
 other particulars relating to our plans and future 
 movements. 
 
 " You must inform him, that my army consists of 
 three thousand continental troops, with ten pieces of 
 artillery. That it was to commence its march the 
 next morning, and must be then very near the fort. 
 Are you willing to go with this message ?" Schuyler 
 answered that he was. 
 
 General Arnold then turning to the father, said, 
 " Are you prepared, if your son proves false, to re 
 ceive his punishment ?" He promptly replied, " Yes." 
 
 The father was then secured, and the son pro 
 ceeded to the camp of St. Leger. On his arrival, the 
 General received him most cordially, and requested 
 him to give him all the news. Schuyler informed 
 him of the manner in which they had been captured ; 
 of Butler's fate, and what his fate would have been, 
 had he not made his escape ; and that General Ar 
 nold was marching on with three thousand continen 
 tal troops, supported by ten pieces of artillery, and he 
 would be before the fort in a few hours. General 
 St. Leger, on receiving this information, immediately 
 ordered a retreat, leaving his camp all standing, his 
 provisions, intrenching tools, and other valuable equi 
 page, behind. 
 
 Our army arrived the following day, and found 
 every thing as has been described. 
 
 posed that bullets should be shot to his story ; which was accordingly 
 through Schuyler's coat, which done." 
 would give the greater plausibility 
 
36 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Schuyler remained, delivered himself up to Ge 
 neral Arnold, and related the circumstances of his in 
 terview with the British commander. 
 
 General St. Leger retreated down Wood Creek 
 to Oswego, thence to Montreal, and proceeded up 
 Lake Champlain to join General Burgoyne. But it 
 was too late. General Burgoyne with his whole 
 army, were at that moment prisoners to the Ame 
 ricans. General Arnold marched back, and joined 
 the main army on the Hudson, 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 87 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 GENERAL SCHTJTLER SUPERSEDED IN COMMAND OF THE NORTHERN ARMY BY 
 GENERAL GATES. 
 
 GENERAL SCHUYLER, who had commanded the 
 Northern Army up to this period, was now to be su 
 perseded by General Gates, an arrangement wound 
 ing to the feelings of the former, who had been inde 
 fatigable in preparing the way for the brilliant suc 
 cesses which he was confident were soon to gladden 
 the drooping hearts of his countrymen. But faithful 
 to his country's interests, this good citizen, and gal 
 lant soldier, for nearly three weeks previous to the 
 arrival of General Gates in camp, was unremittingly 
 active to repair the evils, and meet the exigencies of 
 his difficult situation. 
 
 Already, as we have seen, his efforts had not been 
 fruitless, and victory now inclined in his favour. 
 
 He feelingly complained to General Washington, 
 that the course of his fortune was interrupted, and 
 that the reward of his toils was now to be given to 
 another, who would enjoy that victory for which he 
 had prepared the way. 
 
 But it was the desire of Congress to place at the 
 head of an army, dismayed by its reverses, a general 
 celebrated for his achievements : moreover, the troops 
 of the Northern Army were principally from the 
 
38 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Eastern States,' in which part of the country General 
 Gates held an unrivalled popularity. Both wings of 
 Burgoyne's army had now been cut off. The detach 
 ment at Bennington had met with a total defeat, and 
 the retreat of St. Leger was equally fatal to the in 
 terests of the British General. 
 
 The discerning mind of Washington had antici 
 pated these events, so favourable to the American 
 cause. He thus writes in reply to General Schuy- 
 ler, who had informed him of the plan of General 
 Burgoyne's campaign, which was to act in detach 
 ments. " Though our affairs for some days past have 
 worn a dark and gloomy aspect, I yet look forward 
 to a fortunate and happy change. I trust General 
 Burgoyne's army will meet sooner or later an effec 
 tual check ; and, as I suggested before, that the suc 
 cess he has had will precipitate his ruin. From your 
 accounts he appears to be pursuing that line of con 
 duct which, of all others, is most favourable to us I 
 mean acting in detachments. This conduct will cer 
 tainly give room for enterprise on our part, and ex 
 pose his parties to great hazard. Could we be so 
 happy as to cut one of them off, supposing it should 
 not exceed four, five, or six hundred men, it would 
 inspirit the people, and do away much of their pre 
 sent anxiety. In such an event, they would lose sight 
 of past misfortunes, and urged at the same time by a 
 regard for their own security, they would fly to arms, 
 and afford every aid in their power."* " Meanwhile 
 
 * Washington's Writings, Vol. IV., page 503. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 39 
 
 General Burgoyne continued in his camp on the left 
 bank of the Hudson, where he used the most unre 
 mitting industry and perseverance, in bringing stores 
 and provisions from Fort George. Having at length, 
 by strenuous efforts, obtained about thirty days' pro 
 visions, he resolved on passing the river with his 
 army, in order to engage the enemy, and force a pas 
 sage to Albany. As a swell of the water, occasioned 
 by great rains, had carried away his bridge of rafts, 
 he threw another of boats over the river, at the same 
 place. Towards the middle of September, he cross 
 ed with his army to the right bank of the Hudson, 
 and encamped on the heights and in the plains of 
 Saratoga ; Gates being then in the neighbourhood of 
 Stillwater, about three miles below. The two armies 
 faced each other, and a battle was expected soon to 
 follow. This measure of passing the Hudson, \vas 
 by many greatly censured. It was considered the 
 principal cause of the unfortunate issue of the cam 
 paign. Some were of opinion, that, after the affairs 
 of Bennington and Stanwix, Burgoyne would have 
 acted more wisely, considering the daily increase of 
 the American army, if he had renounced the project 
 of occupying Albany, and made the best of his way 
 back to the lakes. It appears, however, to us, but 
 just to remark for his excuse, that at this time he had 
 not received intelligence, either of the strength of the 
 army left at New- York, or of the movement which 
 Sir Henry Clinton was to make or had made, up the 
 North river towards Albany. He calculated upon a 
 powerful co-operation on the part of that General. 
 
90 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Such was the plan of the Ministers, and such the 
 tenor of his own peremptory instructions. And to 
 what reproaches would he not have exposed himself, 
 if, by retiring towards Ticonderoga, he had abandoned 
 Clinton to himself, and thus voluntarily relinquished 
 all the advantages that were expected from the junc 
 tion of the two armies ? 
 
 " But though we think Burgoyne committed no 
 error, in resolving to prosecute his expedition, it 
 nevertheless appears that he ought not to have passed 
 the Hudson. By continuing upon the left bank, 
 he could retire at will towards Ticonderoga, or push 
 forwards towards Albany. It was evidently more 
 easy to execute this movement, while having between 
 himself and the now formidable army of Gates, so 
 broad a river as the Hudson."* 
 
 The success which had attended the American 
 arms at Fort Stanwix and Bennington, reanimated 
 the spirit of the country, and reinforcements of militia 
 were daily joining the army. General Schuyler was 
 beloved, and his military character was highly appre 
 ciated. Yet the appointment of General Gates to 
 the command gave great satisfaction. He took a 
 position on Bemis's Heights, about eight miles 
 below Saratoga. Here we commenced a line of 
 fortifications, the right extending to the Hudson, 
 and the left in a westerly direction on high grounds, 
 about a mile from the river. Our time was divided 
 between hard labour and attending to the discipline 
 of the troops. 
 
 * Otis's Botta, Vol. II., page 305, 6, 7. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 9J 
 
 It was at this period that General Burgoyne pre 
 pared a bridge of boats, on which he crossed to the 
 west side of the Hudson. He fortified the heights 
 of Saratoga, advanced and took a position about two 
 miles in front of our line of fortifications. Here he 
 established works for the security of his encampment. 
 His left extended to the river, and his right about 
 the same distance to the west, as our line extended. 
 He had about thirty days' provisions, and having 
 abandoned his communication with Canada, he 
 depended on the success of a battle for his future 
 progress, in forming a junction with Sir Henry Clin 
 ton, who was advancing up the North river with the 
 strength of the British army. 
 
92 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 BURGOYNE'S CAMPAIGN. BATTLE OF THE NINETEENTH OF SEPTEMBER. 
 
 1777. 
 
 ON the nineteenth of September, about twelve 
 o'clock in the morning, General Burgoyne selected 
 the best part of his army, which he commanded in 
 person, and advanced towards the left wing of the 
 American lines. At three quarters of a mile from 
 our position his advance guards were met by a regi 
 ment of riflemen, led on by Colonel Morgan, and a 
 detachment of rangers under the command of Major 
 Dearborn. These parties of Burgoyne were repulsed 
 by Morgan, who gave three cheers, which were 
 heard in the camp, and greatly animated our troops. 
 
 General Burgoyne then brought his effective force 
 into action, when Morgan in his turn was compelled 
 to retreat. But he was soon reinforced by a number 
 of regiments from the left wing of the army, com 
 manded by General Arnold, and about one o'clock 
 the action was renewed with great obstinacy. On 
 that day, Major Hull commanded a picket-guard in 
 front of the left line of the camp, about half a mile 
 from the ground where Morgan commenced the ac 
 tion. His position being on elevated ground, it was 
 considered important, and two regiments were imme- 
 
THE SURRENDER OF GEN BURGOYNE IN 1777. 
 
 p/* J9, Sep tenth e.r exhibiting a view of the operations 
 My. Hulk? Volunteer* Carps against apart of theJZritisTi Army 
 
 ~. ,. 
 
 'itishJtinje. formed, in the Woods ^^ 
 
 ';.' Mlt V ./'A'///,'///// l' !''"' 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 93 
 
 diately sent to reinforce him, when the first firing 
 was heard. 
 
 As soon as the action had recommenced, General 
 Arnold rode to the ground which was occupied by 
 the guard of Major Hull. He called the officers 
 around him, and inquired what number of men was 
 at that post. He was informed that it consisted of 
 the guard of two hundred and fifty men, and two 
 regiments. General Arnold then said, that three 
 hundred volunteers, to be commanded by a field offi 
 cer, must immediately reinforce the troops which 
 were engaged. He repeated, that he wished them 
 all to be volunteers. As none of the field officers 
 offered their services, Major Hull observed to him, 
 that he commanded the guard on that day, by an 
 order from the Adjutant-General, but if he could be 
 excused from that duty, he would be happy to com 
 mand the detachment. General Arnold replied, that 
 he would excuse him, and directed the colonels of 
 the two regiments to call for three hundred volunteers 
 and a suitable number of captains and subalterns to 
 command them. In a few moments, the number re 
 quired was paraded and formed into four companies, 
 with the officers assigned to them. We at once 
 commenced our march to the centre of the engage 
 ment. Major Hull was directed to receive his orders 
 from General Poor of New Hampshire, who com 
 manded troops then closely engaged with the enemy. 
 He marched the detachment in columns of eight 
 platoons. When it arrived near the line of fire, 
 General Poor perceiving the reinforcement, sent his 
 
94 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Brigade-Major, who informed Major Hull that the 
 line was well supported in the centre and to the left, 
 but that a body of militia were hard pressed on the 
 right, and the General wished the detachment under 
 
 a ' 
 
 his command to march to their support. On arriving 
 at the ground, Major Hull found the militia retiring, 
 and the enemy preparing a body of troops to attack 
 the right of General Poor's brigade. 
 
 On the right of the brigade was an open field of 
 about eight or nine acres of ground, and nearly in 
 the centre of it stood a log-house. There were a 
 number of large dry trees scattered over the field, in 
 which wheat had been cultivated. On the south side 
 was rising ground, on which was a thin growth of 
 wood. The east and north sides of the field were 
 covered with thick wood ; but the west, where the 
 right of General Poor's brigade was engaged, was 
 more open. It was from this position that the militia 
 had retreated. After viewing the ground for a few 
 moments, and perceiving a line of the enemy a short 
 distance beyond the north side of the field, within the 
 wood, Major Hull marched his detachment, and formed 
 on the rising ground, at the south side of the field ; 
 his right extending to the wood, and his left towards 
 the right of General Poor's brigade. 
 
 Behind the log-house, and near the wood, were 
 two pieces of field artillery, which were not per 
 ceived until the line had been formed for battle. 
 These pieces were immediately turned upon us, while 
 the infantry of the enemy were preparing to advance. 
 The distance between the two lines was about thirty 
 rods. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 95 
 
 Major Hull directed his officers not to fire until 
 he gave the word of command. When the order was 
 given, every man was directed to fire as low as the 
 enemy's knees, it being descending ground on which 
 they stood. As their artillery had little effect, their 
 infantry advanced, extending from the right to the 
 left of the field, and keeping up a heavy fire, which 
 killed and wounded some of our men. When they 
 reached the centre of the field, Major Hull ordered 
 his troops to fire. Many of the enemy fell, and their 
 line became partially disordered. They did not re 
 treat, but slowly advanced, still continuing an inces 
 sant fire. We returned it as rapidly as our men could 
 load, and with such effect as checked their advance 
 and created considerable disorder in their ranks. The 
 distance at this time between the two lines was not 
 more than ten rods. 
 
 The detachment of Major Hull had not moved 
 from the ground it first occupied. He now ordered 
 it to make a rapid advance and charge with the bay 
 onet. The enemy immediately retreated in confusion 
 to the woods. We pursued, and the field was lite 
 rally covered with the dead and wounded. As the 
 left of Major Hull's detachment approached the log- 
 house, he directed the men to advance and secure the 
 pieces of artillery. When near, they \vere fired on 
 from the house. The officer in command marched 
 up to the door, forced it open, and brought out a 
 sergeant-major and nineteen privates. During the 
 operation of storming the house and receiving the 
 prisoners, the pieces of artillery were removed into 
 
96 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the woods to which the enemy had retreated. Being 
 thus covered, it was deemed inexpedient to advance, 
 and the detachment fell back to the ground on which 
 it had first formed. Major Hull here collected the 
 wounded, which, together with the killed, amounted 
 to nearly one hundred men. He sent the wounded, 
 with about twenty prisoners, into camp. Captain 
 Allen, a brave officer from Pittsfield, Massachusetts, 
 was killed. Lieutenant John Clapp, who acted as 
 adjutant, was shot dead at the moment that Major 
 Hull was giving him an order to communicate to the 
 troops. 
 
 The enemy now moved around to the east side of 
 the wood, in order to assail the right flank of our 
 corps. Major Hull, perceiving this movement, changed 
 his position. The contest was renewed, and on this 
 ground, which was covered with wood, they fought 
 the remainder of the afternoon. It was a sharp 
 conflict, but very equal in point of strength. Some 
 times our troops gave ground, and sometimes those 
 of the enemy. The battle continued until near the 
 dusk of the evening. Major Hull now observed a 
 body of troops on their march. He sent to inquire 
 if General Poor, or any officer superior to himself in 
 rank was present, as he would be happy to receive 
 his orders, that his detachment was fatigued, and 
 its ammunition nearly exhausted. Colonel Cillery, 
 of General Poor's brigade, was at the head of this 
 corps. He replied, that he was marching into camp, 
 and directed the troops under Major Hull to join him. 
 Our men drew off from the field of battle, and the 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 97 
 
 enemy made no pursuit. Of the three hundred men 
 who commenced the engagement, one-half were 
 either killed or wounded. 
 
 In this action Major Hull held a separate command. 
 The eighth Massachusetts regiment, of which he was 
 the Major, was led on in another quarter by Colonel 
 Brooks. It was distinguished for its bravery, and the 
 gallant conduct of its leader, and was the last to leave 
 the field. 
 
 This battle of the nineteenth of September com 
 menced between twelve and one o'clock, and contin 
 ued, with not more than half an hour's intermission, 
 until nearly dark. There was a remarkable equality 
 in the opposing forces, and it has justly been consid 
 ered by historians, as the most obstinate that took 
 place during the war. 
 
 From the commencement of the campaign, there 
 had been much skirmishing and sharp fighting ; but 
 this was the first contest that was held with the main 
 body of Burgoyne's army, and his troops fought with 
 almost unexampled bravery. 
 
 General Burgoyne claimed the victory, because 
 his army retained and slept on the field of battle. 
 We claimed it, because he had entirely failed in his 
 object, which was to force our camp, and compel us 
 to abandon our position ; and because we had met 
 him, entirely checked his progress, defeated his ob 
 ject, and retired to our camp without being pursued. 
 
 The able historian, Judge Marshall, thus writes : 
 " With reason, therefore, this action was celebrated 
 throughout the United States, and considered as the 
 
 7 
 
98 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 precursor of the total ruin of the invading army. 
 Every where the utmost exultation was displayed ; 
 and every where the militia were stimulated to fly to 
 arms, and complete the work which was begun. 3 '* 
 
 * Marshall's Life of Washington Vol. EL, page 288. 
 
LIFE OP GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 99 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 BATTLE OF THE SEVENTH OF OCTOBER. SURRENDER OF THE BRITISH ARMY 
 
 tfNDER BURSOYNE. 
 
 1777. 
 
 AFTER the battle of the nineteenth of September, 
 no operations of importance took place, until the se 
 venth of October. General Burgoyne was in daily 
 expectation of being informed that Sir Henry Clin 
 ton was ascending the Hudson for the purpose of co 
 operating with his army. As the forces of General 
 Gates were continually augmenting by an accession 
 of militia, he considered this delay favourable ; being 
 well assured, that no immediate relief was at hand to 
 extricate Burgoyne from his present critical situation. 
 The interval was occupied by increasing the strength 
 of our works, and disciplining the troops. 
 
 The prospects of that formidable army which had 
 advanced into our country with so much splendour 
 and parade, now appeared gloomy and almost despe 
 rate. 
 
 The provisions for its support were nearly ex 
 hausted, and the communication to the lakes was so 
 interrupted, that no further supply could be obtained 
 from Canada. Disappointed in not receiving that 
 co-operation on which he had based his calculations 
 
]QQ REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 there seemed nothing left to General Burgoyne to 
 extricate himself from the difficulties by which he 
 was surrounded, than a resolute appeal to the intre 
 pidity and strength of his troops. 
 
 The very subsistence of his army now depended 
 on forcing General Gates from his position, and thus 
 opening his way into the country, to obtain the ne 
 cessary supplies. He took this desperate step on the 
 seventh of October. In the afternoon of that day, he 
 selected fifteen hundred of his most effective troops, 
 with the addition of his grenadiers, light infantry, 
 provincials, and savages. With this force he took the 
 field, having with him ten pieces of artillery, consist 
 ing of twelve-pounders, six-pounders, and howitzers, 
 He formed on the right of his encampment, and was 
 assisted in command by Generals Frazer, Reidesel, 
 and Philips. His object was, to possess himself of 
 rising ground on the left of General Gates's position, 
 and from that eminence, with his artillery to enfilade 
 his line of defences and under cover of as near a 
 cannonade as could be made, to storm with his co 
 lumns of infantry the whole left of the American en 
 campment. To favour this operation, he detached a 
 small body of regulars, loyalists and savages, to make 
 a detour around our left, and take a position in the 
 rear of our encampment, and attack the left as soon 
 as he commenced his operations on the flank. 
 
 On this day, Major Hull again commanded the 
 advanced guard in front of the left wing of the Ame 
 rican army. His guard consisted of about two hun 
 dred and fifty men. He was in a situation to ob- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. JQ1 
 
 serve the enemy's movement, and sent frequent 
 intelligence to General Gates, that every disposition 
 of the enemy's forces indicated a serious attack that 
 afternoon on our left. 
 
 About twelve o'clock, General Burgoyne com 
 menced his march from his encampment. A part of 
 Arnold's wing and Morgan's corps of riflemen were 
 ordered to meet and attack him. The other part of 
 Arnold's wing, with a part of the right, commanded 
 by General Lincoln, were ordered to advance towards 
 the enemy's lines and endeavour to cut off the com 
 munication between Burgoyne and the remainder of 
 his army, which had been left for the security of his 
 encampment, and likewise to repel any bodies of the 
 enemy advancing from that quarter. 
 
 As General Burgoyne approached, he passed the 
 guard commanded by Major Hull, at the distance of 
 about a quarter of a mile. The three regiments of 
 Arnold's division had advanced within a small distance 
 on the left of Major Hull's position. He received 
 orders from General Arnold to form on the right of 
 these regiments. 
 
 When General Burgoyne had nearly reached the 
 ground he intended to occupy, he was furiously at 
 tacked by Morgan's regiment of riflemen, and Ar 
 nold's three regiments, including the guard com 
 manded by Major Hull. It was not long after the 
 action commenced, before the British line began to 
 give way. At this moment, General Frazer came up 
 with a second line, which had been held in reserve. 
 He was immediately attacked by Arnold's three regi- 
 
]02 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 ments, Morgan's riflemen, and the guard of Major 
 Hull. The impetuosity of the assault, and the va 
 lour and intrepidity with which it was met, soon 
 thinned the ranks, and many fell on both sides. 
 Burgoyne was compelled to retreat to his encamp 
 ment; he was fiercely pursued, and says in his ac 
 count of the action, u we retreated, hot pressed, but 
 in good order." 
 
 As soon as the retreat commenced, Major Hull 
 was ordered to take his station where his guard had 
 been first posted, and assist in removing the prisoners, 
 the wounded, and the artillery and arms which had 
 been left on the field of battle. 
 
 The British General being now driven from his 
 position, was hotly pursued by Arnold and Morgan* 
 The termination of the battle, as described by Charles 
 Botta, is taken from the translation of George Otis 9 
 Esquire. 
 
 " Upon this occasion Brigadier-General Frazer 
 was mortally wounded ; an officer whose loss was 
 severely felt by the English, and whose valour and 
 abilities justified their regrets.* Their situation now 
 
 * Professor Silliman, in a journal pointing to Frazer, said, 'Do you 
 
 of his travels over the battle-ground, see that gallant officer? That is 
 
 says, " Frazer was the soul of this General Frazer. I respect and hon- 
 
 battle of the seventh of October, and our him : but it is necessary that he 
 
 was just changing the disposition of should die.' This was enough, 
 
 the troops, to repel a strong impres- Frazer immediately received his 
 
 sion which the Americans had made mortal wound, and was carried ofF 
 
 and were still making on the British the field." High praise is certainly 
 
 right, when Morgan called together due to this noble officer, but it may 
 
 three of his best marksmen, and be a question, whether it should be 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 became extremely critical : even their camp was 
 threatened ; the enemy emboldened by victory was 
 advancing to storm it, and if he arrived before the 
 retreating detachment, there could be little hope of 
 defending it. Philips and Reidesel were ordered to 
 rally with all expedition those troops which were 
 nearest or most disengaged, to cover the retreat of 
 the others, while Burgoyne himself, fiercely pursued 
 by Arnold, retired with precipitation towards the 
 camp. The detachment at length, though with ex 
 treme difficulty, regained the intrenchments, having 
 left however upon the field of battle a great number 
 of killed and wounded, particularly of the artillery 
 corps, who had, with equal glory to themselves, and 
 prejudice to the enemy, displayed the utmost ability 
 in their profession, along with the most undaunted 
 resolution. Six pieces of cannon also remained in 
 the possession of the Americans. 
 
 " But the business of the day was not yet ter 
 minated. The English had scarcely entered their 
 camp, when the Americans, pursuing their success, as 
 saulted it in different parts with uncommon fierceness; 
 rushing to the lines through a severe fire of grape- 
 shot and small arms, with the utmost fury. Arnold 
 especially, who on this day appeared intoxicated with 
 the thirst of battle and carnage, led on the attack 
 against a part of the intrenchments occupied by the 
 light infantry, under Lord Balcares. But the Eng- 
 
 bestowed so entirely at the expense every thing that was possible, under 
 of Burgoyne, whose military ability circumstances of such disadvantage, 
 and undaunted resolution effected 
 
104 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 lish received him with great vigour and spirit. The 
 action was obstinate and sanguinary. At length, as 
 it grew towards evening, Arnold having forced all 
 obstacles, entered the works with some of the most 
 fearless of his followers. But in this critical moment 
 of glory and danger, he was grievously wounded in 
 the same leg which had been already shattered at the 
 assault of Quebec. To his great regret, he was 
 constrained to retire. His party still continued the 
 attack, and the English sustained it with obstinacy, 
 till night separated the combatants. 
 
 " The royalists were not so fortunate in another 
 quarter. A republican detachment, commanded by 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, having succeeded by a 
 circuitous movement in turning the right wing of the 
 English, fell, sword in hand, upon the right flank of 
 their intrenchments and made the most desperate ef 
 forts to carry them. This post was defended by 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Breyman, at the head of the 
 German reserve. The resistance at first was ex 
 ceedingly vigorous ; but Breyman being mortally 
 wounded, his countrymen were damped, and at length 
 routed, with great slaughter. Their tents, artillery 
 and baggage, fell into the possession of the assail 
 ants. The Americans established themselves in the 
 intrenchments. General Burgoyne, hearing of this 
 disaster, ordered them to be dislodged immediately. 
 But either in consequence of the approach of night, 
 or from the discouragement of his troops, he was not 
 obeyed, and the victors continued to occupy the po 
 sitions they had gained with so much glory. They 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. JQ5 
 
 had now acquired an opening on the right and rear 
 of the British army. The other American divisions 
 passed the night under arms, at the distance of half 
 a mile from the British camp. The loss in dead and 
 wounded was great on both sides, but especially on 
 the part of the English, of whom no few were also 
 made prisoners. Majors Williams of the artillery and 
 Ackland of the grenadiers, were among the latter. 
 Many pieces of artillery, all the baggage of the Ger 
 mans, and many warlike stores, fell into the hands of 
 the republicans, who needed them greatly. They 
 were impatient for the return of day to renew the 
 battle. 
 
 " But deplorable and perilous beyond expression 
 was the situation of the British troops ; they bore it, 
 however, with admirable temper and firmness. It 
 was evidently impossible to continue in their present 
 position, without submitting to a certainty of destruc 
 tion on the ensuing day. The Americans, invigorated 
 and encouraged, would certainly have profited by the 
 access they had already opened to themselves on the 
 right, and of other untenable points, to carry every 
 part of the camp and completely surround the Brit 
 ish army. Burgoyne therefore determined to operate 
 a total change of ground. He executed this move 
 ment with admirable order, and without any loss. 
 During the night he silently drew off his troops, ar 
 tillery and camp furniture, and occupied the heights 
 higher up the river."* 
 
 * Otis's Botta, Vol. II., pages 315, 16, 17. 
 
106 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Although Major Hull had a separate command on 
 this momentous day, and acted not an unimportant 
 part in the battle, yet he remarks : " I always re 
 gretted, that as I was the Major and then second in 
 command to Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks in the eighth 
 Massachusetts regiment, that, by the routine of duty, 
 I was absent from it at the time when it stormed and 
 entered the intrenchments of the British on the right. 
 
 " This was a brilliant close to the achievements of 
 the seventh of October. Some historians of the Rev 
 olution have stated that the regiment was led on by 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, and myself as Major, 
 having thus given me credit to which 1 am not en 
 titled. The fact not being founded in truth. I feel a 
 pleasure in contradicting it. My situation has been 
 precisely stated." 
 
 The fate of General Burgoyne's army seemed 
 now decided. We had gained a complete victory 
 over the most effective portion of his troops, com 
 manded by himself in person, and assisted by his 
 best Generals. We had advanced to his lines, and 
 by the force of the bayonet, obtained possession of 
 the most commanding part of them. All the artillery 
 which he had carried into the field, and those in the 
 works, had fallen into our hands. We had taken 
 between two and three hundred prisoners, and killed 
 and wounded more than that number, and all with 
 comparatively a small loss on our part. General Gates 
 declined giving battle the next day, sensible that 
 nothing should be risked under his present superior 
 advantages. He felt assured that there were other 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. JQ7 
 
 and less expensive means of reducing his foe_, than 
 by blood and carnage. The impossibility of his es 
 cape from a vigilant and ever-increasing army ; the 
 want of provisions ; the want of the munitions of 
 war, of which defeat had greatly deprived him ; and 
 above all, the want of that co-operation, upon which 
 he had reasonably relied, closed every avenue of hope 
 to the British, while it opened the brightest prospects 
 for the final success of the American arms. 
 
 " General Burgoyne," says Major Hull, " com 
 menced his retreat to Saratoga on the evening of the 
 eighth of October. The following day it rained inces 
 santly ; we continued in our tents until morning, when 
 orders came to begin the pursuit. General Gates had 
 in the mean time taken measures to advance parties 
 in front of the enemy on both sides of the river, to 
 obstruct his retreat to Lake George. At Saratoga, 
 the British halted, and took possession of the fortifi 
 cations, which they had erected on their march down 
 wards. 
 
 " The brigade to which our regiment was attached, 
 was commanded by General Learned, and consisted 
 of three regiments. It was directed to pass a creek, 
 on which General Schuyler's mills were established, 
 and which was much swollen by the rain, to take a 
 position on the west side of Saratoga. While in this 
 situation and near the fortifications, a deserter came 
 from Burgoyne's camp and informed General Learned, 
 that the whole British army had retreated to Fort Ed 
 ward, and that only a small guard was left in the fort. 
 
 The brigade was immediately ordered to attack 
 
]08 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the fort ; it advanced to within a very small distance, 
 when General Wilkinson, who was Adjutant-General 
 of the army, rode up and ordered an immediate re 
 treat. At this time not a gun had been fired on us 
 by the enemy, and in a few minutes more we should 
 have been up to their breastworks. They rose from 
 behind them, and commenced a tremendous fire 
 upon us of grapeshot and musketry. We lost a few 
 men, but soon took a position out of the reach of their 
 guns. The pretended deserter disappeared. It was 
 believed that he was employed by General Burgoyne 
 to give this false information. Fortunately, General 
 Gates had been apprised, before it was too late, that 
 the whole British army was at Saratoga, and sent the 
 counter orders, which saved us from impending de 
 struction. We remained watching the enemy, and 
 lying constantly on our arms." 
 
 At this juncture the historian Bottathus writes : 
 " It exceeds the power of words to describe the 
 pitiable condition to which the British army was now 
 reduced. The troops, worn down by a series of hard 
 toil, incessant effort, and stubborn action ; abandoned 
 by the Indians arid Canadians ; the whole army re 
 duced by repeated and heavy losses of many of their 
 best men and most distinguished officers, from ten 
 thousand combatants to less than five thousand effec 
 tive fighting men, of whom little more than three 
 thousand were English ; under these circumstances, 
 and in this state of weakness, without a possibility 
 of retreat, they were invested by an army of four 
 times their own number, whose position extended 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. JQ9 
 
 three parts in four of a circle round them ; who 
 refused to fight, from a knowledge of their condition ; 
 and who, from the nature of the ground, could not 
 be attacked in any part. In this helpless situation, 
 obliged to lie constantly on their arms, whilst a con 
 tinued cannonade pervaded the camp, and rifle and 
 grapeshot fell within every part of their lines, the 
 troops of Burgoyne retained their ordinary constancy, 
 and while sinking under a hard necessity, they showed 
 themselves worthy of a better fate. Nor could they 
 be reproached with any action or word which betrayed 
 a want of temper or of fortitude. At length, no 
 succour appearing, arid no rational ground of hope of 
 any kind remaining, an exact account of the provi 
 sions was taken, on the morning of the thirteenth, 
 when it was found that the whole stock would afford 
 no more than three days' bare subsistence for the 
 army. In such a state, it was alike impossible to 
 advance or to remain as they were ; and the longer 
 they delayed to take a definitive resolution, the more 
 desperate became their situation. 
 
 " Burgoyne, therefore, called a council of war, at 
 which not only the generals and field officers, but all 
 the captains of companies, were invited to assist. 
 While they deliberated, the bullets of the Americans 
 whistled around them, and frequently pierced even 
 the tent where the council was convened. It was 
 determined unanimously to open a treaty, and enter 
 into a convention with the American General. This 
 was accordingly done, and by the articles of conven 
 tion, the captured army was allowed to march out 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 with the honours of war, and pile their arms without 
 the camp."* 
 
 General Gates with the utmost delicacy withdrew 
 his troops, while his gallant foe was performing this 
 humiliating duty. Major Hull writes : " 1 was pre 
 sent when they marched into our camp ; and words 
 cannot describe the deep interest felt by every 
 American heart ; nor was there wanting sympathy 
 for those, who had so bravely opposed us in the con 
 test. A general rejoicing of our country was now 
 to take place, and scatter the gloom which but a few 
 months back had deeply settled upon it. Dangers 
 seemed past, and a bright future opened to our view. 
 We were cheered by the hope that an overruling 
 Providence was guiding our destinies, and leading us 
 to a glorious termination of our long endured trials." 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton did not arrive in the Highlands 
 on the North river, until the fifth of October, when 
 he debarked his troops at Stony Point, marched 
 through the gorges of the mountains, and stormed 
 Forts Clinton and Montgomery, which were com 
 manded by Governor Clinton of the State of New- 
 York, and General James Clinton, his brother. After 
 the reduction of these forts, all the positions in the 
 Highlands were abandoned by General Putnam, who 
 commanded on that station, and the British fleet and 
 army proceeded up the river as far as Esopus, and 
 burned that flourishing village. This took place 
 about the time that General Burgoyne surrendered. 
 
 * Otis's Botta, Vol. II., pages 324, 5. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. \\\ 
 
 Had Sir Henry Clinton early in October, after 
 taking possession of the Highlands, advanced to the 
 relief of Burgoyne, the fortunes of his army might 
 have been very different. The probability is that the 
 two armies would have formed a junction, and made 
 a strong establishment in the Highlands. This would 
 very much have interrupted the communication be 
 tween the Eastern and the Southern States, and have 
 afforded great facilities to the operations of Sir Wil 
 liam Howe in Pennsylvania. 
 
 How long they could have continued in possession 
 of this important communication, would have depend 
 ed on the spirit, the energy, and the patriotism of the 
 New England States. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton not having sufficient force to 
 retain his conquests in the Highlands, returned to 
 New- York ; and his retreat every where exhibited 
 the most wanton marks of plunder, burning, and deso 
 lation. 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 VALLEY-FORGE. SUFFERINGS OF THE AMERICAN ARMY. 
 
 1777-8. 
 
 AFTER the close of the successful campaign at the 
 northward, the eighth Massachusetts regiment was 
 ordered, with other troops of General Gates's army, to 
 march to Pennsylvania and reinforce the army under 
 General Washington, at Whitemarsh. " When the 
 order was communicated to our regiment," says 
 Major Hull, " a feeling of disappointment was appa 
 rent. It was now November, the usual season for 
 the troops to enjoy the comforts of winter-quarters. 
 They felt that they had done enough for one cam 
 paign. The regiment had early in the spring marched 
 from Boston to Ticonderoga ; had retreated through 
 a wilderness from that place to the Hudson ; had 
 marched to the relief of Fort Stanwix, on the Mo 
 hawk ; had returned, and been engaged in all the 
 battles that were fought with General Burgoyne's 
 army. 
 
 " After this severe service, by which the most 
 important advantages had been rendered to their 
 country, they expected to rest from their toils. Many 
 hoped to be indulged in a visit to their friends, and 
 realize the pleasing anticipations of relating to them 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 the wonderful scenes through which they had passed 
 their ' hair-breadth 'scapes,' and the glorious re 
 sults of their efforts ; to show their honourable scars, 
 and to sympathize with the friends of those who had 
 fallen around them in battle. But a sense of duty 
 checked these natural feelings, and without a mur 
 mur, with cheerful submission to orders, they marched, 
 at this inclement season, to afford aid to their com 
 panions, and gratify the wishes of the beloved leader 
 of the armies of his country. 
 
 " It was shortly after the battles of Brandywine 
 and Germantown, in which the Americans had been 
 repulsed, that the interesting meeting of the two 
 armies took place. One had encountered defeat in 
 its operations ; the other had triumphed in victory. 
 Yet if skill, bravery, and resolution could command 
 success, the troops of Washington had richly deserved 
 it. But no presumption was exhibited on the one 
 side, nor envy on the other. The kindest feelings 
 mutually prevailed throughout the camp. 
 
 " A few days after the junction of the two armies, 
 General Howe marched out from Philadelphia with 
 his principal force, and took a position about two 
 miles in front of the American lines. 
 
 " From this movement, it became apparent that his 
 object was a general engagement. A strong posi 
 tion had been taken by Washington, which he deem 
 ed it expedient to retain. He was diligent in review 
 ing his troops ; expressed the conviction that a gene 
 ral action was now to take place, and his confidence 
 that it would result in victory to the American arms. 
 8 
 
]]4 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 He suggested every consideration that could excite 
 the ambition and animate the spirit of his army. He 
 first addressed himself to those he had commanded in 
 person during the campaign, and informed them, that 
 an opportunity was now presented, and he was as 
 sured that nothing else but such an opportunity was 
 wanting, to demonstrate that they were equal in pa 
 triotism and valour to the conquerors from the north, 
 who were now to fight by their sides. To the north 
 ern troops he said, that they would now have it in their 
 power to add fresh laurels to those they had gathered 
 with so much honour to themselves and glory to the 
 nation. He then called on all, as they regarded the 
 freedom and independence of their country, the fame 
 of its arms, and its future happiness and prosperity, 
 to decide on the manly resolution of meeting death 
 or victory in the impending conflict. The earnest 
 ness, the energy, and the ardour with which he 
 spoke ; the self-devotion which his whole manner 
 expressed, had an effect which it is impossible to de 
 scribe. Every man believed himself a hero, and per 
 haps the opportunity was only wanting, to prove that 
 his thoughts were not far from the truth. 
 
 The first day, the enemy appeared to be recon- 
 noitering our right, and making demonstration, as if 
 to commence an attack on that quarter. They 
 then changed their position, and moved their princi 
 pal force to our left, where the northern troops were 
 stationed, and advanced within less than a mile of it. 
 Not a doubt now remained, but that the attack would 
 be made in that quarter the following morning. Mor- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 gan's corps of riflemen, with some Pennsylvania mi 
 litia, were engaged with light parties of the British, 
 between the lines of the two armies. Major Morris, 
 a brave and valuable officer, who had served in the 
 northern campaign, was killed, with many of his 
 men. As General Washington did not think proper 
 to reinforce these troops, and thus risk a battle on 
 that ground, Morgan was obliged to retreat. The 
 enemy made no further advances, but returned to 
 Philadelphia. Every disposition of their forces on 
 this occasion indicated, that it was the intention of 
 Sir William Howe to bring the Americans to a gene 
 ral engagement. He was probably deterred by the 
 strong position General Washington had taken, and 
 likewise from a knowledge of the fact, that his army 
 had been reinforced by troops from the north. 
 
 " It must have been evident to the British Gene 
 ral, that the American Commander had no desire to 
 avoid an action, provided he was attacked in the po 
 sition he had t alien. 
 
 " General Washington now marched towards the 
 Schuylkill, and on the twelfth of December crossed 
 to the west side of the river, and halted at Valley 
 Forge, about twenty miles from Philadelphia. 
 
 " The ground selected for the encampment was 
 covered with woods, and bounded on one side by the 
 Schuylkill, on the other by ridges of hills. General 
 Washington informed the army, that this was the 
 place for their winter quarters. There were no 
 houses, nor materials provided to build barracks. 
 Axes were furnished to fell the trees, and in a little 
 time log huts were erected to shelter the troops. 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 " Not a murmur or complaint was heard ; all 
 cheerfully engaged in the labour, and soon the army 
 was comfortably established. The huts were gene 
 rally fourteen by sixteen feet. Twelve privates were 
 allowed a hut, and the number of officers according 
 to their rank. A General was entitled to a hut by 
 himself. The encampment was regularly laid out ; 
 the streets ran in parallel lines ; neatness and order 
 prevailed ; and in viewing it from the hills, it had the 
 appearance of a little city. 
 
 " To render the condition of the soldiers more 
 like home, General Washington directed that regi 
 ments from the same State should occupy a certain 
 street or division of the camp. The whole of the 
 location was surrounded by intrenchments, and a 
 bridge was thrown over the Schuylkill, to preserve 
 the communication with the country, and to afford 
 facilities to supplies for the army. 
 
 " Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks united with me in 
 preparing our new home. 
 
 " The hut we occupied consisted of one room. 
 This was dining-room, parlour, kitchen, and hall. 
 On one side, shelves were put up for our books, hav 
 ing been so fortunate as to purchase a part of a cir 
 culating library that had been brought from Phila 
 delphia. On another stood a row of Derby cheeses, 
 sent from Connecticut by my mother ; a luxury of 
 which the camp could rarely boast, and with which 
 visiters to the hut were often regaled To give an 
 air of greater comfort, we mixed some clay and wa 
 ter, and with this preparation painted the domicil, 
 which our neighbours now declared to be quite an 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. \\*] 
 
 elegant mansion." Mrs. Washington was with her 
 husband a part of the winter. She writes thus to a 
 friend ; " The General's apartment is very small, he 
 has had a log cabin built to dine in, which has made 
 our quarters much more tolerable than they were at 
 first." 
 
 But while endeavouring to afford to their situa 
 tion and that of others, every possible alleviation, 
 famine and its natural consequence, mutiny, were 
 threatening the army with dissolution. 
 
 At this moment General Washington received in 
 formation that Sir William Howe- had crossed the 
 Schuylkill with a large body of troops, and advanced 
 as far as Darby, to collect a quantity of forage, be 
 tween the American camp and that place. 
 
 The possession of the forage was so important to 
 the British, that it was expected that General Wash 
 ington would detach a superior force, to prevent its 
 being obtained. 
 
 His trying situation is best described by his letter 
 to Congress at that time. 
 
 "Yesterday afternoon, receiving information that 
 the enemy, in force, had left the city and were ad 
 vancing towards Darby, with the apparent design to 
 forage and draw subsistence from that part of the 
 country, I ordered the troops to be in readiness, 
 that I might give every opposition in my power ; 
 when behold, to my great mortification, I .was not 
 only informed, but convinced, that the men were un 
 able to stir on account of provisions, and that a dan 
 gerous mutiny began the night before, and which, 
 though with difficulty suppressed by the spirited exer- 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 tions of some officers, was still much to be apprehend 
 ed, for the want of this article. This brought forth 
 the only Commissary in the purchasing line in this 
 camp ; and with him, this melancholy and alarming 
 truth, that he had not a single hoof of any kind to 
 slaughter and not more than twenty-five barrels of 
 flour ! From hence, form an opinion of our situation, 
 when 1 add, that he could not tell when to expect 
 any. All I could do under these circumstances was, 
 to send out a few light parties, to watch and harass 
 the enemy, whilst other parties were instantly de 
 tached in different ways to collect, if possible, as 
 much provision as would satisfy the present pressing 
 wants of the soldiery. But will this answer ? No ? 
 sir ; three or four days of bad weather would prove 
 our destruction." 
 
 Extracts from two letters, received by General 
 Washington on the twenty-second of December, will 
 be enough to show the grounds upon which these 
 statements are made. 
 
 " I received an order," writes General Hunting- 
 ton, " to hold my brigade in readiness to march. 
 Fighting will be far preferable to starving. My bri 
 gade is out of provisions, nor can the Commissary 
 obtain any meat. I am exceedingly unhappy in 
 being the bearer of complaints to head-quarters. I 
 have used every argument my imagination can invent, 
 to make the soldiers easy, but I despair of being able 
 to do it much longer."* 
 
 The next is from General Varnum " Accord- 
 
 * The Writings of Washington, Vol. V., page 197, 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. ^9 
 
 ing to the saying of Solomon, hunger will break 
 through a stone wall. It is therefore a very pleasing 
 circumstance to the division under my command, 
 that there is a probability of their marching. Three 
 days successively we have been destitute of bread. 
 Two days we have been entirely without meat. The 
 men must be supplied or they cannot be commanded. 
 The complaints are too urgent to pass unnoticed. 
 It is with pain I mention this distress. I know it 
 will make your Excellency unhappy, but if you ex 
 pect the exertion of virtuous principle, while your 
 troops are deprived of the necessaries of life, your 
 final disappointment will be great, in proportion to 
 the patience which now astonishes every man of 
 human feeling." 4 
 
 General Washington finding himself unable to do 
 more, now sent out small detachments to reinforce 
 Morgan's riflemen and Lee's cavalry, with some 
 Pennsylvania militia, who were advanced on the west 
 side of the Schuylkill. 
 
 Major Hull was directed to march on t]|is service, 
 with three hundred men, and receive his orders from 
 Colonel Morgan. 
 
 During the week the British were engaged in 
 collecting forage, we hovered around, availing of every 
 opportunity to annoy and harass them. The weather 
 was intensely cold ; the troops were twenty miles 
 from the camp, and directly in the face of the enemy. 
 They were in almost constant motion, and at night 
 
 * The Writings of Washington, Vol. V., page 193. 
 
120 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 could keep no fires or light of any kind lest they 
 should be discovered by the enemy. Their safety 
 depended on their vigilance. They rarely entered a 
 house, and only kept from freezing by activity, and 
 incessant marching from one point to another. 
 
 Frequent rencounters with light parties of the en 
 emy occurred, which usually terminated favourably 
 to the Americans, and i n the capture of prisoners. 
 When Sir William Howe returned to Philadelphia, 
 we followed in his rear for some distance ; but the 
 necessity for further effort ceasing, we retired to the 
 encampment, and found our hut a very agreeable ex 
 change for the exposed condition which the peculiar 
 service had required. 
 
 But though the army was now relieved of an out 
 ward enemy, there was an internal foe more difficult 
 to combat, more insufferable in its demands on their 
 remaining strength : it was famine. Day after day 
 passed and no provisions were issued.* At first the 
 privation caused a little excitement and inquiry from 
 the soldiers as to the cause. They were informed by 
 the officers that the provisions were exhausted, and 
 the heavy rains having rendered the roads almost im 
 passable for the wagons, the supplies had not arrived, 
 but were hourly expected. This satisfied them at 
 first, but day after day passing without any relief, 
 their complaints became louder and more serious. 
 
 * Much of this distress was occa- had been opposed by General Wash- 
 
 sioned by Congress having ordered ington, who foresaw the danger, but 
 
 a change in the Commissary's de- was unable to convince others of its 
 
 partment. An arrangement, which reality. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 They began to assemble, first by regiments, to con 
 sult as to the measures they should adopt ; the excite 
 ment soon extended to Brigades and Divisions of the 
 army. The officers made no attempt to exercise their 
 authority, but only used advice. The soldiers were 
 told that General Washington was their best friend ; 
 that he perfectly knew their situation, and deeply 
 sympathized in their sufferings, "and was doing every 
 thing in his power to relieve them. He informed 
 them that provisions would soon arrive in the camp, 
 and in the meanwhile, insubordination on their part, 
 would only lead to unhappy consequences. 
 
 The soldiers replied that they perfectly knew the 
 impropriety of such a step in ordinary cases, but to 
 prevent actual starvation, something must be done for 
 their relief. They had been told some days before, 
 that provisions were expected, but this did not satisfy 
 the cravings of hunger. They then communicated 
 to us the plan on which they had decided, and in 
 which most of the army concurred. Their determi 
 nation was, to march in an orderly manner into the 
 country, collect sufficient provisions, wherever they 
 were to be found, to supply their present necessities, 
 and to give certificates as to the quantity and value, 
 to those from whom they were taken. They would 
 then return to the cantonment and their duty. The 
 troops were desired to suspend this movement for an 
 hour, until their distressed condition was again repre 
 sented to their General. They consented. When 
 the officers made this communication to General 
 Washington, he was deeply affected. He said, that 
 
122 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 he well knew the sufferings of his faithful soldiers ; 
 that he admired their forbearance and moderation, 
 and would now assure them that if by such an hour 
 the wagons did not arrive, he himself would lead the 
 troops into the country, and supply them with pro 
 visions wherever they might be found. 
 
 The soldiers agreed to wait : the provisions ar 
 rived within the time, and the settled dissatisfaction 
 which so generally prevailed, and which foreboded 
 such fatal consequences, was quieted for the present. 
 
 But afterwards the same distress recurred. The 
 army was sometimes a week without receiving meat 
 of any kind. 
 
 Another letter from General Washington, written 
 at a subsequent period, will show the miserable desti 
 tution of that army, which was appointed for the 
 defence, and looked to as the protector of the nation. 
 
 " For some days past there has been little less 
 than a famine in the camp. A part of the army has 
 been a week without any kind of flesh, and the rest 
 three or four days. Naked and starving as they 
 are, we cannot enough admire the incomparable pa 
 tience ano\ fidelity of the soldiery, that they have not 
 been ere this excited by their suffering to a general 
 mutiny and dispersion. Strong symptoms, however, 
 of discontent have appeared in particular instances ; 
 and nothing but the most active efforts everywhere 
 can long avert so shocking a catastrophe." * 
 
 * Letter to Governor George Clinton, February 16, 1778. " Writings 
 of Washington," Vol. V., page 239. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 " Such was the scarcity of blankets, that many of 
 the men were obliged to sit up all night by the fires, 
 without. covering, to protect them while taking the 
 common refreshment of sleep. Although the officers 
 were better provided, yet none were exempt from 
 exposure, privations, and hardships. Notwithstanding 
 this deplorable condition of the army, there were not 
 wanting those who complained of its inactivity, and 
 insisted on a winter campaign. When the encamp 
 ment was begun at Valley Forge, the whole number 
 of men in the field was eleven thousand and ninety- 
 eight ; of whom two thousand eight hundred and 
 ninety-eight were unfit for duty, being barefoot, and 
 otherwise naked." * 
 
 In the midst of these calamities, the small-pox 
 broke out in the camp. Those who had never taken 
 the infection were innoculated. Destitute of the 
 comforts so much needed in this dreadful disease ; 
 lodged in huts illy calculated for sickness ; without a 
 proper supply of blankets, and the necessary articles 
 of clothing to shield the unhappy sufferers from the 
 cold, the camp exhibited a scene of misery which it 
 is not in the power of language to describe. 
 
 Had Sir William Howe attacked our army under 
 this accumulation of wretchedness and want, he 
 would have forced General Washington from his can 
 tonment ; the sick and the feeble must have become 
 prisoners, and in retreating to the back part of Penn 
 sylvania, to which step necessity would have com- 
 
 * Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington, Vol. I., page 277. 
 
124 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 pelled him, he could have carried but little more than 
 the shadow of an army. 
 
 But while so direful a calamity was averted by an 
 overruling Providence, a new trial awaited General 
 Washington in his perilous and difficult course. 
 
 A faction w r as forming, the object of which was, 
 to make an impression on the public mind that he 
 was not equal to the important duties of his station. 
 This faction was composed of several officers of the 
 army, of high rank, some members of Congress, and 
 a few persons of political distinction in the different 
 States. General Conway, a foreigner, was conspi 
 cuous in this cabal. To create a prejudice against 
 Washington, his retreat from New-York into Penn 
 sylvania, his retreat from the head of Elk, his defeat 
 at the battles of JBrandywine and Germantown, with 
 other circumstances of his conduct, represented in the 
 most unfavourable colours, were circulated with great 
 industry. General Gates was designated to succeed 
 him. He was, represented as a great and consum 
 mate commander. The splendid victories of the 
 north, by which a great army had been captured, 
 were owing to the wisdom of his arrangements ; and 
 that were he the Commander-in-chief, the war would 
 be conducted by the same wisdom, and the same glo 
 rious results would be produced. 
 
 The address and talents of the leaders of this fac 
 tion, made little impression on the public mind ; and 
 the momentary mist cleared away, like the morning 
 dew before the splendour of the sun. Even the 
 northern army, which had been commanded by Ge- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 neral Gates, and from which he had great hopes of 
 support, was indignant, and steadily adhered to their 
 old and beloved Commander. 
 
 Some time after, General Conway was wounded 
 in a duel. He believed he was dying. In that 
 solemn hour, ambition ceased to be the ruling pas 
 sion of his soul ; and, sensible of his injustice, he 
 thus wrote to General Washington : 
 
 " I find myself just able to hold my pen, during 
 a few minutes, and take this opportunity of express 
 ing my sincere grief, for having done, written or said 
 any thing disagreeable to your Excellency. My ca 
 reer will soon be over, therefore justice and truth 
 prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are 
 in my eyes, the great and good man. May you long 
 enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these 
 States, whose liberties you have asserted by your 
 virtues. 
 
 " I am, with the greatest respect, &c. 
 
 "THOMAS CONWAY."* 
 
 Other letters have been published, which give the 
 details of this abortive attempt to darken, if not de 
 stroy the fame of the leader of our armies. 
 
 It was evident to all, that General Washington 
 felt more concern on account of the public evils which 
 must ensue, by creating divisions in the army and 
 country, than from any effects by which he might be 
 personally implicated. 
 
 * Writings of Washington, Vol. V., page 517. 
 
126 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 BARON STETJBEN APPOINTED A MAJOR-GENERAL IN THE ARMY. LAFAYETTE 
 SENT WITH A DETACHMENT TO WATCH THE ENEMY. HlS ESCAPE FROM 
 THE BRITISH ARMY. MAJOR HULL IN THE DETACHMENT SENT TO REINFORCE 
 HIM. MEETING OF LAFAYETTE AND GENERAL HULL IN 1824. 
 
 1777-8. 
 
 SOON after the establishment of the cantonment 
 at Valley Forge, Baron Steuben was appointed by 
 Congress a Major-General in the army. General 
 Conway had resigned his situation of Inspector-Gen 
 eral, after the defeat of the faction in which he had 
 been a leader, and his office was now filled by Baron 
 Steuben. 
 
 This officer had served a number of campaigns in 
 the armies of the King of Prussia, and came highly 
 recommended to this country. He was perfectly 
 familiar with the military tactics of the Prussian King, 
 and established the same in our army as far as they 
 would apply to its circumstances and organization. 
 They were simple and uniform. He considered no 
 part of the manual exercise essential, except to han 
 dle the firelock in such a manner as to have the entire 
 control of it, to load, take good aim, and fire as fast 
 as possible. He likewise taught one uniform mode 
 of forming columns, and drawing up in a line in any 
 direction the situation of the enemy rendered expe- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 dient ; either in front, to the right flank, the left 
 flank, or the rear. 
 
 Major Hull, among other field officers, was ap 
 pointed to assist him in these duties, and from his 
 teachings they received much valuable instruction. 
 
 The advantages of the system soon became appa 
 rent. Under the simple and beautiful exercises he 
 introduced, the army moved like a great machine, 
 whose various parts unite to form a perfect whole. 
 
 On questions of military discipline, Steuben is 
 appealed to, and his authority viewed as decisive. 
 His system has been adopted in the training of the 
 militia, our great national defence, and has been a 
 powerful means of rendering it efficient. As long as 
 his cotemporaries live, his talents and exertions will 
 be remembered, while his name and his works will 
 descend to posterity, among other great instruments 
 which gave peace, independence, and prosperity to 
 our country. 
 
 Baron Steuben was amiable and intelligent, and 
 highly respected by all who knew him. On the es 
 tablishment of peace, he retired to the western part 
 of the State of New- York, and resided in the town 
 of Steuben, named in honor of him. In this chosen 
 spot he spent the residue of his days. 
 
 General Washington having received information 
 which indicated an intention on the part of the Bri 
 tish to evacuate Philadelphia, selected about twenty- 
 five hundred of his best troops, giving the command 
 of them to Major-General Lafayette. 
 
 On the nineteenth of May this detachment crossed 
 
128 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the Schuylkill to the east, and proceeded down the 
 river, about eleven miles towards Philadelphia. Gen 
 eral Washington's instructions to Lafayette were, 
 " The detachment under your command, with which 
 you will immediately march towards the enemy's 
 lines, is designed to answer the following purpose, 
 namely : to be a security to this camp, and a cover 
 to the country between the Delaware and Schuyl 
 kill, to interrupt the communication with Philadel 
 phia, to obstruct the incursions of the enemy's parties, 
 and to obtain intelligence of their motions and de 
 signs." 
 
 Sir William Howe having been advised of this 
 movement, and of the situation of the Marquis, 
 formed the design of capturing the whole detach 
 ment. To effect this he divided his army into three 
 bodies, the right commanded by General Grant, the 
 left by General Grey, and the centre by himself and 
 Sir Henry Clinton. He directed General Grant, 
 whose force consisted of five thousand men, to take 
 the Delaware road, make a circuitous march to White- 
 marsh, and at daylight in the morning, to take a po 
 sition directly in the rear of the Marquis. General 
 Grey was ordered to proceed up the road, on the east 
 of the Schuylkill, and halt directly in front ; and the 
 centre division, under hisown command, to occupy 
 ground on the left flank of the Marquis's detachment. 
 These movements having been executed by the ene 
 my, the Marquis at once saw his danger ; his little 
 army was surrounded on three sides, and each body 
 of the enemy superior in numbers to his whole de 
 tachment. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 With the most perfect calmness and intrepidity, 
 which inspired his officers with confidence in his skill 
 and power to extricate himself, he immediately or 
 dered a retreat to Matson's ford, as the road to 
 Swede's ford was then occupied by the enemy. A 
 wood separated him from the division of General 
 Grant. Lafayette masked his retreat by sending out 
 small parties into the wood, that they might show 
 themselves as heads of columns moving against the 
 front of Grant's division. 
 
 This ruse de guerre succeeded admirably ; for, 
 while the attention of the enemy was distracted and 
 their progress delayed, Lafayette made good use 
 of the time, gained the ford, crossed the river, and 
 posted himself in a strong position on the western 
 side. General Washington received information of 
 the advance of the British army before the Marquis 
 retreated. Alarm guns were fired in the camp, and 
 a detachment sent to reinforce him. Major Hull was 
 with this detachment. It arrived and met the retreat 
 ing troops near the ford, just after they had crossed 
 the river. The British were on the opposite bank ; 
 they soon, however, returned to Philadelphia, without 
 having gained their expected prize. 
 
 Some skirmishing took place, while the detach 
 ment was crossing the river. The loss on our part 
 was not more than nine or ten men. Two of the 
 enemy's light-horse were killed, and several wounded. 
 Lafayette was taken by surprise ; but the surprise is 
 no reflection on his foresight or military skill. It was 
 owing to the negligence of a body of six hundred 
 
 9 
 
]30 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL ] 
 
 militia, stationed at Whitemarsh, to give information 
 of the movements of the enemy. They had aban 
 doned their post of duty, without the Marquis's orders 
 or knowledge. This enabled General Grant to ad 
 vance and gain his rear, from which dangerous situ 
 ation the youthful General extricated his detachment 
 by his calmness, skill, and celerity, in the critical 
 moment of impending capture. 
 
 The Marquis de Lafayette was a young noble 
 man of one of the most ancient and respectable 
 families of France. Under the age of twenty-one 
 years, a Captain in the armies of his country, ardent 
 for military fame, and before an alliance had been 
 formed with this nation in 1776, he offered his ser 
 vices to the American Commissioners, then in Paris. 
 He considered the cause of America as just ; that she 
 was contending for her rights ; importuned for years 
 before, in a spirit of loyal forbearance, touching to 
 every generous heart. His sympathies and his love 
 of republican principles were enlisted in her behalf. 
 At first his offer was accepted ; but shortly after, 
 intelligence of new misfortunes arrived ; and so dark 
 was the cloud which then hung over the destinies of 
 our country, that all hopes of success in the Revolution 
 seemed extinct, and the Commissioners generously 
 endeavoured to dissuade him from his purpose. "No," 
 replied the noble Lafayette, " this is the very moment 
 to serve your cause." 
 
 Nor was his ardour damped when they were 
 " obliged to acknowledge to him the humiliating fact, 
 that they possessed not the means nor the credit suffi- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 cient for procuring a single vessel in all the ports of 
 France, ' Then,' exclaimed the youthful hero, ' I will- 
 provide my own !' and it is a literal fact, that when 
 all America was too poor to offer him so much as a 
 passage to her shores, he left, in his tender youth, the 
 bosom of home, of happiness, of wealth, and of rank, 
 to plunge in the dust and blood of our inauspicious 
 struggle."* 
 
 As a volunteer he arrived among us. He first 
 distinguished himself in the battles of Brandywine 
 and Germantown, where he was twice wounded. 
 In 1777, he was appointed by Congress a Major- 
 General. Lafayette was amiable, modest, indus 
 trious, and skilled in his profession. His fortune was 
 expended in our service, and he successfully employed 
 every talent, to perform his duties, and reward the 
 high confidence which had been reposed in him. He 
 was beloved and greatly respected in the army ; nor 
 were these feelings less lively, nor less sincere, among 
 a long list of old officers whom he had superseded in 
 rank. But his services were not confined to military 
 duty. He returned to France, and by his represen 
 tations, his zeal and influence, he not only aided in 
 procuring for us arms, clothing, and loans, but was 
 instrumental in convincing the King and his minis 
 ters, of the advantage of forming an alliance with 
 America, and assisting her with her fleets and armies. 
 His name is identified with the glorious triumph of 
 
 * Oration of Edward Everett, be- Cambridge, Mass., August 27, 1824, 
 fore the Phi Beta Kappa Society at General Lafayette being present. 
 
132 
 
 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the Revolution ; he is viewed as one of the founders 
 of our national existence ; and his memory lives in 
 the heart of every true American.* 
 
 * When General Lafayette was 
 in Boston in 1824, it was the happi 
 ness of General Hull, to receive, by 
 General Lafayette's appointment, a 
 visit from his old companion in arms. 
 The venerable warriors met. The 
 recollection of the past crowded on 
 their minds, and the scene was one 
 of touching solemnity. But the 
 youth of two generations were be 
 fore them, and their warm sympa 
 
 thies soon flowed into the channel of 
 present enjoyment. The children 
 and the grand-children of General 
 Hull were honoured with the atten 
 tion of Lafayette ; and who that ever 
 witnessed his warm reception of the 
 friends of his youth, and his affec 
 tionate manner to children, can be in 
 sensible to the feelings of that hour, 
 in which the interests of three gen 
 erations were concentrated ! 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. J33 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 
 
 1778. 
 
 ON the seventeenth of June, the British army 
 evacuated Philadelphia, under the command of Sir 
 Henry Clinton, and passed into New Jersey. Gen 
 eral Washington was then at Valley Forge. His 
 force numbered rather more than that of the British. 
 As the enemy slowly advanced up the Delaware, he 
 manifested an intention of marching to New- York. 
 It was however difficult to ascertain the route *he 
 would take. General Washington called a council 
 of officers to deliberate, whether it was expedient to 
 march and take a position on his front or his flank, so 
 as to bring on a general action, or only to harass his 
 flank and rear with light parties. General Lee, who 
 had been exchanged, was one of the council. Being 
 next to Washington in rank, and possessing great 
 military experience, his opinion had much weight. 
 He contended that, under the circumstances, the 
 Fabian policy was expedient. He urged that the 
 alliance with France rendered our independence 
 certain, and the possibility of failure in a general 
 battle, ought not to be hazarded. A majority of the 
 officers coincided with him, Washington held oppo- 
 
134 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 site views, and was sustained by many of his officers? 
 among whom were Generals Lafayette, Steuben, 
 Greene, and Wayne. He remarked, that in an open 
 country, a pursuing army had the advantage of one 
 retreating ; that the British were ineumbered with 
 invalids and baggage ; that the most direct road to 
 Amboy was a long march ; and concluded by saying^ 
 that so favourable an opportunity for attack, ought 
 not to be lost. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton having commenced his march 
 through New Jersey, General Washington detached 
 General Maxwell's brigade, in conjunction with the 
 militia of that State, to impede and interrupt his pro- 
 gress ; that time might thereby be afforded to the 
 army under his command to come up with them, and 
 take advantage of any favourable circumstances that 
 might be presented. 
 
 Washington crossed the Delaware at Coryell's 
 ferry, and from thence detached six hundred men, 
 under Colonel Morgan, to reinforce General Maxwell. 
 Brigadier-General Scott was sent with fifteen hun 
 dred chosen troops to join those in the vicinity, and 
 to annoy and delay the march of the British. 
 
 General Washington having ascertained that the 
 enemy were advancing towards Monmouth Court 
 House, despatched one thousand men, under the 
 command of General Wayne, and sent the Marquis 
 Lafayette to take the command of the whole detach 
 ment, including Maxwell's brigade and Morgan's 
 light infantry. His orders were, to avail himself of 
 the first opportunity to attack the enemy. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 General Lee, dissatisfied probably that his coun 
 sel had been rejected, refused to take the command 
 of these troops, and voluntarily yielded his claims to 
 General Lafayette. 
 
 The following day, however, he addressed a letter 
 to Washington, in which he expressed regret at 
 what he had done, and that he would now be 
 gratified to have his command restored. Washington, 
 ever conciliatory, when consistent with duty, and de 
 sirous of rendering justice to his country, by securing 
 to its services all the talent that was at command, 
 acceded to the wishes of General Lee. 
 
 As the enemy had now made a change in the 
 disposition of their troops, placing the strength of 
 their army in the rear, it became necessary to increase 
 the advanced corps. General Washington availed 
 himself of this circumstance, and despatched General 
 Lee with two brigades, to join the Marquis Lafayette 
 at Englishtown. The command of the whole then 
 devolved on General Lee, he being the senior officer. 
 But he was directed to render every assistance in his 
 power to Lafayette, should he find him engaged in 
 any plan or enterprise against the enemy. At the 
 same time he wrote Lafayette, acquainting him with 
 the circumstances, trusting to his usual generosity to 
 be governed by the good of the cause, rather than by 
 personal interest. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, observing the movements of 
 General Washington, and that he was preparing to 
 attack his flanks and rear, ordered all the baggage to 
 his front, protecting it with a body of his German 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 troops. He then formed the remainder of his army 
 in the rear of the baggage, on the high hills of Mon- 
 mouth, under the command of Lord Cornwallis and 
 himself. 
 
 The next morning, at daylight, the baggage of 
 the enemy was discovered to be in motion. General 
 Washington sent directions to General Lee, to com 
 mence the attack, " unless there should be very pow 
 erful reasons to the contrary." He was to order the 
 troops on both flanks to attack at the same time ; 
 Morgan on the right and General Dickinson on the 
 left, and that he would closely follow to his support. 
 
 The British descended from the heights into the 
 plain : Lee advanced to meet them. As soon as the 
 firing was heard, General Washington directed the 
 main body to throw off their packs, and he advanced 
 as rapidly as possible to their support. This firing 
 was between the advanced guards of Lee and the 
 rear guards of the enemy. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, finding that both his flanks 
 and his rear would be attacked, halted his army and 
 advanced on the front of General Lee's division. 
 This movement was perceived by Lee : and ignorant 
 whether General Washington was sufficiently near 
 to support him, and aware that his force was unequal 
 to contend with the whole British army, he ordered 
 a retreat to the high grounds. He was met by 
 Washington, who expressed marked disapprobation 
 of his conduct ; and directed him to form his troops 
 and oppose the progress of the enemy. " Your or 
 ders," replied Lee, " shall be obeyed, and I will not 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 137 
 
 be the first to quit the field."* Washington then 
 came up with the main body, and proceeding to the 
 rear of the corps, he found it closely pressed by the 
 enemy. He writes : " 1 proceeded immediately to 
 the rear of the corps, which I found closely pressed 
 by the enemy, and gave directions for forming a part 
 of the retreating troops, who, by the brave and spir 
 ited conduct of the officers, aided by some pieces of 
 well-served artillery, checked the enemy's advance, 
 and gave time to make a disposition of the left wing 
 and second line of the army upon an eminence and 
 in a wood a little in the rear, covered by a morass in 
 front. On this were placed some batteries of cannon 
 by Lord Stirling, who commanded the left wing, 
 which played upon the enemy with great effect, and, 
 seconded by parties of infantry detached to oppose 
 them, effectually put a stop to their advance."! 
 
 The eighth Massachusetts regiment was attached 
 to this division of Lord Stirling. It was commanded 
 by Major Hull. He was the next officer in rank to 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, who was appointed dur 
 ing this day to act as Adjutant to General Lee. 
 " Lord Stirling," says Major Hull, " took an advan 
 tageous position on elevated ground, directly in front 
 of the enemy's right. They formed on the opposite 
 side of a hollow, ready to receive us. A severe can 
 nonade was commenced from our division, during 
 which a demonstration was made on the right of the 
 
 * Ramsay's History of the Unit- f Writings of Washington, Vol. 
 ed States, Vol. II., page 260. V., page 425. 
 
138 ' REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 enemy's line, and the whole division advancing at the 
 same time on the front of their right wing, they were 
 compelled to retreat. 
 
 General Greene and General Wayne successfully 
 opposed the progress of their right wing, and com 
 pelled it to retreat to the heights, from which it had 
 marched in the morning. They afterwards made 
 several attempts on our left, which were as often 
 repulsed. In the evening, the whole British army took 
 a strong position, and could only be approached 
 through a narrow pass. General Washington made 
 an effort to move round on their right and left, and 
 directed the artillery to assail them in front. But so 
 many impediments were in the way that night canie 
 on before these operations could take effect. The 
 troops remained on the ground near the enemy with 
 the intention of attacking them at daylight, and the 
 whole army continued lying on their arms on the 
 field of battle, prepared to support them. 
 
 General Washington, wrapped in his military 
 cloak, passed the night in the midst of his soldiers. 
 About twelve o'clock the enemy silently moved off, 
 and though the Americans were so near, they had 
 not the slightest intimation of their retreat. They 
 took with them a large proportion of their wounded, 
 but left four officers and forty privates, whose situa 
 tion was too dangerous to permit of their removal. 
 
 The intense heat of the weather and the great 
 fatigue of the troops, forbad a pursuit ; and besides, 
 it would have been fruitless, as the British had gained 
 upon them a march in the night. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 Major Hull writes: "I went over the field of 
 battle the next morning, and discovered a large num 
 ber of dead bodies without any wounds, who proba 
 bly died from heat. We buried four officers and two 
 hundred and forty-five privates, and more must have 
 been killed, for there were a number of new-made 
 graves." 
 
 Perhaps a complete victory might have been won 
 by the Americans in this battle, had not the retreat 
 of General Lee in the very onset, with a force of be 
 tween five and six thousand men, given to the enemy 
 a decided advantage. Yet, notwithstanding this 
 movement, so calculated to damp the ardour of sol 
 diers, there was a spirit, a skill, and an undaunted 
 resolution manifested in the trying scenes of that day 
 which was the earnest of still more successful effort. 
 The officer and the soldier as he lay on his arms 
 throughout the night, looked to the morning dawn, in 
 the hope that a contest so equal and so severe, would 
 then be decided in favour af his beloved country. 
 
 The British fought with their usual coolness and 
 intrepidity ; and felt, not for the first time, that they 
 had a foe to grapple with, which required all the 
 energies, the experience, and the skill of their war 
 like profession to sustain them. 
 
 General Washington in his report to Congress 
 writes : <* Were I to conclude my account of this day's 
 transactions, without expressing my obligations to 
 the officers of the army in general, I should do injus 
 tice to their merit, and violence to my own feelings. 
 They seemed to vie with each other, in manifesting 
 
140 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 their zeal and bravery. The catalogue of those who 
 distinguished themselves, is too long to admit of par 
 ticularizing individuals. 1 cannot, however, forbear 
 mentioning Brigadier-General Wayne, whose good 
 conduct and bravery through the whole action, de 
 serves particular commendation. The behaviour of 
 the troops in general, after they recovered from the 
 first surprise, occasioned by the retreat of the ad 
 vanced corps, was such as could not be surpassed. 
 All the artillery, both officers andjnen, that were en 
 gaged, distinguished themselves in a remarkable 
 manner."* 
 
 General Lee, at his own request, was tried before 
 a Court Martial. The charges were : 
 
 o 
 
 1st. Disobedience of orders, in not attacking the 
 enemy, agreeably to repeated instructions. 
 
 2d. Misbehaviour before the enemy, by making 
 an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat. 
 
 3d. Disrespect to the Commander-in-chief, in 
 two letters, dated 28th June and the 1st of July. 
 
 The Court sat for some weeks, when it declared 
 General Lee guilty of all the charges, and sentenced 
 him to be suspended from any command in the ar 
 mies of the United States, for the term of twelve 
 months. 
 
 A majority in Congress approved of the sentence. 
 The word shameful was struck out of the second 
 charge. With respect to the correctness of the sen 
 tence of the Court Martial, military men have dif- 
 
 * Writings of Washington, Vol. V., page 427. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 fered in opinion. But the language and letters of 
 General Lee to General Washington, met with uni 
 versal disapprobation. 
 
 The question, whether under his instructions and 
 the circumstances of the case he was authorized to 
 retreat, without fighting, need not now be discussed. 
 But it must ever be regretted, that the division under 
 Lee's command, did not or could not perform the 
 duty to which it was assigned. Had there been no 
 retreat, the results of that day, honourable as they 
 were to the troops engaged, would doubtless have 
 had a much more important bearing on the interests 
 of the American arms. 
 
142 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 MAJOR HULL'S COMMAND ON THE LINES. 
 
 1779. 
 
 LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BROOKS having obtained 
 leave of absence, the command of the regiment de 
 volved on Major Hull. He was directed to march it 
 to Poughkeepsie, at that time the seat of government 
 for the State of New- York. As soon as it arrived, 
 the men were employed in erecting barracks, and 
 hauling wood for the winter. 
 
 As this was a pleasant and fertile part of the 
 country, both officers and men were pleased with the 
 location, and made great exertions to complete their 
 accommodations for the winter. But their happiness 
 was short-lived ; for scarcely were they established 
 in their comfortable abodes, when Major Hull re 
 ceived an order from General McDougall, who com 
 manded at Peekskill, to march the regiment the next 
 day, and take his station on the lines near Kings- 
 bridge. The order produced some disappointment. 
 Poughkeepsie being the seat of government, the 
 Governor and other civil officers of the State resided 
 there, besides many pleasant families, which had 
 withdrawn from the city. 
 
 Major Hull communicated the order to the regi- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 143 
 
 ment, and gave directions to be prepared to march 
 the next morning at eight o'clock. He passed the 
 evening at the house of Governor Clinton. When he 
 returned to his lodgings, he perceived a large roll of 
 paper lying on the step of his door. He found it to 
 be a remonstrance, signed by all the non-commis 
 sioned officers and soldiers of the regiment. They 
 stated how much they had endured in the last cam 
 paign, and how hard they had laboured to build their 
 barracks, procure their wood and other necessary 
 comforts ; and that under these circumstances, they 
 did not expect to be ordered to serve another cam 
 paign that winter. 
 
 Major Hull immediately sent for the officers of 
 the regiment, and communicated to them the contents 
 of the paper. The officers informed him that they 
 had no knowledge of the paper, but had that evening 
 observed unusual appearances and symptoms of dis 
 content, and that they feared the men would refuse to 
 march the next morning. They suggested to Major 
 Hull whether it would not be expedient to send an 
 express to General McDougall, stating the circum 
 stances, and wait his orders. 
 
 He replied, that this insubordination must be 
 checked at once, and prepared to use the authority 
 he possessed, which he believed would be sufficient, 
 rather than appeal to a higher power. The troops 
 might view this latter measure as an expression of 
 weakness ; and from thence w r ould result greater dif 
 ficulty in the exaction of strict obedience in the 
 remote station to which they were now ordered. 
 
144 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Major Hull requested the officers to obtain all the 
 information relating to what had passed, and endea 
 vour to ascertain if there was not some self-interested 
 mischievous person, who had influenced the men to 
 take this stand. 
 
 It was soon discovered that a sergeant of artillery 
 had obtained leave of absence from his regiment, and 
 had procured a small room in the neighbourhood, with 
 the expectation of selling groceries and other articles 
 that the troops wanted. 
 
 In the morning when the hour to assemble had 
 arrived, Major Hull and the officers only were pre 
 sent ; none of the troops appeared. Major Hull di 
 rected the officers to go into the barracks, and at all 
 events to parade their companies. A few men from 
 each company came forth ; the number soon increased, 
 and in a short time the whole regiment was formed. 
 Major Hull then stated, that he well knew how un 
 pleasant it was to them to leave their comfortable 
 quarters, and not only regretted it on their account, 
 but likewise for his officers and for himself ; that they 
 were very pleasantly situated, and had hoped to pass 
 the winter in Poughkeepsie. But he observed to 
 them, obedience to orders was the first duty of a sol 
 dier. He then pointed out, in strong terms, the 
 impropriety of their conduct ; that he feared, from 
 information obtained, they had been unhappily in 
 fluenced, and strong suspicions rested on the man 
 whom they perceived was brought on parade under 
 arrest. 
 
 A Court Martial was at once ordered to sit in the 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 presence of the corps. The sergeant was tried, and 
 found guilty of the charges brought against him. He 
 w r as sentenced to receive severe punishment, which 
 was immediately inflicted in the presence of the 
 troops. The troops then commenced their march to 
 the White Plains, where they arrived early in Decem 
 ber. " Colonel Burr, afterwards Vice-President of 
 the United States," writes Major Hull, " had com 
 manded for several months on this station, from which 
 duty I was now ordered to relieve him. He remained 
 a few days, and furnished us with necessary and im 
 portant information with respect to the situation of 
 the enemy, the different routes leading from Kings- 
 bridge, and the position he had taken for the security 
 and defence of his corps. In justice to his military 
 character, it must be said that his plans were highly 
 judicious. 
 
 " Our duties having now commenced, the advanced 
 parties were directed to reconnoitre every day, within 
 a few miles of the enemy at Kingsbridge ; while the 
 position of the main body, consisting of about four 
 hundred, was seven or eight miles from that post, and 
 eighteen miles in advance of any of our stations 
 above. Being in the face of the whole British Army, 
 without fortifications for defence, our safety depended 
 on unceasing vigilance." 
 
 Several detachments had been recently cut off. 
 The country between the Highlands and New-York, 
 and between the North and East rivers, depended 
 on this small body of troops for protection ere it 
 could be reinforced from the cantonment of General 
 
 10 
 
|46 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 McDougall. Major Hull had his main body compactly 
 posted, occupying a central position between the 
 rivers, at and below the White Plains ; but frequently 
 changing its locality, and generally this change took 
 place in the evening. Small parties were constantly 
 on duty, patrolling to the right, above and sometimes 
 below Dobbs' Ferry, and to the left, as far as the 
 Sound at Mamaroneck, and below. 
 
 Major Hull was aided by guides, selected from 
 the most active, intelligent, and well-disposed inhabit 
 ants, who were familiar with every part of the coun 
 try. These persons received remuneration, were 
 furnished with horses, and proved faithful and ex 
 ceedingly useful in the service. 
 
 Many families remained on their farms, and it 
 was important to know their true characters. Major 
 Hull therefore had the names of all the inhabitants 
 registered between Kingsbridge and Croton river, 
 and between the North and East rivers. The char 
 acter of each individual was described by ciphers, 
 the object being to prevent injury to those who 
 were well disposed, should the book fall into the 
 hands of the enemy. The commanding officer held 
 a species of civil as well as military jurisdiction, as 
 the situation of the country between the hostile 
 armies was such, that the laws of the State could not 
 operate. A conflict existed between the civil and mili 
 tary enactments, the decision of which was necessarily 
 assumed and enforced by the strongest power.* But 
 
 * See Appendix, No. III., with several subsequent letters to Major 
 Hull, commanding on the Lines. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 147 
 
 whenever cases of improper or irregular impressment 
 occurred, recompense was made to the owners, and 
 the teams, horses, &c., were returned. But it will be 
 seen by reference to the Appendix that such was the 
 state of things, that certain acts of the Senate and 
 Assembly of New- York in relation to the impress 
 ment of horses, teams, &c., were entirely superseded 
 by martial law, and the power to seize and send to 
 head-quarters all suspicious persons or any guilty of 
 theft or other crimes, was lodged in the hands of the 
 officer then commanding. Indeed this portion of the 
 country, infested by a roving banditti equally cruel 
 to all parties, was a scene of terror and suffering 
 throughout most of the years of the war. The Cow 
 boys and Skinners ravaged the whole region. The 
 first, called Refugees, ranked themselves on the British 
 side. They were employed in plundering cattle and 
 driving them to the city : their name is derived from 
 their occupation. The latter, called Skinners, while 
 professing attachment to the American cause, were 
 devoted to indiscriminate robbery, murder, and every 
 species of the most brutal outrage. They seemed, like 
 the savage, to have learned to enjoy the sight of the 
 sufferings they inflicted. Oftentimes they left their 
 wretched victims, from whom they plundered their 
 all, hung up by their arms, and sometimes by their 
 thumbs, on bam doors, enduring the agony of the 
 wounds that had been inflicted, to wrest from them 
 their property. These miserable beings were fre 
 quently relieved by our patrols, who every night 
 scoured the country from river to river. But unhap- 
 
148 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 pily the military force was too small to render the 
 succour so much needed ; although by its vigilance 
 and the infliction of severe punishment on the offend 
 ers, it kept in check, to a certain extent, this lawless 
 race of men. The command on the lines covered an 
 extensive section of country, and there were many 
 roads leading from Kingsbridge to the different sta 
 tions, which were occupied by the detachment. It 
 was therefore necessary to avail of the friendly in 
 habitants to obtain intelligence of the first movement 
 of the enemy. Those who resided below the lines, 
 being entirely in the power of the British, were 
 obliged to feign an attachment they did not feel. 
 
 Major Hull selected a certain number of families 
 on whose fidelity he could rely, and formed a line of 
 them, extending from Kingsbridge to his most ad 
 vanced guards. He requested these persons to come 
 to him at night, that he might communicate to them 
 his plan of securing information, which he said 
 would depend on their good faith, alertness, and se 
 crecy. He told the man who lived nearest Kings- 
 bridge, that whenever he perceived any extraordinary 
 movement, or whenever the enemy passed the bridge, 
 to take a mug or pitcher in his hand, and in a care 
 less manner go to his neighbour who composed one 
 of the line, for some cider, beer, or milk, and give him 
 notice, and then immediately return home. His 
 neighbour was to do the same, and so on, until the 
 information reached the station of Major Hull. 
 Every individual thus employed was faithful to the 
 trust reposed in him. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 The enemy could make no movement, without 
 the detachment being informed and prepared to meet 
 or avoid them. Major Hull rewarded, as he was au 
 thorized, these good people, who could not, in their 
 situation, perform a duty of this nature, without 
 much personal risk. Yet they ceased not to exhibit 
 the virtues of patriotism and constancy, by a faithful 
 devotion to their country's interests, while exposed 
 to imminent danger and surrounded by hardships and 
 privation. 
 
 By the laws of the State of New- York, if they 
 refused to take the oath of fidelity to the State, their 
 property was liable to confiscation. The country 
 they occupied was fertile and populous, and the land 
 well cultivated. Any person who took the oath, 
 would instantly find the Cow-boys robbing him of his 
 all ; and to offer defence, was at the peril of life. 
 Such as did not take the oath, were left to the ten 
 der mercies of the Skinners, who, taking the law into 
 their own hands, branded them as tories, confiscated 
 their property, and went off secure, in the possession 
 of their booty. 
 
 In this condition of the social state, the innocent 
 and guilty equally suffered. 
 
 The descendants of these people, many of the 
 present inhabitants of Westchester, and its neigh 
 bourhood, who are now living in the happy enjoy 
 ment of liberty, and the protection of law, have rea 
 son to feel a generous pride in the virtue of their an 
 cestors, W 7 ho so nobly stood the test of these trying 
 times. 
 
150 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Major Hull, at this period, was about twenty-five 
 years of age, and blessed with a good constitution. 
 He remarks, while speaking of this service, " In a 
 command so responsible, I adopted a system, to 
 which I steadfastly adhered ; nor did storms, cold, or 
 the darkness of the night, ever interfere with its per 
 formance. Early in the evening, without taking off 
 my clothes, with my arms by my side, I laid myself 
 dow r n before a fire, covered only by a blanket, and 
 gave directions to the sentinel to awake me at one 
 o'clock in the morning. My adjutant, or some other 
 officer was with me ; and one or two of the faithful 
 guides, who have been mentioned. The troops were 
 ordered to be paraded at the same hour 1 was called, 
 and a portion to remain on parade until my return. 
 After the whole were assembled, one half of them 
 were permitted to go to rest, and the other half were 
 formed into strong guards, which patrolled in front 
 and on the flanks of the detachment until sunrise. 
 This force was in addition to the small parties which 
 were constantly patrolling with the guides. After 
 making this arrangement, I rode with my adjutant 
 and one or two guides, as far as my patrols were di 
 rected to proceed, across to the North river, and then 
 back on the line of my patrols, toward the East river, 
 and continued riding in different directions, until sun 
 rise. While on this duty, I visited a number of my 
 confidential line of inhabitants, to ascertain the move 
 ments of the enemy. I generally rode about twenty 
 miles at night, and nearly the same distance during 
 the day. This service on the lines was so severe, 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 that two hundred men, with officers, were sent from 
 the army every ten days, to relieve one half of the 
 detachment, while the half best fitted for duty re 
 mained. As civil law was suspended, 1 was directed 
 to preserve as much peace, security, and good order 
 among the inhabitants as possible ; and particularly 
 cautioned to prevent supplies being carried to the 
 enemy. The country was fertile, and the people 
 were required in due proportion to supply the troops 
 with provisions, for which I gave them certificates. 
 These various duties employed all my time, excepting 
 the first part of every night given to sleep. The 
 enemy made many attempts to surprise and destroy 
 the detachment; but by the precautions taken, his 
 plans were invariably defeated. In all the little ren 
 contres which took place, the advantage was on our 
 side ; and the country, in a great degree, was pro 
 tected, both above and below my station, from cruel 
 depredations. Only those families suffered who re 
 sided nearest to the British lines." 
 
 In the latter part of May, it was evident prepa 
 rations were making for some important expedition, 
 in which the strength of the British army was to be 
 employed, aided by the co-operaiion of their navy. 
 Major Hull wrote to General McDougall, that ap 
 pearances indicated that the enterprise was to be di 
 rected against the army in the Highlands, and that 
 the detachment on the lines would be the first object 
 of attack. General McDougall having received simi 
 lar intelligence, directed Major Hull, in case the 
 enemy advanced in force over Kingsbridge towards 
 
152 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the White Plains, to retreat before they came so near 
 as to compel him to action ; to observe their move 
 ments up the river, and to proceed in such a manner 
 as not to be in the rear of the fleet, as in such case, 
 his communication might be cut off from the army in 
 the Highlands. 
 
 About the last of May, Major Hull received infor 
 mation from his faithful line of inhabitants, that a 
 large column of the enemy had passed Kingsbridge, 
 and was marching towards the White Plains. His 
 detachment, excepting some small patrols, were as 
 sembled in a compact body in that place. Previous 
 to this, he had given notice to the inhabitants of the 
 movements of the enemy, and of his intention to re 
 treat to the Highlands. Many of them removed their 
 families and fled to a more peaceful region. 
 
 When the enemy had arrived within about two 
 miles of the White Plains, Major Hull called in the 
 patrols and marched to the road on the North river. 
 He soon perceived the fleet, which was but a small 
 distance below his position. As he advanced slowly 
 up the river, he was informed that the column which 
 had passed Kingsbridge, was making a forced march 
 on his right, with a view to gain his front and cut off 
 his retreat. He hastened his march, and crossed the 
 Croton river, where he halted. The enemy approached 
 him by land, and he perceived their troops debarking 
 from the fleet. He then made a rapid march to 
 Peekskill, and joined the forces under the command 
 of General McDougall. The British army proceeded 
 up the river, and took possession of Stony and Ver- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 153 
 
 plank's Points. Works had been erected by the Amer 
 icans at these places, but when the enemy approached 
 the workmen retired. A small garrison at Verplank's 
 Point surrendered. 
 
 From the preparations of Sir Henry Clinton, it 
 was expected that he would attack West Point, and 
 the other fortresses in the Highlands. 
 
 General Washington, considering the Highlands 
 of great importance, concentrated a large part of his 
 army for their defence. Major Hull was ordered to 
 West Point. His detachment erected a fort on the 
 summit of a hill which overlooked and commanded 
 the other works established at that place. The object 
 was to defeat the plans of the enemy, should he at 
 tempt to march by a circuitous route, through the 
 gorges of the mountains, to obtain possession of this 
 eminence. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, however, after establishing 
 garrisons at Stony and Verplank's Points, returned to 
 New- York. His object, it w r as believed, in ascending 
 the river, was, to possess himself of all the fortresses 
 in the Highlands ; but the prompt and wise measures 
 taken by General Washington, in recalling the troops 
 from New Jersey, and concentrating his strength in 
 their defence, defeated the plans of his adversary. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton then changed his mode of op 
 erations, but with a view to the same object. He 
 commenced a predatory warfare on the Sound, and the 
 defenceless inhabitants of Connecticut experienced, 
 in a war of extermination, the horrors and brutal 
 cruelties of an unlicensed soldiery. 
 
154 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 By this course he hoped to draw off Washington 
 from his strong-hold in the Highlands, and thus se 
 cure to himself their complete possession. But in 
 every part of his plan, he was defeated by the sound 
 judgment and superior skill of the American Com 
 mander. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 CAPTURE OF STONY POINT. 
 
 1779. 
 
 IT is a darkened view of the human mind that 
 induces the belief that outrage and cruelty will com 
 mand submission, sooner than a generous and just 
 appeal to the better feelings of man. The spirit 
 may bend under oppression, but not break, while, by 
 its reaction, it acquires new strength for resistance. 
 
 The study of our own hearts, and the example of 
 Him, in whom there is no variableness, would furnish 
 safer and more kindly views. God endeavours to win 
 by love and by persuasion ; when these fail, he sends 
 a severe, healthful, but not an irritating discipline, 
 dictated equally by wisdom and mercy. 
 
 During our contest with Britain, plunder and de 
 vastation overspread our beautiful southern land ; 
 while at the north, fire laid waste our peaceful dwell 
 ings, and the sword did its work on the defenceless 
 inhabitants of the sea-coast. What the enemy could 
 not effect by contest in the open field, he vainly 
 thought could be done by sweeping from the earth 
 every vestige of home and domestic peace. 
 
 But the earth and man were left ; and the Spirit 
 of the Almighty, guiding the destinies of America, 
 
156 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 overruled, to her final good, the violence of her enc 
 mies, and the sufferings of her children. 
 
 The head-quarters of General Washington were 
 now at New Windsor, a short distance above West 
 Point. The troops he had drawn from New Jersey, 
 were stationed on both sides the river below, to give 
 check to the enemy should he again ascend the Hud 
 son. " But their plan of devastation and plunder 
 on the sea-coast was vigorously pursued. About the 
 beginning of July, a detachment of two thousand six 
 hundred men, under Governor Tryon, sailed from 
 New- York into Long Island Sound. They first 
 landed at New-Haven, plundered the inhabitants 
 indiscriminately, and burnt the stores on the wharves. 
 This being done, they embarked and landed at Fair- 
 field and Norwalk, which towns were reduced to ashes. 
 Dwelling-houses, shops, churches, school-houses, and 
 the shipping in the harbours were destroyed. The 
 soldiers pillaged without restraint, committing acts of 
 violence, and exhibiting the horrors of war in some 
 of their most revolting forms. 
 
 " It does not appear that there were troops, mag 
 azines, or public property in either of the towns. 
 The waste and distress fell on individuals who were 
 pursuing the ordinary occupations of life. The peo 
 ple rallied in self-defence, and a few were killed ; 
 but the enemy retired to their vessels, before the mi 
 litia could assemble in large numbers. The British 
 Commander hoped that this invasion of Connecticut 
 would draw away the American army from the High 
 lands, to a position where he might bring on an 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 157 
 
 engagement under favourable circumstances. Wash 
 ington's habitual caution guarded him against allowing 
 such an advantage. On the contrary, while the 
 enemy's forces were thus divided, he resolved to at 
 tack the strong post at Stony Point. The necessity 
 of doing something to satisfy the expectations of the 
 people, and reconcile them to the defensive plan 
 which he was obliged to pursue ; the value of the 
 acquisition in itself, with respect to the men, artillery, 
 and stores, which composed the garrison ; the effect 
 it would have upon the subsequent operations of the 
 campaign, and the check it would give to the depre 
 dations of the enemy, were, as he said, the motives 
 which prompted him to the undertaking. He recon- 
 noitered the post, and instructed Major Henry Lee, 
 who was stationed near it with a party of cavalry, to 
 gain all the information in his power as to the con 
 dition of the works, and the strength of the garrison. 
 
 " The enterprise was intrusted to General 
 Wayne, who commanded a body of light infantry in 
 advance of the main army, where he was placed to 
 watch the movements of the enemy, to prevent their 
 landing, and to attack separate parties whenever op 
 portunities should offer. 
 
 " Having procured all the requisite information, 
 and determined to make the assault, Washington 
 communicated general instructions to Wayne, in writ 
 ing and conversation, leaving the rest to the well- 
 tried bravery and skill of that gallant officer.' 
 
 53* 
 
 * Sparks' Life and Writings of Washington, Vol. I., page 223. 
 
1 58 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 The regiments which formed the corps of Gene 
 ral Wayne, were commanded by Colonels Webb, 
 Febiger, and Butler. The detachment which Major 
 Hull marched from the White Plains, when Sir Hen 
 ry Clinton ascended the Hudson, and established 
 posts at King's Ferry, was stationed on the high 
 grounds about West Point, and employed in building 
 several forts, which at this period were nearly com 
 pleted.* 
 
 On the morning of the fourteenth of July, Major 
 Hull was ordered to march to Sandy Beach, and to 
 unite his corps to that of General Wayne. 
 
 Two companies of North Carolina light infantry, 
 commanded by Major Murfee, were directed to join 
 the troops at Sandy Beach. These were placed in 
 the detachment of Major Hull, whose command now 
 consisted of about four hundred men. 
 
 At eleven o'clock on the morning of the fifteenth 
 of July, the march was commenced over rugged and 
 almost impassable mountains, and continued for four 
 teen miles, when the detachment arrived, a little be 
 fore dusk in the evening, within a mile and a half of 
 
 * The Editor is indebted to Ben- gallant captors of Stony Point. 
 Jamin Russel, Esq., of Boston, for Though only a private, during the 
 the following facts : " Four forts war, he was among the faithful sup- 
 were building. Their names were, porters of his country's rights, and 
 Fort Webb, Fort Willis, Fort Ar- ready to use his energetic mind and 
 nold (afterwards called Fort Clin- strong arm in the struggle for her 
 ton), and Fort Hull. The highest independence. After the war, he 
 was Fort Hull, a point of look-out, was for thirty years Editor of " The 
 It was three miles from Fort Clin- Boston Sentinel" a paper well con- 
 ton." Mr. Russel was one of the ducted and highly respectable. 
 
Verplanks Point 
 
 H U O S 
 
 O 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 159 
 
 Stony Point. Here it halted. General Wayne, 
 with his principal officers, reconnoitred the works, 
 and now, for the first time, was communicated to his 
 troops the object of the enterprise. 
 
 He stated that the attack was to be made on Stony 
 Point at twelve o'clock that night. That the detach 
 ment was to be divided into two columns ; to ad 
 vance with unloaded muskets, and depend entirely 
 on the bayonet ; that it was his determination to per 
 severe^ until in complete possession of the fort ; and 
 that if any man attempted to load his piece, leave his 
 station, or retreat, he was instantly to be put to death 
 by the officer or soldier next him. 
 
 General Wayne then gave in detail, the disposi 
 tion of the troops. The column on the right was to 
 consist of Febiger's and Meigs' regiments, and Ma 
 jor Hull's detachment, and to be led on by General 
 Wayne himself. 
 
 The column on the left, was to consist of Colonel 
 Butler's regiment. Major Hull was directed to de 
 tach Major Murfee's two companies, to form in the 
 centre of the two columns, and to advance near to a 
 part of the fort that was not to be assailed, and keep 
 up a constant fire, with a view to distract and draw 
 off attention from the real point of attack. 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Fleury and Major Posey, to 
 command a corps of one hundred and fifty volunteers, 
 to precede the column on the right ; and Major 
 Stewart, with one hundred volunteers, to precede the 
 column onthe left. A forlorn hope of twenty men was 
 attached to each column : one led on by Lieutenant 
 
160 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Gibbon, the other by Lieutenant Knox. Their duty 
 was, to remove the abattis and other obstructions in 
 the way of the troops. After the orders were com 
 municated, Major Hull recollected that there was a 
 captain in his detachment, to whom cowardice had 
 been imputed, on account of his conduct in the battle 
 of Monmouth. He sought the young man and re 
 quested him to walk aside for a few moments, having 
 something to communicate. When alone, he said, 
 " It is a subject of much delicacy, my dear sir, of 
 which I am about to speak, and my motive to serve 
 you, must be my apology for the liberty I take. You 
 are aware that reports, injurious to your character as 
 a soldier, have been in circulation since the battle of 
 Monmouth ; as no inquiry has been made into your 
 conduct on that occasion, your brother officers still 
 view you, as wanting in bravery. You have, no 
 doubt, a distinct recollection of the nature of your 
 feelings at that time, and if conscious that there was 
 a want of fortitude to meet the dangers to which you 
 were then exposed, you must be sensible that in the 
 duties now to be performed, they are of a character 
 much more imposing ; but that they are so, is favour 
 able, as you are furnished, in the hazardous enterprise 
 before us, with a better opportunity to eradicate im 
 pressions for which nojust cause may exist. But what 
 ever might have been the truth, I leave you to decide 
 whether to return to the camp, and give your com 
 pany to the command of your Lieutenant, or to lead 
 it yourself." Captain * * * * replied, " I thank 
 you, sir, for your consideration and candour, and hope 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 to prove myself worthy of it. Wait a few moments, 
 until I return." He came, accompanied by his Lieu 
 tenant, and related to him, in the presence of Major 
 Hull, the conversation which had just taken place. 
 Then, with a calm but resolute expression of coun 
 tenance, said : " I request you to observe my conduct 
 during the assault, and if I do not acquit myself with 
 the bravery which my rank and the occasion demands, 
 I beg you to kill me on the spot." The Lieutenant 
 assured him his request should be complied with. 
 
 So gallantly did Captain * * * * acquit himself 
 in the assault, that from that time his courage was 
 never questioned. 
 
 After the orders were communicated, both officers 
 and men appeared inspired with a spirit that no dan 
 ger could appal, and no barrier keep from the prize 
 before them. Before giving an account of the action, 
 a description of the grounds on which the fortifica 
 tions were erected may be desirable. 
 
 " Stony Point is a commanding hill, projecting 
 far into the Hudson, which washes three-fourths of 
 its base. The remaining fourth is in a great measure 
 covered by a deep marsh, commencing near the river, 
 on the upper side, and continuing into it below. 
 Over this marsh there is only one crossing place ; but 
 at its junction with the river, is a sandy beach, pass 
 able at low tide. On the summit of this hill was 
 erected the fort, which was furnished with a sufficient 
 number of heavy pieces of ordnance. Several breast 
 works and strong batteries were advanced, in front 
 of the principal works ; and about half way down 
 11 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the hill, were two rows of abattis. The batteries 
 commanded the beach and the crossing place of the 
 marsh, and could rake and enfilade any column which 
 might be advancing from either of those points, 
 towards the fort. In addition to these defences, sev 
 eral vessels of war were stationed in the river, so as 
 in a considerable degree to command^ the ground at 
 the foot of the hill. The fort was garrisoned by 
 about six hundred men, under the command of Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel Johnson.'" 
 
 " About half past eleven o'clock," writes Major 
 Hull, " the two columns commenced their march in 
 platoons. The beach was more than two feet deep 
 with water, and before the right column reached it, we 
 were fired on by the out-guards, which gave the 
 alarm to the garrison. We were now directly under 
 the fort, and, closing in a solid column, ascended the 
 hill, which was almost perpendicular. When about 
 half way up, our course was impeded by two strong 
 rows of abattis, which the forlorn hope had not been 
 able entirely to remove. The column proceeded 
 silently on, clearing away the abattis, passed to the 
 breastwork, cut and tore away the pickets, cleared 
 the chevaux-de-frise at the sally-port, mounted the 
 parapet, and entered the fort at'the point of the bay 
 onet. All this was done under a heavy fire of artil 
 lery and musketry, and as strong a resistance as could 
 be made by the British bayonet. Our column on 
 the other side, entered the fort at the same time. 
 
 * Marshall's Life of Washington, Vo 1 . TV., page 122, 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 Each of our men had a white paper in his hat, which 
 in the darkness distinguished him from the enemy ; 
 arid the watchword was, i The fort's our own.' 
 
 " Our troops reached the area of the garrison not 
 having fired a gun, the enemy still firing on us. The 
 men made free use of the bayonet, and in every 
 direction was heard, ' The fort's our own.' We were 
 compelled to continue the dreadful slaughter, owing 
 to the fierce and obstinate resistance of the enemy. 
 They did not surrender until nearly one hundred men 
 were killed and wounded ; after which their arms 
 were secured and they were assembled under a strong 
 guard in an angle of the fort, until morning. Major 
 Murfee acted his part with great address, keeping up 
 an incessant fire between the two columns ; thus di 
 verting the attention of the assailed from the point of 
 attack. His two companies were the only American 
 troops that fired a gun. In ascending the hill, just 
 after he had passed the abattis, General Wayne was 
 wounded in the head by a musket-ball, and imme 
 diately fell. He remained on the spot, until the Bri 
 tish surrendered, when some other officers and my 
 self bore him into the fort, bleeding, but in triumph. 
 Three loud and long cheers were now given, and re 
 verberating in the stillness of night, amidst rocks 
 and mountains, sent back, in echo, a glad response to 
 the hearts of the victors. They were quickly an 
 swered by the enemy's ships of war in the river, and 
 by the garrison at Verplank's Point, under the fond 
 belief that the Americans were repulsed. 
 
 " Our troops lost no time in collecting the cannon 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 of the garrison, and turning them against the shipping 
 in the river. The officer of the British artillery was 
 requested to furnish the keys of the powder maga 
 zine ; he hesitated, and said that he only received 
 his orders from Colonel Johnson. He was informed 
 that Colonel Johnson was surperseded in command, 
 and that there must be no delay, or the consequences 
 might be unpleasant. The key was produced, the 
 pieces of ordnance loaded, and the news of what had 
 happened sent to the shipping from the mouths of the 
 cannon. Duplicates and triplicates were sent, which 
 appeared to excite a good deal of agitation. They 
 made no return to our fire, and the tide being strong, 
 they slipped their cables and were carried down by 
 the current. 
 
 " In the same manner, the intelligence was an 
 nounced at the fort at Verplank's Point, but no re 
 ply was made. 
 
 " Soon after the surrender, a Lieutenant of my 
 detachment informed me, that he had killed one of 
 the men, in obedience to orders, and that he regretted 
 it, more than he could express. He said, that as 
 the column was ascending the hill, the man left his 
 station and was loading his musket. His commander 
 ordered him to return and desist from loading. He 
 refused, saying, that he did not understand fighting 
 without firing. The officer immediately ran him 
 through the body. I replied, ' You performed a pain 
 ful duty, by which, perhaps, victory has been secured, 
 and the life of many a brave man saved. Be satisfied.' 
 
 " Colonel Johnson remained in his marquee until 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 morning, with others of our officers. I was frequently 
 with him during the night. It was intimated by 
 some one, that the garrison had been surprised. Co 
 lonel Johnson observed, that we certainly should not 
 do ourselves or him the injustice to say, that he had 
 been surprised. He begged the gentleman who 
 made the remark, to recollect the fact, that the firing 
 commenced before we passed the marsh ; that all his 
 men were at their stations, with their arms, and com 
 pletely dressed, before our columns began to ascend 
 the hill. That an incessant fire had been kept up, 
 until we entered the works and the garrison surren 
 dered. The officer explained, that he did not mean 
 exactly as was understood. Colonel Johnson replied, 
 that his works were too extensive ; that they were 
 planned for a much larger number of troops than Sir 
 Henry Clinton had left for their defence, and that he 
 was perfectly satisfied that his men had done their 
 duty. 
 
 " Yet it has been represented by some historians 
 of the Revolution,, that the British were taken by sur 
 prise. But the distance from the fort, from which 
 our columns were fired upon ; the incessant roar of 
 musketry and artillery, while we were ascending the 
 precipice ; the condition of the troops when the gar 
 rison surrendered, are facts which show that success 
 was owing to the valour, perseverance, and superior 
 physical strength of the assailants. Fifteen Ameri 
 cans were killed, and eighty-three wounded. 
 
 " Colonel Johnson, in his return, reports twenty 
 killed of the British, including one officer, and sixty- 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 eight privates wounded. The prisoners amounted to 
 five hundred and forty-three. 
 
 " The following day we were employed in bury 
 ing the dead. I had two narrow escapes. One ball 
 passed through the crown of my hat, another struck 
 my boot." 
 
 Chief Justice Marshall, in his account of this enter 
 prise, says : " The humanity displayed by the con 
 querors was not less conspicuous, nor less honourable, 
 than their courage. Not a single individual suffered 
 after resistance had ceased. All the troops engaged 
 in this perilous service manifested a degree of ardour 
 and impetuosity, which proved them to be capable of 
 the most difficult enterprises ; and all distinguished 
 themselves, whose situation enabled them to do so. 
 
 " Colonel Fleury was the first to enter the fort, 
 and strike the British standard. Major Posey mounted 
 the works, almost at the same instant, and was the 
 first to give the watchword, c The fortfs our own.* 
 
 " Lieutenants Gibbon and Knox performed the 
 service allotted to them, with a degree of intrepidity 
 which could not be surpassed. Out of twenty men 
 who constituted the party of the former, seventeen 
 were killed or wounded."* 
 
 Major Hull writes : " The following day General 
 Washington came to the fort, and the interesting scene 
 of his arrival is perfectly fresh in my remembrance. 
 I recollect how cordially he took us by the hand, and 
 the satisfaction and the joy that glowed in his coun- 
 
 * Marshall, Vol. I., page 325. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 tenance. I attended him, with a number of other 
 field officers, General Wayne being prevented by 
 his wound. 
 
 " Washington minutely viewed every part of the 
 fortifications. His attention was particularly drawn 
 to those places, where the two columns ascended the 
 hill, mounted the parapets, and first entered the works. 
 He expressed his astonishment, that we had been 
 enabled to surmount the difficulties, and attain our 
 object, with so inconsiderable a loss. And here he 
 offered his thanks to Almighty God, that he had been 
 our shield and protector, amidst the dangers we had 
 been called to encounter." 
 
 Sparks, in his " Life of Washington," says : 
 " The action is allowed to have been one of the most 
 brilliant of the Revolution. Congress passed Re 
 solves, complimentary to the officers and privates, 
 granting specific rewards, and directing the value of 
 all the military stores taken in the garrison to be di 
 vided among the troops, in proportion to the pay of 
 the officers and men. Three different medals were 
 ordered to be struck, emblematical of the action, and 
 awarded respectively to General Wayne, Colonel 
 Fleury, and Colonel Stewart. Congress also passed 
 a vote of thanks to General Washington, ' for the 
 vigilance, wisdom, and magnanimity, with which he 
 had conducted the military operations of the States.'" 
 
 Among other things, Major Hull received a com 
 plete camp equipage. A marquee, with a mattress, 
 bedstead, curtains, a large pair of horse canteens, 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 bottles, plates, and furniture of every kind, sufficient 
 for a small table. 
 
 This marquee, bed, &c., he could carry on a sin 
 gle horse, during a march. When the army halted, 
 in a very short time he had a good room and a bed, 
 closed on all sides with curtains. 
 
 General Wayne received many complimentary 
 letters on this occasion. 
 
 Major- General Charles Lee thus writes : " What 
 I am going to say to you, will not, 1 hope, be consid 
 ered as paying my court, in this your hour of glory ; 
 for as it is my present intention to leave this conti 
 nent, I can have no interest in paying my court to 
 any individual. What I shall say, therefore, is dic 
 tated by the genuine feelings of my heart. 1 do most 
 sincerely declare, that your assault on Stony Point 
 is not only the most brilliant, in my opinion, through 
 out the whole course of this war, on either side, but 
 that it is the most brilliant that I am acquainted with 
 in history. The assault on Schweidnitz, by Marshal 
 Landau, I think inferior to it." * 
 
 It was the intention of General Washington, in 
 the event of success at Stony Point, immediately to 
 have attacked the garrison on the opposite shore. 
 For this purpose, he had ordered a brigade to advance 
 from Peekskill, under the command of General Mc- 
 Dougall, and take a position near Verplank's Point, 
 
 * Life of General Anthony Sparks' American Biography, Vol. 
 Wayne, by John Armstrong, in IV., page 47. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 so as to make the attack as soon as he was informed 
 that Stony Point was reduced. The messenger sent 
 to General McDougall, by some accident, failed to 
 deliver the letter, which prevented the attack at the 
 time appointed. General Washington then changed 
 his plan, by augmenting the number of troops, and 
 giving the command to Major-General Howe. He 
 likewise ordered a number of heavy pieces of artillery 
 to make a breach in the works. From some neglect 
 in the Ordnance Department, unsuitable cartridges 
 were sent. This delay gave the enemy time to in 
 crease the means of defence, and place the garrison 
 in entire security. 
 
 Had there been a sufficient number of boats to 
 have transported the conquerors across the river, the 
 reduction of this fort would have been almost certain. 
 The number of men at the two posts was about the 
 same, but the fort at Verplank's Point was inferior 
 in point of strength. 
 
 The object, however, of General Washington was 
 accomplished ; for he had compelled Sir Henry Clin 
 ton to abandon his desolating system in Connecticut, 
 and ascend the Hudson for the protection of his gar 
 rison at Verplank's Point. 
 
 The works of Stony Point were so extensive, that 
 a sufficient number of troops could not be spared for 
 its defence ; besides, the enemy possessed the advan 
 tage of commanding the water. 
 
 The American General, therefore, decided to 
 abandon the post. Every thing was carried off but 
 one heavy cannon. 
 
170 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 In a few days the British again took possession, 
 strengthened the fortifications, and established a nu 
 merous garrison for its defence. 
 
 Late in the autumn, both of these forts were 
 evacuated, and came into the possession of the 
 Americans. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 PROMOTION OF MAJOR HULL TO THE RANK OF LIEUTENANT-COLONEL. HE 
 IS TRANSFERRED FROM THE ElGHTH TO THE THIRD MASSACHUSETTS REGI 
 MENT. APPOINTED A COMMISSIONER TO PRESENT a PETITION TO THE LEGIS 
 LATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS, FOR THE RELIEF OF THE OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS. 
 APPOINTED INSPECTOR IN THE ARMY, UNDER BARON STEUBEN.* 
 
 1779. 
 
 DURING the remaining part of this campaign, the 
 light infantry, under the command of General Wayne, 
 was stationed in different parts of New Jersey, to 
 extend protection to the inhabitants, who were expos 
 ed to frequent inroads of the enemy from New- York. 
 Our troops had frequent rencontres with these parties, 
 but none of sufficient importance to render a detail 
 of them necessary. Late in the autumn, the de 
 tachment of Colonel Hull returned to West Point, 
 and was established in winter quarters. 
 
 From the commencement of the Revolution, a 
 period of nearly five years, the American army had 
 been paid in continental bills of credit. No provision 
 was made for their final redemption. Two hundred 
 millions of dollars in these bills were in circulation. 
 The army had not only been paid, but its supplies of 
 every kind were purchased with them. When first 
 
 * General McDougall refers to jor Hull, while commanding on the 
 this appointment in his letters to Ma- Lines. 
 
172 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 issued, in 1775, they passed currently, and were con 
 sidered equal in value to silver and gold. To refuse 
 them, was considered a want of patriotism, and still 
 more, a disaffection to our cause. Every month, 
 new emissions were made to meet the expenses of 
 the war, and the amount in circulation was thereby 
 continually increased. The most patriotic citizens 
 became alarmed and distrustful of them. Gold and 
 silver began to be preferred, and at first the Govern 
 ment-paper passed secretly at a small discount. The 
 depreciation increased. The price of the necessa 
 ries, as well as the luxuries of life, was augmented. 
 Congress and the Legislatures of the States adopted 
 various expedients to support the credit of the paper 
 currency, and the bills were made a legal tender for 
 the payment of all bona fide debts which had been 
 or should be contracted. But the poverty of the 
 country rendered it impossible to provide the basis 
 of a solid fund, which would have ensured a faithful 
 redemption of the bills. 
 
 Although the officers and soldiers depended on 
 these bills to provide for the support of themselves 
 and their families, and suffered more than any other 
 class of citizens from their continual depreciation, 
 yet they were the last who hesitated to accept them, 
 or to complain under the difficulties and privations to 
 which they were subjected. The whole pay of an 
 officer or soldier could not furnish him with comfort 
 able clothing. A month's pay would not purchase a 
 pair of shoes. Such was the state of things, when 
 a meeting was held by the officers of the Massachu- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 setts line of the army, to consult on the subject. 
 The discussion was temperate and patriotic. It re 
 sulted in preparing a petition to the Legislature, 
 stating the circumstances and praying for relief, in 
 such manner as their wisdom and justice should dictate. 
 Before it was sent, it was submitted to General Wash 
 ington, and by him approved. He was requested to 
 permit three officers, chosen for the purpose, to re 
 pair to Boston and present the petition. Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Hull was selected as one of the Commis 
 sioners. 
 
 When the petition was presented, a disposition 
 was manifested to do the most perfect justice ; but 
 there was no money in the treasury, and only pro 
 mises could be given. A Committee of the Legisla 
 ture was appointed to confer with the Commissioners, 
 and it was admitted that gold and silver was the 
 standard on which the pay of the army had been es 
 tablished ; but owing to the depreciation of the bills 
 of credit, the army had not been paid according tcf 
 the original intention. 
 
 It was advised that the Legislature should estab 
 lish a scale of depreciation, to regulate the value of 
 the bills which at different times had been paid to 
 the troops. The Committee admitted that such bal 
 ance as was due ought to be paid. As there was no 
 money in the treasury, it was finally decided that the 
 Treasurer should give to each officer and soldier a cer 
 tificate, bearing interest on such sums as were actu 
 ally due. The prices of the most necessary articles, 
 such as corn, beef, wool, and sole-leather, were made 
 
174 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the standard by which their value was to be deter 
 mined. This plan being reported to the Legislature, 
 it was adopted, the accounts settled, and the certifi 
 cates issued. 
 
 Great efforts were made to give credit to these 
 certificates ; notwithstanding which, they considera 
 bly depreciated in value. This was owing to the 
 necessity the officers and soldiers were under, of of 
 fering them in market, to procure necessaries for the 
 support of themselves and their families. 
 
 These certificates were afterwards paid, accord 
 ing to the nominal value expressed on the face of 
 them ; and those who had purchased and held them 
 at the time they were funded and paid, received the 
 benefit. 
 
 When Colonel Hull returned to the army on the 
 Highlands, he made a report to the officers, who ex 
 pressed their approbation and tendered their thanks 
 to the Commissioners, for the manner in which the 
 trust committed to them had been executed. 
 
 During the campaign of 1780, the attention of 
 Colonel Hull was devoted to the discipline of the 
 division of the army commanded by Major-General 
 Howe, of which he was appointed Deputy Inspector 
 under Baron Steuben. These duties were peculiarly 
 interesting to him, and he remarks : " Could any 
 thing have induced me to have left this department 
 at that time, it was an appointment then offered me. 
 
 " General Parsons called one morning, and in 
 formed me, that he was requested by General Wash 
 ington to inquire, if it would be agreeable to me to 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 175 
 
 come into his family, as one of his aids, and if so, 
 the appointment would be made. 
 
 " I replied to General Parsons, that I felt deeply 
 impressed for this proof of confidence placed in me 
 by the Commander-in-chief, and that 1 would give 
 an answer the following day. I mentioned to Baron 
 Steuben the appointment offered, and that I had but 
 one objection to its acceptance ; the regret I should 
 feel in leaving his department. He kindly observed, 
 4 The regret would be mutual.' He said, that he 
 was sensible of the honour of the station to which I 
 was invited, but hoped I would see fit to continue in 
 my present situation. That the discipline of the 
 army had commenced on a new system, and great 
 progress had been made, and he soon hoped to render 
 it as perfect as the discipline of the European armies. 
 That we should soon be called to act with the French 
 under Count Rochambeau ; and that it was his ardent 
 desire, that our army should not be*found inferior to 
 his in the knowledge and application of military tac 
 tics. That I had been associated with him since the 
 commencement of his duties ; was acquainted with 
 his system and mode of teaching it. That if his 
 assistants were constantly changed, it would be im 
 possible to bring the system to that degree of perfec 
 tion which he believed would finally insure success 
 to the American arms, and terminate, on our part, so 
 distressing a war. He concluded by saying, that I 
 would be more useful in the office of Inspector than 
 in any other situation, and hoped that such consider 
 ation would influence my decision. 
 
176 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 " 1 replied, that I had not pledged myself, and 
 when I considered the subject, I felt it a duty to re 
 main where I could be of most service, however much 
 I might desire distinction, or however great my at 
 tachment to the Commander-in-chief. 
 
 " Baron Steuben then remarked, that if I had 
 no objection, he would himself see General Wash 
 ington, and state to him his views. 
 
 " When General Parsons called for my answer, 
 I informed him of the conversation which had passed 
 between Baron Steuben and myself, and his wishes 
 in regard to the arrangement ; that if it was true, 
 that I could do more for my country in the discharge 
 of my present duties, I felt compelled to decline the 
 honour of an appointment, so gratifying to my feel 
 ings, and so well calculated to elevate me in the eyes 
 of my countrymen. 
 
 " I requested, that when my answer should be 
 given to General Washington, that all rny views 
 should be stated to him. I then observed to General 
 Parsons, that he knew the character and situation 
 of our mutual friend, Colonel Humphreys ; that he 
 had served as Aid-de-camp to General Putnam, who on 
 account of a^e and bodily infirmities would not again 
 be called into active service. That Colonel Humph 
 reys still ranked as a Captain, and would now return 
 to the command of his company. Being satisfied 
 with his qualifications, I would take the liberty to 
 recommend him to General Washington for the ap 
 pointment with which he had intended to honour 
 me. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. ^77 
 
 " Colonel Humphreys was appointed and remained 
 in that situation until the end of the war. 1 have 
 been induced to narrate the circumstances of this 
 transaction, because I perceived in a newspaper, after 
 the death of Colonel Humphreys, a statement made, 
 which was not founded in truth. In the article to 
 which I allude, it is mentioned, that Major Alden 
 and Colonel Hull were candidates with Colonel 
 Humphreys for the appointment, and that the prefer 
 ence was given to Colonel Humphreys." 
 
 The whole of this campaign of 1780, Colonel 
 Hull continued with the main army, a part of the 
 time in the Highlands, performing the duties of In 
 spector. It was at this period that the distressing 
 events of General Arnold's treason and the capture 
 and execution of Major Andre took place. The his 
 tories of the Revolution have recorded these trans 
 actions. 
 
 12 
 
178 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 STATE OF THE CURRENCY. MUTINIES IN THE PENNSYLVANIA AND JERSEY 
 LINES. EXPEDITION OF LIEUTENANT-COLONEL HULL AGAINST MORRISSANIA. 
 MARRIAGE OF COLONEL HULL. 
 
 1781. 
 
 LATE in the autumn of 1780, the main body of 
 the army was concentrated at West Point and its 
 vicinity in the Highlands, for winter quarters. 
 
 The Pennsylvania line, under the command of 
 General Wayne, was stationed at Morristown, and 
 the Jersey troops at Pompton, in New Jersey. When 
 this arrangement was made, Lieutenant-Colonel Hull 
 was ordered with a detachment of four hundred men 
 towards the White Plains, to form the most advanced 
 post of the army and protect the country lying 
 between the Highlands and the enemy's post at 
 Kingsbridge. His principal station was on the right 
 bank of the Croton river, near Pine's bridge. He 
 established the same regulations and encountered the 
 same arduous duties, which he had performed in the 
 winters of 1778 and 1779. 
 
 The condition of the army at this time was truly 
 distressing. The continental bills of credit, which 
 had been the funds, not only to pay the troops, but 
 to furnish them with subsistence and clothing, had 
 become almost entirely worthless. They had depre- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 dated in such a manner, that it was no uncommon 
 thing to give a month's pay for a breakfast.* The 
 country was inundated with these bills, and they were 
 of so little value, that Congress had ceased to make 
 further emissions, and had called on the Legislatures 
 of the States, to furnish specific articles for the sub 
 sistence and clothing of the army. The States were 
 slow in complying with these requisitions, and the 
 soldiers suffered all the calamities which cold, hunger, 
 and nakedness could produce. Both officers and 
 men severely felt their wretched condition, and com 
 plaints were heard from every quarter. Each succes 
 sive day increased the excitement, and a fearful crisis 
 seemed approaching. 
 
 The most fatal consequences were predicted, and 
 the States adopted no measures to prevent the evil. 
 On the first of January, 1781, the Pennsylvania regi 
 ments at Morristown, under the command of General 
 Wayne, rose in a state of mutiny. 
 
 They assembled under the directions of their non 
 commissioned officers, for the purpose, they declared, 
 of marching to the seat of government, to obtain re 
 dress of their grievances. 
 
 General Wayne and the officers attempted to ex 
 ercise their authority. In making the effort, Captain 
 Billing was killed, and several officers wounded. So 
 great was the fury of these men, that had not Gene- 
 
 * Copy of a receipt, found among Ham Hull, eleven thousand two hun- 
 
 the papers of General Hull : dred and fifty dollars, for a chaise, 
 
 "Boston, March 16, 1781 Re- with a double harness, 
 ceived of Lieutenant-Colonel Wil- (Signed) JONATHAN FOWLE." 
 
1 80 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 ral Wayne desisted, the sacrifice of himself and 
 his officers would most probably have been the con 
 sequence. 
 
 The excitement increased, and the mutineers 
 marched to Princeton. They were followed by Ge 
 neral Wayne, and a number of the most influential 
 officers, who did all in their power to dissuade them 
 from their purpose. Their efforts were unavailing. 
 A Committee of Congress, the President and Execu 
 tive Council of Pennsylvania, immediately repaired 
 to Princeton, and opened a treaty with the mutineers. 
 
 When General Washington, who was at West 
 Point, received information of this revolt, he delibe 
 rated what course it was expedient to take. He was 
 sensible that there was too much truth in the griev 
 ances complained of, and that the whole army was 
 in the same unhappy condition, in equal want of the 
 necessaries of life. As, however, the civil authorities 
 of the State had opened a negotiation, he determined 
 not to interfere, but leave the adjustment of the busi 
 ness with that body. 
 
 The Committee of Congress shortly retired, and 
 the non-commissioned officers negotiated with the 
 authorities of the State. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton considering this defection as a 
 most auspicious event, immediately sent three per 
 sons as spies, from New-York, with instructions to 
 invite the disaffected to march within his lines, and 
 to offer them the most liberal rewards. But Ameri 
 can blood rose at these degrading propositions ; the 
 emissaries were made prisoners, and the men de- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 elared that they had no intention of deserting the 
 standard of their country. After the terms of accom 
 modation were settled, they removed to Trenton, de 
 livered up the spies, who were tried and executed. 
 
 The negotiation ended in a discharge of all who 
 had enlisted for three years or during the war, and 
 had actually served three years. 
 
 The indefinite manner in which the enlistments 
 were expressed, to serve for three years or during the 
 war, left the soldier at liberty to demand his discharge 
 at the end of three years, while the officer claimed his 
 services to the end of the war. 
 
 Another source of discontent arose from the fact, 
 that such soldiers as were not bound by previous en 
 listments, received great bounties ; while those who 
 had served three years, were required to continue 
 without a bounty ; neither had they been remunerated 
 for the services they had already rendered. Under 
 all these irritating circumstances, insubordination be 
 came ascendant, and the mutineers obtained, with 
 arms in their hands, every thing they demanded. 
 
 A part of the Jersey line, stationed at Pompton, 
 perceiving how easily the Pennsylvania troops had 
 succeeded in the attainment of their object, followed 
 their example, and at once arose and asserted their 
 rights. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton detached a part of his army 
 into New Jersey, under the command of one of his 
 Generals, to invite the Jersey troops to join the Brit 
 ish standard ; endeavouring to seduce them from 
 their allegiance, by rewards similar to those which he 
 
182 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 had proffered to the Pennsylvania line. But they 
 exhibited the same patriotic indignation as their 
 brethren, and turned with disdain from his insidious 
 proposals. 
 
 General Washington, though extremely mortified 
 at the result of the proceedings of the Pennsylvania 
 line, was yet fully aware, that the Executive Coun 
 cil could make no better terms. He, however, viewed 
 the example as extremely dangerous ; and on the 
 rising of the Jersey troops an opportunity was given 
 him to act with that energy and decision, which, 
 while it sustained military authority, convinced the 
 enemy and his country, that disaffection and mutiny 
 had not pervaded the whole of the American army. 
 
 A detachment was immediately formed under the 
 command of Major-General Howe, with orders to 
 march against the mutinous troops, and, by force, to 
 reduce them to submission. 
 
 The prompt and able manner with which Gene 
 ral Howe performed the duty assigned him, by the 
 execution of several of the ringleaders, crushed the 
 threatened mutiny, and every effort of the British 
 General to encourage and increase it, was thereby 
 entirely defeated. 
 
 Colonel Hull, with a detachment of four hundred 
 men, was at this time at his station on the right bank 
 of the Croton river, for the protection of the inhabit 
 ants in the county of West Chester. 
 
 When the mutiny of the Pennsylvania line com 
 menced, he was directed to obtain all possible infor 
 mation respecting the enemy's posts at and about 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 183 
 
 Kingsbridge, on the east side of Harlem river, and 
 as low down as Morrissania. General Washington 
 was not only anxious to suppress this spirit of insub 
 ordination, but also of striking a blow which would 
 give a new direction to public opinion, and awaken 
 the enemy to a more just appreciation of American 
 patriotism.* After obtaining all the information in 
 his power, Colonel Hull made a communication to 
 General Heath, in which he described the fortifica- 
 
 * General Washington to Major- 
 General Heath : 
 
 " JVew Windsor, 7th January, 1781. 
 
 " DEAR SIR You will be pleased 
 to observe, on the subject of your 
 letter of last night, that although I 
 am not very sanguine in my expec 
 tation of the success of the enterprise 
 proposed, yet I think, in our present 
 circumstances, it will be advisable 
 to encourage it. Colonel Hull may 
 therefore have permission to make 
 the attempt, in conjunction with the 
 militia : but I would not advise the 
 destruction of any houses, except 
 the temporary huts, built by the 
 Refugees. Colonel Drake may be 
 supplied with five thousand car 
 tridges for the militia: he to be 
 accountable for the expenditure of 
 them. 
 
 " By a letter from General Wayne, 
 I am informed the Pennsylvania line 
 still continued in the same state at 
 Princeton, and that he had received 
 intelligence, that the enemy were 
 preparing to make a movement into 
 Jersey. Their attention being drawn 
 
 that way, may possibly make the plan 
 in contemplation, more practicable. 
 I wish the guard-boats to keep a 
 vigilant look-out, and the officers to 
 give you the earliest information of 
 any movement below. Colonel Hull 
 and the militia Colonels should be 
 strongly impressed with the idea, 
 that the whole success depends ab 
 solutely upon the secrecy and rapid 
 ity of the movement. It will also 
 be well, to give a reinforcement of 
 an hundred men, from the New 
 Hampshire line." 
 
 Note by Jared Sparks : " Colonel 
 Hull was now stationed at Pine's 
 bridge, near the lines, and the plan 
 referred to, was, that of an attack 
 upon the Refugees of Delancey's 
 corps at Morrissania, in conjunction 
 with a party of militia under Colonels 
 Drake and Crane. The project had 
 been communicated by Colonel Hull 
 to Genera] Heath, with a request to 
 be fa\oured with his opinion." 
 Writings of Washingt<m,Vol. VII, 
 page 356. 
 
184 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 tions on the east and north side of Kingsbridge, and 
 the number of troops which formed the garrisons. 
 Likewise a fortification four miles below, on the east 
 side of Harlem river, established for the purpose of 
 protecting a pontoon '"or floating bridge, to preserve 
 the communication with Fort Washington. 
 
 He expressed the opinion that the parapets of 
 these works were so high, the ditches so deep, and 
 the pickets so strong, that they could not be stormed 
 without a great sacrifice, and this could only be 
 avoided by taking them by surprise. He further 
 stated, that there was a British post four miles below 
 the pontoon bridge at Morrissania, in which was a 
 force consisting of about four hundred and fifty men, 
 commanded by Colonel Delancey. That it was 
 composed of barracks, without regular fortifications. 
 Delancey had also a company of about forty men, 
 stationed farther east, at Frog's Neck ; a point of 
 land projecting into the East river, near West Ches 
 ter, and not far from that part of the river Bronx, 
 over which a retreating party must pass. 
 
 This post at Morrissania had been in that situa 
 tion for several years, and being eight miles in the 
 rear of the fort at Kingsbridge, and four miles in the 
 rear of a large part of the British army stationed at 
 and about Fort Washington, no enterprise had ever 
 succeeded against it. To break up such an estab- 
 lisment, was an object of much importance : it being 
 garrisoned by a partisan corps, which was constantly 
 committing depredations on the inhabitants between 
 the two armies, and likewise in the State of Connec 
 ticut. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 It was suggested, that a body of men might be 
 marched to Morrissania in the night, and be success 
 ful in the attack, but the difficulty would be in the 
 retreat, as the firing would give the alarm at Forts 
 Washington and Independence, and the other British 
 posts in the neighbourhood. To obviate this, so as 
 to retard the approach of the enemy, he stated that 
 the pontoon bridge might be cut away by the assailing 
 party, and thus prevent the British advancing from 
 Fort Washington. Finally, in covering the retreat 
 of the troops, it would be necessary to have a strong 
 detachment posted at East Chester, or on the road 
 leading from Kingsbridge to that place. 
 
 After this report was made to General Washing 
 ton, he expressed great doubts as to the success of 
 the enterprise. If the detachment should reduce 
 Morrissania, the troops would be exposed to great 
 hazard in retreating ; as the distance from Fort In- 
 depence to East Chester was four miles, and the dis 
 tance from Morrissania was eight ; and the American 
 corps would be also greatly fatigued, after a march of 
 thirty miles, while the British would be fresh from 
 their post. He considered, however, that the crisis 
 called for decisive action ; that in justice to the 
 great body of the army he commanded, still faithful 
 and unrelaxing in duty, an opportunity should be 
 embraced by which they might manifest their patriot 
 ism and their bravery, both to their friends and their 
 enemies. 
 
 As soon therefore as the revolt took place in the 
 Jersey line, he determined to make a simultaneous 
 
186 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 movement against the mutineers on his right, and the 
 enemy's post at Morrissania on his left. The suc 
 cess obtained by Major-General Howe, has been re 
 lated. It now remains to give a narrative of the 
 enterprise against Morrissania. The plan suggested 
 by Colonel Hull having been approved, the execution 
 of it was committed to that officer. His detachment, 
 consisting of four hundred men, was reinforced with 
 one hundred, under the command of Major Maxwell, 
 and by a company of militia cavalry, consisting of 
 nearly one hundred more, from New- York, com 
 manded by Captain Hunnewell. General Washing 
 ton ordered likewise a small body of cavalry, under 
 the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Humphreys, his 
 Aid-de-camp, to join these troops ; but the state of 
 the ice- would not permit their crossing the Hudson. 
 
 The twenty-second of January was the day ap 
 pointed to commence operations, at the same time 
 that General Howe marched into New Jersey to 
 reduce the mutineers to submission. Three regi 
 ments from the army under General Parsons were 
 ordered to take a position at East Chester, at day 
 light on the twenty-third ; to observe the motions of 
 the enemy, and cover the retreat of the American 
 corps. 
 
 On the twenty-first there was a very heavy rain, 
 which continued during the night. The morning of 
 the twenty-second was fair, and about sunrise the 
 line of march was formed. The distance to Morris 
 sania was thirty miles, and the intention was to ar 
 rive there a little before daylight the following 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 137 
 
 morning. The roads were excessively bad, and the 
 small streams were swollen in such a manner that it 
 was difficult to pass them. 
 
 The troops marched in one column. Hunnewell's 
 cavalry in front and on the flanks ; to secure the in 
 habitants from giving information to the enemy. 
 Two companies of New-York militia had previously 
 been despatched from the country, to take possession 
 of Williams' bridge, over the Bronx; the object of 
 which was to prevent the British from passing in that 
 direction to East Chester. They were commanded 
 by Captains Dennit and Benton. 
 
 About one o'clock in the morning, the detach 
 ment had, undiscovered, passed Fort Independence 
 and Kingsbridge, and reached a point, as low down 
 as Fort Washington, which covered the pontoon 
 bridge over Harlem river. Here it halted, when the 
 detachment was first made acquainted with the ob 
 ject of the expedition. 
 
 Arrangements were then made for the plan of 
 attack. Major Maxwell, with one hundred men, was 
 to approach a little before daylight, as near the fort 
 which covered the floating bridge as possible, and the 
 moment he heard the firing at Morrissania, to rush 
 down, under the walls of the fort, and cut away the 
 bridge in such a manner that it would float down the 
 stream. The intention here was, to obstruct the 
 enemy's passage from Fort Washington, and oblige 
 them to go round by Kingsbridge. After this duty 
 was performed, Major Maxwell was directed to 
 march and take a position on the road, leading from 
 
188 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Morrissania to Delancey's bridge, over the Bronx, 
 and there remain, until the main body returned from 
 Morrissania. 
 
 On the route he was to take, there was a small 
 compact fort, garrisoned with sixty men ; and it was 
 left to the discretion of Major Maxwell, to attempt to 
 carry it by storm, should the circumstances in which 
 he was placed seem to justify such an assault. 
 
 Two other detachments were formed ; one under 
 the command of Captain Pritchard, of sixty men, was 
 ordered to proceed to Frog's Neck, and attack the 
 company at that place. He was directed not to 
 make the assault until he heard the firing at Mor 
 rissania, or until daylight. The other of thirty 
 men, commanded by Captain Williams, was to 
 take possession of Delancey's bridge, over the 
 Bronx, and to maintain it, until the main body re 
 turned from Morrissania. Each party now com 
 menced the march to its appointed destination. The 
 main detachment, commanded by Colonel Hull, was 
 reduced to a little over four hundred men. 
 
 The British force at Morrissania, under Colonel 
 Delancey, consisted of about the same number, in 
 cluding the company at Frog's Neck. The expecta 
 tion was, to take the enemy by surprise ; but an un 
 expected obstacle interposed, within a small distance 
 of their cantonment. The heavy rain, the day be 
 fore, had so greatly swollen a small creek, that the 
 passage of it could only be effected by mounting the 
 infantry behind the cavalry. This required time ; 
 and it was daylight before the whole body advanced 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 from the creek.* A rapid march was then made in 
 column, but the assailants were fired on by the out- 
 guards, at some distance from the barracks. 
 
 As the enemy were preparing to receive them, 
 Colonel Hull ordered the line to be formed, with the 
 cavalry in its rear. A firing commenced, which lasted 
 but a few minutes, before the enemy retreated. The 
 cavalry were directed to charge, arid the infantry to 
 advance to their support. The Americans were soon 
 masters of the field, the loyalists flying in every di 
 rection. Fifty-two prisoners were taken, and a num 
 ber of beef cattle ; and as the enemy, being partly 
 cavalry, had not time to mount their horses, sixty of 
 them fell into the hands of the victors. 
 
 Without waiting to pursue the fugitives, fire was 
 set to the barracks, and to a great quantity of forage, 
 which had been deposited there for the army in New- 
 York, After collecting the prisoners, horses and cat 
 tle, a retreat was commenced on the road to Delan- 
 cey's bridge. 
 
 When the firing commenced at Morrissania, there 
 followed a tremendous roar of cannon and musketry 
 from the fort, near the pontoon bridge. As the flames 
 ascended from the barracks, the alarm guns were 
 fired from Fort Washington and New- York ; and sky 
 rockets were sent in quick succession from all the 
 
 * In the maps of Marshall's Life map. If there was but one, the de- 
 
 of Washington, two creeks are laid tachment must have come down on 
 
 down and Morrissania between them, the eastern side, crossed to Morris- 
 
 I think that my father directed me sania, and re-crossed, after the as- 
 
 to put two on the accompanying sault. EDITOR. 
 
]90 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 enemy's posts. The detachment, with all its incum- 
 brances, now forded the creek on the eastern side of 
 Morrissania. Colonel Hull directed a halt for a few 
 minutes to refresh his troops. They heard the roar 
 ing of the enemy's cannon, while the sky-rockets, 
 flaming through the air, were furiously though vainly 
 spending their rage on the too successful little band, 
 which had scattered devastation and desolation where, 
 but a few hours before, quiet and security reigned. 
 Sublime and imposing was the scene, yet it was too 
 replete with danger to leave room for enjoyment. 
 
 These gallant troops had marched thirty miles, 
 through deep and heavy roads had bravely faced 
 and subdued the foe. For twenty-four hours, they 
 had neither rest nor sleep, and at this moment were 
 four miles in the rear of the main body of the British 
 army, which was then exerting its strength to wrest 
 the wreath of victory from their brows. Incumbered 
 as they were with prisoners, horses, and cattle ; and 
 knowing that they must contend over eight miles of 
 ground, for every step of the way, while a fresh and 
 ever-increasing foe was assailing their rear and flanks ; 
 it seemed beyond human power to escape the perils 
 which on every side threatened their destruction. But 
 victory had crowned their efforts, and stimulated to re 
 newed exertion ; they resolutely prepared to persevere 
 and surmount the yet greater dangers, which stood 
 between them and safety. Surely they must have felt 
 that a blessing rested on their arms, and that a mer 
 ciful Providence was their shield and their strength. 
 
 After advancing a short distance, the detachment 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 was joined by Major Maxwell. He reported, that he 
 had completely effected his object, and that the 
 bridge was floating down the river, and it was im 
 possible for the enemy at Fort Washington to pass at 
 that station. 
 
 As the corps proceeded, a fire of musketry was 
 heard in the direction of Delancey's bridge. Colonel 
 Hull rode forward to the high ground, and perceived 
 Captain Williams arid the enemy contending for the 
 bridge. He made a disposition of the troops to as 
 sist him. The enemy soon retreated towards Fort 
 Independence, after sustaining some loss. The fugi 
 tives were about twenty in number, but this was no 
 time to pursue them. The march continued for a 
 short time without interruption, until the head of the 
 column arrived near a stone church and a jail. Our 
 troops were fired on from the windows of the church. 
 
 Major Maxwell's detachment having a number of 
 axes, used in cutting away the bridges. Colonel Hull 
 ordered him to form a column, with his axemen in 
 front, and open a passage for the troops to enter with 
 the bayonet. This he did, but the enemy retreated 
 from the windows on the other side of the building. 
 The jail was then broken open, and thirty-two Amer 
 ican prisoners released, who had been captured by 
 Delancey's regiment, and there confined. A number 
 of other prisoners, belonging to the British, were set 
 at liberty, who were confined for different crimes.* 
 
 * There was among the Ameri- jail to Colonel Hull, whom he per- 
 can prisoners, a negro man, by ceived to be the commander of the 
 name Tillo. He rushed from the corps, and falling on his knees, said, 
 
] 92 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Here the main body was joined by Captain Pritchard, 
 who had fought hard with the enemy at Frog's Neck ; 
 had been successful in routing him, and taken a num 
 ber of prisoners. Ensign Thomson of his company 
 was killed, and five or six men killed or wounded. 
 The stores and forage collected at that station were 
 destroyed. 
 
 The different detachments being united, there 
 was a weary and hazardous march to perform, before 
 we could expect to meet the reinforcement under 
 General Parsons, to cover our retreat. The fatigue 
 of the men was so great, having had neither rest nor 
 sleep for thirty hours, that it seemed almost impossi 
 ble to advance further. Colonel Hull urged upon 
 them the necessity of proceeding. He told them, if 
 they now came to a halt, the whole corps would in 
 evitably be cut to pieces or made prisoners ; but by 
 advancing a few miles farther, they would be rein 
 forced and soon find the relief they so much needed. 
 
 " Massa, save my life and I'll serve became of age, that he was then at 
 
 you forever." Colonel Hull told liberty to hire himself into any other 
 
 him not to fear, they were all safe, family, or go wherever he pleased. 
 
 The man continued faithful in the But the simple-hearted fellow pre- 
 
 service of his chosen master, until ferred never to leave General Hull 
 
 the end of the war, when he retired or his family, so long as they would 
 
 to his small farm in West Chester, keep him. He has remained with 
 
 and gave his young son Titto, a boy them ever since the war of the Rev- 
 
 of six years of age, to Mrs. Hull, to olution, and is now, in 1845, at the 
 
 retain until he was of age. The old homestead, in Newton, Massa- 
 
 young Tillo proved equally faithful, chusetts, the grounds of which were 
 
 as his father had been, though not first occupied by the ancestors of 
 
 possessed of such bright talents. He Mrs. Hull in 1630, and are still in 
 
 was always kind and willing. Gen- possession of her descendants, 
 eral Hull informed him, when he 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 193 
 
 They persevered ; and never did men bear a trying 
 situation with more firmness and a better spirit. 
 
 As an attack was apprehended before a junction 
 could be formed with the covering party, Colonel 
 Hull selected one hundred and fifty of the strongest 
 and least fatigued men, and formed them in the rear 
 and on the flanks, taking the command himself. He 
 ordered Major Maxwell to march on with the main 
 body, the prisoners, cattle, and other incumbrances. 
 
 After advancing about a mile, light parties of the 
 enemy appeared in the rear and flanks, and com 
 menced a loose and scattering fire. They were soon 
 reinforced, and their fire increased. Colonel Hull 
 formed a solid body of the rear guard, and directed 
 the officer, if the horse charged on him, when they 
 arrived very near to give one well-directed fire, and 
 then to remain in a solid body and depend on the 
 bayonet. The cavalry, observing this disposition of 
 our troops, did not advance to the charge. 
 
 As the infantry of the enemy were increasing in 
 the rear, it was apparent that they had proceeded 
 from Fort Independence, having been reinforced from 
 Fort Washington. Instead, therefore, of passing di 
 rectly to East Chester, over Williams' bridge, they 
 had filed to the right, and crossing the river Bronx 
 at Delancey's bridge, had gained the rear of the 
 American troops in that direction. 
 
 A heavy fire had now commenced by the enemy, 
 but was constantly returned from our rear and flank 
 guard, without the least disorder, though still moving 
 
 13 
 
194 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 on their march as fast as their fatigued condition 
 would admit. 
 
 When about a mile and a half from the station 
 where General Parsons awaited the arrival of the re 
 treating corps, Colonel Hull received from him a mes 
 sage by his aid-de-camp, saying that a column of the 
 British were advancing from Kingsbridge, and urged 
 Colonel Hull to hasten his march. 
 
 He replied, that he would proceed as expeditious- 
 ly as possible. The enemy were now pressing on 
 him with increased force ; but meeting the same res 
 olute resistance from the rear and flanks, a temporary 
 check was given to their movements. 
 
 Thus situated, another message came to Colonel 
 Hull from General Parsons, pressing him to march 
 with more celerity, as a large body of the enemy 
 were rapidly approaching, and he feared that both de 
 tachments would be cut off. Colonel Hull replied, 
 that it was impossible for him to move with more 
 rapidity ; that if he attempted it, his detachment 
 would be thrown into confusion, and its capture would 
 be inevitable ; that should General Parsons consider 
 the risk too great to remain, he had better retreat 
 and save his troops ; while his own detachment, if 
 overtaken, would make the best defence it could. 
 
 Colonel Hull now ordered a hundred men to re 
 inforce his rear and flank guards, by which means the 
 fire was increased, and the enemy fell back a little, 
 but soon returned to the charge, and the conflict be 
 came extremely severe. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 At this critical moment, Colonel Hazen, who com 
 manded a regiment under General Parsons, came to 
 Colonel Hull, and informed him, that his regiment 
 was advanced, and lay concealed behind a long stone 
 wall, which ran along the road on both sides. The 
 front of the corps had then almost reached the wall 
 where the men were posted. Colonel Hazen imme 
 diately rode forward, and gave orders to his regiment 
 when to rise and fire. Colonel Hull, in his turn, di 
 rected the detachment to march on, until the rear was 
 near the wall, and then to cease firing, and retreat 
 with as much rapidity as possible. The plan suc 
 ceeded. The British pressed on ; when reaching the 
 wall, the regiment rose up, on each side of it, and 
 poured upon them such a volley of musketry, that 
 they instantly retreated. In a short time, and with 
 out further molestation, the detachment joined the 
 troops at East Chester, and the command of the whole 
 then devolved on General Parsons. The number of 
 his troops, including our detachment, did not exceed 
 two thousand. 
 
 This insulated corps was more than thirty miles 
 distant from any post of the main army, or any other 
 support ; and both officers and men were worn down 
 with the fatigue and hardship they had already en 
 countered. 
 
 A large body of the enemy werfc near, and all the 
 British army stationed at Fort Washington, and at 
 the north part of York Island, distant not more than 
 five or six miles. 
 
 Under these circumstances, and the object of the 
 
196 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 expedition having been obtained, General Parsons 
 did not think proper to pursue the advantage which 
 had been gained by Colonel Hazen's regiment, or to 
 oppose the column that was advancing from Kings- 
 bridge. 
 
 His position was so critical, that it was unsafe to 
 halt a sufficient time to give the troops refreshment ; 
 and under a severe storm of hail and snow, he commen 
 ced his march on the Mamaroneck and New Rochelle 
 road, and continued it until twelve o'clock at night, 
 when the troops halted on the borders of Connecti 
 cut, after advancing twenty miles from East Chester. 
 
 The storm, which beat heavily on our path, was 
 a new source of gratitude for an escape from so many 
 dangers. It was viewed as a merciful interposition of 
 Providence, to shield our weary and nearly exhausted 
 band from the superior strength of an enemy, who, 
 fresh and eager in pursuit, might soon have over 
 powered us, and in their turn have become the con 
 querors. The rain, as it fell in torrents, was like the 
 wall of waters in the Red Sea, standing between the 
 Egyptians and the Israelites. General Parsons stop 
 ped one day at Horseneck, in Connecticut, to re 
 fresh the troops. He then marched them to their 
 cantonment in the Highlands.* 
 
 Colonel Hull proceeded to his former station on 
 the Croton river. He made his official report to Gen 
 eral Washington. The Commander-in-chief, in his 
 general orders, expressed his thanks to Colonel Hull 
 
 * See Appendix, No. IV. Extract of a letter from Mrs. Hull to one 
 of her daughters. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 197 
 
 for the judicious arrangements which he had made in 
 planning the expedition, and for the gallant and in 
 trepid manner in which it was executed. 
 
 General Washington reported to Congress the 
 circumstances and success of the enterprise, and Co 
 lonel Hull received the thanks of that body, for his 
 good conduct on that occasion. 
 
 The troops under the command of Colonel Hull, 
 being established in their quarters, he applied to Gen 
 eral Washington, in February, 1781, for permission 
 to pass the residue of the winter in Boston. 
 
 He had now served in the war six years, and this 
 was the first time that he had asked leave of absence. 
 The six preceding campaigns, he had been constantly 
 at his post, excepting while attending on public duty 
 in the Legislature of Massachusetts. 
 
 During three winters he was in the field, com 
 manding the most advanced station towards the 
 enemy, and constantly exposed, at that inclement 
 season, to fatigue, hardships, and dangers. So severe 
 was the duty, that it is seen by the original orders, that 
 half of his detachment was exchanged every fort 
 night. His fine health and energetic spirit enabled 
 him to meet every exposure, uninjured ; and there 
 was not a day that sickness disabled him from the 
 performance of duty. He had taken an active part 
 in all the battles which were fought, where he was 
 present, and they were numerous, obstinate, and 
 bloody. 
 
 He says : " At this distant period (1822) all my 
 recollections are alive on the subject ; and I should do 
 
198 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 violence to the best feelings of my heart, were I to 
 omit to offer the warmest and most fervent expres 
 sions of gratitude to the Supreme Disposer of human 
 events, that during this highly interesting epoch, my 
 health was enjoyed, amidst numerous dangers, while 
 so many of my brave companions in arms were con 
 stantly falling by my side." 
 
 Colonel Hull having obtained leave of absence for 
 the remainder of the winter, he repaired to Boston, 
 and w r as shortly after married to the only daughter of 
 the Honourable Judge Fuller, of Newton, Massachu 
 setts. 
 
 In referring to this connexion, he writes : " It 
 was a reward for all the toils and dangers which, for 
 six years, I had encountered. It has continued for 
 nearly forty years, and my beloved companion has 
 not only sailed with me down the stream of life, en 
 joying its prosperous gales, but has steadily and 
 affectionately supported me in gloomy periods, as 
 well as in the last most trying storm, which, by faith 
 in an overruling Providence, I have met and borne 
 in all its fury* 33 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL. WILLIAM HULL. 199 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 COLONEL HULL DESPATCHED BY GENERAL WASHINGTON TO COUNT DE ROCHAM- 
 BEAU. PLAN OF ATTACK ON NEW- YORK AND OTHER POINTS. CHANGE OF 
 
 THE SCENE OF OPERATIONS FROM NEW-YORK TO YORKTOWN. CAPTURE 
 
 OF THE ARMY OF CoRNWALLIS. WASHINGTON TAKES LEAVE OF THE ARMY. 
 
 1781. 
 
 IN July, the French army, under the command of 
 Count de Rochambeau, arrived in the western part 
 of the State of Connecticut, on its way to join Gene 
 ral Washington, then at Peekskill on the North 
 river. 
 
 At this time Colonel Hull received a message 
 from the Commander-in-chief, to repair to his quar 
 ters, that he might explain to him his plan of attack 
 on the enemy, and give him orders as to the part he 
 was to perform, in carrying it into execution. 
 
 It was the intention of General Washington to 
 commence operations the following morning at day 
 light. His object was to take by surprise the ene 
 my's posts on the north end of York island, at Kings- 
 bridge and Morrissania. 
 
 General Lincoln, with a strong body of troops, 
 was to proceed down the Hudson, below Spuyten- 
 devil creek, land, and attack the works at and about 
 Fort Washington, and the Duke de Lauzun, with 
 his regiments of horse and infantry, consisting of 
 
200 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 about six hundred men, joined by Colonel Sheldon's 
 regiment of cavalry, and a detachment from the lines, 
 under General Waterbury, to attack Delancey's 
 regiment at Morrissania. 
 
 If General Lincoln succeeded, General Washing 
 ton with the main body of the army, joined by Count 
 de Rochambeau, would assail the forts on the east 
 and north side of Kingsbridge. These divisions were 
 to make a simultaneous attack, at daylight, the next 
 morning. Should circumstances prevent General 
 Lincoln from landing on York island, near Fort 
 Washington, he was directed to land above Spuyten- 
 devil creek, to prevent the enemy from passing Kings- 
 bridge and attacking the right flank of the Duke de 
 Lauzun at Morrissania. 
 
 General Washington despatched Colonel Hull to 
 Count de Rochambeau, who was then at Bedford, for 
 the purpose of explaining to him their situation, and 
 the plan of operations, and directed Colonel Hull to 
 attend the Duke de Lauzun in his attack on Morris 
 sania. 
 
 Colonel Hull was received by Count de Rocham 
 beau with that easy politeness and courtesy, the uni 
 form characteristic of the Frenchman, whatever be his 
 birth or circumstances in life. 
 
 After the Count had read his letters, he remarked, 
 that he was extremely happy that General Washing 
 ton had sent one of his officers to attend him, and 
 especially one who* was acquainted with the country, 
 and the enemy's position. He then remarked, that 
 his troops were very much fatigued by their long 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 201 
 
 march from Newport ; that the weather was extreme 
 ly warm, and he had then halted to refresh them ; 
 and that it would be necessary to cook the provisions, 
 before the march was resumed. Colonel Hull stated 
 to him the distance he then was from Kingsbridge 
 and Morrissania, and that it was necessary to march 
 at a certain time, to arrive at those points at the hour 
 General Washington had designated. The Count 
 laid his maps on* the table, when Colonel Hull ex 
 plained to him the whole plan of operations, as Gen 
 eral Washington had that morning communicated 
 them to him. 
 
 Count de Rochambeau seemed revolving the sub- 
 
 o 
 
 ject, and continued to ask a great number of questions. 
 He then sent for the Duke de Lauzun, who shortly 
 after an introduction requested Col. Hull to attend 
 him to his quarters. The Duke was very particular 
 in his inquiries. He was informed of the distance he 
 had to march, and how important it was for him to 
 arrive at Morrissania by daylight in the morning. 
 He replied, that both his men and horses were ex 
 ceedingly fatigued, and that they must have a little 
 time for refreshment. Colonel Hull urged, as much 
 as politeness would permit in his situation, the neces 
 sity of marching earlier. But the fatigue of the 
 troops and the heat of the weather prevented the line 
 being formed until sunset. Colonel Sheldon had 
 joined them, and General Waterbury was waiting at 
 the White Plains, when the corps arrived about one 
 o'clock in the morning. 
 
 At this point Colonel Hull wrote to General Wash- 
 
202 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 ington, by the Duke's desire, stating the time of their 
 arrival, and that he could not reach Morrissania until 
 after sunrise, unless he should proceed with his cav 
 alry alone and leave the infantry to follow him. That 
 such proposition had been made to him, but he had 
 objected to it, as, should the attack prove unsuccessful 
 he could not justify himself for so doing. 
 
 General Washington, it was supposed, was at 
 that time equally as far advanced on the North river 
 road. The Duke de Lauzun made a halt at the 
 White Plains, arid shortly after Count de Rochambeau 
 joined him. The Duke then proceeded rapidly, with 
 both cavalry and infantry. When arrived within a 
 short distance of Delancey's bridge, he observed to 
 Colonel Hull, that as it would soon be daylight, and 
 they were so near the point of attack, he would pro 
 ceed with his cavalry, and the infantry would be able 
 to march in time to his assistance. He then made a 
 rapid advance, but it was after daylight before he 
 reached Delancey's bridge, which was about a mile 
 and a half from the enemy's post. 
 
 A heavy fire of musketry was now heard. The 
 Duke de Lauzun ascended the high ground, and per 
 ceived General Lincoln's division and the enemy in 
 full view and closely engaged. The Duke halted. 
 A regiment was seen advancing to reinforce the Bri 
 tish troops. Colonel Hull said to the Duke, u that 
 he knew them by their uniform ; that it was Delan 
 cey's troop from Morrissania." The Duke asked, 
 " What course do you think I had best pursue ?" 
 Colonel Hull replied, " that as he was a little in the 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 203 
 
 rear of the right flank of the enemy, perhaps he was 
 in a good situation to make an attack in that quarter." 
 He answered, " that General Lincoln was his supe 
 rior officer, and he did not think himself justified in 
 doing it without his orders." Colonel Hull said, " that 
 if the Duke would furnish a small escort of cavalry, 
 he would pass round the right flank of the enemy, 
 and inform General Lincoln of his situation, and ob- 
 obtain his orders." To this he consented. When 
 Colonel Hull met General Lincoln, the enemy had 
 been reinforced, and were pressing hard on him. He 
 stated the situation of the Duke, and that it was 
 altogether favourable to advance on the right flank of 
 the enemy and co-operate with him. General Lin 
 coln replied, " that the Duke de Lauzun had received 
 his orders from General Washington, and was not 
 under his command." Colonel Hull answered, " that 
 the senior officer in the field commanded, of course." 
 General Lincoln said, " not to countermand the orders 
 of the superior." Colonel Hull then remarked, " that 
 the enemy had left Morrissania, and reinforced the 
 troops he was now engaged with ; that consequently 
 there was no force for the Duke to act against. Will 
 you, sir, give your advice under the circumstances ?" 
 General Lincoln replied, " that he should riot in any 
 way interfere with the orders of the Commander-in- 
 chief." 
 
 Colonel Hull returned to the Duke de Lauzun, 
 and informed him of the result. He said " he would 
 immediately send an express to General Washington 
 for orders." The Commander-in-chief directed him 
 
204 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 to join the main army, which having now reinforced 
 General Lincoln, the enemy was compelled to retreat 
 over Kingsbridge. 
 
 When General Washington heard the circumstan 
 ces, he highly applauded the spirit and strong desire 
 the Duke de Lauzun had manifested, to participate 
 in the action, but at the same time expressed his 
 opinion, that General Lincoln had conducted on 
 strictly military principles. 
 
 Both enterprises having failed, and Count de Ro- 
 chambeau being yet some distance from the American 
 army, it was advised that he should halt several miles 
 from Kingsbridge, and refresh his troops. General 
 Washington marched to Dobbs' Ferry, and here a 
 junction was formed, for the first time, between the 
 American and French armies. But the theatre of the 
 war was now to be changed from the north to the 
 south, by the determination of the Count de Grasse 
 to sail for the Chesapeake instead of Sandy Hook. 
 He was at this time in the West Indies, and wrote 
 General Washington, in August, that he should sail 
 immediately, and be prepared to co-operate with his 
 army. His land troops consisted, he said, of three 
 thousand two hundred men, besides his naval arma 
 ment, but that he would not be able to remain longer 
 than the middle of October. 
 
 The siege of New-York was therefore abandoned, 
 and Yorktown and Gloucester in Virginia, where 
 Lord Cornwallis commanded, became the object of 
 the united strength of the combined armies. About 
 two thousand Americans, and all the French troops 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 205 
 
 under Count de Rochambeau, were ordered to march 
 southwardly. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, ignorant that the Count de 
 Grasse had arrived in the Chesapeake, could not pen 
 etrate the designs of Washington, who still endea 
 voured to keep up the idea that New- York was the 
 point of attack. He therefore sent troops down to 
 wards Staten Island, had houses for forage erected, 
 and baking ovens built on the Jersey shore. Letters 
 were intentionally written to fall into the hands of 
 the enemy, and keep up the deception : and so well 
 did the feint succeed, that the main body of the army 
 had arrived at Philadelphia before Sir Henry Clinton 
 suspected the designs of the American Commander. 
 
 Twenty regiments were left in the Highlands 
 under the command of General Heath, for the pro 
 tection of the northern posts. The third, to which 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Hull was attached, was in 
 cluded. 
 
 It had been the fortunate lot of the Massachusetts 
 regiments, to be employed against the army of Bur- 
 goyne ; and as they had shared in the glory of an 
 event, with which an overruling Providence had fa 
 voured the American cause, and likewise in the bat 
 tles of Trenton, Princeton, and Monmouth, the as 
 sault on Stony Point and other fortunate occasions, 
 it was but just that the present opportunity, which 
 presented prospects of the most brilliant success, 
 should devolve on that part of the army whose for 
 tunes in the south had been less auspicious than those 
 of their northern brethren. 
 
206 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 General Washington had, with reason, the most 
 unshaken confidence in the troops which he selected 
 for the southern campaign ; and the issue of their 
 meeting with Cornwallis showed, that their zeal and 
 ability were equal to any and every emergency. 
 
 Colonel Hull was now appointed Adjutant and 
 Inspector-General of the army at West Point, and the 
 neighbouring posts in the Highlands. The duties of 
 these offices he performed until the summer of 1783, 
 when General Washington had returned from the 
 south, after the capture of the army of Lord Corn 
 wallis, and resumed his command in the Highlands. 
 
 At this period, the preliminary articles of peace 
 were signed, and hostilities between Great Britain 
 and America ceased. Colonel Hull was ordered to 
 repair to West Chester, with the command of eight 
 companies of light infantry, as the civil government 
 had not as yet been organized. The object of this 
 corps was, to protect the inhabitants from the preda 
 tory incursions of the Refugees, which were made 
 with the authority of the British commander. 
 
 The presence of a military force was therefore 
 necessary for the safety of this people, who had for so 
 many years been the victims of suffering, from the 
 Skinners and Cow-boys. 
 
 Colonel Hull remained on this station, until Sir 
 Guy Carleton announced to General Washington that 
 he was prepared to embark and deliver up to him the 
 city of New- York. 
 
 On the 22d of November, General Washington, 
 accompanied by General Knox, Governor Clinton, 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 207 
 
 and a large number of civil and military officers, ar 
 rived in the neighbourhood of Kingsbridge. General 
 Washington directed Colonel Hull to march his de 
 tachment of light infantry the next morning, at day 
 light, to the heights, near Kingsbridge, and take pos 
 session of the forts, as soon as they were evacuated 
 by the British. Before the sun arose, the American 
 troops were in motion, and as they advanced the 
 British troops retired. Having proceeded below Har 
 lem, Sir Guy Carleton gave notice, that he would 
 not be able to complete his embarkation until the 
 next day. On that day it rained incessantly, and the 
 British were not prepared to evacuate until the fol 
 lowing day. 
 
 On the memorable morning of the 25th Novem 
 ber,* when the corps of light infantry commanded by 
 Colonel Hull was paraded to escort the Commander- 
 in-chief into the city, he rode up in front of the 
 troops, and remarked, that he felt peculiarly happy 
 in witnessing the excellent appearance and high state 
 of discipline of that part of his army which was ap 
 pointed to attend him in the last interesting mo 
 ments of his military command. Colonel Hull had 
 commanded this corps for five months, and anticipat- 
 
 * The 25th of November has honours, being seated on the right 
 
 ever since continued a day of Na- of the Mayor, 
 tional Jubilee in the city of New- It is not certain, that any historian 
 
 York. For nearly thirty years after of the Revolution mentions the fact, 
 
 this period, whenever General Hull that Colonel Hull commanded .the 
 
 happened to be in the city on that troops on this occasion. But the 
 
 day, he was invited to the public grateful New-Yorkers never forgot 
 
 dinner, and received distinguished it. 
 
208 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 ing the satisfaction of performing so grateful a ser 
 vice, he, with the faithful co-operation of his officers 
 and men, had devoted constant attention to make it 
 as perfect as possible, in the very qualities which Gen 
 eral Washington had commended. 
 
 To render this service to their beloved Com 
 mander ; to hear his approving words ; to gather, for 
 the last time, in military array around his honoured 
 person, was a full reward for our long, severe trials. 
 The countenance of every officer and soldier was 
 lightened up by the liveliest expressions of joy, and, 
 for the moment, the thought of a final separation 
 from the object of our love, respect, and gratitude, 
 was forgotten. As the procession advanced, crowds 
 of citizens met us, hailing our approach and welcom 
 ing our entrance into their city. Vast bodies of pa 
 triots, who for seven years had exiled themselves 
 from their homes, were now re-occupying their de 
 serted dwellings, and the streets, the tops of houses, 
 and the windows, were filled with men, women and 
 children, waving plumes and garlands of greens and 
 flowers, and cheering our path with every expression 
 of joy and gratitude, to which the occasion gave rise. 
 
 Colonel Hull was directed, on the fourth of De 
 cember, to form his detachment of light infantry at 
 the hotel near Whitehall, where a barge was pre 
 pared to receive the Commander-in-chief, to convey 
 him to Paulus Hook. The corps was formed, its 
 right wing at the hotel, the left extending to the 
 barge. 
 
 The last affecting interview between General 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 209 
 
 Washington and his officers, is thus described by 
 Chief Justice Marshall and referred to by Colonel 
 Hull, as a correct and touching description of that 
 interesting scene.* 
 
 " At noon, the principal officers of the army as 
 sembled at Francis' tavern ; soon after which their 
 beloved Commander entered the room. His emotions 
 were too strong to be concealed. Filling a glass, he 
 turned to them and said : < With a heart full of love 
 and gratitude, I now take leave of you : I most de 
 voutly wish, that your latter days may be as prosper 
 ous and happy, as your former ones have been glorious 
 and honourable.' Having drank, he added : ' 1 can 
 not come to each of you to take my leave, but shall 
 be obliged to you, if each of you will come and take 
 me by the hand.' General Knox, being nearest, 
 turned to him. Incapable of utterance, Washington 
 grasped his hand and embraced him. In the same 
 affectionate manner, he took leave of each succeeding 
 officer. In every eye was the tear of dignified sensi 
 bility ; and not a word was articulated, to interrupt 
 the majestic silence and the tenderness of the scene. 
 
 " Leaving the room, he passed through the corps of 
 light infantry and walked to Whitehall, where a 
 barge waited to convey him to Paul us Hook. The 
 whole company followed, in mute and solemn pro 
 cession, with dejected countenances, testifying feel 
 ings of delicious melancholy, which no language 
 can describe. 
 
 * Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. IV.,. page 677. 
 
 14 
 
210 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 " Having entered the barge, he turned to the com 
 pany, and waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu. 
 They paid him the same affectionate compliment, 
 and after the barge had left them, returned in the 
 same solemn manner to the place where they had 
 assembled." 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM H0IA. 211 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 DISBANDING OF THE ARMY. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SOCIETY OF CINCINNATI. 
 MISSION TO QUEBEC. 
 
 1784. 
 
 BEFORE General Washington retired from his 
 command, he was authorized by Congress to disband 
 the whole army, excepting one regiment and a corps 
 of artillery. This regiment was composed of such 
 officers as he should designate, and with that descrip 
 tion of soldiers which had enlisted for three years, 
 and whose term of service had not yet expired. Co 
 lonel Hull was selected by the Commander-in-chief 
 as the Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment, and ac 
 cepted the appointment. 
 
 These troops were stationed at West Point, dur 
 ing the winters of 1783-4, and now composed the 
 whole of the peace establishment ; General Heath 
 being first in command, and Colonel Hull second. 
 
 Previous to disbanding the army, the officers formed 
 a Society, which they denominated " The Society of 
 the Cincinnati." The objects of the institution were 
 to commemorate the great events which gave inde 
 pendence to the United States of North America, for 
 the laudable purpose of inculcating the duty of laying 
 down in peace arms assumed for public defence ; and 
 
212 .REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 of uniting in acts of brotherly affection and bonds of 
 perpetual friendship, the members constituting the 
 same. Each officer deposited a month's pay, for the 
 establishment of a fund, the interest of which was to 
 be applied to the relief of such unfortunate officers 
 and their families, W 7 hose necessities should require it. 
 
 General Washington was elected, and accepted 
 the appointment of President of the Society. Besides 
 the Parent Society, the officers of each State were 
 formed into a separate Society, as a branch of the 
 Parent Society, and it was decided that once in three 
 years, each State Society should choose delegates, to 
 meet in Convention, to regulate the concerns of the 
 general Society ; and that the President of the Pa 
 rent Society should, ex qfficio, be a member of, and 
 preside at the general conventions. 
 
 The first general meeting was held at Philadel 
 phia, in May, 1784. General Knox, Colonel Hull, 
 and Major Serjeant, afterwards Governor of the Mis 
 sissippi Territory, were appointed delegates to attend 
 the meeting. After the interesting business which 
 had called them together was finished, Colonel Hull 
 returned to his station at West Point. 
 
 By the definitive Treaty of Peace between Great 
 Britain and the United States, which was ratified in 
 the year 1783, the boundary line was drawn and 
 described between the British dominions and the 
 United States. The forts Niagara, Detroit, Michi- 
 limackinac, and several smaller posts, garrisoned by 
 British troops, were situated within the limits of the 
 United States. It was stipulated in the treaty that 
 
[LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 these forts should be delivered into our possession, 
 without unnecessary delay, not specifying any par 
 ticular time. 
 
 A year had passed, and they were still garrisoned 
 by British troops. The possession of these posts 
 being of great importance to the United States, 
 Colonel Hull was commissioned by the Government 
 to repair to Quebec, arid, by virtue of the treaty, to 
 make a formal demand of the Governor-General of 
 that province, that they should be surrendered. 
 
 In the event of a compliance with the demand, 
 he was directed to visit each of them, and authorized 
 to negotiate for the cannon and munitions of war 
 which they contained, for an equal quantity in value, 
 to be delivered to the British Government, on the 
 seaboard, or on any navigable waters, where it would 
 be convenient for delivery to both parties. 
 
 Colonel Hull writes : " On my arrival at Quebec, 
 I was received by General Haldimand with great po 
 liteness. After communicating to him the object of 
 my mission, under the authority of my Government, 
 he invited me to a conference. He stated that he 
 had received no instructions from his Government to 
 comply with my demand. I inquired if he had re 
 ceived the definitive treaty of peace, ratified by his 
 Government. He answered, that he had not, but 
 expected every day the arrival of a ship from Eng 
 land, which probably would bring it. In the course 
 of a few days the ship arrived. He then invited me 
 to another conference, in which he stated that he had 
 received the treaty, but no instructions to deliver up 
 
214 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the posts. I asked him whether the treaty was not 
 sent to him officially, and ratified by his Government* 
 He replied, it was. I again asked whether, as the 
 representative of his Government, he did not consi 
 der that it was his duty to execute such regulations 
 and stipulations as had been made, and such as it 
 might be considered he was delegated to carry into 
 effect. His answer was, not without particular in 
 structions. 1 then observed, that my views of the 
 subject were different. That I could imagine no 
 reason why his Government should send him the 
 treaty, without an intention of his carrying into 
 effect that part of it which related to his province. 
 That treaties were considered as laws, and were to 
 operate as such ; that it was contrary to the practice 
 of all nations, after laws were made and published, 
 with all the formalities attending them, for the fra- 
 mers to give particular instructions for their execu 
 tion ; it became at once the duty of the judicial and 
 executive officers to see them carried into effect ; that 
 if any regulation on the subject of the Indian De 
 partment, or the commerce of the province was offi 
 cially sent to him, duly authenticated, he certainly 
 would consider that it was his duty to carry it into 
 operation, without waiting for particular instructions 
 on the subject. 
 
 " I concluded by saying, that it was of great im 
 portance on our part, that the stipulations of the 
 treaty, with respect to the posts within our territory, 
 should be carried into effect, and I was bound to say, 
 that I could see no good reason why there should be 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 215 
 
 further delay, consistent with that good faith which 
 characterized his nation. 
 
 " The Governor replied, that this reasoning did 
 not satisfy him that it was his duty to deliver up the 
 posts. That if it had been the intention of the Bri 
 tish Ministers that he should do so, they would have 
 given him specific instructions for the purpose ; that 
 he was a military officer and a foreigner, adopted into 
 the British service ; and the rule of his conduct ever 
 had been, and would continue to be, to follow the 
 clear and particular orders of the Government he had 
 the honour to serve. 
 
 " Perceiving there was not the least prospect of 
 accomplishing the object of my mission, I expressed 
 my regret and apprehension that disagreeable conse 
 quences might result ; and that my continuance at 
 Quebec would be of no further use ; I had only to 
 demand my passport to return through the province 
 to the United States. I proceeded to Philadelphia 
 and made my report to the President of Congress. 
 As the regiment to which I had been appointed was 
 discharged, I now returned to enjoy the tranquil and 
 happy scenes of civil and domestic life. 
 
 " From information obtained in Canada, I was 
 satisfied that it was not the intention of the British 
 Government at that time to deliver up these posts." 
 
 As soon as the manner in which the boundary line 
 established between the United States and the Can- 
 adas was published, very strong remonstrances were 
 made by the members of the Northwest Fur Com 
 pany, and other influential characters in those prov- 
 
216 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 inces. It was stated, that a vast region had been 
 ceded to the United States, to which before they had 
 no claim, and to which they had obtained no title by 
 conquest ; that this country comprehended the best 
 soil for cultivation and settlement ; was situated in a 
 temperate climate, inhabited by numerous tribes of 
 Indians ; where the Northwest Company had estab 
 lished their trading houses, and from which their 
 principal wealth was derived. It was further added, 
 that the British Commissioners who made the treaty 
 were either ignorant of the immense value of the 
 country, and its importance to the Canadas, or were 
 not disposed to pay that attention to the interests of 
 his Britannic Majesty's subjects residing in those 
 provinces, which the spirit and loyalty they had 
 manifested during the war had merited. 
 
 Another view given was, that the numerous 
 tribes of savages, who inhabited those extensive re 
 gions, were equally dissatisfied, and were determined 
 not to submit to the superintendence of the United 
 States, or suffer their traders to come into their coun 
 try. It was asserted that the Ohio and Alleghany 
 rivers ought to have been the boundary, and that 
 this could now be effected by encouraging the In 
 dians to hostility. This policy was adopted ; the 
 posts were retained, and the tragical wars which sub 
 sequently took place, were carried on by the Indians, 
 at the expense of the British Government. 
 
 This state of things continued, until the hostile 
 tribes experienced a total defeat by our army under 
 General Wayne in 1793. The following year, the 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 217 
 
 posts were surrendered, after the ratification of a 
 new treaty with England, made by Mr. Jay. The 
 British Government never admitted that the object 
 of holding these posts was to aid the Indians in the 
 prosecution of their wars. Other causes were as 
 signed, such as legal impediment in the payment of 
 debts due to British subjects, confiscation of the pro 
 perty of loyalists, and prosecuting them for the part 
 they had taken during the war. 
 
218 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 SHAYS' REBELLION. 
 
 1786. 
 
 THE regiment to which Colonel Hull was at 
 tached, on the peace establishment, being disbanded, 
 he retired from the army, and established his resi 
 dence in Newton, Massachusetts. He commenced 
 the practice of the law, and was engaged in the per 
 formance of such public duties as from time to time 
 fell in his way, and, as a public-spirited man, gave 
 him pleasure to perform. In politics he held enlarged 
 views. He neither contended alone for sectional in 
 terests, nor for the exclusive advancement of a parti 
 cular party, but solely for such principles as he be 
 lieved to be consistent with the genius, and would 
 most promote the happiness of a people just emerged 
 from the thraldom of monarchical systems, and who 
 had severely struggled to obtain their rights. 
 
 Before the Constitution was adopted, in 1789, 
 like many others, he feared there was a tendency to 
 form a government of a more consolidated character 
 than was necessary, and which would prove unac 
 ceptable to the people at large, by producing that in 
 equality of rights observable in European States. 
 
 To oppose this, his talents and his influence were 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 219 
 
 exerted ; and no persecution or ill treatment from the 
 men whom he had assisted to elevate to power, could 
 betray him into inconsistency of conduct, involving a 
 compromise of principles, for which he had ever and 
 earnestly contended. The same policy marked his 
 conduct in the suppression of Shay's rebellion, fifteen 
 years previous to the elections of 1801, when he 
 urged and assisted to exact obedience to the powers 
 that be, and a patient waiting for the only legitimate 
 mode of redress, the elective franchise. 
 
 Though he went with a party on leading princi 
 ples, he did not deem it necessary to bend every man 
 to his own views, to obtain office, but conferred ap 
 pointments wherever he found talent and merit to 
 deserve them. Such was his practice while Governor 
 of the Michigan Territory. He never admitted the 
 doctrine, that because there existed a difference of 
 political sentiment, a man was therefore disqualified, 
 however honest and able, from the performance of 
 public duty. In the commencement of the war of 
 1812, he was authorized by the Government to nom 
 inate such persons as his judgment approved, for ap 
 pointments in the army. He only desired to be in 
 formed if the candidate was a faithful supporter of 
 the Constitution of his country, and qualified to serve 
 her interests. He asked not whether he was a re 
 publican or a federalist. 
 
 Soon after peace was established, a disaffected 
 spirit was perceptible among the people. The com 
 merce of the colonies, previous to the war of the Re 
 volution, having been almost exclusively with Eng- 
 
220 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 land, large debts were due to her merchants. From 
 the years 1775 to 1784-5, no part of these debts had 
 been paid. The treaty of peace provided, that there 
 should be no legal impediment to their collection. 
 Notwithstanding this provision, the Legislature of 
 Massachusetts had passed laws which protected the 
 debtors from paying the interest which had accrued 
 during the war. This being justly viewed by the 
 British Government as a violation of the treaty, and 
 represented to Congress as such, these laws were re 
 pealed, and the course of justice was open. British 
 agents were sent over, for the purpose of collecting 
 these debts. The merchants who had imported 
 goods, being called on, were under the necessity of 
 calling on the traders in the country, to whom they 
 had sold them on credit. The traders, in their turn, 
 were compelled to demand payment of the people, 
 who had been the consumers of the goods. The 
 consequence was, that lawsuits were multiplied be 
 yond all former example. In addition to this, taxes 
 were very heavy ; specie was scarce ; and that alone 
 was received in payment. Much real distress was 
 produced by this state of things. As the difficulties 
 daily increased, the excitement became great, and 
 the oppressed felt that it was necessary to examine 
 the cause, and make exertion for relief. It was im 
 possible for them to be unmindful how cheerfully 
 they had devoted their personal services, and the 
 fruits of their industry, to the support of the war. 
 That having thus aided in securing the blessings of 
 peace and independence, they hoped and expected to 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 22 
 
 have participated in the enjoyment of them. In then- 
 new situation, they experienced nothing but embar 
 rassment, oppression, and distress. Such reflections 
 convinced them, that there was some radical defect 
 in the Government. From individual complaints, 
 neighbours began to assemble, to discuss their 
 grievances. These small bodies were increased to 
 town meetings, and then into county conventions. 
 There the oppressive system was painted by their 
 leaders in the most gloomy colours. In August, 
 1786, the selectmen of Newton, Massachusetts, re 
 ceived a letter, signed by Captain John Nutting, 
 chairman of a committee from the towns of Groton, 
 Pepperell, Shirley, and Ashley, inviting the town to 
 send delegates to a county convention at Concord, to 
 discuss their grievances, and devise measures for ob 
 taining redress. In these .meetings, it was represent 
 ed, that the difficulty was the want of a circulating 
 medium ; that this evil could easily be removed by 
 issuing paper money, and making it a legal tender for 
 the payment of debts and taxes ; that the courts of 
 justice ought to be closed, until the circulating me 
 dium could be increased, and facilities thus furnished 
 for the relief of debtors. Courts and lawyers were 
 denounced as the instruments of oppression, and they 
 shared largely in the popular resentment. A pam 
 phlet had been written with great art and address, 
 and circulated under the signature of " Honestus" It 
 was read and commented on in the public meetings, 
 and contributed much to inflame the minds of the 
 people. Even moderate and substantial men began 
 
222 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 to think that evils existed in the Government, and the 
 spirit of disaffection was spreading, more or less, over 
 every part of the State. The malcontents, trusting 
 in their strength, from the increase of their numbers, 
 and the unanimity of their views, felt that the time 
 for action had arrived ; and the first step taken was, 
 to prevent in the several counties the sittings of the 
 Courts. 
 
 In the autumn, the period having arrived for the 
 Courts of Common Pleas to hold their sessions, the 
 insurgents assembled in arms, and took possession of 
 the court-houses. When the judges went to take 
 their seats, bayonets were presented to their breasts, 
 and they were informed, that it was the will of their 
 sovereign lords, the people, that the Courts should be 
 adjourned sine die. No force having been ordered 
 for the support of their authority, they were obliged 
 to comply, and the sittings were prevented. Such 
 were the violent and lawless proceedings that took 
 place in the counties of Berkshire, Hampshire, and 
 Worcester, that the rebels succeeded in expelling the 
 lawyers and judges from their seats in the General 
 Court. Encouraged by this success, and the partisans 
 of the cause continually increasing, they formed the 
 bold design of calling a general convention, for the 
 purpose of .overturning the Government, and estab 
 lishing a new one on its ruins. 
 
 There were now three parties recognized, the 
 friends of the Government, the wavering, and the in 
 surgents. 
 
 Governor Bowdoin, of Massachusetts, was in 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 223 
 
 favour of taking strong and decisive measures. Pre 
 viously to the meeting of the Court in Concord, it 
 was known to be the intention of the insurgents to 
 oppose by arms their proceedings. The Legislature 
 not being in session, the Governor invited the repre 
 sentatives of Boston, and some gentlemen from the 
 country, into his Council. 
 
 Colonel Hull was a member of this Council. The 
 question was considered, whether it was expedient to 
 call out the militia to protect the Court in its sessions 
 at Concord. A large majority was in favour of sus 
 taining the civil powers by a military force. The 
 Governor accordingly gave orders to General Brooks, 
 who commanded the militia of the county, to march 
 a detachment, the day before the Court met. Some 
 of the judges and influential characters hearing it 
 was the intention of the Governor to send a military 
 force to sustain the civil authority, repaired to Boston 
 two days before the session of the Court. They 
 made such a representation of the temper and feelings 
 of the people, as induced him to countermand his 
 orders to the militia. 
 
 At the same time the expedient was recommend 
 ed of sending expresses to the different towns ; de 
 siring them to send delegates to meet in Convention, 
 on the morning of the session of the Court. The 
 object was to open a negotiation with the insurgents, 
 and endeavour to dissuade them from their purpose. 
 
 On the morning of the assembling of the Court, 
 the judges, the lawyers, and other constituent mem 
 bers of the Court, with the members of the Conven- 
 
224 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 tion and the insurgents, were all proceeding by dif 
 ferent routes to the town of Concord. A short time 
 previously to the meeting of the Court, a body of 
 armed insurgents arrived from the north, took posses 
 sion of the court-house, and instead of negotiating 
 with the Convention, which had assembled in the 
 meeting-house, made its members prisoners. 
 
 Soon after, a reinforcement arrived from the west, 
 and formed a junction with their brethren from the 
 north. The judges had met at the hotel, and were 
 preparing to proceed to the court-house. 
 
 Colonel Hull and some other gentlemen were 
 present. It was not long before a body of armed 
 men, with several officers, came to the house, and 
 inquired for the judges. The officers informed the 
 judges that they were a committee from the great 
 body of the people in arms, and were instructed to 
 inform them that they had taken possession of the 
 court-house, with a determination to prevent the 
 session of the Court. 
 
 An attempt was made to reason with them. They 
 replied, that they had no authority to enter into dis 
 cussion, but only to deliver their message. They 
 then returned to the main body. It was decided, 
 under the circumstances, to adjourn, and the judges, 
 and their associates in public duty, returned to their 
 homes. 
 
 The insurgents remained in the town until the 
 following morning, and after the adjournment of the 
 Court, released from prison the members of the Con 
 vention. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 225 
 
 Late in the autumn the Legislature met. Find 
 ing that the imprisonment of a number of the insur 
 gents had been of no avail, and the utmost efforts of 
 the civil authority were in vain exerted to crush the 
 spirit of rebellion rapidly spreading over the land, it 
 was now resolved to take strong measures. A body 
 of militia, consisting of four thousand four hundred 
 men, rank and file, were ordered to be ready to act 
 in January. Major-General Benjamin Lincoln was 
 appointed Commander-in-chief. General Rufus Put 
 nam and Colonel Hull accompanied him, as volun 
 teers. General Shepherd, with a detachment of 
 militia, consisting of between eleven and twelve 
 hundred men, was ordered to Springfield, for the 
 protection of the arsenal. 
 
 The insurgents had chosen for their leader a man 
 by the name of Daniel Shays, who had served as a 
 captain in the war of the Revolution. He had risen 
 to that rank in the ordinary routine of promotion ; 
 but had never performed any service that gave him 
 distinction as an officer. Before the war ended, he 
 was obliged to leave the army, for some dishonourable 
 conduct. The force collected by Shays amounted to 
 about two thousand men. When he heard of the 
 approach of General Lincoln's army, he decided to 
 attack General Shepherd, before he could be rein 
 forced by General Lincoln. General Shepherd had 
 thrown up some slight redoubts on the rising ground, 
 for the security of the arsenal. On these he placed 
 several pieces of cannon. When the insurgents ad 
 vanced, an aid-de-camp was sent by General Shep- 
 
 15 
 
226 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 herd, to inquire the object of their movement. Shays 
 replied, that they intended to take possession of the 
 arsenal, and continued to advance. They were 
 warned to stop, or they would be fired upon. This 
 having no effect, General Shepherd ordered a few 
 shot to be fired over their heads. Instead of taking 
 the alarm, they advanced with still more pertinacity. 
 The column was now near, and the batteries were 
 ordered to be opened upon it. Several were killed, 
 some wounded, and the whole body was thrown into 
 confusion. Without attempting to rally, they imme 
 diately retreated up the Connecticut river, and took 
 a position on the opposite bank, at West Springfield. 
 
 General Lincoln having arrived, formed his de 
 tachment, and gave to General Putnam the command 
 of the right and Colonel Hull the command of the 
 left wing. We immediately passed the river on the 
 ice, but before we could come in contact with the in 
 surgents, they retreated. We pursued, until darkness 
 arrested our progress. We took a number of pris 
 oners. They retreated as far as the town of Hadley, 
 where they fell off to the right, and took a position 
 in the defiles of the mountains at Pelham, twelve 
 miles from East Hadley. General Lincoln advanced 
 as far as this place, where he halted a few days. 
 While here, many of Shays' adherents came in, and 
 availed of the pardon General Lincoln was author 
 ized to grant. The main body still continued with 
 Shays, in a strong position at Pelham. 
 
 General Lincoln commenced the pursuit in the 
 evening, and making a forced march through a violent 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 227 
 
 snow-storm, surprised the insurgents in their camp ; 
 who fled in every direction. No lives were lost, but 
 more than one hundred men were taken prisoners. 
 The residue retreated ; some into the State of Ver 
 mont, others into the back part of the State of New- 
 York ; while many returned to their homes, and 
 asked the clemency of the Government. 
 
 On the tenth of March, the General Court ap 
 pointed three Commissioners ; General Lincoln, the 
 Honourable S. Philips, Juri., and the Honourable S. A. 
 Otis, to proceed to the western counties, for the pur 
 pose of granting amnesty to the insurgents, on their 
 making submission and taking the oath of allegiance. 
 Seven hundred and ninety persons took the benefit of 
 the commission. Shays, Wheeler, Parsons, Luke, 
 Day, and a few others, were excepted. Fourteen 
 were arrested, and convicted of high treason. They 
 received the sentence of death, but were all ulti 
 mately pardoned. 
 
228 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THE SPIRIT OF DISAFFECTION CONTINUES. INSTRUCTIONS TO THE REPRESEN 
 TATIVE OF THE TOWN OF NEWTON, MASSACHUSETTS, PREPARED BY CoLO- 
 
 NEL HULL. 
 
 1787. 
 
 NOTWITH STANDING all opposition to the Govern 
 ment had been put down by the force of arms, yet 
 an uneasy and dissatisfied spirit among the people 
 was still apparent, The policy adopted was, to clas 
 sify the citizens, and each class was required to fur 
 nish a recruit at the enormous expense of three or four 
 hundred dollars. This regulation involved many in 
 debt, and, among other causes, was a source of the 
 present embarrassment. At the ensuing election for 
 Governor, Mr. Hancock was a candidate, in opposi 
 tion to Mr. Bowdoin, and was elected by a large ma 
 jority. In the choice of Senators and Representatives 
 great efforts were made to select persons favourable 
 to the plans of the insurgents, which were successful 
 in many instances. 
 
 In Newton, where Colonel Hull resided, there 
 was a manfest disposition to oppose the Government. 
 The people succeeded in electing a man, by name 
 Edward Fuller, who had openly justified the conduct 
 of the insurgents. When this choice was announced 
 at the town meeting, some surprise was expressed, 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 229 
 
 and it was moved, that the town should give him 
 instructions, and a committee be appointed to prepare 
 them. This motion was carried. Colonel Hull was 
 a member of the committee, and was requested to 
 prepare the instructions. It was accordingly done, and 
 the report was handed in and was accepted by a large 
 majority. It is curious to remark the inconsistency 
 of this proceeding of the people, who had elected a 
 man professing sentiments entirely opposite to those 
 contained in his instructions, as follow : 
 
 "March 18, 1787. Instructions to Captain Edward Fuller, Representa 
 tive for the Town of Newton, 
 
 " SIR Chosen to represent this town in the next 
 Legislature at this solemn period of our public affairs, 
 you will soon be called on to reflect and decide upon 
 principles and measures, on which will depend the 
 happiness, the dignity and the perpetuity of our gov 
 ernment. As the part you are to act is of such im 
 portance, and as we are deeply interested in the re 
 sult of your deliberations, we think it our duty to fur 
 nish you with every information in our power for the 
 regulation of your conduct. 
 
 " We must, in the first place, take upon ourselves 
 to observe to you, that the office of legislation is an 
 elevated trust, in which the general good should be 
 the sole object of attention. As the influence of pas 
 sion, of private interest, or party views, would be 
 contrary to your oath, and subversive of the very 
 design of your appointment, we must expect, in mat 
 ters that may come before you, that you will inquire 
 
REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 with candour, think with coolness, and decide with 
 sobriety, firmness, and magnanimity. 
 
 " On taking a view of the several important acts 
 of the Legislature of the past year, you will find that 
 a late unnatural and unprovoked rebellion, which has 
 convulsed the country, has been the subject of their 
 particular attention ; and that their adoption of de 
 cided measures has arrested its progress, and restored 
 to the country the blessings of peace. 
 
 " These measures we consider to have been ne 
 cessary to the salvation of our country. But while 
 we congratulate you on the wisdom which suggested, 
 and the success which attended them, we are con 
 strained to say, that much remains to be done. The 
 same energetic arm must fall on the untamed spirit, 
 or it will be found that the interests of the best mem 
 bers of the community will fall a sacrifice to the 
 lawless views of the worst. That this will be the 
 case, the rise, progress, and present state of our 
 civil commotions, afford the most unequivocal proof. 
 
 " Although the object of the rebellion was, at 
 first, thought by many to be the total destruction of 
 our present Government, yet the Legislature, imput 
 ing to delusion what we have since had reason to 
 believe was the result of a most malignant spirit of 
 faction, gave a general pardon to characters whose 
 crimes, under an administration less mild, would 
 have destined them to an ignominious death. 
 
 " That the great body of the people at this period, 
 suffered real grievances, is as true as that the mea 
 sures they adopted to obtain redress were improper 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 231 
 
 and unjustifiable. During a long war, their com 
 merce had been cut off, and their fishery, a great 
 source of their wealth, annihilated. The most 
 healthy and able young men had been taken from 
 agriculture and attached to the army. 
 
 " The last years of the war, the bills of credit hav 
 ing entirely failed, the people had been classed, to 
 furnish the military service. They had paid heavy 
 taxes each year of the war, and in addition to this, 
 they had sustained their proportion of loss, of about 
 two hundred millions of dollars, by the depreciation 
 of paper money, which had sunk to nothing in their 
 hands. Now, when peace was restored and military 
 duty ended, they found their resources exhausted ; 
 but, nevertheless, they were required to pay their 
 taxes in specie, and likewise their debts, which had 
 been nearly doubled by the accumulation of interest 
 during the war. 
 
 " Men who had considered themselves indepen 
 dent, were now oppressed by poverty and debt. But 
 deplorable as their condition was, they lived under a 
 government of their own choice, and should have 
 considered, that violent and unlawful measures would 
 only recoil on themselves.* 
 
 * The authority to govern and the ruled for a time their reason and 
 
 duty to obey, are directly taught by their sense of duty, must in the end 
 
 Revelation. Government is not of have been thankful, that there was 
 
 man's invention ; it was given by a strong arm in the land, that could 
 
 God. That it receives the sanction stay them from the excesses and 
 
 of religion, gives wisdom and energy ruin into which they were plunging, 
 
 to its acts. Certainly the very men, EDITOR. 
 whose sufferings and passions over- 
 
232 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 " Law was necessary to the protection of their per 
 sons and their property. They chose their legislators 
 for a short period, and could dismiss them at the pro 
 per time, if they believed them unworthy of their con 
 fidence. Reluctantly did the rulers of the State 
 draw the sword, as the last resort. But its energy 
 and decision, no less than the conciliatory course 
 pursued by the Commander-in-chief of its army, 
 crushed the insurrection, and peace was restored 
 without the horrors and bloodshed incident to civil 
 war. 
 
 " The virtue of the higher classes preserved the 
 State, perhaps the Union. A feeling of irritation ex 
 isted among the people, which, had it been fostered, 
 and their cause sustained by men of talents, influence, 
 and military experience, would have produced incal 
 culable misery, and long hindered a restoration to 
 peace and order, which was so happily and speedily 
 established. But in the true spirit of depravity, 
 mercy was construed to be weakness ; and the flames 
 of insurrection spreading with accelerated fury, the 
 courts of justice were interrupted, the laws laid pros 
 trate, the rights of property put afloat, and all per 
 sonal security at an end. 
 
 " In this state of things, a military force was the 
 only alternative. Called to act at a most timely pe 
 riod, and exercised with a happy combination of 
 mercy and severity, coolness and spirit, opposition 
 from the rebels ceased, and, apparently, order and 
 good faith were restored. The arm of mercy was 
 again extended. But what appears to be the conse- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 233 
 
 quence ? Not a return to their allegiance, but still 
 cherishing the spirit of rebellion, threaten hostilities, 
 and triumph in their escape from justice. This spirit 
 must be subdued. The measures adopted by the last 
 Legislature, have met our highest approbation ; and 
 we expect that you will exert your influence to secure 
 their permanency, so long as the necessity exists. 
 
 " Much has been said, of late, in regard to the 
 emissions of paper money, to relieve the burthens, or, 
 in the language of the factious and disorderly, to re 
 dress the grievances of the people. We must say to 
 you, sir, that the measure would not only be produc 
 tive of certain ruin to individuals, but to the commu 
 nity. 
 
 " Money being the representative of transferable 
 property in every part of the world, to which the use 
 of it extends, the precious metals, which the whole 
 commercial world has adopted as a medium, in the 
 principles of their circulation resemble a fluid, ever 
 striving for an equilibrium. When money is scarce, 
 property at market will ever be cheap. Cheapness 
 of markets will always bring purchasers, and purcha 
 sers, cash. When money is too plenty, prices will 
 rise in proportion, and purchasers will send their 
 money to other markets, where similar articles 
 will be bought at a cheaper rate. Long experience 
 has established the truth of this position, that money 
 cannot long, in any place, be too plenty or too scarce, 
 but, in commercial countries, must bear the same pro 
 portion to the property at market. 
 
 " The evils, therefore, which we now experience, 
 
234 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 in the nature of things must work their own cure. 
 Patience and industry, united to honour and integrity 
 in our dealings, are the only remedies to be applied. 
 
 " To seek relief by paper money, would be a poli 
 tical empiricism, founded in fraud, which would in 
 volve individuals in ruin, and eventually beggar our 
 country. However paradoxical it may seem, the in 
 jury the State would receive from a paper medium, 
 would be in proportion to its credit. The reason is 
 obvious. If we now have a deficiency of specie, and 
 that deficiency is supplied by bills of credit, no specie 
 will come in. Should we extend the emission, so as 
 to occasion a surplusage, compared with other com 
 mercial places, that part of the medium which can, 
 will leave us, until the level is restored. 
 
 " Gold and silver being general in their credit, in 
 their credit would only forsake us. In case, then, of 
 a foreign invasion, where would be our resources ? 
 The paper money would at once fall to the ground, 
 and we should find ourselves poor and wretched in 
 the extreme, without supplies, without money, and 
 without credit. 
 
 " A paper bill can be of no value, but as it repre 
 sents specie. The notes of the Massachusetts Bank, 
 for instance, circulate freely, because it is believed 
 they will always be redeemed at sight, while the 
 State securities are sold at a large discount, as the 
 time and manner of their payment is totally uncertain. 
 
 " Thus it is with the bank bills of England ; they 
 circulate at par ; at the same time, the paper of their 
 public funds is sold at a discount of twenty-five to 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 235 
 
 thirty per cent. That our bills, if emitted, would not 
 be a representative of specie, is certain, since the want 
 of it is the only reason for the emission. The value 
 of such a medium, therefore, must be, at the moment 
 it is issued, less than it promise?. How, then, shall 
 it obtain circulation ? Shall we tread in the footsteps 
 of Rhode Island, and discharge with it our public 
 debt, and then make it a tender in all private con 
 tracts ? Shall we then bury, in one common grave, 
 public and private credit ? Would not this render our 
 country infamous to a proverb ? And here, sir, we 
 may be permitted to express our belief, that a gov 
 ernment which suffers the rights of property to be 
 thus sported with, cannot long retain its tranquillity 
 or its freedom. 
 
 " The hard earnings of industry, are almost as dear 
 as life itself ; and no one who has the feelings of a 
 man about him, will ever yield them up without a 
 struggle. 
 
 " The first article in our Bill of Rights declares, 
 ' that all men are born free and equal, and have cer 
 tain natural, essential, unalienable rights, among 
 which may be reckoned the rights of enjoying and 
 defending their lives and liberties ; and that of ac 
 quiring, possessing and protecting property.' 
 
 " As the discharging of debts by a paper medium 
 would be a high invasion of the rights of property, 
 the preservation of which is among the principal ob 
 jects of legislation ; it is plain, that an act, authorizing 
 a measure of this kind, would be a violation of dele 
 gated trust, and tend to the dissolution of the Govern- 
 
236 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 ment. It is therefore our most serious opinion, that 
 whenever legislators attempt to take away or destroy 
 private property, allegiance is no longer a virtue ; 
 and the people are again thrown upon their natural 
 and reserved rights. 
 
 " But we regret to remark, that our present con 
 vulsed state of society takes its rise from a principle 
 of opposition between debtors and creditors ; be 
 tween the rich and the poor : a source from whence 
 has arisen most of those civil wars, which, after 
 having drenched in blood a greater part of the an 
 cient and many of the modern republics, have occa 
 sioned the ruin of them all. 
 
 " Objections will always exist to the Laws of Ten 
 der, and all other expedients which interfere with 
 private contracts. The moment a government as 
 sumes the power of authorizing a debtor to discharge 
 his debts in a manner different from his engagements, 
 all private confidence is lost, and credit is at an 
 end. The money-holder will not only withhold his 
 loan, but send it to some foreign country, where the 
 rights of property are held more sacred. It is our 
 opinion, that the present scarcity of specie, which 
 was at first partial, but now universally prevails, is 
 principally occasioned by the very measures intended 
 as a remedy. 
 
 " You will therefore use all your endeavours to pre 
 vent a continuance of the Law of Tender, and all 
 others interfering with private engagements. 
 
 "It is a misfortune, that corporate bodies will fre 
 quently sanction acts, which in their individual capa 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 237 
 
 cities they would blush to avow. But we wish you 
 to bear in mind, that justice is invariable in all her 
 laws. Should an attempt be made to stamp a de 
 preciation on the public securities, and thereby to de 
 fraud those who, in a day of public distress, advanced 
 their property and devoted their lives to the service 
 of their country, we conjure you, in the most solemn 
 manner, to oppose such legislation. As we revere 
 the principles of justice and the feelings of gratitude, 
 let the idea never obtain in our councils ; let the 
 thought never find utterance, that we are members 
 of a community, where ingratitude is countenanced 
 by authority ; where injustice is sustained by law. 
 We are alike subject to internal commotions, as ex 
 posed to external invasion. The safety of our coun 
 try may again call for public credit and public ser 
 vices ; it is therefore important that laws be enacted, 
 to secure confidence in the faith of our Government. 
 
 " Placing the subject on the broad basis of na 
 tional policy, a firm reliance on the integrity of Gov 
 ernment should never be shaken. Debt ought never 
 to be cancelled until fully paid. 
 
 " Before the expiration of the present year, the 
 attention of the Legislature will probably be called to 
 consider the report of the Federal Convention, now 
 sitting in Philadelphia. Experience has taught, that 
 the powers of the present confederacy are inadequate 
 to the great objects of its institution. We look to 
 the happiest results from the integrity and ability of 
 the characters who compose this august assembly. 
 They are men who have uniformly been distinguished 
 
238 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 as the firm patriots of our country, and the illustrious 
 Washington is one of their number. Should this body 
 present to the Legislature, as we doubt not they will, 
 a system which promises a firm, efficient Federal Gov 
 ernment, founded on the equal principles of civil lib 
 erty, you will not hesitate to vote for it. 
 
 " You will consider, sir, that government is insti 
 tuted for the benefit and happiness of the people. 
 You will therefore avoid attempting to lay any other 
 burthens, excepting those which a solemn regard to 
 public faith and public justice render necessary. In 
 your inquiries on these points, we think you will find 
 that taxes on lands and on polls are too high. Use 
 your endeavours, therefore, to draw the necessary 
 revenue from a different quarter ; a much larger pro 
 portion, we conceive, should be derived from impost 
 and excise on the luxuries of life. By adhering to 
 such a system, the burthens will lie on those who are 
 able and willing to bear them, and afford support 
 and encouragement to the temperate and frugal. 
 
 " As the public burthens and embarrassments are 
 heavy, it is important that the greatest economy be 
 introduced into every department of Government. 
 We would wish to have the salaries of all public offi 
 cers as low as is consistent with the dignity and 
 honour of their station. If money has become more 
 valuable than when the salaries were established, a 
 reduction of them is not inconsistent with the original 
 principle on which they were granted. 
 
 " In fine, sir, you will use your constant endeav 
 ours, that a sacred regard should be had for public 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 239 
 
 and private faith ; that the rights of debtor and cred 
 itor be equally secured ; that justice be the pole-star 
 of all your public movements ; in order that Govern 
 ment may find it easy to enforce it among our citi 
 zens. Let agriculture and manufactures be encour 
 aged, and there cannot be a doubt but that we shall 
 soon rise superior to present evils, and become a 
 happy and prosperous people." 
 
 " Voted That the foregoing proceedings and 
 instructions be certified by the Town Clerk, and 
 printed in some public newspaper." 
 
240 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 PETITION TO CONGRESS FOR PAY OF OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS OF THE REVO 
 LUTIONARY ARMY. 
 
 IN the formation of the Constitution of the Uni 
 ted States, powers were granted to Congress to make 
 provision for the public debt, contracted during the 
 war. 
 
 The officers and soldiers of the Revolutionary 
 Army were the last class of creditors who applied for 
 that indemnity to which their well-earned services 
 had entitled them. For a long time it was considered 
 that no application was necessary. They relied on 
 the justice of their claims. Their services, and the 
 manner in which they had been remunerated, were 
 inscribed on the Records of Congress. Not more 
 than one-eighth part of the consideration-money had 
 been paid them. Under these circumstances, they 
 felt assured the satisfaction of their claims would have 
 been among the first objects of the Government. 
 They were disappointed. Waiting three years after 
 the organization of the Constitution for a disburse- 
 
 o 
 
 ment of their claims, the officers could wait no 
 longer, without a dereliction of duty they owed them 
 selves and the soldiers who had served with them 
 during the war. 
 
 They called a meeting to consult on measures for 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 241 
 
 relief. It was determined to present a petition to 
 Congress, and to prepare a circular, to be addressed 
 to the officers of the other States, to invite their co 
 operation in the measures that had been adopted. 
 
 By the wish of the officers of Massachusetts, Co 
 lonel Hull was requested to repair to Philadelphia, 
 then the seat of Government, to explain and enforce 
 their petition. 
 
 On his arrival in March, he found no agents from 
 any of the other States, and believing that a united 
 application would have more effect, than from one 
 State alone, he did not present the petition to Con 
 gress. 
 
 For the purpose of uniting all the influence of 
 those who were interested, he addressed a letter to 
 the senior officer of each State, of which the follow 
 ing is a copy : 
 
 CIRCULAR. 
 
 Philadelphia, April, 1792. 
 
 SIR In conformity to an appointment and in 
 structions from the officers of the Massachusetts line 
 of the American army, I have attended at the seat 
 of Government from the 20th of March to the present 
 period. The object of rny commission was to obtain 
 a decision on a memorial, which they had heretofore 
 presented to Congress, on the subject of further com 
 pensation for themselves and the soldiers who served 
 during the war. Although in the first instance, sim 
 ilar applications were expected from those in the 
 different States who were interested, yet expectation 
 was defeated by a delay of the communication, con 
 
 16 
 
242 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 tained in the Circular Address of 28th February, and 
 an idea that an earlier adjournment of Congress would 
 have taken place. 
 
 Finding myself thus situated, and considering 
 that the officers and soldiers through the United States 
 were equally interested in the question, I deemed it 
 a mark of respect and attention, due to them, not to 
 propose a consideration of the subject, until they had 
 an opportunity of becoming applicants in the mea 
 sures we had adopted, and of affording us the aid of 
 their advice and assistance. 
 
 As a proper investigation and decision of this 
 question, is of the highest importance ; affording re 
 lief to a large number of our companions of the war, 
 whose distresses are only equalled by their patience ; 
 and as a union of sentiment and measures will be 
 most likely to effect the object of our reasonable 
 wishes ; I have particular instructions from the offi 
 cers of Massachusetts, to request a co-operation of 
 the officers of your line, at the opening of the next 
 session of Congress. They will attend at that time 
 by their agent or agents, and a final decision will 
 doubtless be obtained. As my brother officers in 
 Massachusetts have intrusted this business to my 
 care, and as I have devoted some attention to the 
 consideration of the subject, I flatter myself you 
 will not deem it improper in me, in this communica 
 tion, to make some general observations thereon. 
 The claim of the army on the public, is so fixed in 
 the unalterable principles of justice, that they ought 
 to feel the fullest confidence of success. 
 
LIFE OP GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 243 
 
 The people of America know, and the public re 
 cords will ever perpetuate a recognition of the ser 
 vices which have been rendered, and the manner in 
 which they have been remunerated. An attempt to 
 prove that a demand of the most sacred nature still 
 remains uncancelled, would be only to show that a 
 part is less than the whole. 
 
 The case in point, indeed, is stronger than any 
 that can be adduced in its support ; and the feelings 
 of every honest heart will overcome every argument 
 which sophistry can devise or ingenuity invent, in 
 opposition to the claim. 
 
 Were I to attempt an investigation of the subject, 
 it would appear, from the most authentic documents, 
 that the public engagement to the army was for a 
 specific sum in specie. That certain military services 
 were to be rendered in consequence of this engage 
 ment. That there has been a full acknowledgment 
 on the part of the United States, that the services 
 have been faithfully performed. That the public 
 neither discharged the demand in specie nor in other 
 property, equivalent to specie. That the certificates 
 being unsupported by funds, had no other value than 
 what was stamped on them by public opinion. That 
 this value was sanctioned by the uniform adjudication 
 of the Courts, throughout the United States, in 
 causes relating to this kind of property. That the 
 same principle has been recognized by the Legisla 
 tures of the different States, in a variety of instances. 
 That Congress itself, under the Confederation, was 
 impressed with the same sentiments, particularly in 
 
244 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the instance of the sale of the lands in the Western 
 Territory, for a price greatly enhanced, in conse 
 quence of payment being made in certificates. 
 
 From these facts, it most conclusively follows, that 
 the claim of the army is not chimerical, but founded 
 in justice. From these facts, and the conclusion 
 which follows, what possible reason can be given, 
 why we should not, in a manly manner, ask for our 
 rights ? The present Government is not only en 
 dowed with the ability, but was formed for the 
 express purpose of establishing justice. While the 
 services of those men, who cheerfully endured every 
 toil, hardship, and danger, which are incident to a 
 military life ; who persevered in the service of their 
 country, until peace and happiness were restored, 
 remain unrewarded, it can never be said that this 
 object has been attained. 
 
 The pleasure which every honest American must 
 feel, from a reflection on the present prosperous state 
 of his country, must necessarily be impaired by the 
 consideration, that those services are unrewarded, 
 which modesty need not blush to say, greatly contri 
 buted to that public felicity which is now enjoyed. 
 Nor is this all. Many of the men who performed 
 these services, are, from the want of the just compen 
 sation which was promised them, now pining in indi 
 gence, languishing in jails, or compelled to seek a 
 subsistence in the neighbourhood of savages, upon 
 the frontiers of the United States ; while every thing 
 they eat, drink, or wear in their distressing situations, 
 is taxed, to pay the difference between the former 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 245 
 
 low and present high value of their certificates, to 
 the present holders of them. 
 
 To show that those persons who are entitled to 
 the public consideration, can easily be distinguished ; 
 that a further compensation can be made, by paying 
 only the debt which actually existed at the lime when 
 the funding system was adopted ; and that in doing 
 it, no new debt \vill be created ; and that the pur 
 chasers of alienated securities, will not be affected, 
 or any interference be made with any systems which 
 have been adopted ; 1 beg leave to present the fol 
 lowing statement. 
 
 The army may be divided into four classes : 
 
 First. Those whose term of service expired first 
 January, 1776. 
 
 Second. Those whose term of service expired 
 first January, 1777. 
 
 Third. Those who enlisted in the year 1777, for 
 three years or during the war. The term of service of 
 those who enlisted for three years, expired in 1780. 
 
 Fourth. Those who enlisted in 1780. 
 
 The first and second classes have no well founded 
 claims, because there was no depreciation of the 
 money at the time they were paid. The fourth class 
 perhaps have no claim in equity, because the large 
 bounties they received were a full equivalent for their 
 services. The third class, with the officers, remain 
 only to be considered. They depended wholly on the 
 stipulations of Congress. This class, having served 
 during the principal part of the war, received certifi 
 cates in payment, the value of which has been con- 
 
246 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 1 ; 
 
 sidered. They returned home under the disadvan 
 tages of having the habits of their former occupations 
 impaired by their military pursuits ; their property 
 and connexions deranged and lost, and their families 
 involved for a necessary support. Thus circum 
 stanced, necessity compelled them to dispose of their 
 certificates for the current price in the market. After 
 the present Government was established, provision 
 was made for these certificates, wherever they were 
 found. By that provision, the purchasers received 
 an immense advantage. The public, however, saved 
 a part of the debt, which was originally due, two per 
 cent, for ten years on the principal of the whole 
 debt, and half the interest which had accumulated 
 This remnant now remains, and in paying it, no more 
 than the original debt will be discharged. 
 
 The rival pretenders to this remnant, will be the 
 original holders, who earned the whole by the sweat 
 of their brow, and the present holders, who have al 
 ready received seven or eight hundred per cent, on the 
 money which they advanced. 
 
 In the name of justice, equity, and good con 
 science, which claim is to be preferred ? Every man 
 will answer, that of the soldier, unless his feelings are 
 steeled against the principles of honour, good faith, 
 and gratitude. 
 
 This remnant, therefore, so far as it extends to 
 our own original claims, may be appropriated with 
 great propriety, to relieve the sufferings of the fore 
 going description of men. In addition to this, there 
 can be no doubt but Congress will be disposed to 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 247 
 
 make a liberal grant of land in the Western Territory, 
 for the same purpose ; for, it is not to be forgotten 
 that those vast possessions, on which has been found 
 ed the pleasing expectation of sinking the whole of 
 the public debt, are the fruits of those toils which the 
 Government is now called upon to compensate. I 
 have only, sir, to request you to take the earliest op 
 portunity to make this communication known to the 
 officers of your line, and I sincerely hope, at the 
 opening of the next session of Congress, they will ^ 
 think proper to make this application. 
 
 I am, with sentiments of respect, in behalf of the 
 officers of the Massachusetts line of the late army, 
 you obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) WILLIAM HULL. 
 
 Washington writes to Thomas Jefferson, in 1788: 
 " I feel mortified that there should have been any 
 just ground for the clamour of the foreign officers who 
 served with us ; but after having received a quarter 
 of their whole debt in specie, and their interest in the 
 same, for some time, they have infinitely less reason 
 for complaint than our native officers, of whom the 
 suffering and neglect have been equalled only by 
 their patience and patriotism. A great proportion of 
 the officers and soldiers of the American army, have 
 been compelled, by indigence, to part with their se 
 curities for one eighth of their nominal value ; yet 
 their conduct is very different from what you repre 
 sented the French officers to have been."* 
 
 * Lafayette was not one -he came compensation ; besides often supply- 
 as a volunteer, and served without ing, from his own private fortune, 
 
248 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Colonel Hull was elected the agent to attend the 
 next Congress, in the year 1793. 
 
 Agents had assembled from a number of the 
 States, but not from the whole, with petitions similar 
 to the one from the officers of the Massachusetts line. 
 
 After an interesting debate in the House of Re 
 presentatives, it was resolved, that the prayer of the 
 petitioners should not be granted. 
 
 In the discussion, little was said against the jus 
 tice of the claims ; the arguments were rather in fa 
 vour of them. But the leading members of the ma 
 jority in Congress thought it necessary, from motives 
 of policy, arid to preserve their consistency, to oppose 
 the claim. 
 
 A system had been adopted for funding the pub 
 lic debt. In its operation, it was contended that it 
 was not founded in equity. It was opposed by great 
 talents and profound reasoning. 
 
 The system was, in addition to the present du 
 ties on imports and tonnage, to provide by duties on 
 wines, distilled spirits, including those made in the 
 United States, teas and coffee, a fund to cancel the 
 national debt, both foreign and domestic.* The debt 
 of the American officers and soldiers was not in 
 cluded. 
 
 The preservation of the new Constitution, at this 
 early period of its operations, was highly important ; 
 and this system, by which to discharge its obligations, 
 
 necessaries for the soldiers. He stow it on suffering America. ED- 
 
 never asked for remuneration. His ITOR. 
 
 fortune was ample, and it was lux- * Hamilton's Report on Public 
 
 ury, to his generous heart, to be- Credit. "Federalist,'" Vol. I., p. 43. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 49 
 
 was viewed as essential to its existence. To have 
 admitted other claims, not provided for at first, would 
 have proved a dangerous precedent, and been consi 
 dered an acknowledgment of the defects of the sys 
 tem, which would have caused its destruction, and 
 with it, have endangered, if it had not produced the 
 dissolution of the Government. 
 
 The rejection of the petition produced much ex 
 citement, and not a little indignation. It was consi 
 dered as discarding claims which the country was 
 bound to provide for, by every principle of justice, 
 equity, and gratitude. The services which were the 
 foundation of these claims, were, " the price of liber 
 ty, without which the nation itself could never have 
 attained an independent existence." 
 
 Even the illustrious Washington, then President 
 of the United States, did not escape censure. It was 
 thought by many, that he had not on that occasion 
 redeemed the solemn pledges he had given at the dis 
 banding of the army. A number of anonymous es 
 says were published in the Philadelphia papers, con 
 taining severe strictures on his conduct. 
 
 Colonel Hull being the principal agent in the ap 
 plication to Congress, was supposed by some to be 
 the author of these essays. But he writes : 
 
 " I have mentioned this circumstance for no other 
 purpose than that the truth may be known, that I was 
 not the author, and had no agency or knowledge 
 whatever, either in writing or publishing them. Dur 
 ing my attendance on Congress, I had frequent con 
 versations with the President, on the subject of my 
 
250 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 mission. He observed : i I know the claims of the army 
 to be just, and I regret they have not been provided 
 for. When the petitions were presented, it was con 
 sidered by a majority as an unfavourable time. To 
 grant them, would interfere with the arrangements 
 which had been made to cancel the public debt. It 
 is, however, a business of legislation, and does not 
 belong to my department ; but I hope the time will 
 come, when the claims of the army will be discharged ; 
 and, while 1 live, they shall always have my sup 
 port. 5 " 
 
 The subject has since been been frequently 
 brought before Congress, but no definite measures 
 adopted. An act of charity has been passed, grant 
 ing an annuity to a certain description of officers and 
 soldiers attached to the revolutionary army. It ex 
 tended only to those who were paupers by misfortune, 
 idleness, or intemperance. This class must have 
 been supported at the public expense, had they never 
 have rendered any service to their country. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 251 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 INDIAN WAR. COLONEL HULL APPOINTED A COMMISSIONER TO UPPER CANA 
 DA, TO MAKE ARRANGEMENTS FOR A TREATY WITH THE INDIANS. INTERVIEW 
 
 WITH GOVERNOR SIMCOE. 
 
 IN the years 1792-3, a savage war desolated the 
 frontiers. It was conducted with unusual cruelty and 
 barbarity. The prisoners taken in battle were tor 
 tured and doomed to a lingering death. More than 
 fifteen hundred persons, men, women, and children, 
 while emigrating to the western country, fell under 
 the tomahawk, or were taken prisoners by the sava 
 ges. In two campaigns, the first under General 
 Harmar, the second under General St. Clair, misfor 
 tunes attended the American arms. 
 
 In the battle of the Miami, where St. Clair 
 commanded, thirty-eight officers were killed, and be 
 tween five and six hundred non-commissioned officers 
 and soldiers were killed and missing. General Butler, 
 of Pennsylvania, whose valour we witnessed at Stony 
 Point, was among the slain. 
 
 General St. Clair retreated with the remnant of 
 his army to Fort Jefferson. He was labouring under 
 a painful disease, and could not mount or leave his 
 horse without assistance. But his orders during the 
 action were delivered with coolness, intrepidity, and 
 judgment. 
 
252 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 In the commencement of the engagement, sixty 
 of the militia ran away. A regiment was sent in 
 pursuit of them, that others might be deterred from 
 following their example. These troops were all ab 
 sent during the engagement, which greatly reduced 
 the force of St. Clair. The contest was severe, and 
 the lives of the officers were sacrificed in their perse 
 vering efforts to preserve order, and compel the militia 
 to the performance of duty ; so great had been the 
 panic at the first onset. 
 
 " General St. Clair requested that a Court Mar 
 tial should sit on his conduct. But this request could 
 not be granted, because there were not in the Amer 
 ican service, officers of a grade to form a Court for 
 his trial on military principles. A Committee of the 
 House of Representatives was appointed to inquire 
 into the causes of the failure of the expedition, whose 
 report, in explicit terms, exculpated the Commander- 
 in-chief. More satisfactory testimony in favour of St. 
 Clair, is furnished by the circumstance, that he still 
 retained the undiminished esteem and good opinion 
 of General Washington." * 
 
 o 
 
 It would have been impossible for the Indians to 
 have kept the field with success, without the aid of 
 the British Government ; as they cannot exist in a 
 body but for a short period, unless furnished with pro 
 visions and the munitions of war. These were, it 
 was well understood, supplied by the British. They 
 erected forts within our territories to favour their 
 
 Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. V. 5 page 398. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 253 
 
 plans, and still retained and occupied the posts on 
 the northwestern frontier, which had been ceded to 
 the United States, in direct opposition to our treaty 
 with England. All this was considered a sufficient 
 ground for a declaration of war on the part of the 
 United States ; but such was the condition of the 
 country, that Congress was desirous of doing what 
 could be done by negotiation, without having recourse 
 to arms. The savages were contending for what 
 they deemed their rights, and in the spirit of com 
 passion for that unfortunate race, the Government 
 exercised toward them a pacific temper ; anxious to 
 put an end to the contest otherwise than by the 
 sword. That such happy results might be realized, 
 Mr. Jay, our Minister at the Court of Great Britain, 
 was authorized and instructed, if possible, to nego 
 tiate and settle all differences existing between the 
 two Governments, and to enter into a treaty by which 
 the posts held by the British within the territories of 
 the United States, should be surrendered. This ob 
 ject was effected. In the mean time, preparations 
 were made, in case the war with the savages should 
 be continued ; which, from appearances, seemed most 
 probable. An army of five thousand men was raised, 
 and the command given to General Wayne ; General 
 St. Clair having resigned. 
 
 While these preparations were making, a renewed 
 effort was made to terminate the war, by a direct 
 communication to the Indians of the pacific views of 
 the United States. 
 
 Colonel Harden and Major Trueman, worthy cit- 
 
254 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 izens and excellent officers, were sent as envoys into 
 the Indian country, with propositions of peace. They 
 were both murdered by the savages, though in gene 
 ral they respect the rights of public messengers as 
 much as civilized nations. The families of " these 
 valuable citizens who had thus fallen victims in their 
 country's service, were, on the recommendation of the 
 President, provided for by the National Legislature. 
 
 " Intelligence that the pacific overtures from the 
 United States had been rejected by the Indians, did 
 not arrive till September, 1793. It was then too 
 late to prosecute the objects of the expedition. Gen 
 eral Wayne advanced no farther than the ground on 
 which St. Clairhad been defeated. There he erect 
 ed a Fort, to which he gave the name of Recov 
 ery." * 
 
 In January, 1793, Colonel Hull was appointed, 
 under the authority of the Government, a Commis 
 sioner, to make arrangements with the British Gov 
 ernment, for a treaty with the Indians in the Western 
 country, with whom the United States were then at 
 war. His instructions were, to explain to Governor 
 Simcoe, then Governor of Upper Canada, the man 
 ner in which the savages were supplied with the mu 
 nitions of war, provisions and clothing, by the Agents 
 of Indian Affairs, and the commanding officers of the 
 British garrisons at Detroit, Michilimackinac, and 
 other places conveniently situated for the purpose. 
 He was likewise authorized to hold treaties with the 
 
 * Ramsay's History of the United States, Vol. III., page 58. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 255 
 
 Indians, and inform them that the President of the 
 United States would appoint Commissioners the next 
 summer to meet them at Sanduskj or any other con 
 venient place, with full authority to settle all differ 
 ences and to bury the hatchet. He was further di 
 rected to make arrangements with Governor Simcoe, 
 that there should be no impediment in the passage 
 of the Commissioners over Lakes Ontario and Erie, 
 with the supplies for the treaty. 
 
 These preliminaries were necessary, as the British 
 armed vessels commanded the waters and the posts 
 on the borders of the Lakes, within the territories of 
 the United States, which had not been surrendered. 
 
 On the arrival of Colonel Hull at the seat of Gov 
 ernment in Upper Canada, he was received with 
 marked attention and politeness. Every thing was 
 done, both in a public and private manner, to express 
 the respect that was entertained for the nation he 
 represented. 
 
 After communicating the object of his mission, 
 the Governor observed, that it gave him great plea 
 sure to see him, and particularly to act with him in the 
 business to which he had referred ; and that he 
 would do all in his power, for the accommodation of 
 the American Commissioners, and the accomplish 
 ment of the treaty, according to the wishes of the 
 Government of the United States. That so far from 
 any impediment in their passage and in the trans 
 portation of the necessary supplies, he would furnish 
 them with British vessels and boats, if desired. He 
 further observed, that if his presence at the treaty 
 
256 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 could be of any use, he would cheerfully attend the 
 Commissioners, and make use of all his influence in 
 the attainment of the object. Colonel Hull replied, 
 that he was gratified with the favourable disposition 
 expressed by the Governor, and thanked him for his 
 kind offers in affording the aid of his influence in 
 the treaty. That as to his attending with the Com 
 missioners, he had no authority on the subject. That 
 the Commissioners on their tour would probably call 
 and pay their respects to him, when they would make 
 such arrangements as their instructions should ern- 
 
 o 
 
 brace. Colonel Hull then remarked, that truth and 
 plain dealing were the safest as well as the wisest 
 basis on which to rest a cause, and that, authorized 
 by his Government, he should express the views held 
 by it, in relation to the objects of his mission. That 
 the Governor had promised more than was asked or 
 even desired. 
 
 He then observed, that the President of the 
 United States, from the necessity of the case, was 
 obliged to make a request of the British Govern 
 ment in regard to a movement on his part, where 
 our rights were unequivocally established. By the 
 treaty of peace, the line ran through the centre of 
 the Lakes, which gave our country an equal claim to 
 the navigation of them. We had been for ten years 
 deprived of this privilege. At the present moment, 
 to possess it was essential to our success in carrying 
 out the wishes of the Government, in meeting the 
 proposition of the Indians, to hold a treaty at San- 
 dusky. Lake Erie was the only channel of commu- 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 257 
 
 nication by water to that place, by which the neces 
 sary supplies could be forwarded. Colonel Hull was 
 therefore instructed by his Government, to obtain a 
 definite answer to the question, whether there would 
 be any impediment thrown in the way of the American 
 Commissioners, treating with the Indians, while in 
 the execution of their duty. He was now h#ppy to 
 reflect, that a satisfactory reply had already bejen 
 given by the Governor, and on which he should rely 
 without further remark. With regard to the posts, it 
 was not necessary to enter into any discussion, as a 
 negotiation was then pending at the British Court, 
 and it was hoped it would terminate in giving to our 
 country peaceable possession of them. Colonel Hull 
 continued to observe, that in justice to his Go.vern- 
 ment, no motives of delicacy should operate in a full 
 disclosure of facts, too well established to be withheld 
 in his present communication. That it was generally 
 understood, to enable the savages to carry on the 
 war, they had been supplied, by Indian agents and 
 commanding officers of the garrisons in the province 
 where Governor Simcoe commanded, with small- 
 arms, swords, hatchets, scalping-knives, powder, ball, 
 clothing, provisions, and all other necessaries. Fur 
 ther, it was observed, that not only the old forts-, 
 guaranteed to us by the treaty of peace in 1783, had 
 been held, but a new one had been erected on the 
 Miami, far within our territory, and in a favourable 
 situation to supply the Indians and aid them in their 
 military operations. That it was known, that these 
 
 17 
 
258 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 Indian agents and British officers were under his 
 superintendence, and acted bj his orders. 
 
 In reply to these plain statements of facts, Gover 
 nor Simcoe remarked, that the British Government 
 made annual presents to the Indians, in considera 
 tion of lands which they had ceded. That it furnished 
 them with such articles as were most useful and ne 
 cessary. As their principal support is derived from 
 hunting, guns, powder and lead were most important. 
 That the articles named, had only been furnished in 
 the usual quantity, and for the purposes which he had 
 stated. 
 
 It was answered, that whatever the intention 
 was, when the articles were delivered, the manner in 
 which they were used was well known. That it 
 was a settled axiom of the laws of nations, that 
 for a neutral to supply a belligerent with warlike 
 stores, was a violation of neutrality. The British 
 Government well knew that it was impossible for the 
 Indians to carry on the war without its assistance ; 
 and the United States was well informed that this 
 assistance was rendered, and was now the only im 
 pediment to peace. 
 
 Governor Simcoe then said, that Lord Dorches 
 ter was the Governor-general of all the British 
 provinces in North America, and Commander-in-chief 
 of the King's forces, and was likewise Superintend 
 ent-general of Indian affairs. That whatever had 
 been done in the military or Indian departments, had 
 been done by his orders. That he himself, in his own 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 259 
 
 province, was independent of those departments, and 
 they acted by his authority. He concluded by remarking 
 that he presumed the authority of Lord Dorchester 
 had been exercised in a correct manner, and there 
 could be no well-founded ground of complaint on the 
 part of the United States, 
 
 The negotiation here terminated. The pledge 
 received from the Governor, that it would afford him 
 pleasure to extend accommodation to the United 
 States to aid them in the prosecution of the treaty 
 with the Indians, was deemed sufficient. 
 
 The events of the year were highly favourable to 
 the condition of American affairs. The happy ter 
 mination of the treaty with the British Government, 
 so ably negotiated by Mr. Jay, by which the posts 
 were surrendered, together with the complete victory 
 over the Indians by General Wayne, gave permanent 
 peace to our borders. 
 
 Governor Simcoe was a man of talent and en 
 terprise. He had served as a partisan officer, during 
 our Revolutionary war, and was highly distinguished. 
 He had various plans for internal improvement ; and 
 looked to the extension of his province in their ope 
 ration. He laid out a city in Upper Canada, to 
 which he gave the name of London ; intending to 
 make it the seat of Government. He formed the pro 
 ject of a canal from Lake Ontario through a lake, to 
 which he gave his own name, to unite with Huron. 
 From all the information obtained, it appeared that 
 his intentions were, to extend the boundaries of his 
 province from Lake Erie to the upper branches of 
 
260 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 the AJleghany river, and down that river and the 
 Ohio, to the Mississippi, which was to form his 
 western boundary. 
 
 One means of effecting this great object was, by 
 retaining the posts and providing the means of con 
 tinuing the war between the savages and the United 
 States. This vast territory, being principally unset 
 tled, he entertained the wild opinion, that the United 
 States would be willing to abandon it, and give it in 
 exchange for peace with the savages. The surrender 
 of the posts, and peace with the Indians, destroyed 
 these visionary schemes. He resigned his govern 
 ment and returned to England.* 
 
 * See Appendix, No. V. Ex- with the British, under Governor 
 tracts from a Journal of Colonel Simcoe, and also with the Indians- 
 Hull, while a Commissioner to treat 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 261 
 
 CHAPTER XXlV. 
 
 COLONEL HULL VISITS EUROPE. ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNI 
 TED STATES, JOHN ADAMS, AND HIS ANSWER, IN RELATION TO THE MI 
 LITIA OF THE COUNTY OF MIDDLESEX. 
 
 1798. 
 
 THE winter was passed by Colonel Hull in Lon 
 don, and the spring spent in France. In the latter 
 country he witnessed the Legislative Assembly, and 
 the Revolutionary Tribunals of that ill-fated country ; 
 visited its armies, and returned to America with a 
 just pride in the superiority of his own country, in 
 virtue, patriotism, and moderation. 
 
 Soon after his return, he was appointed by the 
 Governor and Council, Judge of the Court of Com 
 mon Pleas, and elected by the third division, in the 
 place of General Brooks, to whom he had been se 
 cond in command many years, both in the Revolution 
 ary army and in the militia.* He was likewise 
 elected Senator in the Legislature of Massachusetts. 
 He was annually elected Senator, and continued in 
 other public situations, until he voluntarily resigned 
 
 * Biographical Notice of General ence in the promotion of the Federal 
 
 Hull, by his son-in-law, Doctor Sam- Constitution, In 1789 he was 
 
 uel Clarke. In 1787 he was ap- chosen to succeed his fellow sol. 
 
 pointed to the command of first bri- dier, General Lincoln, commander 
 
 gade of this division. At that time of the " Ancient and Honourable 
 
 he was active in exerting his influ- Artillery." 
 
262 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 them, on being appointed Governor of the Michigan 
 Territory. 
 
 During this period, a strong party-spirit prevailed, 
 and it was well understood that his political sentiments 
 were not in accordance with the Government of the 
 State. 
 
 In speaking of the third division, he writes : " I 
 cannot, without doing injustice to my feelings, and to 
 the officers and soldiers whom I for so many years 
 had the honour to command, omit to express the 
 strong attachment which to this moment I feel to 
 wards them, for their unceasing and laudable exer 
 tions to co-operate with me in every measure for 
 their improvement in military discipline. 
 
 " The public records of our State, and the re 
 membrance of many, now on the stage, will bear tes 
 timony to the elevated rank of this portion of our mi 
 litia, its high state of discipline, and the applause it 
 received. 
 
 "The division consisted of about six thousand 
 men, with the requisite proportion of infantry, caval 
 ry, and artillery. Although the men were not fur 
 nished with uniforms by the Government, and there 
 was no compulsion by law for their being thus equip 
 ped, yet every non-commissioned officer and soldier 
 of the division appeared, at their own expense, in 
 complete cloth uniform, and every way equipped for 
 active service. 
 
 " The annual reviews were visited by the public 
 officers of the State, and vast numbers of citizens, 
 not only from every part of the Commonwealth, but 
 from the neighbouring States. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 263 
 
 " The high commendation which both officers and 
 soldiers received from the Commander-in-chief, and 
 from all ranks and classes of their fellow-citizens, 
 gratified their ambition and rewarded their exertions. 
 
 " In this division, amidst the rage of parties, 
 there was but one political sentiment : the defence of 
 the country against any of its enemies, and the sup 
 port of the Constitution under any administration 
 chosen by the people. I considered it of the highest 
 importance to inspire the officers and soldiers with 
 these sentiments ; and that military discipline without 
 them, would be worse than useless. As an evidence 
 of this fact, I will close these remarks by the follow 
 ing unanimous address of one brigade of the division, 
 to the President of the United States, then being at 
 his residence at Quincy, and that part of his answer 
 which relates to the division. It must be observed 
 that this took place when the political opinions of a 
 large majority of the country to which the division 
 belonged, were in direct opposition to those of Pres 
 ident Adams." 
 
 To John Adams, President of the United Slates of America : 
 
 SIR In reviewing the history of our country, 
 and comparing it with the convulsed state of Europe, 
 we find the strongest reasons to rejoice in the local 
 destination assigned us by Providence. We feel a 
 pride in the name and character of Americans. It is 
 our glory to be the descendants of ancestors who 
 purchased freedom and independence by their wisdom 
 and valour ; and some of whom, on this spot,* ex- 
 
 * Lexington, Massachusetts. 
 
264 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 hibited to the world an example of the unconquerable 
 spirit of freemen. May we be inspired with firmness 
 to imitate their virtues, and maintain the inheritance 
 purchased by their valour. It is impossible sufficient 
 ly to estimate the Government under which we live. 
 It has been established by our consent, and adminis 
 tered by our choice. We ought to make it the pole- 
 star of our conduct, and it w 7 ill prove the ark of our 
 safety. It claims our reverence, and demands our 
 support. With the keenest sensibility we feel the 
 insults it has experienced, and as American soldiers, 
 in the presence of our standard, we here solemnly 
 declare, that we will ever be ready to be the guar 
 dians of its rights and the avengers of its wrongs. 
 
 And having sworn, when we accepted our com 
 mission, to defend the Constitution of the United 
 States, we now, on this memorable ground, renew 
 to you, sir, and our country, the sacred oath. 
 
 We offer to you, agreeably to act of Congress, 
 our individual services, and pledge our lives and all 
 that is dear to us, for the support of the Government 
 and the defence of the Country. 
 
 That you may long live an ornament to the land 
 which gave you birth, and a blessing to the world, is 
 our sincere wish. 
 
 We are, in behalf of the officers of the first brigade 
 and third division of the militia of Massachusetts, 
 Your most obedient servants, 
 
 WILLIAM HULL, Major-General. 
 J. WALKER, Brigadier- General. 
 
 Lexington, Massachusetts, October 2, 1798. 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL WILLIAM HULL. 265 
 
 To the Officers of the First Brigade of the Third Division of the Mi 
 litia of Massachusetts : 
 
 GENTLEMEN 1 have received from Major Gene 
 ral Hull and Brigadier-General Walker, your unani 
 mous address from Lexington, animated with a martial 
 spirit, and expressed with a military dignity, becom 
 ing your character and the memorable plains on which 
 it was adopted. 
 
 An address so animated, and from the officers 
 commanding two thousand eight hundred men, com 
 posed of such substantial citizens as are able and 
 willing, at their own expense, completely to arm and 
 clothe themselves in handsome uniform, does honour 
 to that division of the militia, which has done so 
 much honour to their country. 
 
 While our country remains untainted with the 
 principles and manners which are now producing 
 desolation in so many parts of the world ; while she 
 continues sincere, and incapable of insidious and im 
 pious policy, we shall have the strongest reason to 
 rejoice in the local destination assigned us by Provi 
 dence. But should the people of America once be 
 come capable of that deep simulation towards one 
 another, and towards foreign nations, which assumes 
 the language of justice and moderation, while it is 
 practising iniquity and extravagance, and displays in 
 the most captivating manner the charming pictures 
 of candour, frankness, and sincerity, while it is riot 
 ing in rapine and insolence, this country will be the 
 most miserable habitation in the world. Because 
 we have no government, armed with power, capable 
 
266 REVOLUTIONARY SERVICES AND CIVIL 
 
 of contending with human passions, unbridled by 
 morality and religion. 
 
 Avarice, ambition, revenge and licentiousness would 
 break the strongest cords of our Constitution, as a 
 whale goes through a net. Our Constitution was 
 made only for a moral and religious people. It is 
 wholly inadequate to the government of any other. 
 
 Oaths in this country are as yet universally con 
 sidered as sacred obligations. That which you have 
 taken, and so solemnly repeated on that venerable 
 ground, is an ample pledge of your sincerity and de 
 votion to your country and its government. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Quincy, llth October, 1798. 
 
 In 1805, General Hull was appointed by Con 
 gress, Governor of the Michigan Territory. The 
 term of service was for three years. He was re-ap 
 pointed two successive terms by his Government to 
 this office, the duties of which he performed. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 I. 
 
 Colonel Hull's conversation with Governor Simcoe, respect 
 ing Washington's escape from Cornwallis, at Trenton, 
 New Jersey. 
 
 In the year 1793, I was employed by the Gov 
 ernment of the United States, to hold treaties with 
 the Indians, and at that time became acquainted with 
 Genera] Simcoe, who was Governor of the Province 
 of Upper Canada. At his table, in the presence of 
 a number of British officers, the subject of the Revo 
 lutionary War was introduced. General Simcoe was 
 a Lieutenant-Colonel at the time referred to. He 
 commanded a partisan corps, and was with Lord 
 Cornwallis at Trenton. I stated the situation of the 
 American army at that time ; described the position 
 we had taken, and our full expectation of being im 
 mediately attacked ; that in such case, we had no 
 alternative but to risk a general battle or retreat down 
 the river to Burlington. If the latter had been adopt 
 ed, the enemy being in the best possible situation for 
 pursuit, it is probable that we should have been over 
 taken and forced into an engagement. On the other 
 
268 APPENDIX. 
 
 hand, if we had been compelled to meet the enemy 
 in a general battle in the first instance, the superior 
 ity of their numbers would have given them such 
 advantages as almost to have insured a victory, which 
 would have nearly annihilated our army. 
 
 The conversation seemed very interesting to the 
 young British officers, who were present, and had not 
 been actors in the scenes described, and in which 
 both General Simcoe and myself were personally en 
 gaged. The feelings of the Governor were aroused 
 by past recollections, and with much animation, ris 
 ing from his chair, replied, that as soon as the Amer 
 ican army retreated and took position on the south 
 side of the Assanpink, and the British army came 
 into possession of the principal part of the town, and 
 the grounds on the north side of the creek, he in 
 quired of Lord Cornwallis, whether it was not his 
 intention immediately to make a general attack. 
 
 His Lordship answered, that he should not ; 
 that his troops were fatigued by a long march ; that 
 he wished to give them all the comforts he could 
 that night, and should defer until morning any fur 
 ther operations. 
 
 Governor Simcoe remarked, that there was then 
 more than an hour of daylight ; that by crossing the 
 creek high up on General Washington's right, he 
 might force him to a general action, and the event 
 would probably put a close to the war. 
 
 In answer to this, it was urged, that the Amer 
 ican army could not pass the Delaware, and he should 
 be sure of it in the morning. 
 
 Simcoe closed by remarking to Lord Cornwallis, 
 
APPENDIX. 269 
 
 that in some way Washington would escape from 
 him ; and that his only chance of a victory, was to 
 make the attack that evening. 
 
 "Thus," observed the Governor, " was lost an op 
 portunity of putting an end to the war, in which case 
 both countries would now have been happy, in form 
 ing one great and powerful nation." 
 
 Governor Simcoe was an officer of high distinc 
 tion in the British army. He was Governor of Up 
 per Canada, and was afterwards appointed Governor- 
 general in the East Indies. He died, when on the 
 point of embarking for that important command. 
 
 ii. 
 
 Letter from the Honourable Horace Binney, of Philadel 
 phia, to a daughter of General William Hull. 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C., January, 1835. 
 
 MY DEAR MADAM, I need not dissemble the 
 pleasure it would give me, if it were in my power to 
 supply you with any facts, that would assist your fa 
 ther's family in their contribution to the biographical 
 work, of which you do me the favour to write. My 
 boyish and youthful recollections of him are so agree 
 able, and my impressions at a later day so strong, of 
 the injustice done to him, in a principal event of his 
 life, that it will give me a very high degree of satis 
 faction, to see his actions and character described as 
 I have always thought they deserved to be. 
 
270 APPENDIX. 
 
 Personally, however, you will be aware, that I 
 know little that can enter into such a work, when I 
 bring to your recollection, that I removed from his 
 vicinity upon leaving College, at the time when the 
 great political parties of our country first took a deci 
 ded shape, and that for several years, with occasional 
 exceptions of a short visit to Watertown, I saw little 
 of him, and thought much less of political movements 
 and changes then in progress, than of acquiring the 
 profession by which 1 was to live. It is possible, 
 that on my return to Philadelphia, I may have my 
 recollection refreshed by a recurrence to letters and 
 other papers which I have there, and I will imme 
 diately communicate any thing which they may fur 
 nish. 
 
 There is one anecdote of his military life in the 
 Revolution, which the late Dr. Rush told me at the 
 time when the intelligence of the surrender of De 
 troit first reached our city, that I will give you, as 
 soon as by reference to my papers it can be given 
 with accuracy. It recorded an effort on his part, 
 made under circumstances in which a generous mind 
 alone would have thought of making it, to stem the 
 current of prejudice, then setting against a gallant 
 though unfortunate officer, the late General St. Clair, 
 after the defeat of Ticonderoga. 
 
 You may perceive that Dr. Rush repeated it in 
 sympathy with the then similar situation of your 
 father. 
 
 I beg to be assured of the respect and friendship 
 of, dear madam, yours truly, 
 
 HORACE BINNEY. 
 
 MRS. CAMPBELL. 
 
APPENDIX. 271 
 
 Honourable Horace Binney to a daughter of General Hull. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, April 10th, 1835. 
 
 MY DEAR MADAM, It is with unfeigned regret 
 that I do not find among my papers a memorandum 
 of the anecdote communicated to me by Dr. Rush in 
 regard to your father, General Hull ; and without such 
 a guide, I cannot so repeat it as to make it fit for 
 introduction into an authentic account of his life. 
 The substance was this : 
 
 Your father, I understood, was with General St. 
 Clair at Ticonderoga. The evacuation of that post 
 by General St. Clair, upon the approach of General 
 Burgoyne, was the occasion of almost universal sur 
 prise to the country, and of bitter reproaches against 
 General St. Clair. The feeling extended even to 
 General Washington, as his letters now disclose, 
 though his great prudence prevented him from impart 
 ing it to any, but persons worthy of confidence. The 
 excitement, I learned from Dr. Rush, was greater than 
 in the affair of Detroit. 
 
 It was as the army under St. Clair's command 
 was retiring, that General Hull was seen, during a 
 halt, writing a note or letter on the stump of a tree ; 
 and being asked by a friend upon what he was em 
 ployed, he replied : " I am writing a paragraph for a 
 newspaper, to arrest the progress of unfounded cen 
 sure already begun, against a brave officer who has 
 done his duty, and to whom the resources placed at his 
 disposition by the country, and the character of the 
 works he had to defend, left no alternative but to 
 retire. I cannot be happy until I have contributed 
 
272 APPENDIX. 
 
 my mite, to defend and save the honour of a brave 
 and accomplished officer, who has been unable to do 
 what his country wished, and thought without reason 
 that he had the means of effecting." 
 
 This was the substance of Dr. Rush's communica 
 tion. It may be interesting to you to hear of it, as 
 it was to me, particularly from the coincidence be 
 tween your father's situation and that of General St. 
 Clair, and the beauty of such an incident in the life 
 of one who was doomed to experience the injustice 
 which he laboured to avert from his commander. 
 I am, dear madam, your faithful friend, 
 
 HORACE BINNEY. 
 MRS. CAMPBELL. 
 
 Letter from the Honourable Horace Binney to a daughter 
 of General William Hull 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 27th, 1844. 
 
 MY DEAR MRS. CAMPBELL, I have received 
 your letter of the 23d February, and the newspaper 
 containing Mr. Clarke's animadversions upon Mr. 
 Rush's letter in favour of General Cass. Consider 
 ing what the main topic of that letter is, it is quite a 
 coincidence, to recall to me the anecdote I had from 
 his father. I recollect it more vividly than if it had 
 been told me a year ago. 
 
 I give you free permission to use the extracts 
 from my two letters of January and April, 1835. It 
 appears to be extracted from one only, and not hav 
 ing kept copies, I am unable to inform myself. 
 
 With Mrs. Binney's regards, and my compli- 
 
APPENDIX. 273 
 
 ments to Mr. Campbell, I remain, my dear Mrs. 
 Campbell, very respectfully and sincerely, yours, 
 
 HOR. BINNEY. 
 
 MRS. MARIA CAMPBELL. 
 
 From the Connecticut Courant (Hartford), July 28, 1777. 
 
 Extract of a letter from an officer of distinction in the 
 Northern Army, dated July 17, 1777, at Moses' Creek 
 (about four miles from Fort Edward, on the Hudson, 
 fifty miles north of Albany). 
 
 " The retreat from Ticonderoga will be a matter 
 of speculation in the country, and the accounts differ 
 ent and confused. A true state of facts will, there 
 fore, be very satisfactory, without doubt. 
 
 " We were deceived with respect to the strength 
 of the enemy and our own reinforcements : the ene 
 my have practised a piece of finesse which has too 
 well answered their purpose ; they have so conducted, 
 that all hands in the United States believed they had 
 drawn their forces from Canada to the southward, 
 and designed only to garrison their posts in the north 
 ern world. The consequence of this belief has been, 
 the ordering of eight regiments, destined for Ticon 
 deroga and its environs, to Peekskill ; and little at 
 tention has been paid to this department. The ene 
 my's condition in Canada has been represented as 
 miserable, confused, scattered, and sickly. This has 
 been the general opinion in camp and country, and 
 our situation has been thought perfectly safe. Our 
 force consisted of about 4000, including the corps of 
 artillery and artificers, who were not armed ; a con 
 siderable part of which were militia. We could bring 
 about 3000 fit for duty into the field. 
 
 18 
 
274 APPENDIX. 
 
 " General Burgoyne carne against us with about 
 8000 healthy, spirited troops ; with a lake force, con 
 sisting of three fifty-gun ships; a thunderer, mount 
 ing eighteen brass twenty-four pounders, two thirteen- 
 inch mortars, a number of howitzers, several sloops, 
 gun-boats, &c. Their strength being so very supe 
 rior to ours, obliged us to tamely sit still, and see them 
 erect batteries all around us, without hazarding a 
 sally. Tw r o batteries w r ere erected in front of our 
 lines, on higher ground than ours. Within half a 
 mile on our left, they had taken post, on a very high 
 hill, overlooking all our works. Our right would have 
 been commanded by their shipping and batteries they 
 had erected on the other side of the lake, so that 
 our lines at Ticonderoga would have been of no ser 
 vice, and we must have inevitably abandoned them 
 in a few days, after their batteries opened, which 
 would have been the next morning. We then should 
 have been necessitated to retire to Fort Indepen 
 dence, the consequence of which, I conceive, would 
 have been much w T orse than the mode adopted ; for, 
 the moment we had left Ticonderoga, they could sail 
 their shipping by us, and prevent our communication 
 with Skeensborough ; then the only avenue to and 
 from Fort Independence would have been by a nar 
 row neck of land, leading from the Mount to the 
 Grants. To this neck, they had almost cut a road ; 
 a day more would have completed it. A few troops 
 stationed at Ticonderoga would have prevented our 
 communication with Lake George, as our own works 
 would have been against us. Their shipping would 
 have destroyed our connexion with Skeensborough, 
 
APPENDIX. 275 
 
 and their main body might have been placed on this 
 neck of land, which, by a few works might have pre 
 vented all supplies and reinforcements. We might 
 have staid at the Mount as long as our provisions 
 would have supported us. We had flour for thirty 
 days, and meat sufficient only for a week. Under 
 these circumstances, General St. Clair on the 6th in 
 stant called a council of war, and an evacuation was 
 unanimously agreed upon, as the only means of sav 
 ing the army from captivity. It was necessary,, also, 
 that our retreat should be precipitate, as the commu 
 nication was almost cut off, and they would soon be 
 apprised of our design. It was therefore determined 
 to send the baggage and sick in boats to Skeensbo- 
 rough, and for the army to march by land from the 
 Mount to Skeensborough, being forty miles. At the 
 dawn of day we left Fort Independence, and I can 
 not say the march was conducted with the greatest 
 regularity. 
 
 " The front, which was the main body, marched 
 thirty miles to a place called Castle-town, about 
 twelve miles from Skeensborough ; the militia halted 
 three miles in rear of the front ; and the rear-guard, 
 commanded by Colonel Francis, being joined by Col 
 onels Warner and Hale, halted at Hubbart-town, 
 about a mile and a half in rear of the militia. As 
 the march was severe, the feeble of the army had 
 fallen in the rear, and tarried at Hubbart-town with 
 the rear-guard. This body in the rear might consist of 
 near a thousand men. Before I proceed farther, it 
 may be necessary to give you the enemy's disposi 
 tions, after they were advised of our retreat. A large 
 
276 APPENDIX. 
 
 body, at least two thousand, were detached, to pur 
 sue our main body and harass our rear. All the gun 
 boats and some of the shipping, were sent after our 
 baggage, and came up with it at Skeensborough and 
 took it. The ninth regiment, commanded by Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel Hills, was ordered to run down South 
 Bay, and land and march a by-road to Fort Ann, and 
 take that before our troops could reach it. The re 
 mainder of the army went on to Skeensborough, 
 except a garrison at Ticonderoga. The body of the 
 enemy sent to harass our rear, came up with it the 
 next morning at Hubbart-town, which was com 
 manded by Colonel Warner. By the exertions of the 
 officers, our little army formed and gave them battle? 
 which continued about twenty-five minutes, very se 
 vere, when our party were overpowered with num 
 bers, and gave way. The loss on both sides was 
 considerable ; as our people took the woods and are 
 daily coming in, it is impossible to ascertain our loss. 
 Colonel Francis, a worthy and brave officer, after 
 signalizing himself, was shot through and expired 
 instantly. Colonel Hale is missing. It is natural to 
 ask, Why was not Colonel Warner reinforced ? Let 
 me tell you. Orders were sent to Colonel * * * * * * 
 who commanded the militia, to go to the assistance 
 of the rear-guard, but before they arrived the action 
 was over and our people dispersed. Our main body 
 being now twelve miles from Skeensborough, and 
 hearing that a large body of the enemy had arrived 
 there, and knowing that a large body was in our 
 rear, the General imagined, if we pursued our route, 
 that we must engage both in front and rear, under 
 
APPENDIX. 277 
 
 great disadvantage ; and to pursue his plan in first re 
 treating, which was to save the army, he thought it 
 prudent to file off to the left, and before we reached 
 Hudson river, we marched 150 miles. In this march 
 we picked up about thirty prisoners, part British, 
 part Waldeckers, and part Canadians. The party of 
 our men who were at Skeensborough, retreated to 
 Fort Ann. They were twice attacked by the ninth 
 regiment, and both times repulsed them. They took 
 a Captain Montgomery and a Doctor, and would pro 
 bably have taken the whole regiment, had their 
 ammunition held out. This is a candid state of facts, 
 and for this conduct we are told our country calls us 
 either knaves or cowards. I conceive they ought to 
 be grateful to our General ; for had we staid, we 
 very certainly should have been taken ; and then no 
 troops to have stood between the enemy and the 
 country. Our affairs now are not desperate in this 
 quarter, as they certainly would have been. We 
 have destroyed Fort George and its appendages, and 
 shall soon be able, I hope, to make head against our 
 enemies, as we are gathering strength and re-collect 
 ing ourselves." 
 
 in. 
 
 HEAD-QUARTERS, PEEKSKILL, March 11, 1779. 
 
 SIR I received last night a letter of yours, 
 without date. It is my intention, when Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Burr leaves the lines, you are to command, 
 
278 APPENDIX. 
 
 and to remain there as long as the duties of your 
 office of Inspector will permit, with all the 
 power with which Colonel Burr was invested. 
 These I wish you to exercise in their full extent. 
 Previous to his leaving you, I beg him and you to 
 digest in order all those directions I gave him, and 
 what has appeared to him necessary to answer the 
 objects of his command, which I desire may be ob 
 served by you, till I can revise them, if that should 
 be found necessary. 
 
 I am, sir, your humble servant, 
 
 ALEX. McDOUGALL. 
 To MAJOR HULL, at the Lines. 
 
 " Warrant to Major Hull, commanding on the Lines. 
 
 " Whereas a certain act of the People, Senate 
 and Assembly of the State of New-York, entitled 
 An Act for the regulating Impresses of Teams, &c., 
 in the said State, passed the second of April in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 
 seventy-nine, cannot be put in execution on arid 
 along the American lines in the County of West 
 Chester, through the inability of the civil officers to 
 execute the same ; and whereas also the public ser 
 vice does require immediately, that a number of Teams 
 be employed on and along the Lines aforesaid, and 
 the impossibility of obtaining the Impressure of 
 Teams as aforesaid, pursuant to the said Law is Im 
 practicable. These are therefore to authorize and 
 Impower you to Impress so many Teams from Time 
 to Time as the Publick shall demand of and from 
 Disaffected Persons, if so many Teams can be pro- 
 
APPENDIX. 279 
 
 cured from them, otherwise from the other Inhabi 
 tants also (they being also to be included) as far 
 North, on an East and West Line, as to the North 
 Castle Church. And you are to give the Owner or 
 Owners of such Teams a Certificate, specifying the 
 Time of Service, arid to direct him or them to call 
 for the Discharge of the same. You are to see that 
 the Owners and Teams be well used, and to make the 
 Service as easy as possibly you can, by calling for the 
 Teams on the owners in rotation. Given under my 
 Hand and Seal this Twenty-Eighth day of March, In 
 the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 
 seventy-nine. Done at Head-Quarters, Peekskill. 
 
 " ALEX. McDOUGALL, M. General. 
 
 " To MAJOR HULL, or the Officer commanding on the Lines > 
 in the County of West Chester, for the time being." 
 
 General McDougalTs Reply to Major Hull, in reference to 
 the subject of Justice Sherwood's letter respecting im 
 pressment, fyc. 
 
 HEAD-QUARTERS, PEEKSKILL, April 13, 1779. 
 
 SIR When I wrote you on yesterday, your favour 
 of the 7th was overlooked in my drawers. 
 
 I approve your conduct in ordering the horses 
 stolen to be returned to the well affected, on salvage. 
 This will endear the army to the distressed inhab 
 itants. 
 
 As to your intended position, I own I am not clear 
 on its expediency, especially if the troops on your 
 left do not advance. If a superior force to your 
 command should surround the houses of your ad 
 vanced pickets, they will be lost. However, if your 
 intelligence is good and frequent, I have no objection 
 
280 APPENDIX. 
 
 to your taking it. In a little time you can change 
 your position so frequent in barns, that it will be 
 extremely difficult, with alertness, for the enemy to 
 surprise you, or any of your parties. 
 
 The Carolina Infantry I intended to relieve. One 
 of Nixon's parties, and one from Poor's is ordered to 
 day to relieve the other from that brigade. These 
 reliefs are designed to facilitate a review of Nixon's 
 brigade, so that I desire every officer and man from it 
 may be sent up, when Poor's detachment reaches you. 
 I shall do every thing in my power for the exchange 
 of the citizens in the hands of the enemy. 
 
 I am, in haste, your humble servant, 
 
 ALEX. McDOUGALL. 
 To Major HULL, Commanding on the Lines. 
 
 WEST POINT, April 19, 1779. 
 
 DEAR SIR I received your favour enclosing some 
 York papers, for which I return you my hearty thanks. 
 Agreeable to General McDougall's order, received last 
 evening, send you Captain Drew, who I think is an 
 officer calculated for an advanced corps. Also send a 
 sub. from General Patterson's brigade, to relieve 
 Lieutenant Morton, of the first Massachusetts regi 
 ment, as the company he belongs to is destitute of an 
 officer. Colonel Bailey desires that Lieutenant Hay- 
 wood would stay for the present, there being now an 
 officer to that company. 
 
 Your transmitting to this garrison the York papers 
 when there is an opportunity, will much oblige, sir, 
 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 L. BAILEY. 
 
 Major HULL, Commanding on the Lines. 
 
APPENDIX. 28 1 
 
 WEST CHESTER COUNTY, ) 
 SiNG SING, April 28th, 1779. \ 
 
 Agreeable to the law and acts of the Legislature, 
 in the State of New- York, for the impressment of 
 any teams, horses, carriages, or drivers, are not to be 
 made on any pretence whatever, without the leave of 
 the law of this State; and as perpetual complaints 
 are made from time to time, of unlawful taking of 
 teams and horses, contrary to the law, I do therefore 
 desire these or such unlawful practices may be stopped; 
 and as they have an evil tendency to subverting good 
 order, I am in the next place to desire, that your Ho 
 nour will be pleased for to return the horses taken 
 from Jacob Rider and Robert McCord ; i ask this on 
 account that these horses and teams of Rider and 
 McCord have served at the bridge and in carting 
 
 o O 
 
 forage to that part of the army, and as the season of 
 the year is come that something must be carried on 
 in the field, and the team of McCord is taken from 
 the plough, and the team of Rider, to my knowledge, 
 was going to Fishkill for to carry something to his 
 son, and inasmuch as these teams have not been 
 granted at any time from the service, I ask the return 
 of these horses, and desire for the future your Honour 
 will be pleased to take the steps of the law, whenever 
 there shall be occasion for an impress of horses, 
 teams, or drivers, which will afford the same supplies 
 and stop the clamour of the people, and create good 
 order and do honour to ourselves and country. 
 I am, sir, in all respects, 
 
 Your very humble servant, 
 
 SOLOMON SHERWOOD, ESQ. 
 
 Justice of the Peace. \ 
 To Major HULL, on the Lines. 
 
282 APPENDIX. 
 
 HEAD-QUARTERS, PEEKSKILL, Feb. 29, 1779. 
 
 SIR Your three favours of the 27th inst., and 
 one of 28th, have been received. I am sorry to hear 
 of Dykeman's illness hope he will soon recover. I 
 approve your plan of altering your position in the 
 manner you mention on the 27th. You need not 
 send up the express every day, unless you have advi 
 ces of the enemy's movement, either by land or by 
 water, on the river, or some very important intelli 
 gence. Colonel Greaton's regiment will be sent down 
 to cover your left as soon as it can be got ready. In 
 the mean time, cover the country as well as you can. 
 Your letter to the Commander-in-chief shall be for 
 warded with the other papers. 
 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 ALEX. McDOUGALL. 
 
 Major HULL, Commanding on the Lines. 
 
 HEAD-QUARTERS, PEEKSKILL, April 30, 1779. 
 
 SIR Colonel Greaton's regiment will march from 
 Crompond to-morrow, for the Purchase. I wish you 
 to consult and arrange with the commanding officer 
 as to the best mode of covering the country. Let him 
 have half of your guides and horsemen, best acquaint 
 ed in that quarter. That regiment, or any other 
 which may relieve it, is to retire by forced marches to 
 these posts, whenever the commanding officer shall 
 be advised from you, of the enemy appearing in force 
 on the North river. You will therefore please to 
 give him information when that event happens. 
 
 When Colonel Lorin is settled and fixed in his 
 position, send up the detachment from Poor's brigade, 
 as they are to march from hence the eighth of next 
 
APPENDIX. 283 
 
 month. I have directed Colonel Bailey to send you 
 as many of the light infantry as can be well shod, to 
 relieve the like number of Patterson's and Learned's 
 with you. 
 
 I am, sir, your humble servant, 
 
 ALEX. McDOUGALL. 
 
 MAJOR HULL, Commanding on the Lines. 
 
 HEAD-QUARTERS, PEEKSKILL, May 22, 1779. 
 
 SIR I duly received your two favours of yesterday. 
 I think it very probable the enemy intend an attack on 
 your parties, or a movement out in pursuit of stock. 
 If it is the former, he will make a disposition to at 
 tack both, at the same time, and at night or very 
 early in the morning. I wish you, therefore, to 
 advise Major Oliver of the enemy's movements, 
 and desire him to be very alert. I need not repeat the 
 necessity of having things in train for a quick move 
 ment. If the enemy move in such force, as that you 
 have reason to conclude he has a greater object in 
 view than that I have mentioned, it will therefore be 
 expedient that the whole command on the lines, ex 
 cept the militia parties, retire in such manner as will 
 give the enemy every prudent opposition in the route 
 to join their corps. The inhabitants should be ad 
 vised of the position of the enemy, to be prepared to 
 remove their cattle. When the enemy is in motion, 
 drop a line of advice, if you can, to General Nixon, 
 and keep me advised every day, till further orders. 
 I am, sir, your humble servant, 
 
 ALEX. McDOUGALL. 
 
 MAJOR HULL, Commanding on the Lines. 
 
284 APPENDIX. 
 
 Letter from John Nixon, B. G., to Major Hull, Com 
 manding on the Lines. 
 
 COLLABURG, May 22, 1779. 
 
 DEAR SIR I received your favour of last even 
 ing at nine o'clock, in which you inform me of the 
 approach of the enemy as far as Courtlands. I im 
 mediately forwarded your letter to General McDou- 
 gall. Should be glad you would let me know by 
 bearer, whether the enemy has advanced any further 
 since you wrote me last evening, and if they have, 
 which road, and in what direction. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the truest esteem, 
 Sir, your very humble servant, 
 
 JOHN NIXON, B. G. 
 MAJOR HULL, Commanding on the Lines. 
 
 IV. 
 
 RELATIVE TO THE ASSAULT ON MORRIS SANIA. 
 Extract of a letter from Mrs. Hull to one of her daughters. 
 
 NEWTON, Massachusetts, April 12, 1822. 
 
 " We have been reading the Spy, with a good 
 deal of interest. It brought to your father's recollec 
 tion the days of yore. The scenes were laid on 
 ground he had often travelled over ; and that part of 
 the book in relation to the Skinners, is no fiction. 
 Your father has no recollection of the families the au 
 thor mentions, although he knew almost every indi 
 vidual in that part of the country, for twenty or thirty 
 miles around. He commanded on the lines, be 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 285 
 
 tween our army and the British, for three winters ; 
 and a hard time he had of it, he says ; for he made it 
 his constant rule, never to take off his clothes at 
 night, but merely to lay down and take a nap, and 
 be called at one o'clock, and mount his horse and re 
 connoitre the country till morning. 
 
 " The author begins his history in 1781. It was 
 an interesting year it was the year we were mar 
 ried. Your father applied to General Washington 
 for leave of absence : the General replied, it was ne 
 cessary for a scouring party to go down to West 
 Chester ; and as he had been there, and was ac 
 quainted with the grounds, he wished him to go ; 
 after that,, he would give him leave of absence till the 
 opening of the spring campaign. Previous to this, 
 he wrote me that he should be here early in January. 
 I, not knowing of the secret expedition, nor hearing 
 a word from him, a long month passed, in wonder to 
 me, you may well think ; but after he had scoured 
 the grounds around West Chester, and brought off 
 old Tillo (whose history you have heard long ago) ; 
 he came, and we were married. I returned with him 
 to the army. There I met Dr. Thomas, a surgeon 
 of the regiment. He congratulated me on my arri 
 val, and gave me the history of the engagement at 
 Morrissania, which was a pretty warm one, he said. 
 He was on the top of a hill, where he had a full view 
 of the manoeuvres ; and his whole thoughts were on 
 me ; and knowing that I hourly expected your father, 
 and what I expected him for, he trembled at what 
 might be the events of this day. 
 
 " The closing scene of the history was affecting 
 
286 APPENDIX. 
 
 to us ; it ended in Lundy's Lane, where jour unfortu 
 nate brother was killed.* Thus, beginning on the 
 ground where your father fought, and ending where 
 your brother fell." 
 
 v. 
 
 TOUR TO UPPER CANADA. 
 
 Extracts from a Journal of Colonel Hull, while Com 
 missioner to treat -with the British and hold Treaties 
 with the Indians. 
 
 January 27,1794. This day 1 rode through the 
 Oneida country. Here is a large Indian settlement, 
 with an extensive tract of land for their use. They 
 are perfectly civil and well disposed towards the 
 United States. They form a part of the Six Na 
 tions. They have a mill near their castle, arid a 
 blacksmith, who is paid by the United States ; a 
 schoolmaster, who constantly instructs the children, 
 and a clergyman, who officiates among them. God 
 grant, that the avarice of this country may never 
 disturb these native proprietors, but that they may 
 long live to enjoy their innocent customs, be enlight 
 ened, and made respectable and happy. 
 
 At night arrived at. Canandaigua. General Cha- 
 pin, the Superintendent of Indian affairs, resides 
 here. I was invited to attend a Council of about 
 thirty Seneca chiefs and warriors. At ten in the 
 
 * Captain Abraham Fuller Hull was killed in the battle of Lundy's 
 Lane, in the war of 1812. 
 
APPENDIX. 287 
 
 morning, the council fire being built, the chiefs and 
 warriors were paraded in the most, solemn order. 
 One of the chiefs arose and made a long speech, 
 with a belt of wampum in his hand, to which he re 
 ferred, while speaking. 
 
 This belt, over which he had studied his matter, 
 now aided to remind him of the thoughts he wished 
 to communicate. General Chapin made a short re 
 ply, informed them who I was, and the nature of my 
 business to Niagara; which was, he said, to make ar 
 rangements for a general peace with the hostile 
 Indians. 
 
 I then made a speech to them, to which they re 
 plied in a handsome and very interesting manner. 
 They seemed much pleased, especially when I in 
 formed them that I should leave a sum of money to 
 be applied to their entertainment. 
 
 January 28. To-day 1 passed through a country 
 but thinly settled ; a poor looking building perhaps 
 in ten or fifteen miles met the eye. Excellent land, 
 and will no doubt become a most important part of 
 America. At evening arrived at a small house on 
 the banks of the Cayuga Lake. 
 
 Here 1 met Colonel Seth Reed and his son, who 
 reside at Geneva, about fifteen miles from this place. 
 I had dismissed my sleigh and horses procured at 
 Schenectady, and was about engaging another, when 
 Colonel Reed, without any solicitation on my part, 
 offered me his sleigh and horses, and his son to attend 
 me to Niagara. I accepted the offer. 
 
 About twelve o'clock I commenced my journey to 
 the Geneva river ; accompanied by Colonel Taylor 
 
288 APPENDIX. 
 
 and Mr. Reed. Here we had arrived to the extent 
 of our settlements, and between this and Niagara is 
 only a small foot-path, and two Indian settlements, 
 the Tonawantas and the Tuscaroras. 
 
 February 1. This morning Colonel Taylor, Mr. 
 Reed and myself, mounted our horses and rode about 
 eight miles over an entire flat country. On this flat, 
 near the river, is a small Indian settlement. We 
 fully expected to have slept in the woods this night. 
 After riding twenty miles without making a stop, we 
 arrived at a good fire, which the Indians had only 
 just left. Here we refreshed ourselves for about 
 fifteen minutes. We then proceeded on through the 
 little path, which was very deep and miry. Night 
 overtook us about four miles from Tonawanta. I was 
 inclined to stop, but my companions thought best to 
 proceed to the village. About eight o'clock we ar 
 rived at the river opposite to the village. It was 
 frozen about half over, and quite deep. We called, 
 and an Indian soon came to the opposite bank. He 
 could not speak English, and we could understand 
 nothing he said. We finally broke away the ice and 
 plunged in with our horses. The water was up to 
 the saddles. The Indian guided us to his wigwam. 
 It was not long before a great many of the Indians 
 assembled. I spoke to them in the most friendly 
 terms possible, and continued to speak until exhaust 
 ed by fatigue, I fell asleep, and did not awake until 
 daylight. In this wigwam there were as many as 
 fifty bushels of corn, and a considerable quantity of 
 wild meat. The com was hung upon poles, and the 
 meat upon strings. Before I left, I gave them money 
 
APPENDIX. 289 
 
 enough to make the whole village happy. I told 
 them to drink the health of Honontagalios, the In 
 dian name of General Washington. I told them we 
 were going to make peace with all the nations, and 
 that they must not suffer any of their warriors to 
 join the hostile nations. They appeared to be very 
 happy and very thankful. 
 
 " Feb. 2. At sunrise began our journey ; took 
 some of these Indians as our guides, and in the eve 
 ning arrived at the Tuscarora village, ten miles from 
 Niagara. Here the Indians assembled to meet me. 
 1 had a talk with them, and said every thing in my 
 power to convince them of the friendship of the Uni 
 ted States. 
 
 " I told them we wished for peace, and should 
 have it ; and they must not suffer their people to 
 join the nations who were carrying on war with the 
 United States. I urged upon them the importance 
 of all the chiefs going to the Sandusky Treaty. When 
 I took leave, I gave them money, and told them to 
 drink the health of their Father and friend, General 
 Washington." 
 
 Colonel Hull gives a description of the Falls of 
 Niagara ; of his reception by Governor Simcoe ; of 
 the company assembled to meet him ; of the rare ac 
 complishments of Mrs. Simcoe ; her exquisite draw 
 ings ; her maps like copper-plate. He says : 
 
 " Indeed, she sustains a most excellent character, 
 and the Governor seems to be the idol of the people." 
 After dinner, Colonel Hull retired with the Governor, 
 to converse on the subject of his mission. 
 
 He continues : " On my account the Governor 
 19 
 
290 APPENDIX. 
 
 ordered supper in his canvas-house, which he brought 
 from Europe. It was joined to his dwelling-house- 
 It is a room twenty-two feet by fifteen, with a floor, 
 windows, and doors, and warmed with a stove. It 
 is papered and painted, and you would suppose you 
 were in a common house. The floor is the case for 
 the whole of the room. It is quite a curiosity. 
 About eleven o'clock I was conducted to my chamber. 
 Perceiving me so much pleased with the canvas-house, 
 the Governor ordered breakfast in it. After break 
 fast, I had another long conversation with him re 
 specting the business of my mission." 
 
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 AND 
 
 SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 AND 
 
 SURRENDER OF THE POST OP DETROIT. 
 
 BY 
 
 JAMES FREEMAN CLARKE, 
 
 NEW-YORK: 
 
 D. APPLETON & CO., 200 BROADWAY. 
 
 PHILADEDPHIA : 
 
 GEO. S. APPLETON, 148 CHESNUT-STREET- 
 
 M DCCC XLVIII. 
 

 
PREFACE. 
 
 THE preceding portion of this volume contains 
 the history of General Hull's Revolutionary services 
 and civil life from 1775 to 1805. This, which was 
 mostly written by himself, was prepared for the press 
 by his daughter, Mrs. MARIA CAMPBELL, wife of ED 
 WARD F. CAMPBELL, Esq., of Augusta, Georgia. It 
 was a favourite and cherished object of this lady to 
 erect this monument to the memory of her father, 
 and her life was spared by a kind Providence just 
 long enough to enable her to complete it. Amid 
 painful sickness and the languor of disease, she la 
 boured diligently until it was finished. This labour 
 of love seemed to sustain her failing strength, and 
 when she reached its termination she could say, 
 " Lord, let me now depart," and the daughter passed 
 into the spirit-land, to meet the parent whom she had 
 so tenderly loved. 
 
 But another labour yet remains to be performed. 
 Mrs. Campbell did not attempt the history of the 
 Campaign of 1812, and Surrender of Detroit; for 
 though well qualified to write it, from an acquaint 
 ance with all the facts and arguments which justify, 
 to any unprejudiced mind, the surrender of Detroit ; 
 
296 PREFACE. 
 
 and though deeply convinced that her father deserved 
 praise, and not blame, for his share in this transaction, 
 yet she shrank from a work which she feared might 
 involve her in angry controversy, and prevent the 
 simple narration of her father's Revolutionary labours 
 from being appreciated. She left to another hand, 
 and another time, this part of the work. 
 
 Still it has been thought best that the account of 
 General Hull's Revolutionary services should be 
 accompanied with at least a brief statement of the 
 facts and reasons which refute the charges so long 
 ignorantly brought against the memory of this much 
 injured servant of his country. 
 
 This task has been committed to the present 
 writer, who, with no qualifications except a strong 
 conviction of the justice of the cause he advocates, 
 founded on careful study and examination, joined 
 with an earnest wish to be candid and conscientious, 
 has undertaken the work. He is indeed about to 
 defend a grandfather, and one whom he remembers 
 with mingled feelings of affection and respect. From 
 his earliest childhood he recalls the image of a vener 
 able white-haired old man, living in the midst of his 
 children and grandchildren ; employing in the peace 
 ful pursuit of agriculture the last years of a life, the 
 first part of which had been spent in public employ 
 ment and honours. All outward disgraces seemed to 
 have fallen upon his head, yet all were borne with 
 cheerful equanimity. A soldier, he had been branded 
 as a coward ; a patriot, he was esteemed a traitor ; 
 loving the approbation of his fellow-men, he was an 
 
PREFACE. 297 
 
 object of universal censure ; naturally fond of public 
 life, and ambitious of public usefulness, he was under 
 a sentence of irrevocable ostracism. But how cheer 
 ful, how happy were these declining years of his life. 
 Happy in his affections, in the love of relatives, in 
 the esteem of wise friends, in the inward conscious 
 ness of having done right, to him it might be said, 
 
 " Thou hast been 
 
 As one, in suffering all, that suffers nothing, 
 A man that fortune's buffets and rewards 
 Hast taken with equal thanks." 
 
 No peevishness, no complaint, no querulous refer 
 ence to a nation's ingratitude, ever fell from his lips. 
 Remembering this, I cannot but feel a strong desire 
 to do full justice to his cause, yet I feel also, that if 
 his spirit could now communicate to me his wishes, 
 he would charge me to use no art but that of truth, 
 not to overstate his side of the question, nor to under 
 state that of his opponents ; to extenuate nothing, 
 and set down nothing in malice. And I shall en 
 deavour to conform to this rule and write in this 
 spirit. I will not, if it can be avoided, use a harsh 
 word, even toward those from whom he has received 
 the most cruel injuries. He has gone where nothing 
 can touch him further. His enemies still live and 
 are in pursuit of public honours, and are liable to be 
 injured by the exposure of their past errors. But 
 this injury, I have no desire to inflict, except where 
 it becomes necessary to defend General Hull's mem 
 ory, by stating the simple truth. 
 
 After the Court Martial in 1814 had closed, Gen 
 eral Hull returned to his farm in Newton, which he 
 
298 PREFACE. 
 
 had inherited through his wife, and there passed the 
 last years of his life in the pursuits of agriculture. 
 While the public, misguided by false rumours, was 
 accusing him of having sold his country for " British 
 gold," of having built a splendid palace, and having 
 married his daughter to General Brock ;* he, with 
 difficulty, supported his family by farming. In re 
 moving to Detroit, he had expended much of the 
 small property he had previously accumulated. He had 
 also paid out money of his own, for his army, while 
 on its march, which was never repaid him, because 
 the vouchers had been destroyed in the destruction 
 of the Adams, when she was burnt by Capt. Elliott. 
 But his active mind devoted itself to experiments in 
 practical agriculture, many of which he communi 
 cated to the magazines devoted to that science. So 
 passed his years until the time arrived when the 
 clouds which rested on his fame, were partially dis 
 persed, and his setting sun shone forth for a brief 
 space in a serene sky. 
 
 In the year 1824, General Hull published a se 
 ries of letters in defence of his conduct during the 
 campaign of 1812. These letters, first printed in the 
 " American Statesman," a Boston newspaper, and 
 copied into many other papers, of both political par 
 ties, and afterwards reprinted in a collected form, ex 
 ercised great influence on the public mind, wherever 
 they were read. The North American Review, in a 
 notice of these letters, understood to have been writ 
 ten by Jared Sparks, said, " that from the public 
 
 * Such reports have been widely circulated. 
 
PREFACE. 299 
 
 documents collected and published in them, the con 
 clusion must unequivocally be drawn, that General 
 Hull was required by the Government to do, what it 
 was morally and physically impossible that he should 
 do."* Many other periodicals throughout the Union 
 expressed the same opinion. 
 
 A public dinner was given in Boston to General 
 Hull, by citizens of both political parties. He also 
 received very gratifying letters from various quarters, 
 particularly from old companions of the Revolution 
 ary army, expressing their pleasure at his having vin 
 dicated so completely his conduct and his character.f 
 
 General Hull did not live long after these events. 
 He, however, had the pleasure of meeting Lafay 
 ette, in 1825, who paid him a visit, when in Boston 
 during that year. He was present at the celebration 
 of the Battle of Bunker Hill, and afterwards visited 
 his mother in his native town of Derby, in Connec 
 ticut, the citizens of which gave him a public dinner. 
 Returning home, he was attacked by a disease which 
 soon proved mortal. On his death-bed he declared, 
 in the most solemn manner, his conviction that he 
 had done right in surrendering Detroit, and expressed 
 his happiness that he had thus saved the lives of the 
 peaceful citizens of Michigan from being needlessly 
 sacrificed. He died in Nov. 1825, in the 73d year of 
 his age. 
 
 It was not, however, to be expected, that a preju 
 dice so deeply rooted and widely spread, as that 
 which held General Hull to be a coward or a traitor, 
 
 * See Appendix, Note 1. f See Appendix for some of these 
 
 letters. 
 
300 PREFACE. 
 
 would be immediately overcome. Men love their 
 prejudices too well they hug them to their hearts, 
 as their dearest treasures. General Hull had been 
 made the scape-goat for the sins committed by the 
 Administration arid war party, in precipitating hostil 
 ities before the country was prepared for them, and 
 for the faults of those who ought to have aided him, 
 and co-operated with him. To admit that General 
 Hull was an injured man, was, with many persons, 
 to admit that they themselves had committed great 
 errors or faults. Few are capable of a magnanimity 
 like this. Accordingly the old charges continue to be 
 repeated in various shapes, though all respectable 
 writers have abandoned the worst accusations. Few 
 are yet able to rise to the platform of impartial his 
 tory, and say with Mr. Sparks, that under the cir 
 cumstances in which General Hull was placed, there 
 was no possibility of his effecting what was required 
 of him. Yet we find now a very general ad 
 mission, that others were, at least, as much to blame 
 as he, for the failure of the Canada campaign. 
 
 Thus General Armstrong, one of the most bitter 
 and vindictive assailants of the character of General 
 Hull, is obliged to admit, that the Administration was 
 in error, in not acquiring previous knowledge of the 
 forces to be encountered in Canada ; in not recalling 
 the garrisons of the remote and indefensible posts ; 
 in not transmitting to General Hull information of 
 the declaration of war, until long after the British in 
 Canada had knowledge of it ; in not following General 
 Hull's repeated and urgent suggestions, that a fleet 
 
PREFACE. 301 
 
 be constructed on Lake Erie and a large co-operating 
 force assembled at Niagara ; and finally, in not furnish 
 ing a sufficient number of troops to General Hull, 
 to accomplish the objects of his expedition.* 
 
 Recent writers, therefore, who have written on 
 the history of the last war, or had occasion to refer to 
 its events, while they have been obliged to admit 
 that the main cause of the failure of the invasion of 
 Canada and the surrender of Detroit, was to be found 
 in the unprepared state of the country, the errors of 
 the Administration, and the absence of an American 
 fleet on Lake Erie, have nevertheless continued to 
 accuse General Hull of military faults, in a greater or 
 less degree. Some ignorantly repeat the sweep 
 ing and contradictory charges of treason and cow 
 ardice. One writer speaks of " the surrender of a 
 large force with the important post of Detroit by 
 General Hull, under circumstances which made it al 
 most certain, that he had been purchased by the Brit- 
 ish."\ This sentence is in a biography published 
 only four years ago, when the writer possessed every 
 opportunity of knowing that there was not the shadow 
 of evidence to be found in support of such an accu 
 sation. Loose charges of this kind are so often 
 made, that they have their effect on public opinion. 
 The errors of one writer are copied by another, and 
 
 * Armstrong's "Notices of the of Infantry, how different would 
 
 War of 1812," Vol. L, pp. 46-51 : have been the issue of the cam- 
 
 " Had the Government invited Gov- paign !" 
 
 ernor Shelby of Kentucky or Gov- f From a Memoir of Henry Clay, 
 ernor Meigs of Ohio, to follow in prefixed to Clay's Life and Speech- 
 Hull's track, with two thousand es. Greeley & McElrath, 1843, 
 gun-men and Winchester's Brigade p. 71. 
 
302 PREFACE. 
 
 even the writers of history, instead of recurring to 
 the original sources, are accustomed to repeat, without 
 examination, what is asserted by previous writers of 
 no authority. It is to be hoped that the present 
 work will correct some of these popular impressions. 
 The sources from which I derive the facts and state 
 ments herein contained, are as follows : 
 
 Certified copies of public documents, referring to 
 the campaign of 1812, from the office of the Adju 
 tant-General at Washington. Forbes' Report of the 
 Trial of General Hull, by a Court Martial at Albany, 
 containing the testimony of the witnesses on that 
 trial. Hull's Memoirs of the Campaign of the North 
 western Army, collected and published, Boston, 1824. 
 Life and Correspondence of Major-General Sir Isaac 
 Brock, London, 1845. Dawson's Life of Harrison. 
 Lanman's History of Michigan. Histories of the 
 War of 1812, by McAffee, Ingersoll, James, &c. 
 Christie's War in Canada. Armstrong's Notices. 
 Private papers, files of letters, &c., left by General 
 Hull, and referring to his administration while Gov 
 ernor of the Territory of Michigan. 
 
 The Appendix will contain some documents and 
 letters, illustrating the history of the campaign of 
 1812. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PREFACE 295 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 WILLIAM HULL APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN. EVENTS OF HIS AD 
 MINISTRATION. INDIAN SETTLEMENTS IN MICHIGAN. TREATIES WITH 
 THE INDIANS. TROUBLES 305 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 WAR OF 1812. GOVERNOR HULL APPOINTED BRIGADIER-GENERAL TO 
 
 LEAD THE TROOPS FROM OHIO TO DETROIT. MARCH TO DETROIT. 
 
 INVASION OF CANADA. FALL OF MICHILIMACKINAC, AND SUBSEQUENT 
 
 EVENTS 325 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 SITUATION OF GENERAL HULL BROCK'S ARRIVAL AT MALDEN. SUR 
 RENDER OF DETROIT. ITS REASONS. STATE OF COMMUNICATIONS, 
 TROOPS, PROVISIONS, &c 360 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE COURT MARTIAL. How CONSTITUTED, AND ITS CHARACTER. ITS DE 
 CISION AND SENTENCE. CONCLUSION 396 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE 1. EXTRACT FROM A NOTICE OF GENERAL HULL'S "MEMOIRS OF THE 
 CAMPAIGN OF 1812," FROM THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW . . . 411 
 
 NOTE 2. MEMORIALS BY GENERAL HULL, RECOMMENDING A FLEET ON 
 LAKE ERIE 413 
 
 NOTE 3. LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY AT WAR TO GENERAL DEARBORN 417 
 NOTE 4 GENERAL VAN RENSSELAER'S LETTER, AUGUST 19, 1812 . . 418 
 
304 CONTENTS. 
 
 NOTE 5. SIR GEORGE PREVOST'S LETTER TO GENERAL BROCK, CONCERNING 
 
 THE PROPOSED ARMISTICE 418 
 
 NOTE 6. EXTRACT FROM INGERSOLL'S HISTORY OF THE WAR OF 1812 . 419 
 NOTE 7. LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR TO GENERAL DEARBORN 421 
 NOTE 8. MILLER'S TESTIMONY ON THE COURT MARTIAL . . 421 
 
 NOTES 9, 10, 11, 12. TESTIMONY OF WITNESSES ON THE COURT MAR 
 TIAL 421 
 
 NOTE 13 EXTRACT FROM GENERAL HULL'S " MEMOIRS OF THE CAMPAIGN 
 OF 1812," UPON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE COURT MARTIAL . . 423 
 
 NOTE 14. LETTERS FROM REVOLUTIONARY OFFICERS AND OTHERS, TESTIFY 
 ING TO GENERAL HULL'S CHARACTER 425 
 
 NOTE 15. LETTER FROM ROBERT WALLACE, GIVING HIS RECOLLECTIONS OF 
 THE SURRENDER OF DETROIT, PUBLISHED IN KENTUCKY, IN 1842 . . 443 
 
 NOTE 16. LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN OF PENNSYLVANIA/ DESCRIBING 
 PERRY'S DIFFICULTIES IN BUILDING HIS FLEET, &c 461 
 
 NOTE 17. LETTER FROM WILLIAM SULLIVAN, ESQ., TO A DAUGHTER OF 
 GENERAL HULL 479 
 
 NOTE 18. LETTER FROM S. HALE, Esq., TO MRS. N. B. HICKMAN, A 
 DAUGHTER OF GENERAL HULL . ... 481 
 
HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 AND 
 
 SURRENDER OP THE POST OP DETROIT. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 WILLIAM HULL APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN. EVENTS OF HIS ADMIN 
 ISTRATIONS. INDIAN SETTLEMENTS IN MICHIGAN. TREATIES WITH THE 
 INDIANS . TROUBLES. 
 
 IN 1805, March 22d, William Hull received from 
 Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, 
 the appointment of Governor of Michigan, which had 
 been erected into a separate territory by Act of Con 
 gress, January llth, of the same year. The Legis 
 lative power of the territory was vested in the Gov 
 ernor and Judges, who were authorized to adopt and 
 publish its laws from the codes of the original States. 
 William Hull was also appointed Indian Agent, an 
 office which was then connected with that of Exec 
 utive Magistrate. 
 
 The duties of Indian Agent were not the least 
 considerable of those belonging to the office of Gov 
 ernor. The white inhabitants of Michigan, collec- 
 20 
 
306 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 tively, amounted six years after this time to only 4860 
 persons ; four-fifths of whom were French, and the 
 remainder Americans, with a few British. But the 
 Indian settlements within the territory were numerous. 
 They consisted of the Pottawatamies, who inhabited 
 the upper branches of the river Raisin, Huron, &c. ; 
 the Miamis, Wyandots,* Chippewas, Winnebagoes, 
 Ottawas, and others, whose villages were scattered 
 through the region between the present States of 
 Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan, and within the penin 
 sula itself. These were the tribes who were after 
 wards united with Tecumsehand the Prophet against 
 the United States, and as allies of England, as they 
 had formerly been united under Pontiac against the 
 English and as allies of France. They felt that the 
 people of the United States were their natural enemies 
 because their lands were perpetually encroached upon 
 by them. Just so they had before felt that the English 
 were their enemies, so long as it was from the Eng 
 lish that they apprehended the loss of their lands. 
 General Hull, as Indian Agent, had in view two ob 
 jects, which he communicated to the President, in 
 letters to General Dearborn, Secretary at War, dated 
 January 10th and 17th, 1806.f 
 
 The first object was, to extinguish gradually and 
 regularly the Indian title ; the second, to instruct 
 the tribes in farming and the mechanic arts. At this 
 time the Indian title in Michigan had been extin 
 guished only in the following tracts : 
 
 * Most of the Wyandots were on f Copies from General Hull's pri- 
 the Upper and Lower Sandusky. vate papers, in possession of the writer. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 397 
 
 First, at the post of Detroit, and a district adja 
 cent, bounded north by Lake St. Clair, south by the 
 river Raisin, and west by a line six miles distant from 
 Detroit river. 
 
 Secondly, the post of Michilimackinac, (now 
 Mackinaw,) and the island itself, and the mainland 
 adjacent, extending six miles on Lake Huron, and 
 three miles back, and the island De Blois Blanc. 
 
 The Indian title was also extinguished in north 
 western Ohio, at the Rapids, and at the mouth of the 
 Maumee, and on Sandusky bay. 
 
 Thus it will be seen, that except a strip of land, 
 all of Michigan was in possession of the Indians. 
 Meantime American settlers were anxious to come in. 
 Governor Hull, therefore, was strongly desirous of 
 making some satisfactory treaties with the Indians. 
 He says, in his communication of January 14th, 1806: 
 
 " 1 should think it would be expedient to purchase 
 all the land in the territory, south of a line drawn due 
 west from the most westerly point of Saganaw bay 
 to Lake Michigan. In that case, probably some 
 small reservations for the Indians might be necessary; 
 one probably on the river St. Joseph, which empties 
 itself into the southerly part of Lake Michigan, where 
 many of the Pottawatamies now reside, one on the 
 upper branches of the river Huron, which empties 
 into Lake St. Clair, and one on the Saganaw river, 
 which falls into Saganaw bay." He goes on to 
 mention other reservations, and adds, that " the Pot 
 tawatamies and Chippewas are the proprietors of the 
 country. Some of the other tribes, probably by com- 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 pact or understanding among them, may consider 
 themselves as having other rights, by which they may 
 claim some part of the compensation, and conse 
 quently it may be necessary to make them parties to 
 the treaty." * 
 
 Pursuing this plan, in 1807 Governor Hull en 
 tered into a treaty, at Detroit, with the Ottawa, 
 Chippewa, Pottawatamie, and Wyandot tribes, by 
 which they ceded to the United States an extensive 
 territory on the southeastern side of Michigan, bounded 
 south by the river and bay of Miami ; west by a line 
 running north and south, through the middle of the 
 territory, nearly as far north as Saganaw bay, and 
 north by a line running from this point to White Rock 
 in Lake Huron. In payment for this land, annuities 
 were given to several tribes.f 
 
 This cession was not accomplished, however, 
 without difficulty and opposition. Among Governor 
 Hull's papers, is a letter dated June 10th, 1807, from 
 Captain Dunham, commanding at Michilimackinac y 
 in which he speaks as follows : " Immediately on 
 the receipt of your Excellency's favour of April 29th, 
 I summoned together the chiefs of the Chippewa and 
 Ottawa tribes, and laid before them the subject of 
 your letter, respecting the council or treaty to be held 
 at Detroit. They decided instantly and unanimously 
 not to attend the council, nor to have any thing to do 
 with alienating their lands. They say ' our brethren 
 
 * Copy of a letter to Hon. H. f Lanman's History of Michigan, 
 Dearborn, Secretary at War, dated page 183, 
 January 14, 1805. Hull's papers. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 3Q9 
 
 below are forgetting their children ; if they are fools 
 enough to throw away their hunting grounds, let them 
 do it ; we, however, in this quarter, will do no such 
 thing and we hope, my brother, that you will not 
 think of taking away one hand's breadth of our lands, 
 for we have not so much to spare.' In short, they 
 appear to be much alarmed on the subject, and indi 
 cate a disposition by no means friendly. I believe 
 they have been tampered with, and I suspect some 
 unauthorized individuals of a neighbouring nation 
 are endeavouring to throw obstacles in the way of the 
 intended treaty." * 
 
 This last suspicion was quite unnecessary, though 
 perhaps natural. It needed no suggestion from the 
 French or British to make the Indians reluctant to 
 give up their territory. It was owing to natural and 
 inevitable causes, that the Indians grew more and 
 more hostile to the Americans, and ever more friendly 
 to the British. Those who wanted their lands, were 
 their natural enemies ; those who could assist them 
 to retain them, were their natural allies. These 
 causes had but a few years before made them friendly 
 to the French and hostile to the English ; they now 
 made them friendly to the English and hostile to the 
 Americans. The flood of American immigration was 
 beginning to flow into northwestern Ohio and In 
 diana, but no such emigration was taking place toward 
 the west of the British possessions. The Americans 
 were farmers, and would occupy the lands perma- 
 
 * Copy of Captain Dunham's letter, in Hull's papers. 
 
310 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 nently. The only British who came near them, were 
 hunters, like themselves, or traders to buy their furs. 
 These deep-lying and permanent causes of a state of 
 things, which no wisdom nor energy on the part of 
 the territorial government could alter, had already 
 begun to produce that confederacy against the United 
 States, of the Indian tribes, of which the Shawnee 
 Prophet was the head, and his brother Tecumseh 
 both head and hand. 
 
 As early as 1806, the Prophet commenced his 
 operations. His object was to unite all the north 
 western Indians against the progress of the American 
 settlements. The Prophet affirmed, that he had 
 seen the Great Spirit ; and that he was his agent. 
 He said that the Americans were intending to push 
 the Indians into the Lakes, as they had driven them 
 from the sea-coast; that the Indians must take a 
 stand where they were, and drive the Americans to 
 the other side of the Alleghany mountains. This 
 effort of the Prophet excited great interest through 
 all the Bribes, and produced manifest effects on the 
 tempers of the Indians. From all quarters Governor 
 Hull was informed of the hostile spirit which began 
 to be manifested. The first notice of the Shawnee 
 Prophet which appears in Governor Hull's correspon 
 dence, is contained in a letter addressed to the Gov 
 ernor, by William Wells, from Fort Wayne, dated 
 September 5, 1806.* He says, " that a number of 
 Shawnee Indians have settled at Greenville, on lands 
 
 * Hull's papers. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 3^ 
 
 belonging to the United States. They have a man 
 among them that pretends to be a prophet. This 
 fellow is well calculated to lead the Indians astray, 
 and it appears that it is his determination to do so." 
 
 But the most remarkable evidence of the Pro 
 phet's sagacity and influence, is found in a speech, 
 delivered on the 4th May, 1807, by an Indian named 
 Le Maigouis, or the Trout.* . This speech was deliv 
 ered at the entrance of Lake Michigan (Le Maioui- 
 tinong,) and a full account of it was transmitted to 
 Governor Hull by Captain Dunham, from Mackinaw, 
 with a letter, from which we make the following ex 
 tracts : 
 
 " FORT MICHILIMACKINAC, May 20, 1807. 
 
 " SIR, I have thought it my duty to state to your 
 Excellency, that there appears to be an exten 
 sive movement among the savages of this quarter, 
 which seems to carry with it a good deal of the dark 
 and mysterious. Belts of wampum are rapidly circu 
 lating from one tribe to another, and a spirit is pre 
 vailing by no means pacific. What I have been able 
 to learn, through sources to be relied on, leaves little 
 room for conjecture as to the object of their hostile 
 intentions ; and the enclosed talk, which has been in 
 dustriously spread among them, and which seems to 
 have had considerable effect on their minds, needs no 
 comment. 
 
 " It ought to be observed, that this Talk is com- 
 
 * Called by Lanman, Le Mar- manuscript it is always spelt Mai- 
 quois : probably a misprint, as in the gouis. 
 
312 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 municated in open council, where old and young of 
 both sexes are allowed to assemble. There is, how 
 ever, another Talk, known only in the private coun 
 cil of the chiefs and warriors. From the letter and 
 spirit of the former, we may easily infer the com 
 plexion and views of the latter. There is certainly 
 mischief at the bottom, and there can be no doubt in 
 my mind, but that the object and intention of this great 
 Manitou, or second Adam, under pretence of restor 
 ing to the Aborigines their former independence, and 
 to the savage character its animal energy, is, in re 
 ality, to induce a general effort to rally, and to strike 
 somewhere a desperate and decisive blow. 
 
 " I cannot say that I apprehend an immediate at 
 tack. Perhaps my character as a soldier might be 
 called in question, were I to suppose the possibility 
 of a thing which some would deem so improbable. 
 But, aware as 1 am of the insidiousness and treachery 
 of this people, I have thought it no more than a dic 
 tate of prudence to watch their motions, and to be in 
 constant readiness to receive them, either with the 
 olive branch or the bayonet, as circumstances might 
 require. 
 
 " Many fabulous and foolish stories are circulated, 
 to impress the idea of their great progenitor's divinity 
 and mission ; but whether he is really the envoy of 
 heaven, or only an emissary from the Cabinet of St. 
 Cloud, I will not presume to say. He is represented 
 as being seen only on an elevated scaffold, sitting or 
 kneeling on a cross, and in a constant attitude of de 
 votion. It is even said, that he can fly; and that the 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 
 
 multitude of his disciples who visit him, are miracu 
 lously fed by a profusion of wild animals, which are 
 thronging about him for that purpose. All this is 
 eagerly swallowed ; and the severe denunciations of 
 his penal code, terrify them at once into an adoption 
 of his creed. His system is so artfully interwoven 
 with their ancient superstitions and their modern pre 
 judices, that they receive the whole with a religious 
 enthusiasm. 
 
 " How long this frenzy may last,, or whether the 
 Indians immediately in this vicinity may eventually 
 come in to the extent of the measure, I cannot say. 
 The herald of this new religion, Le Maigouis, is a bro 
 ther of the principal chief at Arbre Croche. He is now 
 gone to Lake Superior, to initiate the savages of that 
 quarter into its mysteries. 
 
 " I have the honour to be your Excellency's obe 
 dient and humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) J. DUNHAM." 
 
 Substance of a talk delivered at Le Maiouitinong, 
 entrance of Lake Michigan, by the Indian Chief Le 
 Maigouis, or the Trout, May 4th, 1807, as coming 
 from the first man whom God created, said to be in 
 the Shawnese country, addressed to all the different 
 Tribes of Indians. 
 
 Le Maigouis, holding in his hand eight strings of 
 old wampum, four white and four blue, said : 
 
 " Brothers, These strings of wampum come 
 from the Great Spirit. Do not despise them, for he 
 knows every thing. They are to go all around the 
 
314 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 earth, till they are lost. They were sent to you by 
 the first man he created with these words : 
 
 " Children, I was asleep, when the Great Spirit 
 addressing himself to another Spirit said, 1 have 
 closed my book of accounts with man, and am going 
 to destroy the earth : but first I will awaken from the 
 Sleep of the Dead, the first man I created ; he is 
 wise. And let us hear if he has aught to say. He 
 then awoke me and told me what he was about to 
 do. 
 
 " I looked around the world and saw my Red 
 children had greatly degenerated, that they had be 
 come scattered and miserable. When I saw this, I 
 was grieved on their account, and asked leave of the 
 Great Spirit to come to see if I could reclaim them. 
 I requested the Great Spirit to grant, in case they 
 should listen to my voice, that the world might yet 
 subsist for the period of Three full Lives, and my re 
 quest was granted. 
 
 "Now, therefore, my children, listen to my voice, 
 it is that of the Great Spirit ! If you hearken to my 
 counsel and follow my instructions for four years, 
 then will there be two days of darkness, during 
 which, I shall tread unseen through the land and 
 cause the animals, such as they were formerly, when 
 I created them, to come forth out of the earth. The 
 Great Spirit bids me address you in his own words, 
 which are these : 
 
 " My children, You are to have very little inter 
 course with the whites. They are not your Father, 
 as you call them, but your brethren. / am your Fa- 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 
 
 tfier. When you call me so, you do well. I am the 
 Father of the English, of the French, of the Span 
 iards, and of the Indians. I created the first man, 
 who was the common Father of all these people as 
 well as yourselves ; and it is through him, whom 1 
 have now awakened from his long sleep, that I now 
 address you. But the Americans, I did not make. 
 They are not my children, but the children of the Evil 
 Spirit. They grew from the scum of the great water, 
 when it was troubled by the Evil Spirit, and the 
 froth was driven into the woods, by a strong east 
 wind. They are numerous, but 1 hate them. They 
 are unjust. They have taken away your lands, 
 which were not made for them. 
 
 " My children, The whites I placed on the other 
 side of the Great Lake, that they might be a separate 
 people. To them I gave different manners, customs, 
 animals, vegetables, &c., for their use. To them I 
 have given cattle, sheep, swine, and poultry, for 
 themselves only. You are not to keep any of their 
 animals, nor to eat of their meat. To you I have 
 given the deer, the bear, and all wild animals, and 
 the fish that swim in the rivers, and the corn that 
 grows in the fields, for your own use ; and you are 
 not to give your meat or your corn to the whites to 
 eat. 
 
 " My children, You may salute the whites when 
 you meet them, but must not shake hands. You 
 must not get drunk. It is a great sin. Your old 
 men and chiefs may drink a little pure spirits, such 
 as comes from Montreal : but you must not drink 
 
316 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 whisky. It is the drink of the Evil Spirit. It was 
 not made by me ; but by the Americans. It is poi 
 son. It makes you sick. It burns your insides. 
 Neither are you on any account to eat bread. It is 
 the food of the whites. 
 
 " My children, You must plant corn for your 
 selves, for your wives, and for your children. And 
 when you do it, you are to help one another : but 
 plant no more than is necessary for your own use. 
 You must not sell it to the whites. It was not made 
 for them. I made all the trees of the forest for your 
 use, but the maple I love best, because it yields sugar 
 for your little ones. You must make it only for 
 them ; but sell none to the whites. They have an 
 other sugar, which was made expressly for them ; 
 besides, by making too much, you spoil the trees and 
 give them pain, by cutting and hacking them ; for 
 they have a feeling like yourselves. If you make 
 more than is necessary for your own use, you shall 
 die, and the maple will yield no more water. 
 
 " If a white man is starving, you may sell him a 
 little corn, or a very little sugar, but it must be by 
 measure and by weight. 
 
 " My children, You are indebted to the white 
 traders, but you must pay them no more than half 
 their credits^ because they have cheated you. You must 
 pay them in skins, gums, canoes, &c. But not in meat, 
 corn, and sugar. You must not dress like the ivhites, 
 nor wear hats like them, but pluck out your hair, as 
 in ancient times, and wear the feather of the eagle on 
 your heads. And when the weather is not severe, 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 3] 7 
 
 you must go naked, excepting the Breech-cloth. And 
 when you are clothed, it must be in skins or leather, 
 of your own dressing. 
 
 " My children, You complain that the animals of 
 the forest are fled and scattered. How should it be 
 otherwise ? You destroy them yourselves, for their 
 skins only, and leave their bodies to rot, or give the 
 best pieces to the whites. I am displeased when I 
 see this, and take them back from the earth : that, 
 they may not come to see you again. You must 
 kill no more animals, they are necessary to feed and 
 clothe you, and you are to keep but one dog : because 
 by keeping too many you starve them. 
 
 "My children Your women must not live with 
 the Traders or other White men, unless they are law 
 fully married. But I do not like even this ; because 
 my White and Red children were thus marked with 
 different colours, that they might be a separate peo 
 ple." 
 
 Here follow certain regulations respecting court 
 ship and marriage, &c., which are too minutely de 
 tailed to be repeated. The Great Spirit also directs 
 them to bathe every morning, to wash away their 
 sins. Upon the observance of which regular times 
 they are to be pardoned four times for the same of 
 fence ; such as stealing, getting drunk, or the like 
 but the fifth time, says the Great Spirit, " you shall 
 surely die." 
 
 " Your wise men (or conjurers) have bad medicine 
 in their bags. They must throw away their medicine- 
 
318 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 bags, and when their medicine is in blossom, collect 
 it fresh and pure. You must make no feasts to the 
 Evil Spirits of the Earth, but only to the Good 
 Spirit of the Air. You are no more to dance the 
 Wabano, nor the Poigan or Pipe-dance. I did not 
 put you on the Earth to dance these dances. But 
 you are to dance naked, with your bodies painted, 
 and with the Poigan mangum (war club) in your 
 hand. You must all have this weapon and never 
 leave it behind you. When you dance this, I shall 
 always look on with pleasure. You are to make 
 yourselves Paka tonacas (or crosses) which you must 
 always carry with you, and amuse yourselves often 
 with that game (a kind of bat-ball, common among 
 the savages, which requires great agility). Your 
 women must also have handsome Passa quanacles, 
 that they may play also : for I made you to amuse 
 yourselves, and I am delighted when I see you happy. 
 You are, however, never to go to war against each 
 other : but to cultivate peace between your different 
 tribes, that they may become one great people. 
 
 " My children, No Indian must sell rum to an 
 Indian. It makes him rich, but when he dies, he be 
 comes very wretched. You bury him with all his 
 wealth and ornaments about him, and as he goes 
 along the path of the dead, they fall from him. He 
 stops to take them up, and they become dust. He at 
 last arrives almost at the place of rest, and then 
 crumbles into dust himself. But those who, by their 
 labour, furnish themselves with necessaries only. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 
 
 when they die, are happy. And when they arrrive 
 at the land of the dead, will find their wigwam fur 
 nished with every thing they had on earth." 
 
 (Thus far the Great Spirit.) " Now my chil 
 dren," said the first created man, "listen to what I 
 am about to add :" 
 
 " The Great Spirit then opened a door, showing 
 me a Bear and a Deer, both .very small, and very 
 lean, and said, i Look here, my son. These are the 
 animals that are now in the Earth. The red people 
 have spoiled them, by killing them too young and by 
 giving their meat to the whites, and also by greasing 
 themselves with their fat, which is very wrong. 
 The women, when they grease their bodies or their 
 hair, should do it only with the fat of the smaller 
 animals, of Racoons, of Otters, of Snakes,' &c. 
 
 " The Great Spirit then opened another door and 
 showed me a Bear and a Deer, extremely fat, and'of 
 a very extraordinary size, saying, ' Look here, my son. 
 Those are the animals placed on the Earth when I 
 created you.' Now my children, listen to what I say 
 and let it sink into your ears it is the orders of the 
 Great Spirit. 
 
 " My children, You must not speak of this Talk 
 to the whites. It must be hidden from them. I am 
 now on the Earth, sent by the Great Spirit, to instruct 
 you. Each village must send me two or more princi 
 pal chiefs to represent you, that you may be taught. 
 The Bearer of this Talk, will point out to you the 
 path to my wigwam. I could come to iheArbre Croche 
 myself, because the world is changed from what it 
 
320 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 was. It is broken and leans down, and as it declines, 
 the Chippewas and all beyond will fall off and die. 
 Therefore you must come to see me and be instructed, 
 in order to prevent it. Their villages which do not 
 listen to this Talk and send me two deputies will be 
 cut off from the face of the Earth." 
 
 In a subsequent letter of Captain Dunham, dated 
 July 23d, 1807, he repeats his belief that the savages 
 were combining with hostile intentions against the 
 Americans. " It seems," he says, " a very extensive 
 league is forming, which is to include all the differ 
 ent tribes north of the Ohio and east of the Missis 
 sippi. They have avowed their object to several of 
 the most respectable traders. They complain much 
 of the Americans having deprived them of their lands. 
 They say that if they unite they shall be strong ; that 
 they are taking each other by the hand, for the pur 
 pose of forming a great circle ; that this circle is 
 nearly completed, there being now only two or three 
 gaps ; that when these are filled, the circle will ex 
 tend itself rapidly and crowd off every white man 
 that now dares to set foot on their ground." Such 
 were the communications received by General Hull 
 as early as 1806,, in respect to the great confederacy 
 under the Prophet and Tecumseh. Similar alarms 
 and rumours concerning the hostility of the Indians 
 continued, up to the battle of Tippecanoe and the 
 breaking out of the war in 1812. 
 
 The cause of this Indian hostility was one which 
 could not be removed. It was their natural dread of 
 losing all their hunting grounds, by the encroachment 
 of the whites. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 321 
 
 In a Council held with General Harrison in 1811, 
 near Vincennes, Tecumseh declared that " the sys 
 tem which the United States pursued, of purchasing 
 lands from the Indians, he viewed as a mighty water, 
 ready to overflow his people, and that the confederacy 
 which he was forming among the tribes, to prevent 
 any tribe from selling land without the consent of the 
 others, was the dam he was erecting to resist this 
 mighty water " In pursuit of this object, Tecumseh 
 visited all the Indian tribes, and urged upon them this 
 plan of combination. 
 
 In addition to these Indian troubles, General 
 Hull had many more difficulties, external and inter 
 nal, to contend against, in the administration of his 
 Territory. In the first place, the difficulty of com 
 munication was no trifling one. To get from Albany 
 to Niagara, in 1805, with his family, General Hull 
 found it was best to go in boats up Lake Ontario, and 
 then to wait till a vessel should be sailing from Buffalo 
 to Detroit, an event which occurred only occasionally. 
 The State of New-York, which is now traversed from 
 east to west in twenty-four hours, by three trains of 
 railroad-cars each day, was then, in many places, an 
 unbroken forest. The ports on Lake Erie, which are 
 now visited many times a day by steamers, bound up 
 and down the lake, were then entered only once in 
 many days by a lonely vessel. Northern Ohio, filled 
 at present with thriving villages and prosperous cities, 
 was then a wilderness. Again, when Governor Hull 
 reached Detroit, he found that a large part of the 
 place had recently been destroyed by fire, and there 
 
 21 
 
322 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 was not a house in which he could be properly ac 
 commodated. He was obliged to build himself a 
 house. There were no public offices, no council-house 
 for the Indian Department ; and he even had to write 
 to the Secretary at War for a boat, with which to 
 communicate with the distant Indians.* The inhab 
 itants of the Territory wanted the titles to their lands 
 secured, and the Governor must urge this matter at 
 Washington. There was no printing-press at Detroit, 
 and the Governor must correspond with printers at 
 Herkimer, to induce them to come to Detroit, which 
 they apparently did not do, as after this time he sends 
 his public orders to Washington, to be printed there* 
 Laws were to be made and put in operation. A militia 
 system was to be established, a matter of no small diffi 
 culty, though of great necessity. Colonel Anderson, 
 of the second regiment of militia, writes many letters 
 from the river Raisin, complaining of his officers, be 
 cause they will not get their uniforms. The poor 
 Colonel at last wishes to resign his commission, for 
 " the French gentlemen, headed by the Lieutenant- 
 Colonel, w 7 ill not get their uniforms ; and the troops? 
 the more I exercise them, the less they learn." " Out 
 of twenty French gentlemen, officers, only five that 
 have any uniform." Driven desperate, the Colonel, 
 on June 26, 1806, writes that he has arrested 
 his officers ; and they write to the Governor, demand 
 ing a court-martial, " as they wish to know their 
 fate." 
 
 While at Washington, in December, 1805, Gov- 
 
 * Hull's files of private papers. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 323 
 
 ernor Hull receives letters and affidavits, giving an 
 account of an affray between the citizens of Detroit 
 and some British officers from Maiden, who, with the 
 assistance of some of the American officers from the 
 fort, attempted to arrest a deserter. Governor Hull 
 must write to Archbishop Carrol, to request him not 
 to remove from Detroit a useful and much-loved 
 Catholic priest. Mr. Badger, a Presbyterian minis 
 ter, missionary to the Indians at Sandusky, writes to 
 the Governor that he can put his finger through the 
 blankets sent to the Indians in payment of their an 
 nuities, and that he must send new ones. 
 
 Great difficulties arise concerning the assignment 
 of donation-lots to the inhabitants of Detroit, and here 
 the Governor is obliged to differ from Judge Wood 
 ward, from which an alienation ensues. It is well 
 kno\vn, that the seat of a territorial government is 
 very apt to be the scene of constant contention, strife, 
 and party-spirit. The offices under such a govern 
 ment are so numerous, in proportion to the inhabit 
 ants, that almost every body thinks he has a claim, 
 or at least a chance, to obtain one. Money is usually 
 scarce, and this enhances the value of an office, the 
 salary of which is regularly paid in cash. But all 
 cannot have offices, and those who are disappointed, 
 become the enemies of the more successful, or of 
 those whose influence secured them the appointment. 
 
 Governor Hull seems to have had his share of 
 these embarrassments, and occasionally friends were 
 turned into enemies, by his opposing their opinions 
 
324 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 or their interests. Yet he appears' to have been 
 popular with the people generally, and when his term 
 of office expired, was re-appointed by Mr. Jefferson ; 
 a proof, at least, that his proceedings were approved 
 at Washington. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 325 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 WAR OF 1812. GOVERNOR HULL APPOINTED BRIGADIER- GENERAL TO LEAD 
 
 THE TROOPS FROM OHIO TO DETROIT. MARCH TO DETROIT. INVASION OF 
 
 CANADA. FALL OF MICHILIMACKINAC, AND SUBSEQUENT EVENTS. 
 
 IN February, 1812, Governor Hull being at Wash 
 ington, received accounts from the Territory of Mich 
 igan, that the Indians were becoming hostile to the 
 defenceless inhabitants of that exposed frontier.* He 
 urged upon the administration the expediency of pro 
 viding a force for their protection. War with Great 
 Britain was imminent : Congress was augmenting 
 the army, and messages had been sent by the British 
 officers in Canada to all the powerful tribes of the 
 Northwest ; accompanied with presents of arms or 
 clothing, urging them to take part with Great Britain, 
 their natural ally. Accordingly, the President called 
 upon the Governor of Ohio to detach twelve hundred 
 militia, and prepare them for actual service. These 
 militia were to be joined by the 4th United States 
 regiment, then at Post St. Vincennes. After these 
 arrangements were made, the Secretary of War, Mr. 
 Eustis, stated to Governor Hull, that it was the 
 wish of the President to appoint him to the command 
 of these troops, with the rank of Brigadier-General, 
 in order that he should march them to Detroit. 
 
 * Hull's Memoirs of the Campaign of 1812, page 15. 
 
326 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 Governor Hull declined the appointment in the 
 most unqualified manner, stating that it was not his 
 wish to receive any military appointment. Colonel 
 Kingsbury was then ordered to Washington, to take 
 command of these troops, and to receive his instruc 
 tions to that end. He fell sick on his arrival, and 
 became thus unable to perform the duty. The propo 
 sition being again made to Governor Hull, he finally 
 consented to accept any military appointment, either 
 that of Colonel, Lieutenant-Colonel, or Brigadier- 
 General, which would give him the command of the 
 troops, and enable him to lead them to Detroit. He 
 was immediately nominated Brigadier-General, and 
 accepted the appointment with reluctance, and with 
 no other object, he says, than to aid in the protection 
 of the inhabitants of Michigan against the savages.* 
 He was to retain his office of Governor of Michigan, 
 and received orders to perform his civil duties as 
 usual. 
 
 In his anxiety for the safety of the people of the 
 Territory, Governor Hull here committed an error ? 
 which a more selfish man would have avoided. The 
 people of the United States generally were expecting 
 the conquest of Canada. It had been stated repeat 
 edly on the floor of Congress, that in case of war 
 with Great Britain, Canada would at once be over- 
 
 ,:^j* Hull's Memoirs of the Cam- late Secretary at War, with his an- 
 
 paign, &c., page 16. Also Hull's swers, under oath." In these an- 
 
 Trial (reported by Col. Forbes), Ap- swers, Governor Eustis confirm?* 
 
 pendix, page 3. " Interrogatories what is stated in. the text* 
 put by Win. Hull to Wm. Eustis, 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 327 
 
 run and conquered by the armies of the United 
 States.* Governor Hull knew and had repeatedly 
 represented to the Government the difficulties in the 
 way of such an enterprise. The Lakes were in pos 
 session of the British ; the Indians were on their 
 side, and the militia of Canada numbered twenty to 
 one of the militia of Michigan. In three separate 
 memorials, addressed to the War Department in April 
 1809, June 1811, and March 1812, he had urged 
 the necessity of a fleet on Lake Erie. Again, after 
 his appointment as Brigadier-General, he urged the 
 same thing in a memorial to the President. In a 
 conversation with the President and Secretary at War, 
 he insisted on the same course of conduct so strongly, 
 that Commodore Stewart was actually ordered to 
 Washington, to receive the appointment of Navy 
 Agent on Lake Erie, and orders concerning the build 
 ing of a fleet on that Lake.f 
 
 General Hull well knew, and had earnestly stated, 
 that to conquer Canada, or even to preserve Michigan, 
 
 * Speeches in Congress in 1812 qner her on the ocean, is to drive 
 
 by Eustis and Henry Clay. " We her from the land. I am not for 
 
 can take -Canada without soldiers, stopping at Quebec or any where 
 
 We have only to send officers into else, but I would take the whole 
 
 the Provinces, and the people, disaf- continent from them and ask them 
 
 fected toward their own Govern- no favours. We must take the 
 
 ment, will rally round our standard." whole continent from them. I wish 
 
 i: It is absurd to suppose, that we ne\er to see peace till we do." 
 
 shall not succeed in our enterprise Thus spake Henry Clay in 1812 : 
 
 against the enemy's provinces, but better advised in 1814, he signed, 
 
 We have the Canadas as much un- as Commissioner, the Treaty of 
 
 tier our command as Great Britain Peace at Ghent. 
 bus the .ocean, and the way to con* f Sec Appendix, Note 3d. 
 
328 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 it was necessary either to have command of the Lake ? 
 by means of a fleet superior to the British, or to in 
 vade Upper Canada with two powerful and co-operat 
 ing armies at Detroit and Niagara. He therefore 
 believed that the Government, in case of w r ar, would 
 adopt one or both of these measures. He did not think 
 that he should be expected to conquer Upper Canada 
 with an army of fifteen hundred men, fotii -fifths of 
 whom were militia, while the British held the Lakes 
 with their ships, and the forests with their Indians. 
 He depended on efficient support both by water and 
 land. But while his object \vas the protection of 
 Michigan and its inhabitants, the object of the Gov 
 ernment and people was the conquest of Canada. 
 He regarded himself as Governor and Protector of 
 the Territory ; he was regarded by the nation as gen 
 eral of an invading army, which was shortly to over 
 run the whole of Canada. A selfish man, therefore,, 
 foreseeing the impossibility of meeting the expecta 
 tions of the Government and people, would have per 
 sisted in refusing this appointment of Brigadier-Gen 
 eral. But hoping to protect the inhabitants from 
 immediate Indian hostilities, and confiding that the 
 Government would support him in case of war, he 
 accepted the appointment, and went to Dayton, Ohio^. 
 to take command of the troops.* 
 
 * In the 10th No. of his Memoirs of Ohio, I felt a very deep interest 
 
 of the Campaign of 1812, General in the object of my mission. The- 
 
 Hull thus speaks of his position at consideration that I was clothed with 
 
 this time : " In leaving Washing- the authority and furnished with 
 
 ton, in April, 1812, to take command the means of affording safety and 
 
 of the forces assembled in the State security to, the frontier injaabitaats. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 329 
 
 On the 10th May, 1812, General Hull arrived at 
 Cincinnati, in Ohio. Here he met Governor Meigs, 
 who had made great exertions in collecting the 
 
 of the country ; and particularly to 
 those of the Territory of Michigan, 
 of which I was Governor, was 
 soothing to my feelings and animat 
 ing to my exertions. Although 
 about thirty years had then elapsed 
 since my sword had lain useless in 
 its scabbard, and time had necessari 
 ly enfeebled my strength and con 
 stitution, yet it was impossible for 
 me to see a country in which from 
 my situation, I was so particularly 
 interested, exposed to the fury of 
 the savages without raising an arm 
 for its safety. Convinced that the 
 forces intrusted to my command 
 were sufficient for the protection of 
 the frontier settlements and the se 
 curity of the Territory while we 
 were at peace with Great Britain ; 
 and knowing that I had communi 
 cated what measures, in my opinion, 
 would be indispensably necessary, 
 in the event of war, which communi 
 cations had been received as official 
 documents and approved by the 
 Government, and feeling a generous 
 confidence in the justice and honour 
 of the administration, I had little 
 anxiety with respect to any conse 
 quences which might have attended 
 my command. 
 
 " If it were to be my fortune to 
 protect the defenceless inhabitants of 
 our country, against the cruelty of 
 savages, and prosperity was to at 
 
 tend the exertions of the army, the 
 satisfaction of having promoted the 
 cause of humanity would have been 
 an ample reward. But if, after hon 
 estly discharging my duty, in the 
 best manner I was capable, misfor 
 tune was to be my lot, I believed 
 that a generous government and a 
 generous people would at least have 
 shielded me from censure and re 
 proach. At that time, indeed, I con 
 sidered there was little or no hazard. 
 It was a time of peace with Eng 
 land, and while that remained, there 
 was no danger, excepting from the 
 savages. Some excitement then 
 existed, through the influence of the 
 British Agents, in preparing them 
 for events which they anticipated 
 might take place. In the event of 
 war, I considered that such arrange 
 ments would have been made, as 
 would have enabled the army I com 
 manded to have operated with suc 
 cess against the enemy. As the 
 Government continued me in com 
 mand of the Northwestern army 
 after the declaration of war, I had a 
 right to believe, that such measures 
 would have been adopted, as I had 
 stated W 7 ere deemed by me essential 
 to success. The measures to which 
 I alluded in the event of war, I have 
 mentioned, were a navy on Lake 
 Erie, sufficient to preserve that com 
 munication; and an army of suffi- 
 
330 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 twelve hundred militia which had been ordered by 
 the President. Their rendezvous was Dayton. Al 
 though officers and men seemed to be animated with 
 zeal, yet they were without discipline, and destitute of 
 proper arms and clothing.* The three militia regiments 
 elected their field officers at Dayton. Duncan Me Ar 
 thur was chosen Colonel, and James Denny and Wil 
 liam A. Trimble Majors, of the first regiment ; James 
 Findlay, Colonel, and Thomas Moore and Thomas 
 Van Home Majors, of the second regiment ; Lewis 
 Cass, Colonel, and Robert Morrison and J. R. Mun- 
 son Majors, of the third regiment. 
 
 On May 25th, General Hull was invested with 
 the command of the militia, and made them an ad 
 dress. On the first of June, the army marched to 
 Staunton ; on the 10th, they were joined, at Urbana, 
 
 cient strength in co-operation with to furnish clothing ; no public stores 
 
 the one I commanded, to make a to resort to, either for good arms or 
 
 conquest of Canada. suitable clothing ; and no powder in 
 
 " In all these communications, I any of the magazines fit for use. 
 
 gave it as my opinion, that unless And what is more extraordinary, no 
 
 we had the benefit of this co-opera- contract, nor any measures adopted, 
 
 tion, the posts of Detroit, Michili- to supply these troops with the ne- 
 
 mackinac, and Chicago, would inev- cessary articles of provisions during 
 
 itably fall into the hands of the their march through a wilderness of 
 
 enemy." more than two hundred miles, until 
 
 * " Their arms were totally unfit they arrived at Detroit. On my own 
 
 for use, the leather which covered responsibility, I sent to powder-mills 
 
 their cartouch boxes was rotten, and in Kentucky and purchased powder, 
 
 no better security to the cartridges collected a few blankets and other 
 
 than brown paper ; many of the necessary clothing from the inhabit- 
 
 men were destitute of blankets and ants of Ohio, and employed private 
 
 other necessary clothing ; no ar- armorers at Cincinnati and Dayton, 
 
 tnorers were provided to repair the to repair the arms." Hull's Me- 
 
 arms ; ao means had been adopted moirs, page 34, 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 33 J 
 
 by the fourth United States regiment, under Lieuten 
 ant-Colonel Miller, consisting of about three hundred 
 effective men. From this place, which was then a 
 frontier town, the distance to Detroit was more than 
 two hundred miles, through a wilderness. Here the 
 want of discipline of the militia appeared, in some of 
 them refusing to march, and other signs of insubordi 
 nation.* In marching from Urbana to Detroit, a road 
 was to be cut by the army, through the forest. The 
 difficulties and labours were great, of opening a road, 
 building bridges and causeways ; but were borne with 
 patience by the army. Four block-houses were built 
 on the route, for the convenience of reinforcements, 
 and security of convoys. The army marched first to 
 the Scioto; then to Blanchard's Fork, which is a 
 branch of the Maumee ; then to the Rapids of the 
 
 * The Ohio Volunteers were the troops left Urbana, Captain Hull 
 
 militia just called into the field, and came to Colonel Miller in his official 
 
 were deficient in discipline, and capacity and informed him that there 
 
 some of them were frequently was another mutiny among the 
 
 disorderly. " Generally speaking Ohio Volunteers, and wished a halt 
 
 the Ohio Volunteers and Militia to take place. After a short halt, 
 
 were insubordinate : one evening at General Hull rode up and said to 
 
 Urbana, I saw a multitude, and Colonel Miller, ' Your regiment is 
 
 heard a noise, and was informed that a powerful argument ; without them 
 
 a company of Ohio Volunteers were I could not march these men to De 
 
 riding one of their officers on a rail, troit.' One soldier was shot in a 
 
 In saying that the Ohio Volunteers quarrel. There were companies 
 
 were insubordinate, witness means among them who were under better 
 
 that they were only as much so as discipline than others." Lieutenant 
 
 undisciplined militia generally are. Bacon's testimony (4th Regiment). 
 
 Some thirty or forty of the Ohio Minutes of the Court Martial for the 
 
 militia refused to cross into Canada Trial of General Hull, from the files 
 
 at one time, and thinks he saw one of the War Office, Washington. Seo 
 
 hundred who refused to cross when also Forbes' Report of the Court 
 
 the troops were at Urbana. When Martial, page 124, 
 
332 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 Maumee, which was reached about the end of June.* 
 War was declared on the 18th of June ; but General 
 Hull received no information of it until July 2d, four 
 teen days after, though the British officer at Maiden 
 had heard of it, officially, two days before. f In con 
 sequence of this delay in transmitting to him this 
 most important intelligence, a vessel was taken, on 
 which he had shipped important baggage, stores, and 
 the invalids of the army. General Hull gives the fol 
 lowing account of this transaction : 
 
 * McAffee's History of the late 
 War. Hull's Memoirs. 
 
 f "Armstrong's Notices of the 
 War of 1812." General Arm 
 strong, late Secretary of War, an 
 opponent of General Hull, thus 
 speaks of this transaction, page 
 47-8. " We have seen that Gene 
 ral Hull lost his own baggage and 
 that of the army, the whole of his 
 hospital stores and intrenching 
 tools, and sixty men, in consequence 
 of the ill-judged and tardy manner 
 employed in transmitting to him the 
 declaration of war. A fact so ex 
 traordinary in itself and so produc 
 tive of injury to the public, calls for 
 more development than has yet been 
 given to it. It will be remembered 
 that a declaration of war was au 
 thorized on the 18th June, 1812. 
 On this day Secretary Eustis wrote 
 two letters to General Hull. In one 
 of these no mention was made of 
 this important event; in the other, 
 it was distinctly and officially an 
 nounced. The former of the two, 
 was carefully made up and expedited 
 
 by a special messenger, who arrived 
 in the General's camp on the 24th 
 of June : while the latter was com 
 mitted to the public mail as far as 
 Cleveland, and thence through a 
 wilderness of one hundred miles, to 
 such conveyance as ' accident might 
 supply. ,' 
 
 " The result was, that the declara 
 tion did not reach its destination un 
 til the 2d of July, two days after it 
 had been received by the enemy at 
 Maiden. On this occasion, the 
 British Government was better 
 served : Provost received notice of 
 it on the 24th of June, at Quebec ; 
 Brock on the 26th, at Newark ; St. 
 George on the 30th, at Maiden; 
 and Roberts on the 8th of July, at 
 St. Joseph's. But a fact still more 
 extraordinary than the celerity of 
 these transmissions is, that the infor 
 mation thus rapidly forwarded to 
 Maiden and St. Joseph's, was receiv 
 ed, under envelopes, franked by 
 the Secretary of the American 
 Treasury." 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 333 
 
 " On the 2d day of July I received a letter from 
 the Secretary of War, dated the 18th of June, inform 
 ing me of the declaration of war. It was in these 
 words : 
 
 " * Sir, War is declared against Great Britain. 
 You will be on your guard; proceed to your post with 
 all possible expedition ; make such arrangements for 
 the defence of the country as in your judgment may 
 be necessary, and wait for further orders.' 
 
 " The day before this letter was received, the 
 Quarter-Master had been directed to hire a small 
 vessel, at the foot of the Rapids of the Miami, to 
 transport the invalids and the baggage, &c., not want 
 ed on the march to Detroit. The horses being worn 
 down on the march, rendered this measure, in my 
 opinion, expedient. At this time I had received 
 no information of the declaration of war, and did not 
 consider there was any hazard in the measure. On 
 the 24th of June I received a letter from the War 
 Department, dated in the morning of the 18th of 
 June, directing me to march to Detroit, with all pos 
 sible expedition. In that letter, not one word w r as 
 said respecting a declaration of war. 
 
 " The British garrison at Maiden having a num 
 ber of days before received the information, this ves 
 sel was taken in passing that fortress. The court- 
 martial could not find any ground to censure me for 
 employing that vessel, as I had no information of the 
 declaration of war, and was obliged to acquit me of 
 the charge growing out of that event. The circum 
 stances of this transaction are particularly related in 
 
334 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 my defence. Thus it appears, that I did not receive 
 information of the war, until fourteen days after it 
 was declared ; that the British garrison had official 
 knowledge of it four or five days sooner ; that it is 
 proved to demonstration, that I might have received 
 it eight days earlier, as I actually did receive a letter 
 from the Secretary of War, on the 24th of June, 
 dated on the same day, viz. the 18th of June, in the 
 morning, which gave no information of the declara 
 tion of war. The person who brought me this letter, 
 announcing the war, informed me he was employed 
 by the Postmaster of Cleveland, in the State of Ohio, 
 and that it was brought in the mail to that office. In 
 time of peace with England, there could have been 
 but one opinion, with respect to engaging this vessel, 
 in the manner it was employed. Having no inform 
 ation of the declaration of war, I must necessarily 
 have believed it was a time of peace, and consequent 
 ly no blame could be attached to me. The following 
 is the opinion of the court-martial on this subject: 
 
 " * The evidence on the subject having been pub 
 licly given, the Court deem it proper, in justice to the 
 accused, to say, that they do not believe, from any 
 thing which has appeared, that Brigadier-General 
 William Hull has committed treason against the Uni 
 ted States.'" 
 
 On July 5th, the army under General Hull ar 
 rived at Detroit. A few days were then occupied in 
 cleaning and repairing arms, and in giving the sol 
 diers rest from the fatigues of the laborious march. 
 The enemy were then erecting fortifications on the 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 335 
 
 opposite bank, and an impatience prevailed among 
 the officers and men of the American army, to cross 
 the river, and commence offensive operations. Gene 
 ral Hull called a council of the field officers, and in 
 formed them that he had as yet received no authority 
 to invade Canada, and requested them to restrain the 
 impatience of their men. After this council was dis 
 missed, on July 9th, the following letter was received 
 from Washington : 
 
 "WAR DEPARTMENT, June 24th, 1812. 
 
 " SIR, By my letter of the 18th instant, you 
 were informed that war was declared against Great 
 Britain. Herewith, enclosed, you will receive a 
 copy of the Act, and of the President's Proclamation, 
 and you are authorized to commence offensive opera 
 tions accordingly. Should the force under your com 
 mand be equal to the enterprise, consistent with the 
 safety of your own posts, you will take possession of 
 Maiden, and extend your conquests as circumstances 
 may justify. 
 
 (Signed) WILLIAM EUSTIS." 
 
 On the same evening that this letter was received, 
 the following answer was given : 
 
 "DETROIT, July 9th, 1812. 
 
 " SIR, -I have received your letter of 24th June. 
 The araiy under my command arrived here on the 5th 
 of July, instant. Every effort has been, and is still 
 making by the British, to collect the Indians under 
 their standard. They have a large number. I am 
 
336 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 preparing boats, and shall pass the river in a few 
 days. The British have established a post directly 
 opposite this place. I have confidence in dislodging 
 him, and being in possession of the opposite bank. I 
 have little time to write : every thing will be done 
 that it is possible to do. The British command the 
 water and the savages. I do not think the force here 
 equal to the reduction of Amherstburg (meaning the 
 fort at Maiden), you therefore must not be too san 
 guine. 
 
 (Signed) WILLIAM HULL." 
 
 Hon. WM. EUSTIS. 
 
 In consequence of this communication, General 
 Hull crossed into Canada, July 12th, as soon as boats 
 could be collected for that object, in such a manner 
 as to deceive the enemy, and cause him to withdraw 
 his forces, so that the American troops landed without 
 opposition. 
 
 The reasons for invading Canada were, first, the 
 expectations and orders of the Government, for the 
 phrase "you are authorized to commence offensive 
 operations," contained in the Secretary's letter, was 
 equivalent to an order. Secondly, the enemy was erect 
 ing fortifications on the bank opposite Detroit, w hich, 
 being higher than the American side, would have se 
 riously annoyed the army and town, when complet 
 ed. Thirdly, the impatient spirit of the army made it 
 desirable to give them active employment. Fourthly, 
 it seemed likely that the Canadians and Indians 
 would be kept neutral, and prevented from joining 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 337 
 
 the British standard, by a display of American force 
 on both banks of the river. Fifthly, it was desirable 
 to obtain forage and provisions from the river Thames, 
 and cut off the supplies from that region to Maiden. 
 The provisions in Detroit and Michigan were not 
 sufficient for the inhabitants and army ; and had it not 
 been for supplies obtained in Canada, would have 
 fallen short before the capitulation.* 
 
 General Hull, as is well known, issued a procla 
 mation to the Canadians upon entering their country. 
 In it he declared, that he came to bring no injury to 
 the peaceable and unoffending inhabitants, but offered 
 them protection, peace, and security. He tells them 
 to remain at their homes, and pursue their occupa 
 tions. He tells them he does not ask nor need their 
 aid, but will accept it if they tender their services vol 
 untarily. He threatens them with retaliation, if they 
 adopt the Indian mode of warfare, and fight by the 
 side of savages, who scalp and tomahawk their pris 
 oners. 
 
 There are some curious circumstances connected 
 with this proclamation. It has been praised as a 
 spirited and strong paper, and condemned as pom 
 pous and improper. After General HulVs death, the 
 authorship of it was claimed for General Cass, then 
 a Colonel of militia. Up to that time, that is, for 
 fifteen years, no one even suggested, that it was writ 
 ten by any other than General Hull himself. Gene 
 ral Hull's family, in all that they had heard and read 
 
 * Hull's Memoirs, page 44. 
 
 22 
 
338 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 about the proclamation, had never before received the 
 suggestion that General Cass was the author. As 
 the matter now stands, whenever the proclamation is 
 condemned, General Hull is treated as the author 
 when it is praised, it is said to have been written by 
 General Cass.* This proclamation was approved 
 by the President in a letter to General Hull, from 
 the War Department, of August lst,f and was de 
 clared by the American Commissioners at the Treaty 
 of Ghent, to have been unauthorized and disapprov 
 ed by the Government. f General Hull has been 
 
 * " heralded by pompous and habitants, which I hope will be ap- 
 threatening Proclamation. " HulTs proved by the Government.' 
 vapouring Proclamation" Inger- " Answer : 
 
 soil's History of the War. " < War Department, August 1, 1812. 
 
 "Here he issued his Proclamation, "'Sir Your letters of 13th and 
 
 which was an impressive and ener- 14th, together with your Proclama- 
 
 getic paper" "this bold and elo- tion, have been received. Your 
 
 quent document was from the pen of operations are approved by the Pres- 
 
 Governor Cass" Lanman's Mi- ident.' " 
 
 chigan. \ As regards that part of the 
 
 Mr. Tupper, the author of the Proclamation which promises pro- 
 "Life of Brock," (published Lon- tection to the Canadians, General 
 don, 1845.) considers it able, and as- Hull thus speaks ("Hull's Me- 
 signs its authorship to some one at moirs," pp. 47, 48) : "Before I pro- 
 Washington, which is of course an ceed to any particular explanations, 
 impossibility. " General Hull is- I ask you to bear in mind the situa- 
 sued the following insidious but able tion in which I was placed by the 
 Proclamation, which was doubtless orders of the Government. I was 
 written at Washington." in an enemy's country, with the 
 
 f Hull's Memoirs, page 49. " On command of a small body of militia 
 
 the 13th of July, the day after it and a few regulars, nearly three 
 
 (the Proclamation) was published, hundred miles from any magazines 
 
 a copy of it was sent to the Govern- of provisions, munitions of war, or 
 
 ment. The paragraph of the letter reinforcements. The enemy with 
 
 is in these words : ' Enclosed is a which I had to contend, was all the 
 
 copy of a Proclamation to the in- British troops in Upper Canada, all 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 339 
 
 condemned for that part of the proclamation which 
 declares that no quarter would be given to those who 
 should be found fighting by the side of the Indians, 
 
 the militia of that Province, and the 
 Northern and Western Indians, both 
 in the Territory of Canada and the 
 United States, together with the 
 strength and resources of the 
 wealthy and powerful Northwest 
 Company. Placed in this insulated 
 situation, with but a small stock of 
 provisions on hand, and no possibil 
 ity of obtaining a further supply, as 
 the Lake was commanded by a Bri 
 tish naval squadron, and the only 
 communication by land, a wilder 
 ness of more than two hundred 
 miles, filled with hostile savages, I 
 saw no possibility of even sustaining 
 iny situation, unless the militia could 
 be prevented from taking a part in 
 the war and joining the British 
 standard. 
 
 " A large portion of the people 
 of that province had emigrated from 
 the United States. They had been 
 educated with the principles of free 
 dom and independence; and some 
 of them and many of their fathers, 
 had fought and bled in defence of our 
 Revolutionary contest They were 
 situated more than three thousand 
 miles from the country to which 
 they were subjected, and had no 
 participation or interest in the mea 
 sures it adopted. Having for a 
 number of years lived in their neigh 
 bourhood, I had often heard them 
 express their sense of the injustice 
 they suffered, and their natural 
 
 right and strong wishes to partici 
 pate in the same freedom and inde 
 pendence which their brethren of 
 the United States enjoyed, and under 
 which they were so prosperous and 
 happy. They were informed that 
 the force I had, was but the vanguard 
 of a much greater. I considered 
 that I had solid grounds to make 
 this declaration, 
 
 " In the first place, it will be seen 
 that I was authorized to pledge the 
 faith of the Government, that they 
 should be protected in their persons, 
 property, and rights. Could I have 
 believed that the Government would 
 have authorized me to make this 
 pledge without furnishing the means 
 of redeeming it ? I beg you, my 
 fellow-citizens, to look back and 
 consider what took place before 1 
 left Washington, on this subject. 
 In my official communications to 
 the Government, I stated that in the 
 event of war with Great Britain, it 
 would be necessary to command the 
 waters of Lake Erie, by a naval 
 force superior to that of the enemy ; 
 to provide reinforcements to secure 
 the communication through the 
 wilderness I was to penetrate, and 
 a powerful army to co-operate from 
 the States of New-York and Penn 
 sylvania, which border on the east 
 part of the lake ; that without these 
 measures, it would be impossible 
 for me to sustain my situation ; and 
 
340 HISTORY 01 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 and announces to those who practice the Indian 
 mode of warfare, of killing women, children, and 
 prisoners, that a system of retaliation will be pursued. 
 But how can General Hull be condemned for this, 
 when it is well known that the Governments, both 
 of Great Britain and the United States, adopted, in 
 this very war, the same principle of retaliation, and 
 threatened to put to death, in cold blood, prisoners 
 innocent of any crime. If it be justifiable, on prin 
 ciples of civilized war, to hang prisoners taken in a 
 fair field, for offences committed afterwards by their 
 own government, it surely must be allowable, on the 
 same principles, to warn those who have not yet en 
 listed, that if they shall be taken fighting in company 
 with those who give no quarter, no quarter will be 
 extended to themselves. On Christian principles, 
 both proceedings are wrong, but those who defend 
 the conduct of their respective governments in the one 
 case, show either hypocrisy or extreme prejudice, in 
 condemning the declaration of General Hull in the 
 other. 
 
 This proclamation, therefore, has had the singular 
 fate of being approved by the Government when first 
 issued, and disavowed by the same Government at 
 the close of the war, of being considered a vapour 
 ing and weak paper, when ascribed to General Hull, 
 but becoming an able and bold document, when as- 
 
 the posts of Detroit, Michilimacki- be satisfied there were sufficient 
 
 nac, and Chicago, would fall into grounds on my part for making this 
 
 the possession of the enemy. I declaration." 
 hope, and indeed believe, you will 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 34] 
 
 cribed to the Government, or to General Cass ; and, 
 finally, of confusing military ethics so far as to make 
 it cruel and unjust to threaten retaliation as a punish 
 ment for acts which may be performed by individuals 
 themselves, which it is just and merciful to threaten, 
 and partially execute against them, for the actions of 
 their Government, with which they have nothing to 
 do. 
 
 General Hull having crossed into Canada (July 
 12th), immediately proceeded to fortify his camp with 
 a breast-work ; despatched a reconnoitering party 
 under Captain Ulry, towards Maiden, who brought 
 back word, that there were many Indians in the 
 neighbourhood, and detached Colonel Me Arthur to 
 pursue the Indians (July 14th), and to go to the 
 river Thames or French for provisions. He returned 
 on the 17th, with two hundred barrels of flour, and 
 military stores, having penetrated sixty miles. Mean 
 time, on July 16th, Colonels Cass and Miller were 
 detached with two hundred and eighty men towards 
 Maiden, and took possession of the bridge over the 
 Aux Canards ; the British picket-guard flying at 
 their approach. Thinking it desirable to retain this 
 bridge, they sent a message to General Hull, asking 
 permission to do so. But General Hull was not yet 
 prepared to attack Maiden, for want of cannon, and 
 considered that the distance of the bridge from the 
 camp, and its proximity to Maiden, rendered it too 
 great an undertaking to be maintained by a small de- 
 achment. Colonel Cass therefore returned to camp. 
 
 The officers and soldiers of the army being impa- 
 
342 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 tient to be led to the attack of Maiden, General Hull 
 called a council of officers, and explained to them 
 his reasons for postponing an attack. This council 
 was held two days after the invasion of the enemy's 
 territory. General Hull explained to them, that the 
 Indians and Canadian militia had begun to desert, 
 and that by waiting a little time, the force at Maiden 
 might be materially weakened ; that at present he 
 considered that fort too strong to be carried by his 
 own force, especially until heavy artillery could be 
 procured for making a breach in the defences ; and 
 that all the artificers who could be procured, were 
 then at work in mounting cannon. Nevertheless,, 
 he informed the council, that as there was so much 
 anxiety expressed for the attack on Maiden, he was 
 willing to lead the army to storm the fort with the 
 bayonet, provided they should advise this step, and 
 were of opinion that their troops could be depended 
 upon. 
 
 Colonel Miller said that his regiment of regulars 
 could be relied on, but the three militia colonels very 
 wisely declined giving any such assurance for the 
 soldiers under their command ; and a majority of the 
 council, therefore, decided against an immediate at 
 tack on Maiden. 
 
 Meantime, events were occurring which threat 
 ened to make the position of the American army a 
 very dangerous one. These were, first, the fall of 
 Mackinaw, or Michilimackinac ; second, the inter 
 ruption of General Hull's communications with Ohio; 
 third, the armistice, signed by General Dearborn and 
 Sir George Prevost. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 343 
 
 First. The British officers in Canada had, as we 
 have seen, early intelligence of the declaration of 
 war. Sir George Prevost heard of it at Quebec on 
 June 25th, and it was known on the 24th, both at 
 Montreal and Fort George, in Upper Canada. 
 
 While General Brock, the Governor of Upper 
 Canada, was thus made acquainted with the war in 
 six days after it was declared, General Hull did not 
 receive this information till the 2d of July, or fourteen 
 days after the declaration. The news was imme 
 diately communicated to the British officer posted at 
 St. Joseph's, in the neighbourhood of Michilimacki- 
 nac, and at Fort William, on Lake Superior. On 
 the 16th of July, Captain Roberts set out with a 
 flotilla of boats and canoes, containing 45 men of the 
 Royal 10th, 180 Canadians, and 400 Indians, and 
 landed next day at Michilimackinac, which fort, com 
 manded by Lieutenant Hanks, with a garrison of only 
 61 officers and men, immediately surrendered by capit 
 ulation. The Indians were encouraged by this event 
 to unite in open hostility against the Americans, and 
 the way was opened for the whole body of northern 
 Indians, and all the forces of the British Northwest 
 Company, to march upon Detroit.* The character 
 and amount of this force will appear more particu 
 larly from the following extracts from General Hull's 
 Memoirs, pp. 58, 59, 60: 
 
 * " A quantity of military stores dians, a large number of whom 
 
 and 700 packs of furs were found now joined in open hostility to the 
 
 in the fort, and its surrender had a Americans." Life ,ojf Block, page 
 
 farcmjable effect upon the IB- 207, 
 
344 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 " Information had now been received that the 
 fortress at Michilimackinac, situated on the navigable 
 waters above me, and which the enemy commanded, 
 had fallen into the possession of the. British and savage 
 forces which surrounded it. The news of this event 
 was accompanied with information which cast a 
 shade over my prospects, and greatly encouraged and 
 strengthened the force of the enemy opposed to me. 
 
 " Immediately after the fall of Michilimackinac, 
 messages \vere sent by the Indian chiefs, who attend 
 ed the British troops in the reduction of that place, 
 and who inhabited the adjacent country, to all the 
 villages south, as far as Miami, informing them that 
 they had joined the British standard ; that Michili 
 mackinac had fallen into their hands ; that Chicago was 
 invested, and that they were all preparing to proceed 
 to Maiden ; that they expected there to meet all their 
 warriors, and assist in the reduction of Detroit ; that 
 an express had likewise been sent to General Brock, 
 informing him of the event, and that the Canadians 
 and savages were coming to join the army at Maiden. 
 About the. same time, viz. 4th August, I received in 
 formation that Captain Chambers, of the British 
 army, with a detachment of regular soldiers, and brass 
 field pieces, had landed on the west part of Lake 
 Ontario, had penetrated as far as the river Le French, 
 and was collecting all the Canadian militia and sava 
 ges of that part of Canada, to lead them against my 
 army. At this time I likewise received information 
 that Colonel Proctor, of the British army, had arrived 
 Jrom Fort Erie by water, with reinforcements, at Mai- 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 345 
 
 den. As their reinforcements were guarded by an 
 armed vessel, I had nothing to oppose to them, to 
 prevent their junction at Maiden. Indeed, the ad 
 vantage to the enemy of commanding the Lake be 
 came everyday more apparent. Both reinforcements 
 and supplies could be transported with facility from 
 one post to another, whenever it became necessary.* 
 
 " At this time I had intercepted a letter from a 
 Mr. McKenzie, a member of the Northwest Compa 
 ny, at Fort William, to a Mr. Mclntosh, of Sandwich, 
 the principal agent of that Company in Upper Cana 
 da, dated July 19th, 1812. The genuineness of this 
 letter was proved on my trial, and admitted in evi 
 dence. It affords such clear evidence of the force on 
 the borders of the lakes above me, and that it was to 
 be directed against me, that I shall here recite the 
 following extracts from it : 
 
 " ' The declaration of war reached us on the 16th 
 instant (July), but we are neither astonished nor 
 alarmed. Our agents ordered a general muster, 
 which amounted to twelve hundred, exclusive of sev 
 eral hundred of the natives. We are equal in all to 
 sixteen or seventeen hundred strong. One of our 
 gentlemen started on the 17th instant, with several 
 
 * The statement concerning Ma- having made frequent and extensive 
 
 jor Chambers, which is contained inroads from Sandwich, up the river 
 
 in the extracts above from General Thames. I have in consequence 
 
 Hull's letters, is confirmed by the been induced to detach Captain 
 
 following extract from an official Chambers with about 50 of the 41st 
 
 letter of General Brock, of July 25. regiment to the Moravian town, 
 
 Life of Brock, page 197. " I have where I have directed 200 militia to 
 
 received information of the enemy join him." 
 
346 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 light canoes, for the interior country, to rouse the na 
 tives to activity, which is not hard to do on the pre 
 sent occasion* We likewise despatched messengers 
 in all directions with the news. I have not the least 
 doubt but our force, in ten days hence, will amount 
 to five thousand effective men. Our young gentle 
 men and engagees, offered most handsomely to march 
 immediately for Michilimackinac. Our chief, Mr. 
 Shaw, expressed his gratitude, and drafted one hun 
 dred. They are to proceed this evening to St. Jo 
 seph's. He takes about as many Indians. Could the 
 vessel contain them, he might have had four thousand 
 more. It now depends on what accounts we receive 
 from St. Joseph's, whether these numerous tribes 
 from the interior, will proceed to St. Joseph's or not.' 
 " At the time I intercepted this letter, its contents 
 were confirmed by the information I received from 
 Lieutenant Hanks, Doctor Day, and Mr. Stone, who 
 had arrived at Detroit from Michilimackinac, prison 
 ers on parole. They stated, that before they left 
 Michilimackinac, a number of boats and canoes had 
 arrived, in which several gentlemen came passengers, 
 who, they were informed, were agents of the North 
 west Company, and had come from Fort William, af 
 ter the news of the declaration of war had been re 
 ceived there, and that they gave the same account of 
 the Canadian and savage force, and its destination, 
 as is contained in Mr. McKenzie's letter. They fur 
 ther stated to me, that a large body of savages were 
 collected at the outlet of Lake Superior, and that two 
 thousand savages, according to the best estimate they 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 347 
 
 could make, were at Michilimackinac, prepared to 
 proceed and join the British force at Maiden. Lieu 
 tenant Hanks was killed in the fort at Detroit, which 
 deprived me of his testimony. Doctor Day and Mr. 
 Stone, who were both at Michilimackinac, and pre 
 sent when Lieutenant Hanks made the communica 
 tion to me, in their testimony on my trial, fully con 
 firmed the statement here made." 
 
 Second. Another and more important source of 
 danger and difficulty in the position of General Hull, 
 was, the interruption of his communications with 
 Ohio, by the British and Indians. This source of 
 embarrassment, its cause, and the fatal results to 
 which it led, cannot be better stated than in General 
 Hull's own language. We therefore give the follow 
 ing extract from the eighteenth letter of his Memoirs 
 on the Campaign of 1812, pp. 67, 8, 9, 
 
 " On the 18th of June, after war was declared 
 against Great Britain, the Secretary of War wrote me 
 a letter, in which he informed me of the event (which 
 letter was not received until 2d July), and ordered 
 me to march the army I commanded to Detroit, with 
 all possible expedition. At the time this order was 
 given, the President of the United States well knew 
 that no preparation was made to build a navy on 
 Lake Erie, and that the enemy commanded it with a 
 number of armed vessels and gun-boats. When, 
 therefore, these fatal orders were given, those by 
 whose authority they were given well knew, that the 
 communication through the Lake would be closed 
 against us, and that no reinforcements or supplies of 
 
348 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 any kind could be obtained for the army through that 
 channel. They well knew, that the State of Ohio 
 was the nearest part of our country from which the 
 necessary supplies could be furnished. They well 
 knew, that the distance from any magazines where 
 these supplies could be obtained, to the point where 
 they ordered the army, was more than two hundred 
 miles ; and to the other posts, was more than five 
 hundred miles. They also knew, that this distance 
 was almost entirely a wilderness, filled with savages, 
 who, in the event of war, would probably become 
 hostile, and that the supplies could only be carried on 
 pack-horses. The Administration also knew, that in 
 three separate statements which 1 had made to the 
 President, through the Secretary of War, I had ob 
 served, that, in the event of war, a navy on Lake 
 Erie, superior to the British, was essential to success ; 
 and that without preserving the water communica 
 tion, an arrrfy could not be supported at Detroit ; and 
 that Detroit, Michilimackinac, and Chicago, would in 
 evitably fall into the hands of the enemy. Near the 
 Miami of the Lake, I received the order which has 
 been referred to, informing me of the declaration of 
 war, and to march to Detroit. Had I not received 
 this order, and the operations had been left to my 
 discretion, I should not have marched to Detroit, 
 eighteen miles in rear of the enemy, from a different 
 quarter. I had served under General Washington 
 from the- commencement to the end of the Revolution 
 ary war. I had observed how cautious he was in all 
 his movements, to preserve a communication with his 
 magazines." 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 349 
 
 Colonel Proctor had arrived with reinforcements 
 at Maiden, and taken the command. One of his first 
 acts was, to throw a detachment across the river to 
 Brownstown, consisting of a small number of the 41st 
 and of Indians, under Tecumseh, to occupy the woods 
 and prevent provisions from reaching General Hull's 
 army, along its communications. General Hull at 
 the same time received intelligence, that a party of 
 volunteers from Ohio had arrived at the river Raisin, 
 escorting some cattle, destined for the supplv of the 
 army. General Hull detached two hundred men, un 
 der Major Vanhorne, with orders to proceed to the 
 river Raisin, and guard these cattle safely to the camp. 
 Major Vanhorne's party was suddenly attacked by the 
 Indians, and entirely defeated. 
 
 Brock's biographer says, that but seventy Indians 
 were engaged, and no British, and adds, that " in this 
 affair, General Hull's despatches, and the correspond 
 ence of his army, fell into the hands of Tecumseh, 
 and it was partly the desponding nature of their con 
 tents, which afterwards induced Major-General Brock 
 to attempt the capture of the American army." * 
 
 * " On this occasion the force of The enemy had a great advantage 
 
 the enemy was greatly exaggerated, in the ground, but in point of num- 
 
 as it was in many other instances, bers, he was not superior. I do not 
 
 Major Vanhorne, though a gentleman wish to detract from the real merit 
 
 and a soldier, was certainly not en- of Vanhorne, but at Detroit in Oct. 
 
 titled to the praise bestowed upon 1813, I was informed by an Ameri- 
 
 him by some of his countrymen. Be- can gentleman^of high standing, who 
 
 ing warned of his danger, he should had made particular inquiry, that 
 
 have taken care to prevent a sur- the force of the enemy in this case, 
 
 prise, and had he done so, he would did not exceed 40 British and 70 
 
 doubtless have been victorious. Indians, and this statement is cor- 
 
350 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 Neither Major Vanhorne nor his troops appear to very 
 great advantage in this affair. Vanhorne, in his tes 
 timony, says, that when they were attacked he order 
 ed them to retreat to the edge of the wood, instead of 
 attempting to charge ; that he imagined from the num 
 ber of guns fired, the enemy to be most numerous ; 
 that the men retreated a quarter of a mile before they 
 could be got into line, and that even then, though no 
 enemy was in sight, and the firing had ceased, he or 
 dered them to retreat again whereupon, it seems, 
 they ran away in disorder, and the loss was 18 killed, 
 12 wounded, and 70 missing. Yet Major Vanhorne 
 was one of the officers who afterwards testified, on 
 General Hull's trial, that his Commander was, in his 
 opinion, under the influence of fear at the time of the 
 surrender. General HulFs communications were now 
 effectually cut off, and this was the second source of 
 difficulty in his situation. 
 
 Third. It will be remembered that, according to 
 the plan of the Northwestern Campaign, advised by 
 General Hull and approved by the Secretary of War, 
 it was determined that Canada should be invaded by 
 two co-operating armies. From two points, Detroit 
 and Niagara, armies were to march simultaneously 
 into Upper Canada. The charge of one had been 
 confided to General Hull, and he had thus far per 
 formed all that had been required of him. He had 
 
 roborated by the fact, that the main a large detachment to the American 
 
 army was still in Canada, and the side." See McAffee's History, page 
 
 British being in daily expectation of 75. 
 an attack on Maiden, would not send 
 
I 
 
 AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 35] 
 
 cut a road through the wilderness, and with an ener 
 gy and celerity, to which even the British bore testi 
 mony,* had reached Detroit, and invaded Canada. 
 He did this, fully relying on promised co-operation 
 and support. He had so often and so urgently repre 
 sented the necessity of a fleet on Lake Erie, co-op 
 eration at Niagara, and reinforcements from Ohio, that 
 he had depended on his Government for this support. 
 He was disappointed in all. All these measures were 
 seen and admitted to be important, but their execu 
 tion was delayed, until the fate of his army was 
 sealed. 
 
 Large reinforcements were ordered from Ohio and 
 Kentucky, but not soon enough to open General Hull's 
 communications, or afford him any relief. A fleet was 
 placed on Lake Erie, but it was not till a year after 
 the surrender of Detroit. Forces were at last assem 
 bled at Niagara, but not until General Hull's army 
 had been captured. 
 
 As early as June 26th, Major General Dearborn 
 was ordered to proceed to Albany and prepare the 
 force to be collected at that place, for actual service^ 
 In this letter it was said, " Preparations, it is pre 
 sumed, will be made to move in a direction for Nia 
 gara, Kingston, or Montreal." This was in accord 
 ance with a plan of the campaign submitted to the 
 
 * " Should General Hull be com- nary character of enterprise." Sir 
 
 pelled to relinquish his operations George Prevost's letter of July 31st 
 
 against Amherstburg, it will be pro- to General Brock, 
 per that his future movements be f See appendix for the official cor- 
 
 most carefully observed, as his late respondence of General Dearborn 
 
 march exhibits a more ^than ordi- and the Secretary of War. 
 
352 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 Secretary of War by General Dearborn himself, by 
 which Canada was to be invaded from Detroit, Nia 
 gara, Sacket's Harbour, and Lake Champlain the 
 two last armies being destined for Kingston and Mon 
 treal. But owing either to the want of preparation 
 in the country at large, to the dilatory proceedings of 
 the Administration, the negligence of General Dear 
 born, or all these causes united, the result was, that 
 General Hull's army was the only one which was 
 able to invade Canada at all, till long after this time. 
 Indeed, so great was the confusion and want of plan 
 at Washington and Albany, that General Dearborn 
 did not even know whether or not he was to have the 
 command of the troops at Niagara. The Secretary 
 of War writes to him July 26th, telling him of General 
 Hull's arrival at Detroit, and saying, " arrangements 
 should immediately be made by you for co-operating 
 with him at Niagara" 
 
 But General Dearborn meantime writes to the 
 Secretary of War from Albany, July 28th, asking 
 " who is to have the command of the operations in Up 
 per Canada ? I take it for granted, that my command 
 does not extend to that distant quarter"* No troops 
 being collected at Niagara, and it being very appa 
 rent to General Brock that there was no attack to be 
 feared in that quarter, he was able to send troops to 
 reinforce Malden.f No troops being collected at Sack- 
 
 * Defence of General Dearborn " My last to your Excellency was 
 
 by his son, Boston, 1824. dated the 12th inst., since which 
 
 f Letter of General Brock to nothing extraordinary has occurred 
 
 Sir George Prevost, July 20, 1812 : in this communication. The enemy 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 353 
 
 et ? s Harbour, and no movement being made on Lake 
 Champlain, Sir George Prevost was able to send 
 troops to Upper Canada.* Nor was this all. Instead 
 of co-operating with General Hull, General Dearborn 
 acceded to an armistice, proposed by Sir George Pre 
 vost, by which he agreed that the troops opposed to 
 each other at Niagara should act on the defensive 
 only : thus allowing General Brock to send reinforce 
 ments to Maiden, while he deprived himself of the 
 power of aiding General Hull by demonstrations on 
 the Niagara frontier. 
 
 General Hull found himself therefore entirely de 
 prived of the assistance on which he had depended.! 
 
 has evidently diminished his force, 
 and appears to have no intention of 
 making an immediate attack. * * * * 
 Should the communication between 
 Kingston and Montreal be cut off, 
 the fate of the troops in this part of 
 the province will be decided. * * * 
 It is evidently not the intention of 
 the enemy to make any attempt to 
 penetrate into the province by this 
 strait, unless the present force be 
 diminished." 
 
 * " You may rely on every exer 
 tion being made to preserve uninter 
 rupted the communication between 
 Kingston and Montreal, and that I 
 will also give all possible support to 
 your endeavours to overcome every 
 difficulty. One hundred effective of 
 the Newfoundland, and fifty picked 
 men of the Veterans, left this in 
 boats on Thursday ; they were in 
 tended to reinforce the garrison at 
 
 23 
 
 Kingston. I am glad to find that 
 the new arrival of the Royals, 
 expected at Quebec to-morrow, will 
 give you the reinforcement of the 
 49th Regiment, which, with the de 
 tachment of the Newfoundland and 
 Veterans, and gun-boat No. 7, will 
 add something to your present 
 strength. I shall order Major 
 Ormsby, with three companies of the 
 49th Regiment, to proceed from 
 Montreal to Kingston, to be disposed 
 of as you may find necessary." 
 Letters to General Brock from Sir 
 George Prevost and his officers at 
 Quebec, from 31st July to 2d Au 
 gust. 
 
 f "Those who are most severe 
 in their condemnation of General 
 Hull admit the injury inflicted on 
 him by these measures of the Com 
 manding General. Thus Arm 
 strong (Notices, &c., Vol. I. p. 97) 
 
354 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 He is told by the Secretary of War (June 24), which 
 letter was not received until the 9th of July, that " an 
 adequate force cannot soon be relied upon for the 
 
 speaks as follows : " We have al- British posts in his front, as would 
 ready stated, that to lessen the pres- have the effect of preventing them 
 sure on General Hull and to rein- from reinforcing the garrison of 
 state the ascendency he had lost on Maiden ; or otherwise altering the 
 the Detroit, Major General Dear- relations as to strength, which had 
 born, who, in the distribution of hitherto existed between Hull and 
 service for the year 1812, had been Proctor. But for this service, the 
 assigned to the command of the Major-General had made no pre par- 
 Northern army, was directed to ation, and appeared to have little 
 make such movements against the relish,* as on the very day on which 
 
 * In the General's letter of the 8th August, we find an apology for this in 
 action, quite as unjustifiable as the inaction itself. " Till now," he says, " I 
 did not consider the Niagara frontier as coming within the limits of my com 
 mand" an assertion directly contradicted by the armistice entered into 
 between him and Prevost, and utterly inconsistent with the orders he received 
 from the 26th of June to the 1st of August. For these orders, see Appendix 
 No. 10 to Armstrong's Notices of the War of 1812, as follows : 
 
 " Orders given to General Dearborn by the Secretary of War, in relation 
 to the Niagara frontier. 
 
 " June 26, 1812. Your preparations (at Albany), it is presumed, will be 
 made to move in a direction for Niagara, Kingston, and Montreal. 
 
 " July 15. On your arrival at Albany, your attention will be directed to 
 the security of the Northern frontier by the Lakes. July 20th. You will 
 make such arrangements with Governor Tompkins as will place the militia, 
 detached by him for the Niagara and other posts on the Lake, under your 
 control. July 29th. Should it be advisable to make any other disposition of 
 Jhese restless people (the warriors of the Seneca Tribe of Indians), you will 
 give orders to Mr. Granger and the commanding officer at Niagara. August 
 1st. You will make a diversion in favour of him (General Hull) at Niagara 
 and Kingston, as soon as may be practicable/' How, we would ask, is it 
 possible for the General, with these orders in his Portfolio, to believe that the 
 Niagara frontier had not been within the limits of his command? And if he 
 did so believe, by what authority did he extend the armistice (entered into be 
 tween him and Prevost), to that frontier? As, however, the inaction which 
 enabled Brock to leave his posts on the Niagara undisturbed and unmenaced, 
 and even to carry with him a part of his force to Detroit, and there to cap 
 ture Hull, his army and territory, was not noticed by any kind of disapproba 
 tion on the part of the Government, the inference is fair that it (the 
 'Government) was willing to take the responsibility on itself. 
 
 No. 11 of Armstrong's Notices in the Appendix, is the following. "Ex 
 tract of a letter from Sir George Prevost to General Brock, dated 30th of Au- 
 ,gust, 1812: 
 
 " I consider it most fortunate, that I have been able to prosecute this 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 355 
 
 reduction of the enemy's posts below you." From 
 the north he hears of the fall of Michilimackinac and 
 of the approach of 2000 hostile Indian warriors and 
 1200 employees of the Northwest Company. In front 
 of his own army, he finds reinforcements continually 
 arriving, of regulars and militia, to strengthen the 
 British troops at Maiden. On the Lake, his communi 
 cations were cut off by the British fleet ; on the south, 
 by land, his communications were cut off by the In 
 dians, and an attempt to restore them by Vanhorne's 
 detachment, had been unsuccessful. Within his own 
 army, ignorant and incapable of understanding this 
 state of things, there was a spirit of insubordination 
 and mutiny, fostered and encouraged even by the 
 militia officers themselves. In this state of affairs, 
 on the 7th of August he received letters from General 
 Hall and General Porter, commanding at Niagara and 
 Black Rock, informing him that a large number of 
 boats filled with British troops had passed over Lake 
 
 he was thus instructed by the Gov- by vigorously assailing the British 
 
 ernment, (though sufficiently ap- posts in his front, (now rendered 
 
 prised that detachments had been comparatively weak by the absence 
 
 sent to Maiden, and that the situation of Brock and the troops carried 
 
 of Hull was becoming more critical with him,) or by extending to him 
 
 every moment,) he did not hesitate and his army the benefits of the 
 
 to enter into an armistice, by which temporary suspension of hostilities 
 
 he completely disabled himself from into which he had entered." 
 giving any aid to that officer ; either 
 
 object of the Government (the armistice), without interfering with your oper 
 ations on the Detroit. I have sent you men, money, and stores of all kinds." 
 See Life and Services of Sir George Prevost ; a ruse de guerre, as credita 
 ble to the shrewdness and sagacity of Sir George Prevost, as it was disrepu 
 table, for the obtuseness or treachery of General Dearborn.] 
 
356 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 Ontario to the west part of it, and were directing 
 their course to Maiden ; and likewise that the British 
 forces, with the Canadian militia and savages, on the 
 opposite side of the Niagara river, were moving by 
 water to the same point ; and what was more deci 
 sive still, General Hull was informed by the same 
 letters, that no assistance or co-operation would be 
 afforded from that quarter to the troops under his 
 command. 
 
 Under these circumstances to attack Maiden, even 
 if the attack were successful, would have been useless. 
 To take Maiden, would not open the Lake nor the 
 forest ; would bring no supplies to his troops, and it 
 must soon have fallen again for want of them. The 
 first thing to be done was, to re-open the communica 
 tion through the wilderness to Ohio. For this pur 
 pose, General Hull re-crossed with his army to Detroit 
 on the evening of the 7th of August, leaving a suffi 
 cient body of troops intrenched and fortified on the 
 other bank, to enable him to regain the British shore, 
 as soon as his communications were clear. 
 
 The afternoon of the day in which the army 
 completed crossing the river, Colonel Miller of the 4th 
 regiment was detached with a body of 600 men, 
 consisting of the effective men of his own regiment 
 and a selection of the most effective of the militia. 
 They took with them a company of artillery, with a 
 six-pounder and a howitzer, and a company of cavalry. 
 
 About fourteen miles from Detroit, at Maguago, 
 they met a body of British soldiers and Indians in 
 trenched behind a breastwork of logs 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 357 
 
 The British were commanded by Major Muir 
 of the 41st, and the Indians by Tecumseh. 
 
 Notwithstanding the advantages of their position. 
 Colonel Miller was enabled, by a gallant charge, to 
 break their line, and force them from it at the point 
 of the bayonet. The British and Indians retreated, 
 and were pursued about two miles. 
 
 The communications with the river Raisin were 
 now opened, and the distance from the battle ground 
 was only sixteen or eighteen miles, and yet, instead 
 of marching on. Colonel Miller and his troops return 
 ed to Detroit. The reasons assigned were, that the 
 troops had thrown down their knapsacks of provisions 
 at the beginning of the action, which were lost ; that 
 they had to wait till provisions could be sent from 
 Detroit the next day ; that they did not get these pro 
 visions till late the next day, and they were only 
 sufficient for one or two meals, and that Colonel 
 Miller sent for a further supply, and a storm of rain 
 coming on, they were ordered back to Detroit.* 
 
 * " It is plain," says Armstrong, enemy, could have reached the river 
 
 ! that Col. Miller should have Raisin in a day, and without suffer- 
 
 niarched on, even if it had been ne- ing much from the want of provi- 
 
 cessary to carry him in a litter, for sions." 
 
 he was not more than twenty-two It seems evident either that Miller 
 
 miles" (Miller says in his testimony, was to blame for not going on, or 
 
 sixteen or eighteen) "from Col. that the difficulties of the road along 
 
 Brush, who had 150 men and plenty the river were so great that it could 
 
 of provisions. If he had been too not be kept permanently open by 
 
 sick to proceed in any manner, one any force Gen. Hull was able to 
 
 of the other Colonels should have employ. As Colonel Miller has al- 
 
 been sent in his place, without wait- ways shown himself an able and 
 
 Ing for more supplies from Detroit, gallant officer, the last supposition 
 
 The detachment having beaten the is no doubt the true one. 
 
358 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 General Hull's account of this transaction and 
 his subsequent steps, is as follows : 
 
 Extract from Hull's Memoirs, page 73 : " As 
 soon as I received an account of the action, a rein 
 forcement of one hundred men, with a supply of 
 provisions under the command of Colonel McArthur, 
 was ordered to join Colonel Miller's detachment at 
 Maguago. As soon as the detachment had recruited 
 from its fatigue, my intention was, that it should have 
 proceeded on the expedition to the river Raisin. A 
 severe storm of rain intervened, and the troops were 
 exposed to it, without any covering. I therefore 
 thought it expedient, on account of their great fatigue, 
 to order them back to Detroit, and make an arrange 
 ment by another route to open the communication. 
 
 " The road to the river Raisin, which passed 
 through the Indian village of Browristown, being 
 principally on the margin of the Detroit river, both 
 troops and convoys could easily be annoyed by the 
 gun-boats and armed vessels of the enemy. Besides, 
 in its course, there was only the river which sepa 
 rated it from the enemy^s principal post at Maiden. 
 Being thus situated, it was almost impossible to se 
 cure it in such a manner as that convoys could pass 
 with any kind of safety. After Colonel Miller's re 
 turn to Detroit, therefore, seeing the indispensable 
 necessity of obtaining the supplies which had arrived 
 at the river Raisin, and being informed of a circuitous 
 route, distant from the river, I thought it expedient 
 to make the attempt in that direction. I communi 
 cated my intentions to Colonels McArthur and 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 359 
 
 and they not only fully approved of the measure, but 
 offered their services as volunteers, on the expedition. 
 I likewise communicated to them a letter from Cap 
 tain Brush, who commanded the escort of provisions, 
 informing me that he should take the back road, and 
 should have occasion for support. I authorized 
 Colonels McArthur and Cass to select the most 
 healthy and effective men of their regiments, and di 
 rected the Quarter-Master to furnish pack-horses to 
 carry provisions for them during their march. On 
 the 14th of August, they commenced their march, 
 under the command of Colonel McArthur, attended 
 by Colonel Cass." 
 
360 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 SITUATION OF GENERAL HULL BROCK'S ARRIVAL AT MALDEN. SURRENDER 
 OF DETROIT. ITS REASONS. STATE OF COMMUNICATIONS, TROOPS, PRO 
 VISIONS. 
 
 WE have seen that General Hull made three at 
 tempts to open his communications to Ohio. The 
 first was on August 4th, by means of Major Van- 
 home's detachment of 200 men, which was defeated 
 by a small body of British and Indians. The second 
 was on August 8th, by Colonel Miller's detachment 
 of 600 men, who defeated the enemy, but returned 
 to Detroit without effecting their object. The third 
 was by means of McArthur and Cass's detachment, 
 which set out August 14th, to go by a back route. 
 
 While these operations were taking place in the 
 American camp, Major-General Brock had been 
 making energetic efforts to reinforce and relieve 
 Maiden. He had sent Colonel Proctor, an officer in 
 whom he placed much confidence, to take the com 
 mand in the place of St. George. Reinforcements 
 had been sent with him, and previously some militia 
 were ordered to proceed to Long Point, on Lake 
 Erie, where General Brock soon followed. He left 
 York on the 6th of August,* taking with him a body 
 
 * Life of Brock, page 224. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 
 
 of 250 militia from that place ; on his way he held 
 a Council with the Mohawks on Grand river, who 
 promised him a reinforcement; and embarked at 
 Long Point on Lake Erie, with about 300 militia, 
 besides his regulars, and proceeded by water to Am- 
 herstburg or Maiden. He reached Amherstburg on 
 the 13th of August, and had an interview with Te- 
 cumseh, and held a Council, which was attended by 
 1000 Indian warriors.* They expressed their joy at 
 General Brock's arrival, and their determination to 
 assist him to the last drop of their blood. On the 
 15th of August, he sent a summons to General Hull, 
 calling on him to surrender the fort.f General Hull 
 answered that he had no other reply to make, than 
 to say, that he was prepared to meet any force at his 
 disposal, and any consequences which might result 
 from the exercise of it. 
 
 * Life of Brock, page 228. The join in a war of extermination ; but 
 number here incidentally given, you must be aware that the numer- 
 shows the actual Indian force at ous bodies of Indians who have at- 
 Detroit, to be much greater than tached themselves to my troops, 
 was afterwards stated. Indians will be beyond my control, the mo- 
 love war, and these were inflamed ment the contest commences. You 
 with animosity and hope of plunder, will find me disposed to enter into 
 It is not likely that any of this such conditions as will satisfy the 
 thousand were absent at the time of most scrupulous sense of honour, 
 the attack, nor is it probable, that all Lieutenant-Colonel McDonnel and 
 the Indians were present at the Major Glegg are fully authorized to 
 Council. conclude any arrangements that 
 
 f General Brock's letter was as may lead to prevent the unnecessary 
 
 follows : " The force at my disposal, effusion of blood, 
 
 authorizes me to require of you the (Signed) ISAAC BROCK, 
 
 immediate surrender of Fort De- Major- General." 
 troit. It is far from my intention to 
 
362 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 That afternoon a fire was opened upon Detroit, 
 from a battery erected opposite, at Sandwich, and the 
 cannonade was returned by an American battery of 
 24-pounders. General Hull immediately sent word 
 to Colonels McArthur and Cass to return to Detroit, 
 with their detachment. Early the next morning 
 General Brock crossed the river about five miles be 
 low Detroit, having sent over a large force of Indian 
 warriors the night before, to protect his landing, 
 which was also made under cover of two ships of war. 
 According to his own official account, his forces con 
 sisted of 330 regulars, 400 militia, and 600 Indians, 
 or 1330 in all ; but no doubt it exceeded this number, 
 as we have seen that 1000 Indians met at the Coun 
 cil two days before, and that commanders are very apt, 
 even when meaning to tell the truth, to exaggerate 
 the enemy's forces and underrate their own. General 
 Brock certainly did the one, in estimating General 
 Hull's force at 2500, since there is no possible mode 
 of making it amount to one-half of that number. 
 Colonel Cass, whose object evidently was to make 
 Brock's force as small, and Hull's as large as possi 
 ble, and who estimates the former at 300 less than 
 General Brock's own estimate, does not make Gene 
 ral Hull's effective force more than 1060 in all. We 
 shall see, hereafter, that it was much less than this. 
 
 General Brock's intention in crossing the river 
 was, to wait in a strong position the effect of his 
 force, displayed before the American camp ; but hear 
 ing of Colonel McArthur's absence with 500 men, 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 
 
 he decided on an immediate attack.* He there 
 fore advanced toward the fort, and was preparing for 
 an assault, when General Hull determined to surren 
 der ; an act which, condemned as it has been, we 
 cannot but consider, on maturest reflection, the bravest 
 and noblest action of a life, hitherto universally re 
 garded as that of a brave and patriotic man. 
 
 It would have required very little courage to fight. 
 General Hull had been in many battles of the Revo 
 lution. There probably was not an officer or soldier 
 in his whole army, who had seen half as much of war 
 as himself. He had led a column of seven companies 
 at the taking of Stony Point with the bayonet, under 
 General Wayne ; for his conduct in which action he 
 received the thanks of Washington, and promotion in 
 
 * General Brock's despatch of 
 17th of August. General Brock 
 knew very well what he was about. 
 He knew the weakness of the 
 American camp and the difficulties 
 with which they were surrounded. 
 He knew that they were probably 
 in want of provisions, for he had 
 expressed the opinion in a letter to 
 Sir George Prevost, that this want 
 had induced General Hull to invade 
 Canada : " I doubt whether General 
 Hull had instructions to cross on this 
 side the river. I rather suspect he was 
 compelled by want of provisions" 
 (Letter of Brock, July 29/fc), and he 
 knew that his supplies had been since 
 cut off for a long time. General 
 Brock thus speaks in a letter of Sep. 
 3d ; " Some say that nothing could 
 
 be more desperate than the measure ; 
 but I answer, that the state of the 
 province admitted only of desperate 
 remedies. I got possession of the let 
 ters my antagonist addressed to the 
 Secretary of War, and also of the 
 sentiments which hundreds of his 
 army uttered to their friends. Con 
 fidence in their General was gone, 
 and evident despondency prevailed 
 throughout. I crossed the river, 
 contrary to the opinion of Colonel 
 Proctor, &c., it is therefore no won 
 der that envy should attribute to 
 good fortune, what in justice to my 
 own discernment, I must say, pro 
 ceeded from a cool calculation of 
 the pours and con/res," Brock's 
 Life, page 267. 
 
364 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 the service. He was in the midst of the battle of 
 White Plains, and was there w r ounded. 
 
 He was in the battles of Trenton and Princeton, 
 and was promoted for his conduct in those engage 
 ments. He fought at Ticonderoga, at Bemis' 
 Heights, in the battle of October 7th, at Monmouth, 
 Morrissania, and other places, and led regiments and 
 battalions in most of these actions. Now the courage 
 
 o 
 
 which can engage in a battle is very much a thing of 
 habit. Many men are cowards in their first battle ; 
 almost all men are brave in their tenth. Is it likely, 
 therefore, that General Hull should have been the 
 only man in his army, disabled by fear, from fighting 
 General Brock ? Is not this supposition an absurdity ? 
 What then were his reasons, as given by himself? Ge 
 neral Hull was now in the position in which, as he 
 had stated before the war to the Administration, De 
 troit must fall. His communications to Ohio were 
 cut off by the Indians in the woods ; his communica 
 tion by the Lake, by the British vessels ; and he had 
 no co-operation below, at Niagara. Under these cir 
 cumstances, the fall of Detroit was inevitable. If he 
 should fight a battle and defeat the British army, this 
 result would not be less inevitable, for a victory would 
 not re-open his communications. Besides this, his 
 forces were vastly inferior to those of the enemy ; his 
 provisions were nearly exhausted, and there was no 
 possibility of obtaining a supply from any quarter. If 
 he were to fight, he would save his own reputation, 
 but could not save the army or territory, and he 
 would be exposing the defenceless inhabitants of 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 
 
 Michigan to all the horrors of Indian warfare, without 
 a reason or an object. Under these circumstances, 
 it would be the part of a selfish man to fight ; it was 
 the part of a brave and generous man, to hazard the 
 sacrifice of his own reputation as a soldier, and his 
 own selfish feelings, to his duty as a Governor and a 
 man. General Hull did the last and to the time of 
 his death, never regretted it for a moment. In dis 
 grace ; condemned to death as a coward ; believed to 
 be a traitor by the ignorant ; seeing the success of his 
 calumniators, who built their fortunes on the ruin of 
 his own ; he was always calm, tranquil, and happy. 
 He knew that his country would one day also under 
 stand him, and that history would at last do him jus 
 tice. He was asked, on his death-bed, whether he 
 still believed he had done right, in the surrender of 
 Detroit and he replied, that he did, and was thank 
 ful that he had been enabled to do it. 
 
 The defence of General Hull rests mainly on the 
 following propositions : 
 
 1. An army in the situation of that of General 
 Hull, August 16th cut off from its supplies, and with 
 no adequate means of opening its communications 
 must inevitably fall. 
 
 2. That in this situation, to fight, would have 
 been a useless expenditure of life, and would have 
 unnecessarily exposed the inhabitants of the Territory 
 to Indian cruelties. 
 
 3. That this situation was not his fault, but that 
 of the General Government, of General Dearborn, and 
 of circumstances for which no one is perhaps respon 
 sible. 
 
366 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 4. That the troops of General Hull, on August 
 16th, were much inferior in number to General 
 Brock's. 
 
 5. That the provisions of the army were nearly 
 exhausted, and no further supplies could be obtained. 
 
 We will now advance the arguments and facts 
 which will establish these propositions. 
 
 I. An army in the situation of that of General 
 Hull, August 16th, must inevitably fall. 
 
 This appears from the following considerations. 
 General Hull was posted twenty miles in the rear of 
 the enemy's principal fortress. He was between two 
 and three hundred miles distant from the base of his 
 operations, from which all his supplies were to be 
 drawn. His communication with those supplies was 
 through a wilderness, filled with hostile Indians, and 
 for seventy-five miles along a river and lake, exposed 
 to the cannon of the British ships. This communica 
 tion was now completely cut off, and two attempts at 
 re-opening it had failed. The Lake was in the ene 
 my's power, and could not be taken from them. He 
 was informed that no diversion was to be made in 
 his favour at Niagara, to draw off the enemy's troops 
 from before him. If he should fight, and destroy the 
 army in his front, the enemy's ships and Indians 
 would still remain controlling the line of his commu 
 nications. 
 
 No proposition in military affairs is more univer 
 sally admitted than this, that an army separated from 
 its supplies, must fall. History is full of instances 
 in support of it and one of the main efforts of strat- 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 357 
 
 egic art, is always to protect one's own communica 
 tions from the approach of the enemy, and to cut off 
 his. The line between an army and its magazines is 
 its most vital and tender part. 
 
 Every thing in fact goes to show, that the power 
 which held the Lake, must also keep possession both 
 of Detroit and Maiden. When General Harrison 
 had advanced with a large army in September, 1812, 
 to the neighbourhood of Detroit, he first proposed to 
 take it by coup de main. He then relinquished this 
 plan as impracticable, and formed a second, which 
 was to accumulate large supplies of men and provi 
 sions at the Rapids of the Miami, and then to move 
 forward from that point in October. But he found it 
 necessary to relinquish this project also, and next de 
 termined to accomplish the same result by a winter 
 expedition. But he was finally obliged to wait a 
 whole year, until Perry's fleet was built, and the 
 naval victory of September, 1813, gained, which 
 gave the control of Lake Erie to the Americans. As 
 soon as this event took place, the British Commander 
 evacuated Detroit and Maiden, without even waiting 
 for the American forces to appear. Detroit and Mai 
 den fell naturally into the power of the United States, 
 almost without an effort, the moment that Lake Erie 
 was under its control. 
 
 II. It has been frequently said that supplies of 
 provisions might have been procured by General Hull 
 from the Territory itself. This statement was first 
 made by Colonel Cass, in his celebrated letter of 
 September 10th, 1812, and has been repeated after 
 
368 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 him by a multitude of writers, none of whom have 
 taken pains to examine whether there was any foun 
 dation for it or not. Colonel Cass's words are : " The 
 state of our provisions has not been generally under 
 stood. On the day of surrender we had fifteen days' 
 provisions of every kind on hand. Of meat, there 
 was plenty in the country, and arrangements had 
 been made for purchasing and grinding flour. It was 
 calculated we could readily procure three months' 
 provisions, independent of 150 barrels of flour, and 
 1300 head of cattle, which had been forwarded from 
 Ohio, and which remained at the river Raisin, under 
 Captain Brush, within reach of the army." 
 
 If this statement is correct, of course the surrender 
 of General Hull's army cannot be defended on the 
 ground of a want of provisions. We shall show here 
 after, that it was impossible that fifteen or even five 
 days' provision should have been on hand at the time 
 of the surrender, and that Colonel Cass had no means 
 of knowing it, and no ground for making the state 
 ment. As to the cattle and flour at the river Raisin, 
 " within reach of the army," we have seen, that be 
 fore General Brock crossed the river, Major Van- 
 home and Colonel Miller had both attempted to 
 reach it, the one with 200 and the other with 600 
 men, and that both had failed. Was it more attain 
 able now, when General Brock's regulars and militia, 
 and a thousand Indians, at least, under Tecumseh, 
 were between it and Detroit ? In the statement, that 
 three months' provisions could be obtained in the 
 country, Colonel Cass gives no authority. He cau- 
 
t 
 
 AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 
 
 tiously says, " It was calculated." Who made the 
 calculation does not appear. But it is very remarka 
 ble, that only one month before the date of this let 
 ter,' and four days before the surrender, Colonel Cass 
 should have made quite a different statement to Gov 
 ernor Meigs. 
 
 In a letter to Governor Meigs, dated August 12th, 
 and signed by Colonel Cass, he says : " The letter 
 of the Secretary of War to you, a copy of which I 
 have seen, authorizes you to preserve and keep open 
 the communication from the State of Ohio to Detroit. 
 It is all important that it should be kept open. Our 
 very existence depends upon it. Our supplies must 
 come from our State. This country does not furnish 
 them. In this existing state, nothing but a large 
 force, of 2000 men at least, will effect the object.* 
 
 But this was not the only letter in which Colonel 
 Cass expressed his opinion. On General Hull's trial, 
 Willis Silliman, a brother in-lavv of Colonel Cass by 
 marriage with his sister, testified, that he had received 
 a letter from Colonel Cass, dated August 12th, which 
 said : " Our situation is become critical. If things 
 
 o 
 
 get worse, you will have a letter from me, giving a 
 particular statement of this business. Bad as you 
 may think of our situation, it is still worse than you 
 believe. I cannot descend into particulars, lest this 
 should fall into the hands of the enemy." 
 
 Silliman testified, that he had another letter from 
 Colonel Cass, dated 3d August, in which he urged 
 him to use his exertions to hasten the march of troops 
 
 * McAffee, page 83. 
 
 24 
 
370 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 from Ohio ; and said, that men and provisions were 
 both necessary, and would be necessary ; and that 
 "provisions are or would be necessary for the existence 
 of the troops" Two other witnesses, who had read 
 these letters, confirmed Silliman's testimony.* Colonel 
 Cass as we have seen, in his letter of September 10th, 
 declares, that " three months' provisions" could easily 
 be procured in Michigan, for the supply of the army. 
 As a witness on General Hull's trial, he testified to 
 the same effect, under oath. General Hull was on 
 trial for his life, and Colonel Cass swore, " that his 
 opinion, founded on the opinion of the inhabitants 
 and upon experience, was, that provisions might have 
 been procured there, sufficient for the support of the 
 army for three or four months." 
 
 It was very improper that an opinion should be 
 received as evidence on a trial for a capital offence ; 
 and yet this opinion, we have seen, was in contradiction 
 to his previous statements to Governor Meigs and Mr. 
 Silliman. Colonel Snelling also testified on General 
 Hull's trial (Forbes, page 41), that he did not know of 
 any scarcity of provisions. 
 
 * Hull's Trial, Forbes' Report, p. Brock," it is said, that at the defeat 
 
 135. Silliman's testimony, and that of Vanhorne's detachment, " General 
 
 of Peter Mills and Daniel Conyers. Hull' s despatches and the corres- 
 
 Also of Public Records, War Office, pondence of his troops, fell into the 
 
 Washington. If many such letters hands of Tecumseh, and it was 
 
 as this were written by the officers partly the desponding nature of 
 
 of General Hull's army, we can un- their contents which afterwards in- 
 
 derstand how those taken by Brock duced Major-General Brock to at- 
 
 should have encouraged him to at- tempt the capture of the American 
 
 tack Detroit. In the "Life of army." Page 223. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 37 1 
 
 Captain Baker (page 85) said, on the same trial, 
 " lam of opinion , that there was plenty of cattle and 
 grain in the country." But of any facts on which he 
 grounded that opinion, he was wholly silent. On the 
 other hand, what was the testimony of those who 
 had a knowledge of facts, and something else besides 
 a vague opinion to adduce ? It was proved by com 
 petent witnesses, that so far from there being a sur 
 plus of cattle and grain in the country, to support the 
 army for three months, the country had never pro 
 duced enough for the supply of its own inhabitants 
 in time of peace.* 
 
 Captain Maxwell (Forbes' Report, p. 128) testi 
 fied on Hull's trial, that he had lived thirteen vears 
 in Ohio, and had been engaged every year in driving 
 cattle and hogs from thence to Detroit market ; from 
 1000 to 1500 hogs annually, and from 150 to 200 
 head of cattle. 
 
 Captain Dyson, of 1st artillery, testified (Hull's 
 Trial, page 134) " that he, witness, was in command 
 at Detroit from 1805 to 1808; that a great number 
 of cattle and hogs were driven thither from Ohio ; 
 that the contractors got the principal of the pork by 
 that means ; that the inhabitants could buy cheaper 
 than they could raise them, and there was not enough 
 raised to subsist the inhabitants ; that the Canadian 
 people were not industrious in cultivating their 
 farms." 
 
 * " The population of Michigan miserable farmers, and depended 
 at this time, was about 5000 souls, chiefly on hunting, fishing, and trad- 
 Most of those who cultivated the ing witlr the Indians, for their sup- 
 land, were Canadians, They were port." Hull's Memoirs, page 76, 
 
372 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 Colonel Watson testified (Hull's Trial, page 148) 
 that he had lived in the Territory of Michigan six years., 
 up to the time of the surrender ; that in 1810 he had 
 taken the census, and found the number of inhabit 
 ants in the whole Territory 4762, of which the dis 
 trict of Detroit, which extended 35 miles along the 
 river, contained 2227 ; that in taking the census he 
 had particularly inquired of the heads of families 
 as to the produce of the country, and that into De 
 troit district " great quantities of flour and whisky 
 were brought from New-York and Pennsylvania, and 
 of cattle and hogs from Ohio ; these last are pur 
 chased by the inhabitants for their consumption, and 
 in times of peace, they are also purchased by the 
 British agents, and carried to Maiden. The cattle 
 and hogs were consumed by the inhabitants." 
 
 We have, then, on the one side, the opinions of 
 Colonel Cass and others, after the surrender of De 
 troit, founded on vague impressions, conversations with 
 persons unknown, and upon ignorance of any thing 
 to the contrary, that there was provision enough in 
 the country to last an army of 1500 men two or three 
 months. On the other hand, we have the written 
 opinion of Colonel Cass before the surrender, that 
 supplies must come from Ohio, for that Michigan did 
 not furnish them ; and testimony to prove that the in 
 habitants did actually purchase provisions for their 
 own consumption, from Ohio and elsewhere. 
 
 If any thing more is needed to show that no supplies 
 could be procured in Michigan, we have an incidental 
 proof in General fkock's letters. Before the surren- 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 373 
 
 der, we have seen, that he supposed that General 
 Hull had been driven into Canada by want of provi 
 sions. And in a letter, dated September 9th, 1812,* 
 he writes thus to Sir George Prevost : 
 
 " It appears evident the enemy meditates a second 
 attempt on Amherstburg. The greater parts of the 
 troops which are advancing, marched from Kentucky, 
 with an intention of joining General Hull. How they 
 are to subsist, even for a short period, in that already 
 exhausted country, is no easy matter to conceive. This 
 difficulty will probably decide them on some bold 
 measure, in the hope of shortening the campaign. If 
 successfully resisted, their fate is inevitable." 
 
 If it be suggested, that if General Hull had de 
 fended himself, supplies would have been brought 
 from Ohio for his army, accompanied by a force suffi 
 ciently large to open the communications, and keep 
 them open, we answer this, by referring again to Ge 
 neral Harrison's vain attempts to reach Detroit in the 
 fall and winter of 1812. He had ample means both 
 in men and supplies, but he writes, (October 22d, 
 1812,) " to get supplies forward, through a swampy 
 wilderness of near 200 miles, in wagons or on pack- 
 horses, which are to carry their provisions, is abso 
 lutely impossible."! 
 
 If it be said that General Hull might have saved 
 iiis army by a retreat to the Miami, the answer is 
 this : He suggested this measure to his officers, when 
 the army re-crossed the river from Canada, and was 
 
 * Life of Brock, page 286. Armstrong, Notices^ &c. VoL 1, 
 
 f Harrison's letter, quoted by page 59- 
 
374 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 told that if he did this, the militia would desert to a 
 man. Nor was a retreat at that time absolutely ne 
 cessary, for there were still hopes of the communica 
 tion being opened by Millers detachment. When 
 General Brock arrived, it was too late to retreat, as 
 General Hull shows, in the following passage of his 
 Memoirs of the Campaign, pp. 98 and 99: 
 
 " I must ask you, in this case, to examine some 
 general maps of the country, from Detroit to the foot 
 of the Rapids of the Miami of Lake Erie. The dis 
 tance is about seventy miles. The only road through 
 which I could have retreated, runs from Detroit as 
 far as Brownstown, on the banks of the Detroit river^, 
 about twenty miles, and from Brownstown to the foot 
 of the Rapids, about fifty miles ; in some places on, 
 and in others near the borders of Lake Erie. This 
 road was very difficult to pass, a great part of it be 
 ing through a wilderness, and had only been opened 
 by an army, when advancing to Detroit. Its course, 
 for seventy miles, being on the margin of a navigable 
 river and the Lake ; and General Brock with his army 
 being opposite to Detroit, with a number of armed 
 vessels, gun- boats, and a sufficient number of flats?, 
 to move his troops on the water ; he would have had 
 such an advantage in attacking a retreating army, es 
 pecially when aided by his numerous tribes of savages,, 
 that I then thought, and I now think, that an attempt 
 of the kind would have resulted in the total destruc 
 tion of the army. With his boats, protected by his- 
 armed vessels and gun-boats, his troops might have 
 been moved on those smooth waters,, with the great- 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 375 
 
 est celerity, and landed in the front, rear, or on the 
 flank, and harassed my march in such a manner, that 
 it would have been impossible to have effected it : 
 besides, we must have encountered the difficulty of 
 passing a number of rivers, without boats, and over 
 which there were no bridges. The only places where 
 some of these rivers could have baen crossed, were 
 near the navigable waters, commanded by the ene 
 my's naval armament, and no boats could have been 
 provided for the purpose. There would have been 
 no other mode of effecting the passage, but by swim 
 ming or constructing rafts, in the face of the enemy." 
 
 General Hull might, no doubt, -have taken mea 
 sures which would have conduced to his personal ad 
 vantage, far more than those which he adopted. If 
 he had had less reason and judgment, he might have 
 attempted to take Maiden by storm, with his militia 
 and the 4th regiment. 
 
 No one who knows the conduct of our militia in 
 all the battles in which they were engaged in 1812, 
 can doubt, that, in attacking without cannon, a forti 
 fied place, defended- with artillery, they would have 
 been repulsed with disgrace and serious loss. There 
 would have been a useless waste of life on the part of 
 the army, but General Hull would have had the cre 
 dit for courage and energy, and his soldiers would 
 have been made more cautious by the lesson. Then, 
 when General Brock attacked Detroit, if General 
 Hull had been a less disinterested man, and had 
 acted in reference to his own military credit, he would 
 have attempted to defend himself. But General Hull 
 
376 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 had long since, during the war of the Revolution, es 
 tablished his character as a man of courage, and a 
 soldier skilled in the science of war. He considered 
 that it devolved upon him to protect the inhabitants 
 of Detroit from the tomahawk of the savages, and he 
 therefore assumed the responsibility of a capitulation, 
 leaving to his officers and troops the safe glory of 
 boasling what they would have done, had they only 
 been permitted to fight. 
 
 We will now show what was the state of the pro 
 visions at Detroit, at the time of the surrender, and 
 we think it will appear by documentary and unques 
 tionable evidence, that they must have been nearly 
 exhausted at that time. 
 
 Here also we have, on one side, bold, repeated as 
 sertions, unsupported by any facts; and on the other 
 side, we have arguments and proofs, it has been as 
 serted over and over again, and continues to be re 
 peated, that there were ample supplies of provisions 
 at Detroit, at the surrender ; and yet the testimony of 
 the Government witnesses themselves, goes to prove 
 the contrary. 
 
 Colonel Cass, in his testimony (Hull's Trial, page 
 23), asserts, " that the situation of the army in re 
 spect to provisions, was a subject of frequent conver 
 sations between General Hull and the officers that 
 he never knew or understood, that the army was in 
 ivant,, or likely to want" Yet we have seen above, 
 that he wrote to Governor Meigs, that the very exist 
 ence of the army depended on supplies being sent from 
 Ohio; and to his brother-in-law, Silliman, that pro- 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 377 
 
 visions were, or would be, necessary for the existence 
 of the troops. 
 
 Colonel Cass, in giving this account of his con 
 versations with General Hull, evidently means to con 
 vey the impression, that the fear of wanting provi 
 sions, was an afterthought with General Hull him 
 self, and intended merely to justify his surrender. But 
 a letter of General Hull to the Secretary of War,* 
 dated July 10th, only five days after the arrival of the 
 army at Detroit, speaks in the strongest manner of 
 the want of provisions which must ensue, if the com 
 munication with Ohio is not kept open by troops sent 
 from that State. " The communication must be se 
 cured, or this army will be without provisions. This 
 must not be neglected : if it is, this army will perish 
 with hunger." It is certainly extraordinary, that 
 when General Hull spoke thus strongly to the Secre 
 tary of War, of the probable wants of his army, that 
 he should never, " in the frequent conversations," 
 which Colonel Cass says he had with him on this sub- 
 
 * Hull's Trial, Appendix, page 9. either hire or purchase pack-horses 
 
 "Sir, Mr. Beard, Augustus For- to transport the flour. I shall draw 
 
 ter's agent here, informed me, that on you for the money necessary for 
 
 in consequence of the Lake being the purpose. The communication 
 
 closed against us, he cannot furnish must be secured, or this army will 
 
 the necessary supplies of provisions, be without provisions. Troops will 
 
 I have therefore authorized Mr. Jno. be absolutely necessary on the road 
 
 H. Platt of Cincinnati (now here) to protect the provisions. This must 
 
 to furnish two hundred thousand not be neglected : if it is, this army 
 
 rations of flour, and the same quan- will perish by hunger, 
 tity of beef. I have engaged to I am, &c., 
 
 give him 5 per cent, on the amount (Signed) WILLIAM HULL." 
 
 of purchases, and pay his necessary Hon. Wm. Eustis. 
 expenses of transportation : he will Detroit, July 10, 1812. 
 
378 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 ject of provisions, have suggested that the army was 
 even likely to be in want. It seems singular, that 
 they should have talked so frequently on the subject, 
 if there was no possible danger of want. Why did 
 they talk about provisions at all, if they were in no 
 danger of wanting them ? 
 
 The whole evidence which exists upon the state 
 of provisions in Detroit, at the time of the surrender, 
 is contained in the testimony given upon General 
 Hull's trial. This evidence cannot be better summed 
 up than in General Hull's own language, in his Me 
 moirs of the Campaign of 1812 : 
 
 " Augustus Porter, of the State of New-York, was 
 the contractor for furnishing this army. David Beard 
 was his agent, and was present at Detroit. Mr. Beard 
 was not only the agent, who did all the business at 
 Detroit, but, I understood from him, had some share 
 in the profits of the contract. He could have no mo 
 tive to have diminished the quantity, because the Uni 
 ted States must have paid for all that was on hand at 
 the time of the capitulation. It will appear from the 
 minutes of the trial, that his testimony was the last 
 before I made my defence. By the contractor's 
 agent's certificate, it will appear that, on the 9th of 
 July, 1812, there was at Detroit 125,000 rations of 
 flour, and 70,666 rations of meat ; and that on the 
 28th of July, there was 70,000 rations of flour, and 
 21, 000 of meat. 
 
 " Mr. Beard has certified that this statement was 
 handed to me, containing the provisions in the con 
 tractor's store, and signed by him, as will appear by 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 379 
 
 tne proceedings of the Court Martial on my trial. By 
 this return, it will be seen what quantity was con 
 sumed from the 9th to the 28th of July, what quan 
 tity remained on hand the 28th of July and by ob 
 serving the same rule of consumption, it will appear 
 what quantity would have been in store on the 16th 
 of August, the day of the capitulation. 
 
 " By the data here given it will be shown, that if 
 a ration of meat had been issued, the meat would 
 have been exhausted on the 6th of August, ten days 
 before the capitulation. And if, during those ten 
 days, after the meat was exhausted, an additional 
 quantity of flour had been issued, to make up the ra 
 tion, as was the case, the whole of the flour would 
 have been exhausted on the 16th of August, the day 
 of the capitulation. It appears by the return of the 
 contractor, that from the 9th to the 28th of July, 
 5334 rations of flour more than of meat were issued, 
 and that practice was continued, in about the same 
 proportion, until the 16th of August. 
 
 " Perhaps it may be asked by those unacquainted 
 with my situation and the practice of armies, why so 
 many more rations were daily issued than the num 
 ber of effective men which composed the army : I 
 will give the answer. It will appear by the foregoing 
 memoirs, that the officers and soldiers from Michili- 
 mackinac had arrived at Detroit, prisoners on parole, 
 and they had no other means of subsistence, but to 
 receive rations. It likewise appears, that a large 
 number of old Indian chiefs and sachems daily visited 
 our camp, and were fed from the public stores, by or 
 der of the Government." 
 
380 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 III. We will now examine more particularly the 
 number of troops under the command of General 
 Brock and General Hull, respectively, at the time of 
 the surrender of Detroit. 
 
 The most erroneous accounts have been given 
 and repeated upon this point ; one writer copying 
 another, and no one going back to .examine the evi 
 dence on either side. General Hull's troops have 
 been exaggerated to numbers far greater than even 
 the Government witnesses testified as composing his 
 army, at the surrender. General Brock's troops have, 
 in the same way, been reduced below the number 
 which he himself admits to have crossed the river 
 with him to the attack. Sometimes writers have 
 contradicted themselves as well as the facts. Thus 
 Mr. Charles J. Ingersoll, the latest historian of the 
 War, says (page 81), that Brock crossed " the straits 
 from Sandwich to Detroit with some 1200 men ;" 
 and presently after (page 82) says, " when Brock 
 crossed the straits to attack Detroit, his whole force, 
 white, red, and black, was but 1030." Meantime 
 Brock himself, in his official report of the surrender, 
 which Mr. Ingersoll might have found in half a dozen 
 histories, admits his force to have been 1330, and 
 specifies the number of regulars, militia, and In 
 dians.* 
 
 * General Hull's force has been General Brock (Off. Rep.), 2500. 
 
 thus variously estimated by different Colonel Cass (Letter September 
 
 writers; ' 10th, 1812), 1060. 
 
 In " Defence of General Dear- Ingersoll (History of Second 
 
 born," by his son, at 2465. War, page 82), 1350. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 33] 
 
 General Brock's account of his troops, as con 
 tained in his official report to Sir George Prevost, dated 
 August 17th, 1812, states his forces to have been as 
 follows (Brock's Life, p. 250) : 
 
 " The force which I instantly directed to march 
 against the enemy, consisted of 30 artillery, 240 of 
 41st regiment, 50 Royal Newfoundland regiment, 
 400 militia, and about 600 Indians, to which were 
 attached three six-pounders and two three-pounders." 
 General Brock's numbers then, by his own account ? 
 which he led to the attack of Detroit, were at least 
 1330. But he does not profess to give the number 
 of the Indians with accuracy, and the probability is, 
 that it was much greater than is here stated. By a 
 statement of Captain Glegg, General Brock's aid-de 
 camp, it appears, that three days before, a thousand 
 Indians attended a Council ; and that these were war 
 riors, appears from his saying, that their equipment 
 was generally very imposing.* Moreover, Lieutenant 
 Forbush, an American prisoner at Maiden, testified, 
 on General Hull's trial,f that he counted, on 15th of 
 August, six hundred warriors, passing up (that is to 
 say, from Maiden to Sandwich), some on horseback 
 and some on foot. But a large body of Indians 
 had attended General Brock's army, the previous day, 
 from Maiden to Sandwich, and were seen by hundreds 
 of persons from the opposite bank. Now, as Sand 
 wich is 18 miles from Maiden, the 600 Indians whom 
 Forbush counted at Maiden, on the 15th, must have 
 
 * Brock's Life, p. 228. f Forbes' Report, p. 146. 
 
382 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 been exclusive of the hundreds who were at Sand 
 wich that very time. General Brock, then, had with 
 him probably at least 1600 or 1700 men, when he at 
 tacked Detroit. Let us now see how many General 
 Hull had with him at the same time. 
 
 By a letter of the Secretary of War, dated April 
 9th, 1812, the number of troops* originally put under 
 his command were, 1200 militia from the State of 
 Ohio, and the 4th United States regiment, consisting 
 of 300 men. By a return dated Fort Findlay, June 
 26th, while on his march, General Hull's army at that 
 time, amounted to 2075. But this included all those 
 on the rolls of the regiments, whether absent or 
 present. It also included a number of straggling 
 volunteers, who were not under General Hull's com 
 mand, because unauthorized by the President's order 
 to Governor Meigs ; it' included also the wagoners, 
 pack-horse men, and other camp attendants, whose 
 names must be in the returns, in order that they might 
 draw rations. Thus the number of the 4th regi 
 ment is stated in this return at 483, whereas its actual 
 number was much less. 
 
 Captain Snelling states that it had not more than 
 320 effective men, and in the aggregate about 400.f 
 Colonel Miller states the effective force of the regi 
 ment on 16th August, at 250 or 260.J 
 
 The troops originally put under General Hull's 
 
 * Hull's Memoirs, page 55. was the strength of the 4th regi~ 
 
 f Snelling's testimony, Hull's ment on the last day of July, or the 
 
 Trial, page 42. first of August, including the de- 
 
 I Colonel's Miller's testimony, tachment of the first ?" Ans. " I 
 
 Hull's Trial, p. 111. Ques. "What cannot say precisely, about 300, 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 333 
 
 command, consisted of 1500 men. To these are to 
 be added the garrison of Detroit, consisting of 50, 
 the volunteers who remained with the army amount 
 ing to perhaps 100, and the militia of Michigan. 
 The whole population of Michigan consisted of 5000 
 souls, and was scattered along the shores of the lake 
 and river, v and was exposed to Indian depredations 
 and attacks. Few of the militia, therefore, could be 
 spared from the defence of their homes. Major Jes- 
 sup states the number of Michigan militia at 400, but 
 this yicludes those absent from Detroit. 
 
 The only testimony to the number of militia ac 
 tually present on the 16th of August, is that of Co- 
 loriel Watson (Trial of Gen. Hull, p. 149), who 
 states the number under Colonel Brush on that day, 
 at 150, he being himself with them at the time. The 
 whole number of troops under General Hull's com 
 mand from the beginning of his march until the sur 
 render, was therefore, 
 
 1. Ohio Militia, . . . 1200 
 
 2. 4th United States regiment, . . 300 
 3 Michigan Militia, . 150 
 
 4. Garrison at Detroit, ... 50 
 
 5. Ohio Volunteers, ... 100 
 
 1800 
 
 From this number, we must subtract those left 
 behind killed, missing, detached, &c., namely : 
 
 principally in good health." Ques. were about 250 or 2GO, effective for 
 " What was its force on the morning duty." 
 of the surrender ?" Ans. " There 
 
384 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 1. Three Block-houses, built and garrisoned, say, 
 
 2. Fort on the Miami, garrisoned, ( 2 ) 
 
 3. Made prisoners on vessel, ( 3 ) 
 
 4. Left sick at River Raisin, ( 4 ) 
 
 5. Killed, wounded, &c., 4th August, ( 5 ) 
 
 6. Do. do. 8th do. ( 6 ) 
 
 7. Detachment under Me Arthur, ( 7 ) 
 
 8. Sick, (") 
 
 Subtract 840 from 1800 leaves 960. 
 
 0)30 
 
 30 
 
 50 
 
 25 
 
 75 
 
 80 
 
 350 
 
 200 
 
 840 
 
 We will now give other testimony as to the^num- 
 ber of General Hull's troops. 
 
 * (1) Ten men for each block 
 house is certainly not a large allow 
 ance. (2) A subaltern officer and 
 30 men were left at this place, by 
 order of the Secretary of War. 
 (Hull's Memoirs, p. 119.) (3) 
 Forbush's testimony. "Dr. Edwards 
 was directed to take chief part of 
 the hospital stores, and as many of 
 the men, most sick, as the vessel 
 could carry." Cass's testimony, 
 Trial, p. 17. " About 40 or 59 men, 
 invalids, his (witness's) own servant, 
 and part of his baggage, were in the 
 vessel." (4) Hall's Memoirs, p. 
 119. (5) Vanhorne's testimony, 
 Hull's Trial, page 70. Hull's Me 
 moirs, p. 119. (6) Colonel Miller's 
 testimony, Hull's Trial, p. 108. 
 "The loss in the battle, in killed 
 and wounded was 81 : he thinks 17 
 killed on the ground and 64 wound 
 ed. -(7) Hull's Trial, Cass's testi 
 mony, p. 23. " Colonel Cass then 
 
 said, that he left Detroit on the 14th 
 August, in the evening, with a de 
 tachment of about 350 men, under 
 Colonel McArthur. (8) As the 
 hospital stores and medicines had 
 been taken in the packet by the 
 British, the sick were numerous. 
 We estimate them at 200, for the 
 following reasons. Captain East 
 man, of 4th U. S. regiment, testified 
 on Hull's Trial, p. 99, that " the 
 grand aggregate of that regiment, 
 including a small detachment of the 
 Is/, then unfit for duty, and the sick, 
 was 345, on 15th August. Colonel 
 Miller testified p. Ill, that on the 
 morning of August 16, there were 
 about 250 or 260 effective for duty," 
 consequently there must have been 
 nearly 100 men disabled and sick in 
 this single regiment. We cannot 
 therefore estimate the number of 
 sick in all four regiments at less 
 than 200 men. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 335 
 
 1. General Hull, in his official despatch giving an 
 account of the surrender, says : " At this time the 
 whole effective force at my disposal at Detroit, did 
 not exceed 800 men." 
 
 2. Major Jessup's testimony is more particular. 
 In Forbes' Report of Hull's Trial, it is as follows : 
 " He stated also that he had received a report from 
 different adjutants of different corps, estimating the 
 men fit for action, and thinks that the amount (as 
 stated in General Cass's letter) exceeded 1000 men, 
 including the Michigan militia of 400, and the de 
 tachments absent with Colonels Cass and McArthur ; 
 perhaps this estimation includes the Michigan legion. 
 
 * * * There were also some 30 or 40 armed 
 wagoners." Hull's Trial, p. 94. If we subtract 
 from 1060 the 350 men absent under Cass and Mc 
 Arthur, and add the 40 wagoners, the whole number 
 of troops present, according to Major Jessup, would 
 be about 750. 
 
 3. Major Jessup, in his testimony on the trial, 
 page 96, furnishes us with another estimate of the 
 number of General Hull's troops on 16th of August,, 
 which makes it considerably larger than that just 
 given. During his cross-examination by General 
 Hull, he was asked, " Do you recollect the paper now 
 presented, and in the words 'effective aggregate of 
 the three regiments, about 700 '?" 
 
 Answer. " It is in my handwriting, and was hand 
 ed by me to General Hull, on the evening of August 
 15th. The wagoners of the regiments, I believe, 
 were included in the estimate, but the 4th regiment 
 
 25 
 
386 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 was not ; it was only what remained of Cass and 
 Me Arthur's, and the whole of Colonel Findlay's re 
 giment, and so explained at the time." 
 
 Major Jessup evidently included in this estimate 
 all the effective force, except the 4th regiment, even 
 to the wagoners. He makes it about 700 : add the 
 effective of the 4th, (by Colonel Miller's testimony, 
 250 or 260 men,) and we have, as the total effective 
 force under General Hull's command at the time of 
 the surrender, about 950 men. But as he says 
 "about 700 men," he may have exaggerated the 
 numbers. We have then the following estimates of 
 General Hull's troops : 
 
 1. Calculation of the numbers originally under 
 
 his command, by subtracting those killed, 
 detached, sick, &c. 960 
 
 2. General Hull's own statement, 800 
 
 3. Major Jessup's first statement, 750 
 
 4. Major Jessup's second estimate, 950 
 
 5. Colonel Cass's estimate in his letter of Sept. 10, 
 
 makes the number 1060 
 
 But Colonel Cass was absent at the time, and 
 Major Jessup tells us that the estimate in Colonel 
 Cass's letter was derived from himself. Now, accord 
 ing to Forbes' Report of the Trial, Major Jessup's 
 testimony, given under oath, makes the number 300 
 less. Almost all subsequent writers, in giving the 
 number of General Hull's troops, have followed Co 
 lonel Cass, and made it amount to 1060, instead of 
 recurring to the testimony, which would have shown 
 it to be much less. If we take the average of the 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 337 
 
 first four estimates, which is 865, we shall probably 
 have the number of General Hull's effective force, as 
 nearly as it can now be ascertained. 
 
 IV". We have shown, that an army destitute of 
 provisions, and cut off from its supplies, and which 
 cannot re-open its communications, must inevitably 
 fall: that General Hull's army was thus destitute, and 
 thus incapable of opening its communications. We 
 have shown that to succeed in the enterprise intrusted 
 to General Hull, there was necessary the command 
 of Lake Erie ; ample reinforcements from Ohio, to 
 keep open the road through the wilderness, and to 
 support his army in its movements ; and co-operation 
 at Niagara. We have seen that he had no reinforce 
 ments from Ohio, that the Lake was under the con 
 trol of the British, and from the absence of co-ope 
 ration at Niagara, and the armistice of Dearborn, 
 Prevost and Brock were enabled to accumulate troops 
 at Maiden and Sandwich. We have seen that by 
 the fall of Mackinaw, the Indians and British from 
 the Northwest were thrown upon Detroit : finally, 
 we have endeavoured to prove, that at the time of the 
 surrender, General Hull's effective force could not 
 have exceeded 865, while those of Brock must have 
 amounted at least to 1600 or 1700 men ; besides large 
 numbers of Indians near at hand, ready to reinforce 
 him. 
 
 It only remains for us now to prove, that this 
 condition of things was not the fault of General Hull, 
 but was owing to the neglect, ignorance, errors, or 
 inability of the Administration at Washington, and 
 of the Commander-in-chief, General Dearborn. 
 
388 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 1. It was certainly not General Hull's fault, that 
 the British had the command of Lake Erie, for we 
 have shown that in 1809, 1811, and 1812, he ad 
 dressed official communications to the American 
 Government, urging upon them the importance of 
 gaining the control of the Lakes. 
 
 2. It certainly was not the fault of General Hull 
 that his communications through Ohio were inter 
 cepted. It could not possibly be expected that with 
 an army of less than 1200 men, he should stretch 
 back along a line of two hundred miles, through a 
 wilderness filled with savages, while he was at the 
 same time defending himself against a superior force 
 in front. He made three separate attempts to re-open 
 his communications, one of which, though victorious, 
 did not succeed in penetrating twenty miles. 
 
 3. It certainly was not General Hull's fault that he 
 was not reinforced from Ohio, for as early as July 
 5th he wrote to the Secretary of War, that " troops 
 would be absolutely necessary on the road, to protect 
 provisions." On July 29th he wrote to Governor 
 Meigs of Ohio, Governor Scott of Kentucky, and to 
 the Secretary of War, requesting an immediate rein 
 forcement of 2000 men. And before assuming the 
 command of the army, he informed the Secretary of 
 War that three thousand men would be necessary.* 
 
 4. It certainly was not General Hull's fault that 
 there was no co-operation at Niagara. According to 
 the plan of the campaign, as understood and agreed 
 
 * Gen. P. B. Porter's testimony, mode of supplying them, and then 
 Hull's Trial, page 127. " Gen. proposed 3000 men." 
 Hull talked of provisions, and the 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 339 
 
 upon between General Dearborn and the Secretary 
 of War, Canada was to be invaded simultaneously 
 by four armies, one at Detroit, one at Niagara, one at 
 Sacket's Harbour, and one at Lake Champlain, If 
 any thing like this had been attempted, there is no 
 doubt that it might have been easily accomplished, 
 and Canada must have fallen. All the preparations 
 should have been completed before the declaration of 
 war. But in fact General Hull's army was the only 
 one which was ready for action. Yet even then, by 
 a vigorous effort, forces might have been accumulated 
 at Niagara and at Sacket's Harbour, which would have 
 made it impossible for Prevost or Brock to send any 
 reinforcements to Maiden, But nothing could ex 
 cuse the dilatoriness of Government in its prepara 
 tions and movements. It was not till eight days af 
 ter war was declared, that the Secretary wrote to 
 General Dearborn, to tell him that after he had made 
 the necessary arrangements for the defence of the sea 
 board, he was to go to Albany and make preparations 
 to move in the direction of Niagara, Kingston, and 
 Montreal.* In this letter he is told to " take his own 
 time," as though a little delay might be of service, 
 and the danger to be apprehended, was that, of too 
 great despatch. 
 
 On the 9th of July, thirteen days after this, the 
 Secretary of War remembers, that there was some 
 plan for invading Canada, and writes to General 
 Dearborn, telling him, " the period has arrived, when 
 
 * Note .2(1 in Appendix- 
 
390 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 jour services are required in Albany," and orders him 
 after he shall have placed the works on the sea-coast 
 in the best state of defence, to " order all the re 
 cruits not otherwise disposed of, to march immediate 
 ly to Albany."* The principle of the worthy Secre 
 tary evidently was, one thing at a time. First 
 arrange every thing on the sea-coast, and then it will 
 be time enough to think about Canada. As to Gen 
 eral Hull's army, that is a good way off, and we have 
 not heard any thing about it yet, and we can leave 
 that to take care of itself just now. July 20, that is, 
 ten days after this, the Secretary begins to wonder 
 what has become of General Hull's army, and to 
 think, that a little co-operation would be desirable. 
 He therefore writes to General Dearborn, that he is 
 in daily expectation of hearing from General Hull, 
 who probably arrived at Detroit on the 8th instant. 
 "You will make such arrangements with Governor 
 Tompkins, as will place the militia detached by him 
 for Niagara and other posts on the Lakes under your 
 control, and there should be a communication, and if 
 practicable a co-operation throughout the whole fron 
 tier." By this time, it seems, the Secretary has 
 come to think a co-operation in the movements of his 
 armies a desirable thing, though not very practicable. 
 But after reflecting upon it six days longer^ he writes 
 to General Dearborn, on July 26th, telling him that 
 he had heard of General Hull's arrival at Detroit^ 
 and says, " arrangements should be immediately 
 
 * Records of War Office, VoL 6, Folios 15 and 16. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 39] 
 
 made by you to co-operate with him at Niagara," 
 co-operation he evidently now believes to be practi 
 cable, as well as desirable. 
 
 While these reflections were passing through the 
 mind of the Secretary of War, how was General 
 Dearborn occupied ? Pursuing the wise and military 
 maxim of ' one thing at a time,' he was busily en 
 gaged in dividing his recruits among the forts along 
 the sea-coast, putting twenty men in one and fifty in 
 another, as might be necessary. 
 
 After this important business was settled, the 
 Commander-in-chief goes to Albany, to carry on the 
 campaign against Canada. One thing, however, 
 rather puzzles him " Who has the command at Ni 
 agara ?" On the 20th July, some three weeks after 
 General Hull's arrival at Detroit, he writes to the 
 Secretary of W r ar to ask, whether it was he himself 
 or some one else, who was in command of the oper 
 ations in Upper Canada.* One would think it was 
 about time for him to know. Finding by the Secre 
 tary's letter of July 20th and 26th, that it was actually 
 himself who was to command on the frontier, he pro 
 ceeds, not without due deliberation apparently, (for 
 it is eighteen days after the date of the Secretary's 
 first letter, and seven days after the receipt of the 
 second at Albany,) to order troops toward Niagara. 
 Probably this delay of a week in issuing his orders 
 
 * Extract from a letter from Gene- mand of the operations in Upper 
 
 ral Dearborn to the Secretary of Canada ? I take it for granted that 
 
 War, dated Greenbush, July 20th, my command does not extend to. 
 
 1812, " Who is to have the com- that distant quarter." 
 
392 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 after he had received the Secretary's letter of the 
 26th, containing the most unequivocal instructions to 
 make a diversion on the Niagara, was owing to his 
 being aware, that it would be too late to be of any 
 service. For he says in his letter of August 7th to 
 the Secretary, after speaking of the reinforcements 
 which he had ordered to Niagara, " I trust they 
 will move soon, but too late, 1 fear, to make the di 
 version in favour of General Hull, which is so desira 
 ble." However, on the 7th and 8th August General 
 Dearborn did at last begin to order troops to Niagara, 
 to effect a diversion in General Hull's favour. But 
 on the 9th he concluded an armistice, by which he 
 bound himself to act solely on the defensive, thus al 
 lowing General Brock to take all his troops from Ni 
 agara, if he chose, and carry them to Detroit, to act 
 offensively there, while he prevented himself from 
 making any attack at Niagara. The course of Gen 
 eral Dearborn in all this affair, is really most extraor 
 dinary. 
 
 On July 20th he writes to know who has the 
 command at Niagara. On July 31st he receives the 
 Secretary's letter, telling him that he has the com 
 mand, and instructing him to co-operate with General 
 Hull immediately, by offensive movements at Niagara. 
 August 7th and 8th he proceeds to obey these in 
 structions, by ordering troops and artilleries to move 
 without delay to Niagara. And August 9th he 
 signs an armistice, by which he prevents himself from 
 making any offensive demonstrations at Niagara or 
 any where else, but allows General Brock to march 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 393 
 
 all the troops in Upper Canada against General Hull. 
 The terms of the armistice were, that the troops on 
 both sides should confine themselves to defensive ope 
 rations, except at Detroit, but that General Hull was 
 to be left at liberty, either to accede to the armistice 
 or to continue offensive operations. After depriving 
 himself of all power for aiding General Hull by offen 
 sive movements, the next best thing for General 
 Dearborn to have done, would have have been, to 
 have given General Hull an immediate opportunity of 
 deciding whether to come into the armistice or not. 
 A communication might have been sent by express, 
 and have reached General Hull in six or seven days. 
 If this had been done, it would have prevented the 
 surrender of Detroit : for the letter would have ar 
 rived there on or before August 15th, and the orders 
 of Sir George Prevost for a cessation of hostilities, 
 which were imperative, might have been communicat 
 ed to General Brock. But instead of sending this 
 important communication by express, it was actually 
 nine days in going from Albany to Lewistown,* 
 travelling at the rate of about 35 miles a day ! 
 General H. A. S. Dearborn, in his defence of his fa 
 ther, argues, that the armistice concluded by him 
 with Sir George Prevost, could not have been inju 
 rious to General Hull, because General Brock says in 
 a letter, dated August 25th, that he did not hear that 
 a cessation of hostilities had been agreed upon, until 
 his return to Fort Erie from Detroit.! It may be 
 
 * Note 4th in the Appendix. f Defence of General Dearborn 
 
 by his son. 
 
394 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 true that General Brock did not hear that the armis 
 tice had been actually concluded, before his departure 
 for Detroit, but there is every reason to believe, that 
 he knew it was in contemplation. General Brock 
 did not leave York till the 6th of August,* and on 
 the 2d of August, Sir George Prevost wrote to 
 him express from Quebec, informing him of the pro 
 posed arrangement, and also that he had ordered re 
 inforcements to proceed to Upper Canada. f But 
 even though General Brock had not heard of the ar 
 mistice before his return from Detroit and Niagara, 
 this does not justify General Dearborn in agreeing to 
 it, to the exclusion of General Hull. He ought to 
 have known, that its effect would be to enable Gene 
 ral Brock to move with his whole force against De 
 troit. And there is no doubt that General Brock 
 would never have ventured to leave Niagara with so 
 large a body of troops, had he not been satisfied that 
 no movement of hostile aggression would be made by 
 the Americans from that point. For this want of co 
 operation, General Dearborn or the Administration is 
 certainly answerable. We do not wish to speak with 
 undue severity of either. General Dearborn had 
 probably no other motive in all his operations than to 
 fulfil his duty, but the effect of his supineness in ac 
 tion, and his unjustifiable armistice, were as fatal to 
 General Hull as though there had been a determina 
 tion to sacrifice him by inaction, or by connivance 
 with the enemy in entering into the armistice. 
 
 * Life of Major-General Brock, f Note 5th in Appendix, 
 page 224. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 395 
 
 No doubt the Administration carried on the war in 
 as efficient manner as its means and ability permitted. 
 But no reflecting person who studies the history of 
 the war can avoid the conclusion, that our failures and 
 misfortunes in the first campaign, were owing almost 
 exclusively to the want of sufficient preparation be 
 fore war was declared, and the want of co-operation 
 and celerity of action after it had commenced. For 
 neither of these can blame be attached to General 
 Hull. 
 
 Some may blame him for not fighting. 'Tis true, 
 that by pursuing an opposite course, he would have 
 rescued his reputation from the imputation of coward 
 ice, but a man who had fought nine battles during 
 the Revolutionary War, and had twice been promoted 
 for his bravery and gallant conduct, did not feel him 
 self called upon, unnecessarily to expose to the ruthless 
 tomahawk of unrelenting savages, men, women, and 
 children, who had fled to the fort for protection, 
 merely to shield a reputation, which many years be 
 fore had been severely tried, and had established for 
 itself a character for unquestioned courage. 
 
 General Hull cannot justly be blamed for the 
 fall of Detroit, arid the surrender of his army, for both 
 must have occurred, however he might have acted. 
 Want of preparation and co-operation on the part of 
 the Government and General Dearborn, with the ar 
 mistice of the latter, made these events inevitable. 
 
396 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE COURT MARTIAL. How CONSTITUTED, AND ITS CHARACTER. ITS DECISION 
 
 AND SENTENCE. CONCLUSION. 
 
 WE now pass to speak of General Hull's Trial by 
 a Court Martial, and to show what influences were 
 used against him, and by what means the public mind 
 became possessed with the belief that he was either 
 a traitor, or a coward, or both. 
 
 We have mentioned the extravagant expectations 
 which had been entertained by great numbers of the 
 people, at the commencement of the war, of the ease 
 with which the Canadas would be conquered by the 
 armies of the United States. Men of more wisdom 
 and experience, however,who knew the real difficulties 
 of such an enterprise, had formed quite a different 
 opinion. Among these was General Harrison, who, 
 as will be seen from the following extracts from his 
 letters to the Secretary of War, early foresaw^ the 
 probable defeat of General Hull's army, and the fall 
 of Detroit. In a letter of August 6th, 1812,* he says : 
 "The information received a day or two ago from 
 Detroit, is of the most unpleasant nature : the loss of 
 Mackinaw will probably be followed by the capture 
 of Fort Dearborn (or Chicago) ; and the suspension of 
 
 * Dawson's Life of Harrison, p. 275. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 397 
 
 offensive operations by General Hull's army will, I 
 fear, give great strength to the British party among 
 the Indians. * * * It is my opinion, that it will be the 
 object of the British, to draw as many of the Indians 
 as possible towards Maiden, to cut off the supplies 
 from, and ultimately to capture, General Hull's army." 
 In a letter of August 10th, he thus speaks : " If it were 
 certain that General Hull would be able, even with 
 the reinforcement which is now about to be sent to 
 him, to reduce Maiden and retake Mackinaw, there 
 would be no necessity of sending other troops in that 
 direction. But I greatly fear, that the capture of 
 Mackinaw will give such eclat to the British and In 
 dians, that the Northern Tribes will pour down in 
 swarms upon Detroit, oblige General Hull to act on 
 the defensive, and meet and perhaps overpower the 
 convoys and reinforcements which may be sent to 
 him. It appears to me, indeed, highly probable, that 
 the large detachment which is now destined for his 
 relief under Colonel Wells, will have to fight its way. 
 I rely greatly on the valour of those troops, but it is 
 possible that the event may be adverse to us, and if 
 it is, Detroit must fall arid with it every hope of re 
 establishing our affairs in that quarter, until the next 
 year. I am also apprehensive that the provisions 
 which are to be sent with Colonel Wells, are by no 
 means equal to the supply of the army for any length 
 of time, increased as it will be by this detachment. 
 They must then depend upon small convoys, which 
 can never reach their destination in safety, if the 
 British and Indians think proper to prevent it. Com- 
 
398 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 manding as they do the navigation of the Lake, the 
 British can, with the utmost facility, transfer their 
 force from the one side of it to the other ; meet our 
 detachments and overpower them, if they are small, 
 while performing a laborious and circuitous march 
 through a swampy country, at any point they think 
 proper. To prevent these disasters, or to remedy 
 them should they occur, a considerable covering army 
 appears to me to be the only alternative : for should 
 any of my apprehensions be realized, it is out of the 
 question to suppose that troops could be collected 
 time enough to render any essential service."* 
 
 It will be seen how exactly General Harrison 
 points out all the difficulties in the way of General 
 Hull's army, and how clearly he anticipated the 
 probability of its overthrow. These views, however, 
 were shared by very few persons in the United 
 States. Ignorant of the real state of things, it was 
 universally supposed, that General Hull was to cap 
 ture Canada with scarcely any opposition, and the 
 news of the surrender of Detroit came upon the 
 country without any warning. The party opposed 
 to the war very naturally made use of this disaster 
 to show that their views had been correct, and threw 
 the blame upon the Administration and the opposite 
 party, who had plunged the country into war without 
 adequate preparation. 
 
 At first the Administration scarcely attempted to 
 defend itself. f But it soon found a man ready and 
 
 * Note 6th in Appendix. f Note 7th in Appendix. 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 399 
 
 willing to assist it to throw the whole blame of the 
 disaster upon the unsuccessful General. Colonel 
 Cass, having by the terms of the capitulation liberty 
 to return home, went to Washington, and wrote his 
 celebrated letter of September 10th, 1812, which 
 has been the principal source of all subsequent 
 charges against General Hull, and was even received 
 as evidence on his trial. The object of this letter 
 was, to convince the public that the whole blame of 
 the surrender was chargeable to the Commander 
 
 o 
 
 that he wanted neither men nor supplies of any kind, 
 and that the British might have been defeated with 
 perfect ease, but for the cowardice of the General. 
 His letter was not without its effect on the public 
 also, who did not know that Colonel Cass had writ 
 ten to Governor Meigs and to his brother-in-law, only 
 a few days before the surrender, that the army was 
 in want of every thing, and must perish unless soon 
 assisted. 
 
 As soon as General Hull was exchanged and 
 returned to the United States, he was placed under 
 arrest, and the Administration exhibited charges for 
 capital offences against him. A Court Martial, of 
 which General Wade Hampton was President, was 
 summoned to assemble at Philadelphia, when Gen 
 eral Hull appeared, and was ready for his trial. But 
 this Court Martial was dissolved by the President, 
 without giving any reason for its dissolution. After 
 General Hull had been another year under arrest, a 
 new Court Martial was summoned, of which General 
 Dearborn was appointed President. 
 
400 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 It was at Albany, January 3d, 1814. A majority 
 of the officers were young men, Lieutenant Colonels, 
 lately promoted to that rank, some of whom had been 
 the aids of General Dearborn, and had been intro 
 duced into the army by his patronage. General Hull 
 made no objection to the manner in which the Court 
 was constituted, for he was anxious for his trial. 
 Special and very able counsel were employed by the 
 Government to assist the Judge Advocate, but Gen 
 eral Hull's counsel was not allowed to address the 
 Court in his defence. Although this exclusion of the 
 prisoner's counsel has been an established custom of 
 foreign Courts Martial, there appears no good reason 
 why it should have been followed in this country ; 
 especially as it conflicts with the provision of the 
 Constitution, which declares that in all criminal 
 prosecutions the accused shall have the assistance of 
 counsel for his defence. 
 
 Charges of treason, cowardice, and neglect of 
 duty, were exhibited against General Hull, under the 
 following specifications. 
 
 The specifications under the charge of treason were : 
 
 First. " Hiring the vessel to transport his sick 
 men and baggage from the Miami to Detroit." 
 
 Second. "Not attacking the enemy's fort at 
 Maiden, and retreating to Detroit." 
 
 Third. " Not strengthening the fort of Detroit, 
 and surrendering." 
 
 The specifications under the charge of cowardice 
 were : 
 
 First.-" Not attacking Maiden, and retreating to 
 Detroit." 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 4Q1 
 
 Second. " Appearances of alarm during the can 
 nonade." 
 
 Third. " Appearances of alarm on the day of the 
 surrender." 
 
 Fourth. " Surrendering Detroit." 
 
 o 
 
 The specifications under the charge of neglect of 
 duty, were much the same as the others. 
 
 As regards the charge of treason, the decision of 
 the Court was, that it had no jurisdiction of the of 
 fence, " but the evidence on the subject having been 
 publicly given, the Court deem it proper, injustice to 
 the accused, to say, that they do not believe, from any 
 thing that has appeared before them, that General 
 William Hull has committed treason against the Uni 
 ted States." 
 
 The Court found the accused guilty of the second 
 and third charges, and sentenced him to be shot to 
 death ; but on account of his revolutionary services 
 and advanced age, earnestly recommended him to the 
 mercy of the President. 
 
 The President approved of the sentence of the 
 Court, but remitted the execution of it. 
 
 It is impossible to read the report of the trial, and 
 not feel that Hull was sacrificed to the necessity of; 
 preserving the Administration from disgrace and ruin. 
 Some victim was necessary, and the unsuccessful 
 General was the one upon whom the public indigna 
 tion could most easily be directed. He therefore be 
 came the scape-goat for the President and his party. 
 
 The argument which influenced many, conscious 
 ly or unconsciously, was like that of Caiphas : " It 
 
 26 
 
402 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 is expedient that one man perish, rather than the 
 whole party be destroyed." 
 
 A political expediency made the destruction of 
 General Hull inevitable. 
 
 The constitution of the Court was singular. The 
 President, the .Commander-in-chief, General Dear 
 born, was taken from his duties at an important pe 
 riod of the war, and he was the man, who, of all 
 others, had perhaps the greatest interest in the con 
 viction of General Hull. If the fall of Detroit was 
 not owing to the incapacity of General Hull, it was 
 owing, in part, to the errors of General Dearborn, in 
 not co-operating at Niagara, and in concluding the 
 armistice with Prevost, to the exclusion of General 
 Hull and his army. The acquittal of General Hull 
 would be the condemnation of General Dearborn. A 
 man with so deep a personal interest would not be 
 permitted to sit as juror in a matter of dollars and 
 cents ; but General Dearborn was brought from his 
 duties at the head of the army, in time of war, to 
 be made President of the Court which was to decide 
 on the life or death of General Hull. 
 
 The principal witnesses on the trial gave their 
 testimony, like men arguing a cause. They evident 
 ly evinced an anxiety throughout, to show that Gen 
 eral Hull was to blame in all that occurred. They 
 remembered every thing that made against him no 
 thing that could tell in his favour. This strong de 
 termination to do their commander all the mischief 
 in their power, whether arising from prejudice or a 
 worse motive, deprives their testimony of the weight 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 4Q3 
 
 it might otherwise possess. Thus in General Cass's 
 testimony, we find a very remarkable power of re 
 collection in regard to some matters, and an equally 
 remarkable forgetfulness as to other things. If any 
 question is asked, the answer of which might bene 
 fit General Hull, he finds it impossible to remember 
 any thing about it. He remembers that the defences 
 at Maiden were poor, and " was of opinion that the 
 works were not defensible," but he " does not recol 
 lect about the guns or gun-carriages at Detroit," and 
 is not very sure that the enclosures and platforms 
 were defective, though he rather thinks they were. 
 Though his memory thus fails him in regard to the 
 defective guns and enclosures, he distinctly recol 
 lects the good picketing at Detroit i( it was in re 
 markably good order, and as good as he ever saw." 
 He cannot recollect, within four days, the time of 
 crossing from Detroit to Canada it was " on the 
 12th or 16th (he could not be precise about the 
 time)" he cannot even remember whether Colonel 
 Miller's detachment went to Brownstown, before or 
 after the evacuation of Canada. Yet his testimony 
 is positive to his conversation with General Hull, in 
 which he recommended more active measures, and in 
 his letter of Sept. 10th he recollects facts which oc 
 curred in Detroit during his absence from that place, 
 such as that of 500 of the Ohio militia shedding tears be 
 cause they were not allowed to fight. The testimony 
 of Snelling, McArthur, Vanhorne, and some other of 
 ficers, is still more strongly marked by this evident 
 predetermination to say as many things as they can 
 
404 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 to injure General Hull, and as few as possible in his 
 favour. Very possibly they might not have been 
 conscious of this bias, but it is none the less apparent 
 on the face of their testimony. 
 
 One peculiarity in this trial was, that the opin 
 ions of the witnesses in regard to military measures, 
 were constantly received as evidence. This is justly 
 regarded as very improper by all writers on Courts 
 Martial. It is the business of the witnesses to tes 
 tify to actions and conduct ; that of the Court, to 
 form an opinion as to their force and application. 
 
 O'Brien, in his late work on American Military 
 Courts, says: "When it is a question of military 
 science, to affect the officer on trial, questions of 
 opinion are inadmissible. For it is obvious, that the 
 Court has met for nothing else, than to try that ques 
 tion, and they have before them the facts in evidence, 
 on which to ground their conclusions. Courts Mar 
 tial should be very cautious in receiving evidence as 
 to opinion, in all instances ; and the opportunities and 
 means of the witness for forming an opinion, should 
 be made to appear." 
 
 The witnesses all gave in evidence their opinions 
 that General Hull ought to have retained the bridge 
 Aux Canards ; ought not to have evacuated Canada ; 
 ought to have sent a larger number of troops with 
 Vanhorne ; ought to have exercised his troops more ; 
 &c., &c. Subtract that part of their testimony 
 which is made up of their opinions, and the bulk is 
 much reduced. 
 
 General Hull was acquitted of the charge of trea- 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 495 
 
 son, because the principal fact on which this charge 
 was based, would have proved the Secretary of War 
 guilty of treason, rather than the General. This fact 
 was, his sending a vessel by the lake, after war was 
 declared, containing his invalids and hospital stores. 
 But when he sent the vessel, he had received no 
 notice of the declaration of war, though notice might 
 easily have reached him, if proper measures had been 
 taken to expedite so important a document. Mean 
 time the British at Maiden had received notice of the 
 declaration of war, in a \etterfranked by the Secretary 
 of the Treasury; in consequence of which they at 
 tacked and took General Hull's vessel. 
 
 General Hull was found guilty on the charge of 
 cowardice. The principal evidence under this charge, 
 was that of the militia officers, derived from his per 
 sonal appearance on the 15th and 16th August. They 
 testified that he looked frightened, that he chewed 
 tobacco, and that he sat against a wall, as they sup 
 posed to protect himself against the cannon shot. 
 Other officers, with quite as much experience as these 
 militia gentlemen, saw no evidence of fear in the con 
 duct of General Hull. Thus Major Vanhorne, Cap 
 tain Baker, Major Jessup, Captain Fuller, Captain 
 McCormick, and especially Captain Snelling, testified 
 that they thought General Hull under the influence 
 of fear ; that he seemed agitated ; that his voice 
 trembled, &c., fee. But other officers saw nothing 
 of the kind or rather, seeing the same appearances, 
 they interpreted them more justly and generously. 
 They knew that General Hull had endured much fa- 
 ligue and exposure ; that he had hardly slept for sev- 
 
406 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 eral nights ; that he had much responsibility on his 
 mind ; and they attributed to those causes any ap 
 pearance of depression, or any physical infirmity 
 which they noticed. Brave men do not suspect 
 others of being cowards, on such slight grounds* 
 Colonel Miller could not be brought to say that he 
 thought his General under the influence of personal 
 fear.* Lieutenant Bacon did not suspect that any 
 such alarm existed in the mind of his commander.f 
 Captain Maxwell, who had been in twenty-three 
 battles, in three wars, saw nothing like fear in the 
 General's manner.} Major Munson gave a similar 
 testimony.^ So did Captain Dyson and Colonel 
 Watson. || 
 
 The charge of cowardice rests, then, upon certain 
 personal appearances, which a part of the witnesses 
 supposed to arise from fear of bodily harm, and which 
 another part ascribed to fatigue of body and anxiety 
 of mind. 
 
 Which of these interpretations is most probable ? 
 Is it probable that, amid an army of heroes, General 
 Hull was the only man who was a coward ; that 
 while the militia, who had never been in battle, were 
 shedding tears because they could not fight, he who 
 had fought bravely in nine pitched battles was trem 
 bling with terror ? Is it probable that while those 
 who were exposed in the open field were calm, he 
 whose duty required no such exposure was agitated 
 with personal fear ; and that he who had shown m 
 
 * See Note 8, in Appendix. See Note 11, in Appendix, 
 
 f See Note 9, in Appendix. U See Note 12, in Appendix^ 
 
 | See Note 10 a m Appendix., 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 4Q7 
 
 the midst of danger a daring courage, should be in 
 an agony of terror when no danger was near? The 
 supposition is entirely absurd, and we may safely 
 predict, that the judgment of history will so deter 
 mine. If, then, it be said that the Court Martial 
 found General Hull guilty, and that therefore he was 
 so, we reply The Court, by its constitution and 
 situation, was under a bias, that made it almost im 
 possible for it to do justice to the prisoner. The 
 public mind had been excited against him, from one 
 end of the land to the other, by the whole force of 
 the Administration presses and of the war party. 
 Scurrilous pamphlets, filled with the grossest abuse 
 of his conduct, were hawked about for sale, at the 
 very doors of the house where he was being tried. 
 The President of the Court had a personal interest 
 in his condemnation. All those who testified against 
 him had been rewarded beforehand with promotion 
 in the service several of them without having been 
 in any other campaign, except that with General 
 Hull ; and it was therefore very evident, that the 
 way to favour and rank was to be found in taking the 
 same side.* 
 
 The prosecuting officer was assisted by special 
 counsel, while General HulFs counsel was not al 
 lowed to speak. The opinions of witnesses against 
 him were freely admitted, as evidence concerning mi 
 litary operations ; and hearsay testimony was also 
 received, under circumstances not dissimilar. 
 
 In reviewing the history of this campaign, it seems. 
 
 * Note 13, in Appendix. 
 
408 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812, 
 
 to us that the following points may be regarded as 
 fully established : 
 
 First. That so long as Lake Erie was com 
 manded by the British, and the woods by hostile In 
 dians, and by the fall of Mackinaw the Northern 
 Indians were let loose against General Hull, and no 
 co-operation or diversion in his favour was attempt 
 ed at Niagara it was impossible for Detroit to be 
 preserved from falling into the hands of the British. 
 
 Second. This state of things was not the fault 
 of General Hull, but that of the Administration, in 
 not making adequate preparations in anticipation of 
 war of General Dearborn, in not affording the ex 
 pected co-operation and of the condition of the 
 country, and the inherent difficulties incident to the 
 genius and policy of our government. 
 
 Third. The charge of treason was dismissed, as 
 wholly groundless, by the Court Martial ; and the 
 charge of cowardice, when examined, becomes in 
 credible and absurd. 
 
 The only questions, therefore, which can now be 
 raised by reasonable men, are these : Did not Gen 
 eral Hull err in judgment in some of his measures ? 
 Might it not have been better to have attacked Mai 
 den ? and was the surrender of his post at Detroit, 
 without a struggle for its defence, reconcilable with 
 his situation at that time ? 
 
 The reason assigned for not attacking Maiden, 
 we have seen, was the deficiency of suitable cannon 
 for that purpose, and a want of confidence in the 
 militia, as acknowledged by the officers in command, 
 to storm the works at Maiden, which were defended 
 
AND SURRENDER OF THE POST OF DETROIT. 4Q9 
 
 by cannon batteries, while reliance on the part of the 
 Americans, was on militia bayonets almost entirely. 
 In considering the conduct of General Hull in 
 
 o 
 
 surrendering Detroit, we ought always to bear in 
 mind that he was Governor of the Territory as well 
 as General of the army that he accepted the com 
 mand of the army, for the express purpose of de 
 fending the Territory, and that though in compliance 
 with the orders of the Government, he had invaded 
 Canada, a principal object was still the defence of 
 the people of Michigan. If therefore his situation 
 was such, that even a successful temporary resistance 
 could not finally prevent the fall of Detroit ; had he 
 any right to expose the people of Michigan to that 
 universal massacre which would unquestionably have 
 been the result of a battle at Detroit? 
 
 It must also be remembered, that at the time of 
 the surrender the fort was crowded with women and 
 children who had fled thither for protection from the 
 town, which tended still more to embarrass the situa 
 tion and move the sympathies of their Governor. 
 
 If therefore some persons, with whom military 
 glory stands higher than humanity and plain duty, 
 may still blame General Hull for not fighting a use 
 less battle, and for not causing blood to be shed where 
 nothing was to be gained by its effusion, we are 
 confident that all high-minded and judicious persons 
 will conclude, that to sign the surrender of Detroit 
 was an act of greater courage and truer manliness on 
 the part of General Hull, than it would have been to* 
 have sent out his troops to battle. 
 
410 HISTORY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1812. 
 
 Such has already been the verdict given by 
 thousands throughout the land. In the Appendix 
 will be found letters from some of these, men 
 of the highest distinction ; accompanied by other let 
 ters from the associates of General Hull during the 
 Revolution. Their testimony is valuable as showing 
 the opinion entertained of him by his companions, 
 and it shows what will be the judgment of posterity, 
 when temporary interests, passions, and prejudices 
 shall have passed away. 
 
 To that ultimate tribunal the friends of General 
 Hull confidently appeal. They call upon future histo 
 rians of the war of 1812, to rise above the influence of 
 prejudice and to render justice to the memory of their 
 fellow-citizen. If his feelings can no longer be com 
 forted by this tardy recompense for the unmerited 
 abuse and calumnies from which he suffered ; the 
 truth of history may at least be vindicated. He sleeps 
 in his tranquil grave, and can never hear that his 
 countrymen have at last understood him. But our 
 country itself will be honoured, if it can be shown, 
 that though, like other republics, it is sometimes un 
 grateful to its servants, yet that it will at last do jus 
 tice to their memory ; and that though clouds of mis 
 representation may long overshadow the name of an 
 upright man, that the sun of truth has at last illumi 
 nated it. 
 
 "Respexit tamen, et longo post tempore venit." 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE 1. 
 
 Extract from a Notice of General Hull's Memoirs of the 
 Campaign 0/1812, from the North American Review. 
 
 " ' Memoirs of the Campaign of the Northwestern Army of 
 the United States, A. D. 1812, in a series of Letters 
 addressed to the citizens of the United States, with an 
 Appendix, containing a brief sketch of the Revolution 
 ary services of the author. By WILLIAM HULL, late 
 Governor of the Territory of Michigan ; and Brigadier- 
 General in the service of the United States. 8vo. pp. 
 240. Boston : True & Green : 1824.' 
 
 " Most of our readers remember the principal 
 events of the disastrous campaign to which this work 
 relates, and the decision of the court martial by which 
 General Hull was tried. This officer has always 
 considered his case as standing in a very unfair and 
 partial light before the public, and has at last brought 
 forward what he deems a correct detail of all the 
 transactions pertaining to his connexion with the 
 army. 
 
 " We have no disposition to take any part in the 
 controversy between General Hull and his opponents, 
 
412 APPENDIX. 
 
 nor to revive a subject which, for the credit of the 
 country, had better be forgotten than remembered ; 
 yet, if we were to judge simply by the public docu 
 ments collected and published in these Memoirs, we 
 must draw the conclusion, unequivocally, that he was 
 required by the General Government to do, what it 
 was morally and physically impossible that he should 
 do that he was surrounded by difficulties which no 
 human agency could conquer ; and in short, whatever 
 may have been his mistakes of judgment in any par 
 ticular movement, he deserved not the unqualified 
 censure inflicted on him by the court martial. 
 
 " The trial was evidently conducted without a full 
 knowledge of all the testimony in his favour ; import 
 ant documents in the public offices he could not then 
 obtain ; they are now published, and throw new light 
 on the subject. 
 
 " The precipitancy with which war was declared, 
 the total want of preparation, and the deficiency of 
 means, afford an apology, no doubt, to the General 
 Government, for not providing an immediate and ad 
 equate defence for the northwestern frontier ; but it 
 is an extremely hard case, that an officer should suffer 
 in consequence of the neglect of higher powers. 
 
 " General Hull has no right to complain, that his 
 orders were not sufficiently clear and explicit ; but he 
 has a right to complain, that he was ordered to defend 
 a long line of frontier, and invade an enemy's pos 
 sessions, without being provided with means to effect 
 such an enterprise ; and above all, has he a right to 
 complain, that he was formally condemned by a grave 
 
APPENDIX. 413 
 
 military tribunal for the issue of unfortunate events, 
 as mortifying to him in themselves, as they could pos 
 sibly be to any other person less interested, and over 
 which he had no control. We aim not to defend 
 General Hull ; his defence must rest on his book ; 
 let it be conceded that he was guilty of mistakes 
 the question still recurs, and it is one of vital conse 
 quence to the party accused, whether these mistakes 
 may not, in the main, be very easily traced to his cir 
 cumstances to his confident expectation of aid from 
 government, which he never received, and of co-ope 
 ration with other branches of the armv, which never 
 took place, and without both of which there was no 
 possibility of his effecting what was required of him. 
 The public documents and letters published by him, 
 answer this question decidedly in the affirmative, and 
 ought to produce an impression, on the public mind 
 at least, far different from that left by the decision of 
 the court martial. 
 
 " In addition to their personal bearing, these Me 
 moirs contain many facts of historical value, relating 
 to the last war. The appendix speaks of the author's 
 services in the Revolution." 
 
 North American Review, January, 1825. Vol. XX. 
 
 NOTE 2. 
 
 Memorials by General Hull, recommending a fleet on Lake 
 
 Erie. 
 
 The following extracts from memorials by General 
 Hull, concerning a fleet on Lake Erie, show how 
 early he drew the attention of the Government to 
 
414 APPENDIX. 
 
 this important subject, and with what arguments he 
 urged it upon their attention : 
 
 Memorial of April 3d, 1809. " I would suggest 
 for consideration the expediency of building some 
 armed vessels on Lake Erie, for the purpose of pre 
 serving the communication ; consider you have three 
 military posts to the north and west of these waters, 
 and no other communication with them." 
 
 Hull's Memoirs, p. 19. Memorial of June 15, 
 1811 : u From the present state of our foreign rela 
 tions, particularly with England, I am induced to be 
 lieve there is little prospect of a continuance of peace. 
 In the event of a war with England, this part of the 
 United States (meaning the Michigan Territory) 
 will be peculiarly situated. The British land forces 
 at Amherstburg and St. Josephs, are about equal to 
 those of the United States at this place and Michili- 
 mackinac. The population of Upper Canada is more 
 than twenty to one, compared to this territory. That 
 province contains about one hundred thousand inhab 
 itants, while our population does not amount to five 
 thousand. A wilderness of near two hundred miles 
 separates this settlement from any of the States. 
 Besides, the Indiana Territory and States of Ohio 
 and Kentucky are thinly inhabited, have extensive 
 frontiers, and their own force will be necessary for 
 their own defence. With respect to the Indians, 
 their situation and habits are such that little depend 
 ence can be placed on them. At present they appear 
 friendly, and was I to calculate on the profession of 
 their chiefs, I should be satisfied that they would not 
 
APPENDIX. 415 
 
 become hostile. Their first passion, however, is war. 
 The policy of the British Government is to consider 
 them their allies, and in the event of war, to invite 
 them to join their standard. The policy of the 
 American Government has been to advise them, in 
 the event of war, to remain quiet at their villages, 
 and take no part in quarrels in which they have no 
 interest. Many of their old sachems and chiefs 
 would advise to this line of conduct. Their authority, 
 however, over the warriors would not restrain them. 
 They would not listen to their advice. An Indian is 
 hardly considered as a man, until he has been engaged 
 in war, and can show trophies. This first and most 
 ardent of all their passions will be excited by pre 
 sents, most gratifying to their pride and vanity. 
 Unless strong measures are taken to prevent it, we 
 may consider, beyond all doubt, they will be influ 
 enced to follow the advice of their British Father. 
 This then appears to be the plain state of the case : 
 the British have a regular force equal to ours. The 
 province of Upper Canada has on its rolls a militia 
 of twenty to one against us. In addition to this 
 there can be but little doubt, but a large proportion 
 of the savages will join them : what then will be the 
 situation of this part of the country ? Separated from 
 the States by an extensive wilderness, which will be 
 filled with savages, to prevent any succour, our water 
 communications entirely obstructed by the British 
 armed vessels on Lake Erie, we shall have no other 
 resource for defence but the small garrisons, and 
 feeble population of the territory. Under these cir- 
 
416 APPENDIX. 
 
 cumstances it is easy to foresee what will be the fate 
 of this country. 
 
 " It is a principle in nature, that the lesser force 
 must give way to the greater. Since my acquaint 
 ance with the situation of this country, I have been 
 of the opinion that the government did not sufficient 
 ly estimate its value and importance. After the Rev 
 olution, and after it was ceded to us by treaty, the 
 blood and treasure of our country were expended in 
 a savage war to obtain it. The post at this place is 
 the key of the Northern country. By holding it, the 
 Indians are kept in check, and peace has been pre 
 served with them to the present time. If we were 
 once deprived of it, the Northern Indians would have 
 nowhere to look, but to the British government in 
 Upper Canada. They would then be entirely influ 
 enced by their councils. It would be easy for them, 
 aided by the councils of the British agents, to com 
 mit depredations on the scattered frontier settlements 
 of Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, &c. They would be 
 collected from the most distant parts of their villages, 
 where the English factors have an intercourse with 
 them, and would become numerous. Under these 
 circumstances, if there is a prospect of war with 
 England, what measures are most expedient ? In my 
 mind there can be no doubt. Prepare a naval force 
 on Lake Erie, superior to the British, and sufficient to 
 preserve your communication" 
 
 HuWs Memoirs, pp. 19-20. 
 
 Memorial of March 6, 1812 : " If we cannot com 
 mand the ocean, we can command the inland lakes 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 of our country. I have always been of opinion, that 
 we ought to have built as many armed vessels on the 
 Lakes as would have commanded them : we have more 
 interest in them than the British nation, and can 
 build vessels with more convenience." 
 
 Huffs Memoirs, p. 21. 
 
 NOTE 3. 
 
 The following letter is from the Secretary of War 
 to General Dearborn : 
 
 "WAR DEPARTMENT, 26th June, 1812. 
 
 " SIR : Having made the necessary arrange 
 ments for the defence of the seaboard, it is the wish 
 of the President that you should repair to Albany, and 
 prepare the force to be collected at that place for ac 
 tual service. It is understood, that being possessed of 
 a full view of the intentions of the Government, and 
 being also acquainted with the disposition of the force 
 under your command, you will take your own time, 
 and give the necessary orders to the officers on the 
 sea-coast. 
 
 "It is altogether uncertain at what time General 
 Hull may deem it expedient to commence offensive 
 operations. The preparations it is presumed will be 
 made, to move in a direction to Niagara, Kingston, 
 and Montreal. On your arrival at Albany, you will 
 be able to form an opinion of the time required to pre 
 pare the troops for action. 
 
 " To Major-General DEARBORN." 
 
 Huffs Memoirs, p. 173. Records of War Office, Vol. V., folio 458 
 
 27 
 
41 8 APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE 4. 
 
 "LEWISTOWN, August 19th, 1812. 
 
 " In the night of the 17th I received your letter 
 of 8th inst. The inclosures have been delivered to 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Myers, commanding at Fort 
 George, who has since acknowledged the receipt of 
 the letters, and pledged himself strictly to observe 
 the terms of the armistice, 
 
 " I am, &c. 
 
 S. VAN RENSSELAER." 
 
 NOTE 5. 
 
 Letter from Sir George Prevost to General Brock. 
 
 "AUGUST, 2, 1812. 
 
 " Last evening an officer of the 98th Regiment 
 arrived here, express from Halifax, the bearer of 
 despatches to me dated on 22d ult., from Mr. Foster, 
 who was then in Nova Scotia. I lose no time in 
 making you acquainted with the substance of this 
 gentleman's communication. He informs me that 
 he had just received despatches from England, re 
 ferring to a declaration of Ministers in Parliament, 
 relative to a proposed repeal of the ' Orders in Coun 
 cil' provided that the United States Government 
 would return to relations of amity with us, the con 
 tents of which may possibly induce the American 
 Government to agree to a suspension of hostilities, 
 as a preliminary to negotiations for peace. 
 As I propose sending Colonel Baynes immediately 
 into the United States, with a proposal for a cessation 
 
APPENDIX. 419 
 
 of hostile operations, I enclose for your information, 
 the copy of my letter to General Dearborn, or the 
 Commander-in-chief of the American forces. * * * 
 A report has been made to me that a frigate and six 
 transports, with the Royal Scots (1st Battalion) on 
 board, from the West Indies, are just below Bic ; in 
 consequence of this reinforcement I have ordered 
 the company of the 49th Regiment sent to Kingston, 
 to remain there ; and in addition to the Royal New 
 foundland Regiment, and a detachment of an officer 
 and fifty veterans, most fit for service, now on their 
 route to that station, I shall order Major Ormsby, 
 with three companies of the 49th Regiment to pro 
 ceed from Montreal to the same post, to be disposed 
 of as you may find it necessary." 
 
 Life of Brock, p. 214, 
 
 NOTE 6, 
 
 Mr. Charles J. Ingersoll, with much naivete, nar 
 rates his own expectations, and how they were cooled 
 by the opinions of a man of military experience. In 
 his History of the War of 1812, pp. 85-87, he thus 
 speaks : 
 
 " My first doubt or uneasiness was the suggestion 
 of an old soldier, whose residence I sometimes visited 
 in the summer season. This gentleman raised a full 
 company of a hundred hardy mountaineers, on the 
 first outbreak of the war of the Revolution, and 
 marched them, before even the Declaration of Inde 
 pendence, through the trackless wilds of a northern 
 
420 APPENDIX. 
 
 winter, to join Montgomery, whose army he did not 
 reach till the day after his defeat and death before 
 Quebec. From that time throughout the war he was 
 every where, as the hardest service called, from Long 
 Island to Georgia, conspicuous in every battle, at 
 Long Island, Morimouth and Yorktown, closing seven 
 years of constant and arduous, yet, to him, always 
 cheerful and pleasant campaigning, at the last action 
 of the war, the siege of Savannah ; from Quebec to 
 Savannah, never off duty, foremost in all encounters, 
 a soldier in every qualification. 
 
 " It was from this veteran soldier, meeting him 
 at the chief town of his county, that I heard with 
 incredulous annoyance, the first doubts of Hull's 
 success. I had no doubt that he was in full and tri 
 umphant march from Maiden to Queenstown. Gen 
 eral Craig expressed his apprehensions of the reverse, 
 He knew the difficulties, the chances, the obstacles in 
 the way ; had attentively read all the newspaper ac 
 counts of the expedition, could estimate probabilities 
 of Indian enmity ; had experienced the force of Eng 
 lish armies : shook his head at my confidence, and 
 advised me not to be too sanguine. Not from any 
 disparagement of Hull, but from the inherent mishaps 
 of military proceedings; the fortune of war : this 
 Nestor of another war, questioned the success of our 
 outset, and disturbed my dreams of triumph." 
 
APPENDIX, 421 
 
 NOTE 7. 
 
 The following letter from the Records of the War 
 Office (Vol. VI. page 253) shows that the Secretary 
 of War expected at that time to bear the blame of 
 the misfortunes of the campaign, which he seemed 
 to think might perhaps have otherwise rested on the 
 Commander-in-chief. 
 
 "WAR DEPARTMENT, Dec. 18, 1812. 
 
 " SIR, Your letter of the llth is received. 
 Fortunately for you, the want of success which has 
 attended the campaign, will be attributed to the Sec 
 retary of War. So long as you enjoy the confidence 
 of the Government, the clamour of the discontented 
 should not be regarded. You are requested to make 
 an exchange of General Hull as soon as possible." 
 
 (Signed) WILLIAM EUSTIS." 
 
 " To Major-General DEARBORN." 
 
 NOTE 8. 
 
 " Witness cannot say whether the agitation pro 
 ceeded from personal alarm or from a consideration 
 of the heavy responsibility in which he was involved ; 
 and he does not know whether at the time he formed 
 any decided opinion on the subject." Miller's Tes 
 timony, Trial, p. 110. 
 
 NOTE 9 
 
 " General Hull appeared engaged as usual, and 
 agitated more than usual, on the morning of the 16th 5 
 
422 APPENDIX. 
 
 but witness does not know the cause ; he had no 
 suspicion that it proceeded from personal fear ; nei 
 ther did he hear any of the officers at the time ex 
 press the opinion that it did," Bacon's testimony^ 
 p. 124, Hull's TriaL 
 
 NOTE 10. 
 
 " I saw General Hull riding on horseback, and 
 cast my eye upon his countenance ; his voice appeared 
 cool and collected ; 1 saw him ride off; I saw nothing 
 like agitation ; my reason for looking particularly at 
 the General's countenance was, because there was* 
 a clamour that he was intimidated." Captain Max 
 well's testimony, Hull's Trial, p. 128. 
 
 NOTE 11. 
 
 " The General's situation was a critical one. He 
 had a great deal of responsibility, and great care on 
 his mind, if he had any feelings. I saw nothing in 
 his conduct but what might be accounted for without 
 recurring to personal fear." Major Munson's testi 
 mony, Hull's Trial, p. 131. 
 
 NOTE 12. 
 
 Question by General Hull to witness " How did 
 1 appear on that morning (of the surrender) ? 
 
 Answer. " You appeared perfectly tranquil and 
 collected." Testimony of Colonel Watson, Hull's, 
 Trial, page 149, 
 
APPENDIX. 423 
 
 NOTE 13. 
 
 The following account of the Court Martial is by 
 General Hull. "Young General Dearborn has pub 
 lished the names of the officers who composed the 
 Court Martial, with his father at the head, as Presi 
 dent. It required two-thirds only of the members to 
 pronounce the sentence. It is very certain that it 
 was not unanimous, as it is said, ' two-thirds of the 
 members agreed to it.' Had it been unanimous, it 
 would have been so stated. It must be evident that 
 a part of the Court were opposed to it. I should be 
 happy, indeed, were it in my power to designate the 
 characters who were only influenced by disinterested 
 and honourable motives. 
 
 " I have stated the reasons why I did not object 
 to the President or any of the members of this 
 Court Martial. I had been much more than a year 
 a prisoner in arrest ; was conscious of having faith 
 fully done my duty, and in my official communication 
 to the Government requested an investigation of my 
 conduct. It had been delayed in an unprecedented 
 manner, during this long time, and I believed, had I 
 made objections to the President, or any members of 
 the Court, it would have caused further delay. Be 
 sides, most of the members of the Court were stran 
 gers to me ; men whom I never before had seen, and 
 whose names I had never heard, excepting General 
 Dearborn, General Bloomfield, Colonel Fenwick, 
 Colonel House, and Lieutenant-Colonel Conner. 
 By examining the list, published by young General 
 
424 APPENDIX. 
 
 Dearborn, you will perceive the other members be 
 longed to new raised regiments, which did not exist 
 during the campaign of 1812. They were appointed 
 to regiments numbered from thirty-two to forty-two. 
 They had no military rank at that time. 
 
 "It is well known that officers were selected to 
 form these additional regiments, from the most violent 
 partisans of the Administration, and this alone was a 
 sufficient qualification. Officers of this description 
 constituted a majority of the Court. They were 
 pledged to any measures which the Administration^ 
 my persecutors, wished. With respect to General 
 Dearborn, the President, the deep interest which he 
 had in the issue of the trial, has been presented to 
 you. General Bloomfield was a meritorious officer 
 of the Revolution, and served with credit to himself. 
 He was an amiable and much respected citizen at the 
 termination of the Revolutionary war, and 1 believe 
 retained the esteem of society to the close of his life. 
 Colonel Fenwick and Colonel House, I have ever 
 believed, were governed by the purest and most 
 honourable motives, and were under no other influ 
 ence than a sense of duty. Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Conner received his commission about the time that 
 General Dearborn was appointed the first Major- 
 General. He was in his family, and one of his Aids. 
 But a short time before the Court Martial was or 
 dered, he was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant- 
 Colonel, by the same patronage, and selected as a 
 member of the Court for my trial. To the President 
 of the Court Martial he owed both his first appoint 
 ment and his sudden promotion*' 3 
 
APPENDIX. 425 
 
 NOTE 14. 
 
 Major Bannister's letter to General Wade Hamp 
 ton (the latter having been appointed, in the first in 
 stance, the President of the Court Martial on the trial 
 of General Hull, to convene in 1813 ; but the Court 
 did not meet, it having been superseded by another 
 Court, with General Dearborn as President, which 
 met in February, 1814, at Albany Hull's Trial, Ap 
 pendix, page 1) is as follows: 
 
 " BROOKFIELD, February 17th, 1813. 
 
 "MR. PRESIDENT: Having learned that my 
 war-worn companion in arms, General William Hull, 
 is called upon to answer to some of the highest 
 charges which can be preferred against a military 
 character, and that you, sir, are the President of the 
 Court before whom he is to be tried,! take the liberty 
 of addressing to you a few observations on the sub 
 ject, which are dictated by the interest I feel for my 
 country, as also the reputation and character of my 
 friend, who stands highly criminated before you. My 
 first acquaintance with General Hull was in times the 
 most unfortunate ' the times that tried men's souls.' 
 The services which he rendered to his country during 
 the Revolutionary war, ought not to be forgotten. 
 He was then young, active, brave and faithful ; high 
 in the estimation of his superior officers, and respect 
 ed even by his enemies, for his fidelity to his country. 
 1 will not unnecessarily take up your time, in de 
 tailing the innumerable hardships, fatigues, privations 
 and sufferings to which we were subjected, during 
 
426 APPENDIX. 
 
 the worst of times. It is sufficient for my purpose 
 on this occasion, to notice particularly the capture of 
 Burgoyne, and the well known battle of Monmouth. 
 In these two memorable events, where the ground 
 was covered with the dead bodies of the slain, and 
 the air resounded with the groans of the dying, Hull 
 was unshaken. He bravely fought, and a grateful 
 country acknowledged his bravery. I was then Bri 
 gade-Major to General Learned, in whose brigade 
 General Hull was a Major, in Colonel Brooks's Re 
 giment. The welfare of his country was apparently 
 as dear to him as his life ; but if he has now fallen, 
 he has fallen indeed. Having associated with him 
 in times so interesting, and in no other character than 
 that of a brave man, I shall be unhappy to learn that 
 he has terminated his patriotic career by meanly act 
 ing the coward. 
 
 (Signed, SETH BANNISTER." 
 
 General Heath's Certificate, Hull's Trial, Appendix, p. 2. 
 
 " I, William Heath, of Roxbury, in the county of 
 Norfolk, and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
 having served as a General Officer in the American 
 Revolutionary war, from the commencement of 
 hostilities on the 19th of April, 1775, until peace 
 took place in 1783, hereby certify, and on my sacred 
 honour declare (and to which I am ready to make 
 solemn oath), that in the said war William Hull, 
 now a Brigadier-General in the army of the United 
 States, served as an officer in various places, in all 
 
APPENDIX. 427 
 
 of which he sustained the character of a brave and 
 good officer possessed the particular esteem and 
 confidence of General Washington, who was anxious 
 for his promotion, as will appear from extracts of his 
 letter to this deponent on that subject, which are 
 exhibited herewith. That this deponent being in 
 the immediate command of the American troops in 
 the Highlands of New-York, on Hudson river, in the 
 month of January, 1781, an enterprise was contem 
 plated against the enemy at Morrissania, the then 
 advanced post of the British army, which enterprise 
 was to be intrusted to the Lieutenant-Colonel Hull, 
 now Brigadier-General Hull. The success of this 
 enterprise was doubtful, in the opinion of General 
 Washington, when it was communicated to him, as 
 will appear by an extract of a letter from him here 
 with exhibited. But Lieutenant Colonel Hull, with 
 the troops under his command, were successful. 
 With great address and gallantry, they forced a 
 narrow passage to the enemy, and with the loss of 
 one subaltern, one drummer and ten privates killed, 
 one captain, one sergeant and eleven rank and file 
 wounded, completely defeated the enemy, and be 
 sides the killed took upwards of fifty prisoners, cut 
 away the pontoon bridge, took a considerable quan 
 tity of forage, a number of cattle, &c., for which 
 they were thanked in the public orders. This depo 
 nent during the Revolutionary war, having at differ 
 ent times had the honour to command the State lines 
 of the army from New Hampshire to New Jersey, 
 inclusive, and two brigades of more southern lines ; 
 
428 APPENDIX. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Hull sustained a conspicuous 
 character as a brave, faithful and good officer. 
 
 (Signed) WM. HEATH." 
 
 " Roxbury, December 20th, 1813." 
 
 Extracts of Letters from General Washington., to Major 
 General Heath, mentioned in the deposition. 
 
 "HEAD QUARTERS, Morristown, Dec. 13, 1779. 
 
 " The case between Major Hull and Major Cogs 
 well is of more delicacy and very important. Major 
 Hull was not appointed by the State to the Majority 
 in Colonel Jackson's regiment ; he was appointed 
 by me at the intercession of several officers of the 
 State line, and not without authority. He is an 
 officer of great merit, and whose services have been 
 honourable to himself and honourable to his country. 
 1 was then persuaded, as I still am, that a good 
 officer would, and ever will be, an object of the 
 State's regard ; and there has been no injustice 
 done to Major Cogswell. Perhaps by your repre 
 sentation you may be able to get matters put right, 
 and I am sure you can scarcely render any more 
 essential service than prevailing on the Honourable 
 Assembly to preserve the arrangement inviolate, and 
 to pursue the rules of promotion which have been 
 established. In the case of Major Hull, he might, as 
 I have been long since told, been arranged as Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel, on the Connecticut line, by the Com 
 mittee of Congress at White Plains in 1778." 
 
APPENDIX. 429 
 
 On the Enterprise against the Enemy. 
 
 "HEAD QUARTERS, New Windsor, Jan. 7, 1781. 
 
 "You will be pleased to observe, on the subject 
 of your letter of last evening, that although I am not 
 very sanguine in my expectation of the success of 
 the enterprise proposed, yet I think in our present 
 circumstances it will be advisable to encourage it. 
 Colonel Hull may therefore have permission to make 
 the attempt." 
 
 " The foregoing are true extracts from the ori 
 ginals. 
 
 (Signed) WM. HEATH." 
 
 " Roocbury, Dec. 20, 1813." 
 
 Salmon HubbeWs Certificate, Hull's Trial, Appendix, p. 6. 
 " I, Salmon Hubbell, of Bridgeport, in the State 
 of Connecticut, being duly sworn, do depose and 
 say, that I was a Lieutenant in the 5th Connecticut 
 Regiment of Continental Troops, and was acquainted 
 with General William Hull, in the Revolutionary 
 army, and always considered him a gentleman in 
 every respect, as well as a brave and a good officer. 
 He was in the attack on Stony Point, which took 
 place in the morning of July 16th, 1779, under the 
 immediate command of General Wayne ; (the mode 
 of attack now before me) wherein is ordered that 
 Colonel Meigs will form next in Febiger's rear, and 
 Major Hull in the rear of Colonel Meigs, which will 
 be the right column. The result speaks in the 
 highest language for the good conduct of each officer 
 and soldier. This deponent further saith that he did 
 
430 APPENDIX. 
 
 aid and assist in said attack on Stony Point, and 
 was therefore knowing to the conduct of General 
 Hull therein. 
 
 (Signed) SALMON HUBBELL." 
 
 " Bridgeport, January 20, 1814." 
 
 " Sworn to before me, Joseph Backus, Justice of 
 the Peace." 
 
 Deposition of Adjutant Tufts, Hull's Trial, Appendix, p. L 
 
 "BOSTON, Feb, 3, 1814. 
 " To the President and members of the General Court 
 
 Martial, sitting in Albany, for the trial of General 
 
 Hull. 
 
 "GENTLEMEN Having been solicited by the 
 friends of General Hull to state my knowledge of 
 his character and conduct during the Revolutionary 
 war, I have the honour of submitting the following 
 particulars. I was with him as Sergeant-Major of 
 the 8th Massachusetts Regiment at Ticonderoga, and 
 in the same regiment at taking Burgoyne's army, 
 and was with the regiment he commanded in taking 
 Stony Point, and his Adjutant. 
 
 " His character for courage and firmness on all 
 these occasions W 7 as unexceptionable ; and he was a 
 good military man, and was universally esteemed by 
 his brother officers, and beloved by his soldiers. 
 
 (Signed) FRANCIS TUFTS." 
 
APPENDIX. 431 
 
 Certificate of J. Brooks, late Governor of Massachusetts., 
 Hull's Trial, Appendix, p. 5. 
 
 "BOSTON, Feb. 4, 1814. 
 
 " Having been requested by Brigadier-General 
 Hull to state any information in my power to you, 
 respecting his character as an officer, during the late 
 Revolutionary War, I would observe, that I became 
 acquainted with this gentleman in the month of 
 February, 1776, and that from that time I was well 
 acquainted with his character and conduct to the 
 close of the war in 1783. During that period it fell 
 to the General's lot frequently to meet the enemy in 
 combat; and in every instance he acquitted himself 
 much to his honour, and to the satisfaction of his supe 
 rior officers. No officer of his rank (as far as my 
 knowledge of that subject will enable me to speak) 
 stood higher in the estimation of the army generally 
 than General Hull ; not only as a disciplinarian, and 
 an officer of intelligence, but as a man of great enter 
 prise and gallantry. I can add, that he possessed in 
 a high degree the confidence of General Washington. 
 Notwithstanding my long acquaintance with General 
 Hull, as an officer, I never had an opportunity to 
 witness his conduct in action more than once, al 
 though I have often seen him under circumstances of 
 great danger from the fire of the enemy. 
 
 "In the month of September, 1776, at White 
 Plains, he acted under my immediate orders, and 
 was detached from the line, with a company he then 
 commanded, to oppose a body of light infantry and 
 Yagers, advancing upon the left flank of the American 
 
432 APPENDIX. 
 
 army. His orders were executed with great promp 
 titude, gallantry, and effect. Though more than 
 double his number, the enemy was compelled to 
 retreat, and the left of the American line thus enabled, 
 by a flank movement, in safety to pass the Bronx. 
 " With great respect I am, sir, your servant, 
 
 (Signed) J. BROOKS." 
 
 " To the President of the Court Martial, Albany." 
 
 Certificate of Joseph McCaken, Hull's Trial, Appendix, 
 
 page 6. 
 
 " ALBANY, 17th February, 1814. 
 
 " To the Court Martial appointed for the trial of 
 
 General Hull : 
 
 " I say, on my sacred honour, that I was a Cap 
 tain, in the year 1777, in Colonel Vanscock's Regi 
 ment, of the State of New-York; that I served with 
 General Hull in the year 1777, in the expedition un 
 der General Arnold, which relieved Fort Stanwix ; 
 that I likewise served with General Hull in the cam 
 paign of 1778, and was with him in the battle of 
 Monmouth, when 1 was wounded, and lost my arm ; 
 that there was no officer of General Hull's rank that 
 stood higher in my estimation, and, as far as I knew, 
 in the estimation of the army ; that he was consider 
 ed as a brave and excellent officer. 
 
 (Signed) JOSEPH McCAKEN, 
 
 A Major in the New-York line in 1778." 
 
APPENDIX. 433 
 
 Letter from John Stacy, a Revolutionary soldier, to General 
 William Hull 
 
 "HARVARD, 20th August, 1824. 
 " GENERAL WILLIAM HULL : 
 
 " SIR, Permit a soldier of the Revolutionary 
 war, who served six years previous to its close, and 
 who is a native of the county of Middlesex, to con 
 gratulate you on the honourable testimony borne by 
 General Heath and others, Highly distinguished in that 
 war, for your having acted so distinguished a part in 
 our Revolutionary struggles. I am probably one of 
 the few remaining who was under your command in 
 the hazardous expedition at Morrissania, and I feel 
 myself happy in living to this period, that I may wit 
 ness to the gallantry and address with which the en 
 terprise was effected ; not only as it respects the as 
 sault on the enemy in that place, but on the morning 
 after, in decoying the enemy some miles from its 
 lines, without any material injury to our troops, and 
 until it came in contact with our reinforcements, which 
 immediately checked the enemy and drove it back 
 with considerable loss. We were nearly forty hours 
 from our quarters and the whole time on the alert, 
 without any respite from duty. Well knowing the 
 courage and enterprise of the commander on this 
 occasion inspired every soldier with a noble ardour ; 
 animated everyone to a prompt and cheerful per 
 formance of duty, and stimulated them to follow their 
 leader, not knowing whither going or what the object. 
 " Would to God, Sir, I could add one mite, to have 
 your character as an officer and soldier, placed on its 
 
 28 
 
434 APPENDIX. 
 
 proper basis ; and to have it entirely acquitted from 
 what I consider, and I believe thousands of your 
 fellow-citizens do also, the vile, wicked, and corrupt 
 proceedings, that have been had against you, in con 
 sequence of the failure of the expedition against 
 Canada in the late war, and that those who formed 
 the scheme of your destruction, might soon feel the 
 weight of their own iniquitous conduct. 
 
 " From an old soldier, who still feels the high value 
 
 of a soldier's reputation. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN STACY." 
 
 Letter from Daniel Putnam, Esq., Son of General Putnam, 
 to General Hull. 
 
 "BROOKLYN, Ct., Sep. 25, 1824. 
 
 " MY DEAR Sm, The renewal of a correspond 
 ence that has been suspended almost half a century, 
 in all which time there has been little personal in 
 tercourse, is an awkward left-handed business, which 
 one knows hardly how to begin. 
 
 " Like a mariner without a compass on the track 
 less ocean, who steers his bark by guess, and while 
 he remembers where his home was, is ignorant of the 
 course that will conduct him to it, so am I, alike un 
 certain whether any advance on my part can bring 
 me back to your remembrance, with the kindness of 
 olden time, and if any, how I shall set myself at 
 work to make it most successfully. 
 
 " If I advert to the season of youth, when under 
 the appellation of < Rebels,' and, as it were, with hal 
 ters about our necks, we were among the number 
 
APPENDIX. 435 
 
 who opposed a powerful enemy and never quailed 
 at his approach, why then, I know not how to asso 
 ciate a lofty spirit and a patriot heart with dishonour. 
 
 " If I call to remembrance the laurels w r hich then 
 encircled your brow, and the deeds of renown which 
 drew forth the thanks of Washington in general or 
 ders, and those of Congress inscribed on their jour 
 nals, I recognize you as the gallant Colonel Hull, at 
 the head of his partisan corps, and do not forget how 
 I rejoiced in the well merited fame of my friend. 
 
 " But when I heard of you in more advanced life 
 as a general officer, at the head of an army destined 
 for the conquest of an enemy's province, I doubted 
 the extension of your fame, and feared for the safety of 
 that which had already been acquired ; not that your 
 valour was questioned, but because you had embarked 
 without adequate means, in an enterprise where suc 
 cess was so necessary to conciliate public favour, and 
 so indispensable to preserve the public confidence, 
 that disaster, however unavoidable, must be attended 
 with certain ruin. 
 
 " When the news of your capitulation reached 
 us, and the epithets of Coward,' ' Traitor,' &c., 
 were bellowed lustily from so many mouths, and rung 
 long and loud in our ears, I thought, as I now think ; 
 and when, after a long delayed trial, I read your de 
 fence before the Court Martial, and the cruel sen 
 tence of that Court, I marked you as the ' scape-goat ' 
 on whose head the errors of others were laid, to di 
 vert the public indignation from their own ; but I 
 never did believe your blood would be shed to expiate 
 their sins ; it was a sacrifice too daring. 
 
436 APPENDIX. 
 
 " It is the property of narrow minds, when in 
 flated with success, that they are commonly hurried 
 on to deeds of arrogance ; and you have witnessed 
 another attempt to consign another name to infamy. 
 All that I can wish for you is, that yours may rise as 
 far above the intrigues of your enemies, as that has 
 done, above the imputations suggested by malice and 
 envy. 
 
 " It was thirty years after death, before the ven 
 omous dart was sped, and ere you shall have slept 
 like time in dust, history will do you justice, and no 
 recreant hand shall change the sentence. 
 
 " Accept my best wishes for the peace and happi 
 ness of your remaining life, and believe me your 
 friend, 
 
 (Signed) DANIEL PUTNAM," 
 
 " General WM. HULL." 
 
 Letter from Charles P. Sumner, Esq., to General Hull. 
 
 "BOSTON, March 11, 1825. 
 
 " SIR, I perceive by the publications you have 
 made in the course of the year past, in the ' States 
 man,' and in your pamphlet, that you are desirous to 
 dispel the clouds that for a while seemed to rest upon 
 your name. I therefore feel it my duty to express to 
 you my humble opinion, that your Memoirs have had 
 and are having the desired effect, of reinstating you 
 in the good opinion of impartial and disinterested 
 men : this is the effect, wherever 1 have had an op 
 portunity of hearing their opinion, and it is the effect 
 on me, although I am one of those who had some 
 degree of prejudice to your disadvantage. 
 
APPENDIX. 437 
 
 " There are Gates and Bedloes in more countries 
 than England ; and in other times than those of 
 Charles II. ; and you have afforded an instance of the 
 truth of a remark of Charles J. Fox, in his history of 
 a short period previous to the English Revolution ; 
 that one of the chief evils attendant on times of 
 high political excitement, is the facility it gives a 
 dominant party, to brand their rivals with opprobrium, 
 and make even the records of the history of their 
 country speak the language of malice and falsehood, 
 couched in the forms of law. 
 
 " I am unknown to you., but there are thousands 
 equally unknown, that are daily imbibing and recov 
 ering the most respectful sentiments towards you, 
 and believe that your character will not suffer in the 
 estimation of unprejudiced posterity by any compari 
 son that can be instituted between you and any of your 
 more successful cotemporaries ; two of whom have 
 so recently bid farewell to the smiles or frowns of 
 men. 
 
 " Whoever may be your survivor, I sincerely hope 
 
 your sun may set in a cloudless sky. 
 
 (Signed) CHARLES P. SUMNER." 
 " General Wai. HULL." 
 
 Letter from Roger M. Sherman, Esq., to General Hull. 
 
 "FAIRFIELD, Ct. } March 21, 1825. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, I cannot forbear expressing to you 
 the great satisfaction 1 have derived from the perusal 
 of your * Memoirs of the Campaign of the North 
 western Army.' So far as I know the public senti- 
 
438 APPENDIX. 
 
 ment, they are deemed a satisfactory and unanswera 
 ble vindication. Your proofs are conclusive ; and no 
 mind, however prejudiced, accustomed to the weigh 
 ing of evidence, can resist the inferences you make 
 from them. This remark is extensively verified in 
 the circle of my own observation. I am happy 
 that you possessed such ample means of doing an 
 act of justice to yourself, your friends, and your 
 country. 
 
 " Please to accept from Mrs. Sherman and my 
 self, and present to Mrs. Hull and your family, assu 
 rances of our very sincere esteem. 
 
 (Signed) ROGER M. SHERMAN." 
 
 " General WM. HULL." 
 
 Letter from Dr. James Thacher (the historian) to General 
 
 Hull 
 
 " PLYMOUTH, April 4, 1825. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, I have perused your Memoirs with 
 great satisfaction. It has confirmed my conviction, 
 and I have no doubt but it has had the same effect 
 on every candid and unprejudiced mind. I am decid 
 edly of opinion, that justice and duty require that 
 you should no longer estrange yourself from the so 
 ciety of your fellow-citizens and your compatriots, 
 and I hope you will resume that standing with the 
 public to which you are unquestionably entitled. 1 
 expected to have seen you in our ranks, at our inter 
 view with General Lafayette. Since the much 
 lamented death of our excellent and amiable friend, 
 General Brooks, I have suggested to several of our 
 
APPENDIX. 439 
 
 brethren, that you ought to succeed him as President 
 of our Society (Cincinnati). Some few have ob 
 jected, and Dr. Townsend (our Vice-President) and 
 Major Alden have been mentioned, and the result is 
 uncertain. 
 
 " I understood that you have received a letter 
 from General Lafayette, and should be glad to know 
 the purport of it. He has promised me that he will 
 visit this town before he leaves the country, and I 
 shall wait on him immediately on his arrival at Bos 
 ton. Being in Boston not long since, I was much 
 gratified to learn, that you had written a Memorial 
 to Congress, in favour of our Revolutionary claims. 
 Some months ago, I addressed through the ' Centi- 
 nelj the surviving officers on the same subject, and 
 wrote to General Brooks, requesting his opinion re 
 specting a special meeting of our Society, to take the 
 business into consideration, while the enthusiasm ex 
 cited by the presence of General Lafayette was in 
 operation. At no period have the surviving officers 
 been held in higher respect and more grateful recol 
 lection than the present, and never perhaps was 
 public money appropriated more to the satisfaction of 
 the people, than that for pensions and the grant to 
 General Lafayette. 
 
 " I cannot believe but Congress will be disposed 
 to do justice to the few survivors, who are so fairly 
 entitled to consideration, if a proper application 
 should be made. I will thank you to forward to me a 
 copy of your Memorial, if not too bulky for a mail 
 kter, or inform me of the purport of it, and whether 
 
440 APPENDIX. 
 
 you include the heirs of deceased officers and the 
 soldiers. 
 
 " I am jour friend and very humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) JAMES THACHER." 
 
 " General WM. HULL." 
 
 Letter from the Honourable Horace Binney of Philadelphia 
 to Mrs. Maria Campbell, a daughter of General Hull. 
 
 "PHILADELPHIA, March 4, 1841. 
 
 " MY DEAR MRS. CAMPBELL, Your letter of 24th 
 February gives me great pleasure, in the assurance 
 that a grandson of General Hull is preparing himself 
 to present to his countrymen that portion of our 
 history which is particularly connected with the life 
 and actions of his ancestor. It will be a worthy 
 employment of his talents as a scholar, and an inter 
 esting record of his filial piety. 
 
 " TheVe are perhaps too many still living who are 
 interested in sustaining the unjust sentence of the 
 day, to permit us to hope for the universal acceptance 
 of any work that shall bring it and them to reproach, 
 by exposing the prejudices and party interests which 
 led to it. But the truth, dispassionately told, and 
 sustained by evidence, is sure to triumph, sooner or 
 later. It is one of the common incidents of our 
 condition, a state of war between evil and good, 
 that its triumph is frequently too late for the happi 
 ness of those we respect and love. 
 
 " You ask me what I think about asking the 
 Government for a revocation of the sentence of the 
 
APPENDIX. 1 
 
 Court Martial. As this is a question which involves 
 the opinions and sentiments of others, rather than 
 myself. I should of course think it best to leave a 
 decision upon it, until the work you speak of shall 
 have appeared, and had its effect. 
 
 " The want of regular and legal authority in any 
 branch of the Government, to reverse such a sen 
 tence, will always be the refuge of such as may be 
 opposed to the reversal, and can find no reasons 
 against it in justice. Governments are, moreover, 
 unwilling in general to record their own injustice, 
 even when the injustice has been the work of party, 
 and the party that perpetrated it has passed away. 
 
 " You must be familiar with the case of Admiral 
 Byng the deepest stain I think upon the memory 
 of Chatham, and the deepest disgrace of George II. 
 and his ministers. Byng was sacrificed, without a 
 solitary reason in his own conduct or character, and 
 with no motive, but to screen the incompetency of 
 the ministers of that day. Posterity has reversed 
 the sentence, fully and unanimously. But there has 
 been no other reversal of it. 
 
 " After all, a reversal by the Government is a 
 form. The true reversal is by the voice, and in the 
 hearts, of the people. With those who know the 
 case of General Hull, that reversal has, I think, been 
 already pronounced. The thing to be desired by 
 the personal friends of himself and his family is, to 
 make that reversal the sentence of history. 
 
 " How much I shall be gratified to see, to live to 
 see, I may say, all your wishes attained on this, a 
 
442 APPENDIX. 
 
 subject among the nearest to your heart, I need not 
 say. 
 
 " I am, my dear madam, 
 
 " With great regard, your friend, 
 
 (Signed) HOR. BINNEY." 
 
 Letter from Colonel Trumbull to Mrs. Julia K. Wheeler, 
 a daughter of General Hull. 
 
 "NEW HAVEN, June 3d, 1841. 
 
 " MADAM, I received in due time the letter of 
 the 15th May, which you was pleased to address to 
 me, accompanying the Memoir, written by your father, 
 General Hull, which explains the events of the cam 
 paign of 1812. I am very much obliged to you for 
 giving me this opportunity to know and understand 
 the true history of that period, better than I did before. 
 
 " The declaration and conduct of that war, 1 
 have always regarded as one of the least honourable 
 passages of the American history, but I now view it 
 with increased disgust, as a most disgraceful period 
 of the grossest ignorance and misconduct ; and what 
 is worse, a vile endeavour to divert public indignation 
 from its authors and conductors, by a sacrifice of the 
 reputation, and even life, of one of the bravest offi 
 cers of the Revolution. 
 
 " I had not the pleasure of a personal acquaint 
 ance with your honoured father during the Revolu 
 tion, as we were employed in quarters distant from 
 each other, but I always regarded him as one of the 
 ornaments of the service. 
 
 " With sincere respect, I have the honour to be, 
 madam, your faithful servant, 
 
 (Signed) JNO. TRUMBULL,'* 
 
 " Mrs. JULIA K. WHEELER." 
 
APPENDIX. 443 
 
 NOTE 15. 
 Robert Wallace's Account of the Surrender of Detroit. 
 
 The following letter was published May 28th, 
 1842, in the Licking Valley Register, at Covington, 
 Kentucky, and was written by Robert Wallace, a 
 gentleman who was one of the Aid-de-Camps of 
 General Hull. This testimony to the character of 
 General Hull is valuable, because it was given volun 
 tarily, without solicitation, and without communica 
 tion with General Hull's friends, who did not even 
 know that Mr. Wallace was still living. It is a graphic 
 and evidently correct account of the principal inci 
 dents of the campaign and surrender. 
 
 The letter is here reprinted without alteration, 
 except the omission of a single phrase, concerning 
 Captain Hull, which might be misunderstood. All the 
 remarks of Mr. Wallace upon General Hull's con 
 duct, whether favourable or otherwise, are given with 
 out alteration or comment. 
 
 "HULL'S SURRENDER, 
 
 " Mr. R. C. LAXGDON : 
 
 " SIR, In compliance with your request, and the 
 solicitations of several other friends, I have written 
 out, from recollection, a brief detail of circumstances 
 connected with the surrender of Detroit in 1812. 
 My situation as Aid-de-Camp, afforded every oppor 
 tunity for information, and I am satisfied that nothing 
 
444 APPENDIX. 
 
 of any importance transpired in Hull's campaign 
 without my knowledge of the motive. 
 
 " The prudence and despatch of our march through 
 a wilderness, making our road through woods and 
 swamps ; fortifying our camps, and guarding against a 
 surprise from the Indians, inspired us with confidence 
 in our old but experienced commander. His letters 
 from the War Department urged him on, but our 
 heavy wagons and constant rains retarded our pro 
 gress. On reaching the rapids of the Miami river, 
 we found an American schooner bound for Detroit. 
 Anxious to comply with his instructions, General 
 Hull directed our surplus baggage to be shipped, and 
 set an example to his officers, by sending his own 
 trunks on board. His son, Captain Hull, (who was 
 also an Aid,) in executing this order, unfortunately 
 shipped a small trunk, containing the papers and 
 reports of the army, for which he was afterwards se 
 verely reprimanded by his father. This circumstance 
 was since considered an evidence of treachery, but 
 without the least foundation whatever. On the fol 
 lowing night, in camp, we received the declaration of 
 war. A council was immediately called, and an officer 
 despatched with some men to intercept the schooner, 
 at the river Raisin ; but the wind had been fair, and 
 she had passed that river before our messenger reached 
 its mouth. The British had received the news of 
 war by the Lake, before it reached us, and the 
 schooner was captured at Maiden. She had on board 
 the most of our baggage, our hospital stores, our in 
 trenching tools, an officer and three ladies, belonging 
 
APPENDIX. 445 
 
 to the 4th regiment, and a number of invalid soldiers. 
 On the 4th of July we delayed at the river Huron to 
 build a bridge for our wagons. We remained under 
 arms all day, and in order of battle, being surrounded 
 by Indians, and in sight of a British frigate full of 
 troops. During that day it was remarked to me by 
 several officers, that General Hull appeared to have 
 no sense of personal danger, and that he would cer 
 tainly be killed, if a contest commenced. This was 
 said, to prepare me for taking orders from the next 
 in rank ; and I mention it to show their opinion of 
 him at the time. 
 
 " We encamped that night on an open prairie, 
 without timber to fortify, or tools to intrench. Our 
 rear was protected by the river, our front and flank 
 by fires at some distance from the lines. Picket- 
 guards were posted, scouts kept in motion, and half 
 the troops alternately under arms all night. All lights 
 were extinguished in the camp but one that was for 
 the use of the Surgeon, for we expected an attack be 
 fore day. 1 give this as a specimen of vigilance, 
 which could never have been taken by surprise ; our 
 camp and line of march were always in order of 
 battle. 
 
 " The extent of General Hull's instructions were, 
 4 to protect Detroit.' On our arrival there, most of 
 our officers and men were eager to cross the line, 
 which the General was not authorized to do, but on 
 receiving permission, he moved over at the head of 
 two regiments, and sent back his boats for the re 
 mainder. We looked for a warm reception, but a 
 
446 APPENDIX. 
 
 feint towards Maiden on the previous evening had 
 induced the enemy to retire to that post in the night. 
 Our camp was fortified immediately opposite Detroit, 
 where a council was held on the propriety of attack 
 ing Maiden without a battering train of artillery, 
 which was not then in readiness. Some of our officers 
 were willing to try the experiment, but a majority 
 was opposed to the risk of assaulting a regular fort 
 with raw troops, and without artillery to make a 
 breach. Consequently it was determined that we 
 should wait for the mounting of some heavy guns 
 which lay at Detroit, and two floating batteries 
 Were prepared for their transportation by water. 
 
 " This determination occasioned a delay of nearly 
 three weeks, which proved most fatal to the results 
 of the campaign. Had we been prepared for an 
 immediate attack upon Maiden, our campaign would 
 have been as glorious as it was otherwise disastrous, 
 and the name of General Hull would have been ex 
 alted to the skies. 
 
 " During this unfortunate interval, we subsisted 
 in a great measure upon supplies obtained in Canada. 
 Our own stock would not have sustained us, and all 
 communication with our country was cut off. The 
 romantic policy of our Government, in refusing the 
 aid of our own Indians, turned them against us, cut 
 off our supplies by land, and increased the strength 
 of the enemy. 
 
 " A company of volunteers from Ohio, under Cap 
 tain Brush, arrived at the river Raisin with some 
 cattle and flour. Four hundred riflemen, commanded 
 
APPENDIX, 447 
 
 by Major Vanhorne, were sent to escort them to De 
 troit. This detachment fell into an ambuscade of 
 Indians, and was routed with serious loss. About 
 this time we received intelligence of the surrender of 
 Mackinaw and Chicago, the only American forts above 
 us on the Lakes. Two vessels came down, loaded 
 with furs and American prisoners, under white flags, 
 and expected to pass us in the character of cartels ; 
 but they were captured and placed between our bat* 
 teries at Detroit. Those surrenders let loose upon 
 us all the Indians and Voyageurs of the upper 
 Lakes. 
 
 " About the 4th of August our guns were ready ; 
 orders were given to prepare three days' provisions, 
 to remove all surplus baggage to Detroit, and the long 
 anticipated movement on Maiden was to have been 
 made on the following day. Our troops conjectured 
 that such was the intention, and were animated with 
 the prospect of a decisive blow. But that night the 
 unfortunate intelligence arrived, that a considerable 
 force of British, Canadians and Indians, was coming 
 upon our rear by an interior route. 
 
 " Here a ruinous error was committed. Instead 
 of making the attack on Maiden before the reinforce 
 ments of the enemy could arrive, General Hull order 
 ed a retreat to Detroit, leaving a small and imperfect 
 fortification with three hundred men, to hold his 
 footing on the Canadian shore, and prevent the bom- 
 bardment of Detroit. After two or three days 
 occupation, this miserable concern was abandoned. 
 General Hull's instructions < to protect Detroit,' 
 
448 APPENDIX. 
 
 seemed ever uppermost in his mind, but he lacked the 
 energy necessary to accomplish that object by vigor 
 ous operations against the enemy. His policy was 
 altogether on the defensive. After our return to De 
 troit, another detachment of about 800 men, under 
 Lieut. Col. Miller, was despatched to meet Captain 
 Brush. They met a superior force of British and 
 Indians at Brownstown, and after a severe engage 
 ment, drove the British to their boats ; but were too 
 much disabled to proceed. At the solicitations of 
 Colonels Cass and McArthur, those two enterprising 
 officers were permitted to take the pick of their regi 
 ments and try the circuitous route of Wayne's old 
 trace through the woods. They left Detroit on the 
 14th of August, whilst a movement was made down 
 the river bank, to deceive the spies of the enemy, and 
 the detachment escaped their observation. Our pro 
 visions were now a subject of serious concern, and 
 these circumstances show what prospect we had to 
 replenish them. 
 
 " When General Hull accepted the command of 
 the Northwestern Army, he stipulated for the speedy 
 possession of Lake Erie, and the most active opera 
 tions at its lower extremity. In all his correspond 
 ence with the War Department, and with Generals 
 Dearborn and Hall at the lower end of the Lake, he 
 continued to urge those subjects, but our Government 
 was unprepared at every point on the Lakes. At 
 this important crisis in the situation of Detroit, 
 Dearborn entered into an armistice with General 
 Brock (commander-in-chief of the enemy's forces), 
 
APPENDIX. 449 
 
 for thirty days, and excepted the command of General 
 Hull from its operation.* 
 
 " In this manoeuvre General Dearborn was entirely 
 outwitted. Brock came up the Lake with every 
 vessel, and all the forces he could muster; and the 
 first intimation we received of his arrival was, a sum 
 mons to surrender. On the morning of the fifteenth 
 the messengers of Brock came over, and were de 
 tained some hours, under pretext of deliberation, but 
 in reality to place ourselves in a better state of de 
 fence. Several attempts were made to recall the 
 detachment under Cass and McArthur, which had 
 marched the day before, but our spies reported the 
 woods to be swarming with Indians, and they could 
 not get out. The absence of Cass and McArthur, 
 with perhaps 800 picked men, our deficiency of num 
 bers to protect the city on all sides, and our limited 
 supply of provisions, were circumstances deeply re 
 gretted. Nevertheless, a firm and decided answer 
 was given in about these words : ' I am prepared to 
 meet the forces under your command, and all the 
 consequences attending.' This reply had no sooner 
 reached the opposite shore, than the batteries opened 
 on both sides, and a scene ensued sufficient to astound 
 
 * This statement of Mr. Wai- cross Lake Erie and attack General 
 
 lace is in part erroneous. The ar- Hull with his whole force, which, 
 
 mistice was entered into between but for the armistice, would have 
 
 Sir George Prevost and General been detained, in defence of the 
 
 Dearborn ; the effect of which, how- post, he was, under the circum- 
 
 ever, was to enable General Brock, stances, enabled temporarily to 
 
 who was advised of the manoeuvre leave, 
 of Sir George Prevost, at once to 
 
 29 
 
450 APPENDIX. 
 
 the senses of inexperienced troops. Still there was 
 but little appearance of dismay. Steady determina 
 tion appeared to be the expression of almost every 
 eye. On removing a frame building directly oppo 
 site the fort, a bomb-battery was displayed, and its 
 shells were showered upon us in abundant profusion. 
 Chimneys and every other object above the walls of 
 the fort, were levelled with despatch, except the flag 
 of our country. The stars and stripes still waved 
 amidst the smoke, a thrilling appeal to every Ameri 
 can heart. Soon after dark the firing ceased, but 
 was renewed with the dawn of day. Until the 
 morning of the fatal 16th of August, I saw no flinch 
 ing in the countenance of General Hull. I had been 
 with him both in and out of the fort ; his only appa 
 rent concern was to save our ammunition, for our 
 long twenty-four pounders were consuming it very 
 fast ; and I was sent repeatedly to the batteries with 
 orders ' to fire with more deliberation.' 
 
 " About nine o'clock in the morning Captain Hull 
 found some straggling soldiers in the town. He 
 ordered them immediately to their post ; and seeing 
 them disposed to hesitate, he pursued them on horse 
 back, sword in hand, to their regiment. Their 
 Colonel having given them leave of absence, was 
 exasperated, and made his way to the General, 
 demanding the arrest of his son. The Captain soon 
 made his appearance, and challenged the Colonel to 
 fight him on the spot. This circumstance produced 
 the first agitation that 1 discovered in General Hull. 
 He begged me to take care of his imprudent son, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 451 
 
 and he was confined to a room in the officers 5 quar 
 ters. 
 
 " Soon after this a more serious disaster occurred, 
 which increased the General's agitation. A number 
 of ladies and children, the families of officers on duty, 
 occupied a room in the fort. General Hull's daughter 
 and her children were among them. A ball entered 
 the house, killing two officers, who had gone in to 
 encourage their families. The ladies and children, 
 many of them senseless, were hurried across the 
 parade to a bomb-proof vault, which had been cleared 
 out for them. The General saw this affair at a dis 
 tance, but knew not whom nor how many were 
 destroyed, for several of the ladies were bespattered 
 with blood. Other incidents soon followed. Several 
 men were cut down in the fort, and two other officers 
 received a ball through the gate. All this time the 
 General was walking back and forth on the parade, 
 evidently in a very anxious state of mind. Several 
 propositions were made to him, all of which, I believe, 
 he rejected. For instance, Brigade-Major Jessup 
 proposed to cross the river, and spike the enemy's 
 guns. I think he replied, it was a desperate experi 
 ment, and as the enemy was advancing, he could not 
 spare the men from their posts. Captain Snelling 
 proposed to haul down one of our heavy guns, to 
 annoy the enemy, then three miles below the fort. 
 He replied, that the slender bridge below the town 
 would not support its weight, and the gun would 
 surely fall into their hands, and be turned against us ; 
 diat the men were posted to the best advantage, and 
 
452 APPENDIX. 
 
 he did not wish to move them. The gun alluded to 
 weighed, with its carriage, about 7000 Ibs. 
 
 " General Hull was then at least sixty-five years 
 of age, and no doubt felt incapable of the bold exer 
 tions that his situation required.* He appeared ab 
 sorbed in anxious thought, and disposed to avoid all 
 conversation. My duty required me to remain near 
 the General, but seeing that he appeared to have no 
 commands for me, I stepped across the parade to as 
 sist in the amputation of an officer's limb. Whilst 
 occupied in this unpleasant task, Captain Burton, of 
 the 4th regiment, passed me with a table-cloth sus 
 pended to a pike. I inquired what that was for* 
 He hastily replied, ' It is the General's order,' and 
 mounting one of the bastions, began to wave it in 
 the air. I ran immediately to the General, and in 
 quired the meaning of the white flag. < I ordered 
 it, sir,' was the reply ; and facing about, he contin 
 ued his walk. The firing soon ceased, and mounting 
 the breast-work I saw two British officers, with an 
 American officer, all on horseback, approaching the 
 gate. Thinking their entrance improper, I informed 
 the General, and he directed me c to keep them out 
 of the fort.' I met and conducted them to the Gen 
 eral's marquee, which was still in the open camp. 
 General Hull, with Colonel Miller, of the U. S. Army, 
 and Colonel Brush, of the Michigan militia, made 
 
 * This conjecture of Mr. Wallace day of surrender, he would be only 
 
 is incorrect. As General Hull was 59 years and not quite two months 
 
 born on the 24th of June, 1753 ; old. 
 on the 16th of August, 1812, the 
 
APPENDIX. 453 
 
 their appearance. The articles of capitulation were 
 then drawn up and signed by Miller and Brush on 
 our part, and by the two British officers on theirs. It 
 was reported to General Brock, who shortly entered 
 the fort, escorted by his advanced guard. Brock was 
 shown into a room, in the officers' quarters, where 
 Hull was waiting, and after settling some details, 
 the capitulation was ratified by their signatures. 
 While these matters were progressing, Captain Hull, 
 awaking from a sound sleep, discovered the British 
 grenadiers in the fort. Breaking through a window, 
 he ran up unarmed and without a hat, to the com 
 manding officer, and demanded his business there 
 
 * with his red-coat rascals.' The officer raised his 
 sword to cut him down, but I reached them in time, 
 to stay the blow, by informing the officer that the 
 gentleman was partially deranged. He instantly 
 dropped his arm, and thanked me for the timely in 
 terference. This same Captain Hull afterwards 
 fought a duel, in defence of his father's reputation, 
 and was at last killed at the head of his company, in 
 a gallant charge at the battle of ' Lundy's Lane.' 
 I mention these particulars, in connexion with a re 
 mark since made to me by Commodore Hull, that 
 
 * he knew his uncle was neither traitor nor coward, 
 for there was no such blood in the family.' General 
 Hull, discovering that the British had been permitted 
 to enter the fort before the surrender was completed, 
 remonstrated with General Brock, who apologized 
 for the indecorum, and ordered his troops to retire. 
 
454 APPENDIX. 
 
 Our troops were then marched out, in gloomy silence ? 
 and stacked their arms on the esplanade. When 
 the British flag was raised the Indians rushed in 
 from the woods a countless number jelling, firing, 
 seizing our horses, and scampering through the town 
 like so many fiends. In addition to Tecumseh's 
 band, and the Wyandotts, they had gathered in 
 from all the regions of the northern lakes. The 
 British regulars and Canadians, were about three 
 thousand men ; but the number of the Indians 
 could not have been known by General Brock 
 himself. Our effective force was probably fifteen 
 hundred ; about four hundred regulars, and the re 
 mainder volunteers and drafted militia.* Most of 
 them would have fought with desperation, for there 
 was no possible chance of escape. 
 
 " We had every reason to suppose that the de 
 tachment under Cass and McArthur, was at the river 
 Raisin, but to our surprise and mortification, they had 
 returned of their own accord, having heard the can 
 nonade at the distance of forty miles. They were 
 
 * In representing the effective after : " This detachment, and the 
 
 force of General Hull at the time of company under Captain Brush, were 
 
 the surrender at " probably fifteen included in the surrender, for their 
 
 hundred," the author of this letter, preservation, as they might have 
 
 Robert Wallace, it will be perceived, been surprised and cut off by the 
 
 evidently included the force to which Indians, of which we had no way to 
 
 he refers on page 449, as being apprise them." But Wallace does 
 
 absent with Cass and McArthur, in not undertake to be precise as to 
 
 his computation, and also that of numbers, and speaks from genera* 
 
 Captain Brush, for he says soon recollection. 
 
APPENDIX. 455 
 
 close in the rear of the enemy, at the time of the 
 surrender, but without any possible means of commu 
 nicating their position to us. This detachment, and 
 the company under Captain Brush, were included in 
 the surrender, for their preservation, as they might 
 have been surprised and cut off by the Indians, of 
 which we had no way to apprise them. As it hap 
 pened, two or three British subjects, who had gone 
 out with us, unwilling to fall into the hands of their 
 former masters, made a desperate escape through the 
 woods, informed Captain Brush of our disaster, and 
 his party made a rapid retreat to the settlements. 
 Cass and McArthur were soon apprised of their con 
 dition, and marched to Detroit. Our meeting with 
 them was truly distressing. Cheeks that never 
 blanched in danger, were wet with tears of agony 
 and disappointment. Yet I saw no ranting or raving, 
 such as I have since heard described. I heard but 
 one officer abuse the General indecorously, and he 
 had been extremely quiet and useless throughout the 
 campaign. 
 
 " A circumstance which has often been cited, as a 
 proof of treachery on the part of General Hull, took 
 place on the river bank, just before the surrender. 
 Lieutenant Anderson, of the U. S. Artillery, had 
 drawn his guns from behind our lower battery, charg 
 ed them with grape-shot, and pointed them down the 
 road on which the enemy were approaching. When 
 the first platoon of their column appeared, his men 
 were eager to fire. Anderson forbid them, at the peril 
 
456 APPENDIX. 
 
 of their lives, to touch a gun, without his orders, wish 
 ing to get the enemy in a fair raking position, before 
 they should discover their danger ; but the officer at 
 the head of the column, perceiving the snare, gave 
 notice to General Brock, who immediately changed 
 the position of his troops, and advanced under cover 
 of the thick orchards which stood between them and 
 the fort. Anderson was said to have reserved his 
 fire by the special order of General Hull, which I 
 know to be false for I had just delivered a different 
 order, and was waiting by his side, to see the effect 
 of his intended explosion. When the white flag was 
 raised, this same Lieutenant broke his sword over 
 one of his guns, and burst into tears. 
 
 " After the surrender, General Hull retired to his 
 own house, where he had lived while Governor of 
 Michigan. It was occupied by his son-in-law, Mr. 
 Hickman, and his family. One of General Brock's 
 Aids suggested to me the propriety of a British guard, 
 to protect the General's house from the Indians ; to 
 which I assented without consulting General Hull, as 
 they had already seized our baggage in the street. 
 This British guard, was considered another strong 
 ground of suspicion ; but General Hull supposed it 
 was sent to prevent his escape. 
 
 " General Brock took up his quarters at a vacant 
 house on the main street ; Tecumseh occupied a part 
 of the same building, to whom I had the honour of an 
 introduction. He was a tall, straight, and noble 
 looking Indian ; dressed in a suit of tanned buckskin, 
 
APPENDIX. 457 
 
 with a morocco sword-belt round his waist. On 
 being announced to him, he said through his inter 
 preter, < Well, you are a prisoner, but it is the fortune 
 of war, and you are in very good hands.' 
 
 " On the 17th, General Hull with his staff and 
 the officers and soldiers of the regular army, were 
 ordered on board the c Queen Charlotte,' a frigate of 
 thirty-six guns. While sitting in the after-cabin with 
 General Hull, alone, he suddenly addressed me to this 
 effect : < My young friend, 1 remember a promise I 
 made to your relatives at Cincinnati, that if it was 
 within my power, to return you safe to them, it should 
 be done. You, as a volunteer, are entitled to your 
 parole, and 1 think you had better claim it.' Having 
 a desire to see the world and perhaps obtain some in 
 formation that might be useful to my country, I de 
 clined the proposition, and told the General, I preferred 
 to share his fortunes ; that I had been with him in 
 prosperity, and would not desert him in adversity. 
 The General was deeply affected, but, in a few mo 
 ments replied, ' that he regretted the necessity of our 
 separation, but must redeem his pledge, and thought 
 it inexpedient for me to remain a prisoner in my youth, 
 perhaps for years, and the loss of time might be a 
 serious disadvantage to me.' I was obliged to accede 
 to his wishes. He then sent for Commodore Bar 
 clay, and claimed my privilege, to which that noble 
 officer readily assented. He then wrote a certificate 
 of my correct deportment, &LC., while under his com 
 mand, in the form of a letter ; and when the boat 
 was ready to convey me on board a merchant vessel, 
 
458 APPENDIX. 
 
 bound to Cleveland, he pressed my hand for some 
 moments, and then exclaimed, * God bless you, my 
 young friend ! you return to your family without a 
 stain as for myself, 1 may have sacrificed a reputa 
 tion, dearer to me than life, but I have saved the in 
 habitants of Detroit, and my heart approves of the 
 act.' The Commodore insisted on a parting glass of 
 wine, which we drank in silence, and I left the 
 ship. 
 
 " General Hull was a man of tender feelings and 
 accomplished manners ; his hair was white with age, 
 his person rather corpulent, but his appearance was 
 dignified and commanding. In the army of the Rev 
 olution, he was esteemed a brave and gallant officer, 
 which was attested by Washington and other distin 
 guished men ; and while upon his trial, the letters of 
 those who survived, poured in, in his behalf. The 
 man who led the attack on Stony Point, could not 
 well be a coward ; Wayne would not have selected one 
 for that desperate assault ; nor can I ever believe he 
 was a traitor, no man of his age could have mani 
 fested more general devotion to the service of his 
 country. What then (you would ask) was the cause 
 of his surrender ? I can answer this question ac 
 cording to my own impressions. 
 
 " First. It was the want of preparation when the 
 war commenced. Had our guns been mounted, we 
 should have taken Maiden without delay, which 
 would have kept the Indians quiet, and turned the 
 whole tide of events in our favour. It was General 
 Harrison's opinion, that < Hull's army must be sacri- 
 
APPENDIX. 459 
 
 ficed, for the want of communication with his coun 
 try.' It was Perry's victory on the Lake, that cap 
 tured Maiden and restored Detroit. 
 
 " Second. It was the want of co-operation at 
 other points, to prevent the concentration of the 
 enemy at Detroit. The armistice of Dearborn was 
 a finishing touch to us. 
 
 " Third. It was the want of that energy and en 
 terprise which a man may have in the prime of life, 
 but which is seldom retained, in civil life, at the age of 
 sixty-five. 
 
 " Fourth. It was his fatherly attachment to the 
 citizens of Detroit, whose Governor and protector he 
 had been for years, and knew them personally, man, 
 woman, and child. 
 
 " Hull might have defended the fort while his pro 
 visions held out, but whether the inhabitants of De 
 troit would not have been butchered, on the night of 
 the 16th, is a question 1 cannot answer. Perhaps 
 the more immediate cause of the surrender, was the 
 absence of Cass and McArthur. He had the utmost 
 confidence in Colonel McArthur, as a brave executive 
 officer ; and in Colonel Cass as an intelligent and able 
 adviser. Had they been present with their men, or 
 had we even known their position, there would pro 
 bably have been no surrender at that time. 
 
 "The cry of traitor spread among the soldiers, and 
 it became a popular cry through the country. But I 
 have not met with a field officer of that army, who 
 believed there was treason in the case. General 
 Cass has since declared to me, that he thought the 
 
460 APPENDIX. 
 
 main defect of General Hull, was ' the imbecility of 
 age,' and it was the defect of all the old veterans, 
 who took the field in the late war. A peaceful gov 
 ernment like ours, must always labour under similar 
 disadvantages. Our superannuated officers must be 
 called into service, or men without experience must 
 command our armies. 
 
 " It may be supposed, that I am a little partial to 
 my old commander, who treated me with all the 
 kindness of a father ; but he is long since dead, and 
 I have no inducement to disguise the truth or to 
 cover his defects. I was not examined at his trial, 
 and 1 will state the circumstances that prevented me. 
 When the trial was first ordered at Philadelphia, I 
 attended, but it was postponed for ten or twelve 
 months, and afterwards held at Albany, in New-York. 
 Having changed my residence, my summons did not 
 reach me until the trial had commenced, and I arrived 
 there just in time to hear the closing speech of Mr. 
 Van Buren, who was Prosecutor on the occasion. I 
 remember his identical words in relation to the prin 
 cipal charge ; viz., ' The charge of treason is not 
 only unsupported, but unsupportable? and from that 
 charge General Hull is entirely acquitted.' Hull was 
 condemned for cowardice and sentenced to be shot, 
 but recommended by the Court to the mercy of the 
 President, on account of his Revolutionary services. 
 The President remitted the sentence, but dismissed him 
 from the army. He afterwards wrote a defence, which 
 was so highly approved in Boston, that a public din 
 ner was tendered him, as an evidence of their appro- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 bation. My situation with General Hull was thrown 
 up to me in a taunting manner, by a distinguished 
 editor in Louisville, during the glories of 1840. I 
 paid no attention to it then, but will now remark, 
 that the appointment was eagerly sought for by older 
 men than myself, of the first respectability, who 
 would then have been proud to have taken my 
 place. 
 
 " The result of the campaign was a sore disap 
 pointment ; but I served my country faithfully, with 
 out pay or reward ; lost my horses and equipage into 
 the bargain, and have never regretted the sacrifice. 
 If this brief sketch affords amusement to your 
 readers, or adds one mite to the truth of history, I 
 shall be satisfied. 
 
 " Respectfully yours, 
 
 (Signed) ROBERT WALLACE," 
 
 NOTE 16. 
 
 Letter respecting the destitution of the country in 1812, and 
 the building of Perry's fleet. 
 
 [The following letter has been kindly communi 
 cated by a gentleman who has resided for many 
 years in Western Pennsylvania, and who was well 
 acquainted with the transactions in that region in 
 1812. Its details concerning Perry's efforts to pre 
 pare his fleet, will be found to be especially inter 
 esting.] 
 
462 APPENDIX. 
 
 "MEADVILLE, April 6, 1846. 
 
 " MY DEAR SIR, You ask me to give you my 
 recollections as to the state of destitution in which 
 the country found itself, when it was soimprovidently 
 involved in war in 1812, and as to the mismanage 
 ment of matters during the continuance of the con 
 test. This I will cheerfully do, premising, however, 
 that, from my local situation, most of my information 
 was necessarily derived from public papers, discus 
 sions in Congress, or from hearsay ; and further, that 
 I am speaking of matters which occurred upwards of 
 thirty years ago. The facts, however, to which I 
 shall advert, may perhaps be of use to you, in leading 
 you to a more extended inquiry in regard to them. 
 
 " Seldom had a nation better cause for going to 
 war than we had in 1812. Our seamen impressed; 
 our commerce interrupted ; our vessels captured and 
 condemned, and one of our public vessels attacked, 
 and some of the crew taken out of it; in one W 7 ord, 
 every injury and insult was offered us which a 
 haughty, overbearing nation could offer to a weak 
 and enduring one. England knew our national im 
 becility, and, presuming on that knowledge, thought 
 that she could play the bully with impunity. This 
 was one of the main causes which led to the war of 
 1812. 
 
 " Mr. Madison and his cabinet were fully sensible 
 of the unpreparedness of the country, and wished to 
 avoid war. They made no preparation for a coming 
 contest, either by an augmentation of the army or 
 navy, or by a repair of our forts, or by filling our 
 
APPENDIX. 463 
 
 arsenals. It appeared as if the Government intended 
 to keep down the war-spirit, bj keeping the country 
 in a state of utter destitution. If so, they were mis 
 taken. It is said that the w r ar party in Congress 
 presented to the Administration the alternative either 
 of war, or of their (the war-party) opposing the Ad 
 ministration, and Mr. Madison's re-election. Unfor 
 tunately Mr. Madison preferred his popularity ; and 
 we were hurried into a war in such a state of total 
 unpreparedness, that the commercial portion of the 
 community would not believe that such an act of 
 insanity was possible, until war was actually de 
 clared. If Mr. Madison, even at the opening of the 
 session of 1811-12, had recommended to Congress 
 to prepare the country for war, and had refused to 
 declare war until the country should be prepared for 
 it, I feel confident that the war would have been 
 avoided. England did not wish to go to war ; she 
 only presumed on our forbearance. The moment 
 she found we were in earnest, she repealed her 
 orders in council, one of the most objectionable of 
 her aggressions. 
 
 " I shall now mention a few instances of the unpre 
 paredness of the country, when war was declared, in 
 1812. 
 
 " During the administration of the elder Adams, a 
 small navy was created, consisting of a few frigates, 
 and some smaller vessels. On Mr. Jefferson's coming 
 into power, two of the frigates (perhaps some other 
 of the public vessels) were sold, and the public money 
 was wasted in building gun-boats, a JefTersonian 
 
464 APPENDIX. 
 
 philosophical experiment, which proved worse than 
 useless. I am not aware that a single shot was fired 
 from one of these gun-boats (unless it were at or 
 near New Orleans) during the whole course of the 
 war. In 1804 our small naval force was still further 
 diminished by the loss of the frigate Philadelphia 
 (one of the finest in our navy), which was wrecked 
 near Tripoli, and afterwards burned. None of these 
 defalcations were supplied by the substitution of other 
 vessels. 
 
 " But I shall pass to the situation of the naval 
 force on Lake Erie, as being more intimately con 
 nected with the object of your inquiry. 
 
 " During the administration of the elder Adams, 
 a vessel of war was built (bearing his name), which, 
 at the time, gave us the command of Lake Erie. To 
 judge of the importance of having the command of 
 that Lake, we must take into consideration the situa 
 tion of the country bordering on it. That was, pre 
 vious to 1812, with few exceptions, an unbroken wil 
 derness, yielding no supplies. All the provisions, and 
 most of the warlike stores, for the forts on the Lakes, 
 Detroit, Michilimackinac, Chicago, and I believe 
 even Niagara, were drawn from the neighborhood of 
 Pittsburgh, ascended the Alleghany river and French 
 creek, and were shipped at the port of Erie for their 
 several places of destination. The three first-named 
 forts were totally dependent on the navigation of the 
 Lakes for their supplies. That cut off, and these posts 
 became, in a great measure, untenable. The Gov 
 ernment appears to have been aware of this fact, but 
 
APPENDIX. 465 
 
 no adequate measures were taken to secure the com 
 mand of the Lakes. No new vessels of war were 
 built there. The only thing done was to haul up the 
 Adams, in order to have her lengthened, so as to ren 
 der her better able to cope with the English war 
 vessels on the Lake. But such was the improvidence 
 of our Government, that the Adams was yet on the 
 stocks when war was declared. She was, I believe, 
 subsequently launched fell into the hands of the En 
 glish at the surrender of Detroit was cut out from 
 under Fort Erie, Upper Canada, by Captain Elliott, 
 and was, on that occasion, wrecked on the rocks in 
 the Niagara river. The English having thus the un 
 disputed possession of Lake Erie, and the upper 
 Lakes, the fate of the upper posts was sealed. 
 There were then no roads connecting these posts 
 with the settled parts of the country, by which sup 
 plies could be obtained. The communication with 
 Detroit, (the only one of these posts which might be 
 supplied by land,) was, by reason of intervening 
 swamps, forests, and rivers, so difficult, as to be easily 
 cut off by an enemy ; and hence Messrs. Cass and 
 McArthur, who, with a considerable force, were sent 
 to bring provisions to the Fort, did not bring them, 
 because the enemy would not let them. When in 
 1813, Harrison's army penetrated to Fort Meigs, it 
 was with the utmost difficulty, and at an immense 
 expense of money, that its most indispensable wants 
 could be supplied, and yet the only existing obstacle 
 arose from the badness of the roads and the distance 
 
 of transportation. But the worst part of the road to 
 
 30 
 
466 APPENDIX. 
 
 Detroit was situated north of the Maumee river ; 
 and that portion of the road, from its contiguity to 
 the Lake arid to Maiden, was constantly liable to in 
 terruption by the enemy. Hence Harrison could 
 never advance beyond the Maumee, until Perry's 
 victory gave us the command of the Lakes. He then 
 easily advanced invaded Canada defeated and 
 captured the whole of the British force, and then 
 stopped short in his career of conquest, having by 
 that time probably become sensible, that the project 
 of conquering Canada by the way of Detroit, was a 
 most miserable military blunder. 
 
 " It is perfectly clear that all our early disasters 
 on the upper Lakes were to be attributed to the En 
 glish having the command of the Lakes ; and that, if 
 the Adams had been fitted out in time, and perhaps 
 another vessel of war added, so as to give us the de 
 cided superiority on the water, the loss of Detroit 
 and Michilimackinac, and the massacre of the garri 
 son of Chicago, would not only have been prevented, 
 but we should also have saved the enormous ex 
 penditures attendant on Harrison's campaign, and 
 the fitting out of Perry's fleet on Lake Erie. 
 
 " To the gross error of not securing a naval supe 
 riority, was added the neglect of putting our military 
 posts in a proper state of defence, and of furnishing 
 them with ample supplies. I was told that the 
 works of all these posts were in a state of dilapida 
 tion, and that even the gun-carriages at Detroit were 
 unfit for service, and had to be repaired, or replaced 
 by new ones, before the guns could be used. On 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 467 
 
 this point, the papers of General Hull will probably 
 give you more correct information. 
 
 " But a far more guilty piece of negligence, was 
 the omission to give the commanders of the different 
 posts timely notice of the intended declaration of 
 war. Instead of getting the information of the de 
 claration of war from their own Government, they 
 learned it through the enemy ; and the consequence 
 was, that Michilimackinac was surprised before it was 
 known that there was war ; that a part of the baggage 
 of Hull's army was captured ; and that the garrison 
 at Chicago, which ought either to have been ade 
 quately strengthened, or withdrawn in time, was mas 
 sacred by the Indians immediately on leaving the 
 fort to fall back on Detroit, as they had been directed 
 to do. The loss of Mackinaw and Chicago removed 
 every check on the incursion of the western Indians, 
 and their operations soon rendered the communication 
 between Detroit and the settled portions of Ohio 
 impracticable, and thus the fate of that post, and of 
 Hull's army, became unavoidable. The latter de 
 feated the Indians at Maguaga ; they might perhaps 
 have beaten the English under General Brock, but 
 this could only postpone their fate, not avert it. Cut 
 off from all intercourse with those points from which 
 their supplies were derived, they must either starve or 
 surrender, there was no third alternative. 
 
 " The impracticability of General Harrison's 
 penetrating beyond the Maumee, and the enormous 
 expense incurred in supplying his army there, that 
 he might cover that section of country against the 
 
468 APPENDIX, 
 
 enemies, at length convinced the Government of the 
 absolute necessity of obtaining the mastery of Lake 
 Erie ; and in the spring of 1813, the construction of 
 a fleet was commenced at the port of Erie. This 
 fleet was to consist of two brigs, carrying twenty 
 guns each ; three gun-boats, and an advice-boat. No 
 previous preparation had been made for the building 
 and equipment of this fleet. On the 1st of April ? 
 1813, nearly all the timber used for the construction 
 of this fleet, was still standing in the forest. This y 
 however, was on the spot, but all the other materiel 
 for this fleet, such as cordage, blocks, anchors, guns y 
 ammunition, &c., had to be brought from a distance, 
 most of it from Philadelphia. To form some idea of 
 the trouble and expense attending the transportation 
 of this materiel, you must recollect that at that time 
 the turnpike from Philadelphia westward, extended 
 only to Harrisburgh ; that from thence to Pittsburgh. 
 a distance of 200 miles, the road, particularly in the 
 mountains, was very rough ; and that from Pittsburgh 
 to Erie, a distance of about 130 miles, the roads being 
 common country roads, were very soon so cut up by 
 the heavy hauling on them, as to become nearly im 
 passable. To give some idea of the expense of 
 transportation I would observe, that previous to the 
 war of 1812, and after the close of it in 1815, the 
 expense of transportation from Philadelphia to Mead- 
 ville, might be computed at 12J cents per pound. If 
 we now add to this the 37 miles increased distance 
 from Meadville to Erie, and make due allowance for 
 the increased expense during a state of war, and take 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 469 
 
 also into consideration that in the hauling for the 
 public there were no return freights, 1 think we shall 
 not be far wrong in estimating the expense of trans 
 portation from Philadelphia to Erie at about 20 cents 
 per pound. 
 
 The officer selected to superintend the construc 
 tion of this fleet, and to command it, was Oliver H. 
 Perry, a young man of about 27 years of age, and 
 then a Master-Commandant in the navy. Happily 
 for the West, a more judicious selection could hardly 
 have been made. To a sound practical judgment, 
 Perry joined an uncommon degree of energy, and 
 an untiring industry, and these enabled him, with 
 very inadequate means, to have his fleet ready for 
 service in August, and to achieve, on the 10th Sep 
 tember 1813, the memorable victory, which will hand 
 his name down to posterity. Most people in this 
 country know Perry only as the hero of the 10th of 
 September. This is doing him great injustice. I, 
 who was intimate with him, and was acquainted with 
 the difficulties he had to contend with in the equip 
 ment of his fleet, always considered that he showed 
 more real greatness by the courage with which he 
 bore up under these difficulties, than by his victory. 
 To form some idea of Perry's situation, you must 
 know that, up to the end of August, he had under 
 him but a single commissioned officer (the present 
 Capt. Turner), then a young man without experience, 
 and who had but recently been commissioned. The 
 rest of Perry's officers were young midshipmen. 
 Just previous to the action, Capt. Elliott (then a 
 
470 APPENDIX. 
 
 Master-Commandant) joined the fleet, and this made 
 three commissioned officers to a fleet of six vessels of 
 war. 
 
 In point of men, Capt. Perry's means were still 
 more deficient. The marines for the fleet, furnished 
 by the Government from the Depot at Washington, 
 consisted of a Capt. or Lieut. (Brooks, killed in the ac 
 tion), and of a Sergeant, a drummer, and a fifer. Two 
 or three men were recruited on the route to Erie, and 
 the rest of the marines had to be recruited at Erie. 
 As to sailors, Perry's means were also greatly defi 
 cient. By one of those arrangements so common 
 during the war in question, the expediency of which 
 it is difficult to reconcile with common sense, Perry 
 was put under the orders of Chauncey, the Com 
 mander of the naval force on Lake Ontario, and 
 all the supplies of men, intended for Lake Erie ? 
 wherever enlisted, were in the first instance sent to 
 Sacket's Harbour. The consequences were such as 
 might have been expected. So long as men could 
 be used on Lake Ontario, to fill up the crews of the 
 vessels there to their full complement, none were 
 sent to Perry, and when any were sent, they were 
 the refuse of the drafts. Captain Elliot stated sub 
 sequently, in my presence, that, serving at that lime 
 on Lake Ontario, he had himself had the picking of 
 the men to be sent to Lake Erie, and that none were 
 sent but the worst ; and that if he could then have 
 foreseen that he himself should be sent to Lake Erie, 
 his selections would have been very different. Perry y 
 in a letter to the Secretary of the Navy, expressed 
 
APPENDIX. 471 
 
 some surprise that so large a portion of the prime 
 New England sailors, enlisted in the cities, should 
 be turned into negroes and mulattoes before they 
 reached him ; but acknowledged himself grateful for 
 getting even such. And well he might be so, con 
 sidering how alarmingly deficient he was in men. 
 After the si vessels, built at Erie, were all launched, 
 and while he was fitting them out, he had but about 
 a hundred men, of which, from sundry causes, a large 
 number were on the sick list. As all fit for duty had 
 to work hard the whole day in fitting out the fleet, 
 there were no spare men to row even a single guard- 
 boat, to give notice of any night attack which might 
 be made on the fleet. An English fleet of five ves 
 sels of war was at that time cruising off the harbour, 
 in full view. That fleet might, at any time, have sent 
 jts boats, during a dark night, and the destruction of 
 the whole American fleet was almost inevitable, for 
 Perry's force was totally inadequate to its defence, 
 and the regiment of Midland Pennsylvania Militia, 
 stationed at Erie expressly for the defence of the 
 fleet, refused to keep guard at night on board. ' I 
 told the boys to go, Captain,' said the worthless 
 Colonel of this regiment, in excusing himself for not 
 sending a guard on board, ' 1 told the boys to go, but 
 the boys won't go.' 
 
 " In this state of destitution Perry was left for 
 weeks ; and a more trying one cannot well be im 
 agined. Intrusted with the command of an impor 
 tant squadron, for the safety of which he was held 
 responsible, without being furnished with the means 
 
472 APPENDIX. 
 
 to defend it, he never could go to sleep with the 
 reasonable certainty that before morning his fleet 
 would not be destroyed, and his reputation and pro 
 fessional prospects be blasted for ever ; for he knew 
 well enough that, in case of any accident, he would 
 be made the scape-goat. 
 
 " Under these trying circumstances Perry con 
 stantly bore up with a constancy and fortitude which 
 excited my admiration more than did his subsequent 
 victory. I never knew his fortitude to forsake him 
 except once, and then his despondency was only 
 momentary. He had been promised that, by a cer 
 tain day, Chauncey would be at the head of Lake 
 Ontario, and land there the men necessary to man 
 Perry's fleet. Perry had sent an officer to receive 
 this detachment, and to conduct it to Erie. He was 
 elated with the prospect of having his wants at 
 length supplied ; and it was when his officer returned, 
 and reported that Chauncey had been at the head 
 of the Lake at the appointed time, had received his 
 letter, and had sailed again down Lake Ontario 
 without landing a man, or sending any answer, that 
 Perry's fortitude, for a moment, appeared to give way, 
 and that he complained bitterly to me of the state of 
 abandonment in which his country left him. 
 
 " When, ultimately, the vessels were ready to 
 sail, Perry called on the militia for volunteers, to 
 serve on board, while the vessels were getting over 
 the bar at the mouth of the harbour, it being expected 
 that he would be attacked during the slow process 
 of getting the vessels over. After the vessels had 
 
APPENDIX. 473 
 
 been got over, he again called for volunteers to make 
 a short cruise with him to Long Point, and the lower 
 part of the Lake, in quest of the enemy. How 
 many volunteers he obtained I do not now recollect, 
 but among them was a rifle company, consisting of 
 72 men from this neighbourhood. It was while Perry 
 was absent on this cruise, that Elliott arrived at Erie 
 with a reinforcement of 100 seamen. Thus rein 
 forced, Perry sailed up the Lake to Sandusky Bay. 
 Here he got an additional supply of about 60 sailors, 
 from some of the regular regiments in Harrison's 
 army, and a considerable number of volunteers to 
 serve as marines. Notwithstanding all these rein 
 forcements, Perry had, on the day of the action, on 
 his own vessel, a crew of only 120 men, of whom 
 about 20 were on the sick list. 
 
 " From what I have said, it must not be inferred 
 that Captain Barclay, Perry's opponent, was wanting 
 either in courage or enterprise. He was a brave 
 man, but placed, like Perry, under the orders of the 
 commander on Lake Ontario, and, like his antago 
 nist, treated in the most niggardly manner. 
 
 " The mismanagement respecting the army was 
 equally great. The officers appointed to the new re 
 giments were, with some exceptions, totally ignorant 
 of all military knowledge. Too many of them were 
 young men of dissipated habits, unfit for civil pur 
 suits or occupations ; or political brawlers who had 
 recommended themselves to the Government by their 
 noisy patriotism. The common men were mostly 
 enlisted in taverns and beer-houses. At first, the en- 
 
474 APPENDIX.] 
 
 listments were, if my recollection serves me, for 
 three years, or during the war. As the difficulty of 
 obtaining men increased, the bounty was increased, 
 and the term of service shortened, until, at last, a heavy 
 bounty was given to men who were enlisted only for 
 nine months. A more ruinous system it would be 
 difficult to conceive. As the recruiting stations were 
 generally at a considerable distance from the scenes 
 of action, and as at least a number of men must be 
 collected at a depot before they could be sent off, the 
 term of enlistment of these men was nearly, if not 
 quite, expired, by the time they reached the army. 
 
 " On the breaking out of the war, it became ne 
 cessary to furnish arms to the militia of this section 
 of Pennsylvania. The Governor accordingly sent us 
 a number of boxes filled with muskets, and their usual 
 accompaniments from the State Arsenal. I was pre 
 sent at the unpacking of these guns, and never, I 
 believe, in modern days, has such a collection been 
 seen. In some, the touch-hole was so covered by the 
 lock as to have no communication with the pan. In 
 others, the touch-hole was half an inch above the pan 
 when shut, and some had no touch-hole at all. Many 
 of the barrels were splintered, or had other internal 
 defects. In one word, the whole were useless until 
 armourers were set at work on them, when a portion 
 of them were rendered fit for service. 
 
 " The militia of this section of Pennsylvania were 
 repeatedly called out to march to Erie, though the 
 object of the call was not always obvious, unless it 
 were to let the officers earn some money ; for patriot- 
 
APPENDIX. 475 
 
 ism then, as now, had a special care of number one. 
 There never was a shot fired there. On some of 
 those occasions the troops, on their arrival at Erie, 
 were destitute of ammunition ; and on one occasion 
 there were no flints. An Aid-de-Camp of the Major- 
 General was sent off on horseback to liarrisburg to 
 communicate this want to the Governor. The Gov 
 ernor went round among the stores in the town, arid 
 purchased what flints were to be had, putting them 
 in his pocket as he purchased them. The Aid-de- 
 Camp brought them in his saddle-bags to Erie. A 
 supply might, in the same manner, have been obtained 
 nearer Erie in one-third the time, and at half the ex 
 pense. 
 
 "In 1812, a brigade of Pennsylvania militia, of 
 about 2000 men, partly drafted men, but mostly vol 
 unteer companies, were assembled at Meadville, des 
 tined to reinforce General Smyth's army at Buffalo. 
 I have seldom seen a finer collection of men, but they 
 were rendered totally useless for want of proper offi 
 cers. The troops elected here their own superior 
 officers. The Colonels, with one exception, were 
 totally inefficient, and the General, though I believe 
 physically brave, was morally a coward, and dared 
 not either to introduce proper discipline, or to enforce 
 the few orders he issued. Hence that which might 
 have been a fine, useful body of troops, was nothing 
 but an armed mob. They remained lying here in 
 camp for a couple of months, doing nothing. They 
 were then marched to Buffalo, where they were left 
 in the same state of inaction, until sickness broke out 
 
476 APPENDIX. 
 
 among them, when some deserted, and the rest were 
 dismissed, without any of them having seen an ene 
 my. Smyth had abundant means of invading Can 
 ada (the object for which he was at Buffalo), but I 
 believe he was deficient in personal courage. He was 
 a mere braggadocio. He kept constantly proclaiming 
 that he would cross the Niagara river forthwith. Two 
 or three times the troops for the invasion were actu 
 ally embarked, but were countermanded after remain 
 ing some hours in the boats. Once he appeared to 
 have brought his courage to the right pitch. The 
 troops were embarked in the evening. A party of 
 sailors was sent over to storm the English battery. 
 This was gallantly accomplished, though with some 
 loss. Instead of crossing immediately, Smyth re 
 mained on the American side till morning. This 
 gave time to the English to receive reinforcements 
 from below. The few men who had crossed were 
 overpowered, and Smyth disembarked his troops. 
 He was one of Uncle Sam's hard bargains. 
 
 " If the military operations were badly managed, 
 the fiscal affairs of the country were not managed 
 better. Our fiscal system is defective, in that all our 
 revenue is derived from import duties. The conse 
 quence is, that when at war with one of the large 
 maritime powers of Europe, our revenue is diminished, 
 because our importations are interrupted ; and besides, 
 this system does not admit of being extended so as 
 to yield an increased revenue when wanted. It would 
 be much better, both for the country and the revenue, 
 to prohibit altogether the importation of all such ar- 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 477 
 
 tides as we can manufacture ourselves in sufficient 
 quantity to supply the wants of the country, and then 
 to lay a tax on the home manufactures. Such a sys 
 tem of revenue would be unaffected by war, and ad 
 mit of the necessary expansion when an increase of 
 revenue was required. This per parenthese. 
 
 " When war was contemplated, Mr. Gallatin y 
 then Secretary of the Treasury, endeavoured to cool 
 down the war party in Congress, by representing 
 that war would render it necessary to resort again to 
 a stamp act and tax on whisky, taxes which, on ac 
 count of former associations, were peculiarly unpopu 
 lar. But the war spirits were not thus to be deterred. 
 They declared that the money to carry on the war 
 was to be raised, not by taxing but by borrowing ; 
 and Gallatin, who did not wish to risk his reputation 
 as a financier on such a philosophical experiment, 
 soon withdrew from the concern, and procured for 
 himself a mission to France. 
 
 " He was succeeded by G. W. Campbell, an 
 honest, well-meaning man, I believe, but destitute of 
 all fiscal talents. He tried the borrowing scheme, 
 forgetting that to borrow there must be lenders, and 
 that people are not inclined to lend to government 
 unless the regular payment of the interest be secured 
 by a permanent revenue. The result of this experi 
 ment was a rapid declination of the credit of the 
 United States. I do not now recollect what was the 
 precise price of stocks in each particular year of the 
 war, but I know it kept constantly decreasing. In 
 1811 United States stock was at 103^ per cent. In 
 
478 * APPENDIX. 
 
 1813, 1 took part in a loan at 88| per cent. Stocks 
 afterwards fell considerably lower, but 1 do not now 
 recollect the worst terms on which money was bor 
 rowed, but I think it was 78 a 80 per cent. A single 
 fiscal blunder will show Mr. Campbell's utter incapa 
 city. He made a contract with Mr. Jacob Barker 
 for a loan of several millions of dollars, I think at 
 85 per cent, but with a proviso, that if the Secretary, 
 the next time he borrowed, had to give more advan 
 tageous terms to the lender, Barker was to have the 
 same terms for his loan. Barker's loan was, of 
 course, divided among the chief money lenders of 
 that day, and when the Secretary was obliged to go 
 next into the market for a new loan, these moneyed 
 men had a direct interest to prevent his getting it, 
 except on the most usurious terms. It has lately 
 been stated in Congress, by Mr. Calhoun and others, 
 that the United States borrowed money at, at least, 
 30 per cent, discount. The fact is literally true, 
 though as nominally the United States did riot issue 
 $100 scrip for $70 in money, it may require some 
 explanation. During the war, the southern and mid 
 land Atlantic ports were blockaded. The New Eng 
 land ports became thus the main ports of importation, 
 and the foreign commerce of the country was through 
 these ports. As our exports were greatly diminished, 
 the goods imported had to be paid for in cash. This 
 drained gradually, first the more distant parts, and 
 afterwards those nearer to New England, of specie, 
 and the consequence was a stoppage of all the Banks 
 south and west ot New- York. This suspension of 
 
APPENDIX. 479 
 
 specie payments naturally caused a depreciation of 
 their paper, and that depreciation was greater or less 
 in proportion to the distance at which such Bank was 
 situated from New England. Now it was in the de 
 preciated paper of such suspended Banks that the 
 United States loans were paid. 
 
 " During the progress of the war (I think chiefly 
 after Campbell had left the Treasury), some direct 
 and indirect taxes were imposed, but this return to 
 common sense came too late, and was too inefficient 
 to restore the fast sinking credit of the United States. 
 In the latter part of 1814, we presented to the world 
 the spectacle of a nation, whose resources were 
 nearly untouched, and which was yet on the verge of 
 bankruptcy, merely because its rulers had not had 
 either the skill, or the moral courage, to call these re- 
 
 7 o ' 
 
 sources into action. If the war had continued six 
 months longer, the Government would probably have 
 been in an open, declared state of bankruptcy. 
 " Believe me ever most truly, your friend." 
 
 NOTE 17. 
 
 Letter from William Sullivan, Esq., to a Daughter of 
 General Hull. 
 
 "BOSTON, July 27, 1835. 
 
 " DEAR MADAM, I did not receive your letter of 
 27th April until last evening. I well remember your 
 father, as a visiter of my father, when I was a youth, 
 more than forty years ago. 1 always considered him 
 to be a personal and political friend of my father, and 
 
480 APPENDIX. 
 
 as belonging to the Democratic or Republican party 
 of the times which followed the adoption of the Na 
 tional Constitution. You know that, from 1789 to 
 the end of the late war, the citizens of the United 
 States were divided into two great parties and all 
 persons who were of importance enough to belong to 
 any party, belonged to one or the other of them. 
 
 " There were shades of difference among the 
 members of these two parties, but not so distinct as 
 to enable me to distinguish among individuals of that 
 party, to which I did not belong myself. 
 
 " If I were asked whether General Hull belonged 
 to the Jeffersonian or Republican party, I should 
 answer, that 1 think he did. If I were asked whether 
 he approved of National Policy in Mr. Jefferson's 
 time, in all respects, I should answer, that I had no 
 opportunity of knowing that he disapproved of any 
 of it. If I were asked whether he disapproved of 
 National Policy in Mr. Adams' time, I should say, I 
 think he did, because that disapprobation was com 
 mon to his party. What his peculiar views and opin 
 ions were in the time of Washington (1789-1797), I 
 know not. In all these times there was little room 
 for compromising as to opinions. 
 
 " The tyranny of party was as powerful then as 
 it has been at any time since. Partisans on both 
 sides were in full communion, and the neutral or the 
 wavering were of no account. I think, therefore, that 
 your father would be ranked among the distinguished 
 men in Massachusetts, who were of the Democratic 
 party, and thought and acted as they did : and what 
 
APPENDIX. 481 
 
 they thought, and how they acted, is now matter of 
 history. The precise line pursued by your father I 
 cannot designate. I began to be in the Legislature 
 in 1804. I do not remember to have met your father 
 there. I saw him only when he came into Boston, 
 and called to see my father in a friendly way, or on 
 business. I have no remembrance of any conversa 
 tion on these occasions, which would indicate any dif 
 ference between your father's sentiments and those 
 generally entertained by his party. I always enter 
 tained a high respect for your father, as he was al 
 ways, in my view, a courteous and honourable gen 
 tleman. I regarded his trial and condemnation as a 
 State affair and was gratified in any opportunity of 
 showing a personal respect for him. 
 
 " I have the honour to be, with great respect and 
 esteem, your obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) WILLIAM SULLIVAN." 
 
 " To Mrs. MARIA CAMPBELL." 
 
 NOTE 18. 
 
 Copy of a Letter from S. Hale, Esq. to Mrs. N. B. Hick- 
 man, a daughter of General Hull. 
 
 "KEENE, New Hampshire, Sept. 27, 1847. 
 
 " MADAM, 1 thank you for the ' Memoirs of -the 
 Northwestern Army,"* under General Hull, which 
 
 * The " Memoirs of the North- of public opinion throughout the 
 
 western Army," above referred to, United States in favour of General 
 
 were published by General Hull in Hull. 
 1 825, and produced a great change 
 
 31 
 
482 APPENDIX. 
 
 you were so good as to send me. That public senti 
 ment has been unjust to him, I do not doubt, and 
 have never doubted ; and now, after having had my 
 attention again fixed on the subject, and called to 
 mind all I have read and heard, I am convinced that 
 to others rather than to him, should the disasters of 
 that campaign be attributed. I have no doubt of his 
 patriotism, nor of his personal courage. 
 
 " I am now convinced that the Administration of 
 that day did not contemplate the conquest of Canada. 
 
 " It is sad, my dear madam, to reflect how care 
 lessly and unjustly praise and censure are often dis 
 pensed in this world. 
 
 " Very respectfully, yours, 
 
 (Signed) S. HALE." 
 
 " MRS. N. B. HICKMAN. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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 2661^5 
 
 E353.1 
 Campbell, M.H. H9 
 
 Revolutionary services C18 
 and civil life of 
 General William Hull. 
 
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 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
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