A A JJ ' DJ 9 3 7 5 4 — = 33 3 — o 7 UCJ'i ^5 THE EEPHAIM, AND THEIR CONNECTION WITH EGYPTIAN HISTORY BY FANNY COKBAUX. [Reprinted from the Journal of Sacked Litkrature, Vols. 1. II. and III.. New Series.] THE REPHAIM, AND THEIR CONNEXION WITH EGYPTIAN q\r HISTORY." //Q [Reprinted from 'Kitto'x Journal of Sacred Literature,' for Oct. 1851.] C G>7 CHAPTER I. State of Palestine during the Patriarchal period. Before we can hope to understand fully the political condition of Egypt and that of Israel, at the momentous epoch when the latter were " brought out of the house of bondage" to be made a nation among nations, we must ascend the stream of time some five centuries, in order to study the revolutions wrought during that interval in the condition of those people of Palestine who were the precursors of Israel in the land ; and who, under the appointment of an overruling Providence, were the principal agents in working out — indirectly, the destinies of Israel, — and directly, those of Egypt. The two centuries preceding the Exode are a point in time when the history of these two nations unites ; and we must look to Palestine for the connecting link between them. Why — when Joseph's family entered Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 34) — was every shepherd such an abomination to the Egyptians, that the relatives of the king's greatest benefactor were objects of suspicion to his people from their manner of life and occupa- tion? Why was the land of Goshen the only spot in all Egypt where they eovdd be tolerated by the population ? What revo- lutions subsequently brought on such a change of feeling towards the blameless and harmless Hebrews, that nothing short of their extermination could make the Egyptian monarch feel sure of his kingdom's safety? Why was he afraid that if they left the land, they would join his enemies? (Ex. i. 8 — 10.) And finally, ivho ivere those enemies ? Many and various solutions of these problems have been put Ibrth from time to time ; but nothing more definite than de- tached and imperfectly supported conjectures, has hitherto been offered in answer to the last and chief question of all — the key to the rest — Who were those great and formidable foes of Egypt « In the Biblical Intelligence of the last number of this Journal, we noticed a paper on the Rephaim, and their connexion with Egyptian History, by Miss Fanny CoRBAUx, which had been read before the Syro-Egyptian Society, and a brief ab- stract of which appeared in the Athenceum for March 15. This lady's close acquaint- ance with the class of subjects to which this enquiry relates, is well known through her able and interesting communications to the Society just named ; and it is therefore a peculiar satisfaction to us that our notice of the above paper has procured us the opportunity of laying the whole of this ingenious and valuable disquisition before our readers. What we now oft'er is the first portion of it. — Editor ./. S. L. A 2 The Rephahn. whose powei* the Egyptian monarchs so greatly dreaded; al- tliough upwards of a century had elapsed since they were beaten out of the land ? It is very clear that the brief and mutilated fragments of Manetho which have survived the wreck of ages, appear to con- nect these aggi'cssors of Egypt with Palestine. I trust I shall succeed in producing sufficient data to demonstrate that it is indeed to the history of a very remarkable, but hitherto disre- garded primeval race, once extensively spread over that land, and called in the Bible the Rephatm, that we may look with confidence, both for the solution of the great problem in Egyp- tian history — and for a test of the great chronological problem in Scripture history, the synchronical connexion of Egypt and Israel by equally authentic accounts of corresponding events, descril)ed by the great Thel)an conquerors in the monumental records of their triumphs, on the one hand ; and by the patriarch of history in the sacred annals of his people, on the other. The historical fragment which forms chapter xiv of Genesis, inserted by Moses into the biography of his ancestor Abraham, introduces us to this people ; and exhibits at the same time in so striking a light the political condition of Palestine at the epoch of his settlement in the land, that it will be desirable to have the narrative entire before our view for consideration. Genesis xiv. "^Now it was in the da^^s of Amraphel king of 8hinar, Arioch king of Ellasar,'' Chedorlaomcr king of Elam, and Tidal king of CJoini ; ^they made war with Bcra king of Sodom, and with l>irsha king of GonioiT.'di, Bliinab king of Adniah, ShemohiM" king of Zi'hoini, and the king (jf l?ela, which is (now) Zoar; '^all these were confederate in the vale of Shiddini,*^^ which is (now) the salt sea. * np^ Ellasar. In a very interesting paper read before the Geograpliical Society on the 14th April, Col. Rawlinson identified this naino with the Aapiiraa of Xenoplion, which he takes for Resen ; and considers the mounds of Niinn'id, named in the in- scriptions llebekha, to be the niirri Rehoboth of Gen. x. 11, and oidy a suburb of " the great city" Resen or Larissa=E]lasar. c n'-nu In etymology, and especially in the identification of jiroper names written in one language, with their corresponding forms in another, a close adher- en(!e to the original orthography is of great im]>ortimce. On this account I shall always render the Hebrew nanus of i)laces to be hereafter indentificd, by their radi- cals, without regard to the Masorite pointing, whenever a more ancient and authentic orthogra](hy of tiic names is found extant in the Egyptian records, to prove that the points give a wrong pronunciation. In the present instance-, I rt-ad Shuldim, the variation of tL' from sh to s being unknown in early times. The same observation a])j)lies to my reading of XdVo Shalem. Had Shiddim and Shalem been originally pronoimccd Siddim and Salem, Moses would have written them with a D. Vide the two orthographies of the test-word ShihlKtlclh, in Judges xii. (J. The Rephaim. 3 ''Twelve years tlicy sewed ( 'liedorlaomer, and in tlie thirteentli they rebelled. ^ And in the fourteenth year came Chedorlaomer and the kings that were with him, and smote the Kei'Iiaim in Ashtaroth- karnaim,'' the Zuzim in Ham, and the Emim in Shaveh-kiriathaim, ''and the Horim in the moimtains of Seir as far as El-Paran*^ (Elath), which is near the desert. '' Then they turned, and came to Ain-mishpat, which is (now) Kadesh, and smote all the country of the Ajialekites, and also the Amohites who were settled-^ in Hazazon-tamar. **Then went forth the king of Sodom, the king of (Jomorrah, the king of Admah, the king of Zeboim, and the king of Bela (now Zoar), and arrayed themselves in battle in the vale of Shiddim ^against Chedorlaomer king of Elam, Tidal king of Goi'm, Amraphel king of Hhinar, and Arioch king of Ellasai', four kings against five. '"There were pits of bitumen in the vale of Shiddim, The kings of Sodom and Gomorrah fled, and fell there, and the remainder fled to the mountain. '^And they fthe enemy) took all the riches of Sodom and Gomorrah, and all their provisions, and went their way ; ^^they also took Lot, son of Abram's brother, and his riches, and departed; he was settled in Sodom. ^^A fugitive came and told Abram the Eberite ;'^ he was then dwelling in the terebinth -grove of Mamre the Amorite, brother of Eshcol and of Aner ; these were in alliance with Abram. ^^When Abram heard that his kinsman was taken captive, he led forth his trained servants, born in his own house, three hundred and eighteen in number, and followed (the enemy) as far as Dan. ^^ He stole'* upon d CT51i? ninttJS The two-horned Ashtaroth, to whom this city, metropolis of Ba- shan, was dedicated. <; ]^«3 b'S( El-Paran, Elath. The Septuagint version, though in some parts made from a faulty text, happens in this place to give us the key to a valuable emen- dation of the Hebrew reading, pointing to the identity of El-paran and Elath, by shewing that the Hebrew must have originally read pnQ nb'« the terminal n of which has been acccidentally dropped. They translate ews t»s -repcjiivOov rij'i (f>apav "unto the terebinth-tree of Pharan," having evidently mistaken the final n of the proper name Elath for the feminine constructed form of Elah, a iei-ebinih- tree. And thus their translation — albeit an evident misinterpretation — proves the original reading Elath, and establishes the high antiquity of this important maritime city, ascending to an unknown period before the migration of Abraham. The situa- tion of Elath confirms this reading ; for the Israelite host passed this place and the contiguous fortress of Eziongaber, when they turned back from Kadesh to compass the mountains of Seir. Hence their route was the same as that of these Assyrian invaders, only reversing the direction. / " Settled" seems to render more precisely than dwelt, the radical idea of iffi' to sit down, settle, take up a fixed residence, as opposed to mj to sojourn, take up a passing residence. Dwell is ambiguous ; it covers both these ideas, which the Hebrew distinguishes. g niyn The Shemite descendants of Eber were known by this name among the Hamite races of Palestine and Egypt, to distinguish them from the Aramite Shemites their neighbom-s. It is remarkable that the Egyptians — and long afterwards the Philistines — invariably speak of the Israelites as the Ibrim or Woer\its= Hebrews. ''- Qn'by pbn'i This expression has given rise to much variety of opinion as to its A '> 4 The Rephaim. them by night, he and his servants, smote them, and pursued them as far as Hobah, which is to the north* of Damascus : ^^he brought Vack all the riches, and brought back also his kinsman Lot, and his riches, the women, and the people. ^^ The king of Sodom went forth to meet him, after his return from smiting Chedorlaomer and the kings with him, in the valley of Shaveh, which is the royal valley; ^^and Melchizedek king of Shalem brought forth bread and wine, (he was priest of the Supreme God,) ^'^and blessed him, saying, ' Blessed be Abram of the Supreme God, Possessor of heaven and earth ; ^'^And blessed be the Supreme God, Who hath delivered thine enemies into thine hand.' And he (Abram) gave him the tithe of all. "^^Then said the king of Sodom, Give me the persons, and take the riches for thyself. 22 Abram replied to the king of Sodom, I have lifted up my hand unto Jehovah, possessor of heaven and earth, '•^•''not to take of aught that is thine, from a hair-fillet even to a sandal-tie ; for thou shalt not say, 'I have enriched xVbram ; ^^ excepting what the youths have consumed, and the share of the men who Avent with me, Ancr, Eshcol, and Mamre, let these take their share." However unconnected with the remainder of the sacred his- tory this chapter may appear, in its rclatinj^ events w^liich befell nations we never hear of again until we hear that they liavc ceased to exist as nations, its import becomes of inestimable value when we turn our attention to the circumstantial character of the account. Then, each incident included in this precious fragment of primeval history becomes doubly significant by the consequences it draws after it in the way of inference. Firstly : We sec a group of nations, whose settlements extend from the foot of Mount Hermon to the head of the Elanitic precise signification. To he smooth or slippery seems tlu' radical sense of p^T. Compjire Gen. xxvii. 11, " IVIy brotlier Esau is a hairy man, and I am a smooth man:" also Ps. xii. 2, " flatterini; lijis ;" Prov. vi. 24; Isa. xxx. 10, "smooth things," i. e., flatteries : and in a redujilicatc form, Fs. xxxv. G, and Jer. xxiii. 12, " slip})cry ways." In .ler. xxxvii. 12, llic marginal correction of the common trans- lation, to slip away — instead of " sejiarate himself," which has no sense — is very appropriate ; the prophet was endeavouring to return by stealth, unjierceived, among his people, and was accordingly accused of "falling away" (or deserting) to the Chaldeans. In the present jiassage, the sense of this expression is the same; the writer seems to imply that Abram slipped in — glided by stealth on the enemy during the night, to take them by surprise. " He stole upon them." ' piranb biTDTTO The (piarters of the (-omjiass arc conventionally referred by the Hebrews to the i)Osition of a spectator fronting the rising sun. .Since QIJ? i/te front, is the cast, and ]n'n the right hand, is the south, — Vftoip the left, must be the north, and inN behind, the west. The Rephaim. 5 Gulf, at open war with another group of nations resident beyond the Euphrates, among whom the king of Elam takes the lead. Thus the power of Shinar, precursor of the great Babylonian empire, was at that time so inconsiderable, that its king acts here only the secondary part of subsidy to the state of Elam. Secondly : We see that although the Emim were no more than a section of this national group, the confederate princes of their five chief cities formed at that early period a sufficiently powerful body of people to withstand these four Asiatic kings, and to be evenly matched against them. This speaks very de- cidedly in favour of their power and importance relatively to their adversaries. Thirdly : We learn from the part taken by the king of Sodom in the proceedings after the victory, that this city was the metropolis, for its site is called " the Royal valley ;" and he himself must have been chief among the confederate Emim princes, for he claims the persons of the captives rescued by Abram, as his subjects; and takes upon himself to dispose of the recovered booty, by his munificent offer of the whole to the deliverer of his people. Such a claim and exercise of authority can only be the privileges of one whose supremacy is admitted : the metropolitan chief and head of the tribe. Fourthly — and what appears very extraordinary — the king of another district leaves his metropolis in the centre of Pales- tine, and goes forth to the land of the Emim, to meet Abram and his people, who were escorting home Lot and the other rescued captives. Brief as are the terms of the record, the transaction in question obviously refers to a solemn public cere- mony of thanksgiving, at which this king officiates in a sacer- dotal character, and fulfils religious rites of which he and Abram partake in common. He not only prays for the Divine blessing on Abram, but returns thanks to God for his victory ; although it does not appear, as far as that narrative shews, that his own immediate subjects had either been endangered or implicated in the war. What then could his relation be to the people in the Royal valley of Shaveh, whom the danger and the deliverance so nearly concerned? But, what is more extraordinary still, and certainly implies that this king of Slialem did stand in some acknowledged rela- tion of superiority to the people of Sodom, is, that he receives as a matter of course the tribute of a tenth of the spoil recovered from the enemy. He receives it, as St. Pavil very clearly inti- mates (Heb. vii. 1 — 7), in virtue of a prescriptive right analo- gous to that under which the Levitical priesthood afterwards received their tithe. For mark : " Abram gave him a tithe of 6 The Rephaim. all,'' immediately after the religious ceremony ; this was before all the spoil had been offered to himself by the king of Sodom. So that at the time he is said to have given " a tithe of all," it was not yet his own to present as a personal gift. We can hardly avoid inferring from this, that Melchizedek must have received it through the hands of Abram, in virtue of a sacred pre-existing right, acknowledged by all parties present, and by the king of Sodom the very first. This duty fulfilled, the residue is to be divided. A share of it was in justice due to Abram and to his allies, in return for the benefit they had rendered to the people by its recovery and the rescue of their captives. The king of Sodom offers him the whole Avithout reserve : " Give me the persons, and take the riches for thyself." But the patri- arch, unwilling to place himself under obligation to a people with whom he did not wish to keep up any personal intercourse, declines any share of the wealth for himself; and that in terms which admit the right of the giver : " I will not take of aught tliat is thine." He only avails himself of the Emim chieftain's generosity to secure his Amorite friends a just reward for their personal assistance. What then was the position of this king of Shalem towards the Emim trilies, that such a right should exist on his part, and that the others should so scrupulously fulfil its claims ? And finally^ on considering over these circumstances, we ask our- selves. What were these nations whom we find spread over so large a part of Palestine at this early age, occupying so conspi- cuous a position in its political affairs ; united by so striking a liond of federal discipline, which implies a systematic national organization of no short standing ; and yet of whom we hear no more in Scripture, until Moses informs us that they have almost wholly disappeared? (Deut. ii. 10, 11, 19—^1; iii. 1—11.) What was their origin — their history — their end ? The reversion of their lands to Abram's posterity was pro- phetically announced to the then childless patriarch, just after these events, when they were yet "a great, nimierous, and haughty people ;" when the land was full of them, and they w(!rc its lords. Where shall we read their whole histoi-y, so as to follow up the succession of events wherel)y, under the inscru- table disj)ositions of Providence, the fulfilment of that promise was finally accomplished ? Not in the sacred annids alone. But these give us the key to that history. They give us the names of this people — of their tribes — and of their cities ; we (tan thereby k;arn their geogra- |)hi(;:il distribution. In the opening of tlie Mosaic I'ccord, they arc displayed once to our view, while in the plenitude of their The Rephaim. 7 power. At its closc^ they arc mentioned again as fallen — dis- persed — lost ! But the monumental records of ancient Egypt abundantly supply the missing links of this broken chain. I propose to shew how, in these, we not only may recognize the same names, and trace them to the same lands ; but also how the very people live again before our eyes, their appearance, their costumes, their arms, their gods, depicted on her sculptures ; their deeds recorded on her tablets. These tell the tale of a long, invete- rate national struggle between the two giant powers of primeval antiquity. In these we may learn how and when this ancient people of Palestine were cast down from their lofty position as conquerors and rulers of Egypt — pursued into the heart and to the very recesses of their native domains — and there cut up piecemeal, tribe Ijy tribe, during a fierce conflict of three long centuries ; till they were at last brought so low in the scale of nations, as to yield before the conquering Hebrew host and be scattered to nothing in a single battle, even before these had crossed the Jordan to enter the land of Canaan. CHAPTER II. Geographical distribution of the Mizraim. It is now generally received among ethnologists that the original settlers in the valley of the Nile were an Asiatic race. The final establishment of a large tribe in the remoter regions of a newly colonized country is always a work of time, the na- tural eflect of a gradual advance from the starting-point, accord- ing to the necessities of an increasing population. We therefore must not be surprised at an attempt to trace, in the various tribes comprehended under the name of Rephaim in the most ancient parts of the Bible records, and resident in southern and eastern Palestine, a people identical with or nearly related to the primitive colonists of Lower Egypt, who are included in those records under the general denomination of Mizraim. Two Asiatic races, both Hamitic families, would appear to have established colonies in the valley of the Nile, simultaneously, but advancing from opposite directions. The Cushites of northern Arabia, after forming a line of settlements along the shores of the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean, entered the African continent that way, and founded an empire in Nubia ; from thence ex- tending far into Upper Egypt. Eor all these lands are denomi- nated "Cush" in the Bible. Meanwhile, another Hamitic family, the Mizraim, having entered Lower Egypt through the 8 The Rephaim. intermediate tract of eastern and southern Palestine, ultimately extended theii' settlements up the Nile. How far southward the Mizraim may have reached before they came up with the Cushite colonies, and to what extent the ancient Egyptians of the Thebaid may be considered a mixed race, must remain a matter of conjecture. Where such a mix- ture has taken place, whether from gradual and peacefid amal- gamation of two neighbom'ing stocks, or whether from subse- quent conquest, it becomes very difficult to draw the exact line of demarcation between them, from their physical peculiarities. But a record of the original boundary between these two ambi- tious rival races of Egypt seems preserved by the Biblical names of their lands. INIigdol and Syene are quoted in Scripture^ as the " Dan and Beersheba " of ^Nlizraimite Egypt, its two oppo- site extremities ; beyond this, Cush or Ethiopia begins ; and all this country is generally included under the designation of Mizraim, whether the whole remained under the dominion of the Mizraimite race or not. The religious institutions of ancient Egypt shew evident traces of having resulted from the blending of two races origin- ally as distinct in their religious ideas as in their physical pecu- liarities. Their pantheon exhibits a tendency to separate each tangible manifestation of a Divine attribute, or of a power in nature, and to set apart each of these impersonations as a dis- tinct object of reverence and as a peculiarly local deity ; the cosmogonic system thus framed being found strangely blended with another system of astronomical Avorship quite inconsistent w^ith it, though very consistent in itself. This mixture is as old as the Egyptian nation known to us by its traditions and monu- ments since the era of Menes. The Sabcan''' or Cushite form of star-worship, in thus adapting itself to the indigenous religion of Mizraim, betrays both its originators and its relative age. It has all the appearance of being the aftcr-idca arising out of a previously-formed methodical system, and superimposed on ano- j Ezek. xxix. 10 : "I will make the land of Mizraim utterly waste and desolate ;ei3 '^M3 iri n:p 'jirap from Migdol to Syene, and to the frontier of Cush." Miydol i.s the Magdolum of the Antonine itinerary, a frontier-fortress twelve Roman, or rather less than ten geof^raphical miles, soutli of Pelusium. Syene, now Asouan ; tlie IMasoritcs were sorry geographers ; and here, they have jtointed n:iD Seveneh, as though the rt were a final of the ])r()per name, instead of the deter- minative particle of direction, " to Suan." Syene was the separation of Upper Egypt and Ethiopia or Cush. li For some highly interesting and judicious remarks on this suhje(!t, consult Sir Gardner Wilkinson's Ancicnl Kyyjiliaiis, partii., vol., i., chapters xii. and xiii. This author, however, supposes that the Sahcan may have been tin- fundamental system. But the local character of the Egyptian (iods would rather indicate the (U)ntrary hypo- The Rephaim. 9 ther whose parts had been easually brought together.' It may be regarded as the recent addition made by the powerful hier- archy of a dominant race, under whose sway were first united the detached tribes of the okler possessors of the land, and their distinct, though analogous, objects of local worship; and it argues that this race did not actually displace those whom it super- seded in power, but rather sought to conciliate them and amal- gamate them with itself. Manetho gives seven dynastic lines representing " the here- ditary chiefs who held authority in Upper and Lower Egypt after Menes, either conjointly or separately. These are the Thinites, Memphites, Elephantines, Hcracleopolites, and The- bans, referable to Upper Egypt and the Heptanomis ; and the Xoites, and Phoenician, and other shepherd kings, referable to the Delta and the provinces beyond the Egyptian fron- tier. Moses (Gen. x. 13, 14) likewise gives the names of seven tribes descended from the original family of Mizraim. From this coincidence in numbers, various attempts have been made to identify the two lists, and thereliy assign to the primitive tribes of Moses a definite geographical position in the valley of the Nile. But in these attempts, one main main feature of the case was overlooked ; that the period of Cushite ascendancy, with which Manetho's lists and the empire probably begin, put an end to the former state of things ; that in those parts of Upper lilgypt where an amalgamation of the two races may have taken place, this union must have blotted out the names of the sub- missive one as rulers or heads of dynasties, even though it left the mass of the primitive population standing ; so that in fact, one list ends where the other only begins ; and that on this account, a full identification of the two lists must be as much out of the question, as to identify our list of Norman kings of England with the petty rulers of the Anglo-Saxon heptarchy who preceded them. thesis. It is very remarkable that in Eusebius's version of Manetho, Menes is repre- sented as a conqueror ; and moreover, according to a tradition reported by Diodorus Siculus, b. i., c. 45, he is said to have changed the simple customs and the religion of the Egyptians. i The incongruous pedigrees and relationships of the Egyptian divinities strongly illustrate this. The subject has never been more fully and ably set forth than in the excellent analysis of the Egyptian pantheon, in the ChevaHer Bunsen's Egypt's place in Universal History, to which the reader is referred (vol. i. sect. vi.). All the gods appear ultimately resolvable into Osiris and Isis, and were probably only so many local forms of these two primitive impersonations — of various degrees of antiquity — afterwards subdivided into new forms, on the formation of new tribes ; and subse- quently reunited into a genealogical system as these tribes gradually merged together into larger states ; their respective divinities being then represented as parents of the new local gods appointed to preside over the newly-formed states. 10 The Rephaim. It being thus premised, in order to avoid confusion hereafter, that under the name of Mizratm, as a land, in Scripture his- tory, we are to understand the land originally colonized and cvilized by the Mizraim, whether they continued under the government of rulers of that race or of any other, — we may now endeavour to ascertain the extent of the primitive Miz- raimite settlements, with the help of the few casual references to them which the Bible aflFords. This will so far be useful to our present history, that some of the genuine Mizraimite nations survived the subjugation of their kindred, long after the formation of the Memphito-Theban kingdom ; earnestly con- tending for their independence, and successfully maintaining it during many centuries. The tribes whose destiny I propose to trace out, will be found to constitute a highly important mem- ber of the series. So that by distinguishing which were the Mizraimite tribes belonging to Egypt proper, and which may be those referable to the country beyond, a material progress will have been made in our present enquiry. 1 . The Ludim, onib, — These are associated by Ezekiel (chap. XXX. 5) with Cush and Phut, the Egyptian Ethiopia and Lybia, as among the multitude of Egypt who were to be taken away. Jeremiah (chap. xlvi. 19) likewise mentions these three nations as allies or subsidiaries to Pharaoh-Necho. Thus — although not a leading tribe — they still formed, in the time of the prophets, a distinct family in the compound Egyptian nation. This gives us no clue to their geographical position. 2. The Lehabim, n'?ri^. — The original location of this tribe is equally obscure ; and as it is never mentioned again in Scrip- ture, its destiny remains unknown. 3. The Anamim, □'pay. — From the very slight resemblance between this and the royal family name Amcncmha recurring in the 11th and 12th dynasties of Manetho, some incline to re- cognize in this tribe the original stock of the Tlicl)aus. If the remote verbal coincidence be more than accidcutul, it might suggest the original location of the tribe governed by a line of rulers who assumed the older tribe name in token of their supre- macy ; but this is too doubtful to be worthy of much attention. 4. The Naj)htuhim, Q'nnns. — This name very satisfacto- rily identifies the tribe that bears it with the original Mcm- phites, whose capital, " the dwelling of ptaii," Na-Ptah, is contracted by the Hebrew ])rophet into Noph. After the failure of the first Thinite line of Manetho as sovereign rulers of Thebes and Memphis, three successive Memphite dynasties occupy the suj)reme position in the empire.'" Tlie Tliebans only succeed »" This point is clearly demonstrated by Chevalier Bunsen's ingenious collation of The Rephaim. 1 1 to these. We thus obtain a tolerably long intermediate period of genuine Mizraimite supremacy in Egypt, which includes the era of the pyramid-builders^ and only terminates with the acces- sion of the ] 1th and 12th dynasties of Thebans, when the south- ern race resumed a temporary ascendancy. The Pathrusim, n'P>7B. — The original location of this tribe in the valley of the Upper Nile is placed beyond a doubt by the prophetic references to the name. Ezckiel, in particular, points out their position by the alternate parallelism of eh. XXX. 14, which would seem to make Pathros equivalent to Upper Egypt : " I will put fear in the land of Mizraim, And make Patliros desolate : I will put fire in Zoan, (capital of Lower Egypt) And execute judgments in No. (Na-Amun, the dwelling of Amun, Thebes, capital of Upper Egypt.) The Casluhim, n^nfe?. — We cannot assign a place to this tribe from the etymology of their name. But we are further informed that " out of them came the Pelishtim/' and since this fixes the origin of the Philistines as a member of the Mizraimite nation, it may assist us in determining the original location of the family to which they belonged. The Caphtorim, nnnp?, were most probably a family set- tled in the Delta. In treating of the Philistines hereafter, we shall have occasion to refer in greater detail to the migration of a people from Caphtor (Dent. ii. 23), who settled near them in southern Judca, and joined them in extending their possessions northward at the expense of their weaker Canaanite neighbours. The district thus occupied is called in the conquests of Joshua " the land of the Goshen," (Josh. x. 41 ; xi. 16; xv, 51 ;) which was also the name borne by the eastern part of Lower Egypt in the time of Joseph, and before. The people expelled from Lower Egypt by Amosis, who took refuge among their kindred of Palestine, would appear by this to have brought with them into the land in which they settled, the name of the land they had left. the chronological list of Theban kings given by Eratosthenes, with the early dynasties of Manetho ; whereby it appears that the third dynasty of Memphites follow — as kings of Thebes, and consequently as supreme rulers over all the Egyptian states — immediately after the four successors of Menes, whose Thinite descendants continue in the subordinate position of local sovereigns until the eighteenth dynasty of The- bans, save a short interval of supremacy in the beginning of the twelfth. It is remarkable that the pyramid-builders, and after them the conquering shepherds, who fill up this interval, are traditionally stated to have again disturbed Egypt by innova- tions in religious matters. v 12 The Rephaim. We may then sum up our comparison of the Mosaic tribes of Mizraim with the more recent Manethonic dynasties, as fol- lows : Out of seven we can identify three whose national institu- tions and rulers remained comparatively unaffected by the super- seding power of the south, and this advantage they owed to their more northern situation. The Naphtuhim are referable to the Memphites, the Caphtorim may be represented by the Xoi'tes and shepherds of the Delta, and the Casluhim by the foreign Phoenician shepherds. We can find a place for the Pathrusim, but only as permanently subject to the Thebans. The original place of the Ludim and Anamim remains extremely doubtlul, and that of the Lehabim is entirely lost. CHAPTER III. Geographical distribution of the Canaanites and Rephaim. Before we endeavour to ascertain of what stock the Rephaim were, it is desirable to be well satisfied as to what they were not. For the destiny of this primeval nation has arrested but little attention on the part of bibHcal commentators ; and a general idea concerning them, that they were a gigantic tribe of Ca- naanites, has thus passed current without awakening either doubt or enquiry. Their very existence, as a distinct nation, woidd seem to have been doomed to oblivion by the stratum of gratui- tous error that has been permitted to overlay the scanty his- torical records yet extant of their fate ; for although, in various parts of Scripture, there are many passages referring to tliem by their proper name q^ns-; — the Rephaim, that name has al- most invarial)ly been mistranslated by giants. Certain indivi- duals of this nation are incidentally quoted as exceptional in- stances of excessive bodily strength and stature, namely, the king of Bashan, and the Philistine champions slain by David and his kinsmen. Hence arose the strange mistake, originated by the Alexandrian Jews who translated the Septuagint, and, on their authority, pci-petuatcd in our modern lexicons, that because some jjarticular individuals of the Rajdia race were of gigantic stature, a Raplia must necessarily mean a, giant. ]}ut althougli our common English version has re])roduced this mis- take of the Septuagint, the two arc sometimes at variance as to wliere it slioidd be corrected ; for in Gen. xiv. 5, the Septuagint has jiyavT€(;, giants, where the English, for once, has retained ci'Nn correctly as a proper name, Heimiaim; while in Deut, ii., th(! S(!ptuagint has throiighoiii the. chapter rendered the jjroper name l)v 'Pa, as il should be, wher(^ the I'hinlish version The Rephuint. 13 has put down yiants. In this way, the historical value of the scattered notices referring to this ancient people has been dis- guised to the reader or commentator who merely follows these translations. There is no etymological support whatever for the rendering of n'NBT by giants. If this word be taken for a Hebrew appel- lative, its root sm, is, " to restore to a former state," " to heal ;" hence, the noun denotes a healer or physician'' — an idea which has no connexion or affinity with that of great personal stature, and therefore could not possibly have been employed to express a giant, in Hebrew. This correction made, we shall find little difficulty in dispos- ing of the common inference that the nation called Rephaim were Canaanites. Firstly, we have direct though negative evidence to that effect, in the ethnographical sketch of Moses, Gen. x. ; for no tribe of that name is included in his Canaanite list. This prim- eval record states (ver. 15) that " Canaan begat his first-born Zidon, and Heth ;" and afterwards enumerates the nations that sprang from these two sons of Canaan, by their tribe-names, as "the Jebusite, the Amorite, the Girgashite, and the Hivite," who, from the subsequent notices of their position in Scripture, were the southern and inland tribes, ancl probably descended from Heth ; and " the Arkite, the Sinite, the Arvadite, the Zemarite, and the Hamathite," who were the northern tribes, and probably all descended from Zidon." Now — had the Rephaim been Canaanites — if Moses enu- merates, as separate nations, such unimportant tribes as the Girgashites and Perizzites, who never appear otherwise than by name once or twice in Scripture, is it likely that he would have excluded from the above list a tribe so considerable and power- '"■ n'NDin. Participial form of the same root, has that sense in Gen. 1, 2 : " Joseph commanded his servants, the physicians, to embalm his father." In Egypt, tlie apothecaries were both physicians and undertakers. Herodotus, in Euterpe, chap Ixxxv. to Ixxxix. gives a full account of the processes they employed. The settlements of these tribes are well recognized and laid down in the best maps of ancient Palestine ; this is far from being the case in the locations assigned to the Hittite tribes, which, on that account, I shall more particularly define. The Arkites 'pir, Arvadites 'TVix, and Zemarites noi*, are represented by the known sites of the ancient Arka, Aradus, and Simyra ; the Sinites, •'yo, occupied the mountain district still called Jebel Sunnin ; and the Hamathites 'non, the tract lying between the Lebanon and the Anti-Lebanon, watered by the upper Orontcs. The river Leontes appears to have been the original boundary of the Zidonians and Hittites, and after their respective families were spread abroad, north- ward and soutliward, the elder branches retained their central and primary seats, as the juniors moved on to found new settlements. 14 The Rephaim. fill, that for more thau five hundred years before his time, they had occupied, in central Judea and the transjordanic pro\'inces, as extensive a tract of land as that of all the children of Heth put together? This circumstance alone shoidd have made us pause to consider, before we so readdy took this people's Ca- naanite extraction for granted. But when, in addition, we come to examine the geographical boundaries assigned to the Ca- naanites by Moses, both directly and indirectly, we shall soon convince ourselves that, whatever other origin we may ascrilje to the Rephaim, the supposition of their being branches of the Canaanite stock must be entirely set aside. For his descrip- tion of the Canaanite's limits, as existing in his time (Gen. x. 19), particularly avoids the country occupied by the Rephaim. " The border of the Canaanite was from Zidon, as thou goest to Gerar, as far as Gaza :" this gives the western limit. And : " As thou goest to Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, and Zeboim, as far as Leslia," (afterwards Dan, near the som*ces of the Jordan :) this gives the eastern limit — a line drawn by the western coast of the Dead Sea, and the river Jordan. The frontier thus de- scribed evidently leaves the southern bomidary of Canaan unde- fined. We shall consider hereafter, in its proper place, how far the mixture of the Rephaim of Anak among the Amorites of this region, either as co-settlers or as conquerors, may have been the motive of this omission; the eastern frontier line is the geographical datum which most particularly bears on the ques- tion we are now discussing; and this is given in very precise terms. Not less positive is the conclusion, deducible by inference from other passages in the history of Moses, that he entirely excludes the lands originally possessed by the Rephaim fi'om all claim to be regarded as Canaanite ground. For instance, in Num. xxxiii. 51, he says : "The Lord spake unto Moses in the plains of Moab, by the Jordan near Jericho, saying, When ye are passed over Jordan into the land of Canaan;" . . . which clearly implies that the land the Hebrews were in at the time was not reckoned " the land of Canaan." Again, in Num. xxxiv. 11, 12, he defines the eastern frontier of Canaan more particularly by " the sea of (^hinnereth, the Jordan, and the Salt Sea," wliicli gives the same boundary line as " fi'om Sodom to Lcsha" of Gen. x. 1!), and abs(ilut(!ly excludes the transjor- danic provinces. Finally, in Deut. xxxii. 49 — 51, he says : "The Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Ascend this mountain of the Abarim, M(mnt Ncl?o, which is in the land of Moab, opposite Jericho, and behold the land of (/anaan : . . . thou sluilt sec; the land hd'orc tlie(!, but ihoii shall )iot g(» Ihiiliei' into llic land The Rephaim. 15 vvliirli I p;ivc tlic children of Israel." Now considering that the country he was in, when this was spoken, had been occupied by Rephaim, not only since the days of Abraham, but how much earlier than that we cannot know, this passage woyld be a sin- gular contradiction of facts, if these Rephaim had been a Ca- naanite people. For Moses woidd actually have been standing on Canaanite ground at the very time he was being told that he should see the land of Canaan, ])ut would not be permitted to enter it ! The same exclusion is implied in Gen. xiii. 12 : " Abram set- tled in the land of Canaan, and Lot settled in the cities of the plain, and pitched his tent in Sodom ;" and in the evident dis- tinction made in Jud. xxi. 12, between " Shiloh, which is in the land of Canaan," and Jabesh-Gilead in the transjordanic pro- vinces. So determined an exclusion of these provinces from any right to be regarded as Canaanite territory is the more remark- able, that full a century before that time, the Amorites, who originally occupied Southern Judea jointly with the Anakim, had also formed a settlement among the Rephaim of the eastern district ; and they ended by taking advantage of this nation's decay to seize on the portion of their lands lying between the rivers Jabbok and Arnon (Numb. xxi. 26) . Yet, neither this earlier settlement of the Amorite colonists, nor their subse- quent seizure of the land by force of arms, are permitted to affect the strict principle of ethnographical definition that guides the sacred historian. This forcible occupation of the Rephaim territ(n'y Ijy a Canaanite tribe is so evidently regarded as a pass- ing usurpation, as to constitute no more valid a claim to the land, on their part, than a similar forcible occupation of five Canaanite provinces by the Philistines had entitled these to have that part of the country "counted to them" (Josh. xiii. 2, 3). The original and lawful boundary of Canaan, eastward, was " from Sodom to Lesha ;" therefore the subsequent encroach- ments of the Amorites beyond that line — though noticed his- torically in their proper place — are geographically and ethno- graphieally disregarded here. The original and lawful boundary of Canaan, westward, was the coast-line extending to Gaza ; therefore the five principalities of the Philistines and their allies of Goshen, — Gaza, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Gath, and Ekron, — are geographically and ethnographically " accounted to the Canaan- ites " whom the Philistines had subjugated. The di\dne promise to Abraham concerning the ultimate extension of his posterity, and of their settlements, in the land of his migration, was to this effect : — 16 The Rephaim. Genesis xv. " ^^Unto thy seed will I give this land, from the river of Mizraim to the great river, the river Euphrates : ^^The Kenites, the Kenizzites, the Kadmonites, ^The Hittites, the Perizzites, the Rephaim, the Amorites, ^^The Canaanites, (the Hivites,) the Girgashites, and the Jebusites." The primary disposition of some Canaanite tribes prior to the age of Joshua^ may be gathered from a few incidental no- tices in the earlier portions of sacred history. Some others are not referred to, and there is accordingly a little difficulty in defining their place of settlement. By the Hittites, generally, we should understand all the junior Ijranches of the two great Canaanite stocks f but when the Hittites are mentioned in conjunction with the other branch tribes, we must then understand more particularly by tliat de- signation the elder tribe of the chihlren of Heth, retaining its distinctive patronymic, according to patriarchal usage. Just as the general term, " tlie Canaanites," includes all the children of Zidon and Heth collectively ; although when the name occurs among others as denoting a particular tribe, it should be taken as standing for the elder branch of the Zidonians. The elder Hittites would appear to have at first occupied the lands west of the sea of Chinnereth (Lake Tiberias) to the Mediterranean coast. The junior branches extended themselves from thence, southward, as far as the Mosaic limits of Gaza and Sodom. The Perizzites, in the time of Abraham (Gen. xiii. 7 ; xxxiv. 30), and afterwards under Joshua (Josh. xvii. 15), arc found established in the region west of Bethel. The Amorites occupied chiefly the western side of the moun- tain tract of central and southern Judea, Most of their cities, in the time of Joshua, lay iu tliat part. But they also had set- tlements on the other side, as far as Ilazazon-tamar (Engedi) by the Dead Sea, eastward, and Arad on the border of the desert, southward. The name of the Hivites is accidentally lost from the He- brew text in this enumeration ; but the Samaritan and Sei)tua- gint retain it. They were a very large tribe. They dwelt from " the land of Mizpeh under Mount Hermon," whicli appears to 7> The Bub-tribc of Hittites settled about Hebron were clcirly Amorites, from the notice of Gen. xiv. Yet in Gen. xxiii., they are caUed " children of Heth." The Hivite wives of Esau are also called " dautjhtcrs of Heth." Thus the llcubenitcs, or the Bciijatiiitcs, would be eijually called, in sjjeaking generally, "children of Israel." The Rephaim. 17 have been situated on the western flank of this great mountain, near the sources of the Jordan'' (Gen. xxxiv. 2), extending their settlements southward as far as Shechem and Gi])eon (Josh ix. 17), along the ridge of high land whieh forms the watershed of Palestine. The GiRGASHiTES are merely named, in the Old Testament; no indication of their locality is given. In Matt. viii. 28, the lands on the east side of lake Tiberias (the sea of Chinneroth) are called " the coimtry of the Gergesenes." The mountain ridge extending southward from Mount Hermon, and enclosing the northern and eastern side of the lake-region, appears to have separated them from the land of Bashan belonging to the Re- phaim. But they ultimately extended themselves in that land also. The parallel passage in Luke viii. 26, defines the scene of the miracle as " the country of the Gadarenes ;" and Gadara, on the river Hieromax, the chief river of Bashan, is quite beyond the Mosaic limits of the Canaanite territory. This extension of the Girgashites, therefore, like the Amorite settlements in Gilead and Heshbon, must be regarded as an encroachment by the Canaanites on lands originally and properly belonging to another nation. The Jebusites are only heard of — for the first time — under Joshua (Josh. x. 1 ; xv. 63), as in possession of Jerusalem; but it is very doubtful whether that was originally Canaanite ground, being part of the land of the Rephaim. This branch of the Hittite stock appears to have been very recent at that time, and inconsiderable as to numbers and extension. All these Canaanite lands passed over by conquest to the power of Abraham's descendants, as also did the domains of the Rephaim mentioned with them. As for the Kenites, Keniz- ziTES, and Kadmonites, which open the list, the race of Abra- ham succeeded the original tenants in the more peaceable but not less sure way of gradual substitution. The Kenites, whose history will be given hereafter in its place, were a people whose lands afterwards formed part of the Edomite kingdom. Thus the fulfilment of the promise made to Abraham, in this respect, is very satisfactorily found. The 9 Josh. xiii. ; compare ver. 3 with ver. 8, and with Jud. iii. 3. This remark is important, because, generally, the Bible-maps place these Hivites on the other side of Hermon, in the land of Bashan. Unless the " valley of Alizpeh " had been west of mount Hermon, Joshua's army could not possibly have pursued the flying Ca- naanites thither, and " to the great Zidon," in the same expedition. The descrip- tion in Jud. iii. 3, "the Hivites who dwelt in mount Lebanon, from mount Baal- hermon unto the entrance (or pass) of Hamath," confirms this. Hermon, limn, " the separation," divided the Canaanites from the Rephaim. 18 The Rephaim. Kenizzites are unknown, as they are not mentioned again in sacred liistoiy. The land of the Kadmonites^ or " children of the East " (Job i. 3 ; Jud. ^i. 3), seems an indefinite geograpliical term for as much as Abraham knew of the extensive pastoral plains, or wilderness of uncleared and uncultivated lands that border on the great Synan and Ai'abian deserts. This tract is tenanted exclusively by nomads dui'ing the grazing season, but has no fixed habitations. As Abraham " gave gifts to the sons of his concubines, and sent them into the east country" (Gen. xxv. 6), where they rapidly grew into a numerous and powerful body of independent and industrious nomads, we also recognize without difficulty the full accomplishment of the divine promise. Thus only the territory of the Rephaim remains to be de- fined, and its primeval occupants traced to their original stock, before we can see how completely, in this respect also, was the prophecy fulfilled, — when the posterity of the Father of the faithful extended their dominion "from the river of Mizraim to the great river, the river Euphrates." The difi'crent tribes ascribed to the race called "the RE- PHAIM in the Pentateuch," arc ultimately referable to tlu'ce great geographical divisions forming as many distinct states ; each state consisting of several minor provinces. Firstly : The Rephaim of the northern district beyond Jordan, the ZuziM, called by the Ammonites Zamzummim. The chief or royal tribe occupied the district of Baslian ; the southern region of Argob was called Gilcad by the Hebrews. The children of Ammon, who settled on the south-eastern border of the Zuzim, may be considered as part of this nation, but only poli- tically and by adoption. Secondly ; The Rephaim of the western district — the chil- dren OF 'Ank*", (Anakim). These dwelt in the mountains of Judah and of Ephraim. The question whether they were the original possessors of the land they occupied, or whether — like the Philistines — they were only an intrusive race among the Canaanitcs, will be fully discussed hereafter in their history. ^^. „ r,-~t-j --J r,j . I here write tlic Roman o()uivalent of the Hebrew y with an accent over the X to indicate a jieculiar iJioiuuiciatioii, something; between an a and an o, like the a in fall, ball, tkc, which Kcems to have l)ecn its original value, before the vowel-points changed it to a variety of other vowel-articulations. When initial or final in a word or syllable, this letter has a peculiar j^nittural force, which W\v. Septuagint endeavour to render in Greek by a 7 or a k, and which I shall exjiress by jtrefixing the sign of rough breath- ing, wherever, for clyniological illustration, it becomes necessary to indicate this orthograpiiic peculiarity in the pro])ir namesi hereafter to be analyzed. The Rephaim. 19 Thirdly : The Rephaim of the southern district beyond Jor- dan — THE CHILDREN OF SiiETii (Shittjm), Avhom the Moabites called Emim. In the subsequent account of tliis powerful state, I will explain the reasons for inferring that, besides the chief tribe, it comprehended also the Kenites of Petra and the Ama- lekites of Paran as kiudi'cd tribes. This people further included, among their poHtical dependencies, the adopted colony of Moab, and a vast body of later settlers, Edomitcs and Midianites, who resided on their borders and were in close and friendly alliance mth them. Finally, there is monumental evidence that all the land of Aram was under subjection to the Rephaim during the period comprehended in this history ; Aram-Naharaim, or of the two rivers; Padan-Aram, or Aram of the plains; and the Horite district, or Aram of the mountains. By this preliminary sketch, some idea may be formed of the immense extension of power achieved by the ambitious race whose history we are about to trace ; in which the Egyptian records supply the political, reli- gious, and personal details that abundantly fill out the rapid but decided outline of their condition and destiny afforded by the patriarchal records of INIoses. CHAPTER IV. Origin of the Rephaim. In the geographical classification of the Mizraimite families, we found the " Pelishtim " mentioned as issued from the tribe named "Casluhim^' (Gen. x. 13). We will now examine how far this statement may assist us in identifying the original settle- ment of the parent tribe. In an account of the victories obtained by Da\ad and his brave kinsmen over certain Philistine champions noted for their gigantic stature, it is stated that they were sons of a certain Rapha of Gath, and brethren of the celebrated Goliath (2 Sam. xxi. 16 — 22) . From this, it appears that a whole family bearing the generic name of Rephaim are pointedly included under the particular denomination of Philistines. This remarkable circumstance gives us a clue to the probable origin of all the Rapha race. Coupling it with the geographical position of the Philistines, with the part w^e subsequently see them bearing in the political movements of Palestine, and with the little we shall be able to recover concerning their local reli- gion, — all these, taken together, are indications pointing to the 20 The Rephaim. conclusion that the primitive Philistines of Gerar and Beeysheba themselves were only a junior branch of the powerful tribe of Rephaim called Anakim, whose lands were immediately con- tiguous to Pelesheth, NoAT the original affinity of the Philistines to the Mizraim of Egjqit proper is placed beyond a doubt by theii' pedigree, as given by Moses. He states that " the Pelishtim came out of the Casluhim.'^ Accordingly, if the Philistines are to be considered Rephaim, fi'om the qualification of the Philistine champions of Gath, it follows that all the other Rephaim are likewise Cas- luhim tribes ; that this Mizraimite family, for whom we cannot find a place in Egypt itself, may claim to be the original stock out of which branched out in succession the Rephaim of Baslian, elder and royal tribe, and its junior scions, enumerated, accord- ing to their geographical divisions and tribe-subdivisions, in the preceding chapter. It may be urged against this hypothesis, that the qualifica- tion of Rephaim conferred by the sacred historian on the Phi- listine champions might be explained in another way, \iz., they perhaps were only descendants of Anakim fugitives expelled by Joshua and Caleb from the mountains of Judah ; and they might thus have been Rephaim without being necessarily Philistines. But Avhy then should they be called Philistines in this account ? why is Goliath of Gath also invariably mentioned as " the Phi- listine ?" If the particular tribe-name of men who attracted so much attention in their day, must he stated by the historian, as well as the generic name of Rapha, why the wrong one ? If the specific name of Anakim — once so familiar an object of popular awe to the Hebrews, as to be held up by Moses (Dcut. ii. 10, 11 ; ix. 1, 2) for an example of what the other lost Rapha tribes had been — was so thoroughly lost sight of in the time of Darid, when the race had disappeared, can we suppose that the generic and unfamiliar name of Rapha would be preferred by the IIel)rew annalist to distinguish supposed Anakim champions ? It seems much more natural to take the account as it staiuls, than to try to exi)lain it away. Tlic probability is much rather that the Philistine champions were called Rephaim, because the Phibstincs really were Rephaim by descent; and that, being the only |)C()j)lc of tliis ancient race who retained their political standing in the chiys of Saul, they asserted the name as the ostensil)lc ground of tlicir bitter animosity against Israel, who had dispossessed their kindred, and now occujjied their lands. But such a supposition, that these champions might be re- fugees of Anak, is altogether gratuitous. For it is nowhere said thai the Anakim, when expelled from the mountains of Tlie Rephaim. 21 Judah, fled to Gatli, Gaza, and Aslidod. The statement is, that "they were cut off from the mountains of Judali and Israel ;" that " there were none left " in the lands conquered by by Joshua ; that " only in Gath, Gaza, and Ashdod, some re- mained" (Josh. xi. 21, 23) — the lands which the Hebrews were not able to take ; and the form of expression, " some remained," seems rather to imply the previous settlement of the children of Anak in those cities, than their subsequent flight into them. Now Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod, are among the five Canaanite cities of which the Philistines had become rulers in the time of Joshua, biit Avhich are geographically accounted to the Canaan- ites, their original possessors. The easiest inference seems therefore to be, that the Philis- tines were at first a sub-tribe and dependency of the children of Anak, and thus Rephaim by descent ; who, when they had grown sufficiently numerous and powerful, formed for themselves an independent settlement on the sea-coast at the expense of their weaker neighbours ; that when Moses wrote, all the Mizraimite nations of Palestine were nearly exterminated, save this junior scion of the Casluhim parent stock, now in the ascendant ; and that, on this account, the historian specially records their ex- traction from that nearly extinct family, " the Casluhim, out of whom came the Pelishtim," so well known to the Hebrews since tlie days of Abraham and Isaac, and with whom their fathers had so long been on friendly terms. The very name of Hephaim, borne by this family of Miz- raimites, bears witness to an Egyptian origin. By referring it to the Hebrew or Canaanite homophonous root «d-i, it would be rather difiicult to give a satisfactory explanation of it from its sense, " a healer," as we can of the descriptive epithets Emim and Zamzummim applied by their Eberite neighbours of INIoab and Ammon to the two eastern tribes of this great nation. The fact is, that the resemblance between the name Rap ha and the Hebrew root xdi rpa, is accidental, and therefore unmeaning. RPA is the purely Egyptian form of a very ancient word com- mon to all the Hamitic languages, and denoting a chief, prince, or superior. In the Hebrew dialect, this word occurs also, but with the vowel transposed, both in the name of Abraham^s royal ancestor, Arpa-Chasd top-b-in, " the chief of the Chasdim," and in the Hebrew radical rpa, to take the lead, guide, etc., from whence are derived Aleph, the leader, first letter of the alphabet, and the title f^iVx Allouph, leader, governor, by which the Edomite heads of families are distinguished in their pedigrees. The remarkable evidences in favour of the Mizraimite de- scent of the Rephaim, dedueible from their local pantheon, will 22 The Rephaim. be fully set forth when we enter on the separate account of each tribe. We shall then find how strikingly the fragmentary indi- cations of their worship wliich still sur^i^e, bear witness to the fact that what is common to the Kephaim and to the Mizraim of Egypt, in their religion, is fundamental to the system of both nations ; what is difterent in both, has been engrafted from individual or foreign sources on the ancient and common foundation. F. C. LONDON: WALTON AND MITCHELL, PRINTERS, WARPOUR-STREET, OXFORD-STREET. THE REPHAIM, AND THEIR CONNEXION WITH EGYPTIAN HISTORY." [Reprinted from Kitto's ^Journal of Sacred Literature,' for January, 1852.] CHAPTER V. The Zuzim. From the notable circumstance that the Rephaim of Bashan arc not distinguished by any other particular tribe-name, and from their proximity to the primary starting-point of that pro- longed line of colonization which only terminates on the borders of the Thebaid, we may infer that they were the original stock from which the junior Rapha tribes branched out in succession. Their being named separately from the Zuzim, in Gen. xiv., does not necessitate our considering them as two distinct nations. Ry the evidence of the Egyptian historical monuments, we learn on the contrary that the Zuzim were the body of the nation, but that the title of supremacy borne by the elder tribe of Bashan, whose chief was sovereign over the other provincial chieftains, was disregarded by the Egyptians. They designate the nation collectively, the shas'u, which corresponds to the 5'(W9 of Manetho, and the d:^ Zuz-im of Scripture. Manetho alone has preserved the royal prefix 'Tk Huk, by which the elder tribe distinguished its chief, who, as head of the whole Rapha people, took the lead in the invasion of Egypt. He says these people called themselves 'T/c-cr«9, which he interprets " Royal Shephej'ds," because 'Tk signifies a king, and Xoip. 221 — 22r>. ' All liiblical critics have ft^lt tlic (iidiculty ..f (1( rmiii^' liic limit, of tiiis nfrioii, from the ol)scure wording of the few Scriiiturc notices relating to it. The recent names The Rephaim. 3 The homestead of the Rephaim is one of the finest countries in the east. The western part of Bashan is mountainous, and chiefly pastoral. The elevated undulating plains of the eastern province, irrigated by numerous winter torrents, are a particu- larly fertile arable tract; it is called "the grauaTy of Damascus," The rocky region of the Kelb-Hauran, and the Lcjah, beyond this, form another pastoral district inhabited by nomads. Its cattle, the bulls, kine, and rams of Bashan, are a frequent object of poetical comparison in Scripture ; and the value of the oak timber grown on its mountain slopes, for ship-building, is parti- cularly alluded to by the prophet Ezekiel. (Ch. xxvii. 6 ; com- pare Isa, ii, 13; Zech. xi. 2,) The few modern travellers who have visited the region of Argob and Gilead, speak of it as a land equally favoured by nature. The Rev. Eli Smith describes it as a singularly pic- turesque tract ; its heights are crowned with forests of evergreen oak; and its valleys, clothed with the most luxuriant herbage. It was thus an eminently pastoral country ; it is therefore a circumstance of some interest, as strengthening the identity of its inhabitants with the Sos of Manetho and Egyptian shas'u, that we should find them designated in Scripture by a name which is interpreted a shepherd. When the descendants of Lot's second son, Ben-Ammi, had become sufficiently numerous to form a separate tribe, they established themselves on the south-eastern frontier of the Zuzim. Their first settlement and metropolis, Rabbah, was built among the hills, near the source of a small mountain stream, a tributary of the Wady Zurka, the Scriptural Jabbok. That stream still bears the name of Moiet-Ammdn (Water of Ammon). The circumstance mentioned in Dent, iii. 11, that the iron couch of the last gigantic chieftain of the Rephaim of the sites are our safest criterion, that Bashan proper was El Bathanyeh, north of the river Mandhur ; and Argob, the region about Rajib, south of it. The author of 1 Kings iv. 13, places the Havoth-Jair in Gilead ; and the Hebel-Argob, with its sixty cities, is appropriated to Bashan. Yet Moses, Deut. iii. 13 — 15, gives the Hebel-Argob to Jair, and Gilead to Machir. How can we reconcile this, except by supposing Argob the native, and Gilead the Hebrew, names of the same land, now called Jebel Ajlun ; and synonymous terms, though more particularly applied to denote— the former, the Jordanic— and the latter the hilly region ? H&bel bin, a line or band, might mean a line or chain of frontier cities, extending from Argob or Rajib, northwards all along to the Aramite border of Geshur or Gether (Jeiditr). In this way the line of Argob, given to Jair, might be partly in Gilead {Jcbcl Ajlun), partly in Bashan {El Bathanyeh) ; by including the Golanite province {Jaulan). As the Gadites had the Arabah up to the sea of Chinneroth, tlie frontier lines of the tribes must have been inclined much more north by south, llian they are generally made in Bible maps. 4 The Rephaim. was preserved in their capital, is an interesting incident shewing how far southward his sway was acknowledged. As the indige- nous population disappeared, the Ammonites gradually replaced them ; so that their settlements ultimately extended northward to the banks of ?lie Upper Jabbok, and westward to the river of Ammon. The political extinction of the aboriginal race is thus noticed by Moses, Deut. iii. 19 — 21 : — " TMien thou coraest nigh unto the children of Ammon, distress them not, neither contend with them ; for I will not give thee of the land of the cliildren of Ammon any possession, because I have given it for a possession to the children of Lot. It was also accounted the land of the Rephaim : the Eephaim formerly settled there, but the Ammonites call them Zam- zurmnim; — a great, numerous, and haughty people,-'^ like the Anakim ; hut the Lord destroyed them from before them, and they dwell in their place." The characteristic tribe-name of the Rephaim who originally occupied the Ammonite district appears to have been handed down to us in the first notice of them, Gen. xiv., as the Zuzim ; the name " Zamzuramim" — enterprising peoplefJ — being, by the account above quoted, only a distinctive epithet applied to them by the descendants of Lot. It has always been taken for granted, from this passage, that the Rephaim were destroyed as well as replaced by the cliildren of Ammon. But there is no direct statement to that eftcct in the Bible. The only intimation it affords of that people's fate, is the above summary reference of Moses. "The Lord" — certain dispensations of Providence in which the Ammonites are not even named as instruments — " destroyed the Rephaim from before them," and reduced this once " numerous, great, and haughty people " to the stricken and dismembered remnant we find them under Moses; while the Ammonite colony increased and flourished on their border, extended itself over a consider- able portion of their lands, identified itself and its political inte- rests with their's, and finally took their place in history. The traditional and raonmncntal annals of Egypt will now explain liow this mighty nation were brought so low as to fall an easy prey to the first resolute invader who openly attacked them; — how the ancient lords of the soil were swept off to make way for the troops of unsettled Cauaauites who supplanted them, and / nj. Commonly translated tall; but another expression is generally used to denote exi)ressly, bodily stature : niTO 'iTJN men of dimensions. ni in usage, rather implies elevation of mind or j)osition — or the assumption of it. Hauy/ity renders both tlu; root, and the partieular sense of its application here. Comp. 2 Sam. xxii. 28 ; Job xxi. 22 ; Isa. ii. 12, &c. !l From QOl to devise, purpose, undertake. The Rephaim. 5 established themselves in the depopulated cities of Bashan aud Argob. CHAPTER VI. Wars of the Hyksos and Thehans. The distinction between the two Haraite races who colo- nized the valley of the Nile, suggested by the fusion of their religious systems, is equally discernible in the nature of their monumental remains. The aboriginal Mizraim were a tomb- buildingj and the intrusive Cushites a temple-building race. The ruling spirit of the Mizraim Avas attachment to their land, their ancestral institutions, the memory of their illustrious dead. This was manifested in the territorial character of their gods, the patriarchal and sacerdotal character of their govern- ment, and the grandeur of their sepulchral piles. The ruling spirit of the rival Southern race, on the contrary, was a grasping ambition. Conquest was its aim, dominion its end ; and the king was honoured in proportion to his success in augmenting the national glory by his personal valour. The chieftains of this race raised the Egj^ptian empire on the founda- tion of pre-existing national institutions ; but they did not maintain without a struggle the vast monarchy they had founded. Five generations had scarcely passed, ere the supremacy reverted to the aboriginal Mizraimite race. This was the era of the Pyramid-builders, during which the Thinite successors of Menes occupy the subordinate position of local rulers. But when their Theban descendants recovered the ascendancy, the era of Palace- temples began. The walls of these national edifices were bla- zoned with pictorial representations of the triumphs achieved by their royal builders for the glory of their country, which was thus committed to the safe-keeping of the gods. And it is a very remarkable fact, which the reader will have every op- portunity given him, of verifying for himself, that, (with the exception of another aboriginal revolted race, the blacks of Ethiopia) the members of the three Kapha nations, and their tributaries, form exclusively the subjects of these historical sculptures. They are the only people upon whom Egypt has conferred the special and ignominious distinction of holding up to the contemptuous gaze of posterity the representation of their multitudes, in the very act of falling under the irresistible might of the conqueror's arm. The earliest record of open hostilities between the Kapha branch of the Mizraimite race, and Egypt, is contained in the fragments of early Egyptian history quoted by Joscphus from 6 The Rephaim. Miinetho. The substance of this account is that a people who called themselves Hyksos (or Royal Shepherds) invaded Egypt, and took possession of the country in a most unaccountable man- ner, without fighting ; established the seat of their government at Memphis, and cruelly oppressed and ill-treated the Egyptians, as though they were bent on rooting out the race. They set up one of their chiefs as king, who, with his five successors, make the XVth dynasty of " six foreiffn Phoenician kings ivho took Memphis" of Manetho's lists. Their names and reigns arc as follows : — Manetho, as quoted by 1. 2. f I. Africauus. Reigned. Saites. . . I'Jy. Buou ... 44 II. Josephus 1. Salatis . . . 2. Beon . . . . Reigned. 19y. 44 Monumental Royal Titles, Ka"ncfhrka. Ka-s-nefruP-Anchi. 3. 4. 5. Pachnau . 61 Staan ... 50 Archies. . 49 3. Apachuas . 5. lanias . . . 6. Assis . . . . 36y 7m. 50y. Im. 49y. 2m. Ka-shu Al) . . . Aan. Ra'tet-ka Assa. 6. Apophis . 61 4. Apophis . . Gl .... (unknown). The chronological place of these kings is most probably coeval with the successors of the great Sesertascn, the Sesostris of Manetho and chief of the Xllth dynasty, " who conquered all Asia in nine years."'' How far the ambitious Theban's ex- ploits may have contributed to generate a hostile feeling be- tween the two I'aces, leading the Mizraimite tribes of the lower country to invite the help and favour the establishment of their Kapha kindred, can only be surmised. But the issue is re- corded, that the invaders were successful, tliat they seized on the capital of ]\Iiddle Egypt, ]\Icraphis, from whence they brought tlie lower and upper countries so completely under subjection, that the latter Tlicban kings of the Xllth dynasty were re- duced to share the empire with their spoilers, retaining only the government of Upper Egypt. At the close of this double dy- h Since the above was written, the publication of Mr. R. S. Poole's researches into the chronology of Manetho's seventeen earlier dynasties enables us to consider this supposition well established on monumental evidence. The names of Sescrtasen's successors, and those corrcsponditig to tiie " foreign PhuMiician Shepherd-kings " have been found tot^cther on inscriptions. By this, it ap])ears that the 11th Thel)an and 6th Meniphite dynasties were coeval, the latter closing after the beginning of thcl'ith Theban, with the seizure of Memphis by the l.'ith. Moreover, by his valuable disc^overy of the identity of the kings of the two Thinite dynasti<'» with tiiosi! of the Taljlet of Abydos who precede the 1 Itli and 12th Thebans, Mr. I'oole has further demonstrated a point wiiieh I had vi-nturod to assume on grounds tian monarchy which they strove to restore. The Rephuim. 7 nasty, a period of confusion arises, and the thread of Egyptian history is completely broken. The shepherds appear to have fully established their power in the south, and reduced the Theban kingdom to the degraded position of a tributary pro- vince. The lapse of time covered by this state of things is unknown, but has doubtless been greatly over-estimated by some recent chronologists. At last, an effort was made to shake off the foreign yoke. The king of Thebes, and the other kings of the Thebaid who were not yet subjected, combined against the usurping race ; a long and fierce war ensued, which ended in the complete reduction of the shepherds. The remnant of their army was driven to a frontier-city of the Delta, called Avaris, where they fortified themselves so effectually, that after besieging them a long while in vain, though with an army of 48,000 men, the Theban leader Tethmosis (or Amosis) despaired of taking the place, and capitulated with them, on condition that they would leave the country. They accordingly marched out in a body of 24,000 men, with their cattle and goods, and settled themselves, concludes Manetho, " in the country now called Judea, where they built a city large enough to contain so great a multitude, and called it Jerusalem."' Thus began the XVIIIth dynasty of Theban kings in Egypt, when the monarchy founded by Menes was restored entire in the line of his descendants. At this period, a series of illustrated monumental records commences; and the conspicuous part borne in them by a people called the shas'u leaves no doubt that they are the X(o-i:c sht-im Avith the Egyptian local name sht'ta'n or Land of Shet ; of the Scriptural raiN Arba with the Egyptian rbo, would have suggested, but would not have sufficed to establish a case of identity to my satisfaction, if I had not also been able to ascertain that the cities monumentally referred to these several nations, were to be found in the lands of the corresponding nations, the Zuzim, Emim, and Anakim of Scripture. But there is an Egyptian document which enables mc to bring the question at once to a test as decisive as the most cau- tious theorist could require. This document is referred to by Mr. Bircli in his invaluable translation of the statistical tablet of Karnak,' which enumerates the campaigns of Thothmes III., the people he conquered, and the amount and nature of the tribute he levied upon them. Among other fragments of illus- trative matter relating to these nations, and especially that called the shet-ta, quoted by Mr. Birch from a variety of monu- mental sources, he gives an extract from the Sallie?' Papyrus, which professes to describe, in a semi-poetic form, " a journey to the laiul of the shet-ta •/' giving the names of the principal places which occur on the road, and of some which are situated above it, or which are visible from it. From several of the names, which he recognized, Mr. Birch remarks that this route partly lay through Palestine. By carefully searching for the biblical correspondents of the rest, I found that they were all recoverable, in positions exactly corresponding to those indicated by the an- cient Egyptian itinerary ; and that the route thus traced led to the very land I had previously identified by name as that of the SHET'TA. As the traveller is directed to pass through the land of the sHAs-u on his way, the proof that confirms the geographi- cal identity of the former, equally confirms that of the latter. On this account, although it may be anticipating the subject of a future section of our history, it will be more expedient to •< Trails. Royal Society of Literature, New Series, vol. ii. 16 Tlie Rephaim. introduce iu the present one a complete analysis of this route, than to dismiss our account of the Zuzim with the question of their identity in any degree unsettled. The wars of Rameses II. against the shet'ta form the sub- ject of the papyrus from which this fragment is taken ; and the document is not less curious from its remote antiquity, than from the interesting comparison it enables us to institute between the geography of the Bible and that of the ancient Egyptians. "Thy journey lies to the land of the khita/ auba and shatu'Ma appear to you. In the same manner I tell you of cafiri, it is that which is the Baita of Eamessu, the fortress of the chirubu ; in its waters its course resembles that which you make in going to the ATI and tubashi. You go to the how-bearing shasu, crossmg the road at makaru the heaven is... with light ; it is planted with clumps of (cedars ?) and acacias. You distiu'b the wild animals and deer, and the camels ridden by the shasu on its road ; it leads thee up to the hUl of the land of shava I subsequently tell you of the fortresses which arc above these, as thou goesttothelaud of TACHisA. cafir-jiaruchana, tamxeh, ati, tapuru, ATAI, HARUXEMA. You look at KARTA-ANBU, BATA-TUBAR ; — yOU kuOW ARUTUMA, TITPUTA, in the same manner. I teU you the name of chan- EUTA, which is the land of auba, the bull of the frontiers in its place" Pap. Sallier., pi. lii., p. 18, lines 7, 8. " The wi'iter also mentions BAlTA-snA(N), the taruka aru, and the passage of the iurtana." analysis. " Thy journey hcs to the land of the siiet'Ta. auba and shatu'MA appear to you." A traveller who enters Palestine from Egypt by the usual route from tlie Sinaitic desert to Hebron — " the way of the spies" (Nu. xiv., xxi. 1) will have the land of Canaan before him on his left; and the Dead Sea, with the contiguous lands, on his right, as he first comes out of the desert upon the cultivated lands near Tel Arad. By the analysis of the concluding passage of our ex- tract, we shall see that auba must have been the local name of the land of Canaan, known in Scripture only by itti: patronymic. SiiAT'u is the l^^gyptian plural form of the radical snicT ; con- sequently, the equivalent of the Hebrew n"e^', the name of the land which the Israelites conquered from the Amorites. Its mon- umental form is SHTTA'N, referring to the land ; and shtta*u"n, ' In this quotation I (;o])y Mr. Birch's orthoi^raphy of the names : the variation in his reading of kiiita — siiki'ta arises only from tlie ambiguous power of the initial letter (the *eet;e=tJ or n), so that in such cases it is really necessary to have identitieil the names correctly, before you can be sure of the right reading. The original Egyptian text has no vowel; whfii this is the ease, an e is supplied. The Rephaim. 17 or SHT'TA, referring to the people. Shat'u'ma is equivalent to the latter, substituting the formative of locality ma, a place, for the ordinary terminal n. The name is thus, " the place of the SHAT-u ;" i.e., the land of the children of Sheth. In another passage of the papyrus, it is called the land of shet. By this opening of the Egyptian description, it is obvious that some part of the land of the shet-ta was visible to the traveller, though from a distance, on his first emerging from the desert and coming upon the high lands of the wilderness of Judea ; and consequently^ that the siiet'ta were very near neigh- bours of the Egyptians, The next station defines this land, and identifies it, still more clearly. " In the same manner I tell you of cafiri ; it is that which is the House of Raraessu, the fortress of the cherb'U." Thus, CAFIRI is the next place that appears to the traveller " in the same manner." By continuing to advance northwards, we soon come upon a site called, in ancient times, Caphar- barucha. It stands ou a height commanding the desert of Judca on the right ; while on the left, it covers the entrance to the vale of Hebron, from which it is distant scarcely three miles. The name ieb means " a cover," a house of defence. From its being here called the Baita or House of Ramessu, the conqueror evidently had obtained possession of this important frontier stronghold, the fortress of the cherb'u. Since shat'U'ma " appears to you" even before reaching CAFIRI, it is clear that the southern part of the land of the Emim is the country thus described, the mountainous part which becomes visible behind the Dead Sea to a traveller in the posi- tion indicated above. Thus the local name Shittim of the Bible was not limited to the plains of Heshbon, but included all the land of the Emim. The Egyptian forms shet'ta'n and shat'U'ma correspond equally to the Hebrew nn-i' Shiddira, by which name the Royal valley of the Pentapolis is designated. When we thus come upon cafiri or Caphar-barucha so near Hebron^ and find it called the fortress of the cherb'u, we can- not doubt that cherb'u is hebr'on. The transposition of the two last radicals does not occur in the same name at Medinet- Abou. But the identity is substantiated by the fact that, in tlie monuments, the two names cherb'u and rbo denote the same people ; and in Scripture, the two corresponding names of pan Hebron, and ys-is! nnp: Kiriath-ARBA, (the city of Ar1)a,) de- note the same citij. The Septuagint retain the primitive value of the Hebrew letters in their transcript, ttoXc; 'Ap^oK, which, accordingly, much more closely resembles the Egyptian form B 18 The Rephaim. — RBO — than tlie pointed text ArbaJ' (The final k is an attempt to indicate tlie rough articulation of the guttural Hebrew vowel r.) The numerous historical and geographical references which fur- ther confirm this identity must be deferred to the future section treating of their history of this formidable race, the terror and scourge of kham ; who proved themselves to the last true to their friends — and terrible to their foes. " Its course (i.e., the road to the land of the shet-ta,) resembles that Avhich you make in going to the ATI and tubashi. You go to the bow- bearing SHAS"U, crossing the road at makaru." "tubashi verbally corresponds to Thebez ynn, and still more closely to the modern name of the site, Tubas. It is the city Abimelech the son of Gideon was besieging, when he met his death (Jud. ix. 50 — 54). It lay a little to the north of Shechem. The line of road must therefore take in Aiath, n>y, the ati of our text. The traveller is evidently told to follow the road that would lead from cafiri to those places, but he is not told to go to them ; he is to make for the land of the shas'u, by crossing some remarkable road or pass at a place called makaru. There is precisely such a pass to be crossed at pra Migro'n. It is par- ticularly described in 1 Sam. xiv. 2, 4, 5, " The garrison of the Philistiues went out to the passage of Michmash . . . and Saul was tarryiug at the extremity of Gibeah, beneath the pome- granate tree in Migrou . . . and between the passages by which Jonathan sought to cross over to the garrison of the Philistines, there was a steep rock on one side, and another steep rock on the other side. . . The steep of one rock was situated northward, facing Michmash, and the other, southward, facing Gibeah." This description shews that the passage bore east and west, and accordingly intersected the northern Thebez road, which, up to that point, had been the traveller's course. Another re- ference to this road or passage — for it is the bed of a small winter-torrent — occurs in Isaiah x. 28, in conjunction withAiath or ATI. The prophet is describing the sudden march of the Assyrian invader upon Jerusalem, supposing him to have crossed the Jordan at the Shibboleth ford, near the "Wady Zurka." "He is come to Aiath, he lias passed by Migron, at Michmash he hath laid up his baggage ; they liave crossed the passage — they have taken up their lodging at Gcba; liamah trcmbleth — Gibeah of Saul hath fied." " In this important name we must again set aside the Hebrew vowel-points, to obtain the true pronunciation of the original radicals. " Vide Judges xii. .'i, G. The Rephaim. 19 As no more places arc mentioned between makaiiu and the land of the shas'u, the distance between the tAvo cannot have been great. If the siias'u be the Rephaim of Gilcad, as I infer from their name, the traveller is in their land as soon as he lias crossed the Shibboleth ford, whicli is fonnd a few miles below the confluence of the Jordan and the Wady Zurka. The journey thither, from the point where the great northern or Thebez road is intersected by the passage of makaku, may be accomplished in a few hours, by cutting across the naked desert which, in that part, separates Judea from the valley of the Jordan. The direction to cross the river is not given in its place ; but this poetical fragment is not a regular geographical itinerary; nevertheless, a subsequent reference to the passage of the luii- TANA in conjunction with the taruka aru leaves no doubt on the reader's mind that the Shibboleth ford was a well kifown point of the route, and the one here alluded to. For although the Israelites gave the name of Jabbok to the river which runs into the Jordan near this ford, in memory of their ancestor Ja- cob's contest with the celestial messenger'" — and although that river is always called the Jabbok in the Hebrew history — we find, by the Egyptian form taruka aru (or river), that the Wady Zurka still bears its primitive name, and that the " Passage of the Jordan" alluded to, must have been the celebrated ford in its vicinity. Thus the Egyptian route is precisely that taken by Sennacherib's army — only reversing the direction. Having landed his traveller in the country of the shas"u, the Egyptian poet indulges in a short description of its leading phy- sical features — which gives an interesting test of its identity. " The heaven is . . . ■with hght. It is planted with clumps of (cedars ?) and acacias. You disturb the wild animals and deer, and the camels rid- den by the shas'U on its road; it leads thee up to the hiU of the land of SHAVA." It is impossible to give in fewer words a more lively repre- sentation of a thickly-wooded country. It is not a description, but a living picture. For the accuracy of the likeness, I need only refer to the Rev. Eli Smith's account already quoted (vide ante, chap, v.), and also to the forests of thick oak in the hilly regions of Bashan and GilcJid, mentioned by Burckhardt, es- pecially one near Amman.-^ Lord Lindsay describes these for- ests, like Mr. E. Smith, as consisting chiefly of evergreen oak. '" p3' akin to pi« to collide, contend. Hence the Jabbok is " the river of the conUsL" ■^ Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, pp. 265, 348, 356. B 2 20 The Rephaim. The word Mr. Birch translates " cedars " is marked (?) as doubt- ful. It should probably be oaks. And that this land was a thoroughfare for caravans with camels, is shewn by Gen. xxxvii. 25 : " Behold, a company of Ishmaelites came from Gilead, with their camels, bearing spicery and balm and myrrh, going to carry it down to Egypt.^' As the entrance to the land of shas'u is placed at the ford, the hill of the land of shava must be the Jebel Jeliid or Es Salt. This mountain marked the boundary of the Zuzim and Emim.^ Immediatch^ to the south is the scriptural Shittim. Here the description ends — the traveller has reached the goal — he is in the land of the Children of Sheth. The name shava, which here denotes that land, was in fact its local name. The Hebrew form, Shittim, is only a synonym, derij'ed from the patronymic sheth, guardian divinity of the land. As early as Gen. xiv., we find (ver. 5) one of the cities of the people whom the Moabites called Emim, bearing the name of Shaveh-kiriathaim, the double city of Shaveh ; and in ver. 17, the INIetropolitan vale of Shiddim is also called "the valley of Shaveh, the royal valley." By finding this name under the form shava, referable to the northern boundary of the land of shet; — again in Gen. xiv., to a city in its central province, afterwards given to the Reubenites, — and again to a district in the southern extremity of the laud, precisely where Shat'U'.^ia "appears to you," — we have thus a clear proof that SHAVA or SHAVEH, rniT, was not a mere province, but that this name included the whole country of the Emim. AVe shall pass very lightly over the places mentioned in the second part of our extract ; it is interesting to find them all equally referable to cities of note in Palestine, — and all fulfilling the only condition required by the Egyptian description — that of being situated above (or l)eyond) those passed on the route, and consequently more or less out of the way of a traveller bound for the land of the shet'ta. A list of the names, with their Hebrew correspondents, will suffice to shew their identity. " I subsequently tell you of tlie fortresses Avliicli arc situated above these as thou goest to the land of Tachtsa." y At the foot of tliis bill liiy JaziT. In Numb. xxi. 21, we read : "for the border of the children of Ammon was strong." p*3r ':3 '5121 W '3 hut the Soptuagint have oTt ^\ oftia vlwv Wfifuoy ('rrri — having read -\-ty> •'3 " For .Tazer is the border of the children of Amnion ;" probably the true reading, as it gives a geographical limit required l)y the context, whereas the Hebrew reading has no obvious con- nexion with it. .la/.cr was at the foot of Jeb(d .lelad. Moses sent to " spy out .Jazer" — intending to cross llie fonl, had not the Amorites interfered with his move- ments and compelled him to give them buttle. The Rephaim. 21 CAFIR-MARUCHA-NA, rn'C3, " Chephii'ah of tho roy.il abode/' a fortress a little to the north of Shalem (Josh. ix. 17). TAMNEH, njon, Tiranath-Scrah or Timuath-Heres, city of Joshua in Mount Ephraim (Josh. xix. 50; Jud. ii. 9). ATI, n;?, Aiath, generally supposed to be the same as Ai, a little eastward of Bcth-El. TAPURU, -liin, Tabor, a Levitical city (Josh. xix. 22; 1 Chr. vi. 77). ATAi, j'Vp;nTO, (atah). Probably Ittah-kazin or Ittah " t/ie chief" ' (Josh. xix. 13). iiAUUNE-MA, pn n'3, Bcth-Horon. The place, or House of Hor. A noted fortress on the Benjamite border (Josh. x. 10), and a Levitical city (Josh. xxi. 22). Site extant: Beit-Ur. "You look at KARTA-ANBU, BATA-TUBAR ; yOU knOW ARLTU-MA, TiTPU'TA, in the same manner." This means that these places are visible to the traveller from the road, either from their proximity, or their conspicuous situa- tions. Such is the case with the following places, to Avhich they correspond by name : — KARTA-ANBU, 2^v, Auab, a city of the Anakim. In the Bible, the prefix rry_, a walled city, characteristic of the chief cities of the Rephaim, is wanting ; the Egyptian text supplies it (Josh. xi. 21). Site extant: Anab. BATA-TUBAR, Ti^, Dcbir, Otherwise Kiriath-Sepher. From being here classed among cities visible from the road above particularized, it must have been on the eastern side of the mountains : but the site has perished. The occurrence of the name Debir, like that of Hebron, is remarkable : for it proves the antiquity of these two local names (Josh. xv. 15 — 19; xi. 21.) ARUTU-MA, TO, Arad. A city of the Amorites in southern Canaan (Numb. xxi. 1). Site extant: Tel Arad. TiTPU-TA, mBn TTz Beth-Tappuah,' on a height of the mountain pass, overlooking the vale of Eshcol (Josh. xii. 17). Site extant : Teffuh. " I tell you the name of chanru'TA, which is the land of auba, the bull (chief or principal place) of the frontier in its place." Since the land of auba begins as you enter Palestine from the south, and the city of Chinneroth, m:3, on the border of the lake to which it gave its name, is still " the land of auba," * In the Hebrew form, the letti^r n coming awkwardly before E at the end of a syllable, is struck out, and supplied l)y doubling the D. 22 The Rephaim. it is clear that the Egyptians must have understood all Canaan by that name; it was probably derived from sin, Aub, (pro- ducing,) name of a Canaanite god, often alluded to in Scrip- ture, but usually mistranslated by a familiar spirit. The priests and priestesses of this god pretended to possess oracular powers ; hence the Israelites are repeatedly warned not to be ensnared by their juggleries ; and having recourse to the niii« Auboth, and Q':i?T Iddonim, " knowing ones,'' was made a capital offence. Saul went to consult a priestess of Aub, nix-nby?, (lit. mistress of Aub,) at Ain-Dor, when the oracle of the Lord had refused to answer him (1 Sam. xxviii. 6, 7). The region of Dor was con- tiguous to Chinneroth, which is " the land of Auba" (Josh. xi. 2). It is particularly worthy of notice that the Egyptian author of this geographical fragment, by calling chanru'ta "the chief place" (bull) of the frontier of auba, corroborates in a remark- able manner the ethnographical division of Palestine laid down by Moses, who, as we have already seen, assigns the lake of Chinneroth as the eastern limit of the Canaanite. CHAPTER VIII. Cities and Dependencies of the Zuzim. Our chance of identifpng whatever cities of the Zuzim are mentioned separately on monumental inscriptions, are but slender. Of the three-score they boasted, very few arc alluded to in the passing references to this land, in the Bible. Among these, two very important frontier-cities can be traced M'ith cer- tainty to well-known monumental names, viz. : Zarthan and Pethor. The lists of llameses III. at Mcdiuct-Abou give, among other names, gal'na and adar, which correspond so exactly with •p'yz, gol'an, (Jaulan,) and 'ni«, adrai (Edrei, now Adra or Drda) as to render their identity more than probable, notwithstanding the double power of their radicals. Zarthan, ^htj (also Zartauah,) siiairta'na, is mentioned three times in the Bible, so as to define its geographical posi- tion very satisfactorily, although the site is not extant. From Josh. iii. IG, it appears to have been a remarkable place, well known to the Hebrews : — "The waters which were coining down iVoni ;il)ovc, stopped; tlicy rose in an accumulation" very far beyond Adam, llio city wliicli is by the „ iz literally a removal or transposition, imlioatiiiK that tlic waters were trans- fi rrcrl from tiunr usual course or place. Tiu-ro is no Hii;;lish word to convey tins idea with [irecision, but /leaji does not : it gives a false idea of the pliysical aspect The Rephaim. .23 side of Zarthan ; and those which were coming down towards the Sea of Arabah, the Salt Sea, failed, were cut off, and the people passed over, opposite Jericho." The site of Adam is unknown; but from 1 Kings iv. 12, we gatlier that Zarthan itself was very far up the Jordan ; as Beth- Shan is there pLnced — h-^^ — on the opposite side of Zar- tanah. Finally, in 1 Kings vii, 46, we find that Solomon cast the brazen vessels for the temple, in the valley of the Jordan, in the clay-ground between Succoth and Zarthan ; whence we infer it must have been on the opposite bank of the river, for the foundries in the cavity of the watercourse (la^ii) to have Succoth on one side, and Zarthan on the other. The inscription facing the Zarthanian captive " shairta'na n pai iuma," " Zarthan by the sea,^^ may be urged as an ob- jection to my referring this name to an inland city. However, it only proves that the ancient Egyptian iuma was a term as comprehensive as its Hebrew correspondent iam d;, and the modern Arabic equivalent bahr, which at the present day — both in Egypt and in Palestine — stands indifferently for any con- siderable body of water, whether a sea or a lake, a river, or even only a canal. Nahum (chap. viii. 3) compares Nineveh to No-Amun, " whose rampart was the sea, and her wall from the sea;" meaning the Nile. Dr. Robinson^s Arab guide, who spoke English, always translated his native term bahr by the sea. And Jeremiah (chap, xlviii. 32) calls the Jordan "the sea of Jazer," because that city was near it, opposite the Shibboleth ford. The ford of Beth-Shan (BeisanJ is the next place where the Jordan is passable. Zarthan overlooked and guarded this critical spot. Some ruins not far from Jabesh-Gilead fYabesJ, nearly opposite Succoth fSukhotJ, probably mark the site of Zarthan. Petur is mentioned as early as in the reign of Thothmes III., in the statistical tablet of Karnak, and again in the inscriptions of Rameses III. The identity of this name with the Pethor of the Pentateuch has never been doubted, from its collocation with NAHARi'NA, which is universally and indisputably referred to the Aram-Naharaim of the Bible. But most Biblical and Egyptian scholars will be somewhat startled at finding Pethor ranked among the domains of Bashau, having been accustomed to the prevalent opinion that it was in Mesopotamia beyond the Euphrates. presented by the phenomenon, both in this place and in Exod. xv. 8. Vide Isa. xvii. 11, where the translation is judiciously corrected in the margin, to " the harvest shall be removed.^' In Ps. xxxiii. 7, heap also very inadequately expresses the gather- ing together of the waters to form the natural ocean. 24 The Rephaim. This city is first meutioned as the residence of Balaam, (Nu. xxii. 5.) " Pethor, which is near the river of the chiklren of TO? \:?, his people/' is the reading of the printed Hebrew text; whereupon Kennicott justly observes that although this passage was evidently intended to convey a definition of Balaam's abode, it is really very indefinite, as the form of expression describes no particular land or river. But the Samaritan Pentateuch clears up the obscurity by supplying the terminal >, accidentally lost out of the Hebrew i-s?, and thus gives the description: "Pethor which is near the river of the children of Amnion;" and as this reading is supported by the Syriac and Vulgate versions, and fourteen ancient Hebrew MSS. of high authority, twelve of which were examined by Kennicott, no stronger evidence can be desired to settle its authenticity ; whereby the site of Pethor is transferred from the neighbourhood of the Euphrates to that of the Jordan. The Eberite prophet's own allusion to his birth-place : " From Aram liatli Balak, king of Moab, led me ; From tlie mountains of the East." suggests that Pethor was situated among the mountains out of which the river in question takes its rise, though we cannot be certain whether this was the Wady Zurka or the Moict-Anunan. It also implies a very important geographical fact : that in the primeval distribution of races, these mountains were part of the Aramite settlements. All the country included between the land of the Rephaim and tiic great Syrian desert, seems to have been known as " the East country" by the people of Palestine, although its patro- nymic Mas " the land of IJz," derived from the elder branch of the Aramite family, its earliest settlers. The vale of Damascus, its northern limit, still retains the old name yiv 'JHiUz in the modern form "El Ghuta;" and we learn from Lam. iv. 21, that it also extended southward so as to include Edom ; whence, the Edomite Job, who dwelt in the land of Uz, is called " the great- est of the children of the East." The statement of Balaam, lliat the land on the eastern Annnonitc frontier was vVram, is thus well supported by other Scriptural references. The land actually occuj)ied by the Ammonites, as we liave already seen, was that which M'as formerly the land of the Rephaim. From Bout, xxiii. 4, wc further gather that Pethor was geographically referable to that part of the Aramcan settlements known as Aram-Naharaim. Wva'c, as in many other places, the Scptuagint has taken upon themselves to parapiirase the Hebrew name by McaoTroTUfxia, a " land hetiveeii rivers," in- The Rephaim. 25 stead of simply transcribing it, and leaving it to expound itself, a laud of two rivers q:^™. This led to the inference that the two rivers understood must be the Euphrates and Tigris, although in no part of Scriptui'e is there any authority for thus transporting the Aramites beyond the Euphrates into the land of the Chasdim. It is much to be regretted that by copying the Septuagint form of the name, instead of the Hebrew, our old English translators have unfortunately contributed to disse- minate this mistake so far and wide, that we are completely thrown oft' our guard by its very universality ; and every one has accepted the proposition that Aram-Naharaim is Mesopo- tamia beyond the Euphrates and Tigris, without stopping to examine the foundation upon which it is propounded, Rosen- luliller even makes it an objection to our receiving the corrected reading, "the river of the children of Ammon," — that the Am- monite settlements never extended so far ! Dr. Beke was the first t© notice this grave misapprehension ;* and ingeniously suggests that Aram of Damascus may have been the land known descriptively, in early times, as Aram of the two rivers, these being, in his opinion, " Pharpar and Abana, the rivers of Damascus/^ (2 Kings v. 12.) He further remarks that the fact of Abraham's relative, born in his house, being called " Eliezer of Damascus,'' implies that the residence of his family must have been near that city. But another reason added to these by Dr. Beke, appears to me even more conclusive against the site generally chosen for Padan-Aram, than against that of Aram-Naharaim ; for these two diflFerent localities are usually confounded, as though they were the same place under another name, which is not altogether true. It is expressly stated, in Gen. xxxi. 26, that Laban overtook Jacob in the mountains of Gilead, on the seventh day after his departure from Padan-Aram. Now between the central summit of the Gileadite mountains (north of the Jebel-Kafkafa — ) and Charrce of Mesopotamia beyond the Euphrates, so commonly supposed to be the Scriptural Haran and city of Nahor, — the distance is upwards of three hundred geographical miles. It would take, not a week — but a month — to accomplish this journey on foot, considering also the difiiculties of a route partly across the de- sert, and the additional circumstance, pleaded by Jacob as an excuse for journeying more slowly than his brother — that it was the breeding-season of the flocks, and it would be unsafe to urge them on the road. (Gen. xxxiii. 13, 14.) This incident involves a fact absolutely fatal to the assumption that Padan- Aram lay beyond the Euphrates. * Oriijines Biblica>, pp. 122 — 132. 26 The Rephaim. But if we refer the Scriptural Padau-Aram, ''Aram of the fields" (or plains), to those extensive plains of well-watered and luxuriant pastures which are now well ascertained to extend for more than three days^ journey eastward beyond the Jebel Hauran, the distances, and all other circumstances relating to this land in the course of the Patriarchal history, will be found to agree perfectly with this supposition. For — firstly : we have already shewn satisfactory Scriptural authority for fixing the "land of Vz" and chief Araraite settlement, along a line of which the Hauran mountains form the nucleus; and to which these very plains belong ; — secondly : the name of Nahor's settlement, Haran, is actually found unchanged in the present name of those mountains, known to Patriarchal antiquity as " the moun- tains of the East;'^ (comp. Gen. xxviii. 2; xxix. 1;) and the centr.il rocky region, Kelb-Hauran, abounds in remains of deserted vil- lages, frequented only by the wandering Arabs who pasture their flocks on the plains beyond. Thirdly : it is Trom the southern prolongation of those mountains, that the river Zurka descends — and beyond that, its tributary the Moiet-Amman, either of which may be taken for " the river of the children of Ammon." Lastly, all this region, — the plains and the mountains, — as part of the "Land of Vz" or "East country," was reckoned in the domains of the chief Aramite tribe, whose scat was Damascus ; and would thus be politically referable to Aram-Naharaim as the head of the nation. In this sense only can Pethor be al- luded to in Deut. xxiii. 4, as " Pethor of Aram-Naharaim ;" not as situated in the part of the land strictly so called, but as included in the range of its dominion; — just as a city in Wales might be spoken of as an English city, in a general historical statement, by a foreign writer, without entailing upon him a charge of geographical inaccuracy. In thus adopting without hesitation Dr. Bckc's valuable sug- gestion as to the true position of the scriptural Aram-Naharaim, which seems fully borne out by a long series of biblical refer- ences, I nevertheless find it necessary to make its application " with a difference ;" as there are strong reasons for believing that this name, in its geographical acceptation, sliould no more be limited to the limits of the present vale of ]*]1-Ghuta, than that vnlc, which represents in name the ancient land of Uz, should bo taken to represent in fad the whole of that land. It is even more than doui)tful whether the present site of Es/i-Sham or Damascus be that occupied in primeval antiquity by the " Head of Aram." It is a very remarkable fact, that, in a land singularly tenacious of jirimitivc local names, a city should be found as far down as the south-western cxtrcniitv of Jebel- The Rephaim. 27 Hauran, bearing to this day the significant name of Esky-Sham, Old Damascus — or rather " Old Slicm," patronymic of the Aramitc race ; thougli in scriptural and classical antiquity it bears another name, Boshtrah or Bostra ; — that it should be his- torically included in the domains of the king of Bashan, and as sucli, pass over to the Israelites by right of conquest; — and yet form, geographically and ethnographically, no part of his laud ; for the modern province Ard-el-Bathamjeh ceases a little beyond the sources of the river Mandhur — near Mezareib, the site of its ancient metropolis, Ashtaroth-Karnaim ; and Bosh- trah or Esky-Sham itself is in the province En-Nukrah, the fertile agricultural region of the Western Hauran. Salchah or Salkhad, — Boshtrah, which, from being a place of consequence, was made a Levitical city ; — and Kenath, to which Nobah the Manassite gave his own name, and which bears that name in Scripture, (comp. Numb, xxxii. 42 ; Jud. viii. 11,) although it still retains its primitive name Kunawath, and was always known to the ancients as KavaOa ; — all these cities of note were in the Hauran ; not in Bashan proper. They are found under the rule of the Rephaim ; as such, are acquired by the Israelite con- querors. But the geographical and historical notices of yet earlier scriptural ages all demonstrate that they must be "counted to the Aramite,'^ in like manner with Pethor itself. The inference so manifestly deducible from the transfer of those cities — that the Aramites were subject to the Rephaim — is confirmed b}^ a direct admission of the fact that the lands of two genuine Aramite tribes were in the same manner obtained by the Israelites, by right of conquest, namely : the Getherites, whose province, north of Bashan proper or Bathanyeh, is called El-Jeiduj' to this day ; — and the Maaehathites : " Gilead, and the border of the Geshurites and Maaehathites, and all Mount Hermon, and all Bashan, unto Salchah ; all the kingdom of ''Houg (Og) in Bashan, who reigned in Ashtaroth and in Edrci, — he who was left of the remnant of the Rephaim : for these did Moses smite, and cast out. Nevertheless, the children of Israel expelled not the Geshurites and the Maaehathites ; the Geshurites and Maaehathites dwell among the Israelites to this day." (Josh. xiii. 11—13.) This casts the much-desired gleam of light over the political relation of the Shemite race of Aram to the Hamite Rephaim, dimly shadowed forth by the indications deducible from the monumental history of Egyptian conquest. There, the name of NAHARi'NA, is usually connected with the shas"u, or with names referable to their domains. In the notices of wars with the SHET'TA, we also encounter nauari'na among the allies or 28 The Rephaim. subsidies of that nation. Mr. Birch quotes from an ancient Papyrus in the British Museum'^ an enumeration of troops sent to aid the shet'ta : 1205 of Naharina, 270 Shairtana, etc., etc. AVe shall moreover find the names of nahari'na and padi to- gether, in the expedition of Rameses II. against the shet'ta, among the lands " stricken in the war." This collocation proves the identity of padi with the scriptural pn"N or P/ai«-Aram.'^ From these indications, the political status of the Aramites among the Rephaim is made clear. Like the Canaanites under the Hebrew invasion, they appear, in course of time, to have yielded with a good grace to the dominion of a more powerful people, whom they found they were not strong enough to with- stand. By thus timely consenting to join the great political body of the Stranger I'ace, they secured the advantages of its protection ; and, at the expense of a nominal national independ- ence, they preserved their national existence, so as to survive even the destruction of their subjugators, and recover the domi- nion of their own territories. During the last century of their political existence, when the ranks of the Rephaim had been decimated by the war of extermination waged against them by Egypt, and their cities were left defenceless by the destruction of their fortresses and the wholesale deportation of tlie population as captives into Egypt — the Canaanites began their inroads into the land. The Girgashites spread their habitations southward of Lake Chin- ueroth into Bashan. The Amorites of Southern Canaan, origi- nally co-residents with the Anakim, began also to establish them- selves in the southern provinces beyond Jordan, from whence they ultimately extended their settlements to the banks of the Zurka. Thus, in the time of Moses, half the people who lived under the sway of the ancient sovereigns of Bashan may have consisted of these encroaching settlers. On this accovuit, the last king of the native race, and the usurping Amorite chief who had seized the metropolitan province of the neighbouring nation, are both referred to in the general terms of the narrative as "the two kings of the Amorites;" from which it has been rather hastily infcnicd that the king of Bashan also was an Amorite, and the Rephaim themselves, in consequence, a tribe c Select Papyri, published from the British Museum : Pajyyrus Anastasi, i., p. 13. d It further confirms the distinction I liave ah-eady insisted on above, to be made between tlie two regions of the land of the Uz or east conntry : Aram of the two rivers — Naharaim — west of the Jcbcl Ilauran ; and Aram of tiie jilain — I'adan — cast of it. The Wady IWirada and tlie Wady-el-Liwa, both running into the J5ahr-el- INIt TJ from oiijio.silc tliicclions, may be the (wo rivers marking the nucleus of the country undcrstooil by Aram Naliaraim. The Rephaim. 29 of Canaanitcs. Independently of the reasons I have already given, which exclude the Canaanitcs as original claimants of any part of the lands beyond Jordan, — it is easy to shew this infer- ence to be gronnded on a mistake. A sovereign of one race may rule over a nation of another. The bulk of the people with whom the Israelites were brought into collision, were the Amoritcs who resided within the realms of Bashan, on the river Zurka; they had not, like their southern brethren, gone the length of setting up a king of their own race, but apparently yielded a partial obedience to the native sovereign of the land. Thus, when the last '-'Houg of Bashan had become the nominal leader of a considerable body of Amorite people, and the ally by neces- sity of a genuine Amorite chief established in a neighbouring province, it is no great lapse of ethnographical accuracy on the part of the sacred historian, to designate him and this chief together as " the two kings of the Amorites j" a form of speech that in no wise justifies our classing the king of the Rephaim himself and his almost extinct race, among the Canaanitcs who were only interlopers among them. The Amorites of Sihon — themselves usurpers — evidently regarded the Israelite new- comers with suspicion; the king of the Rephaim likewise. He was therefore willing to join the Amorites, in the hope of pre- serving the small domain over which he yet retained a nominal rule, when the Israelites, by requesting a passage through their territories, alarmed him for the safety of his own, and he thus became impelled to his doom by courting the hostile demonstra- tion he so greatly feared. As the Moiet-Amman formed the western limit of the Am- monite settlements on the south side of the upper Jabbok, the country between it and the Jordan, acquired by the Israelites after the defeat of Sihon, formed no part of the lawful Ammo- nite territory, but only of so much of their predecessors, the Zuzim, as had been taken by the Amorites. The injunction of Moses, to respect the lands originally allotted to the tribe of Aramon by the Rephaim, and in no wise to molest them, was scrupulously fulfilled. " Thou didst not approach the land of the children of Ammon, neither the bank of the river Jabbok, nor the cities of the mountain-tract ; nor any place which the Lord our God had prohibited.'^ (Deut. ii. 37.) The Israelites paid the same regard to the lawful territorial claims of the Aramean sub-tribes of Geshur and Maachah, who remained in the land. The elder branch had probably removed its seat of government farther to the north. The fact that its former lands in the Western Hauran were appropriated by Israel, sufiiciently accounts for the aggressive course taken by the king of Aram-Naharaim, soon after the death of Joshua. 30 The Rephaim. We must not suppose that the residue of the Rephaim in Bashan Avere utterly extirpated, because the army of Israel had routed the mixed Amorite and native forces, and slain their king, Avho marched upon the frontier to oppose its passage. It is said in Joshua xiii. 13, that Moses smote and cast out the remnant of the Rephaim. They were so weakened, that a single defeat sufiiced to crush their power of resistance. They fled before the victorious Israelites. They knew that the land of the children of Ammon would be respected by Israel. The Ammo- nite tribe had long considered itself a member, by adoption, of that ancient nation under whose civil jurisdiction it had been allowed to settle. Among the children of Ammon, the scattered and broken remnant of that nation found protection in its ad- versity. The Ammonites gratefully requited the hospitality granted to their forefathers, and continued loyal to the chief- tains whose ancestors, in the days of their power, had received and befriended their infant colony. The ancient race and its name thus became lost among the Ammonites. Under their influence, these learnt to consider themselves aggrieved by IsraePs occupation of the land from which their legitimate sovereign had been driven. From that time, they shewed them- selves ever ready to join in hostility against the Israelites with the kindred border nations, the Midianites, Moabites, Araa- lekites, Aramites of the north, and Children of the East. At last, in the reign of David, their turbulence was finally checked. Their chief city Rabbali was captured, and reduced to servitude. The royal couch or throne of the ancient line of chiefs, pre- served in this city, bears witness to the fact that the children of Ammon regarded these chiefs and their dispossessed suc- cessors as the head of the nation, and themselves, as one of its members ; and the territorial pretensions which they grounded on this fact sufficiently explains their subsequent enmity towards their Eberite kindred, Israel. F. C. P.S. At the cud of the t;ibiilar list of local names, will be found three which cannot be refeiTcd with certainty to their proper ethnog-raphieal group, because their exact sites are unknown. One oi" these is tuiusiia by the sea, the legend of a captive chief of Medinet-Abou, placed imme- diately bcliind those of siiairta'NA and siia(su), whom he closely re- sembles. TUiRsiiA is obviously the strong fortress of Taricha;a on Lake Tiberias. (Jos. Bell. Jud., b. 2, eh. xxi. ; b. 3, ch. x.) But it is uncertain whether this place was on the Canaanitc or on the Gohuiite side of the lake. On tlie other hand, the characteristic points in the costume of the figure, especially the licard — from which we jnigiit have learnt whether he was of tlic I{a])lia or ('anaanite race — arc unfortunately destroyed. ONOMASTICON. Ill TV 4 1.T.T.T 4 i w /2 I ^ ' I ' II us 13 lU 16 .1. 27 /* >«S2>-'<^A^ /? i^ II I • ' til li T.T.T.:. — . 5^ ©II *©\\ 30 -<===- I J'V 12 2i JV.|7 ill^V^k 2« 2^ 31 ^ 0\\^ i 32 y.?.f.r -i^ .\^-Mi 0>U 55 Jt^. ?7 GROUP I. GROUP III. GROUP IV. GROUP V. Eepfiaim (of Bashan.) At aniUes. Kmim. Analiim. 1. 8. 10. 27. R. 1)1. i.xi. L. R. LXl. R. i-xi. rxxxix. SHAS-U ZUZ-IM NIIRINA ARM-\in!.lM .SlIT-TA-N SllT-ni M NAT UN ANKA 2ws. M. mn nnn3 niN ^cmeiu c::© Woif.lCVC'i <1'0/I/x-Aii.v R. CI. SHBT-UN HSHBON 'E,<7c(3wu ]13Cn Eajiovra. P. Hrshbnn R. CXL. „ SHALAMU SIILM TavXwv ]bl3 Gohiii Padau Aram "SaXrif □VsD Sbal.iii Jt'ninnlt Hi El-Kuds 3. Ibid. „ ADAR ADR-AI 'EBpaifi ••n-iN 'ASpa/iia. P. Edrci Adra 10. Ch. CCIV. HAIRN.. y^appau HR-N pn Haran Jele.l llauran 18. R. cxvi. „ ARNA AR Dwelling of Ar. 29. R. c. Ch. CCIV. CIIEBRU IIBRO-N Xcftpwv p-\2n Hftbron 19. EiKhuUl Ibid. 4. R. CXLIII. 11. ARXA-TA ARN-ON R. xi.v'i. 'Opwi'civ. J. pjIN 30. SHAIKTA-NA ZliTH-N RMN-N HRM-ON R. CXLII. _ "^eaiipOav |ms Zai'thau 'J¥jpjU,Wl> Ilennon 20. R. xci. RBO ARJIO 12. ATSH-X 21. Kiriath Arba L. R. cxvi. 31. PTUR ^aOovpa PTIIOR ■nriQ PILKA. R. LV. R. Kulat Bdlca tahi'tu'n-nu ITAH Ituv, Tnvv m'' luttab GROUP 11. Potlior 22. Ibid. Canaanites. 1.3. R. LXV. SAR-PAINA BAN Bairtj/ p?3 I'lUUili SHAR ' SHA.IR 32. 5. R. XLvni.„ _ 2?^€//> Seir Esh Sherah 23. Ibid. R. CXLIII. masiiuasii M«rtT^a's ? CANANA C.V.4A' KAITAVATANA KH/A'-TII Canaan nvj;n mp Kiriatli lluzoth 14. 33. R. Lxr. 24. R. CXL. 6. PUNT PUXN Ibid. PULSATA PLSII-TH R. CXLII. ^ AMAR . A3I0R o 'A^ioppai09 Tm« (piviv pis Punon KADA.... KDM-OTH Keda/nwO riTOTp AiXaO * nVs Kacrj'} Bapi'ij. tZ^^Z 'A/3aS TC? Arad 'EXava. P- Elath Kadesh Baniea Ekron '.■Hi/- TciMmi; 26. Ibid. ANSHU hjivaof. H. APPENDIX. Delta. R. CXLII I 'Vaptxnid- J. R. LXV, 39. TUIRSHA .... 35. GSHI - Goshon ? Ch. CCIV. 40. TARBUSA. . . . QapajSafTct. J. R. .^LVIII. 36. PAIEU. Pclusiiini. Ibid. _ Ibid. 37. AANT- Oil? 41. LU.SS- Xvaaa. J. • R. XLI. 38. PAI-BASII. Bub-i-stis 32 ONO]^IASTICON. As the Egyptian forms of proper names will often recur in the course of these papers, it is desirable that the student should be able to verify the readings, by a reference to the original orthography. I have accordingly di'awn up a classified list of these names, selecting, from the numerous monumental sculptures which jdeld them, the fullest and most accurate forms, when they happen to vary. The Egj-ptian names are rendered, letter for letter, from the hiero- gl^^'phics, in upright capitals, with the coiTesponding Hebrew form beside each, in slanting capitals. In both, the root or true name, is separated from the grammatical affixes by a point. The student will find the following remarks on the latter, useful in facihtating his comparison of these and similar names. The Eg\"[otian formatives are always suffixed in the same order, though all are not often combined in the same name, viz. : 1. The sign of gender, when/e?M. or neut., next to the root; T, th, or, written full, ta. It corresponds to the Hebrew n and n, 2. The sign of number, pi., v, dual, ui ; corresponding to the Hebrew xz\ ni and dual □>. 3. The terminal formative of a proper name, N, or na, sometimes UN or xu, corresponding to, and resembling the Hebrew ^^ or >^ Occasionally, the formative of locahty ma, " a place," is suffixed. This is rare in hiero- glyphics. Vowels that are not radical, are often written after the name or syllable. The reader ^N^ill find that in the Egj^jitian form of a name, the gender has sometimes been changed, or that the finals difl'er ; but with these simple rules to guide him, he will not be perplexed in discovering the identity of any two names which agree in the radical letters. A few of the names in this list have akcady been satisfactorily iden- tified. Since the days of Champollion, 5, 8, and 12, canana, naharina and PETHOR, have become universal property. Mr. Birch's opinion tliat 33 is the Philistines, has never been questioned ; and I am indebted to bis suggestions for the identity of 28 with Jerusalem or Salem, and follow him in reading 36, Pelusium. IMr. Osburn, in his Ancient Egypt, has also indicated the coiTCspondence of certain groups to several biblical names, which I cannot but assent to, though dift'ering materially from him as to the nations they rej)rcseut. His referring (> and 34 to the Amorites and Ekronites, is quite satisfactory. I have little doubt that his suggestion tliat 38 and 25 are Bubastis and Kadesh Barnea, is correct, though tlic final M of the latter never was part of the Hebrew name, being oidy an Egyptian formative. He also refers 14, 11, and 1 to Punon, Hermon, and the Zuzim, but appropriates those names and ])laces to the Arvadit(;s and .lebusites, to whom we have no Scriptural aulliority for assignhig any tcrritoritios beyond the Jordan. The g('ograi)liioal position of the two former localities clearly brings them within the Aramean group, to which their costume corrcs])onds ; and my reasons for setting aside the supposed connexion of Ihc Zuzim with any Canaanite family, have been fully ex})lained. Arhreviations. R.,(Jh., L., denote respectively a referenre to the momnnental illustra- tions of Ro.sellini {Mou. Storici), Clianipollion, and Lepsius: H., Herodotus : M., Manetho : .1., Joseplius ; P., Ptolemy. Greek forms without initials, are those of the Septuagint. Recent names of sites arc put in italics. 185.2.] ( 1 ) THE REPHAIM, AND THEIR CONNEXION WITH EGYPTIAN HISTORY." CHAPTER IX. The Emim. The Emim — " the terrible people !" Such is the name by which the descendants of Lot designated the powerful, hospitable, and brave, but fearfully depraved nation, in whose land tlieir father had taken up his abode, lint they called themselves " the children of Sheth,'' or, according to tlie Hebrew form that de- signates their land, Shittim ; and from the perfect correspondence of this form with the shet'ta of Egyptian monuments, I was led to infer what subsequent research has developed with abun- dant proof, — the identity of that formidable race with the tribe of Rephaim known in Scripture as the Emim. The territories of the Emim were to the full as extensive as those of the Zuzim. The hill of Jeldd was their northern boun- dary; the mountains of Aram, and plains of Padan-A ram, and the Horite valley, their eastern. The Jordan and Dead sea separated them from the Canaanites westward ; while the great Wady Arabah, commanded by their ancient metropolis, Sodom, connected the domains of the chief tribe that dwelt in the region of the Arnon, Avith its junior branches and kindred dependencies — Ken in the mountains of Seir, and Amalek in the desert of Paran. At the time this people are first introduced to our notice, all the southern bay of the Dead Sea was a fertile valley, " well watered everywhere like the garden of the Lord, like the laud of Egypt, before the Lord overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah." (Gen. xiii. 10.) This was the vale of Shaveh, the Royal Valley, otherwise called " the vale of Shiddim,'' from the people to whom it belonged. Of the five cities it contained, the sites of only two are known, — Bela, called Zoar by the Moabites, and which retains that name in Scripture ; and Sodom, the chief city, which must have occupied the southern extremity of the valley, not far from the salt-hill Usdum. But not a vestige of the city itself, nor of Gomorrah, Admah, and Zeboim, has ever been found. It had long been supposed that the eruption, by which the four cities were destroyed, had produced the chasm of the Dead « Continued from the January Number of the /. S. L. M 2 The Rephaim. [April, Sea. Dr. Robiason^s researches in that region cast great doubts on this hypothesis ; and the results of a more methodical survey, under Lieut. Lynch, have brought out facts which disprove it altogether. The soundings gave an average depth of between 150 and 200 feet along the central line of the sea, till the pro- montory in front of Zoar. In this part, the lake is usually ford- able ; and the whole of its southern end is so shallow, that such a volcanic explosion and conflagration as the narrative of Gen. xix. 25 seems to imply, if followed by the not unusually associated phenomenon of subsidence, to the amount of 12 or 15 feet, would suffice to submerge to its present depth a cultivated low tract occupying that site, without sensibly increasing the area of the sea in other parts. But the rest of the country belonging to the Emira remained unaflPected by this catastrophe ; and the royal seat appears to have been transferred to Heshbou, in the centre of the chief province, and a remarkably fertile and beautiful tract, abound- ing in ruins of deserted cities and villages. After the catastrophe of the cities. Lot and his family dwelt apart in the mountainous region behind Zoar. The first fixed settlement of his descendants is traced to the contiguous city, Kabbah {Ihe great or chief city), occasionally alluded to in Scripture by its local name Ar. Its site is well known. The children of Lot grew into a considerable tribe, which separated under two heads ; the junior branch, as we have seen before, establishing itself, in like manner, in the mountainous back settlements of the Zuzim. The hilly tract occupied by the Moabites is called in the itinerary of ]\Ioses, " the mounds " or low hills of the Abarim, cnarn "v; a^^d the ^Moabite mountains beyond them, "the moun- tains of the Abarim." (Nu. xxxiii. 44, 47.) These may be con- sidered as a prolongation of the " mountains of Aram," or of " the East." They doubtless received that name from the native race, because they were the settlement of the Ebcrite family of Lot; as Abram also, in Gen. xiv. 13, is called "Abram the Ebcrite." In Balaam's prophecy, the whole race descended from these two patriarchs is included under the patronyniic Eber. Abarim n^ay, is the same word as Jbr'im (Hebrews) cn;ii', save that its etymological import has been disguised, through the alteration in the pronunciation caused by the vowel-points. The original tribe-name of the Emim — " the Shittim" — the name by which they were known among themselves, is not di- rectly recorded, like that of the Zuzim, in the earliest notice of them, Gen. xiv. 5. Nevertheless, we may obtain it by collating several passages in other parts of their history. 1852.] The Rephaim. ^S When tlie Israelites liad conquered and expelled tlic Amoritc usurpers of the metropolitan province, we learn from the itine- rary of Nu. xxxiii. 49, that they encamped in the plains of Moab, by the Jordan of Jericho, from Beth-Jeshimoth (ntr'n .t: the house of Jeshimoth) to Abel-Shittim (a^^uyr "jaw Abel of Shittim.) The historian's meaning, here, is evidently to assign the extreme limits of an encampment along the valley of the Jordan, too extensive to be descriptively referable to one parti- cular city. By a reference to Nu. xxv. 1, we further learn that Israel was abiding in Shittim, when, at the instigation of Ba- laam, an attempt was made to corrupt their religion, which brought on the war against the INIidianites. As Israel was still abiding in Shittim, when Joshua sent out the spies into Canaan, and as they only removed from thence to cross the Jordan, the term of their sojourn in the region so called, cannot have fallen much short of two years. It is obvious from this, that " Shittim " cannot be meant to designate a city. Neither among the lists of Moabite cities in the later historical or prophetical books, nor in Josephus, nor in the ancient classic geographers, is any such name to be found. Yet any single city sufliciently large to contain all the victorious host, their wives, children, cattle and goods, for two years, must have been too considerable to escape subsequent notice, had such a city existed. These considerations go far to shew that the name Shittim, by which the Hebrews designate this locality, was not applied to a mere city, but to a very considerable extent of country. This will be made still more evident by another circumstance to be taken into consideration. Nu. xxi. 24 — 32, relates the conquest and first establishment of the Israelites in the plains of Moab, which excited the jealousy of thcMoabites, and led them to plan the destruction of Israel through the denunciations of Balaam, as related in the succeeding chapters, xxii — xxiv. Be- tween this incident, and the cause of the 5lidianite war narrated in ch. XXV., there is an interval of more than a year, since this war was the closing event of the forty years' probation in the wilderness, whereas the conquest of the Transjordanic provinces occurred at the beginning of the thirty-ninth. This narrative follows close upon the preceding chapters, not because it follows them in order of time, but because it relates the continuation of the same series of political machinations. Having thus brought up the history to the eve of the ]Midianite war, the his- torian breaks off to relate the occurrences which fill up this intermediate period ; after which he resumes the history of the war itself, the last event of his life. .E 2 4 The Rephaim. [April, Among these parenthetical chapters, we learn (ch. xxxii. 1 — 32) that after the destruction of the Amorites, and expulsion of the Hephaim, the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and Manasseh besought Moses to bestow upon thera the conquered territory. The re- quest was granted, and these tribes established themselves in their possession ; the rest of the nation, having as yet no lands, continuing to occupy the encampment along the Jordan, de- scribed in Nu. xxxiii., as extending from the house of Jeshimoth to Abel of Shittim/' To suppose that this allotment is related in order of time, and consequently as having taken place after the seduction of Israel, involves the very improbable supposition that the Israelites, after acquiring by force of arms the mastery over a country stretching across more than a hundred geogra- phical miles, neglected to take possession of their conquest, left all the cities and lauds they had acquired, unguarded, unoccupied and deserted for nearly two years, to encamp on the arid bank of the Jordan — and that, too, without any apparent fear or chance of molestation on the part of the nations they had de- prived of those lands ; while the partisans of those very nations were actively engaged in plotting the destruction of their new conquerors ! Such a proceeding would have been so senseless, that its absurdity need only be pointed out, to dismiss the sup- position altogether. The allotment of the first-fruits of conquest to the three elder tribes of Keuben, Gad and Manasseh,* must be allowed to follow close upon the conquest itself; garrisons being placed in the chief cities, both to watch over the newly- acquired possession, and to protect the flocks and goods of the conquerors. These likewise watched over the welfare of their brethren, who had pitched their tents in the plains of the Jordan; supplying them with necessaries till their turn to take possession of their own inheritance should arrive. The Ileubenitcs, Gad- ites, and jSIanassites certainly did not neglect their possessions, since we are told that before the death of Moses they had re- paired the cities which had been devastated in the war. Their departure from the common encampment, though not mentioned in the narrative, must be understood by the subsequent events. As the line of this encampment is described as extending from the mouth of the Jordan to a place called Abel on the * Reuben and Joseph were firstborn sons of Jacob's lawful wives ; and Gad, of his concubine Zilpah, handmaid of the senior wife. Dan, the fourth firstborn son in rank, was born (like Islunael) of Racliel's iiandmaid, substituted for lier childless mistress; consequently, the sulisefjuent birth of Joseph, of tlie lawful wife, displaced him from the privileges lie would otherwise have enjoyed as son of Rachel by adop- tion, placing him fourth only in rank, instead of second. Had there been a fourth apportionable i)rovii)re, it would doubtless have been given to Iiim. 1852.] TheRephahn. -^ ^J northern frontier of Shittira, it seems that the Hebrews must have understood by " Shittim " generally, the whole country of which the " plains of Moab/' Avhere the tents -were pitched, formed only a part ; the part extending along the eastern bank of the Jordan, in front of Jericho. As in the case of Canaan, they put the patronymic of the tribe for the name of the land that tribe occupied ; for the people called themselves the Shit- tim, but the local name of their land, as we have already seen in a former chapter, was Shava or Shaveh. I apprehend that the " vale of Shiddim " in AA'hich the me- tropolis of this people once lay, is only an orthographic variation of the same name. In this case, the historian appears to have transcribed the form of the name literall}^, from a more ancient record, perhaps from one embodied in an old and limited alpha- bet, which, like the Egyptian, did not distinguish such shades of sound as that between d and t ; whereas, in his personal nar- rative, he wrote the name as he heard it pronounced in the country. Both these orthographies are equally well represented in the Egyptian form of this name, with which Moses w^as no doubt very well acquainted. The origin of the tribe-name Shittim, thus applied by the Israelite historian to the land once ruled by the Emim, may be gathered from a remarkable passage in Balaam^s concluding pro- phecy, which is quoted entire at the end of this chapter. The Egyptian records relating to the shet'ta furnish a complete explanation of it, by which the identity of the people is further confirmed. In this prophecy, the Emim are alluded to as "the children of Sheth," in coujuuction with the Moabites, among whom the remnant of the ancient nation had become so intimately blended, since the Amorite invasion, as to be no longer historically dis- tinguished from them, in the sacred annals, either by INfoses or by their own prophet. From a treaty of peace concluded by Rameses II. with the shet-ta, in the twenty-first year of his reign,^ we learn that this very name, Shcth n^r, was the name of the tutelar and patronymic god of their land. It is written in Egyptian, Suth, and Suth-esh. In this very curious document, not only is the late contest between the Egyptians and shet'ta represented as a personal contest between the patron gods of the two rival nations, but these gods are also introduced as ratifying the treaty in person, by their signature or attestation at the end ! And if the reader is curious to know under what style and titles the gods shewed themselves off in such important transactions, f Rosellini, Man. Reali, pi. cxvi. 6 The Rephaim. [April, it is as follows : " The Suth of the fortress of ar'na ; the Suth of the fortress of arna'ta ; the Suth-esh of the fortress of PiLKA," etc., etc. ; the same name being thus repeated iu con- nexion with the fortress under his charge, the chieftain of which probably was proxy for his god on the occasion. That the Suth or the Suth-esh thus introduced is neither the name nor the title of a man, is proved by the determinative hieroglyphic sign following the name ; this is neither the figure of a man, nor of a chief, as in that case it would be ; it is the figure of the Egyp- tian god Seth, which Plutarch informs us was the Egyptian name of him whom the Greeks call Typhon. He is represented with the head of a long-snouted and long-eared unknown ani- mal, which they mistook for an ass. This same figure is used to write ideagraphically the name of the king Seti-Menephtah. This god's head, Avith the body of a dog, is also the deter- minative sign of the name Baro or Baal, bn, in the historical inscriptions of this period. In the laudatory comparisons with this Baro, so frequently applied by the Egyptian hierogramraa- tists to their sovereign, we have a sure token that at that time Suth or Baal was a god as highly reverenced by the Egyptians themselves, as by their foes the shet'ta. Suth and Baal are nearly synonymous titles; denoting a lord or master, the former in Egyptian, the latter in Hebrew. Sut'rv Keb, " Lord of Egypt," is the usual formula heading the the names of Egyptian sovereigns. In the Papyrus Sallier^ there occurs the^ following remark- able passage : — " They shall not staiad in the land of kiierbu .... Fallen in tlich blood ! Then sliall the revolted clii(;fs, the i'allen of SUET, approach, and glorify the great name of his majesty, saying : ' O thou Ha in thy solar abode, Suthcsh the son of Netpe, the great (listurl)cr, and Baal who smites his enemies ! Thy terror is in the land of siiET behind thee!' " The Egyptian author of this historical poem seems liei'c to admit openly, in the terms of this address to the king of Egypt, that Seth, Suth, alias Suthcsh, alias Baal, being " son of Netpc," '/ Select Pnpyri ; facsimiles published by the British IMuscum. Pap. Sail. 3, pi. xxxii., 1. G — 9. The passaj^c is thus translated by Mr. IJireh, in the introductory account of these documents. I may as well jioint out in this i>laee an oversight of iny own in a rcfennce, which I have corrected in the ]>resi'nt section. The ancient pajjyrus in this collection wliich includes the i,'eof,Maphical fragnioit so often alluded to in both sections, is not one of the Saltier, but one of the Anaslasi papyri. As, however, I have given the ninnliers of the j)late, etc., this mistake would not have misled any one wishing to refer to tlie published facsimile of original document. 1852.] The Rephaim. -T" was brother to Osiris. The mytli of Osiris cruelly persecuted by his brother Typhon or Seth, implies the same ; and both in- volve an equally distinct confession on the part of the Egyptians, of the common origin of the iShcthite race with themselves, and of their gods with those of Egypt proper. It is not until after the final dismemberment of this once dreaded race, that the god Seth was blotted out of the Egyp- tian pantheon, and his name was consigned to execration as the evil genius wdio so long favoured the cause of the most invete- rate enemies of Egypt. Earlier monuments represent him under various forms and characters, as the teacher of kings,' — as the patronymic of the dog-star, — as the god to whom one of the five days of the Epact was consecrated, and whose name was borne by several Egyptian monarchs. The assiduity Avith which the Egyptians erased or defaced his figure, under all its representa- tions, has unfortunately contributed to cast great obscurity over the functions of this god in their mythological system. There is no doubt, however, that his synonym baro is the Baal of Scripture f and another of his Egyptian synonyms, nubi, seems to point out his identity with the local god Nebo of Shittim. The name of astrta, Ashtaroth mncj? or Ashtoreth, (for the points vary the pronunciation of the name, but the Hebrew radicals are exactly equivalent to the Egyptian characters,) is also mentioned in the treaty above referred to, as the great god- dess of the sHET'TA. A chain of connexion singularly consistent and interesting, is thereby established in favour of that people's identity with the race whose metropolis was lieshbon, and whose sway extended to the neck of the Elanitic gulf and over the whole peninsula of Sinai — the Emim, and the cognate Keuite and Amalekite tribes. In the first place, one of the most noted fortresses of the SHET'TA, was called atesh. This name is one of the synonyms, or rather local proper names, of Astarte ; as is proved by a tablet in the Louvre, described in Prisse's Monuments de VEgypte et de le Nubie, which represents a goddess similar in every respect to the goddess Ken on the tablet of Kaha in the British Museum, save that she bears on her head the cow's horns and globe of Hathor, which are absent in the provincial goddess Ken ; and that her name is given as atesh, instead of '' Ken.'^ The iden- tity of Ken with the Assyrian Astarte, in every emblem and attribute, has been sufficiently established by ]\Ir. Layard's de- signs from the Khorsabad sculptures. And that in the form of / Burton, Excerpta Hierog., pi. 137. 3 Bunsen, Egypt's Place, etc., vol. i., pp. 426 — 429. 8 The Rephaim. [April, Atesli, she is the '' two-horned Ashtaroth," patronymic of the metropolis of the Rephaim, is absolutely proved by a fact we gather from the Egyptian sculptures that represent the final triumph of the Egyptian conquerors presenting their captives and the rich spoils of the conquered to the local gods of Thebes ; for among these spoils are the sacred vessels employed in the service of the gods, bearing their emblems on the covers ; and the cow's head, with the globe and horns, is a frequent device among these emblems, whether the spoils be those of the shas*u, the sHET'TA, the rbo, the tahi, or the lt"n/' The religious em- blems of all these people are absolutely identical — proving them to be Ijranches of the same people, and agreeing in the external symbols of their worship. Moreover, the shas'u who submitted to Ramescs II., in his great expedition against the shet'ta, are represented w^earing the same emblem — the horns and globe — on their helmets. The people of shairta'na, belonging to the SHAS'U nation, bear the same crest on theirs. The goddess being thus distinctly identified, it is a very re- markable coincidence that we should recover, in one of her monvimental names, Ken, the patronymic of that very branch of the Shethite people who, under the name of " ]\Iidianitcs,'' in Scripture, took a leading part on behalf of the Moabitcs in en- deavouring to seduce the Israelites to their corrupt religious practices, in order to make friends of them and regain a footing in the lands they had lost. It is still more remarkable, that in one of their possessions, the city of Elath nV«, " the mighty," we should even recover what appears the radical form of another name under which, according to Herodotus,' the same goddess was worshipped, namely, the Arabian ^AXirra, otherwise 'AXCkaT, which he informs lis is the same as the Babylonian MvXtTra. Elath is the city I identify with the monumental lt'n men- tioned above, among whose sacred emblems that of Astarte is prominent. So much has been done in a former chapter towards esta- blishing the geographical identity of the Eraim of Scripture with the monumental shetta, that very little remains to be '' Compare the spoils in Rosellini's Mo7i. Rea/i, pi. xlviii., Hi., Iv., lix. ' Herodotus, Clio, c. 131. The etymology of this goddess' name has given rise to much conjecture. The simplest origin for it appears suggested by the passage, Ex. XV. 15 : — "Then are the leaders of Edom troubled — Trembling hath seized the miglity of Moab iNio 'Vn." From which it ajjpcars that El (a mighty or powerful one) was a Rloabite title of superiority, like Allouph (a leader) of the Edomites. Elath nVw is merely the femi- nine fr»rm of this root. 1852.] The Rephaiin. 9-^/ suid ill completion of this subject, before we enter upon the few details which scriptural and monumental antiquity unite to afford us concerning their history. The cities of the siiet'ta which I have been able to trace through the topographical allusions of Scripture or of historical antiquity, to the lauds of the Emim, are as follows : siiEB'T'UN is the first city mentioned in the expedition of Rameses II. against the shet'ta, and towards which his march was directed.-^ This is the metropolis of the scriptural Shittim, called by the Hebrews, Heshbon. The only difference is in the gender; and, what is very remarkable, in the Egyptian geo- grapher Ptolemy's list of Arabian cities,^' it is called 'Ea-^ovra, which agrees in form and gender with the hierogl3'phic tran- script. In another part of the same historical inscription, the name is written shabu, supplying the vowel (an aspirated a or e = the Greek h), but omitting the final formatives. Thus no- thing is wanting to demonstrate the verbal identity of the mo- numental SHEB"T*UN with the Hebrew version of the name, ]i-affin, Heshbon. The four lower lines of the treaty between Rameses II. and the SHET'TA, already referred to, contain a list of their principal fortresses.^ This part of the monument is unfortunately very defective, as several entire names are broken off at both ends of the lines. Of the eleven, more or less mutilated, which remain, I have found six which can be identified with places in the land once occupied by the Eraim. AR'NA. "The dwelling of Ar," Ts:"nn'c3 mentioned in an ob- scure poetical quotation from the book of the wars of Jehovah, Nu. xxi. 15. Whether this be Ar of Moab, otherwise Rabbah, subsequently known as Areopolis ; or whether it be the city j Rosellini, Mon. Reali, pi. cii., 1. 4, and c, 1. 2. k Ptolemy, Geoy., 1. v., c, xvi. I Rosellini, Mon. Reali, pi. cxvi., 1. 27 — 30. I am not aware that this impor- tant list of names has ever been noticed before. I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Birch (of the British Museum) for pointing it out to me ; as well as for some particulars of the document itself, of which he very obligingly imparted the substance to me, by a verbal translation. No version of this extraordinary relic of ancient customs has ever yet been published. It is worthy of remark, that the six names I have been able to identify are those of places north of the Arnon — with the exception of Ar-na, if this be At of Moab or Rabbah. This was the only part of the land of the Eniim known to the Hebrews, and to which the local names to be gathered from the Mosaic and later prophetic lists, exclusively refer. Of the part permanently retained by the Moabites, they knew nothing : yet this is more than half of the original possessions of the Eniim. The five unidentified names probably belonging to this unknown part, read as follows : 1. SHisASAPA ; 2. SAR-su ' ' ' (mutilated); 3. shiuna(p) ■ • • (mutilated) ; 4. tai (illegible group) tasherri . . (final letter wanting) ; 5. ashn • • • (mutilated). 10 The Rephaim. [April, Aroer on tlie Arnou {^iiTi;), «i reduplicate form of the same name, is the only thing doubtful; for the identity of the name itself is eWdent. The fortress of the arna'ta is the next on the list, arna'ta is only the feminine Egyptian form of the Hebrew ]i:i« Arn'on ; and is the name of the river on which the celebrated stronghold of the SHET'TA, called atesh, was situated. The picture of this fortress in the great historical tableau of the expedition of Ra- meses against the shet'ta, shews that it was near the mouth of the river, and almost entirely surrounded by water. This topo- graphical hint concerning the situation of atesh suggests its identity with the nameless " city in the midst of the river," men- tioned, in conjunction with Aroer, as marking the frontier of the land obtained by the Reuljenites through their conquest of the Amorite usurper Sihon. (Josh, xiii. 16.) On the other hand, Josephus gives a list of Arabian cities taken by Alexander Janneus in the wars, which his son promised to restore to the king of Arabia who reigned at Petra.'" Among these, he men- tions Oronas, as one of the cities of the Moabites. The similarity of this name to the Egyptian arna'ta, is striking ; but this does not clear np the doubt whether the fortress of the arna'ta be the same place as atesh, "the city in the midst of the river," or another place called arna'ta = Oronas, after which the river itself was named. piLKA. This name is still extant in the castle of Belka on the Haj-route to Damascus. Its scriptural name, however, is unknown, as it was in the land of the lleubenites, and may have borne another Avhile in their possession, which it lost when the Moabites regained possession of the country. SAR-PAi*NA. This is a compound of ns Zur, a rock or strong- hold, and pa Beon, {Sept. Baiav.) a place in the Reubenite district. (Nu. xxxii. 3.) The same prefix, sar, occurs also in another name in the same list, sar'su • • * * too much mutilated to be identifiable. KAiTAVATA'NA. " Thc dwelling of Khazavath," corresponds by its radicals to m^^n nnp, mentioned in Nu. xxii. 39, as the place to Avhich Balak went with Balaam, after meeting him on thc frontier, and from whence they went together to Bamoth- ]5aal, thc place dedicated to the god of the land, Shcth or Baro, — before whom the fatal imprecations against Israel were to be solemnly pronounced. Thc points transform it into Iluzoth. KATA mutilated ; it is most probably Kcdemoth, where thc Israelites came after passing Bamoth (Dent. ii. 26), and '" Joseplius, Aiif., h. xiii., cli. xv., ami b. xiv., cii. 1. 1852.] TheRephaim. 11^/. from Avheucc Moses scut messengers to Silion to ask permission to pass through his hand. This circumstance indicates its posi- tion as on the frontier, eastward of Ilcshbon. The two remaining names of cities on my list, classed under the Eraim national group, belong to the provinces of Ken and Amalek. For to the former must in all probability be referred BARNU'MA, or Kadcsh-ljamca, on the border of the great Wady Arabah, and commanding the Canaanite frontier. The last, anushu, corresponds to the city ^Irivv(To; over them ; they tumble about in every imap;inablc impossible attitude; some run olT with their cattle, the dead bodies of others float along; the river — there are heaps of spoil, and strings of captives led ofl:'in ignominious triumph, among wlio are con- spicuous a group of the remarkable and unmistakeable rbo, the indomitable Anakim of Arba, the faithful allies of their kin- dred, the Emim. The course of events, as thns read off from the picture, is much more intelligible than the narrative of them, which may be exti'acted, though not without difficulty, from Kosellini's trans- lation. The style of the Egyptian hierogrammatists is so verbose, so loaded with bombastical epithets, metaphors, and eulogies of the monarch, as to be almost unintelligible, even to the learned pupil of Champollion. It is astonishing how small a lump of fact remains, when the froth of adulation and circumlocution which overlays it, is removed. The local names arc the most valuable among those fiicts, since they furnish us with references to the sites whereby the identity of the people and of their land is again put to the severe test of topographical as well as verbal correspondence ; and the circumstantial agreement we thus ob- tain, leaves nothing to be desired. When w^e find it stated as the opening fact, in the inscrip- tion, that his majesty was staying in the land of tah, it is very satisfactory to find that in a map of Palestine, the site of luttah, a fortress of the Anakim with which I identify the taii, TAHi, or TAH'N of the Egyptian monuments, corresponds exactly to the place in the picture occupied by the royal encampment, where the king is represented sitting on his throne and receiv- ing the report of the ambassadors. When we find in the inscription, that two ambassadors from the SHAS'U came to the king, and told him that the shkt-ta were encamped in the land of ciierb'u," it is not less satisfactory to find in the picture that the place of the shet'ta encampment corresponds exactly to the site of Hebron in the map. This camp is surrounded by palisades. The self-satisfied assurance of the enemy is indicated by the w'arriors and horses lying down within the enclosure ; while others are engaged in games of skill or military exercises. In the middle of the camp is a sacred enclosure, in which four priests are prostrate before a ^' I here follow Mr. Birch's quotation, as Rosellini's reading is not accurate. A 2 20 The Rephaim. [April, shrine overshadowed by the wings of two cherubic figures. This is a very remarkable circumstance ; for the date of this event is about seveuty-nine years before the Exodus. It proves the an- tiquity aud universality of this symbolical representation. When we next find, by the inscription, that the object of these two shas'U ambassadors was to tender their submission to the Egyptian king, in the name of their nation, and to give him "an entrance into the country," — it is very satisfactory to re- cognize in this iucident three valuable coincidences : — Eirstl}' : That the pictorial description corresponding to this event, placed at the beginning of the lowest line, just under the Egyptian camp, shews us that the people there represented as coming forward to greet the Egyptian chiefs with every demon- stration of friendship, were a people devoted to Astarte, whose crest they wear on their helmets ; and Ashtaroth-Karnaim (the two- horned Ashtaroth) metropolis of Bashan and head of the siiAS'u nation, was sacred to that very goddess, whose name it bore. Secondly : That the people of Zarthan or shairta'na wear the same crest and costume ; and that was also a city of the SHAST of Gilead. Thirdly : That by knowing who these people were, and where their lands lay, we understand what is meant by their giving the king of Egypt " an entrance into the country." For we see by the picture itself, that the Egyptians invaded the shet'ta by crossing the Jordan at the Shibboleth ford. We learn by the itinarary of the Anastasi Papyrus, that the way to the land of the shet'ta was through part of the land of the siias'U, near "the hill of the land of suava;" which amounts to the same thing as the ])icturc, — since we find that part to be the very part about tJic hill of Jcldd which faces the Shibboleth ford. We further learn from the date of the expedition, " the 9th of Epiphi in the fifth year of the king's reign,"'" that it took place at a season of the year when the Jordan is too full to be forded, '^ The earliest period at whieh this expedition can be fixed, is 1389 u.c, and the latest, l^ny ii.c. In 138'J ».c., tlie 1st of Thotli of the E!j;yi)tian vague year, fell on Aug. 5th, and the 'Jtli of Ejiijihi on June 10th, of the Julian account. In the 1-lth century u.c., June lOtli was iu:arly twenty-eight days before the siunnier solstice; a scason-posilion equivalent to May '2()th of tlie Gregorian account now in use. In 13G9, the 'Jth of Epiphi would be five days earlier. The remark in Josii. iii. 15, that "the Jordan overlloweth all his banks, all tho time of harvest," is illustrated by Dr. Robinson's valuable observations on the state of the river. {Bibl. Itesearc/ie.s in Palestine, vol. ii.) The harvest is during Ai)ril and tlie early part of May. Dr. Robinson dcscril)cs tlie true river-bed on May I'ith, as full to the brim, and (lowing over, so as to wet the bottom of the uj)per bed over- grown witjj cane-brake. 1852.] The Rephaim. ^.^5 " except at a very few places known only to the Arabs ■/'■^ and that by thus favouring the passage of the Egyptian conqueror through their territory, across the very first ford at which the river could be crossed, the sn.\s"u were rendering him a far greater service than by fighting for him. While the shas'u were thus sacrificing their brethren to their own security by a disgraceful unconditional surrender to the formidable invader, the shetta were endeavouring to nego- ciate "with him ; they sent rich presents and proposed terms of peace. But ambassadors who dared to parley and propose con- ditions to the great king, were not so Avell treated as those who laid their all at the foot of his throne : they were taken up as spies and beaten ; their proposals were of course scouted — and the war-cry of the tribes was then raised, the camp broke up, and they all prepared for active resistance. The king now marched towards the land of the rebels. The CHERBU and a mar (Anakim of Hebron or Arba, and Amorites) and all the southern dependencies of the shet'ta, came to their assistance. But when they saw that the plains of Heshbon were placed in the power of the invader by the sudden defection of their shas'u brethren, the siiet'ta and the allied powers threw themselves into the mountain fortresses beyond the Arnon. Rameses laid siege to atesii, " the city in the midst of the river,'" which appears to have defended the valley of the Arnon. The place held out a long time; but the chiefs Avere drowned in attempting to cross the river, and the city then sur- rendered. The inscription concludes with his majesty's repri- mand to the rebellious chiefs for the troubles they have brought upon their allies far and near, as well as on themselves, by their presumptuous resistance to his power. It is here that nahri'NA and PADi are mentioned : whence it appears that the shet'ta were powerful enough to command the assistance of the Aramite dependencies of their kindred the shas'u, even when these were themselves too weak to venture upon resisting the king of Egypt on their own part. This memorable campaign was the first of a long series of hostilities which only closed with the treaty of peace signed by the gods of the two belligerent nations in the twenty-first year of Rameses II. The records of the Sal/ier and Anastasi Papyri advert to several intermediate campaigns ; and at this period, the power of the Shethite chiefs extended very far, if avc judge from the lists of their allies," to whom these documents represent •^ Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, etc., p. 345. y Select Papyri, pi. xxiv., xxv. ; quoted by Mr. Birch in liio '' Observations on 92 The Rephaim. [April, them as sending for troops to aid them against Egypt. Among these is karkumasha, generally admitted to be Carchemish on the Euphrates. Many of the other names are also well known on the monuments^ and those that are identified among these, will be found in my list : cherbu, shas'u, shairta'na, naha- RiNA, KATVATA, KESH, which canuot be the black kesh of Ethiopia (Cushites), as they are much too remote to be allies of the SHET'TA ; they are probably the Goshen settled in Palestine. One of these names, arhe'na, may possibly be iht irho, Jericho (now Rika), as the Amorites of that part of Canaan are always associated with both the .shet'ta and the cherbu in the contest against Egypt. But many of the local names in these lists can- not be identified with any known to scriptural or to classical antiquity. This is not surprising, considering how many sites may have perished in the war itself; and how many besides lay in parts of the land unknown to the Hebrew historians. When the Eraim and their kindred first became involved in the long and desolating war with Egypt which only closed with their fall, the JMoabites and Ammonites were as yet an inconsi- derable tribe. Their continued increase, while the original race was sinking, as well as their secluded position on the Aramitc frontier, are circumstances rather favourable to the inference that they took no aggressive part in the fierce contest between the two mighty races whose national hatred aimed at nothing short of total annihilation on one part or on the other, — save when their land was invaded ; for then, neutrality would have been treachery against the people under whose protection they had so long dwelt. If the Aramites took up arms on behalf of the licphaim, when Egypt attacked them, we cannot suppose that the ^Nloabitcs, whose destiny and interests were wholly in- terwoven with those of the Emim, could renuiin inactive in the struggle. But the monumental representations throw no light on tliis question ; for if the tribe of jNIoab figures in any of the contests they depict, we cannot distinguish them from the an- cient race b}^ any })cculiarity of costume, as we can the Edomite allies of the southern tribes. The Amorites are the only Canaanites who appear on the monuments of I'^gypt. Their geograi)]iical position, as co-resi- dents with the Anakim in Judea, necessarily exposed them to aggression from any nation at war with the Jlepliaim ; and would compel them to take a part against the invaders, if their the Statistical Tabk;t of Kaniac," already referred to, who k'vcs the passage thus : "Tint wretelicd chief of llie Khita (i.e. sukt'ta), and the numerous lands with him, liie Anitii, the iMassu, tiie Sli.iru, the Keshkesh, the Arhena, the Katuata, with the ('hirul)u, the Ali (.-h f), and the Riika." 1852.] The Rephaim. S^ .^.^ own land was attacked. But the singular paucity of Canaanite names, in the Egyptian lists, is a certain indication that Egypt had no quarrel with that nation ; and that the implication of the Amoritcs in the political afi'airs of the llepliaim, was only casual. The Araoritc colony appears to have established itself beyond the Jordan, as early as the reign of Seti-j\tenephtah ; for when that monarch attacked the shet-ta before atesu, he encountered a party of Amorite herdsmen, and put them to flight ; they arc represented as scampering off in all directions with their cattle. Having thus gained a footing in the country, the Amorites easily ingratiated themselves with the ruling race, by taking their part against the Egyptians. The Amorites not only appear in the campaign of llameses II., but also in those of llameses III., since the figure of an Amorite chief occurs among the portraits of captive chiefs at Medinet-Abon. The last mention of the shet'ta on the monumental records of Egypt, is in the twelfth year of llameses III., when the Re- phaim rose in a body, and made a final but unsuccessful effort to shake off the dominion of Egypt. The conqueror then swept through their lands, defeated their combined forces, destroyed their fortresses, broke up their national polity, carried their chieftains off in triumph to Thebes, and crushed their power for ever. The once mighty children of Sheth were thus brought so low, as to yield the fertile plains of their metropolitan province an easy prey to the Amorite horde, who now took advantage of their weakened condition to sieze their depopulated capital, and establish their own chieftain Sihon, ruler over the land. The Emim chiefs were too haughty to bend before an usur- per whom they had no longer power to resist. They, with the remnant of the decimated population, withdrew to the moun- tain fastnesses beyond the Arnon, to the settlements of the Moabites. These were now become so superior in numbers and position, that the few dispossessed Emim refugees among them are no longer considered worth distinguishing as a separate nation, by the sacred annalist, — whose account of them, in his own time, runs thus : — " Distress not the Moabites, ncitlier contend with tliein, for I vrill not give thee a possession from their land, loccause I have given Ar for a pos- session nnto tlie children of Lot. The Emim formerly settled there ; a great, nnmerons, and lianghty people, hke the Anakim ; who were also accounted Eephaim like the 'Anakim; bnt the Moabites call them ' the Emim ;' — a'p^« — i.e. ' the ierrihle i^eople^ " It is particularly worthy of remark that, in this brief notice, the historian merely states that JNIoab replaced the Emim in their land (a part of it) ; but he does not say that " the Loud 24 The Rephaim. [April, had destroyed them " from before the Moabites, as the Zuzim were destroyed from before the Ammonites. Nor does he, in either instance, attribute the destruction of the ancient race to the agency of the children of Lot, as he does that of the Horim to the children of Esau. A small remnant of the Emim had yet esca})cd destruction in the time of Moses. This miserable residue of the " terrible people " long survived the downfall of their supremacy. Their baneful influence over the destinies of Israel long outlasted the breaking-up of their polity and disap- pearance of their name from among nations. The jNIoabitcs requited more worthily than the treacherous Amorites the hospitality accorded to their forefathers by the Emim. They received and protected the fugitive children of Sheth, and continued to pay to the hereditary chieftain of the ancient race the honour due to him as their king, in virtue of their original settlement in the lands under his jurisdiction. The manner in which they are mentioned, either as associated or as politically identical with the " people of Chcmosh," in the triumphal ode of the victorious Amorites, quoted by Moses in Nu. xxi. 27 — 30, would even suggest that the jNIoabites had taken a leading and active part in the unsuccessful contest against Sihon. But the sacred historian does not intimate whether they did so as partisans of the primeval race with whom their national destinies had so long been blended, or m hcthcr as territorial successors of that broken people, and, as such, deem- ing themselves entitled on that ground to dispute with the Amorites for possession of the metropolitan district which these had wrested from their deposed chieftain. Whatever dou])ts may remain as to the precise position of the Moabites and Emim Mith respect to the Amorites, the sup- |)Osition that the jjcrsonagc who is styled in Scripture " king of Moab ^' — "]3alak the son of Zipper" — was a chieftain of the an- cient race, is not altogether gratuitous ; it is strongly supported by the following curious circumstance : In the treatise between Hamescs II. and the shet'ta, the pedigree of the great chief of this nation is given ; and the name of his grandfather, which Mr. Birch reads sapuru, shews us tliat the name of Bfilak's father, -nca, Zipjjor, evidently must have been wfaiailn name, as characterifstic of the last Shethitc dynasty, as Ranicses was of the contemporaneous rival power in Egypt. The first Zippor or SAi'URU lived in the time of llameses I. The last was contem- porary of liameses III. ; and, for aught we know, it may be his |)()rtrait that figures among the captive princes at Mediuct- Abon. It was therefore to the dispossessed representative of that 1852.] The Rephaim. 0S-.^" ancient royal race, that Balaam, the far-famed prophet of the children of Ammon, disclosed the future destiny of the tril)es who cither claimed a common origin with the children of Sheth, or who had joined their political body as settlers ; and were doomed hereafter to fall under the sway of that very Israel whom the prophet was hired to imprecate. This remarkable prophecy is the only historical clue we possess to the ultimate fate of the Emim. It will therefore close the present section of our liistory, not less appropriately than it will serve to introduce the history of the kindred tribes it enumerates. Balaam's Prophecy. " And now, bcliokl ! I am returning to my people : come, T will inform tlice of what this i)Coplc will do unto thy people in after-times." He then resumed his parable, saying : " ^Sentence of Balaam, son of Beor. Sentence of the man whose vision was sealed. Sentence of him wlio now hearctli the words of God, And perceiveth the counsel of the Supreme : Who — prostrate — with unveiled eyes Beholdeth the vision of the Almighty. 1 see him — but it is not now. 1 behold him — but it is not nigh. A star proceedcth from Jacob, — A sceptre ariscth from Israel, — He wounds the recesses of Moab, And crushes the children of Sheth ! Edom, too, beeometh his domain ; Seir beeometh the domain of his foe, For Israel doeth valiant deeds ! lie (who) descendeth from Jacob Will destroy the remnant of the city. ^ nrba o«3. qnj is a more energetic term than ion " to say." It generally implies the utterance of a solemn denunciation or sentence. Hebrew, literally : " sentence-jjronounced of Balaam." The opening of the three verses with the same formula, in the Hebrew, gives great solemnity to the passage. ryn Dn® same construction, literally: " stopped-up of eye." When tlie visual organs are meant, the Hebrew has always the dual form. When |'? is used in a figurative sense, it is singular ; whether denoting the surface or colour, or a fountain. Here, it stands for the visional powers of the prophet, suspended for a while ; and of which, on this occasion, the Almighty had permitted the return. Mark the cliange in the tense of the participles : ciP'o!', contrasted with yrD\r one " actually hearing." •spy_ literally, " demolishes." 26 The Rephahn. [April, Then, looking upon Amalek, he resumed liis parable, and said : "First among notions was Amalek ; His end is — to perisli for ever! Then, looking upon the Keuite, he resumed his parable, and said : Strong- is thine habitation ! Thou settest tby nest in the Eock -."■ NeA'ertbeless — Ken shall be devom-ed ! How far will Asshur lead thee captive ! [Then, looking upon Og,] he resumed his parable, and said : Alas ! who can survive the appointment of God !^ Ships from the coast of Chittim ! Tliey luimble Asshiu" — they humble Ebcr — Yet he, too, shall perish for ever !" Nu. xxiv. 11—21.. CHAPTER XI. The Kenites. The characteristic features of the country possessed by the Kenites are so well known through the vivid and interesting accounts of modern travellers, especially De Laborde and Dr. E. llobinson, that any particular description of it here would be superfluous. The magnificent dwellings of their metropolis, Pctra, — partly excavated in the solid rock, partly hewn away from its face ; the wild grandeur of its mountain strongholds, dangerous of access to the traveller and deserted of inhabitants, arc now among the most familiar ol)jccts in the list of ancient wonders held up for the admiration and awe of modern times. We have no evidence to decide whether the Kenites were " TRp ybEa Q'©, a i)lay of words on yVo Seld, the rock, name of the city==Petra; and n Kain, name of the nation. * "JN ioit'O n;rt\ 'rp »w, I here take n for the particle of comparison ; hterally, "Alas! who can live more than the apjiointment of God !" Tlie force and deep pathos of this ejaculation will he ap))rclu'nded hy the feeling reader, in connexion with the important clause in the introductory scntciuv, between brackets, which appears to have ijcen lost in the llelirew text, liut is fortunately jnx'served by the .Septii;i;^int ; and is evidently re(|uired by the parallelism of the context. The reader will bear in mind that " Og" was the political head of the children of Animon, in whose land Balaam resided. 1852.] The Rephaim. -^ :> original possessors of this astonishing city, or whether they held it by conquest. The promise made to Abraham, before the tenth year of liis residence in Palestine — that his posterity wouhl obtain the dominion over the hinds of the Kenites, con- tains sufiicient proof, in the terms of the promise itself, that this people occupied the AVady IMousa as early as this promise Avas made; how much earlier, we cannot know, since authentic his- tory ascends no higher. As to their claims over the tract to the south and east of this, there can be no doubt that the whole valley between Mount Scir and the great Arabian continent originally belonged to another people — the llorim ; and that these still held it at the time of Chedorlaomer's invasion. A parenthetical reference in Deut. ii. 12, informs us that the chil- dren of Esau succeeded to their land ; and from the passage in Lam. iv. 21, " O daughter of Edom, who dwellest in the land of Uz," it further appears that the possession thus obtained by the Edomites was reckoned part of the land of Uz, eldest son of Aram. Thus the primitive Horites were a race altogether dis- tinct from the Hephaim, and must have been Aramites. There is no historical reference to shew whether the Horites ever held the Wady Mousa and Petra also. But whatever tlie original title of the Kenites to this part of their country may have been, it is certain that their sway, in the time of Moses, extended as far down as the neck of the Elanitic Gulf, and that they were accordingly joint tenants with Edom over the Horite valley eastward of jNlount Seir : that their national decadence followed so closely upon that of their neighbours, the Emim, as to shew that they were all involved in the same cause, and shared the same political doom ; and finally, that the civil posi- tion of Edom among the children of Ken, was like that of ]\loab among the children of Sheth ; a rapidly increasing tribe of wealthy and industrious settlers, at first dependants among a powerful nation ; but who, on the decay of their political head, gradually superseded them in ascendancy; and ultimately ab- sorbed into their own body both the residue of the original popu- lation, and its name. The address of Balaam to Balak : " Come, and I will inform thee of what this people (Israel) will do unto thy people, in after- times,^' is very significant in pointing out the original stock of the nation that ruled over Ken, in his time ; since, under the head of " Balak's people," he not only includes INIoab and the children of Sheth, Balak's immediate subjects, but also Edom, Amalek, and Ken. It is difficult to conceive what claim the three latter could have to be thus ranked among the people of a Shethitc king, unless they belonged to a community claiming 28 The Rephaim. [April, direct affinity to his race. The difficulty is not lessened in any way by our supposing Balak a genuine Moabite by birth. This might account for the mention of Edom as his people, in virtue of an original affinity of race ; but Amalek — the Amalek Balaam styles " the first of nations " — was certainly a distinct people long before Moab was born ; and so was Ken : and neither were ever subject to or connected with Lot's children in any way to justify their being classed among their people. But a very conclusive fact may be produced in evidence, that — prior to the Edomite monarchy — the tribe of Ken, albeit its rule extended from the torrent Zared to the extremity of the Madyanite coast, was itself only a branch of the Emim ; that in this way, they really were a part of Balak^s jjcople, and Edom only an allied state engrafted upon them ; and that, in fact, the chiefs of Ken ruled only under subordination to the great chief of the Emim. It is stated in Josh. xiii. 21, that the five princes of Midian slain in the war, Evi, Rekam, Zur, Hur, and lieba, were cd^^ anointed ones of Sihon, inhabitants of the land ; native jirinces, who had been invested by the Amorite spoiler of the Emim with his delegated authority over their respective tribes. Now a more satisfactor}' proof tlian this could not have been given, short of an express declaration to the effect, that the political jurisdiction of the Emim had extended to the land of Madyan ; that the capital of this race, Heshbon, was the central scat of their government ; that by establishing himself in their metropolis, Sihon the Amorite became, according to the usage of conquerors, lord over all their dependencies, and they must either serve and obey him as tributaries, or fly ; that all the pro- vinces of the Emim were become his provinces; their chiefs, his subordinates ; and that Ken and all her cities were among the numl)er. Tims, whether the Kenites whose habitation was so strong — who had set their nest in the Rock-city, Sola of the wilderness — were usurpers in that city or its founders, the conclusion that they were a branch of the Shethite tribe appears irresistible. Therefore, they were fulh^ entitled to be classed by the Eberite prophet among the peo])le of the Shethite king Balak. And although the half-l)recd Canaanite and Eberite tribe of Esjiu, who had supi)lantcd the llorite aborigines of the south-eastern valley, were not of their race, they were settlers among them ; had cast their lot upon theirs ; had lived under tlicir ])rotection when they were yet but a small tribe; had fought for them, and traded for them, and in course of time had grown rich and great enough among tliem to share their (h)niinion, and could thus, without impropriety, be included also among the people of whom 1852.] The Rrphaim. ^ j/ Balak was tl\c licroclitary chief, seeing how important a branch of the Kenitc conimunity they formed. The Kenite nation, as a whole, prior to the Mosaic period, comprehended a mixture of various races, which may be thus classed according to their districts : — 1st. Ken proper, the northern province, which should per- haps be regarded, ethnographically as well as geographically, as the extreme southern region of the Emim ; it lay between the brook Zared (Wady el Ahsy), the Wady Mousa, the Wady Arabah, and the Ilorite settlements. Its chief city was Pctra. 2nd. The Ilorite eastern })rovincc, which was gradually ab- sorbed into Edom ; this should be regarded ethnographically as the extreme southern region of Aram ; being the prolongation of " the land of Uz," " mountains of Aram," or "East-countr}^," down the valley that lay eastward of Mount Seir^ as far as Elath. 3rd. The coast-region southward of Elath, the Madyanite province, subsequently absorbed into Midian ; the original names of its few cities, and the race of the aboriginal inhabitants, being absolutely unknown. The southern division of Ken, who thus claimed the cities on the coast, included under the collective name of Midianites, in the history of Moses, not only the Kenite rulers of the land, but also the chief tribes of Abraham's descendants by Keturah, who, with their Ishraaelite brethren, had settled on the desert-confines of their territory, as the Edomites originally settled at Bozrah on the borders of Ken proper. The Abrahamite Midianites formed an independent yet valuable part of the political com- munity, inasmuch as their industry contributed to the wealth of the nation while it also laid the fqundation of their own. They carried on all the inland trade, of which Petra was the central emporium. It is very important to establish this distinction between the two members of the Midianite people. For though they after- wards merged into one, like Sheth and Moab, Ken and Edom, yet, in the time of Moses, they were still very distinct in race, in manners, and in religion. The aboriginal Midianites of Ken are the idolaters referred to in the book of Numbers, as the cor- rupters of Israel. But the Sccnitc Midianites descended from Abraham are those referred to in the beginning of Exodus. These were still the faithful worshippers of the one true and eternal God ; and Jethro, father-in-law of Moses, was their priest. Like the earlier Edomites, they rather voluntarily lived under the protection of the Kenite rulers, than were subject to them. They neither resided in their cities, nor shared in their 30 The Rephaim. [April, worship. They were nomads, dwelt in tents on the borders of the inhabited districts of Seir and Paran, and lived entirely on the produce of their flocks and by trading. In the infancy of the Ishraaelite tribe, its settlement was in the desert of Paran. Here, therefore, in the holy mountain of Sinai, was the first patriarchal church of the desert-tribes, which in the time of Moses was still the common rendezvous of the children of Abraham, where they celebrated the annual festivals of their common ancestral faith. Moses, who had resided among them nearly forty years, was conversant with their customs, and knew their haunts and fixed stations ; and these annual festivals are the sacrifices he had purposed that the Israelites should go forth in the wilderness, to join their Eberite kindred in cele- brating in their due season. That the national designation of the ancient race ruling over IMouut Seir was Ken, is proved by the prophet Balaam's giving them that name : " Strong is tliine habitation ! Thou settest tliy nest in the rock • • • • Nevertheless — Ken shall be devoiu'cd !" And another circumstance shews that it was also the poli- tical designation of the tribes who belonged to the body by settlement or by amalgamation, and by which they were known among themselves, though the Israelites called the same body " ]Midianitcs." After the conquest, a family of the true Midian- ite stock of the nation is found registered as " the children of the Kenitc, Moses's father-in-laM'," (the Septuagint has Jothor the Kenitc.) And more than a century afterwards we find the husband of the heroine Jael designated as " Ileber the Kenitc," notwithstanding the naturalization of his family in Israel for several generations. But the Hebrews always call this people collectively "Edom" or " Midian," as they call the remnant of the Emim included among the Moabites, " ]\Ioab," — without distinction. They were naturally more conversant with the en- grafted Eberite race, among whom they liad spent thirty-eight years of wandering life, than with tlu; aboriginal stock ; which indeed, in tlicir time, was so nearly absorbed under the increas- ing numbers and ascendancy of Edom and jNIoab, as to justify its being sunk in the historian's general designation of the poli- tical connnunity. Several names referable to the Kenitc dominions appear in the triumphal records of I'jgvpt. The Araiiicaii character of the ])Oople — tlie similarity of their costuin(?, nMuarkably unlike tliat of the licphaim — shew them to belong to one land, the Horite 1852.] The Rephaim. S\/>J province ruled by Edom. The Egyptian form for their land is siiAR = T3:\D (Sliuir), which the pointing transforms into Scir.'- The land of lt"n is one of the names of most frequent oc- currence on Egyptian lists ; and the costume of the people, very like that of tlie siiar'u, is well known. I incline to refer this name to the cclel)rated ancient maritime city Elath, or ]:]1-Paran. LT are the radicals of nbv, omitting the vowel equivalent to e which the Egyptians do not generally express, and the n is only a final formative letter. It is preserved in the classical form of the name yEla-na. The land of the lt'n'nu is said to be one of the northern lands at the " extremity of the great sea j" which exactly dcscri])es Elath at the head of the lied Sea. There were two regions of lt*n, an " upper ^' and a "lower" city ; and Elath was a double city, consisting of the ancient port, on the gulf; and Ezion-gaber, which was a contiguous fortress, probably defending the mountain-pass. The first station passed by the Hebrews in going round Mount Seir from Elath and Eziongaber, is called Zalmonah, in the Mosaic itinerary (Nu. xxxiii. ); the next is Punon, which, from its position in the itinerary, must have been situated near a narrow pass at the head of the Horite valley, half way between Elath and Petra ; for there is another station between Punon and the torrent Zared. The name, Punon, agrees singularly well with the monumental Poun or Pourvt. The fact that this city was under the civil jurisdiction of the shet'ta race a hun- dred years before the time of Moses, is clear from the repre- sentation of the siege of that city in the sculptures of the Ramesseum, as an incident of the war against the shet'ta ; where the name is written on the fortress, poun, without the feminine suffix. The costume of the people is similar to that of the SHAR, LT'N, and rmn'n, but those who defend the city are shaved, like the shet'ta. The RMN'N are named on the sculptures of Karnak in con- junction with the lower lt'n, as submitting Seti-lNIenephtah, and cutting down trees by way of service-tribute.'^ In the re- marks on the Onomasticon, I stated that I saw no objection to Mr. Osburn's reading that name as Hermou. The people who lived on the flanks of Hermon were Aramites, and their costume might therefore resemble that of the old Horites. The distance between Hermon and Elath, however, does suggest a slight difficulty; as one may doubt that the people of Elath would have been sent so far to labour for the king of Egypt, rather than serve him by their personal tribute in their own country. < Rosellini, Mon. Reali, pi. xlix. ' Ibid., pi. xlvi. 32 The Rephaim. [April, The Edoraite city, Rimmon-Parez, one of the unknown stations of Israel in the first of the thirty-eight years' wandering, is just as likely to be the tributary rmn'n of Seti-Menephtah, as the remote Hermon. Being the very next station after llith- mah, which, in the itinerary of Nu. xxsvi. 18, corresponds to the Kadesh-Barnea of the history. Nu. xiii. 26, it cannot have been very distant from either Kadesh or Elath ; and we have found out several names of desert-stations on the Egjptian lists to prove that the occupation of these was a special desideratum with the warlike Theban Pharaohs, to keep open their way to the inimical lands. I have not been able to recognize any Egyptian form corre- sponding to the Kenite metropolis ; indeed, its original name is unknown. The Hebrews call it Sela, "the Rock," which the Greeks translated Pctra. Josephus pretends that its ancient local name was Arekem,^ and that llekem, one of the five kings of Midian, was its chief, and bore the name of his city. If this statement has not helped us to finding its Egyptian equi- valent, it nevertheless grants two valuable facts : firstly, that Pctra was known in ancient times as having formerly been a city of the people called Midianitcs in Scripture ; and, moreover, of the idolatrous or Kenite section of that people : secondly, that it Avas not unusual for princes of that land to be known by their territorial names. Prior to the decay of the ruling Shethite race, the various provinces of Ken were governed by the heads of the respective tribes, forming a sort of commonwealth under the jurisdiction of the great chief of the Emim nation. This we learn from the case of the five Midianite princes of Sihon. Although the Amorite conqueror of the nation had invested them with his delegated authority, they were not arbitrarily chosen to be rulers of their respective districts ; they were hereditar}^ chiefs of tribes. One of them, Zur, father of the j\lidiauite woman slain by Phinehas with the Simeonite chief Zimri, in the sanctuary of Astarte, is styled " head of a peoi)le, of a paternal house." TlieEdomite section of the Kenite state was at first governed in the same way by " leaders," c^p'^x, who were also the heads of tribes. AVe learn from (Jen. xxxvi. that two generations of Esau's immediate descendants became thus, each individual, "the head of a paternal house." Two generations of "leaders" are also given as descended from Seir, a Ilivite chief connected by marriage with Esau, and who joined him in his settlement near Bozrali. lie must have been very nearly Ksau's contcm- / Josephus, Ant,, b. iv., c. 7. 1852.] TheRcphaim. ^6,^ porary in age; for \vliilc Esau's third wift'j Aholibamali, was his great-granddaughter, liis youngest daughter Timnu was concu- bine to Ehpliaz, Esau's eklest son. This double intermarriage precludes a difference of more than forty years in their ages. This circumstance is worthy of remark, because it leads to a very valuable historical coincidence in the third generation following the two progenitor-chiefs, Esau and Scir. We find a son of Eliphaz by Timna becoming a chief among the ancient nation of Amalek, and consequently assuming their name. AVc find another son of Eliphaz registered as " leader Kcnaz,"— reminding us of the unknown race, "the Kenizzites," associated with the Kcuites in the promise to Abraham ; and though I cannot assent to the opinion some have advanced, that, in this promise, the land was so named proleptically from this Kenaz yet un))orn, — it is very likely that Kcnaz himself assumed that name from the tribe of which he became leader, like his brother Amalek. The eldest son of Eliphaz likewise bears a territorial name, Teman, " the south,'' to indicate the province over which he ruled. And to make the case still stronger, the eldest grand- son of the Hivite Scir is called Hori, " the Horite," to shew that he was made ruler over the ancient inhabitants of the land, who were so called ; while, as those lands were part of " the land of Uz," we find another of Seir's grandsons assuming the title of Uz. The singular coincidence of five contemporaneous chiefs of a conquering tribe so obviously bearing five local names, appears to indicate tlie period of the event referred to by Moses, Dent. ii. 12 : " The Horim also dwelt in Scir formerly ; but the children of Esau succeeded them, when they had destroyed them from before them, and dwelt in their place ; as Israel did unto the land of his possession, which the Lord gave unto them."^/ This is strongly in favour of the conclusion I have alread}' ventured to anticipate, that the descendants of Esau could not have been sufficiently numerous to conquer the Horim alone ; and that the Kenites, near whom they first settled at Bozrah, may have partaken both of the victory and of its fruits. Being the old-established race, and the Edomites the new-comers, the Kenites probably employed the adventurous sons of Esau as mercenaries to enlarge their dominions, and requited their ser- vices by appointing them to the honourable post of hereditary local governors over the tribes subdued, and even over some of their own. Such a circumstance was well calculated to lay the foundation of the perfect friendly alliance in which we find the g Alluding to the recent conquest of the Transjordanic provinces. 34 77/e Rephaim. [April, Edomites continue to the last in their political relations with the indigenous race of Ken. 3y supposing the five Edomite chiefs to average sixty years of age when they achieved this conquest, it would about coin- cide in time with the birth of Kohath, grandfather of Moses. The event would then synchronize very nearly with the death of Jacob in Egypt ; and at all events must have occurred during Joseph's lifetime- No Edomite leaders are mentioned after this victorious generation. Yet, from the birth of Kenaz, son of Eliphaz, the junior of the five contemporaneous chiefs, to the death of Joseph, there is an interval of about 150 years, and nearly 210 to the Exodus, and 260 to the earliest date at which we can fix the beginning of the Edomite monarchy. "We may conclude, that during the 200 years that elapsed between the Edomite conquest and the regal state, the eldest sons of the "leaders," or " heads of a paternal house," succeeded their fathers in due course in the local administration of their respective tribes; all these, like the Keuite chiefs, looking to the great chief of the Shethites as their supreme head in matters of state policy. The children of Eliphaz were set over tribes in the southern district, as the territorial names of his sons indicate ; while those of Reuel continued in the original settlement of his father, since we find his descendant called " Zerah of Bozrali." But when the unity of the Shethite nation was finally broken up, by the central seat of its government falling a prey to the Amorite invader Sihon, — when its hereditary sovereign had been degraded to the inferior rank of a mere local ruler among the Moabites, and the native chiefs of the Kenite province were compelled to hold their authority under their conqueror, — the Edomites, in order to remain independent of the usurper, placed a king of their own race at the head of their tribes. Tiie Ebcr- ite race now rallied round the new power, and the Edomites became the centre of a powerful federal state, taking the lead among their kindred in political affairs, and maintaining it by the successive election of eight sovereigns. These chiefs were chosen out of the diftercnt tribes and cities of the Eberite people ; not exclusively from among the children of Esau. This measure greatly extended and consolidated their power by connecting all the tribes. The first of these kings, " Bela, the son of Bcor," may have begun to reign about twenty years after the Exodus. The last, Iladad, the son of Bcdad, " reigned before there was any king in Israel," — probably a little before the elec- tion of Saul, under whose successor, David, the Edomites were brought under sul)jcction to Israel. 1852.] The Rephaim. 3§ ^* Meanwhile, the destruction and dissolution of the priront Shethite race had brought the Kcnitc branch to so low and secondary a position before the flourishing and increasing race of Edom, as to be no longer regarded as a separate nation. Already as early as the close of Moses' career we find them sunk by name among the Midianites. We hear of them no more until Saul's attack on the Amalckites, which reveals to us a small isolated remnant of this ancient race still abiding in the land, keeping aloof from the Eberite race and its government, cleaving to their own kindred, and dwelling in the cities of Amalek. It was reserved for David, the Star descended from the patriarch Jacob, the Sceptre ruling over the mixed commu- nity of Israel, — to wound the power of those claiming descent from the patriarch Moab, and to crush for ever the last residue of the Shethite community, to whose evil influence the turbu- lence and disaffection of Moab and Edom were mainly due. Moab became tributary to David (2 Sa. viii. 2). The Edomite monarchy was overturned, Israelite garrisons were placed in its strong cities, and " Seir became the domain of his foe." (2 Sa. viii. 13, 14). Thus was the prediction of Balaam accomplished, and the promise vouchsafed to Abraham fulfilled. The limits of the kingdom of Israel at last included all the lands of the Rephaim, and of their Aramean and Eberite tributaries, from Carehemish and Damascus, to Elath and the frontier of Pelesheth ; and the dominion of Abraham's descendant, Solomon, extended " from the river of Mizraim to the great river, the river Euphrates." CHAPTER XII. The Amalekites. The Amalekite branch of Balak's people occupied the laby- rinthine strongholds of the great Sinaitic desert. By this we may judge how effectually their detached communities which dotted the few green spots scattered over this inhospitable peninsula, placed the land of Egypt within the power of their allies ; while conversely, they were a barrier of protection to their kindred against Egypt ; since no army from that land could cross their ground without their good will. We must not measure the power and prosperity of the an- cient Amalek by the miserable condition of the wandering Arab tribes now dwelling in the desert. That land yields little to an isolated people depending on its produce for subsistence. But 36 The Rephaim. [April, the Araalekites of old were an outlying branch of a nation who owned the richest and most fertile regions of Palestine. Placed on the frontier as the sentinels of the whole nation, and in con- stant communication with them, the Amalekites could want for nothing which their brethren were not able to supply, in return for the protection their desert-stations afforded, both to their military and commercial enterprise. But as the parent nation sank, the Amalekite branch de- clined. As their power failed by the dispersion of their kindred in Palestine, they became jealous and suspicious ; and in this frame of mind wantonly attacked the Israelites as they were passing through the Amalekite settlement of llephidim, to re- join their INIidianite brethren in faith. The Hebrews never forgave this act of aggression. For Moses, in Deut. xxv. 17 — 19, solemnly records the injury, and the injunction to avenge it: " Remember what Amalek did unto thee on the way, when ye came forth from Egypt ; how he encountered thee on the way and smote in thy rear all the feeble behind thee, when thou wast faint and weary ; and he feared not God. Therefore, it shall be when the Lord thy God hath given thee rest from all thine enemies around thee, in the land the Lord thy God giveth thee to possess as an inheritance, that thou shall blot out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven. Forget it not \" During the period of the Judges, when the Amalekites ap- pear as open enemies of Israel, it is always in alliance with the children of Ammon, who act as partisans of the ancient Rephaim, or with the Philistines, partisans of their outcast Anakim kin- dred. The group of foes is further swelled by the children of the East, and the Moabite, Ishmaelite, and Midianitc allies of the dispossessed Shittim, whose cause they espouse. It seemed therefore a political measure necessary to the peace of Israel, that such dangerous neighbours as the fierce and reckless race of Amalek should be subdued at a blow. Samuel accordingly urged Saul to attack them on the ground of the old national grudge. Tiie distinction made between the Amalekites and the remnant of their Kenitc kindred, on that occasion, is interesting to record : the latter, who had allowed the homeless Hebrew wanderers to dwell on their borders thirty-eight years unmo- lested, were specially exempted from the destruction prepared for their bretliren. " Saul said to the Kcnites, Go, depart ; get you down from among the Amalekites, lest I destroy' you with them ; for ye shewed kindness to all the children of Israel when they came forth from I'^gypt. So the Kcnites departed from among the Amalekites. And Saul smote the Amal(>kitcs, from ]l;ivil;ih until thou comest to Siiur which is beiorc Egypt. He 1852.] TheRephuim. 37// took Agag the kiug of Amalek alive, and utterly destroyed all the people with the edge of the sword." (1 Sam. xv. 6 — 8.) Notwithstanding the friendly countenance of their Ebcrilc territorial successors, the great bond of unity in action, consti- tuting the power of the Rapha nations, had been irrecoverably broken by the dispersion of the ancient race ; and their power to help each other Avas likewise broken. The Amalekites, bereft of the support from without formerly derived from their wealthier brethren, and cast for supplies on the scanty resources of their desert-home, had dwindled away to the obscure position of an isolated nomadic troop. The miserable remnant that escaped the destructive onset of Saul, are mentioned as having fled to Mount Seir, where they were exterminated by a band of Simeon- ites, in the time of Hezekiah. After this, we should not know from history that an indi- vidual of the race remained, were it not for the curious account of the Arabians of Jenysus given by Herodotus ; in whose cus- toms, worship, and costume, we are compelled to recognize an isolated troop of this most ancient race, too few to be called a nation ; whose only security, in their desert-home, was the po- verty of the land, the barrenness of its impracticable passes, that other nations made a highway for their own enterprise and wealth. But even while we suspect the existence of this small degraded remnant as yet extant in the time of Cambyses, their name is lost : it is sunk in the general denomination of '^ Ara- bians,' ' — the " mixed people." Thus effectually was the remembrance of Amalek blotted out from under heaven ! Thus did this once powerful tribe — " the first of the nations " originally inhabiting that laud — perish for ever under the hand of Israel, even as the Ammonite prophet had foretold. F. C. 1852.] ( 1 ) ^^ THE REPHAIM, AND THEIR CONNEXION WITH EGYPTIAN HISTORY." CHAPTER XIII The Anakim. " Hear, O Israel ! Thou art to pass over Jordan, this day, to enter and take possession of nations greater and miglitier tlian thyself; cities great and fenced up to the skies; a great and haughty people, the children of the Anakim, whom thou know- cst, — for thou hast heard : Who can stand before the children of Anak!" (Deut. ix. 1, 2.) In such a strain of poetic energy docs the sacred historian refer to this once mighty nation, that he may awaken in the breasts of his countrymen a noble spirit of emulation. Not less powerful is the impression of their formidable appearance, pro- duced by the report of the Hebrew spies, though the tone of the speakers now sinks to the level of a terror-stricken populace : " The people who dwell in that land are strong, and the cities are fortified and exceedingly great. . . That land is a land that consumeth its inhabitants; and all the people whom we saw there are men of great stature ! And we have also seen the nephilim {expelled or refugees'') — the children of Anak (who come) of the nephilim, — and we were in our own eyes as grass- hoppers, and so were we in their eyes V (Nu. xiii. 32, 33.) The report of those who explored the land, in the same chapter, conveys a glowing description of its fertility. " They came to the vale of Eschol, and cut down from thence a branch with one cluster of grapes, and bare it between two (men) on a staff; also of the pomegranates and the figs. . . , and said : We came into the land whither thou sentest us, and surely it floweth with milk and honey, and this is its fruit." (verses 23— 27.) The accounts of modern travellers are quite in harmony with this statement. Dr. E. Robinson'' describes the country about Hebron as covered with fields of wheat ; and the mountain slopes, as clothed with olive groves. The vicinity of Nezib, on the western side of the mountain, is also highly commended as " a rich and fertile region, which once teemed with an abun- rt Continued from the April Number of the /. /S. L. * Q'Vc? The interpretation of this obscure term by refugees or expelled will be found in the next chapter on The Philistines. <' Biblical Researches, vol. iii., pp. 11, 19. 2 The Rephuiiii. [April, dant population, as is shewn by the numerous former sites now in ruins antl level with the ground." It thus appears that the Rephaira of southern Palestine had early established themselves in the choicest part of the country ; and took care to protect their possessions by dwelling in strongly fortified cities, which occupied the most commanding positions. The high antiquity of their settlement may be gathered from the incidental notice of Moses, that Hebron, the city of Arbfi, where Abraham lived, died, and is buried, " was built seven years before Zoan " — the capital of the Delta, and one of the most ancient cities in Lower Egypt. (Nu. xiii. 22.) The claim of the Anakim to be classed among the Rephaim nations is indisputable. They are distinctly referred to that stock by Moses, in his reference to their Emim kindred, in Deut. ii. 11 : "A great, numerous, and haughty people, like the Anakim; who were also accounted Rcphaim, like the Anakim." And since the evidence that the Rcphaim nations beyond Jordan wei^e not Canaanites is so positive, the fact thereby established necessarily proves that the Anakim, being Rcphaim by origin, could not have been Canaanites either. Nevertheless, the ethnographical position ojf the Anakim has often been misconceived, like that of the Rcphaim of Ba- shan, and much on the same grounds. It will, therefore, be necessary to the complete rectification of this error, that we should enter into a more critical examination of its origin ; and that, at the same time, we should define, as clearly as the in- direct intimations afforded by Scripture will justify it, the rela- tive positions of the Anakim and the Canaanites. Numerous enough are the hints and casual allusions disseminated through- out the early Bible history, relating to this ancient people, and from which a general idea of their political extension and con- dition may 1)0 arrived at. The ordinary reader, with his mind bent on the progress of Israel which forms the immediate sub- ject of the Bible records, and who merely walks over the beaten ground of this surface-history, is very liable to disregard the sul)stratum of collatf^ral history he now and then lights upon in liis course ; a substi'atiun fraught with the relics of a primeval social world, cropijing out from below in isolatcnl patches, and telling a tale full of meaning to the curious investigator M'ho may be patient enough to explore them, and to hunt up the traces of their continuity. Hebron, or Kiriath- Arba, chief city of the Anakim, is some- times alluded to in the Bible history as being in the land of Canaan. Wlictlier the insulated p(jsition of the Anakim cities amoni!- the Amorite children of llcth is a fact sudicicut \)\ itself 1852.] The Rephaim. 7;i to explain sucli rcfcrcucos as a mere f^cofijraphical generalization, or whether, in the origin, the whole of the land oceupicd by tlu; Anakim really had been Canaanitc territory, of" whieh tlic Jle- phaim had obtained possession, and which they retained by their superior power and political discipline, constitutes a sepa- rate question Avhich we will also examine, but which does not affect the one now under consideration ; as in neither of these two cases w^ould the geographical statement, that Hebron is in the land of Canaan, necessarily draw after it the very illogical i'thnographical consequence, that, because some Canaanites dwelt about Hebron, all the people of Hebron — even those who were masters of the city — Avcre Canaanites. The children of Anak and the Araorites were evidently co- residents in southern Judea. The Amorites not only had many towns of their own on the western sides of tl)e mountain, but they also appear to have formed no inconsiderable part of the population in the cities on the eastern side, which the Anakim held. Each of these Amorite dependent communities had its local chieftain, or melek, — a title generally translated king. There is no reason to believe that these chiefs were on a dif- ferent footing among their older Anakim rulers, than we sec their descendants under their subsequent Hebrew rulers. In the time of the Judges, we find " Hamor, the father of She- cliem," retaining his hereditary title and sovereignty over his own clan; and the Shecheraites are even divided in their incli- nation whether to serve him or the judge of the dominant Hebrew race (Jud. ix. 28). Later still, when the Canaanites "paid tribute of bond- service to Solomon," we find " the kings of the Hittites," as well as those of the Aramites, engaged as the Jewish sovereign's merchants to bring chariots of valuables out of Egypt. (Comp. 1 Kings viii. 20, 21 ; and x. 28, 29.) And yet later, we find them alluded to as lial)le to be hired as mercenaries against Aram by the Israelite king. (2 Kings vii. 6.) The part taken by the Amorites, in the wars of the Emim, the Anakim, and the Philistines against Egypt, also presents them in the same subordinate position ; while the statement of Scripture history bears out the same conclusion by expressly representing the Philistines as rulers over five chief Canaanitc cities. In the contest between the Israelites and the Piiilistines which follows the conquest, it is equally apparent that, although the Amorites of western Judea are the standing population, the Philistines are masters of every important post in the land; and when Samuel had subdued the Philistines, and recovered the line of frontier from Ekron to Gath, the account winds up with "there was peace between Israel and the Amorites," although A 2 4 The Rephaim. [July^ the Amoritcs liad not been heard of w hilst the struggle was raging ; which even leaves it doubtful whether they had borne any part at all in it, while the Philistines were contending with Israel for lordship over the western Amorite territory, — or whether they had fought for and under the Philistines, and without them had not even power of peace and war on their own soil. From these indications, we may gather that, whether as aborigines overpowered by a stronger people, like the Amor- itcs of Pelesheth, or whether as tolerated settlers, like the Amoritcs of Shittim, their political stains was altogether sub- ordinate. The ki)7(/s, or heads of tribes, appear to have enjoyed a considerable amount of local authority over their clans, and of civil independence in the management of their internal con- cerns ; but subject to a certain degree of political dependance on the far more powerful race who garrisoned the chief citadels in their land. There is no direct intimation of their having paid tribute of personal service or of property ; but as this was usually exacted by the overruling power, according to the law of nations of those times, it is exceedingly probable that they did, since they are found under such a tribute to their subsequent Israelite subjugators. Such being the relative positions of two people who have been so strangely confounded with each other — the Amoritcs and the llcphaim, — we shall be able to reconcile Avith case cer- tain accounts in the book of Joshua, which would have presented insuperable difficulties, had these people been the same. The local chiefs of the Amoritcs residing al)out Hebron and Debir, are counted among the five Amorite kings who combined against the Gibeonites in Joshua's first campaign. On this oc- casion, Joshua not only routed their forces and slew their chiefs, but he also smote, destroyed, and burnt Hebron and her cities, and Debir and her cities. And yet, six years after, when the Canaanitcs of the north have been subdued, and tiic land is portioned out among the Israelite tribes, we find that Hebron or Kiriath-Arba, and l)el)ir or Kiriath-Sophcr, were still stand- ing; and that the children of Anak, Shcshai, Ahiman, and Talmai, held these cities ; that Caleb himself, as soon as he had been formally invested with his territorial rights, commanded the si)ccial expedition by which Arba, in the portion of his in- hciritance, was taken ; and that his luiplicw, Othniel, performed the no loss foiinidabli! feat of (bslodging th(^ Anakini from Kiriatli-Sepher, and ea])turing their city, ibr which he was re- warded with the hand of ('aleb's daughter. It is very apparent that the Amorite quarters of these cities, 1852.] The Rephaiin. 7 :> the suburban dwellings of a vast dependant population, enclosed by the outer wall, were alone destroyed in the rapid attack of Joshua's victorious host in his opening campaign ; but that the strongly fortified primitive citadels, garrisoned by the children of Anak, were not included in this destruction.' The expulsion of the Anakim and capture of their fortresses are totally diflerent transactions, both in point of time and in point of fact. Indeed the order of the narrative of Joshua (chapters, x., xi.) implies as much. It relates three distiuct sets of events : Firstly, the campaign against the Amorite league ; in which he swept round the mountain of Judah, returning by Hebron through the vale of Eshcol to Gilgal. Secondly, the campaign against the northern Canaanitc combination. "Joshua made war a long time with all those kings." (xi. 18.) Finally, the general state- ment of special expeditions against the Anakim. " At that time came Joshua, and cut off the Anakim from the mountains, from Hebron, from Debir, and from Anab ; from all the moun- tains of Judah, and from all the mountains of Israel : Joshua destroyed them utterly with their cities. There were none of the Anakim left in all the land of the children of Israel ; only in Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod, some remained." So Joshua took the whole land, according to all that the Lord said unto Moses, and Joshua gave it for an inheritance unto Israel, according to their divisions by tribes. And the land had rest from war." (Josh. xi. 21—23.) After this summary statement, the filling up of its detail is given in the succeeding chapters. Thus the enumeration of tribes and kings subdued is an amplification of the summary of ch. xi. 18; and the episode of Caleb, at the allotment of the lands then subdued (ch. xiv.), is an amplification of the summary of ch. xi. 21 — 23, whereby we discover proof positive that the expeditions against the Anakim were not only pos- terior to the first campaign, when Hebron and Debir were said to be taken and destroyed, but were even posterior to the allot- ment of the lands related in that chapter. Otherwise, in the first place, if the Amorites and the Anakim were the same people, and the events identical, how could Caleb and Othniel have taken their cities of Arbtl and Sepher, since they would have been utterly destroyed six years before ? And in the next place, how could the Anakim still have occupied those cities with a sufficient force to call for a regular siege and a special expedition to dislodge them, if, before the allotment, Joshua '^ Vide Jud. ix. 50, 51, for a parallel case. Abimelcch first besieges and takes the town of Thebez ; and afterwards attacks the central fortress. 6 The Rephaim. [April, had already expelled nil the Anakim fiom Hebron, Debir, Auab, aud all their other cities, — and there were none left in the land, except at Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod ? The inference to which these circumstances point is nuini- fcstly this : — that the Amorite towns and communities of Hebron and Debir, ravaged by Joshua in the first year of the Canaanite war, must not be confounded with the children of Anak and the "cities great and fenced up to the skies" of Arba and Sepher, in which they had for awhile securely entrenched them- selves. That they were in some sense distinct places — the outer town, and the fortified central citadel,^ — and that their relative occupants were two distinct people, is the only reasonable expla- nation of the difficulty presented by the collation of the two accounts. This explanation arises quite naturally out of the ascertained political relation of tlie inhabitants, and completely dismisses the supposition that the Anakim in any way belonged to the Canaanite stock. The prophetic denunciation of the ancient seer, that "Canaan should be servant of servants to his mvn brethren,'' first, had long been working out its fulfilment, when Israel entered the land to accomplish the second stage of the prophecy, by striking at one blow the degraded Canaan a willing servant at the feet of Shem. They had so long held the secondary place, that they were used to the yoke. One effort was made to repel the in- vader; one hasty, ill-organized combination was attempted. It proved unsuccessful : they yielded to a change of masters, and never sought to cast them off again. Not so the Rephaim ; they were of another blood — of another spirit. AVc have seen two sections of this intrepid race decimated and annihilated, but never yielding a permanent submission to the conqueror. The popular saying so well known to Israel, — " Thou hast heard, Who can stand before the children of Anak !" — could not have thus passed into a proverb without a cause. Caleb knew, when he received a nominal authority over the land allotted to his tribe, that although the Amorites of his district were ready to bend and serve, the other haughty race that held its ground in the fortresses, was not. He knew that he could only secure the ])ermanent possession of his inheritance by cai)tni'ing the strong- Ijolds in which the Anakim had entrenched their forces. Other- wise, liis posterity must only look forward to dwelling on the same terms as the Amorites had done before them. H" weaker, they would be treated as dej)endants. If strong enough to be esteeinc'd rivals, they would be regarded as allies or as foes, according to the caprice of tlu; Anakim rulers. Tiu^ nation that could not be subdu(;d must l)e expelled from the land. When 1852.] The Rephaim. 7 7 the Canaanite population had been brouji^lit under control, spe- cial expeditions were framed aji^ainst the Anakini, under the di- rection ot" Joshua; those in which Caleb and Othniel took a pro- minent part on their own behalf, among the number. By such means, the land was finally cleared of those dangerous rivals. The subordinate position of the Canaanites to the liephaim being thus made out, the collateral question, — which race had a prior claim to the land they jointly occupied? — becomes a point of secondary consequence. The indirect evidence of Scrip- ture is divided on both sides of this question. In such a case, a candid historian is bound simply to state the matter as he finds it ; and not to give his own prepossessions as a judgment, but to leave the reader to form his own decision from what evi- dence is producible. On behalf of the original Canaanite claims upon central Judea, it xany be urged that this region is tacitly included within the geographical definition of the primitive and lawful boundary assigned by Moses to the Canaanite race. If, in this definition, the southern boundary is left undescribed, it may be because the line of desert between Sodom and Gaza formed a natural limit easily understood. But it may be also because the Anakim settlements lay along the mountains that form the backbone of the country ; so that those of the Canaanites, as far as they extended in the time of Moses, could only have been described by the two lines he draws : a western line along the sea to Gaza; an eastern line along the banks of the Jordan, from its sources at Lesha or Dan, to its final receptacle, the Dead Sea. Never- theless, it must be admitted that every geographically descrip- tive reference to Hebron, in Scripture, is coupled with the idea that the land in which that city lay is " accounted to the Canaanite." This fact leaves it very probable that the cities of the Rephaim alluded to in Scripture as " strongly fortified and fenced up to the skies," were only a line of military outp9sts, in which they stationed the garrisons that maintained their mastery over the country, and kept up a line of communication with Lower Egypt more direct than the tedious and circuitous route by the Wady Arabah and the Sinaitic desert. It may be that the Canaanite tribes formed the original population of this central mountain tract, — a pastoral, industrious, unambitious people ; who had yielded themselves, while they were as yet few in numbers, to the superior power and discipline of the kindred Hamite race that erected its fortresses and planted its dominion along the heart of their land. It may be that the Anakim thus lorded it over the aboriginal population, as the Philistine branch 8 The Rephaim. [July, of the same nation subsequently spread its power over the western district^ -which is also " accounted to the Canaanitc." But on the other hand, it is equally probable that the two national settlements were coeval; that by the time the junior Cauaanites families had spread themselves abroad so far as to reach their utmost southward limits, the Rephaim had already laid the foundation of their supremacy by building their Availed cities in the strongest positions among the mountains, leaving the Canaauites to constitute the standing population of the land, but only as suburbans under their control, tliough they claimed no territorial right in the land, as a paternal inheritance, beyond the immediate circuit of their cities. We have not even any direct scriptural authority for defining the utmost northward limits of the territory thus occupied by the children of Anak. The most ancient records of the human race only hint at their end ; — so utterly lost is their beginning in the gloom of a recordless primeval antiquity. The account of their expulsion merely intimates that they were cut ott' from their strongholds, in " all the mountains of Judali" and " all the mountains of Israel." But this certainly entitles us to believe that, up to the time of Joshua, they still had possessions beyond the lot of Judah, although the three cities of Hebron, Anab, and Debir are the only ones mentioned by name as be- longing to them. There is, however, definite authority for tracing them as far north as Bethel, under circumstances that even rather appear to tell in favour of their priority of settlement. AVhen Abraham first crossed the Jordan, and arrived near " the place of She- cliem," it is remarked that " the Canaanite was then in the land ;" as though the presence of Cauaanites in that neighbour- hood was something new (Gen. xii. G). Moreover the peculiar locution, ^^ the place of Shechem," and the fact, that this place was actually a,(jrove at the time — " the grove of Moreh," — would suggest that the city w'as not yet built. When Abraham re- turned to his first resting place, which he called Bethel, after his journey to Egypt, he found the Canaanite and the Perizzite then dwelling (or settled) in that land (Gen. xiii. 3 — 7). These parenthetical remarks look very much as if the Hivites and I'erizzites were at that time quite new-comers in the vicinity of Hethcl and INIount Ephraim. Five centuries afterwards, we find the J']phraimites of the Bethel district complaining to Joshua' that their land was in- '^ Josh. xvii. 11, 15. In this passage, as in tlie next iiuotcd, Jo.sh. xv. 8, (lie {;' The Egyjitians often double monosyllabic names. This, like the Ksn, must not be confounded with a negro jieople of a similar name, au is also found in tlu- Asiatic series- of the list of Scti-Mcnephtah at Karnak. 16 The Rephaim. [JwlV;, land of TAiii in triumph .... tlifir tine wine in their waters like- wise their corn of navigating their waters, then- infinite .... for bread of offering; honey 642S measures of wine, (metals) 618 bnlls, 3636 goats,' bread, corn, flour." Although a name and several Avords are missing in the above first line of this valuable memorial, it is sufficiently in- telligible to yield several confirmations of the identity of luttali with the TAHi therein referred to. Firstly, we need only look at a map of Palestine to see that the ARD'TU and ua"ua collocated with taut both find their cor- respondents in the Canaanite city Arad, very near luttah, and in the d^w Avvim of the south-country, neighbours of the Phi- listines (Josh. xiii. 3) ; whose district, according to Moses (Deut. ii. 23), had been seized by the Caphtorim who came forth from Caphtor — the shepherds expelled from the Delta, who esta- blished themselves near the Philistines in the Goshen of Judea. Secondly, the produce of the land, as described by Dr. E. Robinson (quoted in the beginning of this chapter), agrees equally well with the rich booty of corn and fine wine carried off by the victorious Egyptians. Kiriath-Anab, the city of Anak in the vale of Eshcol, covered by this very fortress of luttah, is literally ''the city of grapes ;'' and the vale itself received its name from the luxuriance of the sample-clusters brought back by the spies (Nu. xiii. 24). Between the decisive conquests of Thothmes III. and the close of the eighteenth dynasty, the historical monuments of Egypt merely affirm from time to time the tributary state of a few among the inimical tribes, but relate no fresh victories, and all memorials of the kind disappear prior to the close of that dynasty. The course of active warfare begins again with the nine- teenth dynasty, after Scti-Mcnephtah had again driven the shas'u from Pelusium. This time, hostilities do not cease from reign to reign, until the enemies of Egypt have been extermi- nated. Tiic children of Anak were not inactive in the last deadly struggle. On the contrary, while, from their geogra- phi(;ai ])Osition, they were sure to be the first attacked, the Egyi)tian annals concur with Scrij)turc in testifying tliat they Mere the last to yield. One of tlie earliest triumphs of Seti- Mencphtah was a signal victory over the tam'iVnu; a cast of the battle-scene is hung above tlie staircase leading to the gal- lery of auti(juities, in the British jMuseuin. A long train of captives, and a rich array of spoils, were pi'csented by the ' This item indicates a raountainous country. 1852.] The Rephaim. V^ S; Thcbiin king to liis gods in the temple ol' Amun. Tliis is the first known representation of the chihlren of Anak and their manly, picturesque costume, of which a description will be given with the rest in the concluding chapter of this account. The records of the successes obtained by the great liameses II. over the Anakim, are equally rich in graphic particulars. In the sculptures of the Kamesseum, he is repi'csented killing one chief of the tau'n'nu with his own hand, while his foot rests on the neck of another. This symbolical method of denoting complete subjugation was apparently customary in Palestine (comp. Josh. X, 24). There is monumental evidence that Ka- meses II. had made himself xiiaster of the principal fortresses of Anak, prior to his invasion of the Shcthite llephaim in the fifth year of his reign. For it was in the land of luttah that his force was at first encamped ; and he afterwards seized the camp of the Shethites in the land of Hebron or chehbu. This incident is represented in the Abou-Simbel tableau of the expe- dition, where the Egyptians are evidently in possession of the camp, and are rejoicing in security over the booty ; and the mention of Caphar-barucha (near Hebron) in the Anastasi papyrus itinerary, as " cafiri, the house of Ramessu, the for- tress of the ciiERBU," further corroborates the fact that the king, at this time, actually w^as in possession of the place. In- deed, if he had not previously made himself master of the whole route through Judea, he could not have penetrated to the land of the SHET'TA (Shittim) that way. The ready surrender of the SHAS'u (Zuzim) on that occasion, also argues that he had al- ready obtained such advantages over their kindred, as to leave the intimidated shas'u no hope of a successful resistance. Driven from their capital by the Egyptian conqueror, the Anakim, seeing that the camp of their Shethite brethren had also been taken, followed them across the Jordan, to aid them against the threatened invasion. The people of Hebron and the Amorites bore an active part in the fight before atesh. The few incidents thus selected for pictorial illustration by the Egyptian hieragrammatists — not because they embody all the notable deeds of their sovereign, but because those were the deeds which most glorified his name, whether from the import- ance of the victory, or from the prowess and celebrity of the conquered foe — those incidents speak highly for the dauntless bravery of the Anakim, and for their immoveable fidclit}' to their brethren and to their national cause. The CHERBU or chebru, alias rbo, and the tahi or tah* N"NU, are the only monumental names traceable, with any cer- tainty, to particular cities mentioned in the Bible as situated in 15 18 The Rephaiin. [July, the Anakim territory. But the name of the nation itself is of frequent oecurrenee, whether in memorials of conquest or in tributary lists, during the -whole period of the Avarfare. The name Avhich heads the Asiatic series in the great list of Seti- Menephtah at Karnak (vide Onomasticon, plate, col. v., fig. 27) is the full group which stands for the land of the Anakim ; though it is oftener written with the last character of that group only. The full group reads : mna't'un'" * * * land of the shep- herds o/^ * * I here express with * * * that last character, the figure of a neck-collar or bracelet. It is not a letter, but an idcagraph, the sound of which has not yet been determined, though its sense, when it occurs alone, as a name, is generally taken to denote the hitherto unknown land of the shepherds, from its following in the present group a series of phonetic characters which have that signification. On this account it has been assumed to be only the determinative'^ of that group. But in the progress of this enquiry, I have found reason to believe that this is only a part of the truth. The following decisive facts will help us to attain the whole. They contain in themselves such a clear indication of the pai'ticiilar land the unknown character stands for, that this essential point, once obtained, may perhaps in its turn give us a clue to the true reading of the character. In the first place, the proof that this character denotes ffeo- (jraphically Southern Judea — i. e., the land once belonging to the Anakim, is, that in the list of the conquests of Shishak, at Karnak,° it denotes the land invaded by that monarch when he went up against the king of Judah. Now we know from the Bible that the domains of Rchoboam were the lands of Judah and Benjamin ; and also, that Shishak penetrated as far as Jerusalem, from whence, according to the custom of Egyptian conquerors, he carried off as spoils " the treasures of the liousc of the Lord, and of the king's house.'' (1 Kings xiv. 26.) In their memorial, the Egyptians have not changed the name of the land, though it had fallen under the rule of a different "» Vide for this group Onomasficon, col. v., fig. 27, Anakim group. " An explanation of this term may be of use to those who are not familiar with the pcruliarities of Egyjttian writing. Egyptian projur names are sometimes spelt with letters, and sometimes written with syllabi(; cliaracters, or witii a sinf,'if idea- graphic character ; hut in all cases, the grammatical formatives of gender, number, etc., are followed by a i)ecaliar symbol by which wc know whether the name be that of a man, woman, god, chief, house, or land. This symbol is called the tlelrr- minafirp sir/n. The i/irre moun/ahui at the end of the proper names in the Onomas- ticon ari! the det. b. of n forviijn land. On the south wall; here, Champollion read iutaipmai-k, Kinrjdutn of Judah, in the list of names. Rosellini, Mon. filorici, \i\. IIH. 1852.] 77ie Rephaim. tQi people. Tliagra]ihically, by a figure of that bird. If this suggestion were admissihle, we sliouhl have in Manetho's " Plitcnician Shepherds," i)otii a literal and a grammatical e(|uivalent of the hiero- giyphie group in Onomaxlicfm, fig. 27, eol. v.; mna'T'U'n anka, " People of the shepherd-land f)f Anka." mna denotes a shepherd or herdsman. * In the expedition of Rameses II. agaitist the siikt'ta, the two ambassadors of tiic KiiAS'u who coiim; to tender thn the shore. I'cleshcth niute " seashore -land." 2^-. The Rephaim. [July, the Amorites. No room is therefore left for the Philistines, but the maritime district connecting the Delta with Canaan proper. Their extension inland being limited to the valley of Beer- slieba, is one circumstance pointing out the origin of their esta- blishment ; for this valley is only a continuation of the A'ale of Eshcol through an opening in the Judean hills, and it extends westward to the sea. All the country intersected by this line of wadys, and further east to the border of the naked mountain-desert, is described by recent travellers as a vast tract of low undulating swells clothed with luxuriant pastures. It was therefore admirably adapted to the wauts of a tribe whose chief wealth was cattle. A corresponding description of this country occurs in 1 Chron. iv. 39, 40 : " They (the Simeonites) went to the entrance of Gedor, eastward of the valley, to seek pasture for their flocks ; and they found rich and good pasture, and the land was exten- sive, quiet, and at peace. But they of Ham had formerly dwelt there."'' The Philistines of the Mosaic period are not altogether the same people as those contemporaneous with Abraham. An im- portant accession to their numbers had accrued to them from a kindred stock, on the expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt. A great number of emigrants from the Delta were among the number, and it seems that these established themselves in the pastoral region of the Avim, and subsequently extended them- selves northward, becoming intimately blended with the Philis- tines. From that time, they are no more heard of as a separate nation, though the prophets, many centuries after, intimate their subsequent connexion with the Philistines, as a well-known fact. Jeremiah says (chap, xlvii. 4), — " For Jehovah ravaf^eth the Pelishtim, The remnant of the abode of Caphtor." And Amos likewise (chap. ix. 7) considers the Philistines as the descendants of a people whose deliverance from political anni- hilation in Caphtor, he places in poetical parallelism with the corresponding deliverance of Hebrews : — " Have I not brought up Israel from ilu! laud of Mizraini, The PeUshtim from Caplilor, and Aram from Kir ?" Which is a palpable allusion to the great army of s]ie])herds who marched out of Egypt after capitulating with Amosis, and who established themselves in Palestine. Those who belonged » " They of Ham," i. n., the Amalckitcs, whom these Simeonites destroyed, and piiisucd the remnant into Mount Si'ir, whither thry had fled. 1852.] The Rephaim. ji.'J to tlie Ilephaim nation, returned to their tribe. Those of Lower Egypt who accompanied them, settled in the south ; and we sub- sequently find the district in which they settled bearing the significant name of Goshen. With the addition of such a large body of warriors to their former numbers, it is not surprising that the Philistines, whom we saw, in the days of Abraham and Isaac, an inconsiderable pastoral tribe, should have suddenly become sufficiently powerful to take and retain possession of five Cauaanite principalities on the coast northward of Gerar; so as to be found, in the time of the Judges, one of the most warlike and formidable nations of Palestine, the terror and scourge of the twelve tribes of Israel. I apprehend that the offspring of this colony of expatriated Caphtorim from Goshen, are the people alluded to under the de- scription of "the children of Anak descended from the ncphUiiii,'" in the report of the terrified spies. This word, from the root bo3 to fall, sink, settle, cast down, etc., has been translated by giants in our common version, quite as inappropriately as " Rephaim." The associated reference to the stature of the people may have beguiled the translators into admitting this misinterpretation of a term to the true sense of which they had no historical clue. One secondary sense of the root bcD is " to settle," which some critics assign to it in Gen. xxv. 18 : " Ishmael settled in the presence of his brethren."" Perhaps the idea in the text we are analyzing may be the same, and the derivative noun b^Ej may mean one ivho is settled. It is also likely that this noun, which is of the perfect participial form, like the cor- responding form e/c7re7rT&)«:ft) also understand the resemblance of certuiu customs in both lands, casually disclosed to us in the narrative of Abraham's jouruies to both, which appear more like a repetition of the self-same adventure in other words, than like two accounts of separate transactions. But if, according to the more commonly current notion, we look upon the Mizraim as colonists of no other country but Egypt ; the position of this outlying tribe, dwelliug geograjjlii- cally and politically apart for unnumbered centuries from the rest of its kindred, isolated from all the concerns and institu- tione of Egypt, forms, it must be admitted, an ethnological anomaly exceedingly difficult to explain. We may seek to evade the difficulty by following the opinion wrought out with great labour and ingenuity by some of the most distinguished scholars in archoeological research of Ger- many, who assign to the Philistines an origin altogether foreign to Palestine. But in that case, we must be prepared to set aside the scriptural affirmation, that they are an offset of a particular Mizraimite family ; we must sacrifice the unequivocal statement of an ancient contemporaneous historian, who had the main facts close at hand from his immediate ancestors, in order to make way for conjectures originating in analogies of language, names, and religion, which certainly are very striking and very significant ; but which are fortunately susceptible of being con- strued the other way. It has yet to be shewn, and can be shewn, that the facts from which the foreign origin of the Philistines has been argued have been read backwards in that conclusion ; that the uniform traces of settlement and tradition dispersed over the Mediterranean coast region by Pelasgic, Phoenician, and Egypto-Phcenician colonies are rather indications that they were founded by a nation whose original homestead was Pales- tine ; that instead of bringing their religious traditions into the East from the West, these nations carried them out into the West from the East ; and that the Philistines themselves are only a remnant of several branches of that nation, reunited into a political body which long outlived the nominal extinction of the others, and the expulsion of its head from their own terri- tories. Thus only, while strictly following the Bible as far as it will lead us, and construing all extrinsic evidences in conformity with its fundamental statements, can we avoid the error of taking a part for the whole, — as Movers, for instance, when he identifies the Hyksos invaders of Egypt with the Phoenicians, who — as the Onkites or Anakim — were only a member of the great con- federate shepherd body, and not even its head ; — or the other 26 The Rephaim. [July, error of mistaking the branch for the root, with Cahnet and his followers, who would trace the Philistines originally from Crete, at the suggestion of Ezekiel's parallelism of the Chercthites and Philistines. If Cx'ete really was called so, after the Cherethites, it is just as likely that it was because a colony kindred to the Philistines was established in that island. Would not the city Phoenice of Crete (Acts xxvii. 12) be thought just as likely to owe its name to a Phoenician commercial station, than to have been the original centre of the Phcenician people ? If there was a Caphtora in Crete, and another in Cappadocia — and a Goshen in Palestine, — is it not much more likely that these isolated settlements in the midst of nations altogether foreign in race to the scriptural Caphtorim of Mizraim, may mark out the refuge of their dispersed remnant, rather than their original homesteads ? The Philistines do not appear by name on the monumental annals of Egypt until the time of Rameses III. It is only after their union with the refugees from Lower Egypt, and their esta- blishment in the Canaanite cities of the coast, that they acquired suflBcient political consequence to become independent of Anak, both as a state, and as a subject of hostility on the part of Egypt. Before that time they may have fought in the ranks of the Anakim, and thus would be included under the general denomination of that people, the " mna " or shepherds of * ^ * (Anka?) Nevertheless the Philistine people are not unrepresented in earlier memorials. In the Luxor version of the attack of atesh, among a row of figures in a boat approaching the city, we dis- cern some attired in the peculiar high crown, and short kilt and corslet, of the Philistine. A people whose name reads KESH or Gsii were among those whom the shet'ta summoned to their assistance on that occasion. As it is utterly impossible that these should be the black ksh-ksh of the land Cush or Ethiopia beyond the cataracts, who arc always represented as negroes, and whose name is written with the same characters, it is most probable that the land of (joshcn is thereby intended. Not the original Goshen of the Delta, whose land had become part of the Egyptian dominions, but that of the expatriated Goshen of Palestine colonized among the Philistines, who ulti- mately sjjread their dominion nortliwards, even to near Gibeon. (Comp. Josh. X. M ; xi. 1(5.) And if the descendants of tliis immigrant l)ody became the bulk of the Philistine population, we must not look for any other costume in a pictorial represen- tation of them, but that of tlie Philistines. The monumental form of the Scripture local name Pclcsheth 1852.] The Rephaim. Jt7 is puLSA'TA. The radicals arc exactly the same as the Hebrew form n\cbD, aud where the vowels differ, the Septuagiiit Ibrni again gives us an approximation to the Egyptian version which cannot be accidental — ^vXtaneiiJ,, in Gen. x. 14; the only in- stance in which they render the proper name at all.^ In another Philistine dependency, Ekron, ]i-\py, we may safely recognize the t*akkak*u people, a conspicuous name on the Egyptian monuments, constantly associated with the pulsa'ta, and whose costume is exactly the same. The modern name of the place is Akir. The prefixed 7" is probably the article, equiva- lent to the Hebrew prefix n in '2ii;?yn, " the Ekronite/' which the Egyptians took for part of the name, as the Greeks did the <^ in *PoivtKe^, PlKEtiicians. The Septuagint have again imitated in their form ^AKKapcov, the Egyptian expedient of doubling the k, in order to imitate the rough guttural sound of the Hebrew y, for which they had no true equivalent. Three more names of Philistine people are found in the same monumental series. One, written under a row of prisoners taken with the fulsa-ta, and wearing the same costume, reads tuinuna, for which I cannot recognize any equivalent in the scriptural lists and notices. The two others are in the long inscription of Medinet-Abou, and the names have for their determinative a Philistine prisoner. This leaves no choice as to the region in which we must look for their equivalents. The first, ashak'NA, agrees with npw, Azekah, a city of note at the head of the vale of Elah (Josh. x. 10, 11 ; 1 Sa. xvii. 1). The other, ALAiu, is most probably Aialon, py;« (now ValoJ, in the same neighbourhood.^' Both these places are situated between T'AKKAR (Ekron), and shalamt'na (Shalem), mentioned in the same inscription. CHAPTER XV. Final Wars of the Anakim with Egypt. Having thus far gone through the technical analysis of the names, we are now prepared to follow up the incidents to which they give us a key, in the most important series of campaigns ii In all the historical references, the Septuagint paraphrase the proper name by 01 aX\o(pv\oi, those of another tribe, i. e., different from the Cauaanites, or the Hebrews. y Azekah and Aialon were noted strongholds, and are both named among the fortresses rei)aired by Rehoboam to strengthen liis frontier against Sliishak (2 Chron. xi. 9). .28 The Rephaim. [July, conducted by Rameses III., leader of the twentietli dynasty ; which laid the Rephaim of Palestine prostrate among the sur- rounding; nations, opened the gates of the land to the children of Israel, and transferred into their hand the yoke of Canaan. The Rephaim of Bashan had bowed before Rameses II. The Emim had braved his power twenty years, and ended by making peace with him. Exhausted by a prolonged furious warfare, both nations were glad of a truce. A new generation arose, and a new king reigned in Egypt, Pthahmen or Me- nephtah, the Amenophis of Manetho, a weak prince, who was entirely under the control of the priests. They persuaded him to open a fresh series of persecutions against the oppressed race of Lower Egypt. These unfortunate captives were removed from the land, and sent across the Nile to labour in the stone quarries that are opposite Memphis. After a while, they Nvere allowed to occupy the deserted city which had formerly belonged to their ancestors, Avaris the city of Typhon. Here they con- trived to organize a plan of revolt, and sent for assistance to the descendants of their exiled forefathers, who had joined the branch of the great Shepherd-body seated at Shalem. Such an opportunity of regaining their power in Lower Egypt was not to be cast aside. INIanetho relates that the Shepherds of Shalem sent a large army to the relief of their kindred ; and that king Amenophis was afraid of fighting against the gods by opposing them in battle, because a priest, called Amenophis, the son of Papis, had prophetically announced to him that the ill-treatment of the captives of Goshen which he liad countenanced would be avenged by their obtaining the do- minion of Egypt for thirteen years. Accordingly, as soon as the Shepherds appeared, Amenophis provided for the safe keep- ing of the sacred animals, and of the images of the gods ; he committed to the charge of a trusty friend his son Scthos (who is also called Rameses), then only five years of age; retired from before the invaders without an attempt at resistance, and with- drew with thirty thousand men into Ethiopia, where he remained until the appointed period of thirteen years had expired. He then came forth from Ethiopia with a great force ; and his son Rameses came also with an army ; they together attacked the Shepherds, overcame them, and pursued them to the frontier of Syria.= On the part borne by the Hebrews in this last Egyptian revolution caused by the Shepherd contest, it would take u.s beyond the range of our immediate subject to dwell. The only * Joscpbus, Contra Apinncm, 1. i., c. 20, 27. 1852.] The Rephaim. J19 apocryplifil feature in the account, is tl»e prophecy ol' the priest Amenophis, and the superstitious king's alarm at contravening a divine decree. This looks very like a tale devised by ])opular tradition to cloke over the pusillanimity of Mencphtah, who doubtless was much more frightened at the idea of fighting the terrible human foes who now presented themselves in warlike array on his border, for the second time since their exi)ulsion, than of contending against the gods by upsetting their predic- tion. Well might the saying go forth throughout all Palestine as a popular proverb : " Who can stand before the children of Anak?" — when their force of twenty thousand men, by merely appearing on the frontier, sent the Tiieban king, with an array of thirty thousand picked warriors, off beyond the cataracts, terror-stricken — fugitives — without striking a blow ! But the young Rameses retrieved the honour of Egypt ; he joroved himself worthy of his illustrious grandfather. When he led the army that expelled these invaders, he was only eighteen years of age ; and as the thirteen years^ interregnum caused by the Shepherd-invasion are reckoned in the nineteen years and six months of his father's reign, he must still have been very young when he ascended the throne. His first known armament, after his accession, is that dated in his fifth year. Within seven years, he finally restored peace to Egypt, and crushed her foes for ever. We will now go through the occurrences of these seven years, by following the monumental records on which they are depicted. Inasmuch as the country about Jerusalem was so decidedly the scene of the great wars conducted by Rameses III., we are thus far authorized to infer that the reduction of the two eastern tribes by his predecessors had thrown the weight of political ascendancy upon the Phoenician branch ; and that the Anakim took the lead in this last invasion of Egypt, whicli — after a brief triumph — proved the signal for their destruction. The pictures representing the triumphs of Rameses III. bear no dates. The first dated document is the long inscription on the south wall of the inner court of the palace at Medinet- Abou, whicli appears to explain the four tableaux sculptured on the other walls of the same court." The references to the king's most remarkable deeds, and the names of lands and nations re- duced, will enable us to follow up the leading incidents of this war; and as the royal historiographer who recorded those deeds has not indulged in quite such towering flights of eloquence and circuitous mazes of poetical imagery as his predecessor Avho a Rosellini, Man. Sforici, \>\. 13.') — 138. Long inscription, pi. 139 — 140. 30 The Rephaim. [July, glorified Rameses II., he will be found by so much the more intelligible to our more matter of fact understandings, when transferred to a familiar modern dialect. I will take advantage of Rosellini's valuable interpretations of the inscriptions, to select from them the most characteristic passages, as illustrations both of the style of thought and expression in those remote ages, and of the historical occurrences they propose to embody. There may be some interest in know ing that we have the narra- tive as much in the Egyptian hierogrammatist's own words, as a translation admits of. " In the fifth year, under the sacred presidency of Homs-Phrah, the rniglity eiilarger of Egypt, the guarcUan of power, the victorious arm which has subdued the impure TAH■^'•NU, the lord of Upper and of Lower Egypt, Amun-mai Eameses (III.), who has cioished the inimical tah'N'NU, and ravaged their dwellings," etc., etc. (We may here pass over a long complimentary oration to the king, in the style of the above specimen, and proceed to the narration of his deeds.) " In the night, the king Eameses smote the lands of the foreign foes. He returned to Eg_>"[3t, and distributed the offerings among the priests, and presented the vanquished as an oblation to the gods, the submission to his grasp of the impure race of the land of anka, the TAn"N'NU. liis archers smote the enemies, as terrible bulls among the sheep ; liis horses were like hawks ! " By the renown of his name, he conquered the lands of the TEMAiru. He reduced to submission the *T and the b*m*u* lands, and laid the land of MASHUAsn desolate. The carnage was stopped, tlich hearts being filled with contrition. Their princes prayed with their lips, and ho refused not to grant their petitions ; they prayed to that god, lord of lords, the great man of Egyi)t, and he, in the midst of victory, accepted tlie supplication of the foreign lands and of their princes who humbled themselves to the great king of kings. "His Majesty had come to the land of the perverse tkaiaii'U; and his arm was stayed by their prayers from distn^ssing tlie land by siege. Praised above all the otiier JMu-ahs be the clemency of iiis Majesty ! " The teiTor that he, bull-likt;, inspired, was as the quaking of little kids. The blows dealt by his Majesty to the confines of the land glared before their gates like flames of fire : from the; ])lace where he struck and smote down the ramparts, the defi-at was marked by dead to the right and to the left. His Majesty compelled submission with his own members, like Met/In.'' '["he kiiit; Eameses led off the slaves and caused the dead to l)(; numhered * * * After another long (lcscri})tion, wiiicli may be omitted, of * In these two names, the * stands for a character either obliterated or unknown. ' Mentu, or Muiitn-Ra, is the Ei^yjitian Ares or Mars, god of war. 1852.] The Rephaim. :^lOi the mercy tlic king sliewcd to some prisoners, whose lives lie saved after ravaging their country and levelling their walls to the ground — and another fragment, partly illegible, partly de- stroyed, in which the names of ashak'na (Azekah) and alaiu (Aialon) remain among those mentioned, we have a fierce de- scription of the contest with the rbo : — " By the gi'eat spirit that came from Egypt, the land of eeo (Arba) was a conflagration before and behind, and the goils themselves caused those to perish who went beyond the gates of their city; and those who were saved were bronglit to Egypt ; Ka liaving commanded that the nih-r of Egypt, looking on them, should conquer, like the sun, guardian of tlie pure race." {i.e. the Egyptians.) After this, comes a fragment that we may abridge, in which the submission of shalam'u'na*^ is mentioned; the king carried off the flocks of the conquered. After this, " the foreigners of the great island (?)'' came to be presented in their captivity to Amun Ra because of the smiting with which he (tlie king) had smitten their land, passing before their gates on the face of the waters like a duck." These are named the pulsa'ta (Philis- tines) and t-akkar'u (Ekronites). Then comes another defec- tive fragment, and shalamt'na is again mentioned ; closing with a very animated description of the king's personal valour. " He fought among shoutings, the lord of might who threw the whole laud into consternation ! The great lord of victories, king of the Tpper and Lower regions, in his smiting and in the fulness of his triumpli over the barbarians, was as a lion, and his roarings went forth thundering ! He passed with his wings over the land of the waters; he purified the abode of iniquity." This document concludes with a long and very pompous eulogium, which we lose nothing by passing over. If the four pictures in the same hall as this inscription re- present the leading actions it describes — as is most probable from their subjects — a general account of them will shew that the two great triumphs they commemorate are the surrender of the Philistines, and the victory over the Anakim. The Egyptian king must have gone by sea along the Philis- tine coast, landing near Ekron ; he opened the campaign by an attack on the northern Amorite dependencies of the Anakim and Philistines. This we gather from the names which have prcsent the captives bound, strung together by a rope tied round their necks, and dragged in triumph before the MMu^baii gods. In all these, the rijo and TAH"N'Ni' arc; not distinguisliablc fi'om each other l)y their cos- tume. 1852.] The Rephaim. 783 The expression put into tlic mouths of the masikjasii princes' addressing the king, is very remarkable, — " the great man of Egypt." It is one of those undesigned coincidences which fall in with so many more direct evidences gathered from tlie agree- ment of names and localities, in proof that they were a people accustomed to call their supreme chief by a similar title, (('oni- pare "the great man of the Anakira" of Arbji, Josh. xiv. 15.) And while the fragments we have already quoted are proof direct that the race called temah'u to which the mashuash be- longed, includes also the people of imo or Arba, the conclusion is further borne out by the analogy of their costume. The sculptures arranged round the walls of the great ex- ternal hall of the palace are more numerous ; but the subjects all relate to the same people. The principal entrance is flanked on both sides by a triumphal scene, representing llamescs HI. leading a line of prisoners — or rather a series of local names enclosed in the castellated oval, indicative of a conquered re- gion, to which are added heads and hands, by way of personi- fying the symbol of conquest. Immediately below this list, is a line in which the date, the twelfth year of the king's reign, is still legible. There are other imperfect traces of dates. As none of the pictures in this hall are dated, we cannot know which belong to the last expedition of llamescs III. against the enemies of Egypt in this year, or which may be referable to earlier intermediate expeditions. We may be certain, how- ever, that the war was carried on incessantly during those seven years, from the number of the subjects. A general statement of the latter will suffice ; for any attempt at arrangement, in the absence of dates and narrative inscriptions, must be too conjectural to be of any value. One subject of great interest represents a pitched battle against the t'akkar'u (Ekron). After submitting to Rameses III., in his first expedition, and helping him against the rbo, they revolted. He marched against them, and on this occasion commanded the assistance of the Rephaim of Bashan, who are recognized by their costume and "two-horned Ashtaroth" helmets, as the people who aided Rameses II. against the shet'ta (Emim). The Rephaim are fighting with the Egyptians against the Ekronites./ Another remarkable subject, unique of its kind, is a terrible naval engagement. The same people figure in it as in the former ; but the people of Ashtaroth occupy their natural posi- tion as enemies of Egypt, and are fighting in the Philistine / Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. 127. 128. w w 34 The Rephaim. [July, ships with thoir kiuclrcd.'^' It is probable tliat this event was posterior to tlie other ; and that the temporary submission of the chief Rephaim, manifested in their acting as auxiliaries to Egypt against the Philistines, was the fruit of victories obtained in intermediate expeditions, when the other tribes of Rephaim were attacked in turn, and either crushed or reduced to final obedience. The list at the entrance of this great hall contains names belonging to several Rapha districts and dependencies, and the chiefs of the Harem chamber series of portraits arc those of all their principal tribes ; though the bands of captives, and all the triumphal presentation scenes remaining to be de- scribed in this hall, refer exclusively to the Anakini and Philis- tines, who took the lead in the war. The " address of Amun-Ra, king of gods/^ to Rameses, on his departure, names the whole Rapha race as the object of the last expedition :* " I go before thee, my son, lord of the two worlds, Sun, guardian of tnith, beloved of Amun ; I gi'ant thee (to subdue the foreigners) all Traversing the lands of the barbarians, ^'ictorious. May thy valour cast down their prinecs ! I go (to prepare) the ways in the land of the TEMAiru, And will go through it with thee, preceding thy coursers." The importance of this expedition is known by the great preparations that were made towards it. The next picture re- presents the distribution of arms and mustering of forces. The return of Rameses to Egypt, and arrival at the fortress of MAGADUL (Magdolum), when the conflict was ended, is an- other interesting picture.* His ministers come forth to meet him, and he is addressing from a throne, standing, those who have distinguished themselves in the war. The Ashtaroth- crested people are fellow-prisoners with the Philistines in this subject. The main body of captives arc next presented to the gods of Thebes. These are the rbo and the takka u'u.' Amnn- M'A thus addresses the king : " Be thy return in rejoicing ! Thou hast smitten the barbarians : Thou hast laid tliem all jn-ostrate .... slaying .... Thou hast (struck terror into the) hearts of the anakim !" Other pictures represent the rest of the prisoners; one cou- '/ Ihiil., j.l. UX. h IhuL, i>l. 124. ' llnd., \i\. 1.32, 13.'5. Magdolum is a station of tlic Antoninr itinerary, xii. m. p., nearly south of I'clusiuni. on the frontier. The site is still extant as a mound with ruins. ) Ibid., pi. 134. 1852.] The Rephaim. iQo sists of three rows of Philistines, led by a colossal portrait fij^urc of the king ; under one row is written " the chiefs of the land pulsa'ta/' under another^tlie unknown name tuinu'na. The date of the victory to which this subject refers, is uncertain. Besides these memorials, two fragments greatly mutilated, figured in ChampoUion's monuments,'' give a representation of a battle scene and capture of a city belonging to a people wear- ing the llorite costume. The list of cities captured by Rameses III., inscribed on the entrance of the great hall, as well as that of the captives of the Harem chamber, may be regarded together as an epitome of this monarch's warlike deeds, to which the names of the tribes figured in the sculptures may be added, as signalizing the most glorious among those deeds. They will be found — so far as they are recognizable — to range over every district in which the Rephaim ruled. The first list is as follows :'■ n:>'n Tizali was a Moabite city (1 Chr. xi. 45). nyny Aroer miglit be written so. Aramite city, belonging to Rephaim Edomite city, subject to Eepliaiui. TASA-TA. l)ou1)tful. KURi or LULL Doubtful. PETR*. Pethor. TIR.NA or TIL'NA. Unknown. TARBUSA. Tliarabasa. ATU*. f KARNA or 1 GALNA Kamaim'" Metropolis of Bashan. or Golan ? City of Bashan. HAIRNA. Haran. City of Padan-Aram, subject to Rephaim. LEBNU-T. C Libnali \ or Lebouah ? Southern Judea, | subject to Central Judea, ) Rephaim. CHIBUR." Plebron. Metropolis of Anakini. ATAR. Edrei (Adar-iii) '»-n« City of Bashan. i- ChampoUion's Monuments, vol. iii., pi. 227, 228. I Rosellini's copy of some among these names is not accurate. This list is taken ft-om a repetition of the subject in ChampoUion's Monuments, vol. iii., pi. 204. '« The double force of tlie Egyptian characters for gk and lr, makes it im[)ossi- ble to decide which of these two cities the group figured in the Onomasticon, col. i., fig. 2, represents. At first, I thought it might be Golan ; but the alternative of its being Ashtai-oth-karnaim has claims not to be passed over. The complete subjection to Rameses III., in which we see the people of Ashtaroth, is rather strongly in favour of the latter supposition ; the city is called simply Karnaim by Josephus, and the omission of the final dual or plural form is not unfrequent in modern names of ancient sites. We have two instances in the land of this very people, the shas'u or Zuzim : Mahanaim is now a village called Mahneli : and Betonim, Batneh. There is no other city named in the Bible that this group galna or karna will stand for, but Golan, or Karnaim. « Vide Onomasticon, col. v., fig. 29, a, b. It was necessary for the convenient grouping of the hieroglyiihic characters in this name, that tlie b and u should be together; this causes, in one transcript, tiie inversion of a radical, — chiubu — in another, the transposition of the vowel, cuikur. 36 The Bephaim. [July, Rss or Lss. < T rj Cities of Paran, Amalckites. [ or Lusa ^ AiAHA or iiHA. Unknown. The portraits of the captive chiefs arc sculptured in relievo on the basement of the Harem chamber, apparently supporting the upper wall, like Caryatides.'^ Each figure has a legend be- fore him with the name of his city or land. They are so placed, that every Asiatic alternates with a negro. The series of Asi- atics is as follows : The chief of RBO Arba, otherwise Hebron or chebur. MASHUASH ...Mnax'fs?^ SHET-TA Shittim. AM AR Amorite. T-AKUR'i .. ...Ekron. SHAiRTA'NA ...Zarthan. SHA*.* TUIRSHA Tarichaea (Josephus). (Not mentioned in the Bible. These two lists testify that Rameses III. not only captured many cities not previously conquered by his predecessors, which he added to the already existing lists of tributaries of Egypt, but that he also had the glory of numbering among his prisoners the chieftains of each of the three Rapha nations, besides several provincial rulers. When we add to this the local names in the historical in- scriptions, — Shalcm, the great metropolis of the Rapha nations, — Pelesheth, and its Amorite dependancics of Ekron, Azekah and Ai'alon, besides luttah, — we shall have before our view the full extent of territory over which the last concjueror of the Theban race swept trium|)hantly during the brief space of seven years, and from which its ancient rulers — the temahu or Rephaim, were cut oif from among the nations. Bashan became a tributary of Egypt, till its lands were conquered by Israel and its people were absorbed into the Ammonite comuHinity. Shit- tim was laid open to the Amorite spoiler, and its people sardv into the Moabite colony. Anak nominally survived the desola- tion for a brief space — but only to be expelled by Joshua, and dispersed among the surrounding Canaanites. Egypt tiually triumphed over her enemies. Her last con- Rosellini, Mon. Stnrici, pi. Ill — 11. "5. V Thin name is not found in tiic Hebrew text of Joshua's list of Judienn cities (eh. XV.) ; but it seems to have been aceidentally lost out of the text, or altereil by the misroadinR of eojiists. The .Se|itii.i[;iMt iiave the name Maaxo's, in ver. 1(1, which consists of letters represented by the ICgyptiaii group read M.vsiiUAbH. 1853.] The Rephaim. /07 queror, returning home, was able to boast before the tutelar god of his own land, that he had " laid their lands waste, and burnt their fortresses with fire ;" but she had paid dearly for her tri- umph. The memorials of victory which have been preserved are all on one side ; Egypt has not recorded her defeats. We must by no means suppose that she always had the upper hand in the warfare. The very long period over which these memo- rials are spread — three centuries at least, from the expulsion of the shepherds to their final overthrow — is a fact in itself that strongly testifies to the contrary ; that the task of uprooting the power of her enemies was a very hard task ; and that before it was accomplished, the victory had perhaps cost Egypt more than the political advantages were worth. For it was not a war of ambition against a richer and weaker state, with no osten- sible motive than the aggrandizement and wealth of the empire by the exaction of tribute. It was a deadly feud of race against race ; a bitter protracted act of national vengeance, in which sometimes the one party, sometimes the other, prevailed, — while both were equally resolved to perish before they yielded. The only two instances recorded by Egypt of some of the Kapha tribes having joined her against their own brethren, arc no genuine exceptions to this feeling. Their submission in both cases was but casual. It was a temporary sacrifice of patriotism to the expediency of the moment, extorted by the power of Egypt from the partial exhaustion of the yielding party. But as soon as the Egyptian army had withdrawn from the land, or as soon as time had healed the wound of the bleeding nation, and the act of resistance was again become barely possible, the gall- ing bond was cast off, and the forced and uncertain ally resumed his genuine character of an inveterate foe. The shas'u sur- rendered to Rameses II. without fighting, and bore arms against their Shethite kindred ; because they had suffered such severe losses in the war against his predecessor, that they felt their power of resistance unequal to the invading force. But so far were they from being true allies of Egypt, that the notices of subsequent wars recorded in the Sallier and Anastasi papyri, and dated Avithin ten years after, present the shas'u cities as sending their contingent of troops to aid the shet'ta. In like manner, under Rameses III., we see that the Philistines, located so near Egypt as to fall the first under the power of a fresh in- vading force, are ready to give way and join Egypt as soon as they see two of their inland strongholds, Azekah and Aialon, in the power of the conqueror. But this cannot be regarded as a national alliance. So evidently was their national inclination constrained, when they took up arms against their brethren of 38 The Rephaim. [J'ily> Anak with Egypt, that almost immediately after, wc see them seize on the first opportunity of casting off their compulsory renegade character, and turning against her. The alliance of the sHAS'u with Rameses II. was equally contrary to their national predilections. For the same series of pictures which exhibits them fighting against Pelesheth, also exhibits her warriors con- tending with Egypt under the Philistine banners, and includes their chieftains among the captive enemies of Egypt. Each of the three Rapha nations in its turn bore the brunt of warfare ; they all succumbed in succession — they all fell together in the last unsuccessful effort. But the children of Sheth and the children of Anak continued to the last true to their cause and to each other. Their patriotism is free from the stain which clings to the name of the Zuzim and the Philistines. No array of power — no constraint of circumstances — was ever sufficient to overbear their faithfulness to each other's cause as brethren, or to turn their hands against each other. Together they struggled — and together thev sank — side by side.? F. C. 1 As there were two noted conquerors named Rameses, who both bore the epithet of Amun-mai, "beloved of Amun," the reader who may desire to refer to the phites and works quoted in this notice might be perplexed as to the identity of the king in question, without the following explanation : — Some authors — Champollion and Rosellini, for instance — call Rameses II. the Great, Rameses III. ; and the Rameses of Medinct-Abou, his grandson, Rameses IV. There is a doubt as to whether the Great Rameses had a brother of the same name, who reigned five years before him, or whether the name attributed to him be only another cognomen of Rameses II., who changed his titles. As this question is undecided, but the Great Rameses is most generally called Rameses II. by recent authorities, I have conformed to this arrangement. Again, it is as well to guard against another possible source of confusion in the arrangement of the dynasties, by stating tiiat when Champollion and Rosellini wrote, the nineteenth dynasty of Manetho was supposed to represent the line beginning with Rameses III. of Medinet-Abou (whom they call IV.), but that lately, the most learned and judicious Egyptian scholars have seen the propriety of identifying that dynasty with the immediate successors of Rameses I., and beginning it witli Sethos or Seti-Mcnephtah I. In the Manethonian system, a change of dynasty does not im])ly a change in tlie line of hereditary succession, but a change or revolution in the slate of tilings. Tlie three shepherd invasions caused as many changes of dynasty, though Ainosis, leader of the eigliteenth, was son of the last king of the former The- ban dynasty ; though Seti-Menepbtah, leader of the nineteenth, was son of Rameses 1., last king of the eighteenth ; and Rameses III., leader of the twentieth, was son of Menc])htab, last king of the nineteenth. Tiiese three kings restored the Theban dominion, and are therefore considered heads of a dyuasly, or condition of power. (A snpplemenlart/ paper on the Costumes of the Rephaim, and their Rclitjums 6//.v tern, will appear in the iie,vt number, and conclude the Series.) PANTHEON OF THE REPHATM. DESCRIPTION OF PLATES. Plate I. Fig 1. The Shethite Ashtaroth AT'SH ; from a tablet in the Louvre. 2. The Phoenician Pataikos, or tthah. 3. Shetli as kenvu ; from a tablet in tlie British Museum. 4. Onka as Anath or anta, tlie Neith of the Anakim. 5. Dagon, the Philistine form of Oannes or aon, from a Punic coin in the British Museum. Consecrated vessels from the spoils of the Rephaim, exhibiting a selection of their most remarkable forms and symbols : — Fig. 6. Patera, with the emblem of aon, the sacred bull Mnevis. 7. Vase, with a crowned lion, emblem of the king of gods, KHEM, Chemosh-Molech or Baal-Khammon. 8. Patera, with sphinx-figure of Ashtaroth. 9. Vase, with the em- blem of Renpu. 10. Patera supported by the emblem of Anath. Plate II. Fig. 1. The Egyptian at'hor, with a cow's head and globe and horns ; counterpart of the Ashtaroth of Bashan. 2. The Egyptian SET, son of NU'TTE. 3,4. Names of suT and SUT'SH in the treaty with Rameses 11. 5. Name and figure of Baal, BARo, from inscriptions of the same period. 6. Heads of Sheth and Horus united in one body. 7. The Egyptian ank lady of the land of nth, counterpart of the Phoenician Onka. 8. Name of T'nth ank. 9. Pho- netic name of nth, with her symbol as determinative. 10. Head of Neith bearing her symbol. 11. temahu chief of the children of Anak, tahi tribe, bearing the same on his limbs. Sacred symbols : — Fig. 12. Crux-ansata, surmounted by emblems of Ashtaroth and Renpu. 13. Vase, with head of unknown bird. 14. Crux- ansata vase supported by emblem of Renpu. 15. Horn for pouring out libations to the Queen of Heaven. 16. Patera supported by the emblem of seb or Chronus, fatlierof thegods. 17. Ashtaroth-headed vase. 18. Crux- ansata without figures. ( ;^ ) 1^9 THE REPHAIM, AND THEIR CONNECTION WITH EGYPTIAN HISTORY.* CHAPTER XVI. Religious System and Pantheon of the Rephaim. In endeavourino- to brino^ under a systematic arrang'ement the few fragments of half-obliterated record that we may yet be able to render available in illustrating the religious foratis and ideas of the Rephaim, it will be best to abstain from conjectures on then* system of theoo^ony and symbolism. Whatever is conjectural is unpro- fitable to our purpose. We are not framing a theory, but seeking to recover a lost history. All details connected with the worshij) of this people, which illustrate Scripture or receive illustration from it — all those which assist in confirming their identity with the sub- jects of the Egy])tian monumental records — and all those which tend to exhibit the original connection of their system with the oldest forms of the Egyptians, and thereby to indicate the common origin of the two contending powers,— such are the points to be as prominently brought out as the limits of the materials at hand will allow. The more recondite meaning of the sacred emblems which constitute the image-gods of antiquity, and of their attributes, would only lead to speculations on a floating basis, and to con- clusions incapable of tangible demonstration. If we find substantial grounds to establish that the fundamental Osiris and Isis of the Mizraimite pantheon were also the basis of that of the Rephaim, while their secondary forms only are peculiar, an important foct will have been elicited ; and the religious monuments of Egypt will as clearly point out the beginning of that nation, as her historical monuments reveal their end. The sources from which we may gather all particulars of the worship of the Rephaim that are susceptible of recovery are : — 1. Their religious s)anbols, and the efiigies and names of their gods, on Egyptian monuments, occurring either on detached com- memorative tablets, or in historical subjects and inscriptions. 2. Proper names peculiar to the lands we have identified as their lands ; referable to and manifestly derived from the same gods. 3. Occasional allusions in the Bible to the same gods, and to the religious practices of the people. 4. Similar allusions in ancient profane writers. * Continued from the July Number of the ./. 6'. L. 12 4 TJie Rephaim. These data are of no interest, and are often unintelligible, when viewed separately. They are all complementary to one another. It is only by bringing the facts obtained from one source to bear upon those gathered from another, comparing those that are analogous, and reuniting those that are obviously connected in their orioin, that we can obtain a w^hole sufficiently complete to be accepted in illustration of history. Certain votive tablets are occasionally found in Eg}^t, chiefly in tombs, bearing' figures and names of gods different from those of the Egyptian pantheon, and obviously of foreign origni, but oi Egyptian workmanship, as, for instance, the tablet of Kaha in the British Museum. The gi'eat number of noble captives brought to Egypt during the Theban wars will account for the occurrence of those monuments. Such captives were not always prisoners taken in battle ; these, after being dragged in triumph, chained together and handcuffed, behind the conqueror's car, were presented to the Theban gods, and then consigned to the task-master, to expiate, by a degrading servitude, the crime of having lifted their hand against the majesty of Pharaoii. Instances occur, however, when the chiefs of the invaded lands offered no resistance, but disarmed the conqueror's wrath by offering themselves up voluntarily, ' to be presented in their captivity to Anmn-Ra,' like the Ekronites and Philistines to Rameses 111. Such captives were of course very differently treated. Their forts were indeed laid low, and their cities subjei'ted to tribute ; the proffered submission of the chiefs to the form of following the royal train and appearing before ihe gods of Thebes, was accepted, and the ceremony fulfilled, but inider circumstances of great leniency, and invohing no personal discom- fort or degradation. \Vhcn they reached Egypt, they were honour- ably treated ; the ])arallel cases of Daniel, Ilaman and Mordecai, and Nt^hemiah, in the Jewish captivity, even show that it was not unusual for such strangers to be invested with offices of distinction in the royal service. And this service did not neces- sarily entail any interference with the private devotion of these exiles. As the lu'i)li;iim were the object of the whole long series o Egyptian wars, we might have expected, h priori, to find their gods occiq)ying a conspicuous j)lace among these mysterious me- morials of an unknown worshij) found in Egypt. ^\ e will give a separate account of ;ill tlH)S(> wliicM can be thus recognized by their names. As'i'K'TA, Axfarfc, or Ax/ifarnf/i. The tiihlet- in tbe Eouvre and Hritish Mus(Mnn, representing this goddi'.-5> iiml.T tbe secondary names and attributes of at-sii The llq.hahn, -^JJJ and KEN, are the most ancient (U^Hneations of her extant in the world : they helong to the period of llauieses 1 1 . They are only proviiieial forms of Ashtaroth ; and, even at that early a;oe^ they exhihit a marked departure from her primeval type, in depicting her with a human countenance ; for the original Astarte, tlu; ' two-horned Ashtaroth' of the Rephaim, was fifjured with the head of a cow, with a ;jlohe hetween her honis. In this form, we Hud her jtjraven image among the effigies of various gods surmounting the gold and silver vessels consecrated to their worship, which the Egyptian conquerors, according to custom, carried away from the sanctuaries of the Rephaim with other spoils, and pre- sented to the tem])le-gods of Thebes. Sanchoniatho assigns as the reason for her being delineated undc r this form, that it was em- blematical of her supremacy." Sacred symbols are the written language of ancient religions, which invest its forms of outward expression with a permanent character, both in virtue of their consecration to ritual uses in the sanctuary, as exponents of the abstract ideas they were framed to embody ; and also, through a commendable veneration on the part of later generations, for the ancestral teachers who first instructed them through the medium of such emblems. Accordingly, when we find the Ashtaroth of the Shethite tribes bearing, on private memorials, attributes different from those con- secrated in their sanctuaries, we cannot but ascribe to the latter representations priority in antiquity over the former. We under- stand the variations presented in the more recent forms as inten- tional departures from the primitive type, introduced either from a desire to give more explicitness to the attributes they symbolize, or in order to superadd, either by appropriate emblems, or by a different descriptive name, the notion of new attributes ascribed to the divinity they represent. To the same cause, also, we may easily trace that progressive departure from their prototype, which is rendered so evident in the Egyptian gods by the manner in which one divinity is found gradually sliding into another, dropping first its own attributes, and then its name, till its original character is completely superseded. This sort of gradation is exemplified in a very interesting manner by the history of Ashtaroth, whose trans- formations, by the gradual development of one fundamental idea into a connected series of typical forms, may be systematically traced to their respective periods in their respective lands, through- " Cory, Ancient Fragments. Ex. Eusebius, Frap. Ev., 1. 1, c. U). For the ideutity of tlie cow-headed type tliroughout the nation, compare, in Rosellini's Mon. Storici, the spoils of the shas'u, or Chief Rephaim, pi. .52; those of the Anakini of tahi, pi. 56; those of the Emim, or shetta, pi. 59; aud those of the Elathites, or lt'n, pi. 48. (i The liephaitn. out the wide iifcoarrapliical range over which the inilueiice of her peculiar people extended, not only in the days of their dominion, but even of their di;?persion. We found the normal type of Ashtaroth to be, a cow-headed female figure bearing a globe betiveen her horns. Its design is immediately brought under our view, in the Egyptian representa- tions of the spoils taken from the Kapha nation ; for these are undoubtedly matter of fact copies from the original sacred utensils themselves. Nothing, therefore, can be more satisfactorily authen- ticated than the genuineness of this type. The sacredness of the type, and its consequent antiquity, are thereby attested ; and also its unioersalitg, by its identity in the sanctuaries of the whole nation. A corresponding testimony to its universality at a later period, and to its being of old the time-honoured form under which the worship of the goddess had been introduced into the land of Canaan, is further afforded by the allusion to her in the book of Tobit (i. 5) as TY) BxexX rri ^z/xxXti, Baal the heifer, to whom all the tribes of Israel who had apostatized offered sacrifices ; and, finally, shnilar representations of her, on Phoenician coins of a much later date, testify to its persistency. From all this, it appears that the na- tional goddess of the Kapha race — the patroness of their first settlement, and especially (by name) of its metro] )olis, .\shtaroth- karnann, or the two-horned — was, in the origin, no other than the particular form of the Mizraimite Isis known in the Egyptian })antheon as Athor, ' the abode ' (or mother) of Ilorus.'' The most ancient re])r(>sentations of Athor are those with a cow's head, enclosing the disk between its horns, precisely like the emblem among the spoils of the Kephaim. She was also represented with a human head bearing the horns and disk : in this resembling the Shethite Astarte, Atesh. Isis herself, in her own name, is often found bearing the emblem of Athor, either with or without tlu^ cow's head. Of the very few things certain in Egyptian mythology, none are more so than the sameness of these two imjx'rsonations. So obvious a derivation of Ashtaroth from Isis in the form of Athor is then^fore an incident of great importance, as pointing out a period, however remote in the world's history, when the religious syst(Mns of tlie Kephaim and of the Egvj)tians met in one ; before those changes had been wrougiit in either system by the several f(ir(>it;ii iiitlu(Mices whicii superimposed astronomical associations and animal-worsliip on the Egyptian system ; and \\ lildi degraded the simple cosmogonic idea •> I'liilarch fjivcs tliis as tlic signification of lu-r nanu- { />« Is. s. .'iC>), wliicli its hicr()jj;iyi)li explains : a liawk (enil). of Ilorus) tvit/iin a s(|nart', oinh. of a liousc or abode, iiT or ki t; wIrmici- iit-hok, or ki'Tiior, llic aliodi'. vcccptatk', of Horns. (Vidf Wilkinson. Atic. lyinpliiins, vol. iv. p. .iS".) The Jicphaim. -7 Jjj embodied in Atlior by attributes mid rites of unspeakable de})ravity in the other. Ill the absenci; of any e(jually ancient full-length representation of the primitive Ashtaroth of Baslian, we must remain content to accept the well-known figure of the cow-headed Athor as the nearest approach to her emblem ; since we have at least a satis- factory verification of its authenticity, both in the effigies of Astarte which occur on the sj)oils of the siias'U people identified by so many tokens with the Zuzim of Scripture, and in the recurrence of the same emblem on their helmets, as a religious and national token.*^ We are more fortunate in possessing the contemporaneous image of the very astr-ta, goddess of the shet'ta, who is men- tioned with snTii, or suth-sh, as ratifying the treaty between that people and Ranieses II. It is the middle figure of the triad sculptured in relief on the upper part of the tablet of Kaha. The Shethite tribe, whose tutelar goddess she was, bore her name, ken }*p, as the senior and metropolitan tribe bore that of their tutelar god Sheth, r\'^, or suth. The proper name of this goddess is equivalent to a Hebrew translation of the Egyptian component ht or ait, in the Mizraimite proper name Athor, the abode, receptacle, container, of life, pp is derived from }p, a primary root which, under the forms njp and pp, covers all the compound acceptations of our simple verb to hold, viz., obtain, contain, retain. The power of the play of words on this proper name, in Balaam's denunciation, is rendered doubly impressive by its evident allusion to the patron goddess and city of the nation : — Thou settest j;^S?3i!" J^ ^\]^^^' "^n^^J "«^^ • (in S»ela, 1 etia (thy ken, Nevertheless, Ken shall be devoured ! As patroness of a junior tribe. Ken has not the horns and globe worn by Atesh. Moreover, her signature by proxy, in the treaty, exhibits her punctilious regard for the etiquette of precedence, by coming after the suth or sutii'Sii of the senior tribe. Her hair is dressed like that of the statues of Athor ; but she is naked. She stands on a lion, holding in her left hand two serpents tied together, and in her right, a circle formed by the curved stems of a lotus-flower and two buds, which she presents to her consort, Khem, or Chemosh. '■ Four plates, illustrating the consecrated symbols and the costumes of the Rephaini, will appear in the next number of this journal, with the concluding part of the present series. The reader will be referred to these plates for figures of all the gods described in this chapter. 8 The Rephaim. All these emblems are so different from the primeval type of Athor, that we would not have recognized her relation to that goddess without the connecting link aiforded by the additional globe and horns of her counterpart at-sh in the LomTe tablet. This evidence, however, is decisive ; were it less so, it would he confirmed by the name of the goddess. The title of Ashtaroth on the Louvre tablet is ' atsh, goddess, lady of heaven, queen of gods.' This legend explains her title, ' the- queen of heaven,' in Sacred Writ, and the epithet Urania, or Aphrodite-Urania, by which the Greek writers distinguish her from their own Aphrodite. Her territorial appellation, as Ken, makes her out especially as the Urania called Alilat and Alitta by the Arabians ; and as the Babylonian jNIylitta, whose worship was introduced into Chaldea by the Arabians and Assyrians.'^ Some sculptured figures of gods, found at Khorsabad, and given in Mr. Layard's great work on Nineveh, very distinctly establish the derivation of the Assyrian Astarte from the Shethite at-sh and KEN. In one of these subjects, she sits on a throne, holding the mystic circle. Like at'sh, she has two boras. She wears the Assyrian costume and crown, surmounted by a round ornament, equivalent to the globe. Another form of the goddess is more like AT"SH and KEN ; she stands on a lion, holding the circle, and also has two horns, and a star within the disk on the crown of her cap. These representations are much more recent than the Egyptian tablet that gives us her prototype. Ken. The account given by Herodotus of the profane customs by whicli the Babylonian Mylitta was honoured, loses much of its incredible character, when, even at so early a period as the resi- dence of Israel in Shittim (Num. xxv.), we can already trace ana- logous, customs prevailing in a land under the ])articular tutelage of the same goddess Astarta, who, under the secondary forms of Atesh, Ken, Alilat, or Alitta, was protectri'ss of the four Shethite provinces, Shittim, Ken, Amalek, and Elath. The catastrophe of tbe Midianite war proves that the people so called were deemed the principal agents in working out the scheme of corruption suggested by Balaam. The daughters of Moab were only j)ut forward on tbe occasion as the tools of a ])olitical movement. I'roiu their kindred origin, and the brotherly feeling the Moabite trib(! bad nianife.^ted towards Israel on their pass'ige tbrough Ar,* tliey were judged more likely to succeed in aihn-iug the children of Israel to break down the bar of religious s(>p;ir;ition that kept them aloof" from the indig(mous pojmlation. It may hv. deemed no small addition to the ;niti(|uarian value of «" Herodotus, Clio, 131. " Deut. ii. 29. The Bephaim. '^ US' our Museum-tablet, that the ' coincidence, must g'ive way before the actual admission by Josephus — already referred to — that the idolatrous Midianites were the people one of whose five kin<2^s, Rekem, was the king of the city of Arekem, afterwards called Petra ; when, on the other hand, we had already ascertained, from Scriptural references, that this very city, Petra or Arekem, was the stronghold of the Kenites, and that the Kenites themselves were subjects of the ruler of the metropolitan province, Heshbon in Shittim. The degraded attributes of the southern Astarte, combined with the fact well known to antiquity that Athor was her ])rimai'y form, may explain the selection of their A})hrodite by the Greeks, as the conventional synonym for the Egyptian Athor, although these two impersonations have not a discernible attribute in conmion. Some connection is indeed traceable between those of Astarte and the Grecian Aphrodite ; even though the latter has been veiled under a garb of imaginative grace and poetic beauty totally alien to the primitive framers of her Eastern prototype. We have no direct proof in Scripture that the more corrupted worslii]) of Ashtaroth had gained a footing among the llephaim beyond the domains of the Shethite tribes ; unless the local names of Kinah and Ken in southern Judea (Josh. xv. 22, 57), and Kenath in Bashan (Num. xxxii. 42), are to be taken as indications that she had some votaries in those quarters. The very little we know of the primary Phoenician Astarte rather shows that, while her original form of Athor was never materially changed, the inci- dents of her mythical history draw her still nearer to the primeval source, by their close approximation to those of the bereaved Isis ^ Our common version of Amos v. 26, 27, gives the noun J-l*? Chiiin, as if it were a proper name ; and from the resemblance of this to the name of Ken, it has been conjectured that Ken was the Midianite goddess alluded to. It is rather curious that a conjecture founded on an etymological error should turn out trae in the fact; for Ken is the Midianite goddess, but on other grounds. Even if }-1*? were here a proper name, it would not apply to this goddess, whose name is written with different letters; neither would it suit her as an epithet, 'the burning object,' the incandescent, implied by its root, HIS, to burn = /cai-co (see Isa. iii. 24; Exod. xxi. 25). The applica'iou of this epithet will be shewn in its place; here, I will only remark that the Scriptural name corresponding to the monumental kn, pp, which gives its etymology, and the land and history of the goddess, is written with a p, and the final } is radical ; whereas in the epithet Chiun the initial is D, and the \^ final is a formative. 10 The Rephaim. of Mizraim mourning the untimely death of her lord. Indeed the Greek fable of Venus and Adonis was so evidently derived from the Phoenician version of the Isidian myth, that it has retained the title of the god |nx, Adon, tlie Ruler, as a proper name, though his original relation of husband is changed to that of a lover. The proto-Phoenician Osiris in this peculiar character bore the name of Thamus ; and according to Gesenius, the mournful rites by which his supposed decease was celebrated are alluded to by Ezekiel : ' lie brought me to the entrance of the northern gate of the Lord's house ; and lo ! there sat the women weeping for Thammuz ' (viii. 14). The reference in Ps. cvi. 28, to the backslidings of Israel in Shittim, apparently relates to the same subject : — ' Tliey became united to Baal-Peor, And ate the sacrifices of tlie dead,' inasmuch as the Syi'ian Belphegor, the local Baal of Peor in Shittim, exhibits many attributes of Osiris in the Plutonic character the latter assumes after his death." However slight such passing allusions may appear, they assume a deej) significance, considered in connection with the Mizraimite origin of the goddess to whose mythical story the allusions apply ; and with the local character of the fabulous beings themselves, who figure in it as home-gods, not as importations ; as absolutely identified by their names with the oldest and chief settlements of the land in which they appear as subjects of the allusions. But this argument must be reserved as a separate topic, to be resumed when the whole of the pantheon has been disposed of. Then only can its force be appreciated. KheiM. Chemosh. Khammon. Chemosh next claims our attention, as he is not the special patron of one tribe of Rephaini, l)ut the great god of the whole nation. Tlu; Scri])tural references to his name re])resent him as the l)is])enser of Good, both to the Annnonites in virtue of their incorporation with the residue of the Zuzim, and to the Moabites amalgamated with the small renmant of the Shethite tribe. Tlie character and attributes assigned to this god may l)e seen by tlie tablet of Kaha, in wiiich he a.])pears as the consort of Astart(!-Ken. 'I'liey in no wise diifer from those of the Kgyj)tian Khcm of the Mizraimite ])anthe()n, whose name was afterwards changed to Anmn-Bn. A little allowance nmst of course be madt^ for somi^ maimerisms in the treatment of the costume, which is wholly Fygy|»tian ; ascril/niir them to the conventional rules imposed by custom upon tlie artists who executed these subjects. But K Seidell, Siir. S;/iUag. i. c. 5, The lUphaim. 1 1 7 characteristic attributes cannot l)c broiiijlit within the pale of such allowance. 'I'hose of the <^()(l s conijjanions. Ken and Renj)u, are so ww-E^y])tian, that the scul])tor's total departure from the formulae prescribed in K^ypt strontifly ar-, vol. iv. p. 243. 12 The Rephahn. is over the erasure, and ra is unaltered. The suffix ra, the sun, is the addition pecuhar to the Egyptian system, in which cosnio- gonic and astronomical elements are blended in one impersonation, a mixture totally unknown to the Kapha pantheon. We find among them nothing but the Mizraimite forms of the cosmogonic ideas. Their Khem-osh is like the Egyptian Khem, the primeval Osiris, as the Universal Parent of all created nature, manifested in the generati^'e power by which the existence of the animate and inanimate is continued. It is an extension of the creative idea embodied in the primary ptah (nns) of the Mizraimite system, he who causes the opening or entering-in of existence, the active principle of original creation, who was therefore regarded in the proto-Phcenician mythology as the Father of all the other Cabiric theophanies. In the old Eg)^ptian j)antheon, Khem was the consort of Maut, the mother. In the tablet of Kaha, Chemosh appears in an ana- logous relation to Isis-Athor in the character of Ken, the dwelling or receptacle of the power typified by the god. Their offspring, RNPU, forms the third member of this very remarkable group, remarkable from its being obviously composed on the genuine Mizraimite principle of the Egyptian local triads, in which the third or junior member embodies the development of the agency typified by the other two ; the combination of two harmonious princijjles producing an effect ; the active and passive agencies of nature guided by a Su])reme Intelligence, and their result. In the proper name of Khem wc; cannot fail to recognize the Ham (on) of sacred tradition, progenitor of the Mizraimite race. Wherefore, this venerated ancestral name may have been jnu'posely selected by his descendants, to distinguish the particular imper- sonation of (livin(> power represented l)y that god, — O.siris, consi- sidered as dis])enser of existence to all animated nature. Not that they w<)rshi])])ed their ancestor under tiie name or form of a god, but rather a sensible manifestation of diviric power rendered intel- ligible by an emblematical representation, upon which, for distinc- tion's sake, they conferred the name of their ancestor. Chemosh is (loubtless a form, or the proper name of ^VlK), Molech, he who reig-ns, ' the kin;/.' I lis Egyptian correspondent, or rather substitute, Anmn, or Amun-Ka, is generally entitled ' the king of the gods.' 'J"'his identification of the god by his attributes apj)ears to explain the origin of tiie custom so often alluded to in Scripture, of ' passing children through a fire unto Molech.' It was origi- nally a symbolical rite by wliich the peo]»le who owned him as their 'king of gods' soleunily dedicated theii- ()ll>j)ring to the giver of increase, in grateful acknowledgment of the gilt. The offering of cakes and incense to the ' (pieen of heaven" (.ler. xliv. 17), The Rephaim. 1 1^ Ashtaroth, f'einiiiiue })rinciplo of the same divine power, appears jofroundcd on the t^aiiie idea that the fruits of the earth, in E^pt, were offered to Khem, these two deities being regarded as joint givers of the earth's increase. Accordingly, the Jews in I'^gypt attribute the scarcity they complain of in their exile, to having left off their propitiatory offerings to the feminine giver of abundance, worshipj)(>d by their apostate fathers, kings and princes, in the cities of Judah, and in the streets of Jerusalem. The spoils of the Rephaim (vide the plates referred to in note ") present us with the very pattern of the vessels used in pouring out these libations. From their shape, they were evidently made of a cow's horn, emblem of the goddess ; and the tij) is finished with her head, in a human form. She wears a crown of lotus flowers and buds, and a long curl hanging down the side of her face. The offering was })oured out from the broad end of the horn. The figure of Khem generally has an altar beside it, bearing the offerings of fruit and corn claimed by that god. There are strong grounds for believing that groups of Khem and Ashtaroth, similar to our tablet, are implied by the obscure references in Isaiah (xvii. 8 ; xxvii. 9) to D''3^nn, the Khammanim, and Dny'xn, the Asherim, which occur together, and are rendered in our common translation images and groves. The names of Baal and Asherah are found similarly connected (Judg. iii. 7 ; and 2 Kings xxiii. 4). Gesenius has established that in such instances ' the Asherah ' (nnEJ'Nl) is not a grove, as it is commonly translated, but the proper name of a goddess, a synonym of Astarte.'^ In Hebrew it has a meaning, ' the giver of prosperity,' and was pro- bably her Canaanite name ; it is easily recognized in another well-known synonym of that goddess (Hellenice), Beltishera, i. e. Baalath-Asherah, or Asherah, consort of Baal ; the very name thus associated with Asherah in the Bible. ]jDn Khamm, is found compounded with the epithet Baal, in the following interesting Punic inscription on a votive tablet found by Chevalier Scheel near the site of ancient C-arthage, and deposited in the museum of (Copenhagen : — ya71 • n^n"? • nn-lb ' To tlie Great One, to Tljanath (thnth) im-'^yn^pN b-^ and to the Lord of all lords, to Baal- "lp7?3 lay ■ "n^t^'N Hamon (khmn) devotes himself, the ^Ona • p • ^DIL'-n • n servant of Melkarth, Hashoti, son of wn • p ■ n-lp ^ Bar-Mel karth, son of Hana.' * ^ Vide particularly 1 Kings xv. 23 : groves cannot well be said to be Iniilt under a high tree. Also 2 Kings xxi. 7, where the qualifying term ^DQ decidedly implies an object hewn in stuue, which cannot apply to a (/rove, but may mean a statue or a relievo figure of the Asherah. 14 The Bephaim. Tliis form, khm'X, is obviously the (^anaanite augmentative of Khem ; and Bal-Khm-n is the name and title corresponding to the Molech-Khem'sh of the unknown dialect of the Rephaim, and to the ' Amun-Ra, king of gods,' of the Thebaid ; consequently, the same god is meant, whether the compound be used, or either of its separate constituents ; Baal or Molech, the epithets ; or Kham*n, Khem'ush, or Khem, the specific name. From the distinction suggested by 1 Kings xi. 7, we may perhaps infer that the royal tribe of the Rephaim, territorial predecessors of the Ammonites, had preferably called him by the epithet Molech, the royal god ; while the southern branch, represented by the Moabites, had re- tained the proper name of the same deity. A lion's head, crowned, appears to have been the emblem of the ' king of gods ' on the consecrated utensils of his sanctuary. This form occurs on an urn among the spoils of the shas-u of the Upper MNA region, or Rephaim of Jerusalem. There is a similar urn, with the lion's head uncrowned, among the spoils of the tahi (iVnakim), and of the shet'Ta (Emim). In the latter, the lion is placed between two geese. This may be an intimation of the god's parentage ; as a goose is the hieroglyphic figure em])loyed to write ideagraphically the name of Seb, father of Osiris and Sheth.'" A lotus-crowned patera, supported by two geese, occurs among the TAHi symbols ; and the same bird surmounts an urn belonging to the SHET'TA : so that the goose is evidently a sacred symbol com- mon to the Rapha nations. SuTH, SuTirsii, or iSheth. In the historical notice of the children of Sheth, I partly anti- cipated on the account of their tutelar god ; especially on his unquestionable Egyptian character and pedigree, granted by tlie Egyptians themselves. lie was the third son of Seb and Netpe ; and conseciueiitly, brother of Osiris, Ilaro^ris or Ilorus the elder, Isis, and Nephthys ; patron gods, with Sheth, of the five days over the year. On Egyj)tian monuments, he is represented under several names, as a figure with the head of a fabulous long-snouted animal whose ears are square at the top. One of these gives the phonetic name ST. When he bears the nan)e of ijako — Baal — he has the same liead on an e(iually ima<,nnary animal's body, sitting like a dog, with an uyright tufted tail. Sir Gardner W^ilkinson gives a copy of a most interesting seal in the ])ossession of (Jlievalier Kestner, in which the figure with tlie characteristic s(juare ears and pointed snout stands for the third "> Wilkinson, A/ic. Egyp., vol. iv, p. .311, pi. 31, fig. 1. The llephaim. t5 IZl name of the five patrons of tlie epact ; and this third day was the day dedicated to Sheth. lie also refers to the occurrence of the same 4ve names with those of the parent gods, Seb and Netpe, on the wooden cubits found at Memphis." The same figure forms the name of the king whom Manetho calls Setlios ; it also deter- mines the god's name, when written phonetically st, and the cor- responding form suTii or suTirsii of the god who signs the treaty witli Rameses II. on behalf of his children. It therefore appears that Plutarch was correct in giving Seth as the name of the brother of Osiris whom the Greeks called Typhon ; and the appro- priation of that proper name to the square-eared god is verified beyond a doubt. Sheth is represented on the sculptures of Rameses II. with the title of NUB'TT, with Horus, putting the double crown on the king's head,° and in another subject, pouring life and power upon him ; at Karnak, he is pictured teaching Thothmes III. the use of the bow. Several variants of the square-eared god's figure are given in Burton's Excerpta (pi. 37) ; but all these subjects are purely Egyptian. If the form and emblems under which the Shethite Rephaim represented their tutelar genius under his proper name differed in any essential point, they must remain unknown. The metaphysical functions of Sheth among his mythical brethren may be deduced with certainty from what is well known of theirs, by their attributes on Egyptian monuments. Osiris was the Divine Agency dispensing good to man ; Horus and Sheth protected him from evil ; the former, by watching over him ; the latter, by enduing him with the power to withstand it.'' Seth may be re- garded as a personification of the Divine Helper. I own I cannot assent to the prevalent opinion that this impersonation was pri- marily meant to embody an evil power or being, under any quali- fication of terms. He who assists Horus in crowning the king — he who with Horus sheds life and power upon him — he who teaches him Jioiv to use his iveapons against his enemies, a most significant suggestion — he who is called ' Suth-esh the son of Netpe, the great disturber Baal who smites his enemies,^ and to whom Egyp- tian hierogrammatists are proud to compare their royal heroes in their character of avengers of their land by the destruction of its foes, — surely Ae cannot, at that time, have been regarded as an evil being, in any sense ! Such an idea appears to involve an " Wilkinson, Anc. Egyp., vol. iv. p. 415, and pi. 38, part 2, where his name was given Ombo, the force of the characters which compose it being then considered doubtful. " Ibid., vol. V. pi. 78, and iv. pi. 39. V Plutarch thus gives the etymology of the Egyptian name : ' 2rj0 (ppiC^i /jAv rb KaraSvi/acTTevov koi KUTafiia^ofievov,^ what exercises power over . . . and overpowers or restrains by force. 16 The Rephaim. absolute imersion of his attributes. So far from representing the abstract Power of Evil acting in opposition to Good, even to produce good, he seems, both by his primary name and secondary forms, to embody that Good Agency that encourages and empowers frail humanity to act in opposition to evil, under whatever form it may present itself. This view of his character explains his constant association with his brother Horus, who embodied the Divine Guardian, the Superintending Providence.'' In the picture of the young Thothmes III. learning the use of his weapons, the king holds the bow and arrows, but Sheth teaches him — he guides his hands : the king darts the javelin into a target, but Horus loves him, for the god's arms are most affectionately — though rather awkwardly — entwined round the neck of his youthful charge. Indeed the functions of the two forms assumed by the protecting power are so nearly allied, that in one very curious representation of Sheth they are found united in a double-headed body, the square-eared Sheth looking one way, and the hawk-faced Horus the other. It is not until a much later epoch than that of the above designs that Sheth, under his own name, became unpopular in Egj'jit. The change of feeling towards him was gradually wrought out by circumstances. As tutelar god of the fiercest enemies the Egyp- tians ever had to encounter, he first came to be regarded from a political point of \iew as the foe of Osiris their benefactor, and of Horus their protector ; his more abstract character being partially lost sight of. Popular legends now took up this view ; the heroic compositions of a secondary age adapted the political similitude to the primeval religious mystery ; and so, by grafting one myth on another, transmitted his name to future generations as the betrayer and murderer of his brother Osiris the good. Thus, little by little, the national mind became so familiarized with the tangible idea of his antagonism to Osiris, that this character ended in super- seding the metaphysical conception of which Sheth had ori- ginally been the type. The Beneficent Antagonist of evil actually ended in becoming so obnoxious to popular prejudice as the Malevolent Antagonist of good, that his very figure became an object of aversion, and every opportunity was sought of erasing or defficing it on the sacred edifices its presence was thought to ])rof;ine. The re])resentations of Sheth under the title of nub-tet are important, as intimating that he and the Egyj)tian tet (Thoth) are *• The well known wimjed-ulolte emblem is one of the secondary forms of Horus ; HOR-HT, or iiT, Ihr xlirlter. Ilcncc Kgypt is described as ' the land of the over- sliiidowinf? wiriffs,' 1). xviii. 1. The 'shadow of thy wings* is a frequent metaphor iu poetic Scripture For tlie providential care of .Jehovah. The Rephaim. \Z3 only considered as Vcarious forms of the same emblematical beinf]^/ TET the teacher in general, nub'Tet or Nebo-Thotli, the lord- teacher in particular. So that the Egyptian factotum, Thoth, is merely one among several secondary manifestations of the })rime exemplar Sheth, brother of Osiris, helper of man, viz., his helper in understanding. According to Sanchoniatho, the Phoenicians professed to have been instructed in letters and all useful things by one called Thautus, just like the Egyptians by their Thoth. And this derivation of Thoth from Sheth seems to illustrate the ancient tradition of the ' pillars of Seth,' on which the elements of their learning were inscribed and preserved. The identity of Thoth with Sheth in a special character is admitted by the Egyptians themselves. One of the names of Sheth given by Plutarch, is smu ; whereupon, in his chapter on Sheth, Chev. Bunsen remarks, ' it reminds us of Thoth's title Lord of Eshmunein, derived from Shnmn, the eighth. In a passage of the Book of the Dead noticed to us by Birch, we read " Tet, otherivise jSet." This intimates that Thoth inherited many of the attributes of Seth.' And in his chapter on Thoth, the same distinguished author observes on the titles of Thoth, ' Lord of Shmun — Ilermo- polis — literally, lord of the Eiglith region ; this reminds us of the well known Cabir Esmun of PhcBnicia and Samothrace.' (P. 427 and 393.) To these suggestions, I will only add ; put them toge- ther, and they confirm each other. Smu, given by Plutarch as a title of Seth, is simply Eshmun, a little mangled by the Greek interpreter ; the Phojnician iiDtl'N, derived from pn"', eight ; for the title of Thoth in his legends, Lord of shmun-nu, is written with eight strokes ; which proves both the orthography and the etymology of the name : ' Lord of the region of Eshmun, ' or ' the Eighth ;' and in so doing, establishes the Phoenician character of the original possessor and patronjTn of the region appropriated to Thoth. This region is still called Oshmounein : the Greeks called it Hermopolis, the city of Hermes, because they identified their 'Ep;u,r)S, the Interpreter, with Thoth, ' otherwise Sheth,' though they derived him from the Pelasgic or Proto-Phoenician Cabir Eshmun * the eighth,' who is smu the synonym of Sheth. The conclusion arising out of these considerations, is therefore clearly this : ' The ancient Egyptian radical tt is exactly equivalent in all its derivations to those of the Hebrew "121 and the Greek Key, ' to say,' or speak, whence Koyos. The Egyptian Greeks, therefore, made out Thoth to l)e Hermes, 'the interpreter.' The Egyptian form of nub'TT consists of the gold bowl (syllabically read nub in the title of Amenemha U. on the tablets of Abydos and Karnakl, n, and the complementary leg, b, followed by the name of Thoth phonetically written, t and the s. of duplication rr XT. The gold vessel seems to have been chosen for its sound rather than the common vessel neb, because of its greater resemblance to nbd, 133 ; but the radical sense of the epithet remains the same, ' lord-teacher.' C 18 Tlie liephaim. Shetli or sum is tlie ])roper name, the c?iaracfer-7iame, and represents the primary form of the di\ine impersonation it denotes ; while the other character-names are quaUfications of that primary, and therefore secondaries to it. Sheth, which means ' what exercises power over . . . and over- powers,' is that emanation of the Primeval Osiris, the overcomer of Evil, which is the Helper. Hence he is mythically regarded as brother to the same Osiris, considered in a more exclusive light as the Giver, whether of life or of all other good things. And under that, his })rimitive and })roper name, we find Sheth established in a territorial character also, as the tutelar god of the Emim, and patronym of their land and tribe, Shittim or Shet'TA'N, the ' land of Shet.' Baal or ' Baro, who smites his enemies,' is a title applied to him as Helper of the nation : whether in Egypt or in Pho^nicia. Thoth or tt, the speaker and teacher, or interpreter, is the Helper in Wisdom, and likewise a character common to Egypt and Phoenicia. Nebo-Thoth, or xub-tt, is a more exclusive form of the same, peculiar to Egypt, the imparter of knowledge and power to kings. Eshmun, Shmun or S3iu, the Eighth, is simply his ordinal desig- nation in the primeval Cabiric scheme ; for originally, according to Herodotus, the Cabiri had no names. It is under the latter designation that Shetli was revered by the Canaanites, his proper name being regarded as the ])rivilege and heritage of his children. In this way, the synonym Eshnmn became known to the garbled traditions of the post-Phoenician period, ascribed to Sanchoniatho by his copyists ; but this period only begins with the Hebrew conquest. The name Eshnmn occurs on Punic inscriptions ; an ancient tombstone discovered near the site of ancient Carthage ])resents it as the name of a deity patronym of a man. Grave of Hobas, servant of Hava, son of Abd-Eslnnun.' The scriptural form corresponding to nub 133, Nebo, is found as a local name in the domains of the children of Slicth. Mount Nebo was the most elevated part of the Abarim or Moabite moun- tains, in whi(-h that tribe jiastured their fiocks. Its being charac- terized as the suunnit of the high-huid, niipSin L''N"i, suggests the mo.st i)r()bal)l(t situation of the height called Mount Nebo, as the watershed whicli scjjarates tiic vaHey of the Zurka from that of the Anion, and where the latter and its tril)utaries take their rise. • Fallic, ('artfiuf/r. Hava, Life, is a sj'iuinym of Astaitu. The Rephaim. 1%^ From this hii2^1i t(pav. These translators, residing in Eg)'pt at a period when its hieroglyphic writing and mythological system were known mat- ters of every-day teaching, appear to have availed themselves of the knowledge that the tutelar god Sheth of the Midianite region was siTTH'SJi or Sothis, patronymic of the brilliant dog-star," and that Renpu or Remphan was particularly his local character in Ken, to point out the ultimate application of the vague epithet I"!'?, ' the Incandescent,' to the god it meant, by substituting Ms name, and thus rendering it perfectly clear tclio was the ' ster-god ' in the explanatory verse that follows. ' The isat'iifices, and tlie offering, Did y Ank. Anak, Onka. Onka is well known to antiquity as a great Phoenician goddess. Pausanias regards her as the Athene of Thebes in Bceotia, where, like the Egyptian prototy])e of Athene, neitii, she was worshipped in a temple without a roof ; and her establishment there is quite in harmony with the tradition that ascribes the foundation of Thebes to Cadmus the Phoenician. From what we have seen of the children of Anak, it is manifest that she was the tutelar genius and patronymic of their nation, which by its name D''p3j;, Onkites, justly claims to be the original people from whom the appellation Phrenicians was derived, though we find it applied in after-times to a diffi^rent people. The costume of the gods is generally borrowed from that of the people. I have already had occasion to notice the identity of the head attire of the Philistians, and that of the Egyptian goddess ank ;' the resemblance is not only in the circular crown of upright feathers which crests the cap, but in the form of the cap itself.'- This indi- cates a particular locality — Southern Palestine — as the original seat of a divine impersonation, which we nevertheless find extend- ing at the earliest period of Egyptian history to beyond the cataracts of the Nile ; since ank is found there as a member of the northern Ethiopian triad. She was honoured as a contemplar deity throughout all Egypt, though we must go out of Egypt to find her territorial and primary seat. The only Egyptian goddess ^ See note * for references. ^ Compare the goddess ank nursing the king, Rosel., Moii. Stor., pi. Cr2, s. 4, ■with the battle-scene (127 and 131^ of Medinet Abou, and the figure of ank in Wilkinson's Anc. Eyyp., vol. v. pi. ts, part 2. 22 The Rephaim. besides ank, wlio wears the same head-dress, is pe or tpe, the personification of the celestial firmament on monmneiits of the remotest antiquity. On an inscription of the Ptolemaic period, in the island of Sehayl, immediately helow the first cataract, the Greek form of her name is given as ' 'Avoyxri, called also Earia.'* As the Grecian Aphrodite, in her attributes, was connected with the Athor of the Rephaim, though she had nothing in common with that of the Egyptians— so we shall find the Grecian Hestia (Vesta) connected in hers only ^ith the axk of the Rephaim, ha\ing nothing in common with the P^gyptian goddess. Sir Gardner Wilkinson gives a copy of a triad in the temjsle of Denderah, composed of isis, Horus, and Nephthys, in which the latter is styled 'neb'TEI, the Saviour-sister, ank.' '' Here, the Egyptians themselves, in an orthodox temple-representation, admit that the mythical Neph- thys, sister of Osiris, Horus, and Shetli, and wife of the latter, is one and the same with her who in her territorial character is called ANK. Now, in this identity alone can we understand her being identified with the Grecian Hestia or Vesta. The name of Nepli- thys, which gives her character, is in its Egyptian etymology, ' The lady over the abode.' '^ This ascribes the very same character to her, as the Greek 'Ecrna, the goddess guardian of the household and domestic hearth. The Greeks recognized this character in ANK, and yet it could only suit her, from her being aho ' neb'T'Ei, the Saviour sister.' The Greek parentage of Hestia also agrees with that of Nephthys, as Seb and Netpe are the Egyptian cor- respondents of Chronos and Rhea, parents of Vesta. ' Nephthys, the Saviour-sister,' was the consort of Sheth. It was a beautiful idea, thus to subdivide the Power that averts Evil into a masculine and a feminine im])ersonation ; the former, as teacliing man to defend his ])erson and father-land, — the latter, as presiding over his hearth and home ! Nejihthys, the Saviour-sister, ank, has also another character, in which she assumes a more active oflice as protectress of her chihh'cn. This form is also connnon to the l{!gyj)tian and proto- l*h(X'iii(ian •:•()( h hisses ; for Onka was rcgank'd as the Athene of I^d'otia, Palhis tiie warrior, the sliield and champion of her votaries ; and Neith, tlie territorial divinity of Sais in J^ower l'^gyj)t — Neith, the pr()t()tyj)e of Athene, and })atronym of Athens, which was foun(U'd ])y a colony of emigrants from Sais, — even Neith herself was only rcirarded in I'^H'/jit as a derivative form of ank, ank as ■ Wilkinson, Anc. I'^/i/p., vol. v. p. 26. '' Iliiil., vol. iv. \). 4.'W. " ' lliT iiaiiio consistb of" ;i lidwl, callt,-!! ;;(/>, plated iipdii a iKiu.sr, aiihwrriu^' to I.I cy TKi." — it)ici. The Rephaim. iZjZ^ tlic warrior goddess. A very important representation of her in that character, at Thehes, is given in Sir Gardner Wilkinson's valuable collection of Egyptian divinities,'^ where she is figured with a how and arrows in her liand ; the name on her legend is TH'NTii-ANK. And an equally explicit admission of the identity of Neith with Onka in her warlike cliaracter, on the part of her children in Palestine, will be found on the person of the chief of the Anakim who represents the Teimahu race (or Rephaira) in the tomb of Seti-Menephtah f but if we would feel the full value of its testimony, we must recur to the mysterious prohibition in Lev. xix. 27, which has already received, in part, so striking an illus- tration in the monumental representations of some branches of that extraordinary people. ' Ye shall not round off the extremity (of the hair on) your heads, neither shalt thou destroy the extremity of thy beard : Ye shall not make incisions in your flesh for a corpse, nor put upon yourselves ypyp nnri3 the writing (or impression) of a token-mark : I am Jehovah ! ' AVe know that the first of these prohibitions aimed at a religious demonstration we have traced home to the Amalekites : the second at the national token of the whole Rapha race without exception. The third was probably one of their customs, since it is alluded to as a rite of the priests of Baal in cases of peculiar solemnity.' But at what people and at what religious custom did \)[\e fourth specially point ? The son of Anak, in the Theban tomb painting, bears the an- swer 071 his person. Detads of costume are here given, which would be superfluous, confusing, and irrelevant in an historical subject ; but in a representation intended to exhibit the charac- teristic customs of the races whom the great Theban king claimed as his subjects, it was indispensable to express them. All the minutia; of his costume are therefore given with scrupulous pre- cision ; and, among other things, we observe certain marks con- spicuously painted or tattooed on the fore part of the bare arm and leg of this Anakite chief —an unknown object of a very peculiar form, and certainly not put there for ornament, for it is not a flower, nor an animal, nor any natural object that might be regarded as orna- mental. It is simply the w ell-known figure conventionally called <> Wilkinson, Anc. Eyyp., vol. iv. pi. 28, fig. 1. I understand from Sir Gardner Wilkinson that this interesting representation is of Pharaonic age. *■ Vide Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. 155. '' Compare 1 Kings xviii. 28. Herodotus relates a practice of the Arabians of Jenysus, analogous to this, when they make a solemn pledge, A man, who stands between the contracting parties, grazes the skin of the hand of each with a sharp stone, and with a shred of tlieir garment dipi)od in the blood he anoints seven stones lying between them, invoking Orotal and Alilat. Thalia, 8. 24 The Beijhaini. a shuttle by hierogl}^liists {tliough it rather resembles a bracelet), which is employed in Egyptian inscriptions to write the name of Neith, or as the determinative of the name when wTitten phoneti- cally, NTH. It is the goddess's primeval symbol, and it is the rehgious and national token-mark of a son of ank, imprinted on his person. This fact speaks for itself ; it needs no comment. On the walls of their sanctuaries, the Egyptians admit that their great local goddess Neith is only a form of ank ; and the children of Anak boast of their allegiance to her as the patroness of their homestead by bearing upon their flesh before the face of their enemies the protecting name of Neith ! fe' ' The statement of Pausanias that Onka in the character of Athene was the deity honoured by the Thebans and Gephyreans of Bceotia, is thus doubly verified. The exile Phoenician chief in- troduced the tutelar genius of his father-land under the form that had been most honoured by his people — their defender in danger. But that, as in Egypt, was only a secondary character of ' the Lady over the home, the Saviour-sister, ank.' iShe is also to be met with by name in this secondary character on her own soil, under the corresponding forms of anath and thanath, and is figured by that name, anta, in Egypt ; so that we can place side by side and compare the neith-ank of the EgTj)tians with her not less ancient counterpart, the Anath-Onka of the Kephaim. anta. anatu. Th-anath. anta is thus a deity analogous to renpu ; a modified form of the Averter of Evil. She bears the same relation to neb'T'EI ank, Protectress of the Homes of the children of Anak, that renpu does to suTii, protector of the children of Sheth ; being the patronym of their land in the special character of Protectress of the national Tlomestead. She then bears warlike attributes corres})onding to those of the Egyptian Neith-Ank. ANTA is not a member of the Egyptian pantheon, and is not found in any temple.'' She is depicted in the lower compartment B Since the above was writtt/ii, Sir Gardner Wilkinson lias nieiitioneil to nie two ether instances he has met with in Egypt of ank and nkth being identified with each otiier. I qnote from his own communication on tiie subject : — ' That this goddess (ank), the Egyptian Vesta, was a character of Neilii is evident, as we find lier on an ancient tablet in the island of Seliayl, as well as in the Temple of I'hilai ; tiie former of Pliaraonic, the latter of Ptolemaic time. She is called ank, lady of the land of Neith.' These two instances are very valuable; Istly, as corroborating the view I ex- pressed above, thai Neith and Ank are oidy two forms of the .same primary cha- racter, Neplilhys, guardian of the house, wife of the defender of the land: 2ndly, as sliowiiig, by tlie dates of the two representations referred to, the anfi(iuily and persistency of that opinion in Egypt ; .Srdly, as i)roviiig the orthodoxy of that (i|iiiiion, by the I'iiet of its being confessed in a tenijilar ripresentaticn. •• Vide albo Wilkinson, Anc. lujyji)., vol. v. pi. 70, part 1. The liephaim. ^ J3J of the tablet of Kaha in our Museum, receiving- offerings from tlie wife and family of that functionary ; tlie upper comj)artment being- oceu})ied by the great national triad. She sits on a throne, brandishing tiie same battle-axe as Renpu, with one hand, and holding a shield and lance in the other. She wears the crown of Upper -Egypt, like the single figures of Renpu, and for the same reason, her devotees being residents in that country ; but with this ditference, that it is decorated with two feathers. A crest of two feathers we know to be a characteristic point of costume among some Anakim tribes ; they are a very conspicuous ornament on the figure who bears the hieroglyph of Neith on his limbs. This being a national peculiarity, it was necessary to introduce it in the costume of the goddess of the nation. Consequently, the Eg-y})tian artisan who executed the figure has rather awkwardly tried to cond)ine it with tlie conical cap of the Upper country, which custom required she should wear in Egypt, by fixing the two fea- thers up the side of the cap. This distinctive feature of costume suggests, that in order to distinguish their tribe by some outward token, the Philistine chil- dren of Onka had adopted the badge of the goddess of the land in her domestic character, the sinq)le Onka-Nephthys, the Guar- dian ; whereas the mountain-tribe, who garrisoned the fortresses, had given the preference to that which indicated her bellicose attributes, Onka-Anath the Defender. Among the mutilated sculptures of Beit-el-Wally,' illustrating the early campaigns of Rameses II., there occurs a subject which enables us to identify the emblem of Anath among the sacred symbols of the Rephaim. The king is engaged in single combat with a chief whose imperfect costume makes it uncertain whether he be one of the x\nakim, or of the shas'u of the Upper mna, or Jerusalem region ; the head-dress square-cut behind and short kilt being common to both. Rameses of course is giving his enemy the coup de grace ; and, as if to show that even the tutelar goddess of his enemies had forsaken them, she is introduced joining the king in his attack, under the form of a dog, a domestic dog Mith a collar on : over its head is the name ' Anta the Goddess.' Now, among the spoils of Seti-Menephtah there is a vase crowned with lotuses and buds, in three rows, of a beautiful fonn, apparently representing the land and the river ; and on the foot of the vase, supporting it like the other sacred emblems we know to be gods, are tioo dogs. It is the only instance of this animal's being found among these objects, and it occurs among the spoils of the LT'N, dependency of the children of Shetli. The faithful ' Kobellini, Mon. Storici, pi. 66. '^«siM.MLi)C> >. Jfi*Ml&i: 26 The Rephaim."' and watchful house-dog is a very appropriate emblem to typify the Protectress of the Homestead. The name of Anath occurs in the geographical notices of Scrip- ture ; there was a Beth Anath, nu'"n^2, in northern Canaan, Ana- thoth, niniy, near Jerusalem, and Beth-Anoth in southern Judea. The form Thanath, th-nth, in which the feminine particle ap- pears combined with the name, is of frequent occurrence on Phoenician inscriptions. It is found on the Punic tablet quoted above ; and shows that the goddess was greatly venerated by the Tyrian colony of Carthage. As Anata and Anaitis, she was also extensively honoured in the land northward of Phoenicia, even to the confines of Armenia. HOR. HAROERI. HorUS. It hitherto appears that four out of the five gods to whom the five supernumerary days of the year were dedicated by the Egyp- tians, are the types into which the chief and tutelar gods of the Rephaim are ultimately resolvable : Osiris and Isis as the givers of life Sheth and Nephthys as the Averters of E\'il. This leaves a reasonable probability that the fifth member of this mythical family— Ilorus the Protector — was not unrepresented in the pan- theon of the Re])haim. Ilor, or Ilaroeri, brother of Osiris, is also called ht, ' the Shelter,' and uoR-iJT, under which names he is figured either with a hawk's head, or as the well known ivinyed globe, the Agathoda3mon of Egypt. Now, according to Eusebius, the xXgathodaemon of the Phoenicians also had a hawk's head;'' and this statement is not inconsistent with the fact that among the spoils of their precursors, the Rej)haim, there occurs a sacred vessel with the head of a hawk, eagle, or rapacious bird of some kind, on its cover. Certain local names in their land, by their repetition, would also testify to the worship of Ilorus. There was a Beth lloron in Judea, and another in Shittim, and also Iloron-ann, the double- city of Hor. On the frontier of southern Judea we find the fortress of Aroer ; another Aroer on the Anion, on the frontier of Moab ; a third ' before Rabbah,' on the iVontier of the Zuzim ; as if frontier cities were sjiecially committed to his guardianship. \\'hether this form of the J)ivine Protector was selected by the Amalekites as the watchers of the nation, is a question which may be further suggested by the name they gave to the form of tlie Universal Osiris they especially reverenced — Oro-tal. The syl- lable tar or TAL occurs so often na n mvrv additmi to the name, * Eusebius, rrttp. Ev. 1. 10. Vide Kosolliiii, Mod. Storici, pi. 48. The Bephaim. tl 1:^3 among those of the Shethite chiefs drowned ])efore Atesh,"" that it a])pears very in-obable it was only a title or coiiiijound, of which the power is not known ; and that uou is the radical name of the god referred to by Herodotus in his account of the Arabians of Jenysus. Aon. Oannes. Dagon. The figure of the Chaldean Oannes, discovered on the sculptured remains of ancient Nineveh, is valuable in two respects ; firstly, in that it enables us to reunite him by name to the Mizraimite On, his original ; and by his form, to the particular portion of the Mizraimite people inhabiting Pelesheth and its dependencies. Secondly, in that the mythical account by Berosus," of the manner in which Oannes first made himself known on the shores of the Persian Gulf, by rising from the sea to instruct the Chaldeans in all religious and useful knowledge, implies that a certain learned and civilised people, who navigated those seas, were the medium of those communications, and taught in his name ; whence the great probability that the other gods of the same people, found in company Avith Oannes, were also introduced by that people. Plerodotus says that the early maritime settlements of the Phoenicians were on the Erythrean Sea. Under that name he of course could not mean the Canaanites, who never extended beyond the Jordan. Neither must we apply this statement to the nation who more strictly claim the name of Phoenicians — the children of Onka — since they were an hdnnd tribe of the great parent nation, extending by the Philistine branch to the Mediterranean in quite another direction. These, however, were only part of a whole ; a mem- ber of that great body whose wealthiest commercial establishments were on the Elanitic Gulf, and whose ships had navigated the Ery- threan Sea to the south, while their caravans brought merchandise across the Arabian desert from the north, for many ages before the wilds of Greece had received from their western colonies the elements of her arts, letters, and civilization. Although Herodotus has evidently put one part of the nation for another, his statement is based on a truth ; for the ' Phoenicians ' read the ' llephaim,' and it becomes strictly correct. As early as the period of Thothmes III. — while Joseph was living in Egypt — when the great nation, her rival, was beginning to decline, and its emigrant ™ Out of twelve legible names, in the legends over theirfloatingbodies,ybHr pre- sent this compound : tar-kanunasa, tar-kati, teka-tar, and sap-tar, besides beginning another mutilated name. The reader will bear in mind that l and r are represented in Egyptian by the same cliaracter. Roselliui, Mun. Storici, pi. 109, 110. " Cory's Ancient Frai/ments, p. 28. 28 The Rephaim. kindred from Lower Egypt were founding settlements in the Pelo- ponnesus, while those of Palestine were concentrating all their forces from far and near to resist the Egyptian invading power ; even so early do we find the name of the llorite city Elath, lt'n-nu, hringing to the treasury of the conqueror tlie tribute of the wealth she had amassed in her traffic with the Euphratesian regions of SAENKAR (Shinar, lyX') and bbl (Babel, "pnil)." Oannes, Havv-yiJ, thus introduced into the East, is merely the Hebrew Aon, jiN, with a Greek case-termination ; and the lle- l)rew form is only a transcript of an ancient Coptic word which, according to Champollion, signifies ' to enlighten.' Aon was the original name of the god worshipped in the great sanctuary of Heliopolis, which is called in Scripture by its name, Beth-Aon, the ' house of On,' as well as by its translation, Beth-Shemesh, the ' house of the sun.' The language that ex- nlains a local god's name, surely points out the nation who first worshipped him under that name. The primitive Aon was there- fore the ' enlightener of man,' to a people speaking the primitive language, out of which the Coptic sprang ; and such a people were the Caphtorim of Lower Egypt, whom we afterwards find esta- blished among the Philistines in Palestine. Under this pure spiritual attribute, the Supreme God was known to the ancient Ileliopolitans, and continued to be an object of secret adoration by the religious conservatives of the land, its priests, who veiled under the garb of mysteries and initiations the purer Mizraimite worship of their ancestors, long after the subjection of Lower Egypt to the Thebans ; long after the dominant race had identified this god with their Ra or Sun, which a})])eared his most fitting emblem. Nevertheless, in the popular religiou — that of the rulers, who commanded, and of the })eople, who nnist obey — Aon gi-adually glided into the mixed Sun-god Ra, of the Egyptian astro-mytho- logical system ; in the same way that Thoth, the early instructor of the Mizraim in letters, arts, science, and the division of time, according to their ancestral traditions, had the moon, the natural divider of time, ])lac('d under his care. The ancient Mizraimite name Aon is never mentionetl as a synonym of Ra by the Egyptians themselves. Except in the name of their n)onth Paoni, we only meet with the primeval name among thi; kindred races out of l'^gyj)t, as that of a contemplar god worshi])pc(l under tlu> same attributes; or learn its former existen(;e in l*>g)pt obliipiely, from extra- Kgyptian sources. As under the prescribed form of the state religion, he was named Ra, " Birch on the Statistical Tablet of Karuak, Ttuiis. R. S. of Literature, vol. ii. Ni;w Suries. The liephaim. ^JoS and identified with the sun, the physical light, — the sanctuary of Ileliopolis, in Scripture is alluded to either as 15eth-Aon, the House of Aon, or as Beth-Sliemesh, the 1 louse of the Sun. And the Egyptian name of the city in the Mosaic period, when the Delta was annexed to Egy])t, is accordingly found as DDO"y~i Ka-meses, the birth-place of Ka, rendered by the Greeks Ileliopolis, city of the Sun. An ex})lanatory gloss of the Septuagint translators, sub- sequently copied into the text, and thus most fortunately preserved, intimates their knowledge that the Aon of which Joseph's father- in-law was priest was the same as Ileliopolis, and their accuracy as to that reference is proved by the priest's official name, y']S''piQ Pet-Ph-Ra, dedicated to Ra.'' Aon, the divine enlightener of men, was therefore the patrony- mic god of ' the land of Rameses' or ' Goshen.' His outward symbol was a young bull. In the ancient Egyptian language the same hierogly])hic denotes a bull and a chief .'^ In the Hebrew, likewise, the name of a bull (I'lK^) is derived from the root nt^, to rule. Such is the simple origin of all sacred synnbols. It is only our ignorance of an ancient people's language that leaves the import of their emblems a mystery. In Egy])t a live animal was substi- tuted for the ideagraph, in after-times : Manetho gives the reion of Kaiechos, second king of the Thinite dynasty, a descendant of Menes, as the era of the innovation that brought in the worship of a living animal-symbol. It formed no part of the original Miz- raimite system. The worship of Aon under the tauriform emblem is also clearly traceable in the land of the Rephaim ; Beth-El is called Beth-Aon in Josh, vii, 2, and 1 Sa. xiii. 5. Ilosea also alludes to ' the calves of Beth-Aon,' Ch. iv. 15 ; v. 8 ; x. 5. The name, as Beit- In, is still extant. It was the antiquity of this symbol of local worship at Beth-El which induced Jeroboam to select the spot for its restoration. We now refer to the Egyptian monuments. After the defeat of the shas-u in the upper mna or Shepherd region, Seti Menephtah presents their spoils to Amun ;"■ among them is conspicuous a beautiful vase, on the cover of which the emblema- tical bull is represented, leaping among the water-plants. Another bull, standing on a pedestal, forms the cover of a tall um among P Wilkinson, Anc. Egyp., vol. iv. p. 301. "i The root ha in Egyptian is a 6k/Z; vcaA zXso to set up ; corresponding to the Hebrew XK'J, from whicli N''ij^'3, a prince, literally a superior. ' Rosellini, Alan. Sturici, pi. 52. There is also a bull-headed urn among the spoils of the Anakim of tahi, pi. 56, and of the siiet'ta, pi. 59. These are known from the Ashtaroth urns by the absence of the disk, and the head being in profile. The entire figure of a bull on the top of a beautiful lotus-plant vase also occurs among the shet'ta symbols. 30 The Repliaim. the same spoils, similar to those crowiied with the emblems of Ashtaroth and Renpu. This bull of Aon was the golden calf of the Exodus — the consecrated emblem of the ruler of Goshen ; its living exemplar was called Mnevis at Hehopolis, and Apis at Memphis. The maritime Aon, or Phoenician and Chaldean Oannes, is a symbolical form peculiar to the people of the sea-coast, Pelesheth. It is the Dag-on or Fish-on of Scripture, compounded of n, fish, and p, contracted form of the name of the god. I have a copy of an ancient coin in the British jNIuseum, which represents Dagon on one side, and a ship on the other. The god has a human head and anns, and the tail of a dolphin. In his right hand he holds a fish with its head upwards, in his left another "with its head dowii- wards. This ingenious hieroglyphic signifies that in the land over which Aon, the enhghtener of men, ruled and guided the sun, it began its course on land, in the east {the front), figured by the human fore-part ; and ended it in the sea in the west {tJie back), figured by the hind part of a maritime creature. It reached its greatest elevation at the right hand of the god, L e. the south, — this is implied by the fish looking upward ; and it sank below the horizon at his left, the north ; this is expressed by the fish going- down. Such an emblem must have been designed in a country of which it accurately described the geographical bearings ; — one with the continent eastward, and a western sea ; and, moreover, for the emblem to be intelligible, it requires that the mode of orientation which refers the east to the front, the west to the back, &c. should be customary in the language of the country. These conditions are fulfilled in Palestine alone, — in the region of the maritime proto-Pha;nicians, where we find the Scriptural Philistines, wor- shippers of Dagon. And they nmst have introduced it into Baby- lonia, for there the emblem loses all its descriptive significance, and consequently it never could have been framed in that country. The Oannes of Chaldea, by the internal evidence of his repre- sentation and his Coptic name, confirms the admission of Berosus that he was introduced into that country by foreigners. His figure in the Khorsabad sculj)tures only difi'crs from the original type in that it wears the Assyrian costume. He has a double i)air of horns ; his geographical emblems, the human fore part and fish's tail, the right liand pointing upwards and the left downwards, are preserved ; but the accessory fishes are absent. The form of Dagon in both repnisentations illustrates with a siiiirularly circumstantial jnvcision the nllusion to tlie catastrophe of Ills fall, in 1 Sa. v. 4, ' Beliold, Dngou w;is prostrate witli his face to tlie ground before the ark of the l.ord : the head of Dagon aTid l)oth the palms of his hands being cut olf upon the threshold : The Rephaim. ^l.'?^ only the dagon of him (/. e. the fish part) remained.' If such a fi Otherwise Num, p and ni being interchangeable. The resemblance of this name to the Greek Trreu/ua, wind, spirit, is remarkable. d ■^-J0^ 34 Tlie Rephairn. Sati, ami Maut, constitute the eig-ht great gods of i\\Q first order, in the Egyptian system. Whereas, their exemplars, Osiris and Isis, under these their own primary names, and considered as belonging to the system of five manifestations known as the family of Seb and Nutpe, are only ranked in the tJilrd order of pre- cedence ; the second order being filled by twelve divinities whose various characters show that they arose out of subdivisions — par- ticularizing develoj)ments as it were — of those primary generaliza- tions that form the third order. Such is the principle on which the Egyptian pantheon was framed. All we have to show, by adducing a lew cases in point, is, that the national deities of the Ivephaim are those primary and generalizing forms of the Miz- raimite theogony, out of which the Egyptian system itself was elaborated ; and consequently that the criterion of rank assigned to a deified form is not its antiquity, but its nationality ; pre- cedence, in Egypt, being given to the patron-gods 'of Egyptian lands, over those whose domains were exti-a-Egyptian. Osiris, who under that popular name only ranks in the third order, is nevertheless the great god worshipped over all Egypt alike ; the mysterious being whose real name it was not lawful to utter. Osiris unmanifested, is Amun (the concealed), an expletive for that sacred name. In this character, he ranks in order 1, as god of Thebes. Osiris manifested is Khem, the Pan of Thebes, consort of Maut (the motlier). In this character, his name in Egypt was cancelled ; its equivalent, Amun, being substituted. But under that obliterated name we find him the king of gods, in Palestine. Isis, though only ranked in order 3, is found under that name, with all its appropriate titles, bearing the form and end)lems of the great goddesses ; the graceful vulture head-dress, symbol of maternity, characteristic of Maut, goddess of Thebes ; — or the cat's head, globe, and uraius of Pasht, goddess of Bubastis — both o order 1 ; — or the globe and horns of Athor, of order 2 ; she is even found combining the latter emblem with the bowl and house of her own sister, Ne})lithys, of order 3. All these embli'matical beings are therefore l\iryi)tian forms of Isis, though unacknow- ledged in Palestine. There, her original name is merged into those of her characters, like in Egy])t ; but, as the great Asiitaroth, pro- ducer of abundance, she is the j)rimitive Isis herself, antitype of the Greek Demeter or (\n-es; and as Ate'sh and Ken, she is equivalent, hotli in name and office, to Maut and Atht)r, in Egypt. Tiiotli, (rod of letters, is ranked in order 2 ; yet we found him to be a secondary form of Sheth the li('l])er, who only ranks in order '.'). Ank, ranked in onU'r 2, wiiere slu; is not related to Tiioth, we The Rejjhaim. ^J^J ibuud to bo a local name and form of Nephtliys, wi'e and sister of Sheth, and like him ranked in order 3. This same Ank, localized in E;(Tyj)t as Neith, is then placed among the eight great gods of order 1. Osiris, Isis, Slieth, and Neplithys, the primary forms, must be more ancient, as divine impersonations, than their derivatives. The mythical family of Seb {adoratioii) and Nut'pe {the celes- tial abode), must therefore exhibit a more ancient phase of the Mizraimite theogony, than that which includes the territorial gods of Egypt proper. Yet the five deities constituting this family form the whole luitmial pantheon of the llephaim ; for Pthah and Aon do not appear as patronyms in their land, although these forms received divine honours. Their position in Palestine seems ana- logous to that occupied by the family of Seb in Egypt. From this com})arison of the leading divine characters reve- renced by the Egyptians and by the Rephaim, it is manifest that the latter nation did not borrow their system at second-hand from Egypt, nor Egypt from them ; but that the two are parts of a whole framed on a common principle of national agreement, which had become firmly gi'ounded among them before the tribes were divided, and each separated people began to follow up a principle of development — peculiar to itself — from the common exemplar ; the Egyptians, by increasing the number of divine functionaries with every shade of distinction in their offices, so that Isis, Maut, and Athor, become different goddesses of different ranks, as also Nephthys, Ank, and Neith ; whereas the Rephaim distinguished the secondary shades of difference in the attributes of each pri- mitive cosmogonic form without increasing the original number of five ; so that with them, Chemosh, or Khem, is Osiris : Ashtaroth, Atergatis, Ken, are equally Isis ; Renpu, Baal, Nebo, are equally Sheth ; Anath, and Onka, are equally Nephthys. And this original unity seems to bear out a proposition which, on other grounds of inference (see ante, Ch. IV.), we might have held as doubtful — the common origin of the Rephaim and Egyptians. The absolute separation between the Palestine branch of Miz- raim (including the Delta) and that established on the Nile, must date as far back at least as the empire of Menes and the amalga- mation of the Sabean element with the Mizraimite cosmogony. Not a trace of this mixture is to be found in the system of the Rephaim ; not an indication of it either in their sacred symbols, or in their local names. Whatever corruptions of idea and form their system may subsequently have undergone, they are totally distinct from those by which the Egyptian system is overlaid. Its elements were strangely perverted, — its pure intellectuality became grossly brutalised, — but it exhibits no admixture of foreign elements. d2 36 The Rephaim. The absence of every vestige of astral worship in the religion of the Rephaini is a fact the more remarkable, that Scripture contains very decisive evidence of its having constituted the idolatry of the Canaanites before they fell under the influence, or power, of their eastern neighbours. In Canaan proper, we still find a few names alluding to that worship. Nor w^as it altogether era- dicated when the Canaanites consented to the divine forms of the Rephaim as superior objects of reverence. But what remained of it was not, like in Egypt, wrapped up in a complicated garb of cosmo- gonic similitudes ; it remained plain, unqualified adoration of the sun and moon. Both forms are found subsisting separately, long after the Hebrew conquest. The children of Israel are not only en- ticed to the worship of Baal-IIamon and Asherah, but also to that of the ' Host of Heaven.' The kings of Judah burn incense to Baal ; and also to ' the sun, moon, and planets.' They give chariots and horses to the sun, at the same time that they make their children ' pass through fire to Molech ;' and pour out liba- tions to his consort, ' the Queen of Heaven.' Ezekiel, in parti- cular, brings out the various corru})t practices of the apostatizing Israelites, with a marked distinction in their kind as in their degree. Even so late as this, though still co-existent, they re- mained unblended. The idolatrous elders offering incense in their own image-chambers, before the spiibols of a degraded worship, is indeed qualified as ' an evil abomination ;' — but the prophet regards it as ' a gi'eater abomination than this,' to find the women sitting in the house of Jehovah, not worshipping Him, but ' weeping for Thammuz.' Yet even this profanation of the holy temple is not the consummation of idolatry : — ' Hast thou seen, son of man ? tiioii shall see still greater abomina- tions than these! And he broufiht nie to the inner court of tlie House of Jeliovah ; and h) ! at tlie entrance of the Tenq)le of Jeiiovah, between the porcli and the aUar, about five and twenty men, witli tlieir backs to tlie aUar and their faces to tlie east, were bowing themselves before the sun, towards tlie east !' (Ez. viii. 9-16.) The allusion to the ode of Deborah is also decisive evidence that this was esjiecially the idohitry of (^inaan. Tlie pictorial sar- casm that introduces the defender of Anak under the form of her Pluenician emblem, a dog, dragging the chief of her people down by tugjring at his gannent behind, while the king of Egypt knocks him on the head, — is not more intense in its ])ower of expressing how utterly the gods of the Anakim have forsaken them, than the daring poetic image : — ' Even froin flie heavens, they fought — The stars in their orbits fought against Sisera ' — Th^ Rephaim. '^JJi.'' is in declaring how powerless were those objects of an idolatrous worship to save their infatuated votaries, the Canaanite host of Jabin. But, indeed, the Canaanite nomenclature of the four quarters, based on the posture of a worshipper of the rising sun, is as strong an indication as we could desire, that sun-worship was the pristine idolatry of the people in whose language those terms have that significance. This point being clear, and the distinctness of the co-existent systems equally so, some idea may be formed of the influence the llephaim must have obtained over the whole land of Canaan, by the fact that their local gods became the gods of (Janaan ; and even, in some influential states, quite superseded the astral wor- ship. But though Ashtoreth is ' the abomination of the Zido- nians,' as well as of Ken, we do not find her the patronyrn of the Canaanite foundation city, as in Bashan. Though Sheth, as Thautus or Eshmun, and Onka, as Thanath, are reverenced by the Tyrians up to the very destruction of their Carthaginian colony, we do not find those divine forms patronyms of a single tribe or metropolitan city, like Sheth among the Shittim, Onka among the Anakim, Pthah in No"pth (Noph, Memphis), by the Naphtuhim, and Athor in Pathyris or Pathros, by the Pathrusim. In the remote East, the same phenomenon meets us. The local gods of Shittim are estabhshed in Babylon, but they are neither patronyms of the city, nor of the land, nor of the people. Their Baal is not Baal-Kham-n, the universal progenitor, but Seth-Baal or Renpu with axe and thunder in hand, ' Baro who smites his enemies :' the god who ' exercises power and overpowers.' Their Hermes bears the surname of Nebo, the assistant of lords, not Thoth or Thautus, the popular teacher. Their Astarte is not At'Sh the abode of being, but Mulitta, openly confessing the Arabian origin we could have ascribed to her from her name. All this speaks as distinctly of conquest, as the fable of Oannes teach- ing and civilizing the brutal savages of the ' desert of the sea ' spoke of colonization. •= When, therefore, we find the dim and confused traditions of Berosus, which do not gain in clearness by being transmitted through the sieves of several intermediate theo- rists, declaring the intelligible fact that a primeval dynasty of mythical Chaldean kings was succeeded by an Arabian dynasty, we only require the concurrent testimony of Scripture, to see through a whole series of changes in that primeval empire, though "^ Whether we take the Assyrian queen-consort, Semiramis, for a genuine or only for a mythical personage, we must not lose sight of tlic historical indications contained in the tradition that assigns as her birthplace the Philistine city Ashkalon, and gives her pedigree as the daughter of Derketo or Atergatis, the Ashtarotli of Pelesheth. 38^ TJie Bephaim. we cannot retrace its details, or assign the period of the changes. And the Scripture record is not silent. Its testimony is strangely significant, as well as definite. It opens with the notice of the Rephaim, yet in their greatness, though verging towards decline. A chief of Shinar has joined a powerful combination of Assyrians, rivals of the Shepherd race, against the whole body of that race ; but the object of hostility is manifestly the Enilni — the Terrible people — that one tribe which stands out from the rest, branded as an exception of depravity in religion and morality from the very day of its introduction to our notice. And thus, the united evi- dence of sacred and classical tradition enables us distinctly to trace the primary source of their perversion to that great city which sacred revelation has marked out as the typical centre of every religious and moral corruption, ' Babylon, the mother of all the abominations of the earth.' This hints at the beginning of that subversion, both of principle and practice, which the Mizraimite cosmogonic system underwent while transplanted in (Jhaldea by the tribe which established its dominion there so long. Success, by increasing riches, and engen- dering luxury, tempts to the misuse of power. To conciliate the population of the wealthy region they had acquired, the children of Sheth may have consented to bring down their religious formula' to its level, instead of rather exalting and refining those of the people as they found them. Israel and Judah, in Canaan, fell in the same way ! When the power of the Rej)haim in the East was broken, tliey brought back to their native homestead the taint in all its funda- mental principles with which they infected their brethren of Pales- tine ; but which they perhaps had not originated : ' Behold,' says Ezekiel, addressing' Judah, ' This was the iniquity (py perversion) of thy sister Sodom : pride, fulness of bread, and pros- perity undislurl)eople liave become, in whose city ten righteous men could not be found, to inclini! tlie scale of judgment on the side of mercy I yXnd terribli* ind(X'd was tliat ' rctnooal of tlw/n,' to become from thenceforth iti every prophetic denunciation, the crowning comparison for the deepest abyss of desolation ; so that teinis more emj)hatic cannot be found to express the fall of Babylon herself, the arch-<'or- rupter, tlian that <;ven she ' shall become as the overthrow of Sodom and (Joiuiirrali/ and that the onlv po^Ml1Ie aggra\atjon to The Bephaim. SQ/JfS' her degradation, is to be taunted in her perdition by those whose ruin she wrought : — * Art thou, too, enfeebled, as we? art thou become like ourselves. . . The couch beneath thee, worms — the grub, thy covering I' While the awful visitation was impending which blotted out from the face of nature the beautiful vale of Shiddim, its cities and its degraded population, as corrupt beyond the power of any ordi- nance, human or divine, to reclaim — the contrast presented by the religious and moral condition of the elder branch of the nation, and its PhiUstine offset, is interesting to observe. Here, indeed, we find ample proof that there was nothing in the creed of Miz- raim derogatory to the majesty of a God whose glorious attributes they reverenced according to the best of their understandings : — nothing debasing to humanity in the outward forms by which they sought to do Him honour. The great chief of the Kephaim dwelling in Shalem is the head of his people as administrator both of religious and social order, according to the primitive patriarchal appointment. He invokes the same ' Supreme God, possessor of heaven and earth,' as Abraham himself. He con- siders it a sacred duty to acknowledge, in a public ceremony of thanksgiving, his gratitude to that Supreme God for the deliver- ance of his people ; and to bless Abraham for the service his in- terposition has rendered to the nation. This ceremony is accom- panied by an Eucharistic rite, which most certainly existed as an ordinance of the true patriarchal church before the Mosaic dis- pensation. For in an instance of equal solemnity, that of the great national deliverance, as soon as the children of Israel have reached the holy mountain in safety, after the difficulties and dangers of their departure from Egypt and desert route, Jethro the priest comes forth to meet his long expected guests ; like Mel- chizedek, he blesses God for their preservation, and he, with the elders of Israel, Aaron, the elder of his family among them, go up into the mount to oifer sacrifices and to eat bread before God (Exod V. 12.). The sacred historian is careful to indicate both the orthodoxy of the rite performed on the parallel occasion by Melchizedek, and the law^fulness of his ministry thereof. ' Mel- chizedek brought forth bread and wine : (he was priest of the Supreme God) and blessed Abram,' saying : — ' Blessed be Abram of the Supreme God, Possessor of Pleaven and Earth ; and Blessed be the Supreme God, who hath delivered thine enemies into thine hand.' Equally unequivocal is the testimony borne in the same holy page to the piety and integrity of the contemporaneous Philistine 40 The Rephawu chieftain. God appears to the Royal Father of this tribe, in tht' visions of the night, as to the Hebrew patriarchs ; not to warn him of any great impending national calamity, but simply to caution him against the unconscious commission of a crime in appropri- ating to himself the wife of another man. And Abimelech fears not to address the Almighty with an appeal which speaks as highly for the moral character of his people as for his own. ' Adonai ! wilt thou slay also a righteous nation ? Said* he not unto me, " she is my sister ?" and she, even she herself, said, " he is my brother." In the integi'ity of my heart and innocency of my hands have I done this.' And God said to him in the dream, ' Yea, 1 know that thou didst this in the integrity of thine heart, and I have accordingly withheld thee from sinning against me.' (Gen. XX.) Manetho's account of the behaviour of the Shepherd rulers in Egypt is perfectly in keeping with the state of religion in Palestine at that time, if we consider that account as emanating from an Egyptian priest dee})ly imbued with reverence for tlie most cor- rupt superstitions to which the primitive Egyptian religion had become degraded at the latter period. The very acts he de- nounces as sacrilege are precisely those from which we should argue favourably of their religious ])ractices. They did what the Hebrew conquerors of Palestine were expressly conniumded to do for the extirpation of idolatry in Canaan. They closed the temples of the false gods, detiled and pulled down their images, sacrificed, and even ate without scru])le the sacred animals adored by the Egy})tians. They doubtless deemed the religious customs of Egypt idolatrous and debased ; and endeavoured, while they were in })ower, to suj)press them. They thereby inciu'ri'd the odium of the ymesthood, and of the people governed b\ tbe priests. As this preceded ])y four centuries Abraham's arrival in I'-gypt, it is tolerably certain that the tendency to harmonise with his own religious feelings, which existed among the She[)herd people, and so strangely contrasted with the surrounding corru])tion, was rather the motive that induced him to settle among them, than the consequence altogether of his example and teaching. Never- theless, the beneficial eflPects of these, in purifying and exalting tlie rehjiious ideas of a nation originally so well disposed, by drawing them even nearer to the primitive standard of the patri- archal faith than he found them, may safely be presumed. Neither do the Canaanites of .ludea show any traces of de- moralization in the days of Abraham. We are indeed expressly told that tlie p;; perversion of the Amorites was not then accom- ])lished. Abraham resides among them in the suburbs of the metropolis of Anak. 'I'hrcc of their chieis are under a special The Rephaim. ^U; contract of aiiilty with him, and aid him in })nrsuin, at such a manifesta- tion of devotion to the national cause, both on tlie part of the royal parent who gave his son, and of the son who thus consented The liephaim. 4^ /^ 'j ' to die for the people, that the whole nation perish not,' niiojit very well have the etfeet of stiinulatini:^ the disheartened people themselves to almost superhuman etl'orts ; and the suecess aehieved by the wild enero;'y of despair would not fail to be regarded as a token that the Divine displeasure had been appeased by the sacri- fiee, and eontirin the faith of the people in its etfieacy. Onee a fatal aberration of judgment has let in the false principle of an inherently meritorious or expiatory efficacy in any sacriticial act, we can trace step by step the processes of degradation by which this one, at first perfectly voluntary on the part of its victim, having begun by assuming a right to dispose of human life, ended by degenerating into the barbarous practice of infanticide which the Israelite kings are reproached with having imitated from their predecessors in dominion. A\ hen the war-cry of all the tribes was raised against invading Egypt — when, year after year, army after army poured in upon the devoted race, until their land was ' a con- flagration before and behind ' — its fields devastated, its women and children massacred, its cattle carried off as booty, and its warriors as slaves — when a savage despair had taken hold of a people forsaken of the God whose attributes they had corrupted and for- gotten — we can understand how the simple form of consecrating their offspring to its Giver by an emblematical rite of purification, having degenerated into the notion that the God individually had appropriated the dedicated offspring, ended in the persuasion that he claimed their blood to appease his wrath in the season of national visitation. Thus a form of sacrifice, originally ordained under the pressure of an exceptional public calamity, and required only of the chief ruler of the land, came at first to be regarded as insufficient, and instances w^ere multiplied in the hope of en- suring its efficacy, firstly by the chiefs, and finally by the whole population. The perversion of this rite suffices to illustrate the march of every other depravation w Inch stains the memory of the Rephaim at the close of their national career. Scripture history is utterly silent concerning them during an interval of four centuries. After placing before our eyes the glaring contrast of their pristine moral condition, as ])resented by the majestic piety of the King-Priest Melchizedek and the single-hearted purity of his Philistine vassal, side by side with the terrific catastrophe of the Pentapolis, it leaves them to work out their own destiny. It leaves them, neither un- warned nor uncared for, with the virtuous Abraham and his in- creasing family circle among them on one side, to point out the way of holiness, and exhibit in their own persons the blessings of peace and prosperity that crown those who choose to walk in it ; and w ith the example and admonition of Lot and his sons in the 44 The Bephaim. midst of them on the other side, to pohit out the application of the awful warning against national iniquity, vouchsafed even in the gi'eat judgment which rained down fire and brimstone out of Heaven upon their metropolitan cities ! How far these means may have been effectual hi bettering the moral condition of the race for a season, and drawing them back a little way from the verge of the precipice, we cannot exactly know ; neither how far and how long the descendants of Lot themselves escaped the general contamination by keeping aloof from them, as industrious nomads tending their flocks in the mountains during the grazing season, and dwelling apart in their own tribe comnmnities when they returned to winter at home. Neither warning nor example ultimately availed : the whole mass of the people became corrupt, and the whole were abandoned to themselves, to perish ! For our admonition, the sacred history relates their original condition and their final doom ; but it does not say hoiv they perished. This we have learnt from the monumental history of Egypt. But what matters the how, in a religious history that regards (iod himself as the guide of all sublunary transactions, and all human determinations only as secondary means? The Scripture history is very explicit in informing us ivhy they perished ; for that is the momentous lesson it behoves man individually, and nations collectively, to lay to heart : ' For the wickedness of THOSE NATIONS, DOTH THE LoUD DRIVE THEM OUT.' It rCCOUUts, under the doubly solemn form of a Divine prohibition addressed to Israel, every abomination that the most depraved humanity can possibly imagine to commit, as actually committed by that people, in idolatry, superstition, cruelty, and impurity. ' Defile not your- selves in any of these things,' concludes the warning Oracle ; ' for in all these, the nations are defiled which I cast out before you, and the land is defiled ! Therefore 1 do visit the iniquity thereof upon it, and the land herself vomiteth out her inhabitants ! Keep ye then my statutes and my ordinances, and connnit none of these abominations, neither your own nation, nor the stranger who so- journ(!th among you (for all these abonnnations did the men of the land connnit, who preceded you, and the land was defiled), that the land s})ue you not out also, for defiling her, as she spued out the nations who preceded you ! ' The RepJuiim. ibJ CHAPTER XVIII. Cosluines of the Rephuitti. The slio-ht outlines f2;iven in plates 111. and IV. are only a se- lection of the most striking forms characterisinf]^ the national cos- tume of the Kapha tribes. They are intended to appeal to the mind through the eye, inasnnu-h as a verbal description, however accurate and elaborate, would still fail to convey a distinct idea of form : but they are rather calculated to assist those readers who have not time to consult the voluminous illustrations of Egyptian antiquity from which the materials of the foregoing pages were gathered, than to supersede a reference to the original works themselves. This reference is so important, that in de- scribing the costumes of the tribes, my principal aim will be directed to furnishing the reader with a classified index to the original subjects ; so that any student, however unversed hitherto in that class of research, may at once find himself furnished with all the necessary materials to judge for himself whether the generic resemblances of costume which distinguish and connect the national groups whose history we have now gone through, and the specific differences which separate one tribe from another, have been correctly indicated, and sufficiently bear out the ethno- gra])hical classification they are called upon to sustain. So long as we knew nothing of the people figured in these monumental illustrations beyond the bare fact that they had been conquered by the ancient Egyptians, we turned over the pages with very little interest. We might perhaps indulge in a laugh over the quaint and distorted attitudes of the combatants, the wry faces of the chained captives, and the ludicrous expedients to indicate the relative personal consequence of the actors in the scene by their size, with an utter disregard of proportion as well as of perspective ; but the subjects told us no story we cared about, for the actors were nothing to us but abstractions without either ' a local habitation or a name,' and as soon as the book was closed, the passing impression they made had vanished from our minds. But the case is widely altered when we have learnt that the personages in these strange old pictured memorials are a people consecrated in our memory by their intimate association with Scripture history ; that those Philistines, whose name and deeds are familiar to our ears as household words, even from the earliest teaching of our childhood, are the very people who figure in one picture, and that their fellow captives in another are the formi- 46 The Rephaim. dable children of Anak ; that on lookhio;' at another, we may actually realise the presence of Og king of Bashan as he marched out to encounter the children of Israel ; or call up a correct and unquestionably authentic presentation of the redoubtable Goliath of Gath hurling a boastful defiance in the teeth of Saul's war- riors ; while another presents us with a warlike array like that with which the king of Sodom went forth to meet Abraham ; or that of Balak the son of Zippor, as he stood on the high place of Baal, bribing the Eberite prophet to curse the conquerors of the land of his fathers. Such associations impart a strange and thrilling interest to these hitherto unintelligible forms, as the barbaric abstractions they presented are replaced by definite ideas of national personality, and our knowledge of these mysterious people's names and history suddenly places them before our eyes in the new light of old and familiar acquaintances. In the ojwmasticon wdiich gave the Egyptian forms of their names I divided them into five geographical groups. Three be- long to the Rephaim, one to their Aramite subordinates, and one to the only Canaanite tribe casually associated with them. Leav- ing out this solitary case as exceptional, all the rest resolve them- selves into two ethnographical groups, totally distinct in origin — the Rephaim, children of Ham, and the Aramites, children of Shem. Our plates, III. and IV., exhibit the monumental repre- sentations of these nations in their peculiar costumes, from which it will be evident at a glance that if these groups had been classi- fied according to their costumes instead of their names, they would have fallen into precisely the same two ethnogi-aphical groups, the members of each group being characterised by similar generic peculiarities, and differing only in those secondary details wherein a diflferenc^e is to be expected in diff'erent provinces of the same land, or in different tribes of the same people. Tlie ])latcs in Rosellini's great work on Egyptian monuments will be found the best to refer to. Although most of its subjects arc repeated in Champollion's more voluminous juiblication, the former is more convenient ; firstly, because the religious and the historical monuments are in separate volumes ; secondly, because the illustrations are arranged according to the chronological suc- cession of the Pharaohs to whose reigns they bc^long, two highly judicious examj)les of arrangement entirely disregarded in Gham- ])ollion's work, where subjects of all kinds and all periods are indiscriminately mixed uj) together. I would not so strongly re- commend a reference to the descriptive volumes of Rosellini's work, in connection with the j)resent subject, as it would rather confuse than assist its understanding, ])artly because Rosellini has not idinitified or even read off" many of the i)roper names ; partly TJie Bephaim. *? Z.^.? because his veiitun^s ut identifying a few of tliose he has read have no founihition but a deceptive verbal resenibhince, and some of his ran(h)Ui ;LJ!'uesses are sing'uhvrly infelicitous ; ])artly because he followed a now obsolete system of dynastic classification ; and partly because of the very erroneous series of dates, founded on (Jhampollion's chronology, which he assigns to his reigns and dynasties.*^ We nmst set aside, in fact, all that was speculative in this work, and look at nt)thing beyond its graphic portion. 'J'liis, whether ill or well interj)reted, always remains the same — a faithful transcript of those vast sculptured designs which consti- tute the body of the ancient Egyptian annals. In describing the characteristic costumes and properties of the three Kapha nations, it will be desirable to reverse the order I adopted for the historical arrangement, beginning with the Ana- kim and ending with the elder tribe. The fact that the costume of the children of Anak was selected by the Egyptians to imper- sonate the whole temau'U nation, in the typical representations of the subjects of Thebes in the royal tombs, added to the general points of resemblance between the attire of this tribe and that of the children of Sheth, both argue that if we would obtain what is original and peculiar to the Kapha nation in these respects, we must look to those two branches of it that were least mixed up witli Egypt and her population, who retained their national cha- racteristics the most tenaciously, and who contended the most resolutely for their national independence. The Zuzim and the mixed Philistines of the latter monumental period became half Egyjitianised in their costumes and national predilections. What we have seen of their history sufficiently explains these later de- viations from the original national type, which we must look to much more ancient representations to recover. § A. The Anakim. The monumental illustrations referring to the Anakim are all included in the following plates of Kosellini's work, / monumenti delV £gitto e la Nubia, Mon. Storici. Ros. Mon. St. 1. Impersonation of the Rephaim nations, or temah'u, in the tomb of Seti-Menephtah, at Biban el Moluk {Thebes) PI. 155 2. Ditto, in the tomb of Ranieses III PI. 158« 3. Battle-scene {from Karnak) — Seti-Menephtah defeat- ing the TAHi ....... PI. 54 ** The origin of this chronological error has been ably pointed out in Chev. Bunsen's ' Egypt's Place in Universal History,' B. 1. * In the plates illustrating this tomb, the copyist has misapplied the epithets, giving that of shem'u to the temah'U people. 48 Tlie Rephaim. r.iis. Mon. St. 4. Captives of tahi, and spoils presented to tlie gods of Thebes ........ PI. oo 5. Rameses II. killing- the chief of tahi (from the i?a- messeiun or Meinnouimn) ..... PI. 83 6 CHERBu prisoners dragged by an Egyptian officer {from the great expedition against the shet'ta at Ahoii- Simbel) PL 93 7. Rameses III. attacking the rbo by night {from Medinet-Abon) ' . PI. 136 8. Captives of kbo brougiit before the conqueror, and numbering of the slain after the battle {from the same) ......... PI. 135 9. Prisoners of rbo and tahi dragged in triumph {from the same) PI. 137,138 10. RBO and T'Akkr'u prisoners presented to the gods of Thebes {from the same) ..... PI. 134 1 1 . Portraits of the chiefs of rbo and of mashuash {from the same) PI. 142 12. Head of rbo prisoner, on a large scale . . . PI. 161 The costume of the Anakim was remarkably picturesque. The figures 7, 8, 9, of our plate III., and the heads, fig-. 15, and plate II., fig. 11, will convey a correct idea of its loading forms. Their limbs were generally bare ; for an under garment, they wore a short narrow kilt, fastened round the loins by a rich girdle, often with long ends hanging down in front, and finished with a tassel. Over this they threw a very peculiar kind of mantle, which, in its general form, may be considered as the characteristic garment of the Kapha people. It was narrow, hanging straight down without folds, and open at the side ; it was most generally worn by sim})ly passing it under one arm, and fastening it over the shoulder on the other side; but the figure 9 of the tahi tribe in pi. HI., and the temah'U chief of pi. II. fig. 11, present a slight variation from this make. This garment was of gay colours, and richly ornamented, either with strij)es elaborately figured, or fancy pat- terns. That of the chief of tahi (Ros. ])1. 8;>) is yellow, and is divided by broad diagonal stripes with water-plants between. Those of the temah'u (Ros. pi. 155) are figured, some with palm-leaves laid horizontally across, with a row of spots between each, some covered all over with marks in imitation of a leo})ard's skin. From these figures, which are on a sufficiently large scale to render d(>tails omitted in ordinary monumental ilhistrations, we furtJHT learn that the Anakim j)riiiti'(l or tattooed token-marks on their arms and legs; the object thus ini])ressed on the temah'U typical figure is, as we have; seen, the characteristic emblem of his national goddess, Onka-Athene : compare this figure in our plate II. with the head of an ancient Egy])tian Neith bearing her iiame, li<^-. lO, and tlic nanu's in tlie leo-onds NT, fit^. ',), and t-nt- ANK, ^g. 8. Tlic Aiiakini sometimes yliavcnl their face entirely, but more <4'encrally they won^ a vi'ry small poiiittnl Ix'ard, only on the chin. In this resj)eet their practice was conunon to them and to the other Kapha nations. Their head-dress is peculiarly their own. It consists of a long braided lock of hair hanging down the side of the face, and a helmet in form very different from those worn by the Rej)haim of Bashan. The top sits close to the head, tlu^ front falls partly over the forehead, and forms a sort of s([uared Hap, from the side being scooped away in order to exhibit not only the ear and the characteristic jiendant lock, but a rather unsightly square-shaped patch of the shaved temple above it. The back of the helmet was also cut square, just low enough to leave the neck free. Tin? details in the helmets of the TAHi chiefs (Ros. pi. 54) show how it fastened on by a leather strap passing under the chin ; but most of the historical represen- tations omit these minutiae, giving only the general forais. Not a vestige of hair ever appears from under the helmet except the side lock. This, and the round bare skulls of the cherbu pri- soners in pi. 93, who have lost their head-pieces in the fight, encourages a suspicion that this peo})le shaved their heads, and that in their civilian costinne, ap})arently that given in the TKMAiriT toml)-figures, they wore, not their own hair, but a kind of wig-like head-gear, which the helmets replaced in battle, and were intended to imitate in form. This head-gear (see pi. II., fig. 11) seems made of small plates or beads strung together so as to look like ringlets falling from a common centre : the metal helmets were grooved in a corresponding form. The Anakim of TAHI sometimes wore a crest of one or two eagles' feathers on the crown of their head-piece, but there is not an instance of the RBO wearing any such ornament : on the other hand, the rbo never appear without the side lock, but the tahi did not always wear it. The chief of masiiuasii wears his lock behind the ear ; more- over his round skull-cap and circlet, totally different from the genuine and invariable Anakim helmet and strap, but strikingly resembling those of his fellow (aptive of amar (Kos. pi. 143), in- dicate that he was the local ruler of an Amorite dependant dis- trict, though a son of Anak by race. Other instances of such blendings of costume will be found to occur in regions inhabited by a mixed population. The sculptured representations of the Anakim are very incom- plete in illustrating their armour. In the great battle-scene of Rameses III. they are entirely unaniied ; in that of Seti-Me- nephtah and the tahi, their only weapons are bows and arrows. 50 The RepJiaim. The form of their shiekls, if they ever used any, is unknown. In the scene hist referred to it appears that in pitched battk^s they removed their mantle in order to fioht more freely. In their personal appearance the children of Anak of the mo- numents fully realise the description of the Hebrew spies, that they were ' men of great stature.' They are generally delineated as tall, spare, and long-hmbed, to a degree often bordering on caricature. § B. The Emim. The geographical range over which the rule of the Emim ex- tended was so wide, and the mixture of races they counted as their vassals so various in origin, that we must expect to find a considerable difference of costume prevailing in the different re- gions of their domains. Yet even these variations are systematic and consistent. The attire of the people of the primary and me- tropolitan district — the ])lains of Shittim northward of the Arnon — is only a partial modification of that worn by the Anakim ; both are obviously derived from one common primitive type. The southern section of the nation — those at least who garrisoned and ruled the llorite dependencies — appear in garments of a llorite fashion ; nevertheless, the Shethite rulers are clearly distinguish- able from their Horite subjects and their allies of Edom, by the broad line of national demarcation, the custom of destroying the sides of the beard. Indeed, they more frequently shaved it en- tirely away. The monumental illustrations relating to the Emim will be found in the following series of plates in Kosellini's work, from which the leading forms of costume are given in our plate IV., upper lin(; of figures. Ros. Mon. St. 1. Symbolical group: Seti-Meneplitah devotintr the ene- mies of Egypt to destruction {from Karnak) . PI. 60 The kneeling figure in front of this group repre- sents the Emim nation. 2. Seti-]M('ni'|)litali engaging with the shkt'TA and the AMAK l)ef'ore atksu {from the same) . . . PI. 53 3. The same king defeating the shet'TA and killing their chief {from the same) ...... PI. 57 4. siiKT'TA captive ciiiefs of various tribes presented by Seti-Menephtali to the Theban (^rods {from the same) ......... PI. 59 5. Kameses II. devoting the enemies of Egypt to destruc- tion {from Aljoii-Simhcl) ..... PI. 79 6. Great expedition of Rameses II. against the shetta {from ihc same) PI. 87-103 7. The .surrender of ATKHH (y'rrjwi Luxor) . . .PI. 104-107 The Bcphalm. 51. \ Uos. Mun. St. 8. Defeat of the siikt'ta before atesh ; the chiefs and tliose (if tiieir allies drowned in their Hight aeross the river {from the Ramcssemn) .... PI. 109, 110 9. Tiie siege of rouN {from the same) . . . PI. 108 10. Portrait of a chief of the siikt'ta, cajitive of Rameses III. {from Medinct-Abou) PI. 163 The Emiin differed from the other Kapha nations in that they allowed their hair to grow long. Those of the metropolitan dis- trict wore it parted into three locks, one hanging on each side, and one down the back. This is the style of the tribe engaged with Seti-Menephtah, in the battle-scene, Ros. pi. 57, and of the chief embodying the nation in the symbolical groups, pi. (U) and 79. The head in our PI. IV. fig. 2(5, is copied from the former ; it exhibits to great advantage the physical characteristics of this tribe, without the repulsive individual traits of the Medinet Abou captive, whose costume shows that he belongs to the southern or Kenite region. These wore their hair in a single long lock or queue, hanging down behind ; see our PI. IV. fig. 20, which is that of a waiTior slain at the siege of poun or Punon. Some- times the hair was simply combed back from the forehead and confined by a fillet or circlet either of gold or scarlet ; sometimes the whole anterior half of the head was shaved, the long back hair only remaining. The Emim hardly ever are represented with beards ; those who ni'^iX, 'Babylonian garment,' referred to in Josh. vii. 21. It appears that the corselet was worn only in battle, when the upper mantle was discarded. The wearing of an under tunic with the mantle was quite optional, for the Shethite Rephaim are as often delineated without one — like the tah'N'nu — as with one — like the uno. The material of this under tunic, as well as its length and the richness of its adornments, were evidently regu- lated by no custom but the convenience, taste, and rank of the wearer. The arras of the Emim were bows and arrows, and long spears. They carried shields of various forms, which, from their markings in the ])ictures, apj)ear to have been made of wicker. They never aj)])ear in helmets, save the close skull-caps above referred to, worn only in l)attle, which were either (juite ])lain, or were finished at the top with a short tail or tuft. The various battle-scenes in whii;h they appear, rej)resent them as fighting on liorseback as well as on foot. The chiefs used war- chariots dniwn by a ])air of horses. These were not very unlike the l^gy})tiaii chariot in make. The horses were magnificently caparisoned, with embroidered cloths and ornaments of gold, blue and scarlet, it is difficult to understand how a peoj)le presenting so elaborately luxurious an array could ever have been referred, on the strength of a half-resemblance of name, to the rude nomadic troops of barbarians described under the name of Scythians by Herodotus. Ros. Moil. St. PL 48 PI. 49 PI. 50, 52 The Rephaim. ^ 5^ § c. The Rephaim {of Bashan) and Philistines. The costvune of the Zuziin is so exactly the same as that of tlie Pliihstines, that one (lescrij)tion will suffice for both. They are depicted in the followinrr subjects : — 1. Seti-Menephtali routing the shas'U before pairou (from Kaniak) ....... 2. Tlie same attacking the shas'U before a fortress on a hill {ibid.) 3. Presentation of the captives anil spoils (ibid.) . 4. The SHAS'U surrendering to Rameses II. (fromAbou- Simbel) PI. 101 5. Philistines and Amorites, in a boat, coming to aid the Shethites of atesh against Rameses II. {from Luxor) PI. 104 6. The PULSA'TA aiding Rameses III. against the rbo {from 3Iedinet-Abou) PI. 136 7. The Rephaim (siias'u) aiding Rameses III. against the T-AKKiru (/i/c?.) PI. 127-8 8. The same fighting in the ships of the pulsa'ta against Egypt (ibid.) PI. 131 9. t'Akkk'u and uno prisoners {ibid.) .... PI. 134 10. PULSA'TA and tuinu'na pri.soners {ibid.) . . . PI. 144 11. Portraits of the captives of Rameses III. : — tlie chief of T'AKUR'I, of SIIAIRTA'NA, — of SHA" (partly effaced, SHAS'U or siiALAMU?) .... PI. 143 Figs. 1, 2, and 3, in our PI. III. are, respectively, the Rephaim of the central Judea region, of Pairou or Pelusium, and of Basiian, from Ros., pi. 50, 52, and 127. Figs. 10 and 11 are an Amorite and a Philistine, from pi. 102. Fig. 12 is a Philistine, from a painted vase in the tomb of Rameses III. The Zuzim and Philistine costume consisted of a short kilt like that of the rbo Anakim. It opened in front ; the hem, which often had a double border, was sometimes straight, but often cut so as to make the skirt dip in front into a point. Their bodies were pro- tected by a low corselet, quilted, or made of bands or plates, and reaching no higher than the arm-pits. Sometimes two broad straps of the same material or pattern w^ent over the shoulders to keep it on. This corselet was an p]gy]3tian fashion. Neither the Zuzim nor the Philistines ever appear on the monumental sculptures in their upper robe. Yet we have ex- traneous evidence that this garment was also part or' the full costume of both these nations. In a vase delineated in the tomb of Rameses III., supported by two Philistines, the figures are attired in a mantle with a deep fringed border, which is worn in 54 The Rephaim. the fashion characteristic of the Rephaim, passing under one ami and fastening over the other shoulder. As it is made a little more ample than the corresponding garment as woni by the Anakim, it does not appear open at the side, but the upper edge laps over the under edge of the opening in a very graceful manner. A Philistine chief in this elegant costume, with his tall feathered coronet, must have presented an appearance equally gorgeous and imposing. The SHAS'U who surrendered to Rameses II., in the war with the SHET'TA, present a strange exception to the rest, in being dressed exactly like the Egyptian soldiers coming to their rencontre, — in all but their Ashtaroth-crested helmets. Whether on this occasion they really donned the Egyptian uniform, — or whether it was gratuitously bestowed upon them in the painted relievo, as a compliment, to indicate their assimilation with ' the pure race ' of Egypt, we cannot decide. It is quite a solitary instance. This incident is repeated in the Luxor version of the memorial, Ros. pi. 106, lower line of figures. The Zuzim and the Philistines used the same arms, offensive and defensive. The foot-soldiers had either straight double-eilged swords, shaped like wedges, or smaller curved ones, single-edged ; they also used battle-axes of an Egyptian ])attern. Those who rode in chariots used spears, javelins, and bows and arrows ; they carried large round shields. There is no representation of the sHAS-u in chariots ; those of the Philistines were exactly like those of the Emim ; but the quiver was attached to its side, after the Egyptian fashion. A\'e observe the same variations in the shaving of the beard among the Zuzim and Philistines, as among the other tribes of Rephaim. Sometimes they wear it pointed, \\ithout a moustache, like the chief of siiairta'NA or Zarthan hi our plate 3, fig. 13 ; sometimes they wear a moustache and no beard, like the siiaS'U who surrender to Rameses H. (])late lOl); sometimes they are quite shaved, as the warriors in the Me(lini>t-Al>()u battle-pieces. The I'vkronite chief of the Medinet-Abou j)()rtraits has a pointed beard, yet the warriors in tlu^ battle-scene liave none. Rut these peo])lc never wear a full Ixvird, nor show any hair. The shape of the Ashtaroth-crested head-])ieces worn by the Ki^phnim of Rjishan iKH'cssarily exhi])its the back of tlu^ head ; and it is there- fore evident, from all the r(^])res(>ntati()ns of them, that the hair was shaved off or clipped away quite close. The only diilercnci' in tlie costumes of the Rephaim of Hasiian and the Philistines is in the form and symbol of their helmets ; yet there is an agreement even in this dilVerence. since both wore the V)adge of their resjicctive tutelar goddesses. The Rephaim. 1^)1^ J There is a part of the shas'U nation who did not wear the token of Ashtaroth ; those ag'ainst whom Seti-Menej)htah made war in their own hmd (Ros. pL 41)), after expelHng- their forces from PAiuou (Pehisium). Their city was near a hi;^h hill — but its name is lost. The costume of this tribe is given in our j)l. o, fig. 1 ; but the sha})es of their helmets vary considerably : some project behind in a fonn strongly resembling the head-gear of a captive of Rameses III. at Medinet-Abou, whose name, sua-.., is partly erased. His likeness to the chief of shairta-na is so strong, that he must have been of the same nation ; but it must remain doubtful whether shasu, or shalamu be the restoration of the name on his legend. It is more likely to be the latter, because SHALAMU is registered by name among the conquests of Rameses III. ; whereas the shas'u are not mentioned by that name in his inscriptions, being comprehended under the general designation of TEMAUU. The similarity of costume between the Philistines of the later monumental period, and the elder branch of the Rephaim nation, is quite consistent with the Scriptural intimation that those Philis- tines were a people who had become closely identified with the remnant of Caphtor or Lower Egypt. The dissimilarity in costume between the Zuzim and the two other Rapha tribes, and its ap- proximation in all such points of dissimilarity to that of the Delta, is also fully explained. For more than five centuries they ruled in Memphis ; for three out of the five they held all Upper Eg) pt under tribute. It is perfectly natural to suppose that during such a long lapse of time they took up many Egyptian observances of costume more adapted to the climate of the country, and which they did not afterwards wholly cast ofi". And when the kindred race of Caphtor, who shared their exile, joined the small Philistine tribe, we can easily perceive how, although the ancient name of the tribe continued, its national characteristics and predilections became modified by the connection of the new-comers with the Rephaim of Jerusalem ; assimilating rather with these, than with the Rephaim of Anak or of Shittim, whenever, in their subsequent relations with Egypt, their political interests happened to clash. But although in the last phase of their national existence, certain outward tokens of nationality were thus sunk, in the elder family of the Rephaim, there is reason to believe that a most valuable record of their primitive type still exists in the well-known subject from the grottoes of Beni-llassan, which represents an embassy of unknown foreigners, headed by their hk, named absha, and accompanied by their wives and children, bringing gifts to an officer who lived in the reign of Sesertasen II., one of the earlier kings of the Xllth dynasty (Vide Ros. pi. 26 to 28). 5{> Tlie Rephaim. Thiri uionuineut accordingly belongs to a period a little preced- ing the Hyksos invasion, since the ' six foreign Phoenician kings ^vho took Memphis ' are now found to have been contemporaneous with the latter part of the Xllth. Manetho limits the rule of the Hyksos in Einpt to 511 years. This interval is quite suffi- cient, though not too long, for the XVth Ph(enician dynasty, the XVIIth of ' other Shepherd-kings,' who laid Thebes under tribute, and their contemporaries, the tributary Xlllth of Thebans, and VHIth Memphites. By placing the Exodus at the close of the XlXth dynasty, the expulsion of the Shepherds by Amosis or Aahmes, leader of the X\ Illth, falls at about the time of x\bra- ham's death. Thus we are not exaggerating the antiquity of this curious old Egyptian picture, when we say that it was painted nearly four hundred years before Abraham was bom I A reference to the figures themselves will, I believe, satisfy the inquirer that in all elementary and characteristic forms of their costume, these foreigners strikingly resemble the Shethite and Anakite Eephaim. Figs. 4, 5, (i, in our PI. IIL, represent the three principal persons in the ])rocession. They wear tlie })eculiar mantle, striped with rich variegated patterns and colours, and ])assing under one arm and fastened over the other shoulder, just like the Anakim of rbo and tahi, and the shet-ta, but a little shorter than the former. Instead of the loose tunic of th(> siietta, our unknown people wear the short close-fitting kilt of the rbo. The only figures showing this part of the co?tunie are the attend- ants behind absiia, who do not wear the mantle of distinction. They are all in their civilian costume, and wear no helmets ; but the form into which their hair or wig is trained remhids one strongly of the caps of some among the siiasu of Pelusium and of tile upper siiasu country (compare ])1. 45*, 50). Their beards are wvy curiously cut and trimmed to a j)oint ; the side of it, according to the invariable custom of the Uephaim, is partly shaved away. Again, the remarkable outline of their ])rofiles is worthy of att<^ntion, viz. the retiring forehead (iiid cliin peculiar to that nation. 'J'he latter feature is particularly well displayed in the female faces. ("onq)an^ the head of the chief wonum with that of a Ki5() captiv(! of Kameses III. next to it, in our j)l. III., figs, t, 5. Hy the likeness of their features, she might be taken for his danjihter, yet an interval of eight hundred years separates these two individuals. The costume 3 archaic Eof^ptiaii fashion. See the head of Neith in our pi. II., fig-. 10. The men wear sandals, the wom(>n boots. The chief, ABSHA^ carries the hook-shaped sceptre, which by the way is tlie initial lettei' in his title iiK, a ruler, equivalent to the Ile])raized title j-iy (Ofj). The other men carry bows, spears, and a club of a very remarkable shape. This resemblance in their general characters of person and costume seems to justify our believing^ that, in the hitherto un- known Beni-IIassan foreigners, whose identity has given rise to so nmch speculation,*^ we behold an authentic contemporaneous repre- sentation of the primitive type of that ancient people, the Rephaim of the Bible, in its very earliest stage of nationalization, prior to its conquest of Egypt, perhaps even prior to its subdivision into the branch nations known in Bible-history as the Emim and Anakim, since each of these tribes appears to have adopted to itself certain special modifications of the original national costume, sufficiently marked to distinguish one family or tribe from another, yet not sufficiently different from the primary type to obliterate its essentially characteristic points. § D. The Aramites, The last group to be described presents characters of feature and costume so different from those of the Rephaim, that we must have recognised in them another nation of another race, even if their lands had remained unidentified, and their origin unascer- tained. The series of subjects in which this race appear, and from which the figures 21 to 25 of our plate IV. are selected, are as follows : — Eos. Mon. St. 1. SHEM'U group; tomb of Seti-Menephtah {Biban-cl- Moluk) ri. 155 2. Same, in full dress ; tomb of Menephtah {from the same). See our fig. 21 3. Same ; tomb of Rameses III. {from the same) 4. The lower lt'N'nu and rmn*n submitting to Seti- Menephtah, and cutting down trees {from Karnah). See fig. 22 5. Attack of a city, name partly lost .... 6. Defeat of the upper lt'N'nu by Seti-Menephtah 7. Captives and spoils of the upper lt"n*nu . ^ The favourite hypothesis that the picture represented the arrival of the Hebrews in Egjpt is of course deniohshed by recent chronological research. An interval of seven centuries elapsed between the reign of Sesertasen II. and that event. If the Exodus happened at the end of the nineteenth dynasty, the elevation of Joseph must have taken place under one of the early reigns of the eighteenth ; most probably under the regency preceduig the. reigu of Thothmes III., or during his minority. PL 157 V\. 158 PI. 46 PI. 46 PI. 47 PI. 48 5S The Rephaim. Hos. Mon. St, 8. The SHAR submitting to Seti-Menephtah . . .PL 49 9. Surrender of a fortress (name unlcnown) to Rameses II. {from Beit-el- Wally). See our figs. 24, 25 . PI. 68 10. Rameses II. attacking another fortress in a moun- tainous country, name unknown {from Abou- Simbel). See our fig. 23 PL 53 11. Rameses III. defeating the lt-n*nu {from 3Iedinet- Abou). Champollion's Mon PL 227,228 12. Chief of tliis race, captive of Rameses II. {from Luxor). See our fig. 27 . . . . . PL 141 The epithet shem'u, which describes the tomb-figures of the three first subjects referred to, is evidently the primary designation of the Aramite race, ' the Shemites.' In those early ages, when the great Asiatic migration from the region of thc^ upper Euphrates w as only beginning to direct itself southward, the Shemites of the eastern line of population were the only tribes touching upon the Hamites of the western line, who were not of the same paternal stock. Thus their early patronymic, ' she3I"U,' seems, by an easy transition of ideas, to have passed into the language of the Mizraim as a common appellative for stranyers — those of a different race. By the Canaanites of the West, they were geographically, de- signated ' the children of the East.' The fundamental points of resemblance between these suem people of the tombs and the monumental groups of the succeeding subjects, clearly show that they are of the same stock — that the suE>ru are the typical figure of which the monumental nations are as many local and unessential variations. The siiem'U may be the metropolitantribe, for Damascus and Sliem were both names of the same city ; and therefore the people bearing that name would be pictorial representatives of the monumental nauartna (Hiver- land, Aram Naharaim) ; while those figured in the historical illus- trations aj)])car, l)y tlie names of their localities, to ])elong to the !-()utliern region of this ancient estahlislnnent, and to n^prcseiit its ])rovincial members, though at a ])eriod when its power had been superseded by the tShethite Rephaim, and its population had given way to the Edomites. The figure in the tomb of Seti-Menephtah does not give the full costume — it only wears the short luidcr gnrment of inferior pcoph", like tlu^ attendants of Abslia in the old Heni-Ilassan sub- j(H't ; but in the tond) of jMenej)htah, son of the great J^inieses, and contemjjorary of Moses, we find a rejx'tition of tlu^ figure in full attire, with the same name, countenanc^e, and head-dress as the others (see fig. 21 of our pi. IV.). \\'e are thereby cMiabled to connect this tyj)ical ligure with the monuuientai grouj) to which it belongs. ■*^i33^.. TJie Rephaim. §^//)5' The people comprised within this grou]) all affect the following peculiarities : — They do not clip or shave any part of the beard, like the Rephaim ; but wear it full and round. They do not go with their limbs bare, like the Kejjhaim ; but wear a long robe, which either folds over the person in front, or is twined spirally round the figure, fastening at the waist with a short girdle. They do not wear a mantle, like the Rephaim ; but the uj)per part of the body is covered by a short cape, rounded and open in front, which never reaches lower than the waist. The aperture for the throat is sometimes cut and bordered in a peculiar form which gives it the appearance, in the sculptures, of a cross hanging from the neck. In the shem-lt of the two first tomb-subjects, the hair seems to have been powdered, or enclosed in a white bag or net spotted over with blue. A fillet with a bow behind encircles the head. The faces of all the people wearing this costume present as great a contrast to those of the Rephaim as their attire. Their profile exhibits a much more upright outline, with a genuine aqui- line cast approximating to the Hebrew countenance. See our Four Biblical names are found in one region, corresponding to the four names of the people whose costume answers to the above description, viz. shar, Seir ; let, Elath ; rmn, Rimmon-Parez ; and POUN, Pnnon. This fourfold correspondence of name and costume is a coincidence of great value as a test of the people's identity ; while, on the other hand, the general resemblance they all bear to the shem of the tombs is a striking confirmation of the conclusion founded on a great number of Scriptural references already quoted — that the original settlers in the Horite valley were an Aramite race. The individual variations of costume between the people bearing these names are very unimportant, and chiefly consist of a slight difference in the head attire. Some wear the back hair full and round, with the fillet and tie behind : the let, Elath ( Ros. pi. 41), 47, 48), SHAR, Seir (pi. 49), and the Luxor captive chieftain (pi, 141), are so represented. The remen, and some of the siiar, have a close round skull-cap with a flap over the back of the neck, and they seem to have cut off their back hair. The garrison of the nameless fortress in the Beit-el- Wally subject (fig. 24) shave tluMr heads, though their chief wears the shem'U coiflnure. Some wore the back hair full, but shaved the crown of the head, and cover it with a cap. But amidst all these variations of individual fancy, the great line of demarcation between the Shemite and the Rapha '"iiiiiiir I GO The Rephaim. races remains inviolate. None of these })eople shave their beards. The Scripture history constrains us to recof^nise the Edomite rulers and successors of the Horites in the chiefs of the people whose costume we have described ; and it appears established, from the evidence of these interestino; representations, that the children of Esau, although in all their political relations they proved them- selves true friends and faithful allies of the Shethite people, among whom their first establishment was formed, had not assimilated themselves with that idolatrous race so far as to adopt their ex- ternal badge of nationality by shaving their beards. The only exception to this rule would seem to be the shaved garrison of poun, or Punon, who wear the genuine Ilorite robe and cape (see our fig. 2H) ; but the monumental picture which re- cords the event, also records the fact that the masters of Punon were of the shet'ta people, and thus proves the rule to be without exception. The fortress in the subject (pi. 68) exhibits the female costume of the country, in three women on the battlements : one is beating her head in despair, another offering her child to the victors, or throwing it over the walls. Two of them wear capes like the men ; the third, apparently a young maiden, has her neck and shoulders unclothed. Their hair is long, hanging down, and from the shoulders the ends are braided into three tails. See fig. 25. In these battle-pieces, most of the enemy are represented with- out weapons. This ingenious Egyptian expedient to suggest their absolute hel})lessness, unfortunately deprives us of the means of knowing how they really did defend themselves. Here and there we see a figure with a broken bow ; and in one of the battles of Seti-3Ienephtah (pi. 4{)), a chief is looking out of a circular window or loophole, with one hand on his head, and his sword pointing downwards in the other, as a token of submission. This sword is the sanii^ doubl(>-cdged and wedge-sha])ed wea})on as that borne by the Philistines, and the Zuzim surrendering to llameses II. in the great picture of Abou-Simbel. The costume of the Amorites may be gathered from the only three subjects in which they appear by name. In the attack on ATESii by Seti-Menej)htah, the city is evidently defended by an Amorite garrison; for although their costume resembles that of the Slicthites as to the military uniform — the corselet, and a skull- cap crested with a tail — they have full beards, and moreover are commanded by a bearded chief who wears the same head-attire as th(! chief of amah, ca])tivc of llameses III., in the harem at Medinet Abou (Ros. pi. 1415). 'I'he same bearded ])eop]e, in plain l(jiig robes, accxMupany the J'hilistines coming to aid tlu^ Shethite garrison of atesu against llameses II., in the Luxor subject, from The Rephaim. ^\c^ which the figure 10 in our plate III. is taken ; and we know from .Scripture, on the one liand, that the Philistines ruled over an ex- tensive Anioritt! district, and could therefore comuiand the services of its population in case of war : on the other hand, the amaru are mentioned hy name with the people of cherbu (Hebron), in the Ef^ptian inscriptions of these subjects, as allies of the shet'TA in the war. Finally, in the captive chief of Rameses III., a dis- tinct idea of the physique of this race is handed down to us. This chief has a longer face than the Ilephaim, and a much straighti^r line of profile. The Ekronite chief is not unlike him. The Amorite has a fine long full beard, and the sides of his face are not shaved. His hair is arranged precisely like that of the shem'u and LET people, and bound by a similar fillet and tie. As the Edomites themselves were half-breed Canaanites, descendants of Seir the Hivite, co-settler with Esau, it is interesting to find the similarity of their respective fashions thus in harmony with their origin. F. C. LONPON : PRINTEn BY W. ri>OWES AND SONS, STAMFOKU STREKT. Costume Pla-te 111. THE REPHAIM. Costumes Plate IV. U 25- TH E REPHAIM *» i THE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW. Series 94H2 3 1205 02656 2155 AA 000 937 543 7 h» %-■ 'g«rx m^