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 ■^[FiLEONo
 
 THE 
 
 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 OP 
 
 NAPOLEON THE THIRD. 
 
 EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH; 
 
 s 
 
 WITH 
 
 iognpljual °§%\\m 
 
 OF HIS 
 
 MOST DISTINGUISHED MINISTERS, GENERALS, RELATIVES, 
 
 AND FAVORITES, 
 
 AND 
 
 A NARRATIVE 
 
 OP 
 
 THE EVENTS OF THE WAR IN ITALY. 
 
 BY 
 
 SAMUEL M. SMUCKER, LL. D., 
 
 AUTHOR OF " COURT AND REIGN OF CATHERINE II.," " HISTORY OF NICHOLAS 
 "LIF1 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON," " MEMORABLE SCENE8 
 IN FRENCH HISTORY," ETC. 
 
 -<•»- 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 a. a. evans 
 
 439 CHESTNUT STREET. 
 1860.
 
 Entered, according to the Act of Congress in the year 1859, by 
 SAMUEL M. SMUCKER, 
 
 tft the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern District 
 
 of Pennsylvania. 
 
 8I«RE0TrPED BT J. FAQ AS-
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Every age produces its master-spirits ; and it is 
 absurd at this late day to deny that Louis Napoleon 
 occupies that position in reference to the present cen- 
 tury. It is equally evident that he has already fulfilled 
 his mission ; or that he has at least achieved the 
 greater part of the brilliant or the tragical destiny 
 which may have been allotted him. He has revived 
 the defunct empire of the great Corsican ; he has in- 
 herited his colossal power ; and he now sits upon that 
 perilous throne which was formerly purchased by the 
 blood and tears of a continent. There is henceforth 
 little more of consequence which Louis Napoleon can 
 accomplish. He may indeed live in the enjoyment 
 of his imperial state for some time to come; but 
 beside this, the brief record of his future history will 
 very probably comprise but one thing more : that he 
 will either be dethroned, or be assassinated, or will 
 die in his bed with all his blushing honors thick 
 upon him. 
 
 In preparing the following work for the press the 
 author has exhausted all the reliable materials which 
 were accessible. These include everything that is 
 valuable, which the literatures of France and England 
 contain in reference to the subject. Several biogra- 
 
 (ix)
 
 X PREFACE. 
 
 pines of the Emperor of the French have already 
 appeared in this country ; yet none of them are com- 
 plete even as far as they go ; none bring the narrative 
 of events down to the present time ; all of them speak 
 of the subject of their narratives with the exagge- 
 rated ardor and unfair coloring of partisans ; and they 
 have been indiscriminate either in their censure or 
 their praise. The present writer has endeavored to 
 avoid these errors ; he is not conscious of yielding to 
 the least degree of prejudice in either direction ; and 
 he has aimed at elaborating such a history of the 
 public and private career of Louis Napoleon in all its 
 stages, as will describe it precisely as it occurred. 
 The reader himself will judge how far the author has 
 been successful in achieving a correct historical por- 
 trait of the most extraordinary man, beyond all com- 
 parison, who has flourished during the middle epoch 
 of the nineteenth century. 
 
 The biography of Napoleon III. does not occupy 
 the whole of the present volume. It had been easy 
 by the use of larger type to have filled all the allotted 
 space with that portion of the work alone ; but the 
 writer has endeavored to render it more valuable by 
 the addition of other interesting and useful matter 
 which illustrates the history of the French Emperor. 
 These articles form Part Second of the work. 
 
 SAMUEL M. SMUCKER. 
 Philadelpiii \, July, 1858.
 
 Contents 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAS I 
 
 Splendor of the Napoleonic Dynasty — Relative Importance of 
 Louis Napoleon in that Dynasty — His Birth — His supposed 
 Illegitimacy — His Infancy — Interest felt by Napoleon I. in 
 his fate — The Fall of the Emperor — Heroism of Hortense — 
 Her Departure from Paris with her Sons — Her Residence at 
 Malmaison — Death of Josephine — Boyhood of Louis Napo- 
 leon — His early Education — Napoleon's return from Elba — 
 Waterloo — Capitulation of Paris — Flight of Hortense and 
 her Sons — Her Residence at Aix — Her Husband demands 
 their eldest Son — Her Residence at Constance — " Partant 
 vour la Syrie" — College Studies of Louis Napoleon — Hor- 
 tense purchases the Estate of Arenemberg — Her occasional 
 Residence at Rome — Progress of Louis Napoleon in Mili- 
 tary Studies — The Revolution of July, 1830 21 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Outbreak of the Revolution in Italy — Secret Conclave of the 
 Bonapartes in Rome — Louis Napoleon commanded to with- 
 draw from the Papal Capital — He joins the Revolutionists — 
 Death of his elder Brother at Faenza — His own Sickness — 
 His Arrival at Paris with his Mother — Their reception by 
 Louis Philippe — Compelled to retire to England — Their 
 removal to Arenemberg in Switzerland — The Polish Revo- 
 
 (*i)
 
 Xll CONTENTS 
 
 lution — Death of the Duke of Reiehstadt — Louis Napoleon 
 complimented by the Polish Refugees — His private studies 
 at Arenemberg — Publishes his Reveries Politiques — Nature 
 and Contents of this Work — He publishes his " Considera- 
 tions Politiques et Militaires sur la Suisse" — Character of 
 this Work — Compliments of the Helvetic Diet — Louis Na- 
 poleon invited to marry the Queen of Portugal — His reasons 
 for refusing to do so 39 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Pursuits and studies of Louis Napoleon at Arenemberg — His 
 Manual of Artillery — Character of that work — He begins to 
 plot — The Escapade of Strasburg — State of public feeling in 
 France at that period — Unpopularity of Louis Philippe — 
 Preparations for the plot at Arenemberg — The Hunting 
 Party — The Prince arrives at Baden-Baden — He meets 
 Madame Gordon — Her Beauty and Talents — Her former 
 History — She becomes a Devotee to the Prince — His arrival 
 at Strasburg — Meeting of the Conspirators — Suspicions 
 aroused and allayed — Six o'clock arrives — Colonel Vaudrey 
 — Submission of the Fourth Regiment — General Voirol — 
 The Prince's Identity denied — Total and rapid Failure of 
 the Conspiracy — Arrest of the Conspirators — Examination 
 and Responses of Louis Napoleon 53 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Presence of mind and Intrepidity of Madame Gordon — Her 
 Trial and Acquittal — Her subsequent Fate — The Gratitude 
 of Louis Napoleon — His removal to Paris — Intercessions of 
 Queen Hortense in his behalf — The Prince Banished — His 
 voyage to Rio Janeiro — His arrival at New York — His con- 
 duct in the United States — Letter from Hortense — His Re- 
 turn to Switzerland — Death of Hortense — Brochure of M. 
 Persigny — Republished by M. Laity — Letter of Louis Napo- 
 leon to Laity — Louis Philippe demands his Expulsion from 
 Switzerland — The Cantons Refuse — War threatened — 
 Voluntary withdrawal of the Prince — He goes to England
 
 CONTENTS. xiU 
 
 —Publishes his " Idees Napoleoniennes" — Gore House — The 
 Countess of Blessington — Lord Eglinton — The Prince's 
 habits of Dissipation in London — His connection with Mrs. 
 Howard — Her History and Career 65 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Louis Napoleon in England — The Insurrection of Barbes — 
 False Opinions as to the State of Feelings in France — The 
 Affair of Boulogne — Want of Organization and Preparation 
 in France — Louis Napoleon and his Friends embark on the 
 " City of Edinburgh" — Their arrival on the Coast of France 
 — They Disembark — Proclamation to the Soldiers — Attempt 
 to corrupt the Garrison of Boulogne — Partial Success — Subse- 
 quent Failure — Arrest of Louis Napoleon and his Associates 
 — Colonel Puygillier — Trial of the Conspirators — Evidence 
 against them — Eloquence of Counsel — Berryer — Ferdinand 
 Barrot — Conviction of the Prisoners — Their Sentence — 
 Louis Napoleon condemned to Imprisonment for Life — The 
 Fortress of Ham — Prevalent Opinions in reference to the 
 Affair of Boulogne — Its peculiar Error — Its advantageous 
 Results on the subsequent Fate of Louis Napoleon 80 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Origin and History of the Fortress of Ham — Its situation and 
 appearance — Louis Napoleon conveyed thither — His Rigor- 
 ous treatment — His Protest to the French Government — 
 Removal of Napoleon's Remains from St. Helena — Louis 
 Napoleon writes and publishes his " Historical Fragments" 
 — His "Considerations sur la Question des Sucres" — His 
 " Extinction of Pauperism" — His " Canal Napoleon de Nica- 
 ragua" — The Prince desires to visit his Dying Father — 
 The Request Refused — He determines to Escape from Ham 
 — The Astuteness and Ability of the Plan adopted — The 
 Prince's Costume — He leaves his Prison and evades the 
 Scrutiny of the Guards — Adroitness of Thelin — The Prince 
 reaches Valenciennes, Brussels, Ostend. England — The skil- 
 ful proceedings of Dr. Coaneau — The Astonishment and 
 2
 
 Xiv CONTENTS. 
 
 Terror of the Commandant — The Prince refused Passporjp 
 
 to Florence by the Tuscan Minister 92 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Interview of the Prince with Count d'Orsay — Lady Douglass — 
 Death of the ex-King of Holland— The "Melanges Politiques" 
 — History of the Downfall of Louis Philippe — State of Poli- 
 tics in France — The Monster Banquets — Popular Tumults — 
 M. Molle — The new Ministry of Thiers — Delusion of the 
 King — His Flight from Paris — Establishment of the Pro- 
 visional Government — Letters of Louis Napoleon to the 
 Provisional Government — His Return to London — He is 
 elected a Representative by Four Departments — His Letters 
 to the Electors and to the Assembly— He sends in his Resig- 
 nation as Representative to the Assembly — Popular Tumults 
 — Cavaignac appointed Dictator — Louis Napoleon re-elected 
 Representative by Five Departments — His appearance in 
 the Assembly — His Speech — Decree of Banishment against 
 the Bonapartes annulled 108 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The new Constitution — Candidates for the Presidency — 
 Cavaignac — Ledru Rollin — The Immortal "Name" — Ac- 
 tivity of the Partisans of Louis Napoleon — Manifestoes of 
 the Candidates — Results of the Election — Inauguration of 
 President Louis Napoleon — Difficulties of his Position — De- 
 fects of the New Constitution — The Cabinet of the President 
 — Activity and violence of the Red Republican Clubs — 
 Fouchet's Bill for their Suppression — Ledru Rollin pro- 
 poses the Impeachment of the Ministers — The President's 
 Intrepidity — Conspiracy against him throughout France — 
 Opposition to him in the Assembly — Revolution in the 
 Ecclesiastical States — Roman Republic proclaimed — Maz- 
 zini and Garibaldi — Defeat of General Oudinot — The new 
 Legislative Assembly — Louis Napoleon's Message to the 
 Assembly — Downfall of the Roma^n Republic 123
 
 CONTENTS. XV 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Louis Napoleon in the Workshops of Paris — Incidents and 
 Escapes — His Tour through the Provinces — Committee of 
 Permanence — Decree permitting the Return of the Bour- 
 bons — The President's Letter to Colonel Ney — Duel between 
 Thiers and Bixio — Victor Hugo's Hostility to the President 
 — New Ministers appointed — Sudden growth of Socialism — 
 Election of Representatives — The Law of Universal Suffrage 
 — Increasing Hostility of the Assembly to the President — In- 
 crease of the President's Salary — His second Tour through 
 the Provinces — Hostility of Changarnier to the President — 
 The Reviews at Satory — Conspiracy to Arrest the President 
 — The False Message — The Revision of the Constitution dis- 
 cussed — The President's Speech at Dijon — Universal Suf- 
 frage again discussed — New Cabinet of the President — State 
 of France — Approach of the Decisive Moment for Action . . 137 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Coup oVEtat — Ball at the Elyste Palace — Louis Napoleon 
 in his Cabinet — Printing of the Proclamations — Their Distri- 
 bution throughout the Capital — Simultaneous Arrest of the 
 chief Enemies of the President — The Soldiers take posses- 
 sion of the Hall of the Assembly — Fragments of the Assem- 
 bly convene elsewhere — Events of Wednesday — Prepara- 
 tions for Thursday — Appearance of Paris on Thursday — 
 The Military — The Barricades — Massacres in the Streets — 
 Rout of the Insurgents — Defeat of the Red Republicans — 
 Number of Killed and Wounded — Louis Napoleon's Pro- 
 clamation — The General Election — The President's Active 
 Measures — The Results of the Ballots — Louis Napoleon 
 President for Ten Years — Te Deum — The President removes 
 to the Tuilleries — His subsequent Proceedings — General 
 Changarnier — Cavaignac — Lamorici6re — General Leflo — 
 General Bedeau — La Grange — M. Grippo — Colonel Charras — 
 M. Roger (du Nord)— M. Baze— M. Thiers— The consterna-
 
 XVI CONTENTS. 
 
 tion of the Historian of the Revolution, The Consulate and 
 the Empire 152 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Progress of Louis Napoleon's Ambition — The Empire — Popu- 
 lar Acts of Government — The new Constitution — The Preva- 
 lence of Alarm — Growth of Socialism — The President's 
 Journey through the Provinces — The Infernal Machine at 
 Marseilles — Decree against the Property of the Orleans 
 Family — Excuses for that Decree — The Restoration of the 
 Empire — Return of the Votes — Reign of Terror — Proposals 
 for the Marriage of the Emperor — Their Refusal — The 
 Parisian Belle — Qualities of the Countess de Teba — She is 
 selected by Louis Napoleon as his Empress — His Address to 
 the Senate — The Imperial Nuptials — Imposing Ceremonies 
 on the Occasion — National Rejoicings and Congratulations 
 — The Emperor's Address to the Senate — Prospects of the 
 Empire 172 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Origin of the War in the Crimea — Insulting Letter of Nicholas 
 I. to the French Emperor — Early History of the Crimea — 
 The Empress Catherine II. — She subjugates the Crimea — 
 Origin of Sevastopol — Nicholas I. resolves on the Conquest 
 of Turkey — The Holy Places in Palestine — Communications 
 between Nicholas and the British Government — The War — 
 The Peace — The Treaty of Paris — Provisions of the Treaty 
 — Louis Napoleon the real Hero of the War — The English 
 Press and its Adulation of him — A Contrast — Visit of Louis 
 Napoleon to Queen Victoria — Extract from the London 
 Times — Addresses by Corporations — Attempt to Assassinate 
 Louis Napoleon in Paris — Visit of Queen Victoria to Louis 
 Napoleon — The Exhibition of the World's Industry — The 
 French Press on the English Alliance — Birth of the Prinoe 
 of Algeria — Frantic Joy of the Nation — Addresses of Con- 
 gratulation — The Emperor's Reply to the Senate — His Pious 
 Response to the Corps Legislatif—Abd-e\-Ka,der — Barbes. . . 185
 
 CONTENTS. XVl'l 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Relations of Louis Napoleon to Marshal St. Arnaud — 
 The Army of the Allies — St. Arnaud and the Coup d'Etat 
 — He takes no part in the Revolution of February — Leading 
 Qualities of St. Arnaud — His peculiar Afflictions — His Suc- 
 cesses — The Slanders which those Successes elicited — The 
 Mental Tortures which they Inflicted on him — His only 
 Remedy — St. Arnaud and the Priest — He is appointed Com- 
 mander of the Army of the East — Suffers under a dreadful 
 fatal Disease — Proceedings at Varna — Embarkation for the' 
 Crimea — Battle of the Alma — Heroism of the Zouaves — 
 Exertions of St. Arnaud — The Victory — He sleeps on tht 
 Battle-field — His Farewell to the Army — Resigns the Com 
 mand to General Canrobert — His Death <J04 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 General Canrobert — His peculiar Genius — His remarkabU 
 Activity and Vigilance — His personal Appearance — Hia 
 Birth and Youth — His Exploits in Algiers — His Conduct in 
 the Crimea — He succeeds St. Arnaud to the Chief Command 
 — Lord Radcliffe — Difficulties of Canrobert's Position — He 
 Resigns the Chief Command — He is the victim of Diplomacy 
 — His Mission to Sweden — A Greek Myth— The Future of 
 Canrobert and Pelissier 216 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The great Rival of Louis Napoleon — Marshal Bugeaud's esti- 
 mate of Cavaignac — A better Estimate of him — His conduct 
 as Dictator of France — Cavaignac's Birth and early History 
 — He makes the Campaign of the Morea — Policy of Louis 
 Philippe — Cavaignac is sent to Algiers — His Bravery and 
 Ability there— The Revolution of 1848 in France— The Pro- 
 visional Government appoint him Governor-General of Al- 
 giers — He declines the Office of Minister of War — Resent- 
 2*
 
 Xvill CONTENTS. 
 
 ment of the Provisional Government — He accepts the post 
 of Minister of War from the Republic — The Downfall of the 
 Executive Commission — Cavaignac appointed Dictator of 
 France — His Cabinet — Results of his Measures — Louis 
 Napoleon elected President — Subsequent insignificance of 
 Cavaignac — He is arrested at the Coup d'Etat — Conduct of 
 Mademoiselle Odier — Correspondence between Cavaignac 
 and De Morny — Cavaignac's release from Prison — His mar- 
 riage to Mdlle. Odier — His subsequent Obscurity — His 
 Death 223 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Louis Napoleon's Reputation for Gallantry — Was always re- 
 garded in England as a bad matrimonial match — He is 
 rejected by Miss Belleu — He afterward Rejects her — The 
 Princess Mathilde — Louis Napoleon's Intrigue with Mdlle. 
 Lautre — His connection with the Countess de Castiglione — 
 Despair of the Empress — The Opera of Joconde — The Count 
 De Morny — The Prince Walewski — Influence of Louis 
 Napoleon's reign on French Society — The contrast between 
 its Influence and that of Charles X. and Louis Philippe .... 234 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The visit of Napoleon III. and Eugenie to England in 1855 — 
 The Journey of Queen Victoria to Paris — The Inundations 
 in France in 1856 — Louis Napoleon's great Administrative 
 Talent — The pacific Splendors of the Empire — Visit of the 
 Grand Duke Constantine of Russia to Paris — Review of 
 Troops in the Capital in 1857 — The magnificent Coup d'CEii 
 — Louis Napoleon's Etat Major — Private Amusements of the 
 French Court — Political Apathy in France — Causes of 
 that Apathy — The " Council of Regency" — The Elections 
 throughout France in June, 1857 — Attempted Assassina- 
 tions 241
 
 CONTENTS. XIX 
 
 PART SECOND. 
 
 NAPOLEONIC MISCELLANY. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 Louis Napoleon's Views of the English Revolution ; from his 
 " Historical Fragments" 251 
 
 No. II. 
 
 Louis Napoleon's Letter respecting his Father, to the Minister 
 of the Interior 256 
 
 No. III. 
 Letter to Louis Napoleon respecting the Nicaragua Canal. . . . 256 
 
 No. IV. 
 Letter of Odillon Barrot to the Prince Napoleon 259 
 
 No. V. 
 Louis Napoleon's Letter to M. Vieillard 260 
 
 No. VI. 
 Letter of Louis Napoleon to the National Assembly 262 
 
 No. VII. 
 Curious Scene in the National Assembly 262 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 Speech of Louis Napoleon in the National Assembly 265 
 
 No. IX. 
 First Inaugural Address of President Napoleon 268 
 
 No. X. 
 Letter of Louis Napoleon to his Cousin 269
 
 XX CONTENTS. 
 
 No. XL 
 
 Proclamation of Louis Napoleon, the President of the Repub- 
 lic of the French People 270 
 
 No. XII. 
 
 Annual Message of President Napoleon to the Assembly, 
 November, 1850 271 
 
 No. XIII. 
 Famous Speech of President Napoleon at Dijon 273 
 
 No. XIV. 
 
 Second Annual Message of President Napoleon 275 
 
 No. XV. 
 Memoir of Louis Bonaparte, ex-King of Holland 279 
 
 No. XVI. 
 
 Memoir of Hortense Beauharnois, ex-Queen of Holland 296 
 
 No. XVII. 
 Rivals of Napoleon III. to the Throne of France 383
 
 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 NAPOLEON THE THIRD. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Splendor of the Napoleonic Dynasty — Relative Importance of Loins 
 Napoleon in that Dynasty — His Birth — His supposed Illegitimacy — ■ 
 His Infancy — Interest felt by Napoleon I. in his fate — The Fall of 
 the Emperor — Heroism of Hortense — Her Departure from Paris 
 with her Sons — Her Residence at Malmaison — Death of Josephine — 
 Boyhood of Louis Napoleon — His early Education — Napoleon's 
 return from Elba — Waterloo — Capitulation of Paris — Flight of Hor- 
 tense and her Sons — Her Residence at Aix — Her Husband demands 
 their eldest Son — Her Residence at Constance — " Partant pour la 
 Syrie" — College Studies of Louis Napoleon — Hortense purchases the 
 estate of Arenemberg — Her occasional Residence at Rome — Pro- 
 gress of Louis Napoleon in Military Studies — The Revolution of 
 July, 1830. 
 
 The career of the great Napoleonic dynasty is without a 
 parallel either in ancient or modern times. The universal 
 judgment of mankind has long since decided, that its founder, 
 Napoleon I., was in every respect as great a hero, and pro- 
 bably a greater, than Alexander, Ciesar, or Charlemagne, the 
 three most renowned representatives of ambitious and martial 
 darin<? in the world's historv. It has been conceded that the 
 variety and extent of Napoleon's abilities, both as a com- 
 mander, a legislator, and a ruler, place him above all his 
 rivals. It is also granted that the splendor of his victories, 
 the extent of his conquests, and the grandeur of his elevation, 
 exceeded theirs in an eminent degree 
 
 (21)
 
 22 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 But in addition to all these elements of superior greatness, 
 it must be admitted that the family of Napoleon I. add an 
 unequal attraction and halo to his career. Neither of hi3 
 illustrious rivals could boast of a wife as graceful and be- 
 witching as Josephine, or as high-born and nobly descended 
 as Maria Louisa. None of them possessed a sister who, like 
 Pauline, deserved the distinction of being called the most 
 beautiful and fascinating woman of her time. None could 
 point to a Caroline who combined beauty, intrepidity, and 
 talent, in so pre-eminent a measure. None of them could 
 claim brothers as sagacious as Joseph, as gallant as Murat, 
 as romantic as Jerome, as capable as Lucien. None of these 
 rival conquerors could point to as many relatives who were 
 sovereign princes and princesses, and who owed their dizzy 
 eminence to his own powerful arm. And none of them had a 
 successor equal in talent, and in desperate, successful daring, 
 to Napoleon III. It must be admitted, also, that the present 
 Emperor of the French is the second personage in point of 
 consequence, celebrity, and interest, among all that illustrious 
 company who bear the name and share the glory of the Bona- 
 partes ; and that his career possesses an importance and splendor, 
 inferior only to that of the great head of the family himself. 
 
 Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte was born at Paris 
 on the 20th of April, 1808. He was the third and only sur- 
 viving son of Louis Napoleon, the King of Holland, and Hor- 
 tense, the daughter of the Empress Josephine, by her first hus- 
 band, the Yiscount de Beauharnois. The infant prince first saw 
 the light at one o'clock, and the Chancellor of the Empire 
 immediately wrote to the Emperor, the Empress, and to 
 Louis Napoleon, informing them of the happy event. At 
 five o'clock in the evening the act of birth was received by 
 the Arch-Chancellor, assisted by his eminence, Regnault de 
 St. Jean d'Angely, the minister of state, and secretary of the 
 imperial family. Salvos of artillery announced the happy 
 event along the whole line of the grande armee, through-
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 23 
 
 out the entire extent of the empire, from Hamburg to Genoa, 
 from the Danube to the Atlantic. This was an honor which 
 fell to the lot of only two members of the imperial family, 
 Louis Napoleon, and the King of Rome ; for they only were 
 born under the imperial regime. 
 
 Notwithstanding these and other testimonials of the legiti- 
 macy of Louis Napoleon, it has been gravely asserted by au- 
 thorities of no mean importance, that not a drop of Bona- 
 parte blood flows in his veins; and that he is, in reality, the 
 eon of the favorite lover of Hortense, Admiral Yerhuel, a 
 Dutch nobleman connected with the court of her husband, 
 while king of Holland. It is well known that the marriage 
 between Louis Bonaparte and Hortense was a compulsory 
 one, brought about by the tears and persuasions of Josephine. 
 Napoleon's Minister of Police, the celebrated Fouche, boldly 
 asserts in his Memoirs, that Hortense was then already preg- 
 nant by the Emperor ; that the latter first determined to 
 marry her immediately to Duroc ; that Duroc positively re- 
 fused, being engaged to another lady whom he loved ; and 
 that then Louis was absolutely commanded to accede to a 
 union with the daughter of Josephine. Subsequent events 
 seemed indeed to give the color of truth to these assertions. 
 From the day of that union, the young couple never pretended 
 to entertain the least affection for each other. From January 
 the 20th, 1802, the date of the marriage, down till September, 
 1807, the period of their separation, they never resided toge- 
 ther more than four months, and that at very remote inter- 
 vals. Some months after their final separation, and after 
 Hortense had taken up her permanent residence in Paris, 
 Louis Napoleon Bonaparte wa = born. The strongest proof 
 which supports the assertion of the illegitimacy of his birth, 
 is his own peculiarly apathetic Dutch temperament ; a tem- 
 perament such as no other Frenchman ever possessed since 
 the national existence began. To this may be added the 
 total want of any resemblance in his features to the Napoleon 
 family, and their very considerable similarity to those of the 
 courtly and accomplished Dutch Admiral already referred to
 
 24 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 The family of Horten.se and Louis Bonaparte consisted of 
 the eldest son, called Napoleon Louis Charles, born in 1802, 
 who died in 1807 ; the second son named Napoleon Louis, 
 ivho was born in 1804, was baptized by Pope Pius VII., and 
 who died in 1831 ; and the subject of this history. The 
 family register of the Bonapartes which contained the evi- 
 dence of the right of the succession, had been deposited in 
 the keeping of the Senate. By the Plebiscite of the year 
 1804, the children of the brothers of Napoleon L, in the ab- 
 sence of his own direct heirs, were entitled to the succession 
 to the throne in the order of their ages. Accordingly,, at 
 the period of his birth, Louis Napoleon was regarded as the 
 second heir of the empire, and considerable interest clustered 
 around his person from his earliest years, as one who might 
 perhaps be reserved by the mysterious vicissitudes of fate, for 
 a brilliant or at least a checkered destiny. He was baptized 
 in 1810 by Cardinal Fesch, with great splendor, at Fontain- 
 bleau, the Emperor and Maria Louisa themselves acting as 
 sponsors. 
 
 His earliest years were spent in his mother's private resi- 
 dence in the Rue Cerutti, now Lafitte, in Paris. She was 
 his first preceptor ; and she was well fitted for the task. Hor- 
 tense was a woman of great intelligence, refinement and taste. 
 Herself educated by the accomplished Madame Campan, she 
 possessed a well-cultivated mind. She had, when quite a girl, 
 distinguished herself in the celebrated school d'Ecouen, by 
 her superior talents for music and drawing. She was learned, 
 witty, and exceedingly attractive in her manners. In a word, 
 she was worthy to be the daughter of Josephine. She reared 
 her two sons with great stric'ness ; and the severity of the 
 training to which she subjected them, was intended both to 
 enlarge and cultivate their minds, as well as to strengthen 
 and develop their bodies. 1 
 
 1 Hortense was, in all respects, a remarkable woman ; beautiful in 
 person, in organization peculiarly delicate, feeble in health, flexible in 
 her principles ; yet, when a resolution had once been adopted, she dia-
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 25 
 
 Napoleon himself took a deep interest in the progress of 
 the boys. He frequently sent for them, while he was break- 
 fasting hastily in his cabinet, in order to converse with them, 
 to ascertain their progress in learning, and to scrutinize the 
 displays or evidences which they might give of intelligence 
 and talent. Not even the subsequent birth of the king of 
 Home seemed to diminish the intense interest which Napoleon 
 felt in the children of Hortense. His sagacious mind well 
 appreciated the uncertainties of human life, and the possibility 
 of the death of his direct heir. There is ample evidence to 
 prove, that both in prosperity and misfortune, until the end 
 of his marvellous career at St. Helena, the great conqueror 
 regarded the fate of the two sons of Hortense with solicitude, 
 and watched their career with a vigilant eye. 
 
 Louis Napoleon continued to reside in Paris with his mother 
 till 1814. During the interval between this period and the 
 separation of his parents, his father had led a retired life at 
 Gratz, in Germany. When the first great disasters of Napo- 
 
 played so much tenacity of purpose as to expose her justly to the charge 
 of obstinacy. In courage, whether active or passive, she was uncon- 
 querable. To the unfortunate, she was kind and generous; she was 
 affectionate in her friendships ; and, towards her children, tender, gentle, 
 and full of solicitude. But her ruling passion was attachment to Napo- 
 leon I., which, in times of great difficulty and danger, overmastered 
 even her maternal feelings, and led her for his sake to set the whole 
 world and her own interests at defiance. 
 
 Hortense possessed the most beautiful and luxuriant hair, of a light 
 shining blonde, tinged with an ashen hue, which imparted to it an ex- 
 traordinary appearance. It was nearly long enough to reach the ground, 
 and when she sat upon a chair to have it dressed, she suffered it to fall 
 over her whole figure like a veil, and trail on all sides upon the floor. 
 Even at such times her two little sons were always present, and often 
 used to amuse themselves by hiding in turn under their mother's hair, 
 and bolting out suddenly to produce a laugh. When she was dressed 
 they generally went down with her to the carriage-door, one of the 
 little fellows carrying her gloves and shawl, the other performing the 
 duties of a page, and bearing her ample train. — Life of Louis Napo- 
 leon, by J. A. St. John, p. 8. 
 
 3
 
 26 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 leon occurred after the Russian expedition, when the mighty 
 Colossus who had so long overawed the world lay prostrate 
 on the earth, the former king of Holland hastened to Paris. 
 When the allied armies drew their vast lines closely around 
 the French capital, Hortense was undismayed by the dangers 
 which surrounded the imperial family, and remained. She 
 actively employed herself in procuring relief for the thousands 
 of wounded French soldiers who crowded the hospitals of 
 Paris. She praised the fortitude of her husband in remaining 
 near the Emperor. No perils nor threats could appal her; 
 and she displayed pre-eminently on this occasion the leading 
 attribute of her character, which was the secret of all her 
 domestic difficulties and troubles — her unconquerable ob- 
 stinacy. When she beheld Maria Louisa desert with 
 cowardice and pusillanimity the capital of her husband's 
 Empire, thus betraying his dearest interests in the moment of 
 his greatest peril, she gave way to excusable paroxysms of 
 rage, and exclaimed to the Empress, " I am incensed at 
 the weakness which I see. You intend to destroy France and 
 the Emperor. You must be aware that by quitting Paris you 
 neutralize its defence and lose your crown. You make the 
 sacrifice with great resignation 1" "You are right," replied 
 the pliant Austrian princess; "but it is not my fault. The 
 council have thus decided." Hortense being asked what she 
 intended to do, answered : " I shall remain at Paris, and will 
 share with the Parisians all their fortunes, be they good or 
 bad." "I wish," said she, energetically, "that I were the 
 mother of the King of Rome ; I would inspire all around me 
 with the energy I could exhibit." Speaking to Regnault, 
 the Colonel of the National Guard, she said : " Unfortunately 
 I cannot fill the place of the Empress ; but I do not doubt 
 that the Emperor is executing manoeuvres which will soon 
 conduct him hither. Paris invst hold out ; and if the National 
 Guard is willing to defend it, tell them that T pledge myself 
 to remain here with my sons." 
 
 Such was the heroism and determination of the mother of
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 27 
 
 .he present Emperor of France, and such the noble example 
 which she gave to him, and to the world, of devotion to the 
 interests of her illustrious benefactor. 
 
 After all was lost, Hortense was directed by her husband 
 to send him their children in order to convey them to a place 
 of safety, as they might be taken by the enemy as hostages. 
 She accordingly left Paris only two days before the entry of 
 the allies. She commenced her sad journey at nine o'clock at 
 night, taking the road to Glatigny. When she reached Ram- 
 bouillet, she received an order from her husband to repair with 
 her children to Blois. She considered this requisition as an 
 insult, and exclaimed, with her usual determination and obsti- 
 nacy, which had long before induced her brother Eugene to 
 call her his Dear Stubborn — "I was going to Blois, but since 
 I am ordered to go, I will not go." She crossed the forest 
 of Rambouillet, even at the risk of being captured by the 
 Russians, and reached Navarre, whither her mother Josephine 
 had taken refuge. 1 
 
 At this retreat Hortense was undetermined what to do. 
 
 1 The following anecdote is told in reference to Prince Louis and the 
 celebrated Madame de Stael : On one occasion, having dazzled and 
 bewildered every one else, she turned to the children of Hortense, 
 resolved apparently to extort admiration even from them. But children 
 form a world by themselves, and require to be subdued by very different 
 arts from those which succeed with grown-up people. She overwhelmed 
 the young princes with questions ; she investigated, she made long 
 speeches, and she at length inspired them with intense ennui. *' Do you 
 love your uncle ?" she inquired. "Very much." " Do you think you 
 shall be as fond of war as he is?" "Yes, I should be, if it did not 
 cause so much evil." "Is it true that your uncle often used to make 
 you repeat the fable which begins with these words — 'The reason of 
 the most powerful is always the best?'" "Madame, he often used to 
 make me repeat fables, but not that one oftener than any other." The 
 younger Napoleon, who had a judgment beyond his age, replied to her 
 with great calmness and circumspection, and when the dialogue was 
 over came to Madame Boubers, saying, " That lady is a great question- 
 monger; I wander, now, if that is what people call genius?" — Set 
 Life of Louis Napoleon, by J. A. St. John, p. 50.
 
 28 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Once she thought of retiring to Martinique and residing upon 
 the family estate which her mother still possessed in that 
 island. This project however was soon given up. After the 
 allies entered Paris, her elegant hotel was occupied by Swedish 
 officers ; but having soon received assurances from the Em- 
 peror Alexander that she and her mother should be protected, 
 and their interests provided for, she returned to the capital 
 with her sons, and there awaited the final issue of events. It 
 was stipulated by Napoleon in the act of abdication at Fon- 
 tainbleau, that Hortense should receive a permanent yearly 
 revenue of four hundred thousand francs, and that she should 
 retain possession of her sons. Through the influence of the 
 Russian monarch, her estate of St. Leu was erected into a 
 duchy, of which she took the title and the dignities. 
 
 The government of Louis XYIIL, however, did not treat 
 the fallen queen with the same generosity. A portion of the 
 forest of St. Leu was restored by him to its ancient proprie- 
 tor, the Prince de Conde ; the sum of six hundred thousand 
 francs, which had been deposited by Napoleon in the hands 
 of the Receiver-General of Blois, to the credit of herself and 
 Josephine, was given to the Duke d'Angouleme ; and the in- 
 scription on the national treasury of a million and a half of 
 francs, which Napoleon had guaranteed to Hortense, was 
 repealed. 
 
 After the departure of Napoleon to Elba, Hortense resided 
 with her two sons chiefly at Malmarson with her mother. 
 Here the family were frequently visited by the illustrious 
 strangers who were then in Paris, and especially by the Em- 
 peror Alexander. It is said that on one occasion, Alexander, 
 Josephine, Prince Eugene, and Hortense, with her two sons, 
 visited together the works of Marly, in the vicinity of Mal- 
 maison ; that Alexander's dress was on the point of being 
 caught in the machinery, in consequence of his too near 
 approach, and that his life was saved by the sudden move- 
 ment of Hortense. Tim act of sincere devotion completely
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 29 
 
 won the heart of Alexander, who from that moment became 
 nuch attached to her. 
 
 Greater misfortunes now overwhelmed Hortense and her 
 children than had ever before fallen to their lot. On the 29th 
 of May, 1814, her amiable and illustrious mother Josephine 
 expired in her arms. Regretted as this noble woman was by 
 every one with whom she had ever come in contact, none felt 
 the blow so profoundly and acutely as Hortense. Of Josephine 
 alone, of all human beings, could it with truth have been 
 said, as indeed it was frequently asserted, that "she never 
 caused the shedding of a single tear." The grief of Hortense 
 was agonizing beyond description ; and the baseness of the 
 government of Louis XVIII. added a still sharper pang to 
 those which already distracted her bosom. Josephine was 
 scarcely laid in her grave when M. Blacas, on the part of the 
 king, demanded the pictures which were at Malraaison as the 
 property of the State; and other indignities were subsequently 
 offered her. 
 
 Notwithstanding these reverses, the characteristic generosity 
 of Hortense still marked her conduct in settling the estate of 
 Josephine with Eugene. She reserved to herself the payment 
 of twenty thousand francs in salaries, and gave away a hun- 
 dred thousand francs in presents to the needy and faithful 
 dependants of the fallen dynasty. In consequence of the 
 reduction of her pecuniary resources from various causes, she 
 now curtailed her style of living ; relinquished all the useless 
 expenditures of the days of her splendor ; and dismissed her 
 attendants, except three women and the tutor of her sons. 
 
 At this memorable and exciting period Louis Napoleon 
 was five years old. He was even then remarkable for the 
 taciturnity of his disposition. Though he spoke very little, 
 he seemed to be reflective and intelligent. His progress in his 
 studies was moderate ; neither deficient nor remarkable. His 
 mother had taught him to regard the Emperor Alexander as 
 a friend. Accordingly on one occasion when that monarch 
 «?as present, Louis Napoleon quietly approached him, and 
 3*
 
 30 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 placed in his hand a little ring which his uncle Eugene had 
 given bira. When his mother inquired what he had done, he 
 answered : " I have nothing but the ring which uncle Eugene 
 gave me, to give ; and I wanted to give it to the Emperor 
 because he is so good to you." Alexander embraced the 
 child, and retained his present. 
 
 The nurse chosen by Hortense for her son, was a lady 
 named Madam Bure. This person was a handsome and pretty 
 brunette, small in stature, but possessing remarkably fine, ex- 
 pressive black eyes. On one occasion, when attending young 
 Louis at the Tuilleries, she attracted the attention of the 
 Emperor Napoleon, and elicited his rather significant com- 
 pliments. At length he fixed his eyes upon Madam Bure so 
 rudely as to cause her to blush. Napoleon, seeing her con- 
 fusion, turned away, exclaiming: " That young rogue has a 
 very charming nurse !" Madam Bure was much attached to 
 the family and person of Hortense ; she continued in her 
 suite during the lifetime of the ex-queen, and resided with 
 her till her death at Arenemberg. 
 
 The chief solace of Hortense at this period was, the pos- 
 sion and education of her sons. She was threatened even 
 with the loss of these ; for her husband, having retired to 
 Italy, now demanded them from her. She refused to resign 
 them ; and a lawsuit was commenced to recover possession of 
 them. A verdict was given in favor of the father ; but before 
 it could be executed, Napoleon's sudden return from Elba 
 suspended the proceedings, and again threw France and the 
 whole continent into confusion. On the 20th of March, 1815, 
 he reached his former capital. The ex-queen of Holland was 
 among the first to congratulate him. Her reception at the 
 Tuilleries, contrary to her expectation, was rather cold. Na- 
 poleon condemned her for having remained at Paris during 
 the supremacy of the Bourbons. But Hortense had an 
 excuse ready, which was both reasonable and adroit. Said 
 she: "Sire, I had a strong presentiment that you would 
 return; and I waited for you here." The great hero and
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 31 
 
 stern conqueror at once melted down very perceptibly at this 
 skilful reply. 
 
 The day after Napoleon's return, Hortense presented to 
 him her sous. He received them with warm and affectionate 
 feelings. The King of Rome was then a captive and a state- 
 prisoner at Venice, with his mother ; and the importance of 
 the children of Hortense became magnified in consequence 
 of that fact. They became the inheritors of the attentions 
 which would have fallen to the lot of the son of Maria Louisa. 
 At the august ceremony of the ratification of the uew con- 
 stitution, in the Champs de Mai, they stood by the side of 
 Napoleon's throne ; he presented them separately to the de- 
 putations of the army and the people ; and he regarded them 
 as pledges to confirm the new alliance which on that day had 
 been made between France and the returned Emperor. At 
 Napoleon's request, Hortense wrote to Maria Louisa to urge 
 her to make some movements toward reaching her husband. 
 But all her arguments were thrown away upon the stupid and 
 imbecile nature of the ignoble being, whom fortune had in- 
 sanely elevated to share the throne of the aspiring hero of a 
 hundred battles. Hortense received no answer to her elo- 
 quent and impassioned representations. In the absence of 
 Maria Louisa from the imperial court, Hortense assumed her 
 place, and did the honors. She was consequently beset with 
 an infinite number of applications ; and she displayed in this 
 high place the same generosity and benevolence in relieving 
 the miseries of others, which had so eminently characterized 
 her mother in former years, when she occupied the same posi- 
 tion, and possessed the same power. At her instance, Napo- 
 leon permitted the dowager Duchess of Bourbon, and the 
 Duchess of Orleans, to remain in France, and even bestowed 
 on the former an income of four hundred thousand francs, and 
 one of two hundred thousand on the latter. 
 
 At length, on the swift wings of time, the decisive day of 
 Waterloo arrived. On its ensanguined plain the vast empire 
 of Napoleon fell prostrate in the dust, never to be revived
 
 82 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 again during his own existence. Six days afterward, Hor- 
 tense and her sons met their fallen benefactor at Malmaison. 
 The ex-queen did her utmost to console and encourage him ; 
 she offered to place her whole fortune at his command, and 
 to share his destiny, whatever it might be. When at last a 
 final separation became necessary, and Napoleon was com-* 
 pelled to commence that journey, which eventually resulted in 
 placing him as a prisoner for the rest of his life in the stern 
 grasp of his foes, the parting was most affecting. The young 
 Louis, especially, — his future, though then unsuspected heir, 
 — clung to his uncle, screamed, and refused to leave him. 
 He was taken away at last by main force ; and as Napoleon 
 was then in possession of but slender means, Hortense in- 
 duced him to accept her diamond necklace, worth eight hun- 
 dred thousand francs, which she sewed up in a silk ribbon, and 
 concealed in his dress. This jewel Napoleon never parted 
 with ; not even amid the deprivation and semi-starvations of 
 St. Helena ; and by his will he requested Montholon to re- 
 store it to Hortense. The important trust was faithfully exe- 
 cuted, and it was returned to its generous donor in an hour 
 of dire necessity. In her old age, Hortense sold it to the 
 King of Bavaria for the trifling annuity of twenty-three thou- 
 sand francs ; which she survived to enjoy only two years. 
 
 Shortly after the capitulation of Paris, a strong current of 
 hostile public feeling arose against Napoleon ; and Hortense 
 and her sons, who still remained in the capital, were in con- 
 siderable danger. She succeeded in concealing them safely 
 in a hose establishment on the Boulevard Montmartre, kept 
 by one of her faithful personal friends, Madame Tessier. 
 During the second occupation of Paris by the allied troops, 
 her hotel in the Rue Cerutti was occupied by the Austrian 
 Prince Schwartzenberg ; and she hoped that this circumstance 
 would increase her security. She was mistaken. She shared 
 the general odium which now gathered around the Bonaparte 
 family. Even the attachment and esteem of the Emperor 
 Alexander seems to have strangely waned j and he even called
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 33 
 
 at her hotel to see the Prince Schwartzenberg, without ever 
 inquiring after her, or showing her the slightest courtesy. 
 Such are the vicissitudes of fallen greatness ! 
 
 At length the hostility of her enemies became so great, 
 that the Allies sent her an order to leave Paris within two 
 hours. Accordingly, on the 19th of July, 1815, she passed 
 the barriers in the evening, under the conduct of the Count 
 de Voyna, aide-de-camp to the Prince of Schwartzenberg, 
 and chamberlain of the Austrian Emperor. She spent the 
 first nia;ht at the Chateau de Bercv. On her route she met 
 with demonstrations sometimes of popular hatred, and some- 
 times of popular favor. At Dale, the multitude who crowded 
 around her carriage, supposing that she was being led into 
 captivity, were disposed to effect a rescue, and assail her con- 
 ductor. They were appeased only by assurances from Hor- 
 tense herself that such was not the fact. 
 
 The first design of the fugitive and unfortunate ex-queen 
 was to retire with her sons to an estate which she owned at 
 Pregny, near Geneva. As soon as this purpose became 
 known, the French Minister in Switzerland procured an 
 order from the Swiss government prohibiting her from doing 
 so. In this emergency she directed her course to Aix, hoping 
 there to find repose and protection. But here vexations of 
 another nature awaited her. She was there met by an order 
 from her husband, the Count de Leu, conveyed by the Baron 
 de Zuite, to deliver to his messenger, their eldest son, Napo- 
 leon. 1 This demand was based upon the judgment which 
 
 1 This Baron Je Zuite is described by an English writer, as possessing 
 a countenance indicating in the most unrnistakeable manner, the exist- 
 ence of every evil passion, and the predominance of every detestable 
 vice. At first, Hortense refused positively to entrust her son to his 
 care. She induced him to protract his stay by several clever pretexts, 
 such as that it would be better for him first to form some acquaintance 
 with his charge, before his journey began. Duriug the interval thus 
 obtained, the tutor whom Hortense had sent for, arrived, and accom- 
 panied her son, when his departure at last became inevitable. 
 
 C
 
 34 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 had been rendered by the Parisian courts on the subject ; and 
 there was no power which could or would prevent the execu- 
 tion of the decree. Accordingly, Hortense was compelled, 
 after many protestations and many tears, to resign her eldest 
 son to the custody and possession of his father. For the 
 first time, the mother and son were separated ; and the part- 
 ing scene was affecting in the extreme. At length the last 
 embraces were given, the last adieus were uttered ; and the 
 young Napoleon departed for Rome under the conduct of a 
 preceptor chosen for him by his mother, together with his 
 father's confidential agent. 
 
 Young Louis Napoleon also felt this separation keenly. 
 He was then seven years of age, and the brothers were much 
 attached to each other. Napoleon the elder, was bold, reso- 
 lute, and determined in his disposition. Louis was taciturn, 
 timid, mild, yet intelligent and reflective. The one even 
 then was in every sense a Frenchman. The other already 
 seemed to all intents and purposes a Dutchman. There was 
 no rivalry, because there was no similarity between their 
 natures. They loved each other ; and found an appropriate 
 and harmonious counterpart in each other's peculiarities. 
 The younger, especially, was much affected at the loss of his 
 brother's animated and agreeable society ; and he turned 
 with great tenderness to his mother's protection. 
 
 But Hortense was not permitted long to remain even at 
 Aix. 1 The Sardinian government was disposed to sympathize 
 
 1 While at Constance, as well as at Aix, Louis was in the habit of 
 playing with all the boys of the neighborhood, among whom was the 
 miller's son. The father of this lad lived on the bridge which spanned 
 the Rhine, close to the house of Hortense, and the young miller, being 
 older than Louis, often tempted him to go beyond the limits which he 
 had been forbidden to exceed. One day, when he had made his escape, 
 and the abbe" at the top of his voice was shouting after him to return, 
 Mdlle. Cochelet, his mother's principal companion, observed him ap- 
 proach, making a most ludicrous figure. He was in his shirt-sleeves, 
 and walking barefoot carelessly through the mud and snow. Had he 
 been able to reach his own room unobserved, it would have been all
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 35 
 
 with her enemies, and it scrutinized her movements in the 
 most vexatious manner, and eventually compelled her to 
 resume her wanderings. She concluded to repair to Constance, 
 in the Grand Duchy of Baden. She thought she would there 
 be protected, inasmuch as the Grand Duchess, Stephanie de 
 Beauharnois, was her cousin. But to reach this spot she was 
 compelled to obtain permission to pass through Switzerland. 
 After great difficulty this permission was obtained, and Hor- 
 tense, accompaned by her son Louis Napoleon, his tutor, the 
 Abbe Bertrand, Mademoiselle Cochelet, her reader, and a 
 servant, departed from Aix. She desired to pass the first 
 night on her own estate at Bregny ; but even this small boon 
 was denied her by the French and Swiss authorities. At 
 Morat she was even put under temporary arrest. Having 
 arrived at Constance, she was immediately informed that 
 however much the grand duke and duchess might be anxious 
 to serve her, they were under the control of higher powers, 
 and therefore could afford her no protection. She answered 
 to these representations, that her health and the season of the 
 year — it was then November — did not permit her then to 
 continue her journey ; and she desired to be permitted to 
 remain only till the ensuing spring. 
 
 At this moment of gloom and despair, when thus appa- 
 rently an outcast from every clime and country in Europe, 
 Hortense received a secret letter from the grand duchess, in 
 which, after having given her encouragement, she added : 
 " Have patience, and do not be uneasy ; perhaps all will be 
 right by spring. By that time passions will have calmed, and 
 many things will have been forgotten." Comforted by these 
 
 yery well ; but he was put considerably out of countenance by being 
 found in such a condition in the street. Upon being questioned how he 
 came to be in that plight, he explained how, while playing at the en- 
 trance to the garden, he had seen a family go by, so poor and miserable 
 that it was quite painful to look at them. He therefore took off his 
 shoes, and put them on the feet of one of the children, and gave his 
 coat to another, because, as he said, he happened to have no money to 
 give them.
 
 36 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 words, Hortense rented a modest mansion on the beautiful 
 shore of the lake of Constance, and resumed her usual habits 
 of life. There she remained during the year 1816. Her 
 drooping spirits again revived. She was visited by many 
 illustrious personages in her obscure retirement. Here she 
 enjoyed for a time the society of her brother Eugene. The 
 Austrian prime-minister, Prince Metternich, offered her a 
 more agreeable residence at Bregentz on the same lake, which, 
 however she declined. Her health became restored, and she 
 again resembled the graceful, accomplished, and attractive 
 woman who had once shone as one of the brightest ornaments 
 of the brilliaut court of St. Cloud. She indulged in her usual 
 amusements ; and, inspired by the romantic scenery which sur- 
 rounded her, she gratified her taste for literary and musical 
 composition. It was here that she composed, among many 
 other songs of great taste and beauty, the celebrated national 
 French air, Partanl pour la Syrie, which to this day remains, 
 after the celebrated Marseilles Hymn, the nation's favorite. 
 
 In the following spring, Hortense and her son visited Prince 
 Eugene at Berg, a country seat of his father-in-law, the King 
 of Bavaria, where she was received with the respect and 
 affection which were due her. She passed the summer with 
 her son at the baths of Geiss, among the mountains of Appen- 
 zell, and derived great benefit from their medicinal qualities. 
 In the fall of 1816 she returned to Constance, and here devoted 
 the whole of her attention to the education of her son. She 
 herself taught him drawing and dancing. On each Saturday 
 she spent the whole day in reviewing the studies of the week, 
 and marking and commending his progress. At this period 
 Louis was not remarkable for intellectual improvement. His 
 physical development seemed now to predominate, and he be- 
 came restless, active, and almost ungovernable. The gentle 
 cares of the Abbe Bertrand were now useless, and Hortense 
 provided for him another and more resolute tutor, M. Lebos, 
 from the Normal School at Paris. Yet, at this period, the 
 developing impulses of his nature were generous, noble, and
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 37 
 
 manly, and gave promise of a more vigorous and active man- 
 hood than his more youthful years appeared to have prognos- 
 ticated. His active habits served to develop his physical 
 energies. His features gained in expressiveness what they 
 lost in regularity. They lost something of the beauty of his 
 supposed father, the Dutch nobleman, but they displayed 
 more of the intelligence of Hortense. 
 
 Thus the life of the persecuted ex-queen was flowing for a 
 brief interval tranquilly along, when once more, in the be- 
 ginning of 18H, the hostility of her enemies drove her and 
 her son from their chosen retreat. The Grand Duke of Baden 
 received orders from the Allies to send her out of his dominions. 
 Her thoughts now recurred to the generous treatment which 
 she had received in the neighboring district of Thurgovia ; 
 and in her rides through this canton she had often admired 
 the picturesque beauty of an estate and manor known by the 
 name of Arenemberg. She now proposed to purchase it, and 
 to obtain permission from the authorities of the canton ta 
 reside there. She was successful in both applications. Are- 
 nemberg became her home, at the cost of sixty thousand 
 francs. There she spent many happy years, and there at last 
 she died. 
 
 In 1818 a partial reconciliation happily took place between 
 Hortense and her husband, and the latter permitted her to 
 enjoy the society of her eldest son for several months. After 
 an absence of three years the brothers again met. Louis 
 Napoleon was now seventeen years of age, and had finished 
 his studies in the college of Augsburg. In 1824 Prince 
 Eugene died, and in 1825 his father-in-law, the best surviving 
 friend of Hortense, King Maximilian, of Bavaria, followed 
 him to the grave. It was after these sad events that she 
 determined to divide her time between Arenemberg and 
 Home, the residence of her husband. The winters she spent 
 in the capital of the Christian world ; the summers were 
 passed at her delightful retreat in Switzerland. At Rome 
 she became the centre of the most brilliant society, for there 
 4
 
 38 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 she was surrounded not only by the polished and illustrious 
 princes of the church, but she also met her accomplished and 
 fascinating relative, Pauline Bonaparte, who had married the 
 Prince Borghese. Hortense resided with this lady at her 
 Yilla Paolina, where she was constantly addressed with 
 the title, and served with the ceremonial, of loyalty. Her 
 chief wealth, and her most precious relics, were collected to- 
 gether at Arenemberg. It was here that she cherished and 
 preserved, among many other sad and affecting souvenirs of 
 those unparalleled days of glory, felicity, and splendor which 
 had forever passed away, the beautiful miniature of the King 
 of Rome, which, on the bleak and rocky summit of St. Helena, 
 had received the last kiss of the expiring Emperor. 1 
 
 At this period Louis Napoleon commenced his military 
 studies and exercises, in connection with a Baden regiment 
 garrisoned in Constance. He now also devoted his attention 
 to the study of physics and chemistry, under the direction of 
 a learned Frenchman named Giestard. He was afterward 
 admitted into the camp of Thun, in the canton of Berne, 
 where he studied engineering and artillery-practice under 
 Colonel Dufour, an old hero of the Grand Armee. His per- 
 sonal activity and martial bearing made the young pi'ince a 
 great favorite in the camp. He excelled in all martial 
 exercises and manoeuvres. He seemed to be fond of fatigue, 
 and became particularly partial to artillery practice and 
 science. When the imbecile Bourbons fell, in the revolution 
 of July, 1830, Louis Napoleon cherished the enthusiastic 
 hope that he might at last be permitted to return to his native 
 land. In this expectation he was disappointed ; although 
 Louis Philippe sent to Hortense assurances of his esteem and 
 protection ; and intimated to her that the future might per- 
 haps enable him to gratify his wishes towards her more 
 effectually than the existing posture of affairs then permitted. 
 
 1 Vide Memoires sur la Reine Hortense et la Famille Imperial par M'lle. 
 Cochelet, Lectrice de la Reine (Mad. Parquin), Vol. III., p 162.
 
 
 or NAPOLEON III. 39 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Outbreak of the Revolution in Italy — Secret Conclave of the Bona- 
 partes in Rome — Louis Napoleon commanded to withdraw from the 
 Papal Capital — He joins the Revolutionists — Death of his elder 
 brother at Faenza — His own Sickness — His arrival at Paris with his 
 Mother — Their reception by Louis Philippe — Compelled to retire to 
 England — Their removal to Arenemberg in Switzerland — The Polish 
 Revolution — Death of the Duke of Reichstadt — Louis Napoleon com- 
 plimented by the Polish Refugees — His private studies at Arenem- 
 berg — Publishes his Reveries Folitiques — Nature and Contents of this 
 Work — He Publishes his Consideraliones Politique* et Militaires sur la 
 Suisse — Character of this Work — Compliments of the Helvetic Diet 
 —Louis Napoleon invited to marry the Queen of Portugal — His rea- 
 sons for refusing to do so. 
 
 The revolution of 1830 in France rekindled tbe fierce 
 flames of popular discontent in Italy. The tyranny of Aus- 
 tria was then, as it is now, both a curse and a disgrace to the 
 laud of the ancient conquerors of the world ; and there were 
 not wanting men among their degenerate descendants, who 
 possessed the courage to strike a deadly blow at the despot's 
 power. 
 
 Louis Napoleon spent the winter of 1830 in Rome with 
 his mother. He was surrounded by revolutionary influences 
 and elements, and became imbued with their spirit. He 
 identified himself with the principles and measures of the 
 patriots. Excluded by the jealousy and caution of Louis 
 Philippe from taking any share, however humble, in the 
 movements which were progressing in his native country, he 
 turned with greater sympathy to the similar revolutionary and 
 popular changes which were taking place in Italy. He 
 became the object of much interest to the progressive party ; 
 and this circumstance excited at once the distrust of the 
 Papal government. Another incident served to increase the 
 suspicion with which he was now regarded. In December,
 
 40 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 1830, a portion of tbe Bonaparte family had held a secret 
 conclave at Rome. It was composed of Madame Letitia, 
 the mother of the ex-Emperor, Cardinal Fesch, Jerome Bo- 
 naparte, Hortense, and her two sons, the elder of whom, 
 having married his cousin, the second daughter of Joseph 
 Bonaparte, resided at Florence. It could not be doubted 
 that the object of this secret assemblage of the fallen dynasty 
 bore some reference to the political events which were then 
 transpiring. The Papal government immediately requested, 
 through Cardinal Fesch, that Louis Napoleon should with- 
 draw from Rome. The request was not complied with. The 
 government then sent a guard of fifty men to the residence 
 of the prince, for the purpose of conducting him by force to 
 the frontiers. He escaped their grasp, and fled to Florence. 
 Scarcely had he disappeared when the insurrection of the 
 Romagna burst forth. The main object of this movement 
 was to overthrow the detested power of Austria in Italy, and 
 to restore the national unity so long dissevered and broken. 
 Louis Napoleon and his elder brother entered with enthusiasm 
 into this movement. Tri-colored flags waved above the bat- 
 tlements of Ferrara, Urbino, and several other Italian cities. 
 Louis Napoleon was active in forming moving columns, and 
 in organizing the revolutionary efforts. Nor were the endea- 
 vors of the insurgents fruitless of results. They defeated the 
 Papal troops on several occasions ; and high hopes began to 
 be entertained that something might yet be won for Italian 
 liberty. The "Vatican was filled with terror, and the worst 
 consequences were apprehended. At this crisis, Hortense 
 was constrained to leave Rome and repair to Florence, the 
 head-quarters of her sons, whose influence among the revo- 
 lutionists, young as they were, was almost unbounded. Hor- 
 tense herself was not opposed to the share which her sons 
 took in these transactions ; but her husband, Cardinal Fesch, 
 and Jerome Bonaparte, were highly incensed at it, and 
 demanded of them that they should abandon a career which 
 they deemed pregnant with the most injurious consequences, 
 not only to themselves, but to the whole family. Their re
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 41 
 
 presentations were useless, and the brothers remained un- 
 moved. They took part in an action fought at Bologna 
 between the Papal troops and the insurgents, and highly dis- 
 tinguished themselves by their intrepidity. But the Austrians 
 came to the relief of the government forces, and the insur- 
 gents were at length compelled to retire to Forli. As is 
 usually the case, treachery, more fatal than the Austrian 
 bayonets, infected the camp. The two princes were deprived 
 of their commands, and disunion began to prevail. The ul- 
 timate result was, that the revolution became a total failure, 
 and the chief care of those who had participated in it was to 
 escape, if possible, the grasp of the offended and terrified, 
 but now triumphant authorities. 1 
 
 1 It is very clear that the presence of the young Napoleon was looked 
 upon by the Papal government as the chief support of the insurrection. 
 Jerome saw the Pope, a consultation was held, and an officer. M. de 
 Stoelting, was despatched to the republican camp, authorized by His 
 Holiness to enter into a parley with the insurgents, to inquire what 
 they wanted, and to promise compliance with their wishes. Stoelting 
 saw the elder Prince Napoleon, and desired him to draw up a statement 
 of the demands and complaints of the army. He consulted its chiefs, 
 and with their authority delivered to the Pope's envoy a summary of 
 the reforms for which the people asked. 
 
 Whatever may have been their secret intentions, it seems probable 
 that the pertinacious interference of the effete and timid members of 
 the Bonaparte family at length produced its effect. The provisional 
 government of Bologna was seized with timidity, and refused to attempt 
 the storming of Rome. It then dispatched General Sercognani with 
 fresh troops, to replace the young Napoleons. 
 
 During the progress of this revolution, the father of the j'oung 
 princes behaved with singular folly and absurdity. He compelled 
 Hortense to write to General Armandi, who commanded the revolu- 
 tionists, and who had been the tutor of the elder of the young men, re- 
 questing him to dismiss them from the camp. He refused to send his 
 eons any assistance, not even the money necessary for their comfort 
 and equipment. His narrow policy may be said to have caused the 
 misery of both, and perhaps the death of one of them. He also wrote 
 to them in person, desiring them instautly to abandon the revolutionary 
 standard. 
 4*
 
 42 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Other and greater misfortunes now overwhelmed the un- 
 happy Hortense and her sons. The elder of them, when on 
 the retreat to Forli, was attacked with the small-pox, or as 
 others have asserted, by an internal inflammation of some 
 kind, and expired on the 27th of March, 1831, at Faenza. 
 Hortense had received information of his illness, and she im- 
 mediately started from Florence to his relief. She arrived 
 too late, and the young Napoleon expired in the arms of his 
 brother. The latter was himself attacked with the small-pox 
 at Ancona. The care of his mother, who reached him when 
 in rapid retreat at Pesaro, rescued him from the fate of his 
 brother. On leaving Florence she had provided a passport, 
 under the name of an English lady travelling with her two 
 sons. She still used this passport, and represented one of 
 the young insurgent chiefs, the Marquis Zappi, as her 
 son. The Austrians had set a price upon the head of the 
 surviving Napoleon. Strict search was made for him, but in 
 vain. A report prevailed that he had escaped in a small 
 vessel to Malta, and this delusion served to relax the severity 
 of the efforts made to capture him. Thus favored by for- 
 tune, Hortense and her son succeeded in evading the Aus- 
 trian troops, embarked in a vessel for Cannes, and safely ar- 
 rived at that port ; the same which sixteen years before had 
 witnessed the bold and desperate return of the great Napo- 
 leon from Elba. They resolved to travel directly to Paris, 
 and throw themselves upon the generosity of Louis Philippe. 
 
 Having arrived, at length, at Paris, the first act of Louis 
 Napoleon was to address a respectful letter to the king, ask- 
 ing permission to enter the French army as a private soldier. 
 This step Hortense, less enthusiastic than her son, did not 
 approve. She took up her residence at the hotel de Holland, 
 and immediately informed Louis Philippe of her arrival. It is 
 said that her letter communicating this fact arrived at the palace 
 just as Sebastiani, the sagacious minister of the king for Foreign 
 Affairs, informed the Council that she had landed at Malta. 
 Louis Philippe sent Casimir Perin, the President of the Coun- 

 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 43 
 
 cil, to wait upon her. She excused herself for violating the 
 law which banished the family of Napoleon from the French 
 territory, and confidently claimed the mercy of the sovereign. 
 Louis Philippe granted her an audience, during which he 
 said to her: " I know what exile is, and it is not my fault, 
 if yours has not already terminated." She was also per- 
 mitted to see the queen and Madame Adelaide, the king's 
 sister. Her presence in Paris was still a secret to the public, 
 when the 5th of May arrived, the anniversary of the Emperor- 
 Napoleon's death. On that day the Parisians were in the habit 
 of covering the base of the column in the Place Vendome with 
 evergreens ; which, therefore, seemed dedicated to the memory 
 of Napoleon. Hortense and her son had now been twelve 
 days in Paris, and by this time the news became known that 
 they were present. The multitude who surrounded the trium- 
 phal column rushed, as if by a common impulse, to the hotel 
 where the ex-queen and the prince were sojourning, and filled 
 the air with their shouts. Marshal Lobau, commander of 
 the National Guards, dispersed them by the novel means of 
 fire-engines, which effectually quenched the intensity of their 
 enthusiasm by immense discharges of water instead of grape- 
 shot. 
 
 But this incident, though it terminated so comically, un- 
 happily excited the fears and jealousy of the king. Hortense 
 was given to understand that she could not longer remain in 
 the French territories. Accordingly, she once more resumed 
 her pilgrimage, and on the 10th of May embarked, at Calais, 
 for England. 1 Her son accompanied her, for he too had 
 
 1 A dny or two before her departure from Paris, Hortense had attended 
 mass at the church of St. Roche, in the rue St. Honore\ where by acci- 
 dent she sat next to M. Lamartine, who was pointed out to her by the 
 Marchese Zappi. She had always admired Lamartine's writings, and 
 now she extended her admiration to the man. What would she have 
 said could she have foreseen that he would one day be her son's com- 
 petitor for the presidentship of the French Republic; that the admission 
 of the Bonaparte family into France would be in part owing to his re-
 
 44 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 become personally obnoxious to the reigning family. He had 
 uttered sentiments, in the letter which he had addressed to 
 the king, which indicated a superior degree of intelligence and 
 determination, — acknowledging the right of Louis Philippe 
 as the representative of a great nation, to occupy the throne 
 to which they had invited him. He was too aspiring, and 
 too dangerous, to be permitted to remain in France. 
 
 In England, and especially at Woburn Abbey, the seat of 
 the Duke of Bedford, the ex-queen and her son were treated 
 with great consideration. They were honored by men of all 
 parties and factions. The adroit Talleyrand did his utmost 
 to worm himself into the intended aims and purposes of Hor- 
 tense, but her self-possession and her superior sagacity com- 
 pletely foiled him. While, perhaps, herself uncertain what 
 course to take, the authorities of the canton of Thurgovia 
 presented her son with the rights of citizenship. This was 
 the district in which her estate of Arenemberg was situated. 
 The document which conferred upon the young prince this 
 honor recited how the canton was under great obligations to 
 the duchess of St. Leu for many favors ; and that the said 
 honor was bestowed in consideration of those favors. It 
 bore date the 30th of April, 1832. To this grateful testimo- 
 nial of esteem the prince replied in appropriate terras. He 
 thanked them for the honor of being made "the citizen of a 
 free nation," expressed the pleasure which his mother derived 
 from their courtesy, and tendered his best wishes for the 
 prosperity of the canton. He also sent them, as further testi- 
 monials of his esteem, two six-pounders, with complete trains 
 and equipage ; and he also founded a free school in the vil- 
 lage of Sallenstein. In consequence of the state of kindly 
 
 missness; and that he would have to repent in sackcloth and ashe3 
 all the days of his life for this act of negligence and weakness? 
 
 On the 6th of May they left Paris, and proceeded to Chantilly. In 
 four days they reached Calais, crossed the Channel, and were on their 
 Way to London. Here Louis Napoleon was attacked by the jaundice, 
 and looked as yellow as a guinea.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 45 
 
 feeling expressed by the Swiss toward her and her son, Hor- 
 tense now determined to take up her permanent residence at 
 Arenemberg. She proposed to pass through Belgium and 
 Brussels ; but this was forbidden her, as her presence in the 
 Belgian capital, with her son, might lead to serious conse- 
 quences. The Belgians might, perhaps, elect the prince to 
 their then vacant throne, and results of the most important 
 nature might ensue. The whole corps diplomatique in Lon- 
 don assembled together, and the most earnest representations 
 were made against granting her a passport through France. 
 At length, in August, Hortense left England, and landed at 
 Calais with her son. Avoiding Paris and Brussels, in ac- 
 cordance with the requisitions of Louis Philippe, she visited 
 the tomb of her mother, Josephine, at Ruel, passed through 
 Chantilly and other cherished and familiar places, and finally 
 reached Arenemberg in safety. 1 
 
 On his return to Switzerland Louis Napoleon was honored 
 by a deputation of Poles sent from Warsaw, who proposed 
 to place him at the head of their revolutionary movements, 
 
 1 On arriving at Chantilly, she visited the palace of the Conde's 
 and the magnificent forest which, during the era of the Empire, had 
 been her own private property. It was extremely natural that Hortense 
 should wish to know whether or not she was still remembered in the re- 
 gion where she had once been so powerful. She inquired of the man who 
 conducted them through Chantilly and its vicinity, to whom those woods 
 formerly belonged. He replied, to Queen Hortense, and added, that for 
 many years she was supposed to roam about the forest in disguise, but 
 that for some time people had ceased to talk of her. "Ah! without 
 doubt, she is dead," replied the queen; and the idea pleased her — find- 
 ing that she was forgotten by the world. 
 
 After wandering about, reviving sad reminiscences at every step, 
 Hortense and her son proceeded to St. Denis, and afterwards through 
 a number of other places, in many, if not in most, of which she had seen 
 happier days. In company with his mother Louis Napoleon visited 
 Ennenonville and Morfontaine, where she had once resided with her 
 mother Josephine. A rickety old boat took them over, at Ermenon- 
 ville, to the Isle of Popiars, consecrated to the memory of Rousseau, 
 where she and her son inscribed their names upon his tomb.
 
 46 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 with an ultimate prospect of the possession of the throne of 
 the Jagellons. The young prince was at this time twenty- 
 three years of age. The letter which the deputation bore was 
 signed by many of the most distinguished patriots of the 
 nation, including General Kniazewicz, and Count Plater. 
 The prince enthusiastically accepted the high mission ; and 
 fearing the more cautious opposition of his mother, he left 
 Arenemberg without her knowledge or permission, and started 
 for the Polish frontier. But, happily for his future destiny, 
 ere he had progressed far upon his journey the news of the 
 fall of Warsaw on the 1th of September, put an end to hia 
 progress and restored him to his home. 
 
 When the melancholy death of the Duke of Reichstadt 
 took place at Vienna, in July, 1832, the importance of Louis 
 Napoleon in the great system of European politics became 
 immensely magnified. He became thenceforth the direct and 
 recognized heir of the Napoleonic dynasty. The thoughtful 
 solicitude of all the sovereigns of Europe now clustered around 
 the obscure estate and manor of Arenemberg. It is well 
 known that Talleyrand, on behalf of Louis Philippe, sent a 
 secret emissary to reside permanently near Arenemberg, for 
 the purpose of watching the movements of the prince. The 
 castle was secretly surrounded by invisible but vigilant agents 
 of many anxious and uneasy kings, who intently yet unobtru- 
 sively scrutinized his conduct. But their labors led to no 
 satisfactory results. The truth was that the prince now led 
 a retired life, engaged in literary pursuits. He did not forget 
 that he was the direct heir of the claims of the great Napo- 
 leon, inasmuch as Joseph Bonaparte had no male children, 
 and Lucien Bonaparte and his family had been expressly ex- 
 cluded from the succession by the will of the Emperor himself, 
 and by the provisions of the Plebiscite ; but Louis Napoleon 
 felt convinced that the time of action had not yet arrived. It 
 would have been well for his fame and fortune had he enter- 
 tained the same opinion on several important occasions of 
 his subsequent career. Although his thoughts at this period
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 4"\ 
 
 were chiefly engaged in studious labors, he was not forgotten 
 by the chivalrous people who had once invited him to ascend 
 their vacant throne. He was constantly visited by crowds of 
 Polish refugees, and his purse was always open to relieve 
 their necessities. He sent to the Polish committee at Berne 
 a beautiful and valuable casket, which Napoleon himself had 
 once possessed, in order that a lottery might be organized to 
 relieve the wants of many of the exiles. He received in 
 return the following expressive reply : " Five hundred Polish 
 refugees, grateful for his generous solicitude, have the honor 
 to present their sentiments of the most profound regard to 
 the illustrious descendant of the Emperor Napoleon, August 
 6th, 1833." 
 
 Nor were the various studies in which Louis Napoleon had 
 already engaged fruitless in cultivating his intellectual powers, 
 in storing his mind with valuable knowledge, and in enabling 
 him to systematize and settle his own views on the great 
 themes which appertain to the science of government. He 
 now employed his leisure in the composition of his "Reveries 
 Politiques," which work was published in 1832. This pro- 
 duction, emanating from a young man of twenty-four yearg 
 of age, indicates more than ordinary ability. It displays an 
 originality of thought and powers of generalization which 
 very much exceed the usual range of juvenile capacity. Tin 
 author clearly describes and characterizes the several formj 
 of government which had successively prevailed in France, 
 and the relation which they severally bore to the development 
 of liberty. He very truly says of the reign of Louis Philippe, 
 that while it indicated the sovereignty of the people, and 
 promoted the reign of merit, its passions were fear, egotism, 
 and meanness. The whole reign of Louis Philippe was over- 
 shadowed and tarnished by a craven fear of the powers and 
 movements of the people ; by a constant endeavor to magnify 
 and glorify the Orleans dynasty in every possible way ; and 
 by despicable and greedy avarice of money, of dignities, of 
 alliances, and of emoluments.
 
 48 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 In this work, Louis Napoleon also asserts very positively 
 the great ideas which he has since endeavored to realize in 
 his own administration. "A day will come," says he, "when 
 virtue shall triumph over intrigue, when merit shall have more 
 power than prejudice, when glory shall crown liberty." He 
 declares that this noble end can only be accomplished by 
 uniting the two popular causes, that of the people, with that 
 of him who came forth from among the people and ascended 
 to unparalleled heights of power and glory through their 
 means, — the Emperor Napoleon. He contends that with this 
 great name the people never associate the ideas of terror, of 
 imbecility, or of insecurity ; and he urges on the French 
 nation their obligation to be grateful to hira who, springing 
 from the ranks of the people, did everything for them and 
 through them. He asserts that if they ever become free, it 
 is to Napoleon — his genius, his imperishable spirit, and his 
 undying glory that they will owe it. " Do not reproach him 
 for his dictatorship, his despotism, if you will," says he. 
 " The Emperor was leading us to liberty, as the ploughshare 
 cuts the furrows to prepare the fertility of the soil. Equality 
 before the laws, the superiority of merit, the prosperity of 
 commerce aud industry, and the emancipation of nations, — 
 these are the glorious consummations to which he was con- 
 ducting us. " Many sentiments are uttered in this book, which, 
 though possessing neither originality nor intellectual merit, are 
 yet important, as having been declared by the man who after- 
 ward ascended to such a brilliant eminence. Thus he asserts 
 that the first wants of a country are liberty, stability, the 
 supremacy of merit, and the general diffusion of physical 
 comfort among the people ; that the best government is that 
 in which every abuse of power can always be corrected ; and 
 where the head of the government can be changed at any 
 time without social disorder, and without the effusion of 
 blood. How widely Louis Napoleon has himself wandered 
 from these admirable principles, in the later and more decisive 
 events of his career every intelligent reader can readily judge.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 49 
 
 Unhappily some of these Reveries Politiques remain to this 
 day a silent, yet potent reproof of the monarchical and despotic 
 tendencies of their author. Yet it is not probable nor pos^ 
 sible that he intended to execute all of them, should he 
 ever attain to the possession of power. They accomplished 
 the purpose for which they v were written ; which evidently 
 was to win the confidence of the French nation, to indicate 
 that he was employing his leisure in intellectual pursuits, and 
 to prove to the world that he possessed the power and capacity 
 to write and think. 
 
 The same work contains the project of a Constitution, in 
 which some remarkable ideas are set forth. Its fundamental 
 principle is universal suffrage. It contains a declaration of 
 the rights of man, which reiterates the same great doctrines 
 which were put forth in the declaration proclaimed in 1789, 
 when the billows of the first great revolution began to surge 
 and roll over France. The legislative power was to be 
 delegated to two assemblies, the Tribunate and the Senate. 
 The imperial dignity was to be hereditary ; although at each 
 new accession to the throne, the sanction of the people, and 
 their free approbation, were to be essential to the validity of 
 the claim to the possession of the supreme power. The author 
 asserts, also, that harmony between the governor and the 
 governed can only be maintained by one of two means, either 
 where the people allow themselves to be ruled by the absolute 
 will of one ; or where the sovereign rules according to the 
 will of all. The utter absurdity of the latter proposition 
 must strike every reflecting mind ; for where the will of the 
 nation becomes the absolute guide of the ruler, he cannot be 
 said, in any sense, to rule ; but he is in reality the servant and 
 slave of the popular behest, which thus becomes the supreme 
 and despotic master in the State. The professed aim of this 
 Constitution was to suggest the means of securing internal 
 order and liberty by the strengthening of authority. Its real 
 effect would have been, as it actually has become in its present 
 developed and realized state, to establish order and to 
 5 d
 
 50 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 strengthen despotism, by the curtailment and suppression of 
 liberty ; for it must be conceded that the Constitution pro- 
 posed by Louis Napoleon, in 1832, has been retained by him 
 in its leading ideas through all his subsequent career, until it 
 became in a great measure realized by the memorable events 
 of 1852. He deserves the merit of consistency; for those 
 provisions of this constitution which promote liberty, he 
 obeyed and realized during the earlier and more dependent 
 period of his career ; those which commend despotic measures 
 he has followed out and executed afterward, when he possessed 
 the power so to do. This Constitution is double-faced ; and 
 so Louis Napoleon has himself pre-eminently been through- 
 out his whole .career. 
 
 A second work issued from the pen of our princely author 
 in 1833. This was his " Considerationes Politiques et Mili- 
 taires sur la Suisse.'" In this production a marked im- 
 provement was perceptible in the writer's powers of thought 
 and composition. It attracted considerable attention both 
 among diplomatic circles throughout Europe, and also among 
 military men. It discusses with discrimination and ability 
 all the various Constitutions of the Cantons, their merits and 
 provisions ; and it also examines the military position, inte- 
 rests and necessities of the Swiss. It designates, in this con- 
 nection, a line and method of defence which, if adopted and 
 energetically executed by the Helvetic Diet, would render the 
 territories and the homes of the bold mountaineers impreg- 
 nable to any foreign foe. The style of the work is elevated 
 and scholarlike, and would have made a mark in the litera- 
 ture of the day, independently of the relations and prospects 
 of the writer. It was referred to in the sessions of the Diet 
 as a remarkable work ; and as a reward for his labors, and 
 for his interest in the prosperity of the Swiss, that body unani- 
 mously decreed to him the honorable epithet of citizen of 
 the Swiss Republic. This was a token of esteem which had 
 very rarely been bestowed. Two instances of the kind only 
 are on record, and these involve names with which Louis
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 51 
 
 Napoleon need not blush to have been associated. Thej 
 were Marshal Ney, and Prince Metternich. In June, 1834, 
 the Diet again expressed their esteem for the person and cha- 
 racter of the Prince, by conferring upon him the rank of cap- 
 tain of artillery in the Bernese regiment. In truth he became 
 exceedingly popular among his adopted countrymen ; nor did 
 he neglect any means whereby he might win their esteem. 
 He attended the great gymnastic festivals which are held in 
 many of the Cantons, and took part in their manly combats. 
 He frequently bore away the prizes which were awarded to 
 superior skill in the use of fire-arms, in horsemanship, in the 
 management of the spear and lance, and even in aquatic 
 exercises. 
 
 At this period a gleam of brighter fortunes seemed to dawn 
 upon the dark horizon of his career. His European import- 
 ance had then become so great, that when the constitutional 
 party triumphed in Portugal, in 1835, and the young and 
 beautiful Donna Maria was elevated to the throne, the lead- 
 ing statesmen of that country proposed Louis Napoleon to 
 the queen as an appropriate match for her. She herself ac- 
 quiesced in the proposition ; but the Prince declined it. He 
 assigned two reasons for this course of conduct, both of 
 which were satisfactory and honorable. The first was, that 
 such an alliance might, and probably would, separate his fate 
 and interests from those of France. The second was, that 
 his acceptance of the offer would interfere with the wishes 
 and aspirations of his cousin, the Duke of Leuchtenberg, the 
 son of Prince Eugene, who desired the alliance himself. 
 
 In consequence of this refusal, the Queen of Portugal 
 married the Duke of Leuchtenberg. That prince died very 
 soon after his marriage ; and again the same proposition 
 was made to Louis Napoleon. Again the latter declined it, 
 and published the following letter in vindication of his motives 
 and his conduct : 
 
 " Several journals have made known the intelligence of my 
 departure for Portugal, as a pretender to the hand of Queen
 
 52 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Donna Maria. However flattering for me may be the idea 
 of a union with a young queen, beautiful and virtuous, widow 
 of a cousin whom I tenderly loved, still it is my duty to re- 
 fute such a report, as no step of mine, that I am aware of, 
 could have furnished any grounds for announcing it. 
 
 "I may even add that, notwithstanding the strong interest 
 attached to the destinies of a people who have just recovered 
 their independence, I would refuse the honor of sharing the 
 throne of Portugal, if by any chance I should be offered such 
 an exalted position. 
 
 " The noble conduct of my father, who abdicated in 1810, 
 because he could not reconcile the interests of France with 
 those of Holland, has not escaped my recollection. 
 
 " My father has proved to me, by his own example, how 
 much to be preferred my country is to a seat on a foreign 
 throne. I feel, in effect, that, habituated from my childhood 
 to love my country above all things, I can prefer nothing to 
 the interests of France. Convinced that the great name 
 which I bear will not be always regarded by my countrymen 
 as a ground for exclusion, reminding them as it does of fifteen 
 years of glory, I wait calmly, in a free and hospitable coun- 
 try, until the people recall those exiles that were banished in 
 1815 by twelve hundred thousand foreigners. This hope of 
 one day serving France, as a citizen and as a soldier, 
 strengthens and consoles me in my retirement, and, in my 
 •yea, is worth all the thrones in the world." 1 
 
 4a» id Moire de Napoleon III., par Paul Lacroix, vol. i., p. 210.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 53 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 t arsaits and Studies of Louis Napoleon at Arenemberg — His Manual 
 of Artillery — Character of that Work — He begins to plot — The 
 Escapade of Strasburg — State of Public Feeling in France at that 
 Period — Unpopularity of Louis Philippe — Preparations for the Plot 
 at Arenemberg — The Hunting-Party — The Prince arrives at Baden- 
 Baden — Hemeets Madame Gordon — Her Beauty and Talents — Her 
 former History — She becomes a Devotee to the Prince — His Ai'rival 
 at Strasburg — Meeting of the Conspirators — Suspicions aroused and 
 allayed — Six o'clock arrives — Colonel Vaudrey — Submission of the 
 Fourth Regiment — General Voirol — The Prince's Identity denied — 
 Total and rapid Failure of the Conspiracy — Arrest of the Conspi- 
 rators — Examination and Responses of Louis Napoleon. 
 
 Louis Napoleon continued to pass a retired and unobtru- 
 sive existence amid the congenial shades of Arenemberg. 
 His restless and inquiring mind felt the constant necessity of 
 employment, and his habits at this period indicated that he 
 both anticipated and prepared himself for a future career of 
 adventure and activity. Ambition now seemed to become 
 the predominant passion within him ; and his time was chiefly 
 spent in intellectual pursuits and physical exercises. He 
 lodged, not within the castle itself, which the cultivated and 
 queenly Hortense had fitted up and adorned with every pos- 
 sible appliance of luxury and enjoyment, but in a small and 
 rude pavilion near its massive walls, and beneath the shadows 
 of the surrounding forest. Here his frugal table was spread. 
 His pursuits were laborious, and his habits partook of the 
 rigor of military life. Neither a carpet nor an arm-chair 
 adorned his simple abode ; but it was garnished with books, 
 charts, philosophical instruments, and fire-arms of every de- 
 scription. At break of morn the prince leaped into his sad- 
 dle, and usually rode several leagues before he returned to 
 breakfast. The rest of the day was spent in his studies, hiH 
 5*
 
 64 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 writings, and his practice with the sword, the rifle, and the 
 lance. Both his studies and amusements now assumed a 
 military turn; and in December, 1835, he completed and 
 published his " Manual of Artillery, for the Use of Artillery- 
 Officers of the Helvetic Republic." 
 
 This third production of Louis Napoleon evinces the pro- 
 gress which he had made in intellectual and professional 
 training. The volume contains everything of importance 
 which can be said in reference to the subject of Artillery, 
 both field, siege, and stationary. It contains an introduction 
 which presents a comprehensive historical survey of the inven- 
 tion and progress of cannon. The body of the work may 
 be divided into three general departments. The first treats 
 of field-artillery ; the second, of siege and stationary artillery ; 
 the third, of the manufactories and constructions which are 
 necessarily connected with their use. The work also dis- 
 cusses the service and management of cannon, both upon the 
 march and in action ; and it enters into scientific researches 
 in reference to the theory of initial velocities, and the eleva- 
 tion, pointing, and direction of guns. Other related topics 
 are ably discussed, such as the science of fortification, both 
 of attack and of defence ; the manufacture of gunpowder ; 
 the casting of cannon ; and, in fact, every other theme which 
 legitimately came within the scope of the subject. 
 
 This work gives ample evidence of the industry, research, 
 and discrimination of its author. It made him well known 
 in the military circles of Europe ; and it clearly indicated 
 that he was not only possessed of intellectual energies, which 
 honorably distinguished him from the great herd of vapid and 
 imbecile European princes, who dreamed away their useless 
 and pernicious lives in idleness, luxury, and vice ; but also, 
 that he was preparing himself for scenes of more than ordi- 
 nary vicissitude and importance, to be developed in the 
 uncertain future. 
 
 Thus far, indeed, the events of the life of Louis Napoleon 
 had passed by without a stigma ; each succeeding year had
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 55 
 
 added to the respect which was entertained for his character 
 and talents ; and had augmented the interest, both hopeful 
 and apprehensive, with which his future fate was contem- 
 plated. Thus far the reasonable, the prudent, the commend- 
 able, had predominated in the life of the prince ; but now an 
 unhappy episode commences in his history, in which the ab- 
 surd, the ridiculous, and the unfortunate, fill up the chief 
 measure, and give the main coloring, to his career. We 
 have now arrived at the memorable farce and the laughable 
 escapade of Strasburg, whose origin, progress, and termina- 
 tion, form one of the most ludicrous and anomalous scenes 
 presented in history. 
 
 The state of France at that moment was peculiar. The 
 prevalent feeling was one of disappointment and contempt 
 for the government of the selfish, avaricious, and perfidious 
 Louis Philippe. The great mass of the nation were filled with 
 regret that they had approved the Revolution of July, which 
 placed him on an undeserved and now tarnished throne. The 
 small party of the Legitimists regarded the public dissatis- 
 faction with favor ; because they were waiting for an oppor- 
 tunity to promote the reviving hopes of the Bourbon family. 
 The national suffrage had become a mere mockery. Among 
 the thirty millions of Frenchmen, scarcely a quarter of a mil- 
 lion of electors deposited their ballots. Louis Philippe, 
 "the citizen king," had created a vast number of petty 
 offices, which he had filled with his obsequious tools ; and 
 their agency at the polls rendered the national will a nullity. 
 The prejudices and hatreds which had once existed against 
 the first Napoleon, had, with the lapse of time, in a very 
 great measure passed away ; and the remembrance of his 
 ancient glory began to resume its resistless sway over the 
 minds of a martial and chivalrous nation. The statue of the 
 dead Emperor had been restored to the summit of the pillar 
 in the Place Vendome ; the magnificent triumphal Arc de 
 VEtoile was in progress of rapid completion ; already the 
 project of removing the ashes of the mighty conqueror from
 
 56 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 their ocean-bed at St. Helena, to the banks of the Seine, and 
 among the French people whom he loved so well, was agi- 
 tated and discussed ; and thus while Louis Philippe absurdly 
 hoped to surround himself with perpetual glories borrowed 
 from the brow of Napoleon, he unconsciously increased the 
 disgust of the nation at his own inferiority, and revived their 
 admiration for the departed hero. This state of things natu- 
 rally led to the revival of the hopes of the partizans of his 
 family, and of his representatives. Every day Louis Philippe 
 was transforming his government more and more into an un- 
 principled despotism, in violation of every dictate of honor, 
 honesty, and patriotism. The house of Orleans was in truth 
 rapidly descending from its once high estate, to the ignoble 
 purpose and occupation of filling their money-bags, of marry- 
 ing their debauched sons to the daughters of royal houses, 
 and of promoting their most selfish personal aims, at the 
 sacrifice of the liberties and dignity of the nation. 
 
 From 1830 till 1848, the whole reign of Louis Philippe 
 was a continued attempt on his part, by intriguing, evading, 
 manoeuvring, and lying, to perform as little as was possible 
 of all the solemn promises and sonorous professions, with 
 which he ascended the throne. The most sordid, grovelling, 
 perfidious, and disgraceful reign which has ever occurred 
 during the whole progress of French history, taking all things 
 calmly into consideration, was the reign of Louis Philippe. 
 Its symbol should have been, and should forever continue to 
 be, a full money-bag surrounded by a chain ! 
 
 It was not singular that, while this reign was becoming 
 the object of the hatred of the nation, and of the contempt 
 of Europe, Louis Napoleon should, with his eyes vigilantly 
 fixed upon his native land, perceive the progress and ten- 
 dency of public opinion. His partizans throughout France 
 now earnestly assured him, and that with singular unanimity, 
 that the propitious period was approaching when he should 
 proclaim his aims and purposes, should assume the lead in 
 *he expression of public sentiment, should offer himself to
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 57 
 
 the nation as their chief, and should overthrow the existing 
 government. 
 
 Louis Napoleon was still residing at Arenemberg, when 
 he himself believed the critical moment for the execution of 
 his designs had arrived. It is highly probable that Queen 
 Hortense both knew and approved of his plans. She still 
 intensely yearned to see her darling and only son seated on 
 the majestic throne of the fallen Emperor. Her conduct, 
 when the prince left the Castle of Arenemberg under the pre- 
 text of a hunting expedition into the principality of Hec- 
 kingen, but really for the purpose of proceeding to Baden- 
 Baden, and thence to Strasburg, was not such as comported 
 with the innocence and security of his alleged destination. 
 She displayed intense emotion. She threw her arms around 
 his neck, and repeatedly embraced him. She wept profusely ; 
 and as her son at last was about to depart, she solemnly placed 
 upon his finger the marriage ring of Napoleon and Josephine, 
 both as a talisman of future safety, and as a memento of past 
 glory. 
 
 The prince arrived at Baden-Baden, and an incident there 
 occurred which threw an air of romance around his fortunes, 
 and pleasingly contrasted with the general gloom and cheer- 
 lessness of his impending fate. It was here that he first met 
 the lady known as Madame Gordon. This person was the 
 daughter of a former captain in the Imperial army, who had 
 followed the vicissitudes and witnessed the glory of the elder 
 Napoleon throughout his whole career. Her mind had been 
 early stored with legends of the Empire, and her youthful 
 admiration had been profoundly enlisted in behalf of the 
 great Corsican. At the period of which we now write, she 
 was young, very beautiful, and full of bewitching arts and 
 coquetry. Thrown at an early age upon the world, she had 
 adopted the profession of a public singer as a means of sub- 
 sistence ; while, at the same time, the charms not only of her 
 exquisite voice, but also of her beautiful face and person, were 
 rendered tributary to the task of ministering both to her sup-
 
 58 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 port, and to her fondness for dissipation and luxury. She had 
 had many intrigues ; but they were always with the wealthy and 
 the noble. Passing lightly from one amorous connection to 
 another, as caprice or interest dictated, her life had not been 
 devoid of deep romance. Among her various lovers, the last 
 was one of the most distinguished and active partisans of the 
 Bonapartist cause ; who, in a moment either of excessive 
 carelessness or intense affection, had revealed to her the con- 
 templated plan of Louis Napoleon, to assail and overthrow 
 the existing government. Devotedly attached to the name 
 and family of Napoleon, Madame Gordon became deeply 
 interested in favor of the young adventurer. She immediately 
 journeyed to Arenemberg, but arrived there on the very day 
 on which Louis Napoleon departed for Baden-Baden. She 
 instantly followed him to that retreat, ascertained the place 
 of his temporary abode, obtained an interview with him, in- 
 formed him of the fact that she had been initiated into the 
 plot, declared her ardent devotion to his person and his 
 cause, and offered to serve him to the utmost of her ability. 
 
 That offer was gladly accepted. Love and ambition both 
 plead powerfully in behalf of the fair devotee; and both 
 seemed compatible with the interests and the tastes of the 
 prince. By means of Madame Gordon's intelligence and 
 beauty he opened direct communications with the officers of 
 the regiments then stationed in Strasburg. She possessed 
 arguments adapted to the passions of all. To the aged she 
 presented the thrilling souvenirs of the Empire, and those 
 triumphant and glorious scenes in which they had participated ; 
 to the avaricious she offered immense riches ; to the ambitious 
 she held forth the glittering meed of glory ; to the discontented 
 the soothing solace of revenge ; and to the chivalrous and 
 gallant, the potent blandishments of love. It was not strange 
 that with such an emissary, assisted by others of a different 
 character, a sufficient number of the officers of Strasburg 
 should have been corrupted, to have induced the prince to 
 6uppose that the remainder would be easily won over to his
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 59 
 
 cause after the public demonstration in bis favor had been 
 begun. 
 
 A few weeks having been spent by Louis Napoleon at 
 Baden-Baden, devoted to the fascinating society of Madame 
 Gordon, and to his intrigues with his partizans and emissaries 
 in Strasburg, he secretly proceeded on the 30th of October, 
 1836, to that city. He was accompanied by that lady, to 
 whom, in this important emergency, he entrusted his papers 
 and effects. He repaired first to the house of M. Persigny, 
 where he remained concealed during the day. When night 
 arrived, he proceeded to another house in a distant part of 
 the city, in the Rue Fontaine, in the basement of which all 
 the conspirators were to assemble at an appointed hour. The 
 weather was cold, but a bright autumnal moon illumined the 
 ancient and narrow streets of the city. The conspirators, to 
 the number of thirty-five, remained in consultation during the 
 night, intending to strike the decisive blow at six o'clock on 
 the ensuing morning. 
 
 During the night the prince arranged with Colonel Yau- 
 drey, the chief conspirator, the plan of the next day's pro- 
 ceedings. The Colonel said to him : " There is no question 
 here of a conflict of arms ; your cause is too French and too 
 pure, to pollute it with the effusion of blood. There is only 
 one way for you to act, which will be worthy of you. When 
 you are at the head of my regiment we will march together 
 to the residence of General Voirol, we will show him the im- 
 perial eagle, and he will be persuaded that the whole garrison 
 is in our favor, and will join us." During the tedious progress 
 of the night the deliberations of the conspirators were inter- 
 rupted by the inquiries and apprehensions of the lodgers in 
 the upper part of the house, who became alarmed by the 
 mysterious and unusual noises which the conversation and 
 movements of so many persons inevitably made. Silence was 
 again commanded, and the people fortunately retired to their 
 beds. 
 
 At length, when morning dawned, the bells in the great
 
 60 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 tower of the Cathedral solemnly tolled forth the hour of six • 
 and the impressive sound striking on the expectant ears of the 
 conspirators, summoned them to their task of glory or of 
 ruin. They emerged into the streets and proceeded toward 
 the barracks of the artillery. Having arrived there in com- 
 pany with M. Pasquin, Louis Napoleon, who had assumed 
 the uniform of a brigadier-general, found the fourth regiment 
 of artillery, of which Colonel Vaudrey was the commandant, 
 drawn out in the open space before their cantonments. The 
 colonel stood alone in the middle of the yard. Louis Napo- 
 leon proceeded immediately to join him. The colonel then 
 drew his sword, and exclaimed to the soldiers : " Behold the 
 nephew of Napoleon ! A great revolution is being accom- 
 plished at this moment. The nephew of Napoleon, his heir 
 and representative, comes to reconquer the rights of the people. 
 It is around him that all who love the glory and liberty of 
 France, should rally. Soldiers ! you must feel, as I do, all 
 the grandeur of the enterprise in which you are about to 
 engage, all the sacredness of the cause which you are about 
 to defend. Can the nephew of the great Napoleon rely upon 
 your fidelity ?" 
 
 The soldiers responded to this speech with as much enthu- 
 siasm as could reasonably be expected on a cold autumnal 
 morning; while Louis Napoleon himself, boldly facing the 
 regiment, tried his best to look as much as possible like the 
 "Nephew of his Uncle !" He then spoke as follows : " Re- 
 solved to conquer or die for the cause of the French people, 
 it is to you that I wish to present myself in the first instance, 
 because between us there exists great and thrilling recollec- 
 tions. It was in your regiment that my uncle served as cap- 
 tain ; with you he fought at the siege of Toulon ; and it was 
 your brave regiment which first received him at Grenoble on 
 his return from Elba. Soldiers ! new destinies are in store 
 for you ! To you is offered the honor of commencing a great 
 enterprize ! You will have the glory of being the first to 
 salute the eagle of Austerlitz I"
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 61 
 
 At this crisis, the prince, receiving the eagle from M. do 
 Querelle, one of his confederate officers, held it forth at arm's 
 length toward the regiment, and exclaimed: "Behold the 
 symbol of the glory of France 1 It is destined to become the 
 emblem of liberty ! For fifteen years it led our fathers to 
 victory ; it glittered on all the battle-fields, and in all the 
 capitals of Europe. Will you now rally around it, and march 
 ■with me against the traitors and oppressors of our country ? 
 Vive la France! Vive la Liberie '" And once more, in re- 
 sponse, a reasonable number of soldiers shouted out: "Vive 
 Napoleon! Vive V 'Umpereur /" 
 
 Having thus assured himself of the attachment of the fourth 
 regiment of artillery, the next object of the prince was to 
 repair to the quarters of the commandant of all the military 
 forces in Strasburg, General Voirol, in order to win him over 
 to his cause. On his way thither, it was necessary for the 
 prince to traverse a considerable distance, and during his 
 progress he sent an officer, with a company of men, to the 
 printers, to prepare and publish his proclamation. He sent 
 other detachments to arrest the prefect of the city, and to per- 
 form several important commissions. At length the prince 
 and his friends arrived at the residence of General Voirol. 
 The commandant was still in bed. lie refused to admit his 
 visitors, and Louis Napoleon, Vaudrey, Pasquin, and two 
 other officers, ascended to his room and broke open the door. 
 On being thus assailed, Voirol gazed with mingled astonish- 
 ment and terror upon the intruders. The prince, approaching 
 him and holding toward him the eagle of Austerlitz, ex- 
 claimed : " General, I approach you as a friend. I would be 
 sorry to raise our old tri-color without the assistance of a 
 brave soldier like you. The garrison is in my favor ; decide, 
 and follow mcl" But the old general caught none of the 
 enthusiasm of the prince. Sitting up in bed, he began to 
 read him a severe lecture, which, to the prince, was both in- 
 opportune and disagreeable. Said he: "You have been 
 wofully deceived. The army knows its duty, and of this you 
 6
 
 62 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 will soon be convinced. Your undertaking is hopeless, youi 
 attempt is criminal, and will end only in your ruin. I adjure 
 you to go no farther." 
 
 The prince was naturally disgusted at such unwelcome 
 advice as this, turned on his heel, ordered a file of his soldiers 
 to arrest and guard the general, and hastened, with consider 
 able abatement of enthusiasm, to execute the rest of his pro- 
 gramme. He directed his steps toward the barrack of Fink- 
 matt, in order to secure the allegiance of the regiments 
 quartered there. Having arrived, the soldiers crowded 
 around the prince, more from curiosity than from any other 
 motive ; and he began to harangue them. Some of them 
 shouted Vive Napoleon ! Vive V Empereur ! but the majority 
 of them said nothing. At this crisis an unfortunate incident 
 occurred, which blasted the success of the enterprise, even 
 though the battalion of the pontonniers, and the third regi- 
 ment of artillery were marching to join the prince, having 
 Deen won over by the arguments of their officers. Colonel 
 Taillander, being among the disaffected, raised the shout that 
 the alleged Prince Napoleon was not he, but a nephew of 
 Colonel Vaudrey. " I know him well," said he, "for I have 
 studied with him." This revelation, coming at such a time 
 and in such a manner, produced an electrical effect on the 
 soldiers. The pretender was immediately greeted with 
 loud jeers and laughter ; and instantly, the romance, the 
 glory, and the success of the enterprise were at an end. Louis 
 Napoleon tried in vain to speak to the malcontents. Tail- 
 lander ordered the gates to be closed, and the drums to beat. 
 In vain the desperate prince demanded to be heard. His 
 screams and violent gesticulations were only as a dumb show 
 to the astounded and diverted lookers on ; while each moment 
 the confusion continued to increase. Muskets were discharged, 
 swords flashed in the air, the cannoneers arrested infantry 
 officers, and the infantry in turn arrested officers of artillery. 
 A general melee ensued in the space before the barracks, during
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 63 
 
 which the prince, seeing his case becoming desperate, in vain 
 besought one of the artillery-men to lend him his horse, with 
 which to escape ; and he came very near being crushed to 
 death under the feet of horses and men. The confusion sub- 
 sided as soon as the prince and his attendants were all 
 arrested. They were immediately taken to the guard-room 
 and confined. The disaffected regiment, covered with shame, 
 returned quietly to their quarters; and thus ended in igno- 
 minious failure and disgrace, the memorable conspiracy of 
 Strasburg. 
 
 A few moments after the arrest and imprisonment of the 
 prince, General Voirol entered, who greeted him with the 
 remark that he had found but one traitor in the army, mean- 
 ing Colonel Vaudrey. Louis Napoleon responded: "Say 
 rather, general, that I have found a Labedoyere ;" and he 
 assured him that he should interest himself for the Colonel's 
 children, because it was through that officer's regard for 
 General Voirol, and the waste of time spent in parleying with 
 him, that the failure of the enterprise was in some measure 
 to be attributed. 
 
 In a few hours the prince was removed to the prison of 
 Strasburg, and subjected to a formal examination. He wa3 
 asked what had induced him to conspire against the govern- 
 ment. He responded that his political opinions, and a desire 
 to reside again in his own country, from which he had been 
 unjustly exiled, were his motives. When asked whether he 
 had intended to establish a military government, he answered, 
 that he desired a government based on popular election. He 
 declared that his first step would have been to assemble a 
 National Congress, and thus appeal to the nation for its sup- 
 port. He insisted that the whole rigor of the law should fall 
 upon himself, who was the sole originator and leader in the 
 attempt ; from whom only any danger was to be apprehended. 
 
 The unfortunate prince was then left alone in his dungeon, 
 to indulge in profound and useful " Beveries" on the vanity
 
 C4 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 and instability of human grandeur ! He discovered, when 
 too late, that he had acted very rashly in commencing deci- 
 sive measures, as the legitimate heir and successor of the 
 great Corsican, before the arrival of the appropriate junc- 
 ture, without proper preparations, and probably by the use 
 of means which are not wisely adapted to the accomplishment 
 of the intended end, even if used at the most propitious 
 time.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 66 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Presence of Mind and Intrepidity of Madame Gordon — Her Trial and 
 Acquittal — Her subsequent Pate — The Gratitude of Louis Napoleon 
 — His Removal to Paris — Intercessions of Queen Hortense in his 
 behalf — The Prince Banished — His Voyage to Rio Janeiro — His 
 Arrival at New York — Ilia Conduct in the United States — Letter 
 from Hortense — His Return to Switzerland — Death of Hortense — 
 Brochure of M. Persigny — Re-published by M. Laity — Letter of Louis 
 Napoleon to Laity — Louis Philippe demands his Expulsion from 
 Switzerland — The Cantons refuse — War threatened — Voluntary 
 •withdrawal of the Prince — He goes to England — Publishes his Idee* 
 Napoleoniennes — Gore House — The Countess of Blessington — Lord 
 Eglinton — The Prince's Habits of Dissipation in London — His con 
 nection with Mrs. Howard — Her History and Career. 
 
 The inhabitants of Strasburg learned almost at the same 
 moment the outbreak of the conspiracy and its suppression. 
 On the arrest of its chief, his principal confederates were also 
 taken into custody, though confined in separate prisons. 
 The devoted Madame Gordon had awaited in her apartments, 
 with intense anxiety, the progress of the insurrection; and 
 she soon received information of its total failure. She dis- 
 played in this great crisis as much intrepidity as she had 
 before exhibited adroitness and tact ; and instead of seeking 
 her immediate safety in concealment or flight, she employed 
 the precious moments in committing to the flames all the 
 papers and memorials connected with the plot, which had 
 been left in her keeping. This act of superior courage and 
 sagacity on her part preserved many persons from ruin, and 
 from the vengeance of the government of Louis Philippe. 
 She had scarcely completed her generous task, when her 
 apartment was entered by the police, and she herself con- 
 veyed to prison. Her subsequent fate is interesting. At 
 her trial she was acquitted, inasmuch as no evidence could be 
 G * E
 
 56 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 found to implicate her. Her services were appreciated by 
 Queen Hortense, whose grateful munificence she soon expe- 
 rienced. The beautiful conspirator ever after remained 
 devotedly attached to the person and the fortunes of the 
 prince ; and during his subsequent wanderings and vicissi- 
 tudes, she occasionally enjoyed his society. It may not be 
 improper here to add, that both during his imprisonment and 
 exile in after years, she often relieved his pecuniary necessi- 
 ties ; and that, when he rose at length to imperial power and 
 splendor, she was not forgotten. Colonel Yaudrey was also 
 rewarded, and was appointed the Governor of the Hotel des 
 Invalides, after the coup d'etat. Madame Gordon is said 
 still to reside in Paris, under another name, in the enjoyment 
 of all the opulence and luxury which the gratitude and ad- 
 miration of the Emperor can bestow. Whenever the monarch 
 can secretly escape from the heavy cares of empire, and from 
 the lynx-eyed vigilance of Eugenie, his first retreat even yet, 
 is to the sumptuous residence of the still pleasing and at- 
 tractive Madame Gordon ; where wit, cheerfulness, luxury, 
 and the thrilling reminiscences of the checkered past, present 
 a welcome contrast to the gorgeous and stupid monotonies 
 of the imperial court and palace. 
 
 After a confinement of ten days in the castle of Strasburg, 
 Louis Napoleon was informed that he was to be transferred 
 to another prison. He was first taken to the hotel of the 
 prefect, where he found two post-chaises in waiting. He was 
 ordered to enter one, in company with M. Cuynat, commander 
 of the gendarmerie of the Seine, and Lietenant Shiboulet ; 
 while the other was filled with officers. They immediately 
 started for Paris. During the journey, his attendants treated 
 the captive prince with respect ; and they arrived at the capital 
 on the 11th of November, at two o'clock in the morning. 
 
 Immediately after the outbreak of the insurrection Queen 
 Hortense, being informed of its failure, braved the prohibition 
 which still excluded the Bonaparte family from the soil of 
 .France, and hastened to the presence of Louis Philippe.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 67 
 
 She implored his clemency in behalf of her son with frantic 
 earnestness ; and not in vain. She was able to point to the 
 lenity of the fallen emperor toward the Duchess de Berry, 
 on a former occasion ; and, under similar circumstances, Louis 
 Philippe was convinced that policy itself commended the 
 path of generosity, because he thought that, if he punished 
 the prince severely or capitally, he would incense the great 
 Napoleonic party in France ; whereas if he forgave, he would 
 both conciliate them, and at the same time convince the na- 
 tion that he regarded the attempt and the influence of the 
 prince as too insignificant to deserve any serious penalty. 
 Louis Philippe, accordingly, promised to deal gently with 
 the hero of Strasburg, but only on certain conditions. One 
 of these was that he should forever absent himself from 
 France; and the other, that he should renounce all claims 
 and aspirations to the throne. The former condition the 
 prince promised solemnly to fulfil ; the latter he adroitly 
 evaded. What assurances Queen Hortense may have made 
 in behalf of her son, it is impossible to say. He himself gave 
 none, except a promise of perpetual exile from France. 
 
 In pursuance of his sentence of banishment, the prince was 
 conveyed to the citadel of Port Louis. Here he was detained 
 ten days, waiting for a favorable wind. He was to be con- 
 veyed to the United States in a French frigate. Before he 
 set sail he wrote to M. Barrot, the distinguished Parisian 
 advocate, requesting him to take charge of the defence of 
 Colonel Yaudrey. He also wrote to Louis Philippe, asking 
 his indulgence in behalf of his confederates in the insurrection, 
 and declaring that the sole blame should rest with him, who 
 had seduced them by glorious recollections, in a moment of 
 excitement and confusion. It is doubtful whether these repre- 
 sentations had any weight with the crafty and selfish monarch 
 who then governed the destinies of France. The offenders 
 were brought to trial, but the jury acquitted them. 
 
 This "mad affair of Strasburg" has always been regarded 
 in different lights by different parties. The prevalent senti-
 
 bS PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 ment throughout Europe in reference to it, has generally 
 been unmixed ridicule and contempt. The press during many 
 months overflowed with innumerable satires and outbursts 
 of derision. The movement was described as the absurd 
 attempt of an obscure and unknown boy to imitate the memo- 
 rable and triumphant return of Napoleon from Elba; and, as 
 a proof that the prince did not possess sagacity enough to 
 see the difference between the two cases, they cited the several 
 results. Perhaps the best excuse for Louis Napoleon on 
 this occasion, will be found in the fact that, being excluded 
 from the soil of France, he was readily deceived by his enthu- 
 siastic emissaries in reference to the existing state of public 
 opinion ; that he was led to believe that the whole nation was 
 ready to rise at any instant, in support of his pretensions ; 
 that Louis Philippe was then tottering on his throne ; and 
 that the most propitious moment for action had already 
 arrived. It cannot be denied that during the progress of the 
 insurrection the conduct of the prince was not deficient either 
 in energy, fortitude, or determination. The following extract 
 from a letter, written by him after his departure from France, 
 and addressed to M. Yillaud, explains his own views in refer- 
 ence to the matter: "I had two lines of conduct open to 
 me: the one, which in some respects depended on myself; 
 the other, which depended on events. In deciding upon the 
 former, I became, as you very truly say, a means ; in waiting 
 for the other, I should only have been a resource. According 
 to my views and my convictions, the first part appeared to 
 me much preferable to the other. The success of my project 
 would offer to me the following advantages : I should have 
 done in one day, and by a coup de main, the work of perhaps 
 ten years : successful, I spared France the conflicts, the trou- 
 bles, the disorders, attendant upon a state of general confu- 
 sion, which must, I think, occur sooner or later. 'The 
 spirit of a revolution,' M. Thiers observes, 'consists in an 
 ardent passion for the object in view, and a hatred for those 
 who oppose an obstacle. to its attainment. ' Having led the
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 69 
 
 people with us, by means of the array, we should have had 
 all the noble passions, without animosities ; for animosity only 
 results from a conflict between physical force and moral force. 
 For myself, my position would have been clear, simple, and 
 easy. Having carried a revolution with the aid of fifteen 
 persons, if I had arrived in Paris, I should have owed my 
 success to the people only — not to any party: arriving there 
 victorious I should, of my own free will, without being com- 
 pelled to it, have laid down my sword upon the altar of my 
 country ; and then they might well have confidence in me, 
 for it was no longer my name alone, but my person, which 
 became a guarantee for my conduct. In the other case sup- 
 posed, I could only have been called upon by a fraction of 
 the people ; I should have had as my enemies, not only a 
 debilitated government, but a crowd of other parties, them- 
 selves too, perhaps, of a national character." 1 
 
 It was nearly a fortnight before the vessel which carried 
 the adventurous prince and his uncertain fortunes passed 
 through the channel, being detained by contrary winds. The 
 commander was Captain Yilleneuve, and his orders were first 
 to sail to Rio Janeiro, where the vessel was to be re-victualled, 
 thence to proceed to the port of New York. The voyage to 
 Brazil was, for the most part, a tranquil and pleasant one. 
 On crossing the line the prince was exempted from the usual 
 ceremonies in honor of Neptune, which are then performed. 
 He passed his time chiefly in reacting. On New Year's day 
 all the officers of the vessel entered his cabin to compliment 
 him with their good wishes. His thoughts, he tells us, re- 
 verted with painful emotions to the castle of Arenemberg. 
 He thus wrote to his mother on that day : "I am fifteen hun- 
 dred leagues away from you, in another hemisphere. Happily, 
 thought traverses all this space in less than a second. And 
 n thought I am near you : I express all my regrets for the 
 
 1 "Napoleon the Third; Review of his Life, Character, and Policy, #C , 
 \if «. British Officer:" London, Longman § Co., 1857, p. 78.
 
 70 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 torments I have occasioned you ; I renew the expression of 
 my tenderness and gratitude. This morning the officers came 
 in a body to wish me a happy new year — an attention with 
 which I was sensibly touched. At half past four we were at 
 table ; as we are seventeen degrees west of Constance, it was 
 at that time about seven o'clock at Arenemberg ; you were 
 then, probably, also at dinner. In thought I drank your 
 health ; perhaps you did the same towards me ; at least, I 
 took pleasure in thinking so. I also thought of my com- 
 panions in misfortune. Alas ! I am always thinking of them. 
 I thought they were more unhappy than I, and this idea 
 re-idered me more unhappy even than themselves. 
 
 "January 10. We have just arrived at Rio Janeiro. The 
 coup d'oeil of the harbor is magnificent : to-morrow I shall 
 make a sketch of it. I hope this letter will reach you soon. 
 Do not think of coming to join me. I do not yet know where 
 I shall settle ; perhaps I shall find more inducements to live 
 in South America ; the labor to which, in order to create 
 myself a position, the uncertainty of my fate will compel me, 
 will be the only consolation I shall enjoy." 
 
 Having at length arrived at New York, Louis Napoleon 
 there found two of his cousins, Achille and Lucien Murat. 
 One of these had just received the rank of colonel in the 
 army of the United States, and the other held a lucrative 
 civil appointment. Louis Napoleon, during his short stay in 
 the land of Washington, employed himself in studying 
 American politics, institutions, arts, and society. It has been 
 asserted that his life now became the life of an abandoned 
 debauchee ; that he was overwhelmed with want, and borrowed 
 money from all his friends, which he never returned ; that he 
 was even arrested for debt, and confined either in the Tombs 
 or the Debtor's Prison in Eldridge street, in New York ; and 
 that he acted in every way unworthy of his character and his 
 hopes. It is probable that these stories are exaggerated, and 
 that his conduct is confounded with that of some other mem- 
 bers of the Bonaparte family, who have at different periods
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. Tl 
 
 sojourned in the United States. It is not probable that he 
 was poor, for Hortense possessed ample resources, and had 
 opportunities of conveying funds to her son. 
 
 It is nevertheless true, that the prince was fond of luxurious 
 living, and indulged to some degree in dissipation during his 
 t-esidence in New York. Among his favorite places of resort 
 was a public saloon which flourished at that period in Grand 
 street, under the superintendence of an abandoned French 
 woman, named Mercier. This place was frequented by the 
 most dissipated adventurers in the city of both sexes, many 
 of whom were natives of Europe. Among their number was 
 a courtezan of more than ordinary beauty, a native of 
 Bayonne, who was generally regarded as a Spanish Jewess. 
 Her name was Josephine Ballabo ; and with her the young 
 prince formed the only liaison with which he was reported to 
 have been concerned during his short residence in the United 
 States. He became attached in no small degree to the im- 
 passioned and ardent Josephine ; and when at length he 
 parted from her, it was with considerable regret. This event 
 took place suddenly, in consequence of the reception by the 
 prince of a letter from his mother, which induced him to 
 return to Arenemberg. It was as follows : 
 
 " I am about to undergo an operation which has become 
 absolutely necessary. In case it should not terminate suc- 
 cessfully, I send you, in this letter, my blessing. We shall 
 meet again — shall we not — in a better world, where may you 
 come to join me as late as possible ! And you will believe 
 that, in quitting this world, I regret only leaving yourself, 
 and your fond, affectionate disposition, which alone has given 
 any charm to my existence. This will be a consolation for 
 you, my dear friend — to reflect that, by your attentions, you 
 have rendered your mother as happy as circumstances would 
 allow her to be. You will think also of all my affection for 
 rou ; and this will inspire you with courage. Think upon 
 this, that we shall always have a benevolent and distinct 
 Reeling for all that passes in this world below, and that,
 
 T2 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 assuredly, we shall all meet again. Reflect upon this con- 
 solatory idea ; it is one which is too necessary not to be true. 
 And that good Arese ! I send him my blessing as to a son. 
 I press you to my heart, my dear friend. I am calm, per- 
 fectly resigned ; and I would still hope that we may meet 
 again, even in this world." 
 
 Immediately on the receipt of this letter Louis Napoleon 
 embarked for Europe, and arrived at Arenemberg in time to 
 render the last offices of affection to his dying mother. After 
 her death he continued to reside at Arenemberg ; but he was 
 an object of great jealousy and mistrust to Louis Philippe. 
 He was constantly surrounded by vigilant spies. At this 
 period M. Persigny, one of his confederates in the affair of 
 Strasburg, resided in England, and published a plain and 
 truthful narrative of all the details connected with the con- 
 spiracy, in answer to the innumerable libels and caricatures 
 which were constantly printed and distributed. The brochure 
 of M. Persigny was widely diffused, and many copies were 
 conveyed into France ; and M. Laity, another partizan of 
 the prince, undertook to republish it even in Paris. This 
 bold proceeding at once brought upon him the vengeance of 
 the government. Laity was arrested, tried, convicted, and 
 sentenced, for an attempt against the peace and safety of the 
 
 state. 
 
 During the progress of this trial Louis Napoleon wrote a 
 long letter to M. Laity, in which he commends his conduct, 
 justifies his publication, and consoles him for his misfortunes. 
 In the course of this letter he says : ' ' But if, at some future 
 day, parties overthrow the present government, (and the ex- 
 ample of the last fifty years permits us such a supposition,) 
 and if, accustomed as they have been, for twenty-three years, 
 to despise authority, they undermine all the bases of the social 
 edifice, then perhaps the name of Napoleon would prove an 
 anchor of safety for all that is generous and really patriotic 
 in France." This declaration was too distinct and unequivo- 
 cal to be misunderstood. It clearly indicated that the prince
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 13 
 
 still proposed and anticipated the overthrow of the Orleans 
 dynasty, at some future and more propitious period. 
 
 The result was, that Louis Philippe immediately demanded 
 from the Swiss government, the expulsion of the prince from 
 their territory, on the ground that he had solemnly promised 
 to remain in America for ten years, that he had violated his en- 
 gagements, and that he was then plotting against the security 
 of the French government. The note addressed to the Helvetic 
 Diet by the Duke of Montebello on behalf of Louis Philippe, 
 set forth these facts, and contained this demand ; but the 
 Cantons at once resisted the proposal on the ground that it 
 was hostile to their independence. Louis Philippe ordered 
 an armed demonstration to be made on the frontier to over- 
 awe the Cantons. The latter were not dismayed, however, 
 but soon assembled twenty thousand men to defend the in- 
 tegrity and freedom of their native rocks and hills. An effu- 
 sion of blood would doubtless have ensued, which the insig- 
 nificance of the occasion would scarcely have justified, had 
 not Louis Napoleon adroitly evaded the difficulty by volun- 
 tarily withdrawing from the Swiss territory. He wrote a 
 letter to the Landamann Anderwert, the president of the 
 Council of Thurgovia, in which he announced his intention 
 to withdraw, and added : " In leaving voluntarily at this time 
 the only country in Europe where I have found support and 
 protection, in departing from scenes which had become dear 
 to me for so many reasons, I hope to prove to the Swiss 
 people that I am worthy of the marks of esteem and affection 
 which they have lavished upon me. I shall never forget the 
 noble conduct of the Cantons that have spoken so boldly in 
 my favor, and above all, the generous protection of the 
 Canton of Thurgovia will forever remain deeply engraven on 
 my heart." 
 
 The policy of Louis Philippe in thus publicly demanding 
 
 the expulsion of the prince from Switzerland, was the most 
 
 ehort-sighted which could possibly have been pursued. 
 
 Until that moment Louis Napoleon had been an adventurer, 
 
 1
 
 1i PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 without claims, and without principles, and almost without 
 partizans. The conduct of the French king at once gave 
 him, in the eyes of the whole world, as well as in his own, an 
 acknowledged importance He had made an equal of the 
 former despised refugee, in a great struggle, and in that 
 Btruggle the prospect was that the monarch would have been 
 ultimately defeated. The ancient and heroic spirit of Wil- 
 liam Tell had been aroused and re-animated from the grave 
 of centuries, and the struggle on the part of the Swiss in 
 defence of their rights and territory, would doubtless have 
 been desperate and protracted. 
 
 These events took place in September, 1838. After the 
 departure of the prince from Switzerland Louis Philippe re- 
 called his armies, and exulted in the withdrawal of his foe, now 
 for the first time really made important by his own folly ; the 
 Swiss patriots returned to their watch-making, their chamois 
 hunting in the lofty solitudes of the Upper Alps, and to their 
 farming. Louis Napoleon, the single cause of all this ex- 
 citement, quietly passed over to England, there to await in 
 security, but with little probability of success, the advent of 
 more propitious times. 
 
 During his residence in England the prince assumed a new 
 aspect. In suspending for a period the yearnings of ambi- 
 tion, he seems to have appropriated the interval to the grati- 
 fication of his passions. This is the portion of his career 
 upon which it is least attractive to dwell, and which is most 
 discreditable to his fame. For a time all his high, aspiring 
 hopes, his assiduous studies and labors for his own improve- 
 ment, even his personal character and self-respect, were ab- 
 sorbed and lost in his devotion or abandonment to pleasure. 
 
 His residence was at Carlton Terrace. During the first 
 year of his abode in England he still devoted some time to 
 study, and wrote and published his work entitled : " Des 
 Idees Napoleonitnnes," or Thoughts on Napoleonism ; or, 
 in other words, the establishment of the Napoleonic Dynasty 
 and power in France. The purpose of this work will be
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 75 
 
 gathered from the following extract from his preface: "If 
 the destiny promised me by my birth, had not been changed 
 by events, nephew of the Emperor, I would have been one 
 of the defenders of his throne, one of the propagators of his 
 ideas ; I would have had the glory of being one of the pil- 
 lars of his throne, or of dying in one of the squares of his 
 guards, fighting for France. The Emperor is no more ; but 
 his spirit is not dead. Deprived of the opportunity of de- 
 fending his protecting power with the sword, I can at least 
 try to defend his memory with the pen. To enlighten 
 opinions by searching for the thought that presided over his 
 lofty conceptions, to recall to men's minds the memory of his 
 vast projects, — this is a task which still gratifies my heart 
 and consoles me for exile. Fear of shocking contrary 
 opinions shall not stay me ; ideas which are under the ffigis 
 of the greatest genius of modern times can be avowed with- 
 out circumvention ; they cannot vary with the thermometer 
 of the political atmosphere." 
 
 There is nothing either original or remarkable in this book, 
 and it is in itself devoid of all interest, except that which is 
 derived from the birth and subsequent career of its author. 
 He asserts that the great object and aim of the first Napoleon 
 was to guide France to liberty ! The absurdity of this de- 
 claration will strike every one ; for there never existed a more 
 powerful and resistless despotism in any country than that 
 exercised by the hero of Austerlitz over the French people. 
 So far as material splendor was concerned, he increased and 
 diffused it. But so far as true liberty, both of word and 
 action, was concerned, he crushed out its last glimmering 
 spark. Such "liberty" as this, Napoleon III. may also be 
 said to have bestowed on France in the largest and most 
 abundant measure, since his assumption of the imperial 
 purple. The publication of his Ideas on Napoleonism oc- 
 cupied but a small portion of the prince's time and attention. 
 A recent biographer, whose whole work is a tissue of 
 perversions and flatteries of the prince, for which he was no
 
 T6 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 doubt handsomely rewarded, thus describes and endeavors to 
 defend his conduct in England: 1 "He studied us through 
 ourselves, as well as through onr literature, and bv mingrlinff 
 in general society, observing men, women, thoughts, habits, 
 and institutions, obtained in all probability a more intimate 
 acquaintance with our real state and condition, than is pos- 
 sessed by some of those who share in making our laws, and 
 giving the tone to our policy, both domestic and external." 
 The truth is, that the prince obtained just such an ac- 
 quaintance with the British nation, as any intelligent de- 
 bauchee might secure, who mingled intimately with all the 
 more dissipated classes of society ; with voluptuous nobles, 
 with polished adventurers, with horse-jockeys, gamblers, 
 women of easy virtue, political desperadoes, foreign refugees, 
 et id omne genus. The British aristocracy tolerated him in 
 their society, because to this his birth and associations en- 
 titled him. His most welcome haunt among them was at 
 Gore House, the residence of the Countess of Blessington. 
 This lady was celebrated for her beauty and her accomplish- 
 ments, both of person and of intellect. Her saloons were 
 frequented by the most polished, the most cultivated, and the 
 most distinguished members of society. All the beau monde 
 of the intellectual class constantly met at her residence. 
 Lady Blessington herself had seen Queen Hortense and Louis 
 Napoleon in Italy, in 1828. She had become much attached 
 to the fallen queen, and felt an interest in the fortunes of her 
 son, which ever after continued till her death. At Gore 
 House, therefore, the prince was always a welcome guest, 
 and there was thrown into the society of the most distin- 
 guished personages of the time in England. 
 
 1 See "Napoleon III., Review of his Life, Character, and Policy, by a 
 British Officer," London, 1857, p. 104. A careful reader of this book 
 must come to the deliberate conclusion that it is nothing more than a 
 State-paper, prepared and issued by the government of Louis Napoleon 
 in his defence ; so utterly false, perverted, unfounded, and unfair, is 
 almost every statement contained in it from beginning to end.
 
 OF NATOLEON III 7T 
 
 In the summer of 1840, he was also invited by Lord 
 Eglinton to attend the festivities of a grand tournament given 
 by him at his castle in Scotland. The queen of beauty on 
 that occasion was Lady Seymour. The appearance which 
 he made among the splendid and opulent nobility who were 
 there congregated, was not deficient in elegance and taste. 
 But he won no prizes in the lists. 
 
 While such occasional intercourse with the highest rank of 
 British society adorned his career and residence in England, 
 it must be admitted that its general character was much less 
 commendable. It may be that the agony of "hope deferred" 
 may have at length rendered him desperate, and indifferent 
 to public opinion. Certain it is, that in London he now led 
 the life of a dissipated adventurer. He visited the most 
 celebrated gambling-houses in the metropolis. He betted on 
 the horse-racing at New-Market. He was a frequenter of 
 the most fashionable houses of prostitution, and spent days 
 and nights in their drunken, licentious, and boisterous orgies. 
 It was in one of these resorts that he first met a woman 
 whose name has since been publicly associated with his own, 
 and whom, therefore, it is proper that the pen of history 
 should notice. During the darkest and most desperate period 
 of his career in London, Louis Napoleon was indebted to 
 Mrs. Howard, not only for the solace of her love and attach- 
 ment, but also for the means of subsistence. When he first 
 became acquainted with her, his pecuniary resources had be- 
 come exhausted, and he was living in straitened circumstances. 
 Mrs. Howard was a woman of great talent and beauty, and 
 possessed considerable romance of character. The career 
 and family connections of the needy prince charmed her fancy, 
 and she was flattered with the idea of becoming both his pro- 
 tector, his cher amie, and his partisan. 
 
 This remarkable woman deserves a word of passing de- 
 scription. If the sketches of her career which have been 
 published are to be believed, she almost deserves the title of 
 the Ninon de l'Enclos of the present century. It is said that 
 1*
 
 73 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 she was born in Yorkshire, the daughter of a small English 
 farmer. Her youth was passed in the simple and healthy 
 pursuits which naturally engrossed her attention ; while the 
 very superior personal charms which nature had bestowed 
 upon her, were ripened and developed by the fresh air, the 
 vigorous exercise, and the nourishing food of her native fields. 
 She received the usual amount of elementary instruction which 
 falls to the lot of farmers' children in England ; but she pos- 
 sessed what was of much more importance to her than mere 
 book-learning, — great natural intelligence, an agreeable and 
 vivacious wit, womanly adroitness and craft, together with 
 more than ordinary resolution and determination of purpose. 
 At the age of seventeen she met, at a neighboring fair, a 
 handsome young English nobleman, whose fancy was imme- 
 diately taken by her superior beauty, by the natural ease and 
 gracefulness which she possessed, and by her pleasing vivacity. 
 He promised her the enjoyment of wealth, luxury, and splen- 
 dor in the capital. He pictured to her imagination scenes 
 of pleasure and indulgence, which the simplicity and poverty 
 of her native hills rendered impossible ; and he plead beside 
 all this, the ardor of his own love. The fair young girl was 
 flattered and attracted by the protestations of the youth, and 
 after some hesitation, resigned herself to his wishes. He 
 returned with her to London, took apartments for her there, 
 and during some months he seemed entirely devoted to his 
 beautiful rural conquest. The rest of the history of this 
 woman is but a repetition of the vicissitudes which usually 
 befall the victims and the votaries of vice. Deserted in the 
 course of a year by her first love, Mrs. Howard was thrown 
 upon the world. She had made the acquaintance of several 
 nobleman to whom the soi-disant Colonel Howard had intro- 
 duced her during the period of their intimacy. To these she 
 now applied for assistance, nor was the application in vain. 
 She was still in the first blush of her beauty, still young, still 
 gay, still fond of pleasure ; and what was now of more im- 
 portance to her, she had aptly learned from her seducer the airs
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 79 
 
 and manners of aristocratic and polished life, which served con- 
 siderably to enhance her charms. Like Mrs. Gordon, she 
 passed, with the progress of time, from one admirer to another. 
 Sometimes she lived in luxurious and lavish opulence ; some- 
 times she was straitened for the most necessary means. Her 
 chief impediment to uniform prosperity in her precarious and 
 discreditable course of life, was the ardor and impetuosity of 
 her temper. She ruled her lovers with a rod of iron ; and 
 her supremacy usually ended after a period of amorous 
 attachment, in the breaking of those chains which she invari- 
 ably rendered too heavy, even though they might have been 
 gilded. Her last lover was a young nobleman, who had, on 
 dissolving his connection with her, made her the mistress of 
 an establishment of a sumptuous but questionable character in 
 the metropolis ; and it was while thus situated that she formed 
 the acquaintance of the penniless aspirer to the ancient throne 
 of the Bourbons.
 
 80 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Louis Napoleon in England — Insurrection of Barbes — False Opinions 
 as to the State of Feeling in France — The Affair of Boulogne — 
 Want of Organization and Preparation in France — Louis Napoleon 
 and his Friends embark on the " City of Edinburgh" — Their Arrival 
 on the Coast of France — They disembark — Proclamation to the 
 Soldiers — Attempt to corrupt the Garrison of Boulogne — Partial 
 Success — Subequent Failure — Arrest of Louis Napoleon and his 
 Associates — Colonel Puygillier — Trial of the Conspirators — Evi- 
 dence against them — Eloquence of Counsel, Berryer and Ferdinand 
 Barrot — Conviction of the Prisoners — Their Sentence — Louis Na- 
 poleon condemned to Imprisonment for Life — Fortress of Ham — 
 Prevalent Opinions in reference to the Affair of Boulogne — Its pecu- 
 liar Error — Its advantageous Results on the subsequent Fate of Louis 
 Napoleon. 
 
 Although Louis Napoleon had in a great measure aban- 
 doned' himself, as far as his limited means enabled him so to 
 do, to a life of pleasure, during his residence in England, yet 
 he did not wholly forget his former political aspirations. 
 Ambition was not yet dead within him ; though adverse cir- 
 cumstances, and probably the death of his mother, had for a 
 time weakened its power over his mind. He was constantly 
 associated in London with many Frenchmen, who from time 
 to time assured him of the growing dissatisfaction of the 
 French nation with their imbecile and perfidious king. The 
 insurrection of Barbes, which took place in May, 1839, was 
 a spark which emanated from the great volcano which burned 
 with suppressed, but growing, fury beneath the throne of 
 Louis Philippe ; and that insurrection was a proof of the 
 general state of public feeling and discontent. Louis Napoleon 
 was charged with having instigated the movement of Barbes ; 
 but that charge was false. He denied the imputation in the 
 public press ; and said, with considerable assumption of heroic
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 81 
 
 valor : " If I were the soul of a conspiracy, I should also be 
 the leader of it in the day of danger. I should not deny it, 
 after its defeat." 
 
 But Louis Napoleon began to weary of his obscure life in 
 London, of his insignificant associations and pursuits, of his 
 midnight dissipations, and even of the voluptuous, though 
 tyrannical, supremacy of Mrs. Howard. Some of the despe- 
 rate French refugees then residing in the English capital, suc- 
 ceeded in persuading the prince, that a particularly favorable 
 period had arrived for the assertion of his claims ; and that if 
 he then showed himself in France the whole nation would rise 
 en masse in his favor, would hurry him to the summit of 
 power, and forever expel, perhaps even destroy, the hated 
 Orleans race. It is singular that a man possessing ordinary 
 sagacity should have been so easily misled, both as to the 
 state of France, and as to the means necessary to overthrow 
 the government. There was then no organization or prepara- 
 tion made for Louis Napoleon's reception. There was no body 
 of men with whom a correspondence had been carried on, and 
 who were prepared to second and complete the movement on 
 the arrival of the Pretender. Everybody was to be taken by 
 surprise. Neither soldiers, nor officers, nor citizens, were to 
 greet his presence by any preconcerted movement. And if 
 the affair of Strasburg had been badly managed, the affair of 
 Boulogne was about to be infinitely worse. In the former 
 instance there had been concert of action, a pre-organization 
 of assisting and confluent forces, a definite and prudent pro- 
 gramme of anticipated events, which were to be consecutively 
 brought about and executed. 1 
 
 1 It is probable that the strongest and most conclusive consideration, 
 which misled Louis Napoleon as to the propriety of his moving at that 
 time was, that a law had recently passed the Chambers in favor of 
 bringing the remains of the great Napoleon from St. Helena to Paris; 
 and because the proposition was greeted with applause by the whole 
 French nation and by the press. The Prince de Joinville had been 
 appointed to the command of the frigate La Belle Poule, in order to 
 execute the project. 
 
 P
 
 82 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 But in the Boulogne movement there was nothing of all 
 this. A desperate adventurer was about to throw himself 
 upon an astonished nation of thirty millions of people, whose 
 government had already condemned him ; while in addition 
 to this, his entry upon their forbidden soil was for the pur- 
 pose of committing an act for which the law would sentence 
 him to death. In a word, Louis Napoleon was about to 
 attempt the overthrow of the existing government of France 
 without an army, without confederates, without any personal 
 character or popularity to aid him, attended only by fifty 
 nameless adventurers, as desperate and as imbecile as him- 
 self! Such was the real character of the most absurd and 
 preposterous movement ever undertaken, either in ancient or 
 modern times. It is not strange that it ended in ignominious 
 failure, and that it covered the prince with a universal flood 
 of ridicule and contempt. 
 
 The necessary means for this expedition were raised in 
 London by borrowing money at exorbitant rates from Jews, 
 stock-jobbers, and speculators. The steam-frigate " City of 
 Edinburg" was chartered for the occasion, and she was 
 amply supplied with arms, ammunition, liquors, together 
 with a live eagle, which was intended to represent the victc 
 rious bird of the Empire. On the 6th of August, 1840, the 
 adventurers embarked at London ; and the utmost convi- 
 viality prevailed on board during their progress down the 
 Channel. In fact, a very large proportion of them became 
 completely intoxicated. At length, having approached the 
 coast of France near Boulogne, an officer of the customs named 
 Audinet discovered the mysterious vessel when about a mile 
 from shore. At first, he thought it was an English steamer 
 waiting for dispatches. But when the officer perceived a 
 boat full of passengers detach itself from the vessel and row 
 toward the shore, he hastened to the spot where they were 
 about to land, and hailed them. They answered that they 
 were soldiers of the fortieth regiment of the line, that they were
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 83 
 
 proceeding from Dunkirk to Cherbourg, and wished to land 
 to repair the broken wheel of their frigate. 
 
 The officer was satisfied with this story, and made no fur- 
 ther opposition. Fifteen soldiers immediately landed, the 
 boat then returned to the steamer, and making three succes- 
 sive voyages, conveyed the whole party to the shore. During 
 the landing, four men who came from Boulogne, were greeted 
 by the conspirators as friends, and were immediately invested 
 with the uniforms of officers. This was the extent of the 
 preparation which had been made to receive and support the 
 prince. By this time, Bally, lieutenant of the customs at 
 Boulogne, had been informed of the arrival of the vessel ; 
 and he supposed that it was an attempt to evade the sanitary 
 laws. He hastened from Boulogne to investigate the matter. 
 As he approached Vimereux, a village in the close vicinity 
 of the spot where the landing took place,, he was arrested by 
 the officers of Louis Napoleon, and compelled to accompany 
 them back to Boulogne. He was then also informed of the 
 nature of the movement, and was invited to join the con- 
 spirators, who assured him that in a few days the prince 
 would be the absolute sovereign of France. But the as- 
 tonished Bally remained incredulous, declined the offer, and 
 indignantly refused a handful of gold which was tendered 
 him. Yet was he compelled to lead the way for the detested 
 rabble toward the gate of the grand rue of Boulogne. As 
 they approached, they did their best to shout Yive l'Empe- 
 reur ; and they cast loose from time to time the live eagle which 
 they carried with them, drawing him back again by means of 
 the cord attached ignominiously to. his talons, whenever his 
 flight threatened to be too ambitious. Soon the company ap- 
 proached the barracks of the forty-second regiment of the 
 line, before which the principle demonstration was to be 
 made. The conspirators were led on by the prince, General 
 Montholon, Colonel Voison, Pasquin, and Persigny. Arriving 
 at the quarters of the regiment, the prince drew from his 
 pocket the following proclamation, and boldly read it : " Sol-
 
 84 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 diers ! France is made to command, and she obeys. You 
 are the elite of the people, and you are treated like a vile 
 herd. You are made to protect the national honor, and it 
 is against your brothers that you turn your arms. Those 
 who rule you would degrade the noble profession of soldier. 
 You have been indignant, and have asked yourselves, 'What 
 has become of the eagles of Areola, of Austerlitz, of Jena?' 
 Here are those eagles ! I restore them to you : take them 
 back : with them you shall have glory, honor, fortune, and 
 what is more than all, the gratitude and esteem of your 
 fellow-countrymen. 
 
 " Soldiers ! between you and me there are indissoluble 
 ties : we have the same objects of hatred and love, the same 
 interests and the same enemies. 
 
 " Soldiers ! the mighty shadow of Napoleon speaks to you 
 in my voice. Hasten, whilst it crosses the ocean, to send 
 away those traitors and oppressors, and show him at his ar- 
 rival that you are the worthy children of the Grand Army, 
 and that you have resumed those sacred emblems which for 
 twenty years appalled the enemies of France, amongst whom 
 were those that are ruling you to-day. 
 
 " Soldiers ! to arms ! Vive la France!" 
 
 This proclamation being read, a considerable number of 
 the soldiers immediately shouted Vive Napoleon! Lieutenant 
 Aladenize was particularly energetic at this crisis, and exerted 
 himself to win over the soldiers, in which purpose he was, to 
 some extent, successful. The next step was to induce the 
 garrison of Boulogne to accompany the prince to St. Omer, 
 and corrupt the troops there stationed. Had he succeeded 
 in both of these purposes, the consequences might perhaps 
 have been different. But at this critical moment the com- 
 manding officer of the garrison, Colonel Puygillier, who had 
 been attracted to the spot by the commotion, made his ap- 
 pearance ; energetically denounced the prince and his con- 
 federates ; ordered his men with the utmost ferocity to return 
 to their quarters ; and thus succeeded in confounding and
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 85 
 
 eventually in destroying all the plans and the partial success 
 of the conspirators. By this time, also, the civil authorities 
 of Boulogne had received information of what had transpired, 
 and they were rapidly assembling the National Guard. 
 Colonel Puygillier at this moment peremptorily ordered the 
 prince to leave the barracks, and the soldiers to drive out the 
 tonspirators. They obeyed. A general stampede then began 
 tn the part of the conspirators toward the shore, with the 
 design of reaching the frigate, which still rode at anchor 
 there. The soldiers, headed by Puygillier, followed them. 
 It was a regular chase ; velocity of heels now became an 
 affair of the first consequence ; but the advantage of numbers 
 was in favor of the pursuers ; and at the column of Napoleon 
 the fugitives were completely surrounded. The prince then 
 exclaimed : "All is lost; there is nothing left but death !" 
 At the same moment he drew his pistol, fired at his assailants, 
 and shot a grenadier. The fighting continued while the 
 parties were approaching the shore. By this time a consider- 
 able number had been wounded and killed on both sides. The 
 prince himself was slightly wounded in two places, and two 
 of his officers were shot dead at his side. At length the 
 fugitives, notwithstanding their resistance, were all over- 
 powered and captured. They were first taken to the castle 
 of Boulogne ; the next day they commenced their journey 
 toward Paris. 
 
 Thus ended the famous affair of Boulogne, which resulted 
 most disastrously to the fortunes, the reputation, and the 
 prospects of the future emperor of the French. The frigate 
 was soon captured by the custom-house officers, and one 
 thousand muskets, together with a hundred thousand dollars, 
 were found secreted on board. 
 
 The excitement produced in Paris by the affair of Boulogne 
 
 was considerable. Many persons were arrested in the capital 
 
 whose attachment to the Bonaparte cause was known. Even 
 
 harmless females fell beneath the vengeance of the government. 
 
 8
 
 86 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Among these was Madame Salvage de Fogerolles, formerly 
 maid of honor to Queen Hortense. 
 
 On the 28th of September, Louis Napoleon was arraigned 
 for trial before the Chamber of Peers. He was defended by 
 M. Berryer, the distinguished Legitimist lawyer, who was 
 celebrated both as a statesman and as an advocate. The 
 evidence against the prince was perfectly conclusive. Besido 
 the two proclamations which he had published to the soldiers 
 and to the people of Boulogne, there were two others which 
 were equally positive and unambiguous. These were addressed 
 to the French people. One of these contains the following 
 language : " What have those who govern you done to pos- 
 sess any claim on your love ? They promised you peace, and 
 they have brought upon you civil commotions and the disas- 
 trous war of Africa ; they promised a diminution of the taxes, 
 and all the gold you possess would not glut their avidity ; 
 they promised you a pure administration, and they reign only 
 by corruption ; they promised you liberty, and they protect 
 only privileges and abuses ; they promised you stability, and 
 in ten years they have established nothing. In short, they 
 promised to defend conscientiously our honor, our rights, our 
 interests, and they have on all occasions sold our honor, 
 abandoned our rights, betrayed our interests ! It is time such 
 iniquities should come to an end ; it is time to go and ask 
 them what they have done with the* 1 grand, generous, unani- 
 mous France of 1830 ! Farmers, they have laid n you during 
 peace heavier taxes than Napoleon ever demanded during 
 war. Manufacturers and merchants, your interests have been 
 sacrificed to foreign exigencies ; they use the gold in corrup- 
 tion which the emperor employed to encourage your efforts 
 and to enrich yourselves Finally, all you classes, industrious 
 and poor, who are in France the refuge of all noble senti- 
 ments, remember that it was amongst you Napoleon chose 
 his lieutenants, his marshals, his ministers, his princes, his 
 friends. Give me your support, and let us show the world 
 that neither you nor I have degenerated.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 8T 
 
 " I entertained a hope, as did you, that without revolution 
 we might be able to correct the evil influences of the govern- 
 ment ; but to-day no more hope. In ten years they have 
 changed the ministry ten times ; and they may change it ten 
 times over again, and the grievances and the miseries of the 
 country would still continue the same." 
 
 Such language indicates the purpose of treason as clearly 
 as language possibly can do. The Ottin proclamation was, 
 however, still more explicit, and must have excited the deri- 
 sion of the whole nation, from its astounding tone of arro- 
 gance and confidence. 
 
 " Prince Napoleon, in the name of the French people, de- 
 crees as follows : 
 
 "The dynasty of the Bourbons of Orleans has ceased to 
 reign. 
 
 "The French people have resumed their rights. The 
 troops are released from their oath of allegiance. The 
 Chamber of Peers and the Chamber of Deputies are dis- 
 solved. 
 
 "A National Congress shall be convoked on the arrival of 
 Prince Napoleon at Paris. 
 
 " M. Thiers, President of the Council, is appointed, at 
 Paris, President of the Provisional Government. 
 
 " Marshal Clausel is appointed Commander-in-Chief of 
 the troops assembled at Paris. 
 
 " General Pajol preserves the command of the first military 
 division. 
 
 "All the commanders who will not immediately conform 
 with his orders shall be removed. 
 
 "All the officers, subalterns, and soldiers, who will ener- 
 getically display their sympathy for the national cause shall 
 be nobly recompensed in the name of their country. 
 " God protect France 1 " 
 
 But the French people refused to permit the prince to 
 "decree" in their name. They could decree for themselves 
 without his assistance ' The specific charge made against
 
 ^8 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 the prince at this time was, that on the 6th of August, 1840, 
 he made an attempt, commencing at Boulogne, to destroy 
 or change the government, to excite the citizens to take up 
 arms against the royal authority, and to kindle the flames of 
 civil war. The Chancellor Pasquier was President. The 
 government was represented by the Procurator-General Carre, 
 assisted by the Attorney-General Bouchy, and the Deputies 
 Nanquier and Glandaz. Against all these combined the 
 ability and eloquence of M. Berryer was considered a suffi- 
 cient counterpoise. 
 
 During the course of the trial the prince was permitted to 
 speak in his own defence. He addressed the Chamber of 
 Peers, composed of a hundred and fifty members ; and it 
 was a remarkable circumstance that a large proportion of his 
 judges were the former companions in arms or members of 
 the household of Napoleon himself. During the progress of 
 the interrogatories which were addressed to the prince by the 
 chancellor, he did not deny that he had attempted to over- 
 throw the government, but justified his acts by pleading his 
 good intentions, and desire to promote the welfare of France. 
 At the same time he refused to compromise any of his secret 
 confederates. General Montholon, General Voisin, MM. Lom- 
 bard and Persigny, were also interrogated, with the same re- 
 sult. The witnesses for the prosecution described all that had 
 transpired at Boulogne. The testimony of Major Puygillier 
 was most conclusive of all. After the examination of the 
 witnesses for the government the procurator-general addressed 
 the chamber. His task was an easy one ; for never was the 
 truth of any charge more clearly evident. The speech of M. 
 Berryer displayed great ability. Fully conscious of the des- 
 perate nature of his client's position, who, if convicted, would 
 probably be condemned to death, he put forth his utmost 
 abilities. His oration was marked by the peculiarities which 
 usually characterize French forensic efforts ; and had it been 
 possible for the judges to have been deluded in reference to 
 the nature of an act whose guilt was as clear as the light of
 
 OP NAPOLEON ITT. P9 
 
 the noonday sun, he had done it. He assumed the position, 
 that after the principle established in France by the events of 
 1794, an appeal to the nation, calling upon it to declare its 
 sentiments in reference to any existing or proposed govern- 
 ment, was legitimate and not treasonable ; that this principle 
 had been acted on by every government which had ruled 
 France since the death of Louis XVI., and that such, and 
 such only, was the basis and claim upon which the govern- 
 ment of Louis Philippe itself rested. He concluded with 
 an able argument to show that under such circumstances the 
 attempt of Louis Napoleon was nothing more than a legiti- 
 mate and justifiable appeal on his part to the French people, 
 asking them to decide for themselves what their form of 
 government in the future should be. Ferdinand Barrot de- 
 fended the rest of the prisoners with great eloquence. After he 
 had concluded, the procurator-general summed up the case. 
 When he ceased, Louis Napoleon made a few remarks, and 
 the trial terminated. The court required some time to delibe- 
 rate. Three days afterward the sentence was made known upon 
 which they had determined. Louis Napoleon was condemned 
 to imprisonment for life in a fortress situated within the 
 French territory ; Montholon, Pasquin, Lombard, and Per- 
 signy, to twenty years' imprisonment ; Mesonan to fifteen 
 years ; Dr. Conneau to five years ; and others to shorter pe- 
 riods. Four only out of nearly fifty persons were acquitted. 
 The fortress selected as the long home of the chief conspi- 
 rator, was the Castle of Ham, situated in the province of 
 Picardy in the department of Somme, ninety miles north-east 
 from Paris. 
 
 There can be but one opinion as to the extreme folly which 
 characterized the conduct of Louis Napoleon in the affair of 
 Boulogne. It has been urged in his defence that, like the 
 attempt of Strasburg, it was forced upon him by the very 
 necessities of his name, his nature, and his associations. 
 Even if this position be granted ; even if it be conceded that 
 his aspiring disposition, and the glory of the great name 
 8*
 
 90 . PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 which he had inherited, urged him with irrepressible eager- 
 ness to seek the possession of superior power, he should have 
 acted with greater circumspection ; he should not have moved 
 until the ramifications of his conspiracy extended throughout 
 all France ; until that conspiracy had become formidable in 
 influence and members ; and until it bore some proportion in 
 its power and resources to the power and resources of the 
 government which it attempted to overturn. The move- 
 ment was ridiculous and merited contempt, because its or- 
 ganization was such as to render its failure and the ruin of 
 its agents, inevitable. The prince placed his life and for- 
 tunes on the cast of a die, and the chances against him were 
 a thousand to one. 
 
 Louis Napoleon in after years himself severely condemned 
 the enterprises both of Boulogne and Strasburg. In July, 
 1849, he visited Ham, when President of France; and in 
 the address which he then made to the municipal authorities 
 of the town who received him, he said : " To-day, as by the 
 choice of universal France, I have become the legitimate 
 chief of this great nation, I cannot glorify myself for a cap- 
 tivity which was the result of an attack on a regular govern- 
 ment. When we see how many evils even the most just re- 
 volutions bring in their train, we hardly know what to make 
 of the audacious man who takes on himself the terrible re- 
 sponsibility of a change. I do not complain of having ex- 
 piated here, by six years' imprisonment, a rash attempt against 
 the laws of my native land." 
 
 Such a concession does little credit to its author. He knew 
 just as well in 1840, as in 1849, that his conspiracy was rash, 
 that it must lead to great evils and miseries, and that hr 
 deserved a penalty much more severe than he had received. 
 
 The attempts of Strasburg and Boulogne, though in both 
 cases they covered their author with universal derision, and 
 failed in accomplishing their intended object, may still be 
 said to have been in some respects useful to the prospects of 
 Louis Napoleon. They at least prevented him from being
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 91 
 
 forgotten both by the French people and by Europe. They 
 gave him widely-extended notoriety. They even secured him 
 what was of much more value, political consequence and im- 
 portance. They caused his name and person to be recog- 
 nized as the chief representatives of a great political prin- 
 ciple and party, which, though not then sufficiently organized 
 and consolidated as to render them successful in overturning the 
 existing government in France, might possibly become so in 
 the progress of time, and might occupy a place among the 
 various vicissitudes to which the versatile, changeable, and 
 excitable people of France were liable in the future. Yiewed 
 in this light, these ignominious failures were not entirely pre- 
 judicial to the interests of their author. Their influence on 
 the events of the Revolution of 1848 may have been decisive. 
 The unchanging devotion of the prince to the cause which he 
 represented, may have won the admiration of France, over 
 prone to the glorification of Napoleonism. Without these 
 movements he might have been forgotten, and the cause 
 might have suffered under the most ruinous of all disadvan- 
 tages, — the supposed absence and want of a great leader. 
 The French people were taught to believe that, if Louis 
 Napoleon was rash, foolish and precipitate, he was at the 
 Bame time brave, chivalrous, and constant to the triumph of 
 a noble enterprise, and the glory of an immortal name.
 
 92 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Origin and History of the Fortress of Ham — Its situation and appear- 
 ance — Louis Napoleon conveyed thither — His rigorous treatment — 
 His Protest to the French Government — Removal of Napoleon's Re- 
 mains from St. Helena — Louis Napoleon Writes and Publishes hia 
 " Historical Fragments ;" his Considerations sur la Question des Sucres ; 
 his " Extinction of Pauperism" — The "Canal Napoleon de Nicaragua" 
 — The Prince desires to visit his Dying Father — The Request Re- 
 fused — He determines to Escape from Ham — The Astuteness and 
 Ability of the Plan adopted — The Prince's Costume — He Leaves hia 
 Prison and evades the Scrutiny of the Guards — Adroitness of Tbelan 
 — The Prince reaches Valenciennes, Brussels, Ostend, England — The 
 Skilful proceedings of Dr. Conneau — The Astonishment and Terror 
 of the Commandant — The Prince refused Passports to Florence by 
 the Tuscan Minister. 
 
 The fortress of Ham, which was destined to be the abode 
 of Louis Napoleon during six long and cheerless years, is one 
 of the most interesting monuments of mediaeval and feudal 
 architecture in France. The name itself is probably derived 
 or corrupted from the old Teutonic heim, signifying home ; 
 and the existence of the word can be traced as far back aa 
 the Frankish invasion. In the ninth century Ham was the 
 capital of a small territory, known by the epithet Hamois. 
 The founder of the family of Ham is supposed to have been 
 Duke Simon, who lived in the latter portion of the tenth 
 century. That family became extinct in the person of John 
 IV., who died in 1375. The lordship of Ham has belonged, 
 during the progress of successive centuries, to many illustrious 
 families, among which have been those of Luxemburg, 
 D'Enghien, Rohan, Navarre, and Vendome. 
 
 The fortress is surrounded by a town, which has been often 
 taken and retaken during the many wars which have repeat- 
 edly desolated the country. In 1411 it was captured and
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 93 
 
 burned by the Duke of Burgundy. Luxemburg reduced it 
 in 1423. The battle of St. Quentin, in 1551, placed it in 
 the possession of the Spaniards. It was restored again to 
 France by the treaty of Carabresis in 1558. Some portions 
 of this fortress are very ancient. A wall still remains which, 
 for a thousand years, has resisted the countless shocks and 
 storms of time. But the larger part of the present castle 
 dates from the year 1470, when the Duke of Luxemburg, then 
 Constable of France, reared it upon the foundations of the 
 preceding structure. Its great tower ascends to the height 
 of a hundred feet ; it is a hundred feet in diameter ; and it 
 boasts of walls thirty feet in thickness. Its master, on its 
 completion, inscribed upon its loftiest battlement the words : 
 Mon Mieux, My Best ; as indicating the great confidence 
 which he reposed in its strength and impregnability. Yet 
 his boast was vain ; for he was shortly afterward delivered by 
 a stratagem into the hands of his offended king, Louis XL, 
 and beheaded on the Place de Greve. The chief purpose to 
 which the fortress has been appropriated in modern times, is 
 that of a state-prison. Its most recent occupants of distinc- 
 tion, in addition to Louis Napoleon, have been Polignac, 
 Peyronnet, and other ministers of Charles X., who, after the 
 fall of their master in 1830 expiated within its walls some 
 of their follies and their crimes. 
 
 The appearance of this fortress forcibly reminds the intel- 
 ligent observer of the distant times of feudal tyranny and 
 splendor. Its lofty battlements ascend far above the summit 
 of the eminence on which they repose. Its shape is square, 
 and its four angles are flanked with immense towers. It has 
 but one entrance, which is in the north-eastern wall, and this 
 is protected by a strong square tower. The ramparts are 
 washed on the southern and eastern sides by the canal of St. 
 Quentin, and the river Somme. Within the quadrangle two 
 brick buildings of modern date serve both as barracks and 
 as prisons. One of the latter is a low, miserable edifice, 
 which is entirely overshadowed by the massive walls of the
 
 94 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 battlements which surround it. Here it was that the dis- 
 comfited hero of Strasburg and Boulogne was condemned to 
 an imprisonment for life. 
 
 On the 7th of October, 1840, at midnight, the prince was 
 ordered to enter a carriage, and under the escort of a colonel 
 of the Municipal Guards, he was conveyed from Paris to his 
 destined prison. The apartments assigned him were those 
 which had been previously occupied by M. de Polignac. 
 They were in a dilapidated condition, the ceiling was full 
 of holes, the floor was uneven and broken, the doors and 
 windows were rotten and unfit to exclude the severity of the 
 weather. Repairs were absolutely necessary, and the govern- 
 ment of Louis Philippe, after very considerable hesitation and 
 difficulty, became strangely liberal, and allowed the sum of a 
 hundred and twenty dollars to be appropriated to the im- 
 provement and embellishment of the abode of the representa- 
 tive of Napoleon ! His daily expenses were fixed at the 
 moderate sum of seven francs. M. Landenois, an officer 
 whom the great Corsican had himself promoted at Montereau, 
 regulated, and as much as possible curtailed the personal 
 expenditure of the prince. The garrison consisted of four 
 hundred men, sixty of whom were constantly on duty, watch- 
 ing the exterior as well as the interior of the fortress. In 
 addition to these there were a large number of doorkeepers, 
 turnkeys, and guards, to whom the care of the prison was 
 particularly entrusted. The commandant of the fortress was 
 M. de Marie. This individual, though polite and courteous, 
 was a most vigilant and inexorable disciplinarian. He treated 
 his prisoner with great politeness, but at the same time did 
 his best to prevent his escape. 
 
 During the first few months of Louis Napoleon's captivity 
 he was very closely and rigidly watched. He was allowed, 
 at stated times, to walk on the ramparts through a space forty 
 yards in length and twenty in breadth. During this interval 
 he was attended by numerous sentinels at a distance, and a 
 special keeper constantly followed him closely at his heels.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 95 
 
 He was allowed to retain, as his valet de chambre, his favorite 
 body-servant, Charles Thelin, who had attended him during 
 his whole life. This person was as closely imprisoned as 
 if he himself had been condemned for some grave offence. 
 The soldiers were forbidden, on pain of four days' confinement 
 in the guard-house, to honor the prince with the military 
 salute ; yet it deserves to be noted that sometimes they braved 
 the threatened penalty, and not seldom the subdued sound of 
 Vive V Empereur ! was heard from their ranks. Strange as 
 it may seem, the very same soldiers to whom the custody and 
 defence of the fortress were then entrusted belonged to the 
 forty-sixth regiment of the line, which had been present and 
 had taken part in the conspiracy of Strasburg. 
 
 But soon the fears which the government entertained of the 
 man to whom they alone had given importance, became mag- 
 nified, and the treatment which he received in his prison- 
 house was more rigorous. To such an extreme was this 
 severity carried, that it drew from Louis Napoleon a protest, 
 in which he speaks as follows : 
 
 "During the first months of my captivity every kind of 
 communication from without was forbidden, and within I was 
 kept in the most rigorous confinement. Since, however, 
 several persons have been admitted to communicate with me, 
 these internal restrictions can have no longer an object ; and 
 yet it is precisely since they have become useless that they are 
 more rigorously enforced. 
 
 "All the provisions for the supply of my daily wants are 
 subjected to the most rigid scrutiny. 
 
 " The attentions of my single faithful servant, who has been 
 permitted to follow me, are encumbered with obstacles of 
 every description. Such a system of terror has been established 
 in the garrison and among the officers in the castle, that no 
 individual dares raise his eyes towards me ; and it requires 
 even extraordinary boldness to be commonly polite. 
 
 "How can it be otherwise, when the simplest civility of 
 look is regarded as a crime, and when all those who would
 
 96 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 wish to soften the rigors of my position, without failing in 
 their duty, are threatened with being denounced to the autho- 
 rities, and with losing their places. In the midst of this France, 
 which the head of my family has made so great, I am treated 
 like an excommunicated person in the thirteenth century. 
 Every one flies at my approach, and all fear my touch, as if 
 my breath were infectious. 
 
 " This insulting inquisition, which pursues me into my very 
 chamber, which follows my footsteps when I breathe the fresh 
 air in a retired corner of the fort, is not limited to my person 
 alone, but is extended even to my thoughts. My letters to 
 my family, the effusions of my heart, are submitted to the 
 strictest scrutiny." 
 
 In consequence of this appeal some of the rigors of his 
 captivity were softened. His valet, Thelin, was permitted to 
 visit the town of Ham, and execute such commissions for his 
 master as he might desire. The prince was allowed to receive 
 the visits of those who wished to pay him their respects. 
 Among these, on several occasions, it may be proper to 
 mention, was the beautiful and heroic Madame Gordon, whose 
 admiration of the prince and whose devotion to his cause, had 
 not been diminished either by the lapse of time, or by the 
 vicissitudes of fortune. 
 
 The effect which confinement produced on the mind of 
 Louis Napoleon, was a very beneficial one. It compelled 
 him to revert to those habits of study which had formerly 
 occupied him. He divided his time between writing, read- 
 ing, gardening, and his exercises. After rising in the 
 morning he studied till ten o'clock. Then he breakfasted. 
 After breakfast he walked half an hour on the parapet of the 
 fortress. Then he devoted some time to the cultivation of the 
 flowers which he had planted in some earth along the ramparts. 
 He thus thought himself another Picciola ; and was more for- 
 tunate than that captive, because his flowers and vegetables 
 were undisturbed by his jailors. After an hour spent in tend- 
 ing his garden, he returned to his apartment, wrote letters,
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 91 
 
 studied and read* until dinner. After dinner he engaged in 
 conversation with his companions in captivity ; and the even- 
 ing was passed in the game of whist, in which General Mon- 
 tholon, Dr. Conneau, the prince, and the commandant of 
 the fortress took part. It was amusing to see the brave 
 and stern Cerberus who guarded with great severity and rigor 
 every outlet of the castle during the day, after having locked 
 up everybody and everything for the night, put his keys in 
 his pocket, throw off his fierce visage, repair to the apartment 
 of the prince, and spend the evening with him in the most 
 cordial and friendly conviviality. 
 
 On the 30th of November, 1840, the ashes of Napoleon 
 touched the soil of France. On the 15th of the following 
 month they were deposited with ceremonies of gorgeous mag- 
 nificence, with martial and funereal splendor, beneath the 
 sublime dome of the Hotel des Invalides. The Parisians 
 were wild, as is their wont, with insane enthusiasm and rap- 
 ture, without being able to give a rational cause or reason 
 for their frenzy. In the solitude of his prison Louis Napoleon 
 penned a rhapsody on the Emperor's return to France, which 
 requires a very great stretch of poetical license to render 
 either tolerable or intelligible. 
 
 But the restless captive found his most congenial and satis- 
 factory pursuits in study. He wrote occasional communi- 
 cations for the Propagateur du Pas-de- Calais, a newspaper 
 edited by his friend De George. In May, 1841, he pub- 
 lished his " Historical Fragments. " The object of this work 
 was to controvert the position assumed by M. Guizot in his 
 History of the English Revolution, that there was a close 
 and complete parallel between that Revolution in 1688, and 
 the French Revolution of 1830 ; that William of Orange re- 
 sembled Louis Philippe in his aims and purposes, and even 
 in his character ; and that as the English consolidated their 
 liberties by accepting and authorizing the foreign prince, so 
 also would the French, by forever adhering to the younger 
 and intrusive branch of the house of Bourbon. There never 
 9 G
 
 98 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 was a greater absurdity uttered, than that defended in this 
 parallel of Guizot. As was Hyperion to a satyr, such was 
 William of Orange to Louis Philippe; and the task of 
 Louis Napoleon in exposing the fallacy of the ridiculous 
 and preposterous position of the minion of the money-bag 
 king, was very easy. He clearly showed that there was the 
 utmost diversity of character and conduct between the two 
 monarchs, both before and after their accession to the throne. 
 Nor is it easy to discover a more lamentable instance in which 
 great talents have been basely prostituted to the defence and 
 glorification of the most ignoble and unworthy objects, than 
 the devotion of Guizot to the fortunes, the fame, and the 
 person of Louis Philippe. 
 
 The prince sent a copy of his Historical Fragments to the 
 literary veteran, Chateaubriand ; and received from him the 
 following reply : 
 
 "Prince: In the midst of your misfortunes, you have 
 studied with as much sagacity as power the causes of a revo- 
 lution which, in modern Europe, has opened the way to the 
 calamities of monarchy. Your love of liberty, your courage, 
 and your sufferings, would give you every claim in my eyes, 
 only that to be worthy of your esteem, I must remain as 
 faithful to the misfortunes of Henry Y. as I am to the glory 
 of Napoleon. 
 
 "Allow me, prince, to thank you for the extreme honor 
 you have done me in quoting my name in your fine work. 
 This precious testimony of your recollection penetrates me 
 with the most lively gratitude." 
 
 In 1842 Louis Napoleon published his Considerations 
 sur la Question des Sucres, or Analysis of the Sugar Ques- 
 tion. The object of this book was to convince the French 
 government and people of the importance of encouraging the 
 manufacture of domestic sugar from the beet-root, by in- 
 creasing the tariff on the colonial and foreign sugar produced 
 from the cane. He examines the whole subject both as a 
 chemist, as a political economist, and as a statesman, and
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 99 
 
 discusses fully the various conflicting interests of the citizens 
 of the metropolis, of the colonists, of the producers, of the 
 consumers, and of the treasury. 
 
 The next production of the prince was the L 1 Extinction 
 de la Pauperisme. The object of this work was to suggest 
 plans for the relief and happiness of the suffering and des- 
 titute classes of society, and to propose the most efficient 
 methods of extending the advantages of civilization to those 
 who are deprived of them. This work displays considerable 
 power of thought and reflection. It was adapted to secure 
 the favor of the working classes in the capital and through- 
 out France, among whom, in a cheap form, it was gratui- 
 tously distributed in immense numbers at a subsequent 
 period. After the publication of this work, the prince 
 commenced another, entitled: "The Past and Future of 
 Artillery. " He intended to complete it in five large volumes, 
 accompanied with engravings ; and he was engaged upon its 
 composition when other matters of more immediate and press- 
 ing importance suspended his labors. 
 
 The publication of these different works attracted a con- 
 siderable degree of attention to their author. His reputa- 
 tion was not confined to the limits of his native country. 
 We do not suppose that his writings, had they emanated from 
 a person possessing an obscure and unknown name, would 
 have gained for the author much reputation, or any eminence 
 in the republic of letters. Like thousands of other works 
 marked by a moderate share of ability which are yearly issued 
 from the press, they would have had an ephemeral import- 
 ance, and would then probably have been forgotten. Thus his 
 "Ideas of Napoleonism" was but little read or noticed on 
 its first publication, and long continued to lay dead and un- 
 known ; but after its author had mounted the imperial throne, 
 the work was suddenly discovered to possess extraordinary 
 profundity and value. 
 
 One of the consequences of the publication of the prince's 
 writings was that Senor Castellan, the minister of the States
 
 100 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 of Central America to the Court of Louis Philippe, invited 
 Louis Napoleon, in 1844, in case his liberty was again restored 
 to him, to pass the rest of his life in that country. He was 
 also requested to superintend the construction of a railroad or 
 Bhip-canal, which had been projected across the isthmus of 
 Darien, and thus to unite together the two oceans. Senor 
 Castellan visited the prince in his prison and conferred with 
 him on the subject. The latter was pleased with the idea, 
 and would have acquiesced in the proposal, and placed him- 
 self at the head of the enterprise. A few months later, he 
 was officially informed by the government of Nicaragua, that 
 he had been elected president of the proposed company, and 
 that the work itself should be named in his honor, the Canal 
 Napoleone de Nicaragua. Senor de Marcoleta, Charge 
 d' Affairs of Nicaragua to Belgium and Holland visited the 
 prince at Ham, according to the instructions of his govern- 
 ment, and concluded a treaty or contract with the prince, 
 conferring on him full powers to act as head of the enterprise, 
 and definitely settling all the details of the business ; but he 
 was never destined to accomplish the task. In August, 1845, 
 the health of his father, the ex-king of Holland, began to 
 decline ; and he desired to have his only remaming son near 
 his person during his last hours. Louis Napoleon had now 
 been a captive during five years, and as there was no prospect of 
 his speedy release, his father sent M. Poggioli, a confidential 
 agent, to Paris, to lay before the ministers of Louis Philippe 
 the request that his son might be permitted to join him. 
 The matter was proposed to Marshal Soult, President of the 
 Council ; to Guizot, Minister of Foreign Affairs ; to Duchatel, 
 Minister of the Interior. The prince himself sent a letter to 
 the last named minister, preferring the same request, and 
 promising solemnly that if he were permitted to go to 
 Florence, the residence of "his father," he would return 
 again to his prison at any moment the government might 
 direct him so to do. 
 
 Louis Napoleon was informed by M. Duchatel that the
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 101 
 
 favor which he requested was in substance a pardon, and a 
 pardon could only emanate from the clemency of the king. 
 The prince accordingly addressed a letter directly to Louis 
 Philippe on the 14th of January, 1846, which was presented 
 to his majesty by the son of Marshal Ney, now known as the 
 Prince of Moscow. The king pretended to acquiesce ; but 
 the ministers insisted that, before the permission was granted 
 the prince should acknowledge his faults, and that the pardon 
 should be conferred and received as an act of grace. In other 
 words, an attempt was made by Louis Philippe both to gain 
 the popularity which the pardon of the prince would secure him, 
 and at the same time to humble and degrade him as a self-con- 
 fessed criminal, and obtain, in substance, a direct renunciation 
 on his part of all claim or pretension to the throne of France. 
 This renunciation the prince was unwilling to make ; nor was 
 he disposed to incur the ignominy which any acknowledgment 
 of former guilt on his part would entail upon him. He replied 
 with great propriety, that he had resolved to die in prison 
 rather than make any acknowledgment which would degrade 
 his character, or would injure the prospects and compromise 
 the rights of the cause which he represented. He asserted 
 that for six years he had endured without complaint the rigors 
 of a penalty which he had incurred by his faithful devotion to 
 that cause ; and he possessed still the consolation of knowing 
 that his honor was untarnished. His duty to his father urged 
 him to hasten to his bedside. He had done everything in his 
 power honorably to obtain his enlargement, and permission 
 to perform that duty. Having failed in obtaining that per- 
 mission, he was completely justified and excused. 
 
 The time had now arrived when the prince determined to 
 obtain his freedom, if possible, by other means. His plan 
 was to elude the vigilance of his keepers and escape. Some 
 repairs which were being made in the castle of Ham at that 
 period, fortunately furnished an opportunity for the exercise 
 of adroitness and resolution, in the planning and execution of 
 the scheme. The excuse urged by the prince to his confidants 
 9*
 
 102 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 for attempting his escape was that lie might attend the sick 
 bed of his father. But we believe this to have been merely 
 a pretended reason : Louis Napoleon well knew that the ex- 
 King of Holland was probably not his father ; and the fact 
 that he did not really pay the least regard to his alleged 
 parent, after his escape from the fortress had been effected, 
 —the fact that he immediately directed his steps not toward 
 Florence but toward London, clearly proves that he had no 
 sincere desire to visit the former husband of Hortense, with 
 whom, during her lifetime, she had been constantly and 
 bitterly at variance. 
 
 The prince arranged his method of escape with his astute 
 companion in captivity, Dr. Conneau, and he was materially 
 aided by his faithful valet-de-chambre, Charles Thelin. The 
 prince was to pretend to be ill, to keep his bed for several 
 days ; while the doctor exercised his anatomical ingenuity in 
 fabricating the figure of a false prince, which was destined to 
 play an important part in the events which were about to 
 transpire. 
 
 In truth the plot was devised and executed with much 
 ability ; and the conduct of Louis Napoleon on this occasion 
 affords the first glimmer or exhibition of those superior 
 powers of combination and of arrangement which afterward 
 characterized his life, and ensured his subsequent successes. 
 The secret of all his triumphs has been, and is, his long, 
 careful, concentrated study and pre-arrangement of the 
 details of any attempt. When he thus labors to bring about 
 any result, he succeeds. Whenever, on the contrary, he acts 
 upon impulse, he inevitably fails. He possesses none of the 
 brilliant, rapid, resistless and decisive genius of the great 
 Napoleon, who accomplished wonders by bold and sudden 
 movements, upon which no other man would have ventured. 
 Louis Napoleon's talents fit him to excel in careful and ela- 
 borate planning, in mysterious and impenetrable secrecy, in 
 unwavering perseverance and determination. Strasburg 
 and Boulogne were instances of his sudden and impulsive
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 103 
 
 action, and they were ignominious failures. His escape from 
 Ham and the coup d'etat, were exhibitions of his capacity 
 for cautious and elaborate plotting ; and they were signal and 
 magnificent triumphs. Another illustration of the latter de- 
 scription was his agency in bringing about the Crimean war, 
 whose final issue also added to his celebrity, and served to 
 consolidate his power. 
 
 The escape of Louis Napoleon from the fortress of Ham 
 was aided by the fact that the commandant and his soldiers 
 had gradually imbibed the impression that the prisoner did 
 not wish to escape. Three keepers were charged with the 
 immediate surveillance of his person. Two of these were 
 alway& stationed at the bottom of the stairs which were the 
 immediate outlet to his apartments. One of these keepers, 
 at an early hour in the morning, was usually absent from his 
 post for a quarter of an hour to procure the daily newspapers. 
 No person was allowed to enter the fortress, and the utmost 
 scrutiny was exercised over every one who wished to go 
 out. A total disguise alone would enable the prisoner to 
 escape ; and that was the expedient which he determined to 
 adopt. He proposed to assume the garb of one of the work- 
 men who were then repairing the fortress, and to pass out 
 with them. 
 
 All the arrangements were completed by Saturday, May 
 23d, 1846; but the execution of them was postponed until 
 Monday the 25th. Shortly after five o'clock in the morning 
 the draw-bridge was lowered, and the workmen entered the 
 fortress between two files of soldiers. They were not as 
 numerous as usual, and there were no joiners among them. 
 This was unfortunate, as it was in the garb of a joiner that the 
 prisoner intended to attempt his escape. Early in the morning, 
 he, Dr. Conneau and Thelin had risen, and the prince was 
 then attired in his borrowed dress. His height was increased 
 four inches by inserting high-heeled boots into his sabots 
 or wooden shoes, while the legs of his trousers concealed the 
 deception. His moustaches were cut off, every preparation
 
 104 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 was made, his disguise was complete, and as he had deter- 
 mined not to be taken alive, he furnished himself with offen- 
 sive and defensive weapons. He retained on his person the 
 most valuable relic which he possessed. This was a letter 
 written by the Emperor Napoleon to Hortense, in which he 
 expresses his interest in the future fate of the prince, and his 
 confidence in his excellent qualities. He drew over his usual 
 dress grey pantaloons, a coarse linen shirt cut off at the waist, 
 and a blouse, which had been purposely soiled. To these 
 were added an old blue linen apron, a wig of long black hair, 
 and a soiled cap. His hands and face were then stained red. 
 He loosened one of the long shelves of his library and hoisted 
 it on his shoulders, to aid in the deception. 
 
 At length at fifteen minutes before seven the prince issued 
 from his chamber. He immediately descended the stairs, at 
 the bottom of which the two keepers were posted. Thelin 
 accompanied him, and as they approached the keepers he 
 drew one of them aside pretending to have something to say 
 to him privately. The other keeper drew back to avoid the 
 plank which the prince carried. The fugitive thus passed 
 through the wicket. He then entered the court-yard. When 
 passing through this, he was met by several persons, both 
 soldiers and workmen, some of whom eyed him closely ; but so 
 complete was his disguise that they failed to identify or even 
 to suspect him. Having arrived at the great gate, the keeper's 
 attention was attracted by Thelin who was playing boisterously 
 with Ham, the prince's dog, which he led in a leash. The 
 bolt was drawn, the prisoner passed through the gate, and 
 it was closed behind him. Thelin continued his conversation 
 with the keeper, and after a few minutes thus employed, he 
 also passed out. The prince took the road along the ram- 
 parts which joins the high road to St. Quentin, whilst Thelin 
 hastened into the village of Ham to procure the carriage 
 which he had engaged on the previous evening. The prince 
 hastened on to the cemetery of St. Sulpice, two miles distant
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 105 
 
 from the fortress, at which he had appointed to meet his faith- 
 ful valet with the means of conveyance. 
 
 Thelin having arrived at the designated place, the prince 
 threw his plank into a cornfield, kicked off his sabots into a 
 ditch, jumped into the vehicle, took the reins, and began to 
 drive at a rapid pace. They travelled quickly over the fifteen 
 miles which separate Ham from St. Quentin. The horses 
 were changed several times at the post-houses, but no recog- 
 nition took place. As they approached St. Quentin the 
 prince divested himself of his old trousers, blouse, and cap, 
 retaining the wig, and left the carriage in order to pass around 
 the town on foot, avoid the scrutiny to which he would have 
 there been subjected, and meet Thelin, provided with fresh 
 horses, on the Cambray road. They reached Valenciennes at 
 two o'clock. Here their passport was examined. They there 
 awaited the train of cars which started at four o'clock for 
 Brussels. The interval of suspense seemed endless, and had 
 the prince's escape been discovered in time at Ham, it would 
 have proved fatal. But that discovery was not made so soon ; 
 the prince and his attendant safely reached Brussels ; thence they 
 hastened to Ostend ; and thence they journeyed to England. 
 
 The fact of the prince's escape was concealed at the fortress 
 in the following manner. Dr. Conneau, immediately after 
 the departure of the prince, placed the stuffed figure in his 
 bed with its wax face turned toward the wall. He then closed 
 the door leading from the prince's chamber into the saloon, 
 and kindled a large fire, in order to keep up the illusion that 
 the prince was ill. He deposited the coffee-pot on the 
 stove, and told the servant, La Place, that the prince was 
 sick. At nine o'clock the commandant of the fortress, He 
 Marie, came to the saloon and inquired for the prince. Dr. 
 Conneau replied that he was ill, and that unless the com- 
 mandant had something of importance to say, it would be 
 better not to disturb him. The commaudant put his head 
 inside the door of the bed-chamber, saw the figure lying in 
 bed, and concluded that all was right. Dr. Conneau then
 
 106 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 took an emetic, which the physician of the castle had ordered 
 for the patient, performed the consequent functions, and by 
 the odor which was produced in the apartment, confirmed the 
 general deception as to the real illness of the supposed prince. 
 At twelve o'clock the commandant returned to Louis Na- 
 poleon's apartment, and inquired after his health. Dr. 
 Conneau replied that he was now somewhat easier. He was 
 satisfied and again retired. At two o'clock he paid a third 
 visit to the apartments of his prisoner. This time Dr. Con- 
 neau informed him that the prince had just taken a bath, and 
 was then enjoying a refreshing slumber. The generous 
 Cerberus refused to disturb his captive under such agreeable 
 circumstances, and again retired. But when evening came 
 he made his last call for the day ; he inquired after the prince's 
 health, and was gravely informed by the doctor that he was 
 still reposing after the emetic and the bath. The commandant 
 began to be surprised, and to think that he had certainly 
 taken under his charge one of the seven sleepers of Ephesus. 
 " I must speak to him," he exclaimed. " 0, let him quietly 
 sleep on," responded the doctor, who by a great effort re- 
 tained a sober countenance. The commandant then opened 
 the door of the chamber and called to the prince. The prince, 
 very naturally, made no response. The commandant imme- 
 diately approached the bed, gazed into the recumbent wax 
 face, punched the stuffed figure in the ribs, and discovered at 
 last, with horror and amazement, that the bird had flown. 
 " When did the prince escape ?" he demanded of Dr. Con- 
 neau. "At seven o'clock this morning," was the answer. 
 "Who were the persons on guard?" "I don't know," 
 replied the doctor ; at the same time giving vent to his long- 
 subdued risibility by a vast thunder-clap of laughter. The 
 unhappy commandant, overwhelmed with chagrin and terror, 
 turned away and rapidly left the apartment. His wife fainted 
 on hearing of the prince's escape. The news flew like the 
 wind throughout the castle, and throughout the village ; the 
 country in every direction was instantly searched ; expresses
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 107 
 
 were dispatched to the railway and police stations. But all 
 was in vain. Too much time had been gained by the fugitive 
 through the plausible representations of the faithful and adroit 
 Conneau. 
 
 On the prince's arrival in London he applied for passports 
 from the representative of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, per- 
 mitting him to visit his father at Florence. They were denied 
 him ; and the Grand Duke afterward informed the ex-King 
 of Holland that "French influence" would not permit him 
 to tolerate the presence of Louis Napoleon in Florence even 
 for twenty-four hours. The ex-King expired soon afterward, 
 without again seeing Louis Napoleon, whom in his latter 
 years he pretended to regard as his son 1
 
 108 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Interview of the Prince with Count d'Orsay — Lady Douglass — Death 
 of the ex-King of Holland — The Melanges Politiques — History of the 
 Downfall of Louis Philippe — State of Parties in France — The Mon- 
 ster Banquets — Popular Tumults — M. Molle" — The New Ministry 
 of Thiers — Delusion of the King — His Flight from Paris — Esta- 
 blishment of the Provisional Government — Letters of Louis Napoleon 
 to the Provisional Government — His Return to London — He is 
 elected a Representative by Four Departments — His Letters to the 
 Electors and to the Assembly — He sends in his Resignation as Repre- 
 sentative to the Assembly — Popular Tumults — Cavaignac appointed 
 Dictator — Louis Napoleon re-elected Representative by Five Depart- 
 ments — His Appearance iu the Assembly — His Speech — Decree 
 of Banishment against the Bonapartes annulled. 
 
 Immediately on his arrival in London the fugitive prince 
 repaired to Gore House, the residence of Count d'Orsay. 
 The count was not always easy of access. He was one of 
 those lavish, expensive and ostentatious persons who are con- 
 tinually favored with the visits of tradesmen, bailiffs, and other 
 similarly pertinacious and obtrusive individuals, who some- 
 times bestow the honor and the felicity of their company 
 where they are not wanted. Accordingly, when informed by 
 his valet that a stranger desired to be admitted, whose appear- 
 ance was not very prepossessing, and who refused to give his 
 name, the perfumed count sent back word that the mysterious 
 individual must positively go away, inasmuch as he would 
 not see him. As soon as the prince received this answer, he 
 perceived the nature of the joke, and sent the servant back to 
 say that he had called on business of importance, and that he 
 was determined to see the count. This message only increased 
 the consternation of the nobleman ; and he inquired more 
 particularly as to the appearance of the visitor. The valet's 
 description intimated that he was a foreigner ; and other de-
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 109 
 
 tails led to the opinion that he might be Louis Napoleon. 
 With this conviction on his mind, the count ventured to pro- 
 trude his head through the door of the ante-room, in order 
 to reconnoitre at a safe distance. He at once recognized his 
 quondam friend, and rushing out heartily received and em- 
 braced him. 
 
 A few days after his arrival in London the prince visited 
 his cousin, Lady Douglass, now the Duchess of Hamilton. 
 She said to him : " Well, you are free at last. Will you now 
 be quiet ? Will you lay aside those fallacies which have cost 
 you so dear, and the cruel delusions of those dreams which 
 have given those who love you so much anxiety?" The 
 prince responded : " My dear cousin, I do not belong to my- 
 self; I belong to my name and my country. It is because 
 my fortune has twice betrayed me, that my destiny is nearer 
 its accomplishment. I bide my time ! " This remark illus- 
 trates the constancy of hope and confidence which has charac- 
 terized Louis Napoleon during his whole lifetime. 
 
 After the prince's escape from Ham, his father, the ex-King 
 of Holland, and Count of St. Leu, having died at Florence, 
 in his will he expressed a desire that his remains might be 
 buried in the village of St. Leu, near Paris, from which he 
 took his title. Said he: "I have borne the name of that 
 village for forty years, and I liked the place better than any 
 other in the world." His desire was complied with. A 
 guard of honor, consisting of the veteran soldiers of the em- 
 pire, attended the funeral solemnities. The concourse of 
 citizens was also large. Louis Napoleon addressed a letter 
 afterward to Captain Le Comte, the officer who commanded 
 the military on that occasion, thanking him for his interest 
 and activity during the obsequies. 
 
 The prince was destined to sojourn as an exile in England 
 for a year and a half. He there readily made himself at 
 home. He had many personal friends, who had not forgot- 
 ten him during six years of absence and captivity. Mrs. 
 Howard still flourished in the metropolis, and she still 
 10
 
 110 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 retained her attachment to the fortunes and the person of the 
 prince. He renewed his connection with her ; and having 
 nothing else wherewith to occupy his mind, he devoted him- 
 self to the mingled excitement of pleasure and study. 
 
 The fruit of his intellectual diversions was his work entitled 
 Melanges Politique s. This book displays the same qualities 
 as those which characterized his previous productions. He 
 now seemed to have come to the deliberate conclusion, that 
 notwithstanding his repeated failures, and the long postpone- 
 ment of his hopes, the day of their realization was rapidly 
 approaching. He believed that the downfall of Louis Phi- 
 lippe would soon take place; and he believed rightly. French 
 governments in modern times, and since the downfall of the 
 ancient monarchy, never last longer than sixteen or seventeen 
 years. Seventeen years were the limit of the supremacy of 
 Napoleon I. Seventeen years the restored Bourbons reigned. 
 Seventeen years Louis Philippe occupied the throne. And we 
 may safely predict that seventeen years will be the longest 
 period allotted by the hand of Destiny to the restored dynasty 
 of the Bonapartes. The parallel may seem absurd, but it is 
 based on solid reasons, and deduced from rational inferences. 
 
 The various causes which led to the downfall of the money- 
 bag-king, Louis Philippe, need not here be narrated in much 
 detail. The " Napoleon of Peace" had gradually lost the 
 confidence of the French nation. They perceived that he 
 ruled, not with the slightest design to promote their welfare, 
 but wholly for the aggrandizement of himself and his family ; 
 that he was greedily heaping up riches by the million ; that he 
 was continually purchasing principalities and lordships ; that 
 he was marrying off his children into all the available royal 
 families of the continent ; that he was constantly curtailing 
 liberty ; that he had so far corrupted the Chamber of 
 Deputies that they had become the most abject and fawning 
 of slaves ; that the new fortifications of Paris were in reality 
 only the defences of the court and the palace ; that the elec- 
 tive franchise of the nation had been turned into a farce ; in
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. Ill 
 
 a word, that Louis Philippe had proved himself to be one 
 of the most selfish, unprincipled and detestable tyrants of 
 modern times. 
 
 The people began to murmur, and their murmurings were 
 uttered, not at " monster meetings," which were forbidden by 
 law, but at monster banquets, which the law could not forbid 
 At these banquets the king's health was always carefully and 
 insultingly omitted in the list of toasts. The nation was 
 then divided into three parties. The first was the Legitimists, 
 who adored the elder branch of the Bourbons ; who still upheld 
 the divine right of the house of Capet, and of the ancient 
 monarchy ; and who detested the house of Orleans as intruders 
 and usurpers. Their organ was the Gazette de France, edited 
 by Genoude, and supported in the Chamber by Berryer. The 
 second party were the Republicans. These were divided into 
 two branches, the Moderate and the Extreme. The Moderate 
 Republicans were represented by the National, edited by 
 Marrast ; the views of the Extreme were set forth in the 
 Reforme, conducted by Flocon. Their mouth-piece in the 
 Chamber was Ledru Rollin. The third party was the Liberal 
 or Constitutional, whose journal was La Presse, and whose 
 leader was Odillon Barrot. All these parties now united 
 in repudiating the policy and government of Louis Philippe, 
 and those of his ministers. Of the latter, Guizot was simply a 
 philosopher and a man of letters, utterly unfit to conduct the 
 practical interests and affairs of the nation. Duchatel was a 
 practical man of business, skilful, unprincipled, and adroit ; 
 but his adroitness had gained for him only the distrust and 
 the apprehensions of the nation. 
 
 This distrust and apprehension had been chiefly expressed 
 at the monster banquets, which had begun to be popular. 
 When Louis Philippe opened the Chamber of Deputies in 
 December, 1847, he gave utterance to his feelings and charged 
 those members of the Chamber who had attended these 
 banquets with being hostile to royalty, to the best interests 
 of the nation, and with being blind to the serious results
 
 112 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 which might follow. After the conclusion of the royal speech 
 a violent debate ensued. M. Thiers, the orator of the oppo- 
 sition, led off; Odillon Barrot followed with equal fervor and 
 ability. Ledru Rollin then spoke with a degree of eloquence 
 and power which at once placed him in the first rank of 
 speakers in the Chamber. The result was that Louis Philippe 
 began to tremble on his throne. A great banquet was an- 
 nounced for the 22d of February, to which all the deputies of the 
 opposition, magistrates, members of the municipal govern- 
 ment, and delegates from the colleges and schools were invited, 
 to the number of fifteen hundred persons. They were to 
 , assemble first in the Place de la Concord, and proceed thence 
 to the banquet. 
 
 This banquet was prohibited by a decree of the government ; 
 orders were issued to the commander of the National Guard 
 to forbid their attendance even as spectators ; and the garrison 
 of Paris was increased to a hundred thousand men, by immedi- 
 ately summoning a large number of soldiers from Yincennes, 
 and other fortresses in the vicinity of the capital. On Tuesday, 
 the day appointed for the prohibited banquet, all Paris was 
 in a state of fermentation. Immense crowds hurried along the 
 streets, and the everlasting Marseillaise was heard echoing 
 and re-echoing in every direction. "Down with Guizot!" 
 was shouted on all sides. A strong body of troops had 
 been drawn, by this time, around the Tuilleries ; and although 
 some barricades were erected by the people between Rue St. 
 Denis and Rue St. Martin, Tuesday passed over without 
 anything of importance transpiring. During the ensuing 
 night, however, the factions were not idle ; but an intense 
 activity prevailed. On Wednesday the excitement which 
 pervaded the capital became more intense and universal. 
 Crowds streamed toward the Champs Elysies, and the Bou- 
 levards were filled with people, whom even the deluge of rain 
 which fell could not disperse. At this crisis the government 
 proposed to make some concessions, and M. Mole was called 
 to the head of the cabinet. The Duke de Montpensier also
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 113 
 
 offered to send to the Chambers a project of electoral 
 reform, and another for parliamentary reform. The formation 
 of a new ministry was announced to the excited Parisians, 
 and Louis Philippe and M. Mole attempted to devise new 
 measures, and conditions for the cabinet. During Wed- 
 nesday no further decisive movements were made by the popu- 
 lace ; but the king and M. Mole could not agree upon the 
 terms and arrangements necessary for the construction of the 
 government, and in despair, Louis Philippe at length sent for 
 M. Thiers. Thiers agreed to undertake the formation of an- 
 other ministry, provided Odillon Barrot became a member of 
 it. The king agreed to everything, entirely overwhelmed by 
 terror and confusion. Thiers wrote the following proclama- 
 tion, which was published in the public journals, and was 
 placarded in large bills over the city : "Citizens of Paris, 
 orders are given everywhere to cease firing. — We have just 
 received the commands of the king to form a new ministry. 
 The chamber is to be dissolved. An appeal is to be made 
 to the country. General Lamoriciere is appointed commander- 
 in-chief of the National Guard of Paris. MM. Thiers, 
 Barrot, and Duvergier de Hauranne, are appointed ministers. 
 Liberty, Order, and Reform." 
 
 Nobody paid the least attention to this proclamation of M. 
 Thiers. At four o'clock in the morning of the 24th, Louis 
 Philippe, overcome with fatigue, retired to his chamber to sleep, 
 confident that the appointment of a new and more popular 
 ministry would appease the frenzied Parisians. It was a delu- 
 sive hope. He then laid down upon his royal bed for the last 
 time. Little did he then imagine that the sun should rise on 
 him as king no more ! At eleven o'clock in the forenoon he 
 came down stairs again, refreshed with slumber, with a 
 smiling countenance, and in a negligent dress, to partake of 
 a family breakfast. He then learned to his astonishment 
 and terror that all Paris was in commotion ; that the National 
 Guards had fraternized with the insurgents ; that the procla- 
 mation of Thiers was everywhere torn down and trodden 
 10* H
 
 114 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 tinder foot ; that his Palais Royal had been assaulted and 
 plundered ; and that the ruin of his throne and dynasty 
 became each instant more imminent. He retired to his 
 chamber, and putting on the uniform of the National Guard, 
 he mounted his horse, and hastened to the Place du Carrou- 
 sal to review the troops collected there. A few shouts of 
 Vive le Boi were heard as he approached ; but these were 
 totally overwhelmed by the innumerable yells of " Vive la 
 Reforme /" The king soon returned again to the palace, 
 utterly at a loss what to do. Summoning his new cabinet, 
 he consulted with them. At that moment Emile Girardin, 
 the editor of La Presse, opened the door of the apartment 
 and entered. He informed the king respectfully, that unless 
 he immediately abdicated, the throne would be overturned, 
 and his whole family be exiled or destroyed. After some 
 hesitation the king signed a proclamation, containing in four 
 lines the following announcements : The abdication of the 
 king, the regency of the Duchess of Orleans, the dissolution 
 of the chamber, and a general amnesty. He added at the 
 close : "I abdicate in favor of my grandson, the Count of 
 Paris " 
 
 The king now retired to his chamber, and exchanged his 
 uniform for a citizen's -dress. He had already taken the reso- 
 lution to flee ; for all Paris resounded with the explosion of 
 fire-arms, some public buildings were already burning, and the 
 palace was surrounded by an infuriated mob, whose excesses 
 none could anticipate or control. As the king rose to with- 
 draw, the Duchess of Orleans wished to follow him ; but he 
 prevented her, declaring that she must remain for the sake of 
 her son, in whose favor he had abdicated. Bursting into 
 tears, the terrified Duchess was compelled to obey. After- 
 ward when she and the Count of Paris were presented to the 
 Chamber of Deputies for their recognition and acknowledg- 
 ment, she was informed that it was too late to propose or 
 accept such an arrangement, and that the Orleans dynasty 
 had absolutely and completely ceased to reign in France.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 115 
 
 But the fugitive king, escaping from his palace by a remote 
 gateway, entered a hackney-coach, drove rapidly through 
 the most obscure streets, and left forever a capital raging 
 with excitement, and filled with detestation of his person and 
 his measures. Scarcely had he quitted the Tuilleries, when 
 a crowd of desperate republicans, headed by Dumoyer, forced 
 their way into it, and instantly defaced and removed all the 
 traces and emblems of royalty which existed there, including 
 the throne and its canopy. Had they found the monarch 
 himself, it is not improbable that he would have paid for 
 his money-bags with his life. But he escaped their fury ; 
 and after a rapid journey, he safely reached the shores of 
 England. While the king was making the best of his way 
 toward Calais, the excited Chambers were discussing the es- 
 tablishment of a new government. Lamartine, Ledru Rollin, 
 Marrast and others, addressed the legislature ; and the long 
 and stormy session ended in the establishment of a Republic, 
 with a provisional government, of which the members were 
 Lamartine, Arago, Dupont de l'Eure, Marie, Gamier Page\ 
 Ledru Rollin, Cremieux, Flocon, Marrast, and Louis Blanc. 
 
 The utmost excitement pervaded England when information 
 was received of this great and sudden revolution ; and fears 
 were apprehended of a similar convulsion in that country. 
 The Chartists began to move, to assemble in the open air, to 
 make furious speeches, and to offer interminable petitions to 
 Parliament. Trafalgar Square and Kennington Common 
 became the scenes of these threatening and blustering demon- 
 strations. The government, to prevent further harm, enlisted 
 an immense number of special constables. Among these im- 
 portant personages Louis Napoleon took his place, and helped 
 to preserve the peace and integrity of the British empire. It 
 was quite unnecessary ; for the poor and miserable of the 
 London population soon settled down again in imbecile and 
 starving quietude, while the wealthy and comfortable went on 
 revelling in luxury as before. 
 
 In the formation of the new Provisional Government the
 
 116 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 utmost care was taken by those whom the sudden force of 
 circumstances had elevated to power, to exclude everything 
 like Bouapartism. Yery soon after the flight of Louis Phi- 
 lippe from Paris, Louis Napoleon proceeded to that city, ac- 
 companied by Dr. Conneau and a few other friends. On his 
 arrival the partisans of the Bonapartes surrounded him, among 
 whom were Montholon, Persigny, Yoisin, old Jerome Bona- 
 parte and his son, Prince Napoleon. What their secret deli- 
 berations may have been, is unknown ; but Louis Napoleon, 
 soon after his arrival, sent the following letter to Lamartine, 
 the Minister of Foreign Affairs : "Messieurs: — The heroic 
 people of Paris having destroyed the last vestiges of foreign 
 invasion, I hasten from my exile to place myself under the 
 banner of the republic just proclaimed. With no other am- 
 bition than that of serving my country, I come to announce 
 my arrival to the members of the Provisional Government, 
 and to assure them of my devotiou to the cause which they 
 represent, as well as of my sympathy for themselves. Accept, 
 Messieurs, the assurance of my sentiments." 
 
 There was no necessity whatever for Louis Napoleon to 
 announce to the Provisional Government, whose members 
 were overwhelmed with other and more important duties, his 
 arrival in Paris. This letter was in reality an attempt to give 
 himself consequence ; and the result was, as perhaps it should 
 have been, an immediate order to the prince, whose devotion 
 to their cause, and whose sympathy for themselves, were not 
 wanted or believed, to leave Paris within twenty-four hours. 
 Had Louis Napoleon kept himself quiet, it is probable that 
 he had been forgotten by the government, and might have 
 plotted on in secret with more celerity and success. In truth, 
 a proposition was made in the assemblage of ministers, to 
 arrest the conspirator of Strasburg and Boulogne, and con- 
 fine him again in Ham, as being a measure which the security 
 of the state demanded. But Lamartine opposed this measure 
 as an odious act of persecution, and at the same time as im- 
 politic; for such a proceeding would only give its victim
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. Ill 
 
 greater consequence, and increase the number and activity of 
 his friends. 
 
 Louis Napoleon at first hesitated as to the course which he 
 should pursue at this crisis. Some of his advisers wished him 
 to withdraw to some garrison-city, and there raise again the 
 standard of rebellion against the existing government. But 
 after some deliberation he wisely concluded that such a de- 
 monstration would end, as the previous attempts had ended, 
 in failure ; and he determined to withdraw for the present to 
 England. He announced his resolution to the government 
 in the following letter: "Messieurs : — After thirty-three 
 years of exile and persecution, I thought I had acquired the 
 right of finding a home on the soil of ray country. You deem 
 my presence in Paris at this moment a subject of embarrass- 
 ment. I withdraw then for a time. You will see in this 
 sacrifice the purity of my intentions and my patriotism. 
 Receive, Messieurs, the assurance of my deep sympathy and 
 esteem." 
 
 The prince accordingly returned to London, but Persigny 
 remained in Paris for the purpose of organizing the Napoleonic 
 party in the very heart of the young republic. This man was 
 well adapted to the performance of this task. He was elo- 
 quent, skilful, prudent, energetic, and courageous. He be- 
 came at once the soul of the faction. He founded a secret 
 Napoleonic committee, which soon extended its ramifications 
 throughout the whole of France, under whose direction de- 
 voted and active agents were sent into every city, town, and 
 village, preparing the country for the return of the reign of 
 Napoleonism in the person of the absent prince. By the 
 diffusion of pictures, busts, and sketches of the Great Corsi- 
 can ; by innumerable pamphlets and popular books ; by 
 speeches, poems, satires on the Bourbons and the Jacobins ; 
 by every possible contrivance, Napoleonism was diffused 
 throughout the nation, and hints given of future decisive de- 
 velopments to be made in its favor. 
 
 The first fruits of these labors were seen in the election of
 
 118 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Pierre Napoleon, the son of Lncien, and Prince Napoleon, 
 as representatives of the people in the Assembly. Louis 
 Napoleon, although invited to become a candidate, refused 
 until the decree was formally abrogated which banished the 
 Bonaparte family from France. Prince Lucien Murat was 
 at the same time chosen representative for the department 
 of Lot. 
 
 On the 4th of May, 1848, the Constituent Assembly held 
 its first session. The provisional government then expired, 
 and the Assembly elected a committee of five to administer 
 the government, until a definite establishment of power was 
 made. The committee were Arago, Gamier Pag£s, Marie, 
 Lamartine, and Ledru Rollin. A petition was soon pre- 
 sented to the Assembly signed by twenty of its members, 
 demanding that the law banishing the Bonapartes from 
 France should be abrogated. Before this matter was defi- 
 nitely settled, Louis Napoleon was elected, on the 3d of 
 June, a representative of the people in four departments at 
 once. One of these was the department of the Seine, in- 
 cluding the city of Paris, in which the prince received eighty- 
 five thousand votes. The other departments were the Yonne, 
 Charente-Inferieure, and Corsica. Thus, for the first time, 
 in the progress of his adventurous life, did the exiled prince 
 begin to gain the halo of success ; his star so long lingering 
 beneath the horizon now began to appear dimly above its 
 verge, and to commence that slow but sure ascent, which was 
 destined to end at last by a glorious and triumphant culmi- 
 nation at the zenith. 
 
 The election of Louis Napoleon at once terrified the exist- 
 ing government. They determined that he should not sit in 
 the Assembly. Orders were given for his arrest, should he 
 be found anywhere in the French territory. It was asserted 
 by his enemies in the Assembly that the prince was not a 
 French citizen ; that he was a pretender to the fallen throne ; 
 that the people had no right to elect as representative a mac 
 who was not a citizen, and who, by his imperial aspirations
 
 OP NAPOLEON III 119 
 
 was necessarily a traitor to the Republic. Lamartine pro- 
 posed a decree in the Assembly re-asserting the law of the 
 16th of April, 1832, banishing Louis Napoleon from the 
 French territory, which decree was passed amid loud shouts 
 of Vive la Republique! 
 
 On the 13th of June, the Assembly was called on to decide 
 upon the validity of the elections which had resulted in the 
 choice of Louis Napoleon. The debate was very violent. 
 The friends of the prince defended him with ability. Able 
 speeches were made by Ledru Rollin, Yieillard, Bonjean, 
 and others. The result was that the Assembly did not dare 
 to trample under foot the will of so many departments, 
 the election of Louis Napoleon was eventually declared 
 valid, and the executive commission was defeated. He sent 
 the following letter of thanks to the departments by whom 
 he had been elected : 
 
 "Citizens: Your votes fill me with gratitude. This 
 mark of sympathy, the more flattering as I had not solicited 
 it, comes to find me regretting my inactivity at a time when 
 our country has need of the united efforts of all her children 
 to extricate her from her difficult position. 
 
 "Your confidence imposes duties upon me which I shall 
 know how to fulfil ; our interests, our sentiments, our wishes 
 are the same. A Parisian by birth, now a representative of 
 the people, I shall unite my efforts to those of my colleagues 
 to re-establish order, credit, industry, to assure external 
 peace, to consolidate democratic institutions, to conciliate 
 interests which are seemingly hostile, because they are 
 mutually suspicious and clash against each other, instead of 
 marching together towards one common goal, the prosperity 
 and greatness of the country. 
 
 "The people are free since the 24th of February; they 
 can now obtain every thing without having recourse to brutal 
 violence. 
 
 "Let us rally then round the altar of our country, under 
 the flag of the republic, and let us present to the world the
 
 120 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 grand spectacle of a people regenerating itself without fury, 
 without civil war, without anarchy. 
 
 "Receive, dear fellow-citizens, the assurance of my devo- 
 tion and of ray sympathies." 
 
 At the same time he wrote the following letter to the As- 
 sembly, for the purpose of allaying their suspicions and fears : 
 
 " Monsieur le President : I was setting out for my post 
 when I learned that my election was made the pretext for 
 deplorable troubles and fatal mistakes. I have not sought 
 the honor of being a representative of the people, because I 
 was aware of the injurious suspicions which rested upon me ; 
 much less did I seek the power. If the people impose duties 
 upon me, I shall know how to fulfil them. 
 
 " But I disavow all the ambitious designs that some attri- 
 bute to me. My name is a symbol of order, of nationality, 
 of glory, and it would be with the liveliest grief that I should 
 Bee it subservient to national disorders. To avoid such a 
 misfortune I prefer to remain in exile. I am ready to sacri- 
 fice every thing for the happiness of France. 
 
 "Have the goodness, Mr. President, to communicate this 
 letter to the Assembly. I enclose you a copy of my letter 
 of thanks to the electors." 
 
 The reading of this letter in that abominable legislative 
 Babel, the Assembly, occasioned a frightful commotion. An 
 attempt was made to pass a vote of outlawry against the 
 prince, who thus dared to write a letter to the Assembly and 
 never once name the word Republic! There is no telling 
 what the result might have been had not the prince sent a 
 letter with the utmost haste from London, resigning his office 
 as representative of the people. Though the excitement in 
 reference to Louis Napoleon had been thus allayed, other 
 causes of disturbance agitated the capital, which resulted 
 eventually in the overthrow of the Committee of Five, and 
 the appointment of General Cavaignac as Dictator. A battle 
 lasting three days and three nights ensued, in which many 
 thousands were slain. At length, when order was restored,
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 121 
 
 General Cavaignac resigned his power into the hands of the 
 Assembly, who passed a vote of thanks in his favor. 
 
 And now the time had arrived at which a re-election was 
 to take place in the departments which had once chosen Louis 
 Napoleon. He publicly announced his intention to accept 
 the offi-ce of representative if again chosen. The result was 
 that he was elected by increased majorities, and in five 
 departments. As soon as he was informed of this result, he 
 immediately started for Paris, and arrived there on the 24th 
 of September. He took up his residence in the Hotel de 
 Rhine, on the Place Vendotne. On the 26th of September 
 he made his first appearance in the Assembly. His presence 
 attracted considerable attention. The clerk charged with 
 making the returns of the elections of Seine, Moselle, Corsica, 
 Yonne, and Charente-Inferieure, ascended the tribune and 
 read his report. As soon as the president of the Assembly 
 announced that Louis Napoleon was a representative of the 
 people, the prince arose, left his place, ascended the tribune, 
 and read from a paper the following declaration, in a clear 
 and impressive voice : 
 
 " Citizen Representatives : I can no longer maintain silence 
 regarding the calumnies of which I have been the object. 
 
 " I find it necessary to express here aloud, and on the first 
 day I am permitted to take a seat amon»st you, the real 
 sentiments which animate me, and which have always 
 animated me. 
 
 "After thirty years of exile and proscription, I at last 
 recover my country, and my rights as a citizen. 
 
 "The republic has granted me this happiness: let the 
 republic then receive the oath of my gratitude, the oath of 
 my devotion, and let my generous countrymen, who have 
 brought me into this Assembly, be certain that I shall en- 
 deavor to justify their suffrages by laboring with you for the 
 preservation of tranquillity — that first of the country's wants 
 — and for the development of those democratic institutions 
 that the people have a right to demand. 
 11
 
 122 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 11 For a long time I have been able to devote to France 
 nothing but the meditations of exile and captivity. Now the 
 career in which you march is open to me ; receive me into 
 your ranks, my dear colleagues, with the same sentiment of 
 affectionate confidence that I bear towards you. 
 
 " My conduct, always inspired by duty, always animated 
 with respect for the law, shall prove, in spite of all those who, 
 by blackening me, attempt to proscribe me again, that no one 
 here is more determined than I to devote himself to the de- 
 fence of order, and to the consolidation of the republic." 
 
 These remarks were received with silence by the great body 
 of the Assembly, and with loud applause by the enthusiastic 
 friends of the prince. 
 
 The next measure of importance which came before the 
 Assembly was a decision upon the method in which the future 
 President of the Republic should be chosen. Three modes 
 were proposed ; but after some discussion the Assembly 
 resolved that the President should be elected by the universal 
 suffrage of the people. One thing more only remained to 
 secure the future triumph of the growing power of the Bona- 
 parte faction ; and a few days afterward the exile and pro- 
 scription of the Bonaparte family, which were contained in 
 the laws of 1816 and 1832, were formally abrogated and 
 abolished. Thus was one impediment after another adroitly 
 removed from the pathway of the aspiring prince in his ascent 
 to the summit of power and glory 1
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 123 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The New Constitution — Candidates for the Presidency — Cavaignac — 
 Ledru Rollin — The Immortal "Name" — Activity of the Partisans 
 of Louis Napoleon — Manifestoes of the Candidates — Results of the 
 Election — Inauguration of President Louis Napoleon — Difficulties 
 of his Position — Defects of the New Constitution — The Cabinet of 
 the President — Activity and Violence of the Red Republican Clubs — 
 Fouchet's Bill for their Suppression — Ledru Rollin proposes the Im- 
 peachment of the Ministers — The President's Intrepidity — Conspi- 
 racy against him throughout France — Opposition to him in the As- 
 sembly — Revolution in the Ecclesiastical States — Roman Republic 
 proclaimed — Mazzini and Garibaldi — Defeat of General Oudinot — 
 The New Legislative Assembly — Louis Napoleon's Message to the 
 Assembly — Downfall of the Roman Republic 
 
 The Assembly decreed that the election of the President 
 of the Republic should take place on the 10th of December, 
 1848. The new Constitution was formally adopted on the 
 4th of November by a majority of seven hundred and thirty- 
 nine votes against thirty. Its chief opponents were Yictor 
 Hugo, Proudhom, Montalembert, and Berryer. On Sunday, 
 November 12th, it was proclaimed in the Place dc la Con- 
 corde with solemn and imposing religious ceremonies. The 
 occasion was graced with the presence of the clergy ol Paris, 
 the National Assembly, the municipal authorities, deputations 
 from all the departments of France, and the National Guards 
 in uniform. 
 
 The approaching election for President of the Republic 
 was an event of most vital importance. Six candidates oc- 
 cupied prominent places in the public attention. These were 
 Louis Napoleon, Cavaignac, Ledru Rollin, Raspail, Lamar- 
 tine, and Changarnier. The Socialists were divided into three 
 factions. The democratic wing was represented by Ledru 
 Rollin ; the partisans of communism had chosen Raspail, then
 
 124 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 a prisoner in the dungeons of Yincennes, as their leader; the 
 third portion, composed of the remains of the "Workmen 
 Corporations, ' ' supported Louis Blanc. The Moderates were 
 also divided into three parties. The one, consisting of the 
 wrecks of the national party, was led by Lamartine ; the 
 second was headed by General Cavaignac, chief of the execu- 
 tive power; and the third was the great Bonaparte fac- 
 tion, of which Louis Napoleon was the representative. This 
 last party was supported by the Presse, the Constitutionnel, 
 the Evenement, the Liberty — journals which possessed the 
 greatest circulation in France. But the impending struggle 
 really lay between General Cavaignac and Louis Napo- 
 leon, men of the most opposite characters and incongruous 
 principles. 
 
 General Cavaignac was a man fully worthy of the confi- 
 dence of the nation. He possessed great integrity and mode- 
 ration of character ; he was unambitious, virtuous, and honor- 
 able ; he had held the dictatorial power with rare prudence 
 and justice, and had freely resigned it at the earliest possible 
 period ; he was amiable and conciliatory in his measures ; he 
 nourished no animosities, favored no factions, and sincerely 
 loved liberty and his country. In addition to this he pos- 
 sessed great talents, both civil and military. He deserves 
 to some extent the epithet and glory of the Washington of 
 the present century. 
 
 Ledru Rollin was a person of superior ability. His chief 
 merit was his eloquence as a revolutionary orator. During 
 the stormy scenes of February he had taken the lead in the 
 Assembly, and had given evidence of large capacity, of a 
 liberal and daring policy, of great firmness, courage, and 
 enthusiasm. He was interested in advancing the welfare of 
 the populace ; he labored to improve the condition of the 
 working- classes ; while at the same time, though he was 
 aspiring and ambitious, he sincerely loved what he thought 
 the true glory and felicity of France. He was the Mirabeau 
 of his time ; and his public career has been terminated as
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 125 
 
 suddenly and prematurely, though not as tragically, as that 
 of the Great Orator of the first revolution. 
 
 With the character and history of Louis Napoleon, the 
 French nation were already familiar. At that time it may 
 be emphatically said that he represented only a Name. But 
 that Name was deeply enshrined in the hearts of millions ; it 
 was a souvenir of former scenes of national glory and gran- 
 deur such as had no parallel in modern times ; and if it was 
 a symbol of tyranny and blood, it was also one of order, 
 security, and power. It was the greatest and brightest name 
 in history ; it flattered the pride of France ; it was a name 
 which must live forever. And he who had inherited this 
 name had displayed at least a consciousness of his rights, a 
 love of his native country, and an ardent desire to serve her. 
 Whatever might be his supposed defects, these were no small 
 or insignificant palliations of them. 
 
 And now the time had come at last, when this man, so 
 long persecuted, derided, and crushed, should have a fair 
 opportunity to redeem his fame and fortune. The lists 
 of an immortal race had been opened, and he was ad- 
 mitted among the number of the competitors. The propi- 
 tious moment had at length arrived. The victor's crown 
 might yet be his. The prayer of his dying mother, and the 
 hope of the expiring conqueror, might yet be realized. And 
 in that solemn hour of decisive destiny Louis Napoleon, for 
 the first time, though not for the last, proved himself equal 
 to the achievement of mighty deeds ; while his faithful con- 
 federates sprang forward in myriads to accomplish the task 
 before them, to labor with sleepless and incessant activity, to 
 pervade all France with their endeavors and their vigilance, 
 and thus to secure the proffered triumph. 
 
 Never was a great crisis more admirably and industriously 
 improved, for the accomplishment of an important result. 
 The whole country was instantly flooded with innumerable 
 busts, portraits, medals, and lithographs, some of which 
 represented the fallen Emperor, and some his aspiring nephew. 
 It*
 
 126 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Throughout all the cities, towns, and villages of France, 
 pedlars sold these silent advocates of Napoleonism at nominal 
 prices, and other emissaries gave them away ; while argu- 
 ments, addresses, and appeals were employed, sometimes iu 
 public, sometimes in secret, to increase the popular excite- 
 ment in the prince's behalf. Nor were his enemies idle. 
 Satirical pamphlets and songs were printed and widely diffused. 
 The utmost powers of ridicule were tried and exhausted ; and 
 the unhappy "live eagle," which had figured so prominently 
 and so ineffectually in the affair of Boulogne, became the 
 theme of myriads of satires at the expense of the prince. 
 Truth, decency, and propriety were all outraged ; and even 
 the prince's former connection with several females of ques- 
 tionable character was exaggerated, perverted, censured and 
 heralded forth. 
 
 As the period of the election approached, the public ex- 
 citement became more intense. General Cavaignac refused to 
 publish any manifesto, rightly asserting that his official acts 
 were a sufficient proclamation in his favor. The same course 
 was pursued by Lamartine. Ledru Rollin and Raspail sent 
 forth addresses filled with sonorous declarations of socialistic 
 fury and absurdity. Louis Napoleon was strongly urged to 
 prepare a clear and full declaration of his principles and pur- 
 poses, as a reply to the innumerable calumnies with which he 
 was assailed. He determined to do so, and published, on 
 the 27th of November, a carefully written address to the 
 French people, in which the following passages occur : 
 
 " Whatever may be the result of the election, I shall bow 
 to the will of the people ; and I pledge beforehand my co- 
 operation with any strong and honest government which shall 
 re-establish order in principles as well as in things ; which 
 shall efficiently protect our religion, our families, and our pro- 
 perties — the eternal bases of every social community; which 
 shall attempt all practicable reforms, assuage animosities, 
 reconcile parties, and thus permit a country rendered uneasy 
 by circumstances to count upon the morrow.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 127 
 
 " To re-establish order is to restore confidence, to repair, 
 by means of credit, the temporary depreciation of resources, 
 to restore the finances, and to revive commerce. 
 
 " To protect religion and the rights of families is to insure 
 the freedom of public worship and education. 
 
 " To protect property is to maintain the inviolability of the 
 fruits of every man's labor ; it is to guarantee the independ- 
 ence and security of possession, the indispensable foundations 
 for all civil liberties. 
 
 "As to the reforms which are possible, the following are 
 those which appear to me to be the most urgent : — 
 
 " To adopt all those measures of economy which, without 
 occasioning disorder in the public service, will permit of a 
 reduction of those taxes which press most heavily on the 
 people. 
 
 "To encourage enterprises which, whilst they develop 
 agricultural wealth, may, both in France and Algeria, give 
 work to hands at present unoccupied. 
 
 " To provide for the relief of laborers in their old age, by 
 means of provident institutions. 
 
 "To introduce into our industrial laws ameliorations which 
 may tend, not to ruin the rich for the gain of the poor, but to 
 establish the well-being of each upon the prosperity of all. 
 
 " To restrict, within just limits, the number of employments 
 which shall depend on the government, and which often con- 
 vert a free people into a nation of beggars. 
 
 " To avoid that deplorable tendency which leads the state 
 to do that which individuals may do as well, and better, for 
 themselves ; the centralization of interests and enterprises is 
 in the nature of despotism ; the nature of the republic rejects 
 monopolies. 
 
 "Finally, to protect the liberty of the press from the two 
 excesses which always endanger it — that of arbitrary autho- 
 rity on the one hand, and of its own licentiousness on the 
 other.
 
 128 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 " With war we can have no relief to our ills. Peace, then, 
 would be the dearest object of my desire. 
 
 " France, at the time of her first revolution, was warlike, 
 because others forced her to be so. Threatened with invasion, 
 she replied by conquest. Now she is not threatened, she is 
 free to concentrate all her resources to pacific measures of 
 amelioration, without abandoning a loyal and resolute policy. 
 
 "A great nation ought to be silent, or never to speak in 
 vain. 
 
 " To have regard for the national dignity is to have regard 
 for the army, whose patriotism, so noble and so disinterested, 
 has been frequently neglected. 
 
 "We ought, whilst we maintain the fundamental laws 
 which are the strength of our military organization, to alle- 
 viate, and not aggravate, the burden of the conscription. 
 
 " We ought to take care of the present and future interests, 
 not only of the officers, but likewise of the non-commissioned 
 officers and privates, and prepare secure means of subsistence 
 for men who have long served under our colors. 
 
 " The republic ought to be generous, and have faith in its 
 future prospects ; and for my part, I, who have suffered exile 
 and captivity, appeal with all my warmest aspirations to that 
 day when the country may, without danger, put a stop to all 
 proscriptions, and efface the last traces of our civil discords. 
 
 " Such, my dear fellow-citizens, are the ideas which I 
 should bring to bear upon the functions of government, if 
 you were to call me to the presidency of the republic. 
 
 " The task is a difficult one — the mission immense. I know 
 it. But I should not despair of accomplishing it, inviting to 
 my aid, without distinction of party, all men who, by their 
 high intelligence or their probity, have recommended them- 
 selves to the public esteem." 
 
 At length the memorable 10th of December arrived. A 
 bright clear sun shone on that day upon France. The whole 
 nation marched quietly and soberly to the ballot-box ; or if 
 any enthusiasm was displayed, there was no confusion nor
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 129 
 
 disturbance. The real fact was, that the French people may 
 almost be said to have been of one mind. Louis Napoleon 
 was elected President of the Republic by a prodigious ma- 
 jority. He received 5,434,226 votes ; Cavaignac received 
 1,448,107 votes; Ledru Rollin, 370,119 votes; Raspail, 
 36,900; Lamartine, 17,910; Changarnier, 4,790. Thus, at 
 last, after thirty-five long years of evil and misery, the son 
 of Hortense had become the ruler of France 1 
 
 On the 20th of December the new President was sworn 
 into office in the presence of the Assembly. On the after- 
 noon of that day, the chairman of the committee of thirty 
 representatives who had been appointed to examine the 
 returns, proceeded to read his report. Having given the 
 details of the result, and informed the Assembly that Louis 
 Napoleon had been elected President, General Cavaignac 
 ascended the tribune and stated to them that the ministers 
 who had constituted the Cabinet under his Dictatorship had 
 all resigned. M. Marrast, the President of the Assembly, 
 put the report of the committee to the vote ; when it was 
 unanimously adopted. He then proceeded to say that the 
 President elect would now be sworn into office. It was 
 about five o'clock in the afternoon. The immense hall of 
 the Assembly was growing obscure with the gathering shades 
 of evening. The chandeliers were lowered and lighted. M. 
 Marrast having at length made a signal, a door opened on the 
 right, a man entered the hall, and rapidly ascended the tri- 
 bune. He was dressed in black, and wore on his breast the 
 badge of the Legion of Honor. The whole Assembly gazed 
 upon him with intense interest. His face was pale and care- 
 worn, his manner was hurried and confused, his attitude 
 was timid and anxious. He was still comparatively young ; 
 though his person bore the marks of time and suffering. This 
 man was Louis Napoleon. 
 
 The President of the Assembly then read in a loud and 
 calm voice the following oath: "In the presence of God, 
 and before the French people, represented by the National 
 
 I
 
 130 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Assembly, I swear to remain faithful to the Democratic re- 
 public, one and indivisible ; and to fulfil all the duties im- 
 posed on me by the Constitution." Louis Napoleon facing 
 the Assembly, responded in a loud and firm tone : " I swear 
 it." M. Marrast then added, rather obtrusively and unne- 
 cessarily : " We take God and man to witness the oath which 
 has now been sworn. The National Assembly adopts that 
 oath, orders it to be recorded with the votes, to be printed in 
 the Moniteur, and to be published in the same form and man- 
 ner as the acts of the Legislature." The President of the 
 Republic then delivered his inaugural address from a paper 
 which he held in his hand. It was brief, and to the point ; 
 containing in substance the same ideas which had been ex- 
 pressed in his proclamation previous to the election. The 
 President having concluded his speech descended from the 
 tribune amid general and prolonged applause. 
 
 The President of the Assembly then ordered the committee 
 to conduct Louis Napoleon to the door of the Elysee Palace, 
 which had been appointed for his residence. They passed 
 between two lines of the National Guards until they reached 
 the carriages provided for them. They then proceeded to 
 the abode of the new "Chief of the Executive power," 
 which the Assembly had designated as the "Legislative 
 Palace." Thus ended the simple ceremonial connected with 
 the inauguration of the first President of the Republic. 
 
 Though Louis Napoleon found himself at last at the 
 head of the government, his position was a very difficult one. 
 He was called the President of a republic, but there was in 
 reality no republic in existence. The French nation was 
 nothing more nor less than a political chaos. It was divided 
 into Legitimists, Orleanists, Revolutionists, Reactionists, 
 Socialists, Red Republicans, and Communists ; and although 
 the great majority of the people throughout the country had 
 voted for Louis Napoleon, yet the leading politicians, the 
 active motive power in the capital, were divided and sub 
 divided into the factions just named. The new constitution
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 131 
 
 had also been adopted in great haste, and was very imper- 
 fect. The lines of distinction between the different branches 
 of the government had not been drawn with sufficient clear- 
 ness. Confusion and collision thence became inevitable. 
 The President of the Republic had no power to dissolve cne 
 Assembly, and order another, that he might thereby obtain 
 the meaning and learn the wishes of the nation. He was 
 forbidden to command the army. His right to pardon, and 
 to grant amnesties, was taken away. Everything had been 
 done in the framing of the constitution to weaken the power 
 of the chief officer of the government. 
 
 It is apparent that, from the moment Louis Napoleon 
 gained his election to the Presidency, he commenced to plot 
 against the republic. His measures were all intended to cor- 
 rupt the army, to purchase partisans in every class and rank, 
 and gradually to concentrate all power and empire in him- 
 self. This indeed was his professed destiny. This was true 
 Napoleonism. Such was the course of conduct and policy 
 which he had inherited with his name, his destiny and his 
 hopes. The grand and imposing part of the drama of his 
 life now really begins. 
 
 His first act was to appoint his ministers. Odillon Barrot 
 was made president of the cabinet, and Minister of Justice. 
 The command of the army in Paris was entrusted to General 
 Changarnier. M. de Maleville was Minister of the Interior. 
 The very day after his inauguration Louis Napoleon displayed 
 the firmness of bis character by his proceedings in regard to 
 the official documents which referred to the affairs of Stras- 
 burg and Boulogne. These were contained in sixteen cases, 
 which were deposited in the archives of the Ministry of the 
 Interior. The president requested the Minister Maleville to 
 send these to the Elysee, as soon as he took possession of his 
 bureau. M. Maleville hesitated to comply with this request. 
 He eluded the repeated demands of the president. The latter 
 at length addressed the minister a letter containing such 
 threats and such reproaches, that M. Maleville immediately
 
 132 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 resigned. Leon Fauchet was appointed to succeed him, who 
 proved more obedient and compliant with the demands of the 
 president. 
 
 Louis Napoleon soon found that the high seat which he 
 had so long coveted, was not one of roses. His worst oppo- 
 nents, the Red Republicans, were active in fomenting plots 
 in the Assembly, with the press, and in the clubs. The last 
 were particularly dangerous, insidious, and powerful. One 
 of the first acts of Fouchet was to close these clubs. He 
 brought forward a bill to that effect in the Assembly, and 
 asserted and proved that under "their dissolving action no 
 regular government was possible." The proposition was vio- 
 lently opposed by Ledru Rollin ; and he prevailed by a ma- 
 jority of seventy-six. He then moved the impeachment of 
 the ministry. This so disconcerted them that they proposed 
 in a body to resign. But the president refused to accept 
 their resignation ; and added : " Changarnier has received 
 his orders ; the time of barricades is past." Louis Napoleon 
 did not lose his presence of mind on this critical occasion ; 
 but grasped the helm of state with a firm and resolute hand. 
 The clubs of Paris grew more and more powerful every day. 
 Their purposes and aims are thus described by one who waa 
 well qualified to judge of their real character : ' 
 
 "Whilst sedition and conspiracy are allowed to muster in 
 their recognized strongholds, the clubs of Paris, government 
 of a stable and permanent nature, no matter what its form, is 
 impossible in France. It is a patent fact, which no one de- 
 nies, that the clubs of the French capital are not mere peace- 
 ful assemblies from which resolutions embodying the senti- 
 ments of the meeting, or petitions addressed to the legislature, 
 emanate in a manner suitable to the modesty that ought to 
 characterize memorials. It is not resolutions, but revolu- 
 tions ; it is not petitions, but insurrections ; it is not ad- 
 
 ' See Napoleon III. ; Review of his Life, Character, and Policy, by a 
 British Officer: London, 1857, p. 182.
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 133 
 
 dresses, but barricades, which have systematically and noto. 
 riously emanated from these clubs ever since their appearance. 
 They are sinks and pestholes from which an intermittent evil 
 of incurable and fatal malignity has at frequent intervals, and 
 with frightful precision, arisen and seized the body politic 
 and the body social. This is a fact recorded in very legible 
 characters of blood and devastation, and scarred and seared 
 into the condition of France — scarred indeed, and seared so 
 deeply, that through the sides of that tortured country all 
 Europe has been marked and impressed with the signs thereof. 
 Louis Napoleon practically experienced that he cannot carry 
 on his government while these clubs are suffered to exist ; he 
 probably sees also that no government could be carried on 
 which sanctioned obstructions so systematic and so formidable 
 in its own path." 
 
 Nor was this dangerous socialistic excitement confined to 
 Paris. Seditions occurred at Metz, at Perpignan, and else- 
 where. These, however, were soon suppressed by the mili- 
 tary. The great conflict which was gradually approaching 
 was between the president and the hostile factions in the 
 capital. On the 29th of January the drums beat to arms in 
 Paris. It was not yet the coup d'etat; it was only some 
 precautionary movements occasioned by a disturbance among 
 the Garde Mobile. To restore public confidence the presi- 
 dent performed an act of superior courage. He mounted his 
 horse, and attended by a few cuirassiers, he boldly rode up 
 and down the boulevards, to view in person the progress of 
 the commotion. This bold act restored public confidence 
 and public order. He waa greeted with enthusiastic shouts 
 of applause ; and no further demonstration of disaffection 
 was then made by the chief malcontents — the Red Re- 
 publicans. 
 
 But the Red Republicans were not the only conspirators in 
 
 the capital. All the other factions, and especially the Bour- 
 
 bonists, were intensely active. Their purpose was first to 
 
 crush the Republicans, and after them, the Bonapartists, in 
 
 12
 
 134 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 order to prepare the way for the Count de Chambord, or the 
 Count of Paris. One of the chief annoyances of the Presi- 
 dent was the opposition to his measures which he constantly 
 encountered in the Assembly. The utmost violence charac- 
 terized many of the debates. It was with great difficulty that 
 the Executive could obtain the legislative sanction to the 
 most necessary and salutary propositions. 
 
 In February, 1849, the attention of France and of Europe 
 was attracted by the sudden proclamation of a Republic in 
 Rome. This result had been brought about by the imbecile 
 policy pursued by Pius IX., who ascended the papal throne 
 on the 16th of June, 1846. His measures of reform, in which 
 he persisted for eighteen months, were intended to establish 
 in the Roman States a representative form of government. 
 But his partial improvements were offensive to the conserva- 
 tives, while they utterly failed to satisfy the liberals. Rome 
 became the resort and refuge of immense crowds of Italian, 
 German, and French revolutionists, of the Red Republican 
 school, whose agitations rendered the state of affairs more 
 desperate. Rossi, the Pope's Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 was assassinated in open day. The mob surrounded and 
 besieged the Pope's residence, and compelled him to accept 
 a ministry of their own appointment. Pius IX. at length 
 fled to Gaeta. Mazzini, and the Prince of Canino, son of 
 Lucien Bonaparte, then formed a provisional government, 
 proclaimed the Republic of Rome and the downfall of the 
 temporal power of the Pope. 
 
 The French government determined to interfere. The ex- 
 pedition to Civita Yecchla was resolved upon. General 
 Oudinot was sent with four thousand troops, and was ordered 
 to invest the city of Rome. These troops were attacked by 
 the revolutionists who then held possession of the city, and 
 the French were routed. Subsequently, General Oudinot re- 
 ceived the necessary reinforcements, and he was ordered 
 by the President to prepare to renew the attack on the 
 Eternal City.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 135 
 
 Si 
 
 Meanwhile the elections were held throughout France, on 
 the 13th of May, 1849, for the uew legislative Assembly. 
 The Red Republicans had greatly increased in strength. 
 Nearly two hundred representatives ranged themselves on 
 their benches. Ledru Rollin had been returned by five de- 
 partments. He was elated beyond measure with this success, 
 and repeatedly exclaimed : "Id a mouth I shall either be 
 dictator or 6hot!" The debates in the Assembly again ex- 
 hibited the utmost violence and fury. On the 7th of June, 
 Louis Napoleon sent in his Message, which marked the com- 
 mencement of the second year of his incumbency. In this 
 document he set forth what his labors and endeavors had been 
 during the preceding year, and what his plans and wishes 
 were for the future. 
 
 This address produced a favorable impression throughout 
 France ; but in the Assembly it was furiously attacked by the 
 Mountain, headed by Ledru Rollin. He also accused the 
 President and his ministers of having violated the fifth article 
 of the Constitution, by sending forth the expedition to Rome. 
 The excitement which prevailed in the Assembly was soon 
 transformed into a popular tumult in the streets. On the 
 18th, proclamations appeared in the Red Republican jour- 
 nals, announcing that the people should on that day ris6 and 
 overturn the government. Vast crowds again assembled in 
 the streets, bearing flags and mottoes of a revolutionary cha- 
 racter. But before their violence could lead to any definite 
 results, they were attacked by some battalions of troops 
 under General Changarnier, and immediately dispersed. The 
 leaders of the insurrection, the chief of whom were Ledru 
 Rollin and M. Consideraut, the Socialist, had assembled in 
 the Observatory to form a Provisional Government. They 
 were suddenly compelled to make their escape through a 
 window. They fled to England; their confederates were 
 dispersed and vanquished; the new "Provisional Govern- 
 ment" perished in its birth ; and by four o'clock in the after- 
 noon the capital — the most excitable and frantic in the
 
 136 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 world, — was again tranquil and quiescent. On the same 
 day that Louis Napoleon achieved this victory in Paris, 
 General Oudinot again attacked Rome; he obtained com- 
 plete possession of it, overturned the Roman Republic, and 
 re-established the papal authority. Mazzini and Garibaldi, 
 in their turn, fled for safety to England ; there to condole with 
 the exiled Ledru Rollin and Considerant.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 13T 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Louis Napoleon in the Workshops of Paris — Incidents and Escapes — 
 His Tour through the Provinces — Committee of Permanence — Decree 
 permitting the Return of the Bourbons — The President's Letter to 
 Colonel Ney — Duel between Thiers and Bixio — Victor Hugo's Hos- 
 tility to the President — New Ministers appointed — Sudden growth 
 of Socialism — Election of Representatives — The law of Universal 
 Suffrage — Increasing Hostility of the Assembly to the President — ■ 
 Increase of the President's Salary — His Second Tour through the 
 Provinces — Hostility of Changarnier to the President — The Reviews 
 at Satory — Conspiracy to Arrest the President — The False Message 
 — The Revision of the Constitution discussed — The President's 
 Speech at Dijon — Universal Suffrage again discussed — New Cabinet 
 of the President — State of France — Approach of the Decisive 
 Moment for Action. 
 
 The President of the Republic did not forget to practice 
 all those conciliatory arts by which he might gain the confi- 
 dence and esteem of the working-classes. It was frequently 
 his custom to leave his palace, accompanied only by a young 
 officer named Fleury, and traverse on foot the faubourg St. 
 Antoine, and others of the poorest and most miserable 
 quarters of Paris. He entered the workshops, conversed 
 with the foremen, heard their complaints, and sympathized 
 with the deprivations and sufferings of those sons and daugh- 
 ters of toil. Sometimes he went incognito, sometimes he 
 gave his name ; but in most instances his conversation and his 
 generosity revealed the mystery before he took his departure. 
 
 On one occasion he entered a manufactory of wall-paper. 
 He knew that all the workmen employed in it were Republi- 
 cans of the ultra-stamp, and belonged to secret societies. 
 He was immediately recognized, and was received very coldly. 
 The walls were covered with all kinds of placards, clearly 
 indicative of the extreme radicalism of the inmates. The 
 12 *
 
 138 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 President endeavored to engage some of the men in kindly 
 conversation. He found them reserved and hostile. By dint 
 of perseverance, however, he at length succeeded in drawing 
 them out; when they confessed that the revolution of 1848 
 had essentially injured their business. He then said in reply : 
 "We must have a little patience. T promise you a decided 
 improvement before the end of the year. I am endeavoring 
 to give an impulse to the building business, which will animate 
 and improve yours." He gradually gained their confidence, 
 and the wives, sisters, and children of the men in the neigh- 
 borhood, hearing of his presence, ran to see him. Before he 
 left the place he had rendered himself the general favorite by 
 his affability, his liberality, and the interest which he displayed 
 in the welfare of the workmen. Such events took place fre- 
 quently, and their influence on the public mind was by no 
 means inconsiderable. 
 
 On the particular occasion just referred to, the President 
 perceived a young man who kept himself haughtily apart, as 
 if unwilling to be obliged to show any politeness. Louis 
 Napoleon beckoned him to approach. The man colored, 
 hesitated an instant, and then slowly advanced. He had a 
 wooden leg. 
 
 "You have served in Africa?" asked the prince. The 
 young man bit his lips, and made no reply. 
 
 "Ah, it is the effect of an accident then," said Louis Na- 
 poleon, regretting to have embarrassed him by asking him to 
 declare the cause of an infirmity which his silence plainly 
 enough referred to the unfortunate days of June. "How 
 old are you ?" 
 
 " Twenty-six, and I have a mother to support. '' 
 
 Here an old lady, neatly but plainly dressed, forced her 
 way through the throng. 
 
 " My prince," said she, with simplicity, " I am his mother. 
 He is not a bad boy, only they have put such ugly notions 
 into his head " 
 
 "But he supports you with his moor," interrupted Louis
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 139 
 
 Napoleon, to prevent her going further. " Have you no other 
 resources, madam ?" 
 
 "My poor husband was killed in those affairs of June," 
 she replied, wiping her eyes. 
 
 " That horrible battle of June has had many victims," said 
 Louis Napoleon, unwilling to carry on further conversation 
 with a woman whom he took for the widow of an insurgent. 
 
 "My husband did his duty," she added, sobbing. "He 
 was serving in the Republican Guards when he fell to rise no 
 more, at the attack of the great barricade of the Faubourg." 
 
 " Your husband died in the ranks ? Was he an old 
 soldier ?" 
 
 "Thirty years in the service, my prince." 
 
 " Commandant Fleury, take the name and address of this 
 brave woman. This affair must be looked into. It is only 
 just that the State adopt the children of its defenders. 
 What of your son ?" 
 
 "0 Monseigneur," cried the widow, "when my husband 
 received the ball, my son was at the other side of the barri- 
 cade !" 
 
 " Well, he received a ball too, and that has not been his 
 greatest punishment. But everything is forgotten except the 
 services of your husband I shall remember them." 
 
 He had left the building when he heard a commotion in 
 the crowd behind him. Turning, he perceived the old lady 
 leading forward her son by the hand. 
 
 " O prince, pardon him," she exclaimed. "You have cor- 
 rected him. He is ashamed of what he has done. It was 
 all bad advice. He had threatened, the unhappy boy, to do 
 you an injury, and now he is ready to die for you." 
 
 The President kept his word with the poor woman, and paid 
 her a pension from his private purse. 
 
 The President carefully employed every other opportunity 
 to win the favor and applause of the populace. The inaugu- 
 ration of the railroads, and the festivals which attended these 
 events, furnished him with appropriate occasions of this
 
 140 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 description. His speeches were short and to the purpose ; 
 they flew with rapidity over France, and found a willing echo 
 in myriads of hearts. At Chartres, at Amiens, at Ham, his 
 former prison, at Angers, at Tours, at Rouen, at Elbeuf, at 
 Epernay, and elsewhere, his presence, his demeanor, and his 
 addresses gained him great popularity, and the more general 
 confidence of the nation. The enemies who obstructed his 
 pathway to the supreme power, were not among the nation, 
 but in the Assembly. 
 
 During the summer of 1849 the cholera raged in Paris, 
 and some distinguished men, occupying prominent and im- 
 portant positions, fell victims to its fury. The Assembly 
 resolved to adjourn, in consequence of the epidemic, from the 
 10th of August to the 1st of October; but before so doing 
 they appointed a Committee of Permanence, consisting of 
 twenty-five members who, during the interval, should perform 
 all the legislative functions. 
 
 On the 1st of October the Assembly again convened. The 
 first proposition which was made after the opening of the 
 session was to annul the decree which interdicted the return 
 of the Bourbon family to France. In reference to this pro- 
 position the President sent word, that he had no objection to 
 it whatever, provided the same favor was extended to the 
 insurgents of June, who had been punished and transported 
 without judgment. Before this matter was decided, the 
 attention of the Assembly was attracted and absorbed by 
 another of greater moment. During the popular revolution 
 at Rome, already referred to, Louis Napoleon had written a 
 letter to Colonel Ney, his orderly officer in that city, which 
 had given offence to many persons of influence in France. 
 M. Fallaux, the minister of public instruction, thinking that the 
 contents of the letter were prejudicial to the interests of the 
 Church of Rome, resigned. The leaders of the " Order 
 party" in Paris now insisted that the ministers of Louis Na- 
 poleon should disavow that letter. This proposition placed 
 those officers in a difficult and unpleasant position j for they
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 141 
 
 wished neither to offend the President nor the Assembly. On 
 the 18th of October the matter was brought up for discussion 
 in that body. During the excited debate which ensued, 
 MM. Thiers and Bixio became involved in a personal dispute. 
 Bixio asserted that Thiers had said the election of Louis 
 Napoleon, as President, was a disgrace to France. Thiers 
 denied the accusation. Bixio persisted in it. The conse- 
 quence was that the two representatives retired to engage 
 immediately in mortal combat. They fired two rounds, but 
 took care that nobody should be hurt. At length Bixio said 
 to his opponent : " It is possible you may have forgotten, and 
 hence it is only a matter of memory." Thiers retorted on 
 Bixio : " You may have misunderstood me, and hence it is 
 only a matter of interpretation." The combatants advanced, 
 shook hands cordially, and returned arm in arm to the 
 Assembly 1 
 
 This day and this debate marked the commencement of the 
 implacable hostility of Victor Hugo to Louis Napoleon, 
 whom he has ever since stigmatized as " Napoleon the Little." 
 He had previously been the friend of the President, and his 
 apostasy can only be accounted for on the supposition that 
 he had been disappointed in not receiving the appointment 
 of Minister of Public Instruction. It is also asserted that 
 the President said, sarcastically : " M. Victor Hugo addresses 
 me always with a very patronizing air. I could easily under- 
 stand the reason of this, if I made verses and wrote pieces 
 for the theatre 1" Whatever may have been the real cause, 
 the great poet, on this occasion, ascended the tribune and 
 delivered himself of a long excited speech, violently abusive 
 of the President. He was loudly cheered by the Mountain, 
 who were in raptures at the acquisition of so distinguished 
 and so able a confederate. The debate, however, ended in a 
 vote of four hundred and sixty-nine in favor of the President, 
 and one hundred and eighty against him. 
 
 Yet Louis Napoleon was determined to dismiss his minis- 
 ters, and to appoint new ones. He had found the former not
 
 142 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 sufficiently obsequious and compliant with his measures, and 
 he had resolved to procure more supple tools. A list of these 
 appeared in the evening Moniteur of the very day on which 
 the dismissal took place. The president of the new cabinet 
 was Ferdinand Barrot, the distinguished advocate, and bro- 
 ther of Odillon. His nature was more manageable than that 
 of his predecessor and relative. This independent method 
 of changing the ministers without in the least degree consult- 
 ing the wishes of the Assembly, offended that body. Yet his 
 majority there was still overwhelming ; and with cabinet 
 officers who were obedient to his will, he felt himself in pos- 
 session of a greater accession of power, and able more fully 
 to execute his purposes, and concentrate his energies. 
 
 On the 10th of March, 1850, an election of representatives 
 was to take place in France. Trouble and disorder were an- 
 ticipated. Two agitated years of the President's term had 
 now transpired, during which his superior administrative 
 abilities began to shine forth. But as yet the field in which 
 he was compelled to exercise them, was of a more obscure 
 character, that of resistance to faction, the removal and sup- 
 pression of discontent, and the husbanding of his resources 
 for the great day of decisive destiny which was approaching 
 in the distance. 
 
 The most remarkable feature which, during the year 
 1849, characterized the public sentiment in France, was the 
 sudden and prodigious growth of Socialism. This was es- 
 pecially true of the eastern and central provinces ; and it 
 was a matter of great uncertainty whether, at the ensuing 
 election, the triumph of that faction in the Assembly might 
 not be complete and overwhelming. To avoid popular 
 tumults and an appeal to arms, the President issued a decree 
 dividing the country into five great military commands, and 
 placing each division of the army under generals, of whose 
 devotion and fidelity he had the most satisfactory proof. 
 
 The 10th of March arrived, and the excitement in Paris 
 was intense. Thirty representatives were to be elected
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 143 
 
 throughout the country ; and of these, three were to be chosen 
 by the capital. Here there were but three parties, the party 
 of order, the Bonapartists, and the Socialists. The latter 
 triumphed, and their candidates, MM. De Flotte, Vidal, and 
 Carnot, were chosen by a large majority. Vidal had also 
 been elected by the department of the Upper Rhine. He now 
 made his election serve for that department ; which thus ren- 
 dered a new election in Paris necessary. The consequence 
 was that Eugene Sue, the novelist, was chosen by the Socialist 
 faction, and received a hundred and twenty-six thousand 
 votes. But throughout the departments the majority was 
 greatly in favor of the opponents of the Socialists. 
 
 The first measure proposed in the Assembly, after the elec- 
 tion, was the abrogation of the great law of universal suf- 
 frage. After a long and animated debate, it was decreed 
 that no citizen should enjoy the right of suffrage who had not 
 lived three years in the commune for which he appeared ; and 
 the evidence of such residence was to be the regular insertion 
 of the name of the voter in the tax-book during that period 
 of time. The President qualified his approval of the mea- 
 sure by saying: "I am willing that there should be a tem- 
 porary suspension of the right of universal suffrage. In an 
 urgent crisis, the law can susj^end a right. But it can never 
 abrogate or annul it. Universal suffrage must be restored 
 as soon as circumstances permit. " The law was passed by 
 a majority of two hundred aud fifty, and the President signed 
 the bill. 
 
 The object thus aimed at by the abolition of universal suf- 
 frage was twofold. It was intended by the party of order, 
 the Bourbonists and Orleanists, to prevent the re-election of 
 Louis Napoleon to the Presidency, aud also to crush the 
 growing power of the Socialists. The President, neverthe- 
 less, signed the decree without hesitation. He knew full 
 well that the time for decisive action on his part had not 
 yet arrived ; and he also knew that the constant vacillation 
 of public sentiment in France might, and probably would
 
 144 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 reverse what had just been decreed, before the lapse of any 
 very long period of time. 
 
 This was the last occasion upon which the President of 
 the Republic and the Assembly agreed upon the adoption of 
 any public measure. There were elements of opposition in 
 that body to the chief of the State, which must sooner or 
 later result in decisive hostility. An inevitable collision im- 
 pended between them. Bourbonists and Orleanists formed 
 at length a predominating element in the Assembly. The 
 former urged the claims of the Count de Chambord ; the 
 latter supported the pretensions of the Count de Paris. The 
 Socialists were opposed both to the Bonapartists and the 
 other two factions ; but were still in a minority to each of 
 them. Louis Napoleon possessed one great advantage in 
 dealing with this Assembly. It was emphatically a house 
 divided against itself. 
 
 The conduct of Louis Napoleon as President of the Re- 
 public had thus far disappointed and surprised every class 
 and faction in the State. His own partisans were delighted 
 with the sagacity, ability and energy with which he admin- 
 istered the government. The Bourbonists and Orleanists, as 
 well as the Red Republicans and Socialists, were astonished 
 and offended by the same cause. These parties now com- 
 bined against the President in the Assembly, and endeavored 
 by their united opposition to impede, embarrass, and even to 
 crush his measures. They were determined to prevent him 
 from winning greater popularity by obtaining greater suc- 
 cess. This antagonism between the Executive and the 
 Legislative branches of the government began to ruin the 
 interests of France ; and this very antagonism, which became 
 greater from day to day, is the key to the subsequent events, 
 and especially to the coup d'etat, which eventually placed 
 Louis Napoleon on an imperial throne. 
 
 The first display of this organized opposition was made on 
 the 4th of June. On that day M. Achille Fould, the Minister 
 of Finance, offered a motion in the Assembly to augment the
 
 OF NATOLEON III. 145 
 
 lalary of the President to two hundred and fifty thousand 
 francs per month. The experience of several years had proved 
 ihat the original salary of six hundred thousand francs per 
 year was utterly insufficient for the necessities of the Presi- 
 dency. This demand drew forth the most bitter opposition. 
 In vain the Minister of Finance explained the infinite number 
 of calls for aid which had been made upon the chief of the 
 state. "Do we wish to know," said he, "who were those 
 beggars whom the socialist journals treated with such contempt ? 
 They were not only the old soldiers of the empire, veteran 
 warriors that had shed their blood on every battle-field in 
 Europe ; these were only a small part of the number ; they 
 were benevolent and charitable societies, who solicited the 
 President for a penny to relieve abandoned children and sick 
 tradesmen ; they were clergymen, who went about questing 
 in behalf of their falling church and impoverished dioceses ; 
 they were artists, composers, men of letters, who asked the 
 head of the state to subscribe to their works-, to their concerts, 
 to their pictures, to their statues ; they were prefects, mayors, 
 who thought they were honoring the President by asking him 
 for his name among the subscribers to monuments that were 
 to perpetuate the great recollections of our history ; they 
 were antiquated functionaries, widows, old state-servants, who 
 wanted a morsel of bread. This list, lamentably long, com- 
 prised pensioners of the old civil list, chevaliers of St. Louis, 
 and lastly many political criminals, and even a near relative 
 of Mazzini 1 " 
 
 At last, after a long and bitter contest, the law passed by 
 a small majority of forty-six. During August and September 
 of the year 1850, the Assembly again adjourned, having 
 first appointed a Committee of Permanence, composed of 
 twenty-five members, who should exercise the legislative 
 functions during the vacation. Out of this whole number, 
 Odillon Barrot was the only member who was not opposed 
 personally and politically to the President of the Republic. 
 This significant incident shows the existing state of parties. 
 13 k
 
 146 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 On the 12th of August Louis Napoleon again commenced 
 to make a tour through France. His journey continued during 
 a month. On this occasion he may truly be said to have 
 placed his hand upon the heart of the nation, and felt its 
 free pulsations. Everywhere he was greeted by the popu- 
 lace with applause. He spoke at the various banquets which 
 were offered him. At Lyons especially, his speech was full 
 of significant and suggestive remarks, which created a deep 
 impression throughout the nation. He there asserted that 
 he was not the representative of a party, but the representa- 
 tive of the great national manifestations which, in 1804 and 
 in 1848, saved, by the establishment of order, the great prin- 
 ciples of the French revolution. He called himself the "Elect 
 of six millions," and declared that he knew how to serve 
 France in any capacity in which she demanded his services. 
 He may be said at this time and on this occasion to have pre- 
 dicted the coup d'etat ; for speaking of the hostile factions 
 he used this expressive language: " I shall know how to 
 reduce these factions to impotence, by again invoking the 
 sovereignty of the people. " 
 
 On his return to Paris, after the termination of his tour, 
 Louis Napoleon found another foe, of no inconsiderable con- 
 sequence, arrayed against him. This was General Changar- 
 nier, a violent Orleanist, who had distinguished himself by 
 some victories in Algiers, and also by his conduct in the sup- 
 pression of the riots in June, 1849. He was now commander- 
 in-chief of the National Guards, and of the army of Paris. 
 He was a man of ability, but exceedingly ambitious and 
 impracticable in his character. He had assumed, and had 
 almost attained, the position and influence of a third power 
 in the state, and he claimed to be equal in importance to the 
 President or the Assembly. The Legitimists supported him 
 in his aims and measures, hoping thereby eventually to crush 
 the President. He was then secretly using his utmost endea- 
 vors to gain over the army of Paris, and to alienate it from 
 the Executive. The contest between the two rivals first broke
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 14? 
 
 forth publicly in reference to the respective jurisdictions of 
 the Minister of War and Changarnier, as to whom the supreme 
 control of the army belonged. The result of this dispute 
 was, that the President took the side of his minister ; and 
 that Changarnier immediately formed a secret conspiracy to 
 arrest, impeach, and depose the President. While this con- 
 spiracy was maturing, some military reviews were held at 
 Sartory, at which the commander-in-chief endeavored to sup- 
 press the shouts of Vive Napoleon! and Vive le President! 
 which resounded along the ranks. At a second review, the 
 shouts, in spite of the prohibition, were louder than ever, and 
 Vive VEmpereur ! — an ominous and horrible sound to the 
 factions — was then added to the rest. The Committee of 
 Permanence, at their next meeting, discussed with great bit- 
 terness the occurrence of these shouts. General Changarnier, 
 who was also a prominent member of the committee, became 
 involved in a personal dispute with M. D'Hautpoul, the 
 Minister of War, which greatly increased the existing bitter- 
 ness. The conspiracy against the President progressed, and 
 the plan adopted was as follows : The chief members of the 
 Committee of Permanence were to draw up an act accusing 
 the President of exceeding his powers, of attempting to change 
 the form of government, and usurping the sovereign authority. 
 This act was to be handed to M. Dupin, the President of the 
 Assembly, who was also to sign it. It was then to be given 
 to General Changarnier, who was to arrest Louis Napoleon 
 and confine him in prison. The general was then to assume 
 a dictatorship until the Assembly had approved of what had 
 been done. He would then order an appeal to the people, 
 the majority of whom, as was supposed, would decree the 
 restoration of the dynasty of Louis Philippe. It is asserted 
 that this act was really prepared and signed, and handed to 
 M. Dupin ; but that he, finding his courage fail him, kept 
 the important document in his pocket, until other decisive 
 events rendered the execution of the plot impossible. 
 
 On the 10th of November, 1850, the President sent in his
 
 148 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 annual message to the Assembly. This document contained 
 a narrative of the proceedings of the Executive during the 
 preceding year, and a description of the then existing state 
 of France, and of the government. An amusing incident 
 occurred in reference to this message. On the morning in 
 which it was sent to the Assembly, a long document appeared 
 in the columns of the Presse, purporting to be that message. 
 This allegation was false ; but the singularity of the document 
 was, that every word of it was taken from the various pro- 
 ductions of the President of previous dates. It was com- 
 posed of separate sentences, which being collected together 
 like a mosaic, uttered sentiments which he once professed, but 
 which were widely different from those expressed in the 
 genuine message ! Such a jest was Parisian in the extreme. 
 The public at first were startled ; they then roared with 
 laughter. The joke was a serious one to the editor of the 
 Presse. He was arrested, tried, convicted, and punished, 
 for having " published false intelligence of a nature calculated 
 to disturb the public tranquility." 
 
 The hostility between the President and General Changar- 
 nier increased. The Assembly continually endeavored to 
 crush all the movements of the President, and Changarnier, 
 the third power in the State, now sided with the Assembly. 
 That body decreed that they possessed supreme control over 
 the army. The Minister of War immediately resigned, as he 
 thought his jurisdiction was taken from him by the passage 
 of that decree. His resignation was accepted ; and at the 
 same instant the President boldly determined to exercise the 
 extreme limit of his authority and dismiss Changarnier from 
 his post as Commander-in-chief. This dismissal fell like a 
 thunder-bolt upon the opposing factions, and upon the 
 astounded general himself. Generals Perrot and D'Hilliers 
 were appointed in his place. The Assembly revenged itself 
 for this decisive act by decreeing that Changarnier still 
 retained unimpaired the confidence of the legislature and of
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 149 
 
 the nation, and passed a resolution of want of confidence in 
 the ministry. 
 
 The cabinet immediately resigned. The President selected 
 a new ministry, composed of men of neither party, who were 
 not even members of the National Assembly. In this policy 
 he displayed his great independence and self-reliance. But 
 his position was rapidly becoming one of extreme difficulty 
 and danger. The secret conspiracy against him, of which 
 Changarnier was the head, acquired increased bitterness and 
 energy by the dismissal of that officer. The opposition to 
 him in the Assembly was becoming more and more deter- 
 mined. Every day the wheels of government were approach- 
 ing nearer to a dead lock ; and the responsibility of such a 
 horrid crisis of anarchy and ruin would be thrown by the 
 concurrent voices of the factions on the President. But 
 Louis Napoleon possessed the confidence of the nation openly, 
 and of the army secretly ; and the time was rapidly approach- 
 ing when he must either yield ignobly, and be crushed forever 
 beneath the endeavors of his embittered foes, or else he must 
 save himself from ruin by some great act of desperate energy, 
 resolution, and power, by which his enemies would be over- 
 thrown, and he be rescued, while at the same time he retained 
 the esteem and the confidence of the nation. 
 
 In May, 1851, the attention of the nation was for a time 
 engaged in observing the revision of the new Constitution by 
 the Assembly. The French people desired the alteration of 
 that Constitution, which was one of the most feeble and absurd 
 which was ever devised. It was confused and possessed 
 neither solidity nor compactness. It had not clearly defined 
 the functions and the jurisdictions of the several branches of 
 the government; and its operation had been most inefficient 
 and pernicious. 
 
 On the 1st of June Louis Napoleon delivered a speech at 
 
 the opening of the railroad at Dijon. His progress through 
 
 the country was in fact a public triumph ; and shouts of Vive 
 
 VEmpereur greeted him at every station, and in every town 
 
 13*
 
 150 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 and village. In his address at Dijon he again vindicated his 
 measures and purposes, and again intimated that he should 
 appeal to the voice of the nation when the appropriate crisis 
 arrived. He declared that a new era was approaching, when 
 France would not permit either the return of the ancient 
 regime, nor the experiment of new and dangerous Utopias. 
 In other words, he clearly intimated that the re-establishment 
 of the Empire could alone save the country from ruin. 
 
 A few days afterward this celebrated speech was discussed 
 in the Assembly with great violence. All the factions con- 
 demned it ; but it elevated its author very highly in the esti- 
 mation of the whole nation. Innumerable petitions were 
 sent in to the Assembly requesting that when the revision of 
 the Constitution took place, the period of the Presidency of 
 Louis Napoleon should be prolonged to ten years. 
 
 At length, on the 14th of July, the discussions on the re- 
 vision began in the Assembly. The Bourbonists and Orlean- 
 ists argued in favor of a total revision. The Red Repub- 
 licans or Socialists were opposed to any revision whatever. 
 The Bonapartists desired that the forty-fifth article, which 
 forbade the re-election of Louis Napoleon, should alone be 
 altered. When the final vote was taken, four hundred and 
 forty-six representatives voted in favor of the revision, and 
 two hundred and seventy-eight voted against it. But the 
 Constitution itself had provided that five hundred votes at 
 least should be given in favor of revision, before a revision 
 could take place. Hence the Constitution remained unaltered. 
 This result had been produced by a union between all the 
 factions which were opposed to the continuation of the au- 
 thority of Louis Napoleon beyond the duration of his first 
 term of four years. 
 
 After the usual recess which took place during the summer 
 of 1851, the Assembly again convened. One of the first 
 measures offered to the consideration of the legislature, was 
 the repeal of the law suppressing universal suffrage. The 
 ministers proposed an act giving the right to vote to each
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 151 
 
 Frenchman who was twenty-one years of age, and who had 
 resided six months in the same commune. The struggle in 
 the Assembly was very violent. After a long debate, and 
 the utmost exertions on each side, the law was rejected by a 
 majority only of three. Louis Napoleon, though disap- 
 pointed at this result, was not disconcerted. He had deter- 
 mined to grasp the imperial diadem ; he had not relinquished 
 his purpose ; he was compelled merely to change his tactics. 
 After this defeat of the President, his leading ministers 
 resigned. The new cabinet consisted of Leroy St. Arnaud, 
 a general who had obtained some distinction in Algiers, and 
 whom we shall again meet on another field of military glory, 
 as Minister of War ; M. de Maupas, late Prefect of Haute 
 Garonne, became Minister of Police ; M. Thorigny was 
 Minister of the Interior. The President now summoned to 
 his most secret councils De Morny, Magnan, and Persigny, 
 men whose fame and fortunes have become inseparably con- 
 nected with his own. He clearly perceived that the great 
 crisis was approaching ; that the country was becoming more 
 and more agitated and uneasy ; that all the operations of 
 government, by no fault of his, were impeded, confused, and 
 inefficient ; that his enemies were secretly preparing to con- 
 summate the conspiracy against his authority, his liberty, and 
 even against his life ; that the opposing factions were already 
 discussing the nomination of his successors, among whom 
 were Changarnier, Ledru llollin, Cavaignac, Carnot, the 
 Prince de Joinville, and La Rochejaquelein ; that in some 
 departments of France, such as Nievrc, Allier, and Cher, 
 the desperate populace were marching through the country 
 threatening pillage and conflagration ; in a word, that both 
 the security and prosperity of France, as well as his own 
 rescue from destruction demanded that, at that moment, the 
 last decisive blow should be struck. He now braced him- 
 self to the performance of the great deed ; and never was an 
 act on which the future fate of millions depended, executed 
 with more energy, sagacity, and resolution
 
 152 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Coup d'Etat — Ball at the FAyste Palace — Louis Napoleon hi his 
 Cabinet — Printing of the Proclamations — Their Distribution through- 
 out the Capital — Simultaneous Arrest of the chief Enemies of the 
 President — The Soldiers take possession of the Hall of the Assembly 
 
 — Fragments of the Assembly convene elsewhere — Events of Wed- 
 nesday — Preparations for Thursday — Appearance of Paris on Thurs- 
 day — The Military — The Barricades — Massacres in the Streets — 
 Rout of the Insurgents — Defeat of the Red Republicans — Number 
 of Killed and Wounded — Louis Napoleon's Proclamation — The 
 General Election — The President's Active Measures — The Results of 
 the Ballots — Louis Napoleon President for Ten Years — Te Deum — 
 The President Removes to the Tuilleries — His subsequent Proceed- 
 ings — General Changarnier — Cavaignac — LamoricieVe — General Leflo 
 
 — General Bedeau — La Grange — M. Grippo — Colonel Charras — 
 M. Roger (du Nord) — M. Baze — M. Thiers — The Consternation of 
 the Historian of the Revolution, The Consulate and the Empire. 
 
 We have now arrived at an achievement in the life of this 
 remarkable man, which displays such superior ability and 
 resolution on his part, as to redeem his fame from all the 
 obloquy and ridicule with which the abortive conspiracies of 
 Strasburg and Boulogne had loaded it. Other great aspi- 
 rants after supreme power have also failed in their first 
 endeavors, who afterward succeeded in the attempt, and their 
 names have long been inscribed on the rolls of immortality. 
 Such were Pisistratus, the tyrant of Athens, and Dionysius, 
 the tyrant of Syracuse. And in the same admired catalogue 
 of bold and gifted adventurers, the pen of history will hence- 
 forth forever inscribe the name of Louis Napoleon. 
 
 On Monday evening, December 1st, 1851, a gay and 
 elegant assemblage occupied the gilded saloons of the palace 
 of the Elysee. It was one of the weekly receptions which 
 the President of the Republic gave to the fashionable world
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 153 
 
 of Paris. He himself, on that occasion, mingled among the 
 throng with the same air of self-possessed and quiet ease 
 which usually characterized him. No observer who at that 
 moment scrutinized his marble countenance, would for a mo- 
 ment have suspected that Louis Napoleon then stood over a 
 suppressed volcano, which in a few hours was to break forth 
 with prodigious violence ; whose energies would, unless skil- 
 fully and successfully directed, involve him in inevitable ruin. 
 But such was the fact. That night was the eve of one of the 
 most decisive and important events in modern history ; and 
 he who had long planned its details in secret, who had antici- 
 pated and guarded every possible contingency, who was about 
 to strike a desperate blow which would secure him either an 
 imperial diadem or an ignominious scaffold, was as calm, to 
 all outward seeming, as a sleeping infant 1 
 
 At midnight the company disappeared, and the arch-con- 
 spirator withdrew to his secret cabinet. He was accompanied 
 only by M. Mocquard, his private secretary. In a short 
 time three persons were admitted. These were M. de Per- 
 signy, General St. Arnaud, and M. de Moray, the step-bro- 
 ther of the President, an illegitimate son of Queen Hortense. 
 These were the three chief confederates of the President in 
 the planning and execution of the coup d'etat. This was 
 their last conference before the blow was struck. Some im- 
 portant details yet remained to be completed during the hours 
 of that night, which were entrusted to their hands. After 
 some consultation, the prince, taking a small key which was 
 suspended from his watch-guard, opened the drawer of a 
 bureau, and gave to each of his chief accomplices a sealed 
 packet. These packets contained their last written instruc- 
 tions. Then shaking each one by the hand, he dismissed 
 them to their respective posts of duty. 
 
 Paris during that night reposed in her usual tranquility. 
 The gay myriads who reveled in her stately dwellings, and 
 the unhappy and dependent multitudes who crowded her 
 humbler abodes, slept or waked apprehensive of no change.
 
 154 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 While they slumbered the conspirators were busy. M. de 
 Beville, an orderly sergeant of the President, proceeded in a 
 carriage at one o'clock to the government printing-office, 
 superintended by M. Georges, for the purpose of having the 
 proclamations printed. He had previously informed Georges 
 that some important work was to be done that night, and had 
 instructed him to have his workmen in their places. The 
 manuscript proclamations were immediately put into their 
 hands, and in an hour the printing was completed. Mean- 
 while, however, the printing office had been quietly surrounded 
 by a guard, the doors locked, and no one permitted to leave 
 until next morning. Beville then distributed the proclama- 
 tions to trusty posters, employed by M. Maupas, the Chief 
 of Police, for that purpose. In an hour every prominent 
 place in the capital was plastered over with proclamations. 
 One of these was a decree which announced that the National 
 Assembly was dissolved, that universal suffrage was re-estab- 
 lished, that the Council of State was dismissed, that the first 
 military division was placed in a state of siege, and that the 
 French people were convoked for their votes from the 14th to 
 the 21st of December. Another proclamation was addressed 
 to the army, which was well adapted to win their adhesion 
 to the cause of the usurper. The third proclamation was 
 addressed to the nation, in which the President set forth the 
 anarchy and imbecility of the government, resulting from the 
 hostility of the Assembly ; made an appeal to the voice of 
 the entire nation ; invited them to vote upon the question of 
 a " responsible chief for ten years ;" ministers to be dependent 
 on the Executive, and a legislative assembly to be composed 
 of two branches, the one to counterbalance the other. Every 
 Frenchman who was entitled to vote was called upon to 
 decide whether the authority of the President should be con- 
 tinued ; and the polls were to remain open during eight days. 
 When the Parisians awoke in the morning, they found 
 these proclamations boldly staring them in the face from 
 every corner of the street. But while this part of the con-
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 155 
 
 spiracy was thus completed, other and more difficult portions 
 of it were being admirably executed. The Chief of Police, 
 M. de Maupas, distributed a proclamation of his own, direct- 
 ing that all good citizens should assist in preserving order, 
 and declaring that every violation of the public peace should 
 be severely punished. During the early hours of the morning 
 of the second of December, before the darkness had given 
 place to the dawn, large bodies of troops were quietly entering 
 the capital from every direction, and were taking the posi- 
 tions respectively assigned them, on the Boulevards, the Quay 
 d'Orsay, the Carousal, the Garden of the Tuilleries, the Place 
 Concord, and the Champs Elysees. At three o'clock in the 
 morning, General Magnan, the Commander-in-Chief of the 
 Army of Paris, having received his secret orders from the 
 President, had transmitted them to his subordinates ; and 
 these dispositions had been made in accordance with those 
 instructions. 
 
 At four o'clock in the morning the office of the Minister 
 of Police was filled by secret and trusty agents, and by forty 
 commissaries who had been notified to be in attendance at 
 that time. They were placed in possession, separately, of 
 warrants for the arrest of certain distinguished persons in the 
 capital. The ringing of a small bell summoned them suc- 
 cessively into the inner cabinet of the chief, who gave them 
 their instructions, and then dismissed them. Each one was 
 accompanied by fifteen or twenty soldiers ; he was ordered to 
 make the arrest entrusted to him precisely at five minutes 
 after six o'clock ; and detachments of troops were stationed 
 in the vicinity of the house of each captive, to protect the 
 agents of the government from the interference of the popu- 
 lace. Every arrest was made successfully, and without any 
 public disturbance. Seventy-eight captures were thus exe- 
 cuted at the same moment. Eighteen were influential mem- 
 bers of the Assembly. The rest were distinguished generals, 
 orators, leaders of secret societies, commanders of barricades, 
 and hostile editors. They were all conveyed by different
 
 156 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 routes to the prison called Mazas, situated in the south-eastern 
 part of Paris. 1 
 
 But all the details of the conspiracy had not yet been com- 
 pleted. At six o'clock in the morning M. Persigny, attended 
 by the forty-second regiment of the line, marched to the Hall 
 of the National Assembly, and took possession of the courts 
 around it. The soldiers then entered the Hall, occupied it, 
 and arrested the questors who were in attendance. At the 
 same time, M. de Morny, at the head of two hundred and 
 fifty chasseurs, invaded the Ministry of the Interior ; assumed 
 the functions of the chief of that office, who had been dis- 
 missed the night before; and dictated a circular to be de- 
 spatched by telegraph to all the prefects of the departments 
 of France. 
 
 Although the Hall of the Assembly was occupied by the 
 troops, sixty representatives succeeded, early in the morning, 
 in entering the building, one by one. They met together in 
 one of the committee-rooms, and sent for M. Dupin, the Pre- 
 sident. He arrived, and a moment after the room was oc- 
 cupied by the military. M. Dupin then spoke, and protested 
 in the name of the Assembly against the violent measures 
 which were in progress ; but turning to the representatives 
 present, he told them that it was useless to attempt anything 
 against force, and advised them to disperse. The represen- 
 tatives followed his suggestion, but they met again at the 
 residence of M. Daru, one of the vice-presidents. Other 
 fragments of the Assembly convened at different places, some 
 at the house of M. Cremieux, and others in an obscure and 
 filthy retreat in the faubourg St. Antoine. These passed de- 
 crees charging Louis Napoleon with the crime of high treason, 
 copies of which decrees were afterward distributed through 
 Paris, and became the cause of some of the fatal collisions 
 
 1 Vide: Le Coup d'Etat de Louis Bonaparte, Histoire de la Persecution 
 de Decembre, Evenemens, Prisons, Casementes, et Pontons. Par Javier 
 Durrieu, ancient Representant da Peuple, 8vo, p. 192.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 157 
 
 which took place on the succeeding Thursday. Another por- 
 tion of the Assembly met at the Mayoralty of the Tenth Ar~ 
 rondissement. They scarcely amounted to one-third of the 
 whole body. They voted the deposition of the President, the 
 appointment of General Oudinot Commander-in-Chief of the 
 parliamentary forces, and General Lauriston Commander 
 of the National Guard. Their dangerous proceedings were 
 interrupted by the arrival of troops. They refused to dis- 
 perse. They were consequently all arrested, and confined in 
 the barracks of the Quay d'Orsay. They amounted in num- 
 ber to two hundred and twenty. 
 
 Thus passed off the memorable second of December, 1851, 
 the first day of the world-renowned coup d'etat. Not a drop 
 of blood had yet been spilled ; and Louis Napoleon contem- 
 plated with exultation, in the privacy of his cabinet in the 
 palace, the commencement, and perhaps the successful termi- 
 nation, of this most remarkable and daring movement, which 
 opened to him the secure and inevitable pathway to the im- 
 perial throne. 
 
 Wednesday, the third of December, dawned. During the 
 previous night, the hostile factions had not been idle. Ap- 
 palled and astounded as they had been, by the suddenness, 
 the mystery, and the simultaneous vigor of the blow which 
 had prostrated at the same instant so many of the enemies 
 of the President, they were not yet disheartened. They 
 had held secret meetings at the Cafe Tortoni, at the Cafe de 
 Paris, and in the Italian Boulevards. Here the decrees of 
 the fragments of the National Assembly were read and ap- 
 proved. The three great measures of the President on the 
 first day of the movement, had been so successfully and sud- 
 denly executed, that resistance in order to be efficient must 
 be deliberate. Those three measures were the arrest of dan- 
 gerous persons ; the occupation of the Hall of the Assembly ; 
 and the distribution of troops to the number of fifty thou- 
 sand, to all the necessary portions of the capital. Appre- 
 hensive of an impending conflict, the stores and shops re- 
 14
 
 158 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 ruained closed during Wednesday ; although the Boulevards 
 were crowded with people. At three o'clock on the after- 
 noon of this day, Louis Napoleon boldly rode with several 
 attendants along the principal streets, and reviewed a division 
 of cavalry in the Champs Elysdes. In the evening the Presi- 
 dential palace was thrown open, and a general reception 
 took place. The success of the coup d'etat was now re- 
 garded as certain by the majority of the inhabitants of the 
 capital ; as was evinced by the large number of prominent 
 personages who, on that occasion, tendered their services and 
 allegiance to the President. During Wednesday, December 
 3d, Paris remained tranquil. The theatres were all crowded 
 in the evening. Never had a more brilliant and splendid 
 audience graced the Italian Opera. The capital seemed as 
 much as ever the gay centre of the world's luxury, magnifi- 
 cence and vice. But Thursday, the great day of carnage 
 and blood, was rapidly approaching. 
 
 Louis Napoleon anticipating the coming danger had pre- 
 pared for it. The morning light revealed to the astonished 
 Parisians, long and almost endless lines of soldiers drawn up 
 on both sides of the Boulevards, and on all the great 
 thoroughfares. The soldiers had been abundantly supplied 
 with brandy before leaving their barracks ; and they were 
 disposed to be furious and bloody. The opposing factions 
 had been at work, and this was the day upon which they re- 
 solved to try their strength. They had determined that 
 France should not be surrendered to the usurper without a 
 desperate struggle. The following appeal, among others, 
 was posted on the Boulevards, signed by Victor Hugo : 
 "Art. 68. The Constitution is entrusted to the protection 
 and patriotism of the French citizens. Louis Napoleon is 
 outlawed. The state of siege is abolished. Universal suf- 
 frage is re-established. Yive la Republique. To arms ! 
 For the United Mountain." 1 
 
 1 See Eistoire des Crimes du deux Decembre, par Victor Schoelchur, Re- 
 prSiantant de reuple, passim. The several works published by the irate
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 159 
 
 Early in the morning, barricades were erected in many of 
 the streets. They were attacked and taken by the troops 
 with little difficulty. At one of these, the representative 
 Baudin was killed ; and he was the first who fell. The min- 
 ister of war published a proclamation, advising all the in- 
 habitants of the capital to remain in their houses ; and de- 
 claring that all who were found defending the barricades, or 
 taken with arms in their hands, should be shot. The chief 
 barricades had been erected in the neighborhood of the Porte 
 St. Denis, the Porte St. Martin, and in the streets adjacent 
 to them. The troops were quietly demolishing these until 
 twelve o'clock in the forenoon. St. Arnaud, the Minister of 
 War, had entrusted the conduct of affairs on this critical occa- 
 sion, to General Magnan. As the middle of the day ap- 
 proached, the excitement throughout the capital became 
 more and more intense. Still the troops made no hostile de- 
 monstration, and their apparent reluctance filled the Red 
 Republicans with hope. The streets were now full of tumul- 
 tuous crowds ; and at two o'clock the general order was given 
 to all the troops to advance simultaneously and clear the 
 streets. They obeyed. The division which marched along 
 the Boulevards was fired upon from the roofs and windows ; 
 and then the general massacre began. An irregular battle 
 ensued, which continued for several hours. Many were slain 
 on both sides. The streets were thus gradually cleared ; but 
 the ground was covered with the bodies of the dying and the 
 dead. Some were killed who took no share whatever in the 
 conflict, but had been drawn by curiosity to their windows. 
 As the soldiers could not distinguish between friends and 
 foes, many innocent persons fell victims to their imprudence 
 and carelessness. 
 
 During several hours the capital was the scene of an irregu- 
 lar conflict ; but by five o'clock in the afternoon all was over. 
 
 and frantic Schoelchur in reference to Louis Napoleon, should be read 
 with caution; his passions have led him always to exaggerate, and his 
 statements must be received cum grano salis.
 
 160 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Tranquility was again restored. The victorious troops 
 retained possession of the streets ; the vanquished citizens 
 and insurgents remained concealed in their houses. The dead 
 were quickly buried, and numerous patrols which scoured the 
 city in all directions, arrested every person whose appearance 
 and movements were in the least degree suspicious. During 
 Thursday night, silence, not unmingled with terror, pervaded 
 the capital. When Friday dawned, no sign of resistance was 
 exhibited. The opposing factions had been completely 
 crushed. The troops marched through every part of the 
 city, but no foe appeared. The bold coup d'etat of the 
 President had been completely successful. He who had 
 blundered and failed so ignominiously at Strasburg and Bou- 
 logne had triumphed gloriously at Paris. 
 
 The number of killed and wounded during this memorable 
 struggle has been variously estimated, and in some instances 
 absurdly magnified. The most reliable supposition is that 
 which places the number of slain at two hundred and twenty- 
 five, and the wounded at four hundred. Of these, there were 
 thirty killed and a hundred and eighty wounded on the part 
 of the soldiers. Throughout the country the excitement be- 
 came intense. There were insurrections in twenty-five depart- 
 ments at once. The Socialists were at the bottom of these 
 movements, and their fury was expended against all those 
 who represented order, wealth, rank and respectability. In 
 some places the churches were burned, the priests were 
 assaulted, women were outraged ; murder, pillage, and con- 
 flagration prevailed. But all these disorders were gradually 
 put down by the army and by the decisive and rapid measures 
 adopted by the President. At the conclusion of this memo- 
 rable week all the disturbances were quelled ; order again 
 reigned throughout France, the capital was tranquil, the dead 
 were buried, the wounded were conveyed to the hospitals, the 
 most active and dangerous anarchists were imprisoned, the 
 Assembly was obliterated, and Louis Napoleon had realized 
 at last the life-long aspiration of his heart ; the dying prayer
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 161 
 
 of Hortense was at length fulfilled, and her son, the heir of 
 the great Napoleon, had become the absolute ruler of France ! 
 
 Order having been restored and submission enforced through- 
 out the capital and throughout France, by the efficient aid of 
 the soldiery, Louis Napoleon addressed the following procla- 
 mation to the French people on Monday, December 8th, one 
 week after the commencement of the coup d'etat : 
 
 "Frenchmen: The disturbances are quelled. Whatever 
 may be the decision of the people, society is re-established. 
 The first part of my task is fulfilled ; I knew that by appeal- 
 ing to the nation to put an end to party dissensions, I should 
 not endanger the public security. 
 
 " Why should the people revolt against me ? 
 
 " If I no longer possess your confidence, if your ideas are 
 changed, it is unnecessary to have recourse to insurrection : 
 it is enough to deposit a negative vote in the ballot-box. I 
 shall always respect the decree of the people. 
 
 "But, until the voice of the nation has been heard, I shall 
 not shrink from any effort, from any sacrifice, to foil the 
 attempts of the disaffected. Besides, this has now become 
 an easy task. 
 
 " On the one hand, there has been shown the folly of con- 
 tending against an army, united by the ties of discipline, and 
 inspired by the sentiments of military glory and devotion to 
 the country. 
 
 " On the other hand, the calm attitude of the inhabitants 
 of Paris, and the disapproval with which they blighted the 
 insurrection, fully proved on which side the capital declared 
 itself. 
 
 " In those populous wards where sedition formerly broke 
 forth so readily amongst workmen, ever ready to obey its 
 impulses, anarchy, this time, has only encountered a profound 
 and steady repugnance for its illusions 
 
 "Thanks to the intelligent and patriotic inhabitants of 
 Paris. Let them rest assured that my only ambition is to 
 insure peace and prosperity to France 
 14* L
 
 162 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 "Let them continue to lend their aid to the government, 
 and the country shall soon quietly accomplish the solemn act 
 which should usher in a new era to the republic." 
 
 The President immediately followed up this proclamation 
 with other decrees which tended to promote order, submission, 
 security, and the happiness of the people. He restored the 
 church of St Genevieve to its original purpose, the service 
 of religion. Other grave changes were quickly made, which 
 were calculated to obliterate the reign and influence of infi- 
 delity, confusion, and the absurd extremes of socialism. But 
 the chief matter which occupied the attention of the President 
 at this crisis, was the proper management of the general 
 election which was about to ensue ; when the French people 
 were to vote upon the proposed presidency of ten years, and 
 to signify their approval of the results of the coup d'etat. 
 
 This general election was in reality a stupendous farce. 
 Orders were sent beforehand to all the prefects and military 
 commanders, directing them to take every precaution to 
 secure a vast majority of ballots for the President. The 
 voters were forbidden to use the ballot-box. They were com- 
 pelled to give their suffrages openly. They marched to the 
 polls between double rows of fixed bayonets. The partisans 
 and agents of the President were dispersed all over the coun- 
 try, and were active both day and night in making converts 
 to his cause. He proclaimed a decree immediately before 
 the election, denouncing socialism and secret societies, and 
 threatening transportation to Cayenne to all who dared to 
 defend their doctrines or support their measures. The pro- 
 cess of extermination was actually commenced, and eight 
 thousand Red Republicans were arrested and thrown into 
 prison, and afterward sent to perisn or to pine upon the bleak 
 wastes of that distant colony. 
 
 The ballotings commenced throughout France on the 
 20th of December. The President and his emissaries had 
 executed all their plans with energy and success. Between 
 the prevalent desire of peace and order, the wishes of the
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 163 
 
 great Bonaparte faction, and the terror which controlled 
 their enemies, there could be no uncertainty as to the result. 
 The Royalists or Legitimists, and the Socialists, did not dare 
 to approach the polls, which were everywhere surrounded by 
 a stern array of military power. In many communes there 
 was not a single negative vote deposited. On the 31st of 
 December, at eight o'clock in the evening, the members of 
 the committee appointed to present to the President the re- 
 turns of the election, proceeded to the Palace Elysee to per- 
 form that duty. The result of the election held in eighty- 
 six departments of France, in Algiers, in the army and in 
 the navy, gave the President a vast majority. 1 Louis Napo- 
 leon was President of France for ten years ; and in reply to 
 the address of the committee, he expressed his thanks to 
 the nation which had so liberally supported him, saying no- 
 thing however of the tyranny and terror which had influenced 
 the votes of so many myriads of the electors. 
 
 On the next day, Sunday, Jauuary 1st, 1852, the ancient 
 cathedral of Notre Dame in Paris, was decorated with all 
 possible splendor ; a Te Deum was chanted by the Arch- 
 bishop, attended by a large concourse of priests, and the 
 utmost pomp and grandeur of the Catholic service were ex- 
 pended upon the imposing ceremonial. After the conclusion 
 of the service, the President for Ten Years, or in other 
 words, the Emperor of France, Napoleon III., returned to 
 the Palace of the Tuilleries, the former abode of imperial 
 state, where he has ever since continued to reside. 
 
 Thus terminated in complete success, the bold and des- 
 perate stroke of Louis Napoleon, for the attainment of the 
 supreme power. The most dangerous and perhaps the most 
 difficult portion of his life-task had been accomplished. Yet a 
 vast deal remained to be achieved, before his power, his glory, 
 
 1 Total number of votes 8,116 773 
 
 In the affirmative 7 430,216 
 
 In the negative 640.737 
 
 Irregular votes 36 820
 
 164 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 and even his reputation, could be placed upon a secure eleva- 
 tion, where they would be unassailable. To the completion of 
 his mighty and ambitious work, he now assiduously addressed 
 himself. But before we proceed to narrate the history of the 
 events which ensued after the coup d'etat, let us glance more 
 in detail at some of the less important but not less interesting 
 events associated with the great blow in Paris. The inci- 
 dents connected with the arrest of the chief opponents of the 
 President were diverting in the extreme ; and we give them 
 mainly as taken from the narrative of a contemporary writer : 
 
 The arrest of General Changarnier, the most important 
 of all, had been entrusted to two men of extraordinary energy, 
 Leras, commissary of police, and Baudinet, captain of the 
 Republican Guard. They were assisted by fifteen chosen 
 agents, thirteen Republican Guards, and by a picket of ten 
 men on horseback. 
 
 At five minutes past six, Leras rang at the door of the 
 general's house. The porter refused to open the gate, and 
 being evidently on his guard, an agent was ordered in a low 
 voice to talk to him so as to occupy him at the gate, and pre- 
 vent his giving warning to the general. By the side of the 
 gate and belonging to the house, was a grocer's shop ; some 
 customers were already at the counter, and it occurred to 
 Leras that the grocer's lodgings must communicate with the 
 yard. He went into the store and demanded the key of the 
 passage in an authoritative tone ; he obtained it, and entered 
 the house with his followers. The porter had already given 
 the alarm by a loud ringing of the bells. Leras rushed up 
 the stairs, and hastily entered the general's apartment. At 
 the same moment an inner door was opened, and the general 
 appeared at his bedroom door, in his shirt, with bare feet, 
 and a pistol in each hand. 
 
 The commissary caught his arms, and said, "What are 
 yon about, general ? Your life is not in danger. Why defend 
 it ? I came to arrest you. We are thirty to one. Resistance 
 is useless "
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 165 
 
 The general became calm, gave up his pistols, and said, 
 " I will follow you — I am going to dress myself." He was 
 then attired by his servant, and observed to Leras : " I know 
 M. de Maupas to be a gentleman ; will you tell him that I 
 depend on his courtesy not to deprive me of my servant, 
 whom I cannot do without?" The request was instantly 
 granted. A carriage was at the door ; the general took his 
 seat in it, two agents sitting before him, and Leras by his 
 side. He still maintained a proud, defiant air, and occasion- 
 ally looked out of the windows, as if expecting to see some 
 disturbance. 
 
 "Do you know," said he to the commissary, "what a 
 narrow escape you have had ? In one second more you were 
 a dead man ! I should have regretted it, however, for I see 
 you had no arms, and only did your duty." 
 
 " If you had killed me, general," said Leras, "you would 
 have only made a widow and four orphans to no purpose." 
 
 "But what is this coup d'etat for?" abruptly asked the 
 general. " The President's re-election was certain. He is 
 giving himself much needless trouble." The commissary did 
 not answer these questions. 
 
 When informed that he was only going to prison, he 
 became more calm. He had at first supposed they were 
 taking him to Vincennes to be shot. During the journey he 
 remarked : " When the President is engaged in a foreign war, 
 he will be glad to send for me, to intrust me with the com- 
 mand of an army. " The carriage stopped before the gate of 
 the prison called Mazas, situated in the south-east of Paris, 
 very strong, but new, clean, and airy. Here the general was 
 safely secured, though invariably treated with every respect. 
 
 The arrest of General Cavaignac was effected with no 
 less ease and promptitude. The general was asleep when the 
 commissary knocked at the door of his humble residence, in 
 the Rue du Helder. Admission was refused, and the com- 
 missary threatened to burst it open, when the general opened 
 it himself. The commissary said, "General, you are mj
 
 166 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 prisoner ; all resistance is useless ; I am ordered to seize your 
 person in virtue of a warrant which I will read to you." 
 
 The general was greatly exasperated. He struck the 
 table with his fist, and used some very violent expressions. 
 The commissary tried to calm him, but the general said, 
 " What do you mean by arresting me ? Give me your names." 
 "Certainly, general," replied the commissary ; "we will not 
 conceal them from you ; but this is not the time. It is neces- 
 sary to dress and follow us." 
 
 The general quickly recovered his dignity. " It is well, 
 sir," said he. " Send out your people ; let me dress, and I 
 will be ready in a moment." The commissary complied, and 
 the general again said, " Sir, grant me two favors ; one is per- 
 mission to write a letter to a lady whom I was to marry the day 
 after to-morrow ; the other is that I may go with you alone 
 to ray place of destination." The commissary readily acqui- 
 esced. The letter to Mademoiselle Odier, the lady in ques- 
 tion, released her from the engagement between them ; but 
 the general soon received a reply, stating that she considered 
 the arrest only an additional reason why she should remain 
 faithful to it. 
 
 In the carriage the general asked, "Where are you taking 
 me?" "To Mazas," was replied. "Am I the only one 
 arrested ?" " General, I am not at liberty to answer that 
 question." For the rest of the journey the prisoner main- 
 tained a gloomy silence. 
 
 General Lamoriciere was also fast asleep when the com- 
 missary rang the bell. The domestic opened the door, but 
 seeing the multitude, he ran away, shouting, " Thieves !" He 
 was soon caught, however, and compelled to conduct the 
 commissary to his master's room. The general arose without 
 a word, and began to dress himself. Looking towards the 
 chimney-piece, he asked the servant what had become of the 
 money he had placed there. 
 
 " It is put away safely," said the servant.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 167 
 
 " Sir," said the commissary, " that observation is very in- 
 sulting to me. Do you take us for thieves ?" 
 
 "And how do I know that you are not?" asked the 
 general. The commissary showed him the badge and read 
 the warrant for his arrest. The general was then silent 
 
 As they were going to the carriage the commissary said : 
 " General, I have orders from the prefect of police to treat 
 you with all possible consideration, and I wish to act with 
 the greatest leniency ; I will put you into a carriage alone 
 with myself, if you will give me your word of honor that you 
 will not attempt to escape." "I promise nothing, I answer 
 for nothing," hastily replied the general ; " do with me as you 
 please." 
 
 In passing by the Palace of the Legion of Honor, he put 
 his head out of the window, and attempted to harangue the 
 soldiers. But the commissary drew him back, let down the 
 blinds, and told him he should be compelled to use harsh 
 measures if he attempted to do so again. The general said, 
 " Do as you please;" but when he arrived at Mazas he ap- 
 peared much more calm. 
 
 He begged the commissary not to seize his arms, which 
 were of value, and to send him some cigars, and Thiers' 
 " History of the French Revolution." The commissary com- 
 plied with his wishes. 
 
 General Leflo, who was lodging in the Assembly, was in 
 bed when the commissary awoke him and showed him his war- 
 rant. He arose immediately, but while dressing uttered 
 fierce threats against the commissary, and bitter invectives 
 against the President of the republic. " Napoleon wishes to 
 make a coup d'etat. We will shoot him at Vincennes, and 
 shoot you along with him." When he was getting into the 
 carriage, he addressed the colonel of the forty-second, and 
 wished to harangue the soldiers. The colonel ordered him 
 to be silent, and the soldiers crossed their bayonets on him. 
 Prom the Assembly to the prison General Lend did not utter 
 a word
 
 168 FOBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 General Bedeau took matters even less coolly. When the 
 servant had half opened the door, the commissary pushed it 
 wide open, and the frightened servant running away, he fol- 
 lowed him until he came to the general's bedside, when he im- 
 mediately announced his orders. The general was thunder- 
 struck, and protested loudly against such a violation of the 
 Constitution. 
 
 " You are acting in opposition to the laws," said he to the 
 commissary. " You must not forget that I am a representa- 
 tive of the people, and the vice-president of the Assembly; 
 you cannot arrest me, since you cannot assert that you have 
 taken me in flagrante delicto." 
 
 The commissary said he only did his duty. 
 
 " What is your name ?" asked the general. 
 
 " Hubaut, " said the commissary. 
 
 " M. Hubaut," said the general, "I have seen honorable 
 mention made of your name in the papers, and I am aston- 
 ished that you could be the man to undertake arresting me. 
 I am vice-president of the Assembly ; I have already shed my 
 blood for the cause of order ; and I can risk my life again." 
 
 "I cannot comment on my warrant," said the commissary : 
 "I can only execute it. You have risked your life, general, 
 in defence of the laws ; do you think I am not willing to risk 
 mine in the execution of my orders ? You had better get 
 up with good will ; and do not compel me to use harsh 
 measures." 
 
 The general arose, but dressed himself with the greatest 
 slowness. At last, when he was dressed, he refused to stir. 
 *' You must use force," said he to the commissary. " I will 
 not go unless I am carried off. Now I dare you to seize the 
 vice-president of the National Assembly by the collar, and 
 drag him off." 
 
 "Do you acknowledge, sir," said the commissary, "that I 
 have acted towards you with all possible civility?" The 
 general did not deny it, and the commissary, seizing him by 
 the collar, began to drag him along. He made vigorous
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 169 
 
 resistance, however, and it was not without ranch difficulty 
 that he was forced into the carriage, where he still continued 
 to shout " Treason I to arms ! I am the vice-president of the 
 National Assembly, and they have arrested me 1" His cries 
 attracted the notice of passers by, and the sergens de ville 
 had to draw their swords while following the carriage, which, 
 however, arrived without accident at Mazas. 
 
 Colonel Charras at first refused positively to open hia 
 door, but seeing it begin to yield, said, " Stop, I will admit 
 you," and directly opened it. The commissary told him his 
 business, and the colonel replied : " I knew it; I fully expected 
 it ; I might easily have made my escape, but I would not 
 desert my post. I thought it would happen two days ago, 
 and under that conviction I had loaded my pistol ; but I 
 have discharged it;" and he pointed to a double-barrelled 
 pistol on the chest of drawers. " Had you come that day," 
 he added, " I would have blown your brains out. " He entered 
 the carriage quietly, and was also conveyed to Mazas. 
 
 The arrest of the civilians did not present the same dan- 
 gers as the capture of the military commanders. M. La 
 Grange submitted very peaceably. He protested, however, 
 against the violation of the Constitution ; said he had only 
 to fire a pistol-shot out of the window to call the people to 
 arms ; that if he chose to defend himself he could murder all 
 the policemen ; and that they should use force to carry him 
 from his house. 
 
 On his way to Mazas he declared several times : " It is a 
 bold game, but it is well played." In the prison he said to 
 General Lamoriciere : " Well, general, we wished to put the 
 fellow in, but he has put us in instead." 
 
 M. Grippo, the fiery Socialist, had a complete arsenal 
 stowed away under his bed ; a large pile of newly-repaired 
 arms, two daggers, a loaded pistol, and a magnificent red 
 cap. The sight of the commissary, however, completely 
 prostrated M. Grippo. When questioned as to the arms 
 found under his bed, he said he had purchased them, as he 
 15
 
 1T0 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 had a taste for the navy. Madame Grippo, a most energetic 
 woman, asked her husband in the strongest terms: "Is it 
 possible you have so little courage as to allow yourself to be 
 arrested without making any resistance ?" But her eloquence 
 had no effect ; M. Grippo surrendered without a blow. 
 
 M. Roger du Nord behaved like a nobleman of the last 
 century on receiving an order to enter the Bastile. He wel- 
 comed the commissaries with the utmost politeness, begged 
 them to excuse him while his servant was shaving him and 
 fixing his hair, and as they were waiting, hoped they would 
 take some cake and wine. 
 
 " So we have a coup d'etat then," said he, pleasantly. "I 
 knew all about it two days ago. People can have friends 
 everywhere. Ma foi, I like it better than the stupid part we 
 were playing at the Assembly. Louis Napoleon will succeed. 
 That's incontestable." 
 
 M. Baze, the indomitable questor, did not submit with 
 such good grace. The officers found him standing at his 
 bedroom door, in his drawers and a splendid morning gown. 
 He assumed an oratorical and theatrical air. 
 
 "Commissaries," said he, "in the name of the national 
 representation, outraged in my person, I pronounce you to 
 be without the pale of the law 1 " He had no arms, which 
 was fortunate ; for if he had there can be little doubt, from 
 the way in which he kicked, bit, and scratched the police- 
 men as they were carrying him to the carriage, that he would 
 have done some serious injury before he was finally locked up 
 in Mazas. 
 
 M. Thiers was sound asleep when M. Hubaut, senior, 
 entered his bedroom. The commissary quietly drew back 
 the crimson damask curtains, and explained the object of his 
 visit. M. Thiers sprang bolt upright, put his hands to his 
 eyes, and lifting up his white cotton nightcap, asked : "What 
 is all this?" 
 
 " I am come to search your house ; but do not be alarmed ; 
 no harm will be done you, monsieur ; there is no fear for
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. HI 
 
 your life." The last assurance was needed, for M. Thiers 
 seemed much alarmed. 
 
 A search having been made in M. Thiers' cabinet without 
 bringing forward any political correspondence, the commis- 
 sary expressed surprise. M. Thiers replied that for some 
 time past, he had always addressed his political correspondence 
 to England, and that none would be found in his house. He 
 exhibited much hesitation and alarm when asked to descend 
 to the carriage. His fears were not diminished when 
 he saw the road the carriage took. Still he continued to 
 talk ; at first he used the most persuasive or the most threat- 
 ening arguments to induce his captors to release him ; then 
 finding such efforts useless, he delivered himself of a very elo- 
 quent effusion upon the gravity of his present situation. Ar- 
 riving at the prison he asked if he might have his cafe au lait 
 very hot, and some books. He was overwhelmed with atten- 
 tions, but his courage quite forsook him, and he began to 
 weep. When some of his companions were removed to Ham, 
 he was excused from accompanying them ; and finally, as con- 
 finement aggravated a disease which afflicted him in the 
 throat, he was sent off to Germany.
 
 172 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Progress of Louis Napoleon's Ambition — The Empire — Popular Acts 
 of Government — The New Constitution — The Prevalence of Alarms 
 
 — Growth of Socialism — The President's Journey through the Pro- 
 vinces — The Infernal Machine at Marseilles — Decree against the 
 Property of the Orleans Family — Excuses for that Decree — The 
 Restoration of the Empire — Return of the Votes — Reign of Terror 
 
 — Proposals for the Marriage of the Emperor — Their Refusal — 
 The Parisian Belle — Qualities of the Countess de Teba — She is 
 selected by Louis Napoleon as his Empress — His Address to the 
 Senate — The Imperial Nuptials — Imposing Ceremonies on the oc- 
 casion — National Rejoicings and Congratulations — The Emperor's 
 Address to the Senate — Prospects of the Empire. 
 
 After the attainment of the Presidency for Ten Years, the 
 next thing, and the last, was the proclamation of the Empire. 
 One year after the coup d'etat, and on the day of its first 
 anniversary, the Empire was announced. The intrigues and 
 labors of a year were necessary to accomplish this result. We 
 will now proceed to narrate the events and the machinations 
 which brought about that great consummation. 
 
 The first measure to be taken was to win the confidence, 
 and to allay the fears, of the nation, by judicious and popular 
 acts of government. Louis Napoleon, having thrown great 
 censure on the conduct of the Assembly, in impeding the mea- 
 sures of the administration, now wished to show how much 
 better he could flourish without it. Letters of credit were 
 given to the Minister of Finance for the department of Publie 
 Works ; and large sums were appropriated to internal im- 
 provements. Two millions and a half of francs were allowed 
 for improving the navigation of the Seine ; a million and a 
 half for the same purpose on the Rhone ; half a million for 
 the improvement of the harbor of Boulogne ; half a million
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 113 
 
 for the works of defence on the Point de Grace; and other 
 appropriations of the same nature were made. 
 
 The sanitary, social, and domestic condition of the numerous 
 working classes of the capital and of the nation engaged the 
 special attention of the President. A large amount of pro- 
 perty taken from the estates of the Orleans family, which were 
 alienated to the state, was so invested as to ameliorate their 
 condition. Many improvements were commenced, through- 
 out France, intended to benefit the working classes, and to 
 promote their health and comfort ; and as the completion of 
 all these- works depended on the continuance of the power of 
 the President, their progress operated strongly in favor of the 
 consolidation of his supremacy, in the wishes and the hopes 
 of the laboring orders throughout France. 
 
 A new Constitution had been promised the French people ; 
 and on the 16th of January, 1852, its cardinal features were 
 publicly announced. The leading doctrine of this document 
 is the direct responsibility of the Chief of the government to 
 the people of France. In other words, it invested all power 
 in the hands of the President, making him in effect an abso- 
 lute sovereign. But, as yet, the nation were imposed upon 
 and deluded by high-sounding phrases ; by the assertion of 
 popular freedom ; by promises, engagements and obligations 
 on the part of the President, which served to keep up the 
 delusion that there was no diminution of liberty, no increase 
 of despotic power in France. The spirit and principle of 
 " Centralization" was the specious phrase under which all 
 the actual and the prospective assumptions of power were 
 disguised and palliated. In this Constitution, speaking of 
 the President, and his authority, its author says: 
 
 "Being responsible, his actions must be free, and without 
 hindrance. Hence arises the obligation of his having minis- 
 ters who may be the honored and powerful auxiliaries of his 
 thoughts, but who no longer form a responsible council com- 
 posed of jointly responsible members, a daily obstacle to the 
 special influence of the chief of the State — a council, the ex- 
 15*
 
 174 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 pression of a policy emanating from the Chambers, and for 
 that very reason exposed to frequent changes, which render 
 impossible a continuous policy, or the application of a 
 regular system. 
 
 " The present Constitution has only settled that which it 
 was impossible to leave uncertain. It has not shut up within 
 insurmountable barriers the destinies of a great people. For 
 change it has left a margin sufficiently large to allow, in great 
 crises, other means of safety than the calamitous expedient 
 of revolution. 
 
 " The Senate can, in concert with the Government, modify 
 all that is not fundamental in the Constitution ; but as to any 
 modifications of the fundamental bases sanctioned by your 
 suffrages, they can only become definitive after having received 
 your ratification. 
 
 " Thus the people remain master of their destiny. Nothing 
 fundamental is effected without their will. 
 
 " Such are the ideas, such the principles, which you have 
 authorized me to apply. May this Constitution give to our 
 country calm and prosperous days 1 — may it prevent the return 
 of those intestine struggles in which victory, however legiti- 
 mate, is always dearly bought ! May the sanction which 
 you have given to my efforts be blessed by Heaven ! Then 
 peace will be assured at home and abroad — my ardent hopes 
 will be fulfilled — my mission will be accomplished." 
 
 It must be admitted that uothing could be better adapted 
 than such specious declarations, to " pull the wool" over the 
 eyes of la grand nation ! 
 
 But Louis Napoleon had a much deeper game to play than 
 the utterance of superficial and plausible phrases. He set 
 his myriads of agents to work throughout France, to excite 
 alarms and spread terror among all classes, in reference to 
 the secret and dangerous growth of the Socialists, who were 
 represented as political monsters with a thousand hideous 
 heads, whose aim it was to overturn all law, security, order, 
 and property. These agents declared iucessantly that there
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 175 
 
 was but one of two things inevitable ; either the return of 
 ruin and chaos, or the consolidation of all power in the 
 vigorous hands of the President, and the re-establishment of 
 the Empire. The most efficient aids and emissaries of Louis 
 Napoleon were the priests. He had secretly made his bar- 
 gain with the hierarchy. The church and her powers were 
 to be re-instated in their ancient glory, with the re-establish- 
 ment of the Empire ; and in consequence, the priesthood all 
 over France worked day and night in behalf of their patron. 
 In the confessional especially, they were indefatigable ; and 
 nothing was heard of scarcely but the horrid growth of in- 
 fidelity and socialism, and the advantage of the Empire; 
 which, by the establishment of order and supreme power in 
 the hands of Louis Napoleon, would secure to all good 
 Catholics the triumph of religion and virtue. The dark and 
 nefarious powers of superstition were enlisted to their utmost 
 extent in his behalf. 
 
 When Louis Napoleon supposed that the public mind had 
 been properly prepared by his agents, to make demonstra- 
 tions of a popular character in his favor, he undertook a 
 journey through some of the provinces. The prefects, 
 majors, military commanders, and all other persons possess- 
 ing authority had received their instructions long before. 
 Every possible expedient was employed to excite the enthu- 
 siasm of the multitude in favor of the President. In some 
 places these precautions were unnecessary, for there he and 
 his government were popular. Elsewhere, however, they 
 were indispensable to the proper exhibition of the adulation 
 and enthusiasm of the populace. 
 
 Accordingly, wherever the President appeared on this 
 journey, he was greeted with universal shouts of Vive VEm- 
 pereur! At Bourges, Nevers, Moulins, Grenoble, and many 
 other places, his reception was most enthusiastic. But when 
 he arrived at Marseilles, he came very near making an abrupt 
 termination both of his journey and his life. As the candi- 
 date for the imperial throne proceeded through the chief
 
 1?6 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 streets of this city, they were strewed with flowers. Multi- 
 tudes of people crowded the thoroughfares ; but it was ob- 
 served that they were anxious and uneasy in their appearance, 
 and did not seem to look at the pageant so much as at the 
 surrounding houses ; at vacancy, in fact everywhere, but 
 never at any specific object. Nosegays in the greatest pro- 
 fusion were showered upon the carriage which conveyed the 
 President and St. Arnaud, the Minister of War. Suddenly 
 in their pathway a large pile of roses was observed to ob- 
 struct their progress. An officer commenced to remove it, 
 when beneath its fragrant and odorous masses an infernal 
 machine was found concealed, which in a few moments would 
 have exploded, and blown everybody within reach to atoms. 
 This incident considerably disturbed the serenity of the 
 President. He immediately returned to Paris, overwhelmed 
 with disagreeable reflections. He was at a loss to which 
 party to attribute this conspiracy against his life — whether 
 to the Legitimists, the Orleanists, or the Socialists. Yet it 
 did not for a moment deter him from the execution of his 
 aims in regard to the Empire. His next step was to nego- 
 tiate with the several courts of Europe in reference to the 
 restoration of the imperial regime. Meanwhile, innumerable 
 memorials and appeals were sent to the President from all 
 parts of France, beseeching him to establish order, and to 
 crush the anarchical tendencies and disorganizing aims of all 
 disaffected traitors to the welfare and glory of France, by the 
 assumption of the imperial authority. If any memorials of a 
 contrary nature were sent to the President, their reception 
 was not proclaimed to the public in the columns of the Moni- 
 teur ! At length the Senate, completely bought over by the 
 agents and the money of Louis Napoleon, addressed him a 
 memorial, representing the necessity of complying with the 
 desire so universally and energetically expressed by the whole 
 nation. In his reply to them, he asserted that the French 
 people had clearly announced to him their desire for the 
 restoration of the Empire ; and he informed them that, after 
 great deliberation, and many anxious hours of apprehension,
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 177 
 
 in consequence of the immense responsibilities involved in the 
 assumption of the imperial authority, he had concluded to 
 sacrifice himself to the welfare of the nation, to comply with 
 their wishes, and to restore the Empire. 
 
 One more precaution yet remained to be taken, to secure 
 the triumphant and unanimous declaration of the French peo- 
 ple in favor of the Empire, at the ballot-box. The last 
 struggle was about to be made; and it was not to be expected 
 the hostile factions would yield without a conflict. The Or- 
 leans dynasty, of which the now defunct Louis Philippe had 
 been the head, still possessed an immense amount of property 
 in France, estimated at three hundred millions of francs. On 
 the 22d of January, 1852, a decree was issued by the 
 President, compelling them to sell this property within a 
 year. As long as the Orleans family retained this vast 
 wealth iu France, it necessarily gave them a large degree of 
 influence. This compulsory sale of their property was justi- 
 fied, both by the necessities of the case, and by the example 
 of former rulers of France. Louis XVIII. had previously 
 compelled the Bonapartes to do the same thing. Louis Phi- 
 lippe had ordered the old moth-eaten Bourbon dynasty to 
 dispose of their wealth in France in the same manner. And 
 the time allowed by Louis Napoleon to the Orleans family 
 within which to execute the decree, was much longer than that 
 specified and permitted in the other instances. 1 In addition 
 
 1 Another cause assigned for this rigorous treatment of the Orleans 
 family was the fact, that, on the arrest of Louis Napoleon after the 
 affair of Boulogne, a million dollars were said to have been taken from 
 his person, and transmitted to the government of Louis Philippe ; that 
 this treasure constituted all the resources of his partisans both in 
 France and out of it ; and that it was never returned to the Prince at 
 any subsequent period of his career. The fair inference therefore was, 
 that it had been fraudulently appropriated to their own use by the king 
 and his rapacious family. It is impossible now to ascertain the truth 
 or the falsehood of this statement: it rests solely on the authority of 
 Louis Napoleon ; though a reasonable doubt may readily exist as to the 
 possibility of his friends and himself accumulating so vast a sum. 
 
 M
 
 178 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 to this, the decree restored the state a large amount of pro- 
 perty which the "money-bag king" had filched from the 
 national revenues, and were thenceforth to be appropriated 
 to the amelioration of the condition of the working classes. 
 A large portion of this property in fact belonged to the na- 
 tion, by the operation of an old law which provided, that the 
 possessions of any prince, on his accession to the throne, be- 
 came vested immediately in the nation. Louis Philippe was 
 called to the throne, and he accepted it, on the 7th of August, 
 1830 ; yet afterward on the 8th of that month, he made do- 
 nations of an immense amount of property to his younger 
 children, to the exclusion of his eldest son and heir. The 
 purpose of this swindle was to prevent this wealth from 
 vesting in the nation ; and also to compel the nation to pro- 
 vide separately for the maintenance of his heir, when he 
 had succeeded to the throne. All these devises vere illegal 
 and invalid. 
 
 At length, when all the preparatory steps had been 
 taken, when the whole nation were convinced either of the 
 benefits of the reinstated Empire, or of the uselessness of 
 resisting its advent, a decree was issued commanding the 
 people to declare their sentiments on the subject at the ballot- 
 box. The same methods of constraint which had overawed 
 and controlled the election of the President for ten years, now 
 governed that in reference to the Empire ; and the result, as 
 might be expected, was the same. The Empire was restored 
 in the person of Louis Napoleon ; and thus, at last, after 
 many long years of exile, labor, suffering, and intrigue, the 
 ambitious son of Hortense mounted the very same exalted 
 eminence which had once been occupied and adorned by the 
 mighty Corsican ! 
 
 On Thursday, the 25th November, the Chief of the State 
 communicated with the members of the legislative body, 
 convened from their several departments to hear the official 
 declaration of the result of the elections, and to take part in 
 the inauguration of the Empire. Said he ;
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 179 
 
 "I have recalled you from your departments, that you 
 may be associated with the great act which is about to be 
 accomplished. Although the Senate and the people alone 
 had the right to modify the Constitution, I have wished that 
 a political body which has issued, like myself, from universal 
 suffrage, should come to attest to the world the spontaneous- 
 ness of the national movement which bears me to the Empire. 
 I desire expressly that it should be you who, in certifying the 
 liberty of the vote and the numerical amount of the suffrage, 
 should prove by your declarations the complete lawfulness of 
 my power. To declare, in fact, to-day, that authority rests 
 on incontestable right, is to give it the necessary force for 
 founding something durable, and to insure the prosperity of 
 the country. The Government, as you know, will only 
 change its form. Devoted to the great interests which intel- 
 ligence brings forth and which peace develops, it will restrain 
 itself, as it has hitherto done, within the limits of moderation ; 
 for success never swells with pride the hearts of those who 
 see in their elevation a greater duty imposed by the people, 
 and a more elevated mission confided by Providence." 
 
 The return of the votes on the question of restoring the 
 Empire, was as follows : The affirmative votes numbered 
 7,864,180 ; the negative were 253,145; the null and irregular 
 were 63,326. Thus it appeared that through a singular com- 
 bination of influences, both legitimate and illegitimate, the 
 voice of the nation, with great unanimity, placed the imperial 
 diadem on the head of Louis Napoleon. 
 
 Two things were necessary to consolidate the power of the 
 new Emperor. One was to crush and exterminate his chief 
 enemies, who still lurked in France ; the other was the per- 
 petuation of his family by a matrimonial connection. In the 
 execution of the first of these a system of terror was inau- 
 gurated. Private houses were entered and searched. The 
 persons, and the papers of all suspected persons, were taken ; 
 the former were conveyed to prison, the latter were sealed up 
 and afterward examined, for the purpose of obtaining testimony.
 
 180 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 By this means hundreds who had been the active opponents 
 of the imperial aspirant throughout France, were soon placed 
 beyond the reach of doing harm, by being banished to the 
 wilds of Algiers or Cayenne. 
 
 As to the marriage of the Emperor, proposals were made 
 by his ambassadors to several courts of Europe for the pur- 
 pose of negotiating a match. One of these was the court 
 of Sweden ; but for reasons which are not clearly understood, 
 the imperial bridegroom was refused on every hand ; and 
 Louis Napoleon had the mortification to see the fairest 
 daughters of royalty in Europe decline his proffered alliance. 
 Here was a dilemma which was both dangerous and dis- 
 agreeable. 
 
 During the winter and spring of 1852, the gay and elegant 
 society of Paris was enlivened by the presence of a young 
 lady belonging to one of the noblest families of Spain. She 
 was graceful, accomplished, beautiful, and exhibited many 
 qualities of mind and person which were both brilliant and 
 attractive. She was rather bold and independent in her habits 
 and costume ; but these eccentricities were of such a character 
 as always to heighten her charms and render her more irre- 
 sistibly fascinating. She was a very admirable horsewoman ; 
 and when the fair Countess de Teba rode along the Boule- 
 vards, all Paris gaped agog with admiration and wonder. 
 She soon became the most celebrated belle of the capital. 
 At the imperial receptions, the gilded saloons of the Tuilleries 
 contained no face or form so bewitching, so lovely, and so 
 pleasing as that of the young Spanish countess. The vulture 
 eyes of the former lover of Madame Gordon and Mrs. How- 
 ard soon fastened on her. It was indeed shrewdly asserted 
 at the time, that she was there for the express purpose of 
 being thus fastened on ! It did not require a very long period 
 for Louis Napoleon to perceive that here was a god-send for 
 the elect of the whole people, but the rejected of three prin- 
 cesses. Here was a lady of noble birth, of great wealth, of 
 ancient descent though not born in the purple, encumbered
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 181 
 
 by no royal alliances, with no poor relations to provide for, 
 and withal beautiful and charming in the extreme. His 
 attentions to her gradually became marked and suggestive. 
 He found her, upon a more intimate acquaintance, to be 
 highly intelligent, amiable, and more than all, an admirer of 
 his own person, talents, and fame. She seems to have made 
 some impression on his affections, for soon he offered to share 
 with her his throne. Thus solicited the young Countess de 
 Teba stood on no ceremony, and accepted the somewhat 
 mature and faded, but yet imperial bridegroom. The an- 
 nouncement of the coming nuptials was publicly made to the 
 Senate on the 22d of January, 1853. In this communication 
 the Emperor thus expressed himself : 
 
 " She who has been the object of my preference is of 
 princely descent. French in heart, by education, and the 
 recollection of the blood shed by her father in the cause of 
 the Empire, she has, as a Spaniard, the advantage of not 
 having in France a family to whom it might be necessary to 
 give honors and fortune. Endowed with all the qualities of 
 the mind, she will be the ornament of the throne. In the 
 day of danger she would be one of its courageous supporters. 
 A Catholic, she will address to Heaven the same prayers 
 with me for the happiness of France. In fine, by her grace 
 and her goodness, she will, I firmly hope, endeavor to revive 
 in the same position the virtues of the Empress Josephine. 
 
 " I come then, gentlemen, to announce that I have pre- 
 ferred the woman whom I love and whom I respect, to one 
 who is unknown, and whose alliance would have had advan- 
 tages mingled with sacrifices. Without despising any one, I 
 yet yield to my inclinations, after having taking counsel with 
 my reason and my convictions. In fine, by placing inde- 
 pendence, the qualities of the heart, domestic happiness, 
 above dynastic prejudices and the calculations of ambition, 
 I shall not be less strong because I shall be more free. 
 
 "Proceeding immediately to Notre Dame, I shall present 
 the Empress to the people and to the army. The confidence 
 16
 
 182 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORI 
 
 which they have in me assures me of their sympathy ; and 
 you, gentlemen, on better knowing her whom I have chosen, 
 will agree that on this occasion, as on some others, I have 
 been inspired by Providence." 
 
 This match was professedly one of affection and not of 
 state policy ; yet the assertion to that effect in this address 
 would have had more influence could people have forgotten, 
 that overtures had been previously made to several royal 
 families, and that they had been peremptorily rejected. 
 
 Accordingly, the civil marriage of Louis Napoleon with 
 Mdlle. de Montigo, the Countess de Teba, was celebrated at 
 the Tuilleries on the 29th of January ; and the religious 
 ceremonies took place the next day, which was Sunday, with 
 great splendor and magnificence at the Cathedral of Notre 
 Dame. The Archbishop of Paris officiated on this interest- 
 ing occasion. The venerable and capacious edifice was 
 crowded with the most brilliant and elegant assemblage ever 
 convened in France, or perhaps in the world. All the pomp 
 of the Catholic service, all the opulence of the capital, all 
 the beauty and brilliancy of the court, all the grim majesty 
 of the military, whatever was illustrious in science and art, 
 every resource of celebrity, fascination, and lavish luxury, 
 were exhausted on the incidents and the displays of this feli- 
 citous day. The imperial couple sat on two thrones erected 
 in front of the high altar. Sublime and heavenly melody re- 
 sounded beneath the lofty arches of the ancient pile. A nu- 
 merous and gorgeous array of priests assisted. The great 
 representatives of the army, of the senate, of the municipal 
 authorities, of the diplomatic corps, delegations from the 
 great cities of France, and the most brilliant and beautiful 
 female leaders of fashion in the capital, — all were there. 
 The agitation of the young Empress, the focus of so many 
 inquisitive eyes during the ceremony, was extreme. It was 
 necessary for the Emperor to soothe and allay her emotions. 
 All passed off happily and favorably ; and everybody, except 
 the fierce and implacable leaders of the dark and desperate
 
 
 
 E^][p[FB[£^: :UG1PJI

 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 183 
 
 factions, rejoiced at the consummation of the imperial 
 nuptials. 
 
 The Emperor signalized his marriage by an amnesty, which 
 restored to liberty and France nearly five thousand persons 
 who were suffering banishment or imprisonment for political 
 offences. The list embraced several women, and one child 
 fourteen years of age. But it did not include any of the 
 more dangerous and distinguished enemies of the Emperor. 
 All the banished generals, and all the men of importance 
 who were expelled after the events of December, 1851, still 
 remained under the ban of exile. It was estimated that a 
 thousand political offenders, including all those who were 
 really dangerous, were still unpardoned. Their number was 
 considerably augmented by the sweeping arrest on the night 
 of the 5th of February of thirty or forty gentlemen, who 
 were suspected by the government of being the secret Paris 
 correspondents of Belgian, Swiss, German, and Italian jour- 
 nals, and of having put in circulation rumors unfavorable to 
 the character of the new Empress. This arbitrary arrest, 
 effected in the night, and without due process of law, or the 
 slightest proof of offence, created a good deal of dissatisfac- 
 tion and temporarily affected the funds. The Legislative 
 Assembly met on the Hth of February, and with the other 
 bodies was addressed by the Emperor in a brief but em- 
 phatic speech. He said that order had not been disturbed 
 within the year; the law, in resuming its empire, had allowed 
 the return to their homes of a majority of the men who were 
 made the subjects of necessary rigors ; the riches of the nation 
 had increased; the activity of labor had developed itself in 
 every branch of industry ; the form of government had been 
 changed without any shock; great works have been under- 
 taken without any new tax or loan ; peace had been main- 
 tained without weakness ; all the powers have recognized the 
 new government ; and France then had institutions which 
 could defend themselves, and the stability of which did not 
 depend upon the life of a man. " These results," says the
 
 184 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Emperor, " have not cost great efforts, because they were in 
 the minds and for the interests of all. To those who would 
 doubt their importance, I will reply, that scarcely fourteen 
 months ago France was delivered up to the hazards of an- 
 archy. To those who may regret that a wider field has not 
 been given to liberty, I will reply, that liberty has never 
 aided in founding a durable political edifice ; it crowns it 
 when it has been consolidated by time. Let us, besides, 
 not forget that the immense majority of the country has 
 confidence in the present and faith in the future; there 
 still remain incorrigible individuals, who, forgetful of their 
 own experience, of their past errors, and of their disappoint- 
 ments, obstinately persist in paying no attention to the na- 
 tional will, deny the reality of facts, and in the midst of a sea 
 which every day lowers more and more, call for tempests in 
 which they would be the first to be swallowed up. These 
 occult proceedings of the different parties serve no purpose 
 but to show their weakness, and the government, instead of 
 oeing disturbed at them, only think of governing France and 
 tranquilizing Europe." 
 
 The Emperor further assured the legislature that all the 
 resources of the country should be devoted to useful purposes ; 
 and that every possible means should be employed, to render 
 France still more prosperous, secure, and happy, than she 
 had ever been. One significant proof of the probability and 
 the truth of this declaration was the fact that the standing 
 army, which in Louis Philippe's reign had numbered eighty 
 thousand men, had been, during the preceding year, reduced 
 to thirty thousand, and was then about to be diminished to 
 twenty thousand.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 185 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Oiigin of the War in the Crimea — Insulting Letter of Nicholas I. to 
 the French Emperor — Early History of the Crimea — The Empress 
 Catherine II. — She subjugates the Crimea — Origin of Sevastopol — 
 Nicholas I. resolves on the Conquest of Turkey — The Holy Places in 
 Palestine — Communications between Nicholas and the British Govern- 
 ment — The War — The Peace — The Treaty of Paris — Provisions 
 of the Treaty — Louis Napoleon the real Hero of the War — The 
 English Press and its Adulation of him — A Contrast — Visit of Louis 
 Napoleon to Queen Victoria — Extract from the London Times — 
 Addresses by Corporations — Attempt to Assassinate Louis Napoleon 
 in Paris — Visit of Queen Victoria to Louis Napoleon — The Exhibi- 
 tion of the World's Industry — The French Press on the English Al- 
 liance — Birth of the Prince of Algeria — Frantic Joy of the Nation 
 — Addresses of Congratulation — The Emperor's Answer to the 
 Senate — His Pious Reply to the Corps Legislatif — Abdel-Kader — 
 Barbes. 
 
 Scarcely had the general joy and congratulation which 
 attended the imperial nuptials subsided, when the political 
 horizon of Europe became darkened with the gloomy and 
 lowering portends of war. The memorable struggle in the 
 East for the supremacy of the Crimea and Constantinople was 
 about to take place. When Louis Napoleon was elevated 
 to the imperial throne, he dispatched to the Emperor Nicho- 
 las, in common with the rest of the sovereigns of Europe, a 
 messenger informing him of his new dignity. Nicholas re- 
 turned, after some time, an answer so cold, so ambiguous, 
 and so destitute of all courtesy — even of that hollow and 
 worthless courtesy which usually characterizes the intercourse 
 of sovereigns not actually engaged in war, — that Louis Na- 
 poleon could not fail to receive it as a direct insult. He de- 
 termined to be revenged ; but, true to his nature, he proceeded 
 slowly and adroitly in the execution of his purpose. The 
 16*
 
 186 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 result of his machinations was the hastening on of the war in 
 the East, and the ultimate results which followed : — the send- 
 ing of a powerful French armament to the Crimea; the 
 memorable battles of the Alma, Balaklava, Inkermann, and 
 Sevastopol ; the uniform victories of the allied armies ; the 
 baffling of the ambitious aims of the proud Czar ; his deep 
 mortification and disappointment ; and even his premature 
 death, which was undoubtedly produced by the disasters which 
 befell his arms in the conflicts of the Crimea. By all these 
 Louis Napoleon was in the end amply avenged ! 
 
 It is a remarkable circumstance, that in this nineteenth 
 century the mighty tide of human events has been rushing 
 back again, from the gold-burdened climes of the West, to 
 those venerable scenes and landmarks in the East which were 
 renowned in ancient history and mythology ; but which, during 
 some ages past, had escaped the scrutiny and lost the interest 
 of mankind. 1 
 
 Many cycles have revolved since the quiet shores of the 
 Euxine became the scene of war's tumultuous agitation. 
 The triumphant legions of Alexander the Great, of Mithri- 
 dates, and of Pompey, there successively discovered a con- 
 genial resting-place in their wearied careers of conquest. 
 Afterward, the ferocious cohorts of Genghis Khan and Tamer- 
 lane, having devastated immense tracts of Asia, and spread 
 desolation over half a continent, found themselves beneath 
 the cool shades of the wooded vales of the Crimea ; and there 
 they also ceased their march of triumph. 
 
 In this same region, anciently termed the Tauric Cherso- 
 nesus, Iphigenia, the beautiful daughter of Agamemnon, 
 having fled in terror to escape the execution of a cruel vow, 
 became the high-priestess of her chaste protectress, Diana ; 
 erected a splendid temple to her solemn worship ; and conse- 
 crated the laud forever to the sublime religion and philosophy 
 
 1 Several pages are here inserted from the author's work, entitled: 
 'The Life and Reign of Nicholas I., Emperor of Russia," &c.
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 187 
 
 of Greece. And afterward, as age after age revolved, that 
 fertile and delicious clime became successively the prey of the 
 invading Greeks, the Romans, the Goths, the Tartars, and 
 the Turks. At length, in the year 1774, the Empress 
 Catherine II. of Russia, suddenly arousing herself from the 
 voluptuous embraces of her fawning and pampered paramours, 
 cast her ambitious eyes abroad over its rich valleys and fruit- 
 covered plains ; and she resolved that they should become 
 incorporated into her vast empire. For a time she forgot, or 
 at least suspended, her tender and licentious dalliances, in 
 order to obey the promptings of a sterner and perhaps a 
 nobler passion, — that of conquest and aggression. The 
 policy which she adopted was the one to which the Muscovite 
 sovereigns have ever been partial ; she extended her protec- 
 tion first, she imposed her jurisdiction and supremacy after- 
 ward. She first induced the khans of the Crimea, by her 
 secret emissaries, to resist the Turkish authority. A war then 
 ensued between the sultan and his rebellious subjects. The 
 Russian empress interfered, and at length stipulated for the 
 independence of the Tartars from the Turkish yoke. The 
 khans being thus free, she next provoked animosities and 
 conflicts between them. She was again invited to interpose 
 She complied with the request of the khans ; she took their 
 causes of dispute into consideration ; and restored peace 
 among them by inducing the reigning khan, Sahim Gheray, 
 to adopt Russian principles of government. This excited 
 the rebellion of his subjects, as Catherine intended that it 
 should ; and he was forced to abdicate the throne. He was 
 then dragged as a prisoner to an obscure Russian town ; was 
 delivered over to the Turks and was finally beheaded by them 
 at Rhodes. Thus, the Crimea being left without a legitimate 
 master, Russia easily assumed the sovereign power ; and this 
 lawless assumption Turkey was at last compelled to confirm 
 and recognize, by the solemn treaty of 1784. 
 
 The Crimea being thus annexed to the Russian Empire, it 
 was necessary to create a new metropolis for the new pro-
 
 188 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 vince. Prince Potempkin, then the minister of the triumphant 
 Empress, settled the question of the location of the capital, 
 after a peculiar fashion of his own. He tossed up a coin, 
 and Simferopol, the ancient capital, was destined still to 
 retain that dignity. The seat of the new government was 
 established there, large barracks were erected, and a strong 
 garrison was placed in occupation of the works. 
 
 But still, the ambition of the invincible Catherine was not 
 satiated. Imperial majesty and greatness were without an 
 adequate representative among the cities of the southern ex- 
 tremity of her dominions. She must possess a fortress of 
 sufficient magnitude to defend the Crimea from external 
 attack, and as a formidable centre for her own future aggres- 
 sion. The old and obscure town of Akhtiar was found to 
 offer very great advantages for such a purpose. Immediately 
 an army of workmen were ordered thither, and enormous 
 works were at once begun. New harbors were excavated. 
 Immense arsenals were built. Colossal fortresses were con 
 structed. Vast quantities of the munitions of war were 
 accumulated. All the resources then possessed by the art 
 of engineering were exhausted in the defence of the place, 
 and in the construction of its works. A powerful and per- 
 manent garrison was stationed there, to overawe the Sultan, 
 and to protect Russian commerce in the Black Sea and the 
 Dardanelles. And this new bulwark of Russian power, this 
 grim portend of coming aggression, was then called Sevas- 
 topol, — a name which has since become heir to a world-wide 
 but an unfortunate celebrity. And soon the shores of the 
 Crimea became studded with the splendid palaces and sump- 
 tuous retreats of the nobility of the Russian capital, who 
 were enamored of its balmy skies, its delicious atmosphere, 
 its fertile plains, and its beautiful scenery. 
 
 Nicholas I. had occupied the throne of the czars for nearly 
 thirty years, when he seems to have come to the conclusion, 
 that the period had at length arrived, when he should realize 
 the glorious and crowning project of his life and ambition, —
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 189 
 
 the final and complete subjugation of the throne of the Sul- 
 tans to his own, and the incorporation of the European 
 empire of the infidels into that of the orthodox believers. 
 
 That was in truth a sublime spectacle, presented by the 
 powerful Czar, as seated in his northern capital, he delibe- 
 rately contemplated the achievement of this vast enterprise. 
 That he never for a moment doubted the certainty of his com- 
 plete success, will readily be admitted by all who are familiar 
 with the stern character of Nicholas, with the imbecility of 
 the sultan, and with the relative physical forces of their two 
 empires. And this gorgeous dream of Oriental conquest 
 was the same which bad once fired the imagination of the as- 
 piring Catherine ; but which her sudden death had prevented 
 her from attempting to realize. Alexander I. had been 
 diverted from it, by his terrible conflicts with Napoleon I. 
 And now Nicholas, not less ambitious and more powerful 
 than either, determined to emulate the fame of the Great 
 Peter, the first founder of the empire, by himself deserving 
 the equal title of its second creator, by adding to it the vast 
 conquests which his triumphant arms would make, over the 
 patrimony of the descendants of the False Prophet. 
 
 Never had a more gorgeous conception than this, inflamed 
 the imagination, and elicited the abilities, of a conqueror. 
 It would have thrown a halo of transcendent glory around 
 his name, had he been the ultimate vanquisher of that once 
 formidable and sanguinary power, which for so many ages 
 had disturbed the repose of Christendom ; which had crushed 
 the stately republic of Venice ; which had assaulted the bul- 
 warks of Vienna ; which had desolated the commerce of the 
 Mediterranean ; and which had inflicted on so many myriads 
 of unfortunate believers the horrors of a captivity far worse 
 than death itself. And had the Czar been able to realize this 
 stupendous scheme of conquest, his consolidated empire 
 would then indeed have been more colossal than any other 
 which has ever existed ; than that of Alexander the Great, 
 than that of Charlemagne, than that even of Napoleou I.
 
 190 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Preparatory to commencing this vast project, Nicholas en" 
 deavored to cajole and deceive the British government, either 
 into active co-operation with him, or into a passive indiffer- 
 ence to his measures. He took occasion to express his 
 feigned sentiments of amity toward England, to the English 
 ambassador then at his court, Sir H. Seymour, in February, 
 1854. Said he: "It is very essential that the English go- 
 vernment and I should be on the best terms ; and the neces- 
 sity was never greater than at present. I beg you to convey 
 these words to Lord John Russel. As long as we are agreed, 
 I am quite indifferent as to the rest of Europe." "It in- 
 stantly occurred to me," continued Sir H. Seymour, in re- 
 ference to this conversation, " that it was incomplete, and I 
 determined to inquire more particularly into his views. I 
 therefore said to his majesty, ' Permit me to take a great 
 liberty.' ' Certainly; let me hear what it is.' I observed 
 to him that I should be particularly glad if his majesty would 
 add a few words which would tend to calm the anxiety with 
 regard to the affairs of Turkey, which existed in England. 
 Said Nicholas , ' The affairs of Turkey are in a very disor- 
 ganized condition. The country indeed seems to be going to 
 ruin, (menace mine;) its fall will be a great misfortune, and 
 it is very important that England and Russia should come to 
 a perfectly good understanding upon these affairs. We have 
 on our hands a sick man, — a very sick man. It will be a 
 great misfortune, if one of these days, he should slip away 
 from us. ' "* 
 
 In 1853, the French ambassador at Constantinople had 
 been instructed to inquire into certain alleged grievances 
 which were inflicted upon the Latin or Roman Christians in 
 Palestine. The Sultan, on receiving the communication of 
 the French ambassador, General Aupich, on the subject, im- 
 
 1 "Nous avons sur les bras un homme malade, — un homme grave- 
 ment malade; ce sera un grand malheur si, un de ces jours, il devait 
 nous 6chapper ; surtout avant que toutes les dispositions necessaries 
 fussent prises," &c.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 191 
 
 mediately appointed a commission to investigate the grounds 
 of complaint. This commission declared, after the necessary 
 examination, that the Latins were entitled to the guardian- 
 ship of the " Holy Places" in question, inasmuch as they had 
 been formerly named in a firman which the Sultan had granted 
 to that church, as entitled to that trust. 
 
 Here then was the decided pretext for hostilities for which 
 the Czar so eagerly searched. He immediately wrote to the 
 Sultan, Abd-ul-Medjid, insisting that the privileges of the 
 Greek Christians in Palestine had been invaded ; and requi- 
 ring that the custody of the Holy Places should be withdrawn 
 from the Latins, and entrusted to the Greeks. The Sultan, 
 on receiving this portentous epistle from the Czar, was terri- 
 fied. He immediately annulled the proceedings of the com- 
 mission, and appointed another to take the same matter into 
 consideration. This commission attempted to obviate all 
 causes of dispute, and reported in favor of allowing the Greek 
 and Latin Christians to have equal access and right to the 
 great Cupola of the Holy Sepulchre ; and that the Latins 
 should have access to the Tomb of the Virgin, and a key to 
 the Church of Bethlehem. 
 
 To this very reasonable arrangement the French govern- 
 ment acceded ; and here would have been an end of all diffi- 
 culty so far as everybody was concerned, excepting the Czar. 
 But he did not entertain the remotest idea of being satisfied 
 with any thing ; no concession, however fair and reasonable, 
 would have been received by him as a final adjustment of 
 the dangerous and unhappy dispute. With the most despi- 
 cable duplicity and dishonesty he directed his ambassador to 
 insist, that the key which the Latins were to possess, should 
 be that of aside-door only ; and that the promulgation of the 
 decree of the Sultan should be read in Jerusalem in the most 
 public manner, and then announced throughout the Turkish 
 dominions. To these absurd demands the Sultan showed an 
 unexpected and spirited resistance. He was inflexible in 
 reference to the important matter of the key; and the entrance
 
 192 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 to the Great Door of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was 
 formally entrusted to the Latin monks. 
 
 Nicholas pretended to be incensed at the stubbornness of 
 the Sultan, and his resistance to his just demands ; and in the 
 spring of 1853 he announced that he was about to send to 
 Constantinople an extraordinary ambassador of high rank, 
 commissioned to set forth in full his demands. On the 
 1st of March, accordingly, Prince Menschikoff arrived in 
 Constantinople ; and the very next day demanded and re- 
 ceived an audience with the Sultan. This very first procedure 
 was an insult to the Ottoman court and sovereign, inasmuch 
 as diplomatic etiquette imperatively required, that he should 
 first have had an interview with the Minister of Foreign Af- 
 fairs. A month passed away in arrogant and unreasonable 
 assumptions on the one side, and in vain attempts at concilia- 
 tion and arrangement on the other. At length, on the 5th of 
 May, Prince Menschikoff announced to the Divan, that he 
 had received the ultimatum of the Czar, the acceptance of 
 which on the part of the Sultan would prevent any further 
 difficulties. This ultimatum was in substance a demand, 
 that the Sultan should acknowledge a Russian protectorate 
 over all the Greek subjects of the Ottoman empire, — a con- 
 cession which would have been equivalent to establishing a 
 Russian supremacy over two-thirds of the population of the 
 Turkish dominions. Menschikoff allowed the Sultan twelve 
 days for the acceptance of this infamous proposition ; which 
 was ultimately rejected. 
 
 It is not our purpose to narrate all the events of the 
 memorable war in the East. Sevastopol fell, after a siege of 
 a year's duration, and after a hundred thousand men had 
 perished around and within her walls. An armistice was 
 proclaimed between the belligerent forces early in the year 
 1856; and, in a few weeks afterwards, the plenipotentiaries 
 of Austria, Russia, France, Great Britain, Sardinia, and 
 Turkey, duly accredited from their respective governments, 
 assembled in Paris, to arrange the preliminaries and the con-
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 193 
 
 ditions of a treaty which should give permanent peace to a 
 troubled continent. 
 
 On this important and memorable occasion, which involved 
 the vital interests of so many millions of human beings, 
 Austria was represented by Count Buol ; Russia, by Count 
 Orloff; France, by Prince Walewski ; Great Britain, by 
 Lord Clarendon ; Sardinia, by Count Cavour ; and Turkey, 
 by Ali Pacha, — diplomatists of the highest eminence and 
 celebrity in Europe. 
 
 On Sunday, March 30th, 1856, the long and arduous labors 
 of these plenipotentiaries terminated. 
 
 The draft of the general treaty of peace drawn up by the 
 Comiti de Redaction having, in the sitting of Saturday, ob- 
 tained the sanction of the Congress, the plenipotentiaries of 
 the contracting Powers met the next day to proceed to the 
 formal act of affixing their signatures to the document. M. 
 Feuillet de Conches, chief of the protocol department in the 
 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, had caused seven copies of the 
 treaty, written on parchment, to be prepared and placed 
 on the table of the conferees in such a manner that each 
 copy was put before the plenipotentiary of the government 
 by which it was to be ratified. After the text of the seven 
 copies had been carefully compared, the plenipotentiaries 
 proceeded to affix their signatures to the end of the treaty. 
 Count Walewski, as President of the Congress, signed first, 
 and the other representatives in the alphabetical order of 
 their respective countries. It was at this moment that the 
 emperor was informed by electric telegraph that the treaty 
 of peace was being signed ; and his Majesty sent back word 
 to the members of the Congress that he would be ready to 
 receive them after they had concluded their task. But, 
 although the mere act of affixing their signatures occupied 
 the plenipotentiaries but a very brief portion of time, yet the 
 whole of the formality of signing lasted nearly two hours, as 
 the plenipotentiaries, in addition to their signatures at the 
 bottom of each protocol, had to affix their initials to the 
 17 N
 
 194 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 different paragraphs, the whole number of such minor signa- 
 tures being, it is said, thirty-eight. The plenipotentiaries of 
 each contracting Power signed first the copy reserved for 
 their government, and then the other plenipotentiaries signed 
 in alphabetical order. In this manner, each contracting 
 Power figuring at the head of the signatures of the copy 
 which it was to ratify, all difficulties as to etiquette or pre- 
 cedency were avoided. To each signature was immediately 
 attached the privy seal of each plenipotentiary. Immediately 
 after the close of the sitting, all the plenipotentiaries repaired 
 together to the Tuilleries, where they had the honor of being 
 received by the Emperor. Cabinet couriers were sent off in 
 the evening to London, Vienna, Berlin, St. Petersburg, Turin, 
 and Constantinople, in order to submit the treaty to the 
 ratification of their respective sovereigns. 
 
 The first point of this treaty implied a material guarantee 
 i — the neutralization of the Black Sea — the only high-road to 
 Constantinople for a Russian fleet. Russia was to destroy her 
 arsenals and forts in the Black Sea, which was to become a 
 commercial sea, with European consuls in its ports. On the 
 land side, the Danubian Principalities were to form a barriei 
 against any further attempt at aggression by Russia. 
 
 The second point had a moral, political, as well as a general 
 object. Russia renounced all pretension to interfere in the 
 internal administration of Turkey, which latter entered into 
 the great family of nations. 
 
 The Emperor Alexander II. solemnly declared that he 
 renounced sincerely and completely the traditional policy of 
 Peter the Great and of Catherine II., as regarded the exten- 
 sion of the Russian Empire in the East. 
 
 The third point guaranteed the freedom of the navigation 
 of the Danube to all countries. 
 
 The fourth point secured the immunities and privileges of 
 the Christian subjects of the Porte. 
 
 The fifth point concerned Nicolaieff, which was to be dis-
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 195 
 
 mantled, the Aland Islands, Ismail, and Bomarsund. All 
 these points were satisfactorily settled. 
 
 The treaty was signed with a quill expressly prepared for 
 the occasion. The plenipotentiaries intended each to retain 
 the pen with which he signed his name and made his flourishes. 
 But the Empress Eugenie having expressed a desire to pre- 
 serve the quill with which the treaty was executed, the pleni- 
 potentiaries acceded to her wish, and a pen was accordingly 
 provided for this distinguished purpose. An eagle's quill 
 was selected, which was elegantly mounted in gold and gems. 
 Why this bellicose emblem was chosen, instead of a more 
 pacific goose-quill, does not clearly appear ! 
 
 The moment the signatures were completed, a telegraphic 
 signal sent to the Invalides indicated the happy consumma- 
 tion ; and a hundred and one discharges of artillery pro- 
 claimed in tones of thunder, to the astonished and delighted 
 inhabitants of the capital, the welcome tidings and auspicious 
 news of "peace on earth, and good-will to men." 
 
 This much-discussed treaty of peace was signed on the 
 anniversary of a great event. On that day, forty-two years 
 before, was fought the battle of Paris, the last act of the 
 great drama of which Europe was the theatre ; and on the 
 following day the Russians entered the French capital, and 
 dictated terms of peace where now their ambassadors came to 
 ask for it. 
 
 This finale to the war in the East, so flattering to the pride 
 of the French people, was chiefly due to the skilful manage- 
 ment of Louis Napoleon. It was through his efforts that 
 England had combined with France in supporting the cause 
 of Turkey. He took care to send to the Crimea a powerful 
 and efficient army, to press on the siege of Sevastopol, to 
 drive the young Czar to extremities, to compel him to pro- 
 pose terms of peace, to summon a congress of plenipotenti- 
 aries, to appoint his capital as the place of meeting, to 
 superintend and control their deliberations ; and, finally, so 
 to mould them thai the chief glory and profit, both of the war
 
 196 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 and of the peace, should redound to himself and to hi3 
 Empire. 
 
 It cannot be denied that the chief gainer by this war was 
 the Emperor of the French. Nor was it the least important 
 of his advantages that he had become the ally of England. 
 Previous to that alliance she had been his worst enemy among 
 the nations. The tone of the whole English press in 1852, 
 and previously, in reference to Louis Napoleon, was abusive 
 and derisive in the extreme. There probably never was the 
 same amount of printed ridicule heaped upon any one man, 
 as that which the English press lavished on Louis Napoleon 
 previous to this alliance. They stigmatized him in the vilest 
 language as a despicable parvenu, as a worthless debauchee, 
 as a stupid and silly adventurer, as devoid of all talent, and 
 force or dignity of character ; and they asserted that his 
 election to the presidency was an eternal and indelible dis- 
 grace to the French people. The London Times especially, 
 the great literary monster of the age, exhausted every resource 
 of sarcasm and abuse on the unhappy aspirant to the imperial 
 crown. 
 
 It is both amusing in itself, and illustrative of the utter 
 worthlessness of the popular hue and cry, to observe the total 
 change of tone and sentiment which characterized the British 
 press after the alliance with France had taken place, and 
 during the progress and after the conclusion of the war. 
 Between the years 1852 and 1855, by some potent and 
 mysterious process, the character and almost the identity of 
 Louis Napoleon had been totally changed. At the latter 
 period the English press and people lauded him to the skies 
 as a man of prodigious abilities, of great worth and dignity 
 of character, of noble and lofty sentiments, as the saviour 
 and benignant genius of France ; and his elevation to the 
 imperial throne was spoken of as the most fortunate and pro- 
 pitious event which had happened to France in many genera- 
 tions. The London Times now became frantic in his praise. 
 It could scarcely find language with which adequately to 

 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 197 
 
 express the transcendent merits of the very man upon whose 
 head, three years before, it had exhausted every expression 
 of contempt, hatred and derision. And it need scarcely be 
 said, that to every reflecting and impartial mind, both the 
 extreme of censure and the extreme of adulation were unde- 
 served and unjust. Louis Napoleon is neither on the one 
 hand an idiot or a demon ; nor is he on the other a demigod 
 or an angel. 
 
 So very popular had the alliance between France and Eng- 
 land rendered Louis Napoleon in the latter country, that, in 
 1855, he and the Empress Eugenie visited the British queen 
 in her own dominions. The display of courtly pageantries 
 and lavish hospitality, of aristocratic adulation and of popular 
 applause, was prodigious and overwhelming. Addresses were 
 made to his Imperial Majesty by the great corporations of 
 the British capital. The style which characterized all these 
 addresses may be inferred from one or two examples. We 
 quote from those offered by the ancient and honorable Corpo- 
 ration of Windsor, and by the Merchants, Bankers, and 
 Brokers of London. The former body emitted the following : 
 
 "We are sensible, Sire, that to the wisdom and vigor of 
 your Imperial Majesty's councils, and to your unceasing en- 
 deavors to promote the true interests of the powerful and 
 generous nation which Providence has committed to your 
 care, may be attributed that prosperity and happiness which 
 your country now so freely enjoys; and we venture to augur 
 that, by encouraging a friendly and personal intercourse be- 
 tween your Imperial Majesty and the sovereign of Great 
 Britain, your Majesty adopts the 6urest means, not only of 
 strengthening a happy and stable alliance between the two 
 countries, but of maintaining the liberties and civilization of 
 Europe. 
 
 " May your Imperial Majesty and your illustrious Consort 
 long live to enjoy every domestic and personal blessing, 
 and the loyalty and attachment of an admiring and grateful 
 people." 
 
 IT*
 
 198 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 The address of the London merchants contained, among 
 other sentiments, the following : 
 
 "We fervently rejoice in the advancing prosperity of 
 France, in the consolidation of order, in the establishment 
 of confidence, so eminently manifested under your Majesty's 
 reign. 
 
 " We desire that these blessings may continue ; that a 
 growing and mutually advantageous commercial intercourse 
 may be maintained between the two countries, — and, above 
 all, that the inhabitants of both may be so connected by the 
 ties of reciprocal esteem and good-will, that their present 
 amicable position may endure for this and succeeding gene- 
 rations, to their common welfare, and the advancement of 
 civilization throughout the world." 
 
 The replies which the Emperor made to all these fond ad- 
 dresses were calculated to flatter the pride of the British 
 people, to increase his popularity with them, and to render 
 the harmony of sentiment between the two nations more com- 
 plete. The populace following the example set them by the 
 court, expressed their admiration of the imperial visitor in 
 the most extravagant and tumultuous manner. His appear- 
 ance in the public highways was the signal for the joyous 
 assembling of thousands ; and he who had formerly paced 
 the streets of London almost destitute of a shilling, and de- 
 pendent entirely upon the despotic yet amorous partiality of 
 Mrs. Howard for his daily subsistence, now rode along the 
 same streets as the honored guest of the British monarch, and 
 overwhelmed with the rapturous adoration of that very same 
 crowd, whose disorders and breaches of the peace he had for- 
 merly aided in person to suppress, as a London constable 1 
 
 On the occasion of this visit the English press exceeded in 
 its praises of the illustrious stranger, all its previous achieve- 
 ments. The London Times as usual took the lead. The 
 following extract from its columns is interesting, when con 
 trasted with the furious abuse of him, which several yeara 
 before had been concocted by the same brain, which had been
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 109 
 
 printed by the same type, and which had been issued from 
 the same office : 
 
 " It was the associations connected with Napoleon the 
 Third — the remembrance of his deeds, and the knowledge 
 of his worth, which pressed along his progress the millions 
 who this week have given to the world an imperishable testi- 
 mony of their appreciation, their amply founded appreciation, 
 of fortitude in troubles, energy in action, courage amidst dan- 
 gers, and clemency amid triumphs. They honored the wis- 
 dom and probity which occupied a mighty throne, and 
 honored the thousand princely qualities which had won it : 
 they honored the great man who had retrieved the prospe- 
 rity and the power of France : they honored the good sove- 
 reign, whose chief care is the welfare of his people ; and in 
 the greeting offered to Napoleon, we may truly add, there 
 was love for the nation which he had restored to its legitimate 
 place amongst the powers of the earth at a moment most 
 critical to its destinies, and given back, with the suddenness 
 of enchantment, all its internal prosperity, after convulsions 
 which made the most sanguine despair of its future. Given 
 back ! He has opened for it a new career of unprecedented 
 success ! " 
 
 The Emperor returned to his capital, greatly gratified with 
 the results of his visit to the British queen. But his plea- 
 surable sensations were somewhat diminished by an attempt 
 to assassinate him on the 28th of April, when riding near the 
 Barrier de l'Etoile, shortly after his return. On that occasion 
 the Emperor behaved with his usual calmness of demeanor : 
 and was the first to ride up to the Empress and assure her 
 of his safety. In his address to the Senate in answer to their 
 congratulations upon his escape, the Emperor remarked that 
 there are some lives which could not be destroyed until they 
 had fulfilled the destiny assigned them by Providence ; that 
 his mission was not yet finished ; and that until it was com- 
 pleted no assassin's blow could injure him. The best " Pro- 
 vidence " which, on that occasion as well as several others,
 
 200 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 saved his life, was a fine coat of steel mail on which the 
 utmost art of the armorer has been exhausted, which he con- 
 stantly wore on his person. 1 
 
 A few mouths afterward, the prolific Queen of England re- 
 turned the visit which the Emperor of the French had made 
 her. On that memorable occasion, the brilliant capital of 
 France assumed unwonted hues of splendor, and exhibited 
 scenes of festivity and joy, such as probably Europe had 
 never seen before. The "World's Exhibition of Industry" 
 had gathered together there a host of strangers, both opulent, 
 eminent and obscure, from every quarter of the habitable globe. 
 The great centre of modern civilization, luxury, art, science 
 and fashion, exhausted all her infinite resources, to impress, 
 delight and charm the royal visitor. During many ages 
 there had never been such an event as these reciprocal visits 
 between the English and French sovereigns ; and the occa- 
 sion was rendered as memorable as human ingenuity combined 
 with wealth, refinement, and liberality, could make it. It 
 were vain and useless to attempt a description of that gay 
 carnival which marked the presence of the British Queen and 
 her attendants in Paris. The impression which was pro- 
 duced upon the public mind by the events which there took 
 place, may be inferred from the following extract from one 
 of the leading Parisian journals, which appeared at the ter- 
 mination of the queen's visit : 
 
 "France and England are at the head of the civilization 
 of the world. They concur equally, although with qualities 
 
 1 The assassin's name in this instance was Pianori. He approached 
 the Emperor and fired twice. The second ball grazed Napoleon's 
 hat. The assassin was immediately seized, and afterward tried, con- 
 victed, and executed. A previous attempt to destroy Louis Napoleon 
 had been made on the 4th of July, 1854, at the Opera Comique, by four 
 men who stationed themselves at the door; but their suspicious conduct 
 caused them to be arrested. They were the agents of two secret socie- 
 ties, composed of forty members, who had sworn to establish a republio 
 and proclaim Blanqui dictator.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 201 
 
 diverse, in the encouragement of human intelligence in the 
 path of progress. They are by agreement to accomplish 
 together that mission of peace which they have received from 
 Providence, and from which they do not allow themselves to 
 be led astray by the complaints and the irritations of envious 
 and egotistical rivalries. When two nations intermingle and 
 become identified in a perpetual exchange of ideas and 
 things, how can they be otherwise than allies ? . . More than 
 once it has been attempted to disunite the two nations on the 
 most frivolous and ridiculous pretexts. Scarcely two years 
 ago, were we not witnesses to the strangest spectacle ? Have 
 we not seen England a prey to illusions somewhat peurile, in 
 a state of alarm about our designs, and arming herself to 
 resist a chimerical invasion from France ? What suspicion 
 and defiance I What violence and insult ! Confidence is 
 now happily re-established. The alliance which for a 
 moment one might have conceived to be menaced has re- 
 covered from that shock, and even those who repelled it with 
 the greatest wrath and indignation proclaim it for evermore 
 unshakable, and necessary for the prosperity, the glory, the 
 honor of the country. " 
 
 The felicity of Louis Napoleon was now about to receive 
 a further augmentation, and his sudden yet vigorous empire 
 to be strengthened by an additional element of perpetuity and 
 power. On the 14th of March, 1855, a son and heir was 
 born to the Emperor. On this occasion, the accoucheur 
 was M. Dubois, the grandson of that M. Dubois who offi- 
 ciated in the same capacity to Maria Louisa some fifty years 
 before, at the birth of the unfortunate King of Rome. He 
 afterward received from the grateful Emperor a present of 
 forty thousand francs ; being twice the sum bestowed by the 
 first Emperor on the physician of the Austrian Princess. 
 
 The joy exhibited throughout France, on the birth of the 
 imperial prince, was excessive. The birth of the King of 
 Rome had not elicited greater displays of enthusiasm. The 
 name given to the new heir of the empire was Napoleon-
 
 202 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Louis-Eugene- Jean-Joseph- Prince of Algeria, and Fils de 
 France. The addresses of congratulation sent to the happy 
 E-mperor from all the corporations and cities of France were 
 innumerable. To all of these, he made prudent and polite 
 replies, which were well received. The following extracts 
 will serve as specimens of the whole, and are useful as indi- 
 cating the prevalent feeling of the nation. The first was in 
 reply to the address of the Senate : 
 
 "The Senate has participated in my joy on hearing that 
 Heaven has given me a son, and you have hailed as a happy 
 event the birth of a child of France. I intentionally make 
 use of that expression. In fact the Emperor Napoleon, my 
 uncle, who had applied to the new system created by the re- 
 volution all that was great and elevated in the old regime, 
 had resumed that ancient denomination of the children of 
 France. The reason is, gentlemen, that when an heir is born 
 who is destined to perpetuate a national system, that child is 
 not only the scion of a family, but also in truth the son of the 
 whole country, and that appellation points out to him his 
 duties. If this were true under the old monarchy, which re- 
 presented exclusively the privileged classes, how much more 
 so is it now, when the sovereign is the elect of the nation, the 
 first citizen of the country, and the representative of the in- 
 terests of all ? I thank you for the kind wishes which you 
 have expressed for this child of France and for the Empress. " 
 
 In reply to the congratulations of the Corps Legislatif, 
 the Emperor delivered himself piously as follows : 
 
 " I have been much affected at the manifestation of youi 
 feelings at the birth of a son whom Providence has given me. 
 You have hailed in him the hope, so eagerly entertained by 
 the nation, of the perpetuity of a system which is regarded 
 as the surest guarantee of the general interests of the country ; 
 but the unanimous acclamations which surround his cradle do 
 not prevent me from reflecting on the destiny of those who 
 have been born in the same place and under similar circum- 
 stances. If I feel hopes that his fate may be more fortunate.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 203 
 
 it is in the first place because I confide in Providence, because 
 I cannot doubt its protection when seeing it raise up, by a 
 concurrence of extraordinary circumstances, all that it was 
 pleased to level forty years ago, as though it wished to give 
 strength, by martyrdom and misfortune, to a new dynasty, 
 springing from the ranks of the people." 1 
 
 1 It was on this happy occasion that Louis Napoleon exhibited his 
 clemency by visiting the Chateau cT Amboise, where the heroic Prince 
 Abd-el-Kader was confined, by liberating him from his prison, and by 
 providing handsomely for the support of the despoiled ruler of Algeria. 
 Abd-el-Kader gratefully accepted the proffered boon ; but all the objects 
 of Imperial generosity were not as appreciative of it. Immediately 
 after the conclusion of the war in the Crimea, Barbes, the former con- 
 spirator against the Provisional Government, wrote a letter to a friend, 
 in which he expressed his joy at the triumph of the arms of France. 
 This letter was shown to Louis Napoleon, who immediately ordered hia 
 release from prison, where he had been confined ever since his attempt 
 against the government. But Barbes indignantly refused to receive 
 his freedom from the hands of a despotic usurper. He insisted on 
 remaining in prison. He was then expelled from it by main force. 
 Unable to remain under lock and key, he refused to enjoy his liberty 
 or even to live where a despot reigned, and fled to England. This ia 
 probably the most singular instance of ludicrous stubbornness on 
 record.
 
 204 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Relation of Louis Napoleon to Marshal St. Arnaud — The Army of 
 the Allies — St. Arnaud and the Coup d'JEtat — He takes no part in 
 the Revolution of February — Leading quality of St. Arnaud — Hia 
 peculiar Afflictions — His Successes — The Slanders which those Suc- 
 cesses elicited — The Mental Tortures which they inflicted on him — 
 His only Remedy — St. Arnaud and the Priest — He is appointed 
 Commander of the Army of the East — Suffers under a dreadful and 
 fatal Disease — Proceedings at Varna — Embarkation for the Crimea — 
 Battle of the Alma — Heroism of the Zouaves — Exertions of St. 
 Arnaud — The Victory — He sleeps on the Battle-field — His Farewell 
 to the Army — Resigns the Command to General Canrobert — His 
 Death. 
 
 In order to form a correct idea of the character and career 
 of the Emperor of the French, it will be necessary to survey 
 the qualities, and to sketch the history of those men who were 
 his chief confederates, and his most important opponents. 
 This will enable us to compute the nature of the difficulties 
 which he overcame in his upward pathway to the throne ; and 
 the varied intellectual resources which eventually secured him 
 the victory. Besides all this, the biographies of these men 
 are interesting and important in themselves. 
 
 Probably the most remarkable confederate of Louis Napo- 
 leon, and the one to whose talents and labors he owes the 
 greatest debt of obligation is Marshal St. Arnaud. 
 
 It was on the 14th of September, 1854, that two hundred 
 and eighty-four ships appeared on the Black Sea Never 
 before had so vast an armament pressed the bosom of that 
 watery waste. It contained the confederate armies of Eng- 
 .and and France, sailing directly to the Crimea, for the pur- 
 pose of subduing the Russian Colossus. Lord Raglan, a
 
 OF NAPOLKON III 205 
 
 pupil and a type of the iron Wellington, commanded the 
 English forces. St. Arnaud was the chief of the French 
 troops. He was a warrior of a peculiar mould ; he was one 
 of those adventurous captains who are frenzied with military 
 ardor ; who shine like meteors, and who are often eventually 
 consumed by the intensity of their own heat. His greatness 
 was the product of the last revolution ; for his ungovernable 
 activity which would have been, and indeed long had been, 
 suppressed and crushed by the prevalence of peace, had 
 enabled him to rise to the summit of political importance, 
 while less impetuous spirits prudently withdrew from the van 
 of the contest. Marshal St. Arnaud, when the coup d'etat 
 of December was determined upon by the President of France, 
 stepped forward and demanded the chief post of danger on 
 that memorable day. His offer was accepted ; and to his 
 energy and talents the success of the movement was in a great 
 measure attributable. 
 
 St. Arnaud fought for twenty years in the deserts of Africa, 
 and the captive Abd-el-Kader was a living trophy of his 
 prowess. In these inferior positions, he often displayed supe- 
 rior talents ; and Marshal Bugeaud even then discerned his 
 future celebrity. Although St. Arnaud detested democracy 
 and politics, yet that prejudice was only the result of a sol- 
 dier's ignorance. He was one of the swords of France, one 
 of her most efficient weapons, and it was only necessary for 
 a crisis in the history of his country to occur, in which the 
 combination of a sword and an intellect was necessary to 
 strike a blow and to direct a movement of decisive import- 
 ance, to enable him to display his real power and fulfil his 
 legitimate destiny. Such a revolution was not that of Feb- 
 ruary. St. Arnaud witnessed its progress and issue without 
 concern. Consumed with disgust and contempt he returned 
 to Algiers from his temporary visit to France ; he even looked 
 with pity on his former comrades in arms who plunged 
 eagerly into that commotion, — on Cavaignac, Bedeau, La- 
 moriciere, Chan gamier, and Leflo. He could not corapre- 
 18
 
 206 PUBLIC AND PHI V ATE HISTORY 
 
 hend why they should take an active part in such a revolu- 
 tion ; why soldiers and heroes should fight for the supremacy 
 of the rabble ; why their swords should be made props for 
 anything but thrones and dynasties ; and in one of his letters 
 from Algiers immediately after his return thither, he said : 
 " It is not yet time ; the great revolution in France and the 
 last, has not yet come ; but it soon will come !" St. Arnaud 
 was a wise prophet as well as a brave soldier. The revolu- 
 tion which was to seal his glory had not yet come ; but he 
 entertained unbounded faith in its advent, nor was his confi- 
 dence disappointed. 
 
 The great conflict between the Executive and the Legis- 
 lature in 1851, presented just such an occasion as the General 
 desired, and he did not hesitate a moment which side to take. 
 It was but reasonable that a soldier should declare himself 
 for the ruling power. Louis Napoleon had formed a very 
 correct idea of the character of St. Arnaud, who at that time 
 commanded the division of Constantine. The latter suddenly 
 learned that he was to be summoned to Paris, and that the 
 porte-folio of the Minister of War was to placed in his hands. 
 He at once discerned the path of destiny, and determined to 
 accept the offer. 
 
 The leading quality of men like St. Arnaud is, never to 
 yield to the pressure of difficulties, and never to despair of 
 success. At first indeed he had the modesty to feel some- 
 what abashed at the novel duties which devolved upon him. 
 But his genius was adapted to the emergency, and hence the 
 glory and the success with which he executed the details of 
 the coup d'etat which the sagacious Louis Napoleon entrusted 
 to him. In reward for his services, the grateful despot 
 heaped honors and rewards upon his head. He was made a 
 Marshal of France. Wealth, influence and power were con 
 ferred upon him. He was prosperous and triumphant far 
 beyond his most sanguine expectations. 
 
 But all human happiness is imperfect, and every cup of 
 bliss is alloyed with a bitter ingredient. In the midst of his
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 20? 
 
 good fortune, the Marshal was afflicted with many tortures, 
 both physical and intellectual. The imagination of man can 
 scarcely conceive the intensity of that misery which corroded 
 the strong heart of this valiant and heroic soldier. In this 
 respect the intensity of the Marshal's nature became his dead- 
 liest curse. Such men as he always pass their whole lives in 
 a fitful fever. They cannot make any allowance for the 
 delicacy and the frailty of that casket — the body — in which 
 the rich jewel of their souls is encased ; and hence it is 
 often shattered and broken long before its time. 
 
 At each point of his triumphant progress the Marshal was 
 afflicted by the blows of misfortune, and each fresh promo- 
 tion occasioned a new addition of mental suffering. Imme- 
 diately after his promotion to the post of Minister of War, 
 he was distressed with the death of his son, — a fair and talented 
 youth in whom his soul's affections centred. The stricken 
 father — the stern hero — exclaims with agony in a letter to a 
 friend : " Poor child ! he was so noble, so strong, so brave ; 
 and yet I must lose him ! I was too proud of him. He 
 made me too happy. God has smitten me." From that 
 hour forth the name of God was frequently uttered with reve- 
 rence by the daring and reckless warrior, who had passed so 
 many years in impiety and dissipation. 
 
 Six weeks after the death of his son, St. Arnaud, whose 
 domestic affections, like those of Mirabeau and Danton, were 
 very strong, was again afflicted by the decease of his mother. 
 But grief and suffering still threw their black shadows over 
 his path. Let us briefly recount the steps of that Calvary 
 on which at last he died I As soon as the Marshal had at- 
 tained the highest rank in the military hierarchy, the jealous 
 spite of inferior and less successful men punished him for his 
 success by the propagation of the most abominable calum- 
 nies. All the unfortunate incidents of his stormy youth, when 
 the impetuous impulses of his passions had hurried him into 
 many follies and misfortunes, were now exaggerated and nar- 
 rated. It was said, among many other things, that when
 
 208 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 young he had been expelled from his regiment for theft ; that 
 he had accumulated innumerable debts ; that when a vaga- 
 bond and fugitive in London he had subsisted upon the 
 charity of a prostitute, and had even pawned her clothes for 
 bread ; that he had committed rapes and seductions innu- 
 merable ; that his fortunes had become desperate, and his 
 character abandoned, in the extreme, when a lucky accident 
 obtained him an inferior appointment in the army about to 
 proceed to the conquest of Algiers. 
 
 The Marshal was informed of these, and many other 
 slanders. There is always in such cases an officious friend 
 whose " excellent intentions" induce him to repeat them to 
 the subject of them. These detractors irritated and mortified 
 him beyond endurance ; for they defaced and deformed all 
 that his long labors had been spent in attaining, — his rank, 
 his fame, and his popularity with the army. St. Arnaud's 
 spirit — always strong, firm, and impetuous in its impulses — 
 chafed like a caged Numidian lion within his bosom, at the 
 consciousness of the existence of these reports. But it was 
 utterly impossible to put a stop to their diffusion. It is pos- 
 sible to say to an editor, you shall not write offensive or hos- 
 tile articles ; to a journalist, your paper is suppressed ; to a 
 legislative assembly, you shall not discuss any topic which has 
 not been proposed by the ministers. But no human power 
 can silence the tongues of myriads of intelligent, gossipping, 
 and satirical people ; nor prevent gay and talkative w y omen 
 of fashion, while reclining in their luxurious arm-chairs, in 
 the confidence and familiarity of the drawing-room, from ut- 
 tering gracefully those witty and sarcastic jests which indicate 
 both their talent and their unfriendliness ; which fly swiftly 
 as with the wings of a vulture, and lacerate the reputation as 
 with a vulture's claws. The ancient story of Prometheus was 
 an admirable illustration of the process and the results of 
 calumny. Some wise men can despise all this ; but the Mar- 
 shal was not one of these fortunate few. 
 
 In his confidential intercourse with his brother St. Arnaud
 
 OF N.POLEON III. 209 
 
 betrayed the secret of his mental tortures. He had errone- 
 ously imagined that a man might remain a private individual 
 as to private character, after he had embarked on the stormy 
 and malignant sea of politics. He even believed that three 
 or four powerful factions might be crushed without exciting 
 revengeful emotions. He thought that, in a public career, all 
 the follies of youth, its vices and its excesses, were redeemed 
 and wiped away by the subsequent acquisition of military 
 glory. But he soon discovered his mistake. He found that 
 the great and rich hated him for his success ; and that the 
 miserable thousands who, in the garrets and cellars of the 
 capital, were dying of hunger, the crushed Orleanists, the Red 
 Republicans, the Bourbonists, and the Moderate Republicans, 
 — all were ready to secure a crust of bread and to satiate 
 their jealousy and hatred, by the utterance of the most out- 
 rageous calumnies against him. Thus the Marshal, in spite 
 of all his glory, was a constant prey to anxiety and secret 
 chagrin. He suffered from what he knew was said against 
 him ; and he suffered even still more from the formless and 
 uncertain apprehension of what he only suspected might 
 have been uttered. 
 
 There was but one possible relief to all this agony. He 
 needed greater fame ; that wish made him sleepless. He 
 formed the last and most desperate resolution of which such 
 a man under such circumstances is capable : — that of con- 
 founding all his enemies by the splendor of new military 
 achievements. Physical suffering, the result of early indis- 
 cretions, together with anguish of mind, darkened his soul. 
 The mystic angel had drawn around him, and enclosed him 
 within a circle, into which no one but his young and beautiful 
 wife dared to penetrate. To her he communicated his inmost 
 thoughts and emotions ; and she approved of the resolution 
 which he had taken, to enter again upon the field of conflict. 
 He did not exclaim like Manfried, to the rocks and abysses : 
 " Forgetfulness and oblivion !" But he cried out with ardor 
 and earnestness: "An army 1 an army 1 a battle!" And 
 18* o
 
 210 PUBLIC. AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 thus it was that to St. Arnaud the war in the Crimea was the 
 most fortunate and propitious event in the world. It was the 
 only medicine for the wounded and bleeding heart of this mar 
 so long tossed upon stormy seas, so often shipwrecked, sc 
 frequently saved from ruin, so triumphant, and yet so miser 
 able. It was in truth his only hope. 
 
 Louis Napoleon was both sagacious and grateful. He saw 
 precisely the position of St. Arnaud, and he resolved that he 
 should have the command which he desired. The Army of 
 the East was placed under his orders. 
 
 Before setting out on this last great expedition the Marshal 
 spent a short time in the distant and quiet shades of a small 
 island called Hyeres, in the repose of whose umbrageous 
 retreat he endeavored to calm and soothe his chafing spirit. 
 Here he accidentally met an humble and obscure priest, a man 
 from whose breast all worldly strifes and passions had been 
 expelled ; a man who felt the vanity of all earthly things, 
 and who lived alone for contemplation and for virtue. The 
 hero of Algiers formed with this excellent person one of those 
 short and sweet friendships which are so disinterested, Which 
 are so rare in their occurrence, which are so soothing to the 
 afflicted spirit, and which resemble so much the ideal and 
 romantic loves of youth 
 
 " There's nothing half so sweet in life 
 As love's young dream," 
 
 save friendship such as this ! The great soldier and the pious 
 priest held many long conversations together as they walked 
 upon the shore, and listened to the sublime and never-ceasing 
 melody of old ocean, or as they sat beneath the refreshing 
 shadows of some leafy bower. As the cool water brooks in 
 a thirsty land revive the fainting soul of the traveller, so the 
 intelligent and religious conversation of the pastor cheered 
 and purified the turbulent and vexed spirit of that famous man 
 of war. From that hour forth till the day of his death, the 
 thoughts of God and of sublimer and better things than
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 211 
 
 earth, were deeply impressed upon the heart of St. Arnaud. 
 Such results sometimes occur in the singular and multiform 
 developments of human character, amid the vicissitudes of life. 
 
 The Marshal returned to Paris. The Army of the East 
 was about to embark. The excitement of preparation and 
 command suspended for a time his mental sufferings. The 
 hope of wiping away every stain from his fame and character 
 by great exploits ; the thought of engaging and vanquishing 
 the mighty Muscovite power, upon which achievement he had 
 often meditated in the still and starry nights of his African 
 bivouacs, inspired him with great joy He felt that his youth 
 was again renewed, that his soul was quickened and invigo- 
 rated, that the mental and physical strength of manhood had 
 returned. There might yet, on new fields of glory and in fresher 
 wreaths of immortality, be found happiness for St. Arnaud ! 
 
 In all things St. Arnaud was destined to contradictions 
 and disappointments. Scarcely had he embarked when he 
 was seized with a terrible and consuming malady, and the 
 Generalissimo of the allied armies was stretched on a thorny 
 couch, like a chained captive, at an hour when vigilance, 
 strength, and activity, should have been his pre-eminent 
 characteristics. This terrible disease — the ossification of the 
 heart — affected every part of his system. Repose was for 
 days a stranger to him. The pernicious fevers of the Asiatic 
 frontier of Europe were added to this disease ; and these, 
 combined with the remains of former attacks resulting from 
 other causes, produced physical sufferings so excruciating that 
 sometimes the strong intellect of St. Arnaud was overwhelmed 
 by them, and he raved with the paroxysms of madness. At 
 length he ceased to believe in the impotent power of medicine, 
 and he looked for his only cure in the cannon's mouth. 
 
 When the army arrived at Varna other disappointments 
 befell the Marshal. The necessary stores did not arrive in 
 time. Strange and miserable imbecility characterized the 
 )roceedings of the English cabinet, and the English com- 
 manders. The cholera began to rage among his troops, water
 
 212 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 was almost inaccessible, and the calamities of conflagration 
 increased the horrors of the scene. A seventh part of the 
 city of Yarna was destroyed by fire. With death working 
 literally at his heart, the heroic Marshal gazed upon the 
 strange and appalling spectacle around him. He wrote to 
 his brother on the 9th of August, 1854 : "I am in the midst 
 of a va6t sepulchre. To all appearance I am very gay ; but 
 in reality my heart is broken. " To complete his misery, he 
 saw the Russians retreating, and the alluring chance of an 
 immediate battle and victory was lost. He beheld the future 
 fortunes of the war involved more completely in the diplomatic 
 web which the perfidious and selfish policy of Austria was 
 weaving for herself, and his ardent and impulsive spirit cursed 
 her perfidy in no measured terms. In these moments his 
 misfortunes seem almost to have overwhelmed him. The sweet 
 dream of glory which had sustained and cheered him, now 
 appeared to desert him. His situation daily became at Varna 
 more dreadful. It seemed as if the army under his command, 
 by no fault of his, had been brought thither to perish without 
 having fought a single battle. Said he, in a letter to a friend, 
 " I study, I look around me for resources and expedients, I 
 ask assistance from God ; but I recoil with grief at the fearful 
 reality." This reality was the increasing prevalence of 
 cholera among the soldiers, the want of provisions, the un- 
 certainty of the future, and his own diminishing physical 
 health. Then he began to measure his strength as the miser 
 counts his gold, when he sees it rapidly diminishing. He 
 desired to make good use of his remaining time in executing 
 immediate and decisive measures ; but he was hampered and 
 impeded by the sluggishness, imbecility, and cowardice of 
 Lord Raglan. He urged the desirableness and the certain 
 success of his plans with that superannuated hero ; and at 
 length, after great exertions, his eloquence succeeded in 
 infusing into the council the necessity of immediately leaving 
 Varna and embarking for the Crimea. 
 
 The expedition was resumed As long as there was op-
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 213 
 
 portunity for action the fever which burned in the veins of St. 
 Arnaud sustained him. But after this council of war, in 
 which he had, with great effort, carried his point ; when he 
 was alone in his tent thinking of his young wife, his daughter, 
 his friends, and France, the domestic delights of the fireside, 
 and the delicious green fields and breezy hills of his own rural 
 residence, he exclaimed, with a heart oppressed with sadness 
 and anxiety : " Ah, Montalais ! Montalais ! when shall I bury 
 myself again in your sweet retreat, and enjoy in your delight- 
 ful tranquillity, true happiness, far from all business and 
 mankind ! " 
 
 On the 14th of September, 1854, the allied troops disem 
 barked at the " Old Fort" in the Crimea. The dying Mar- 
 shal, for such by this time he really was, rejoiced at the pros- 
 pect of striking one blow at least for France before he expired. 
 It was truly wonderful to observe how this undaunted hero 
 deceived the army as to his real condition for some time 
 longer, by his almost supernatural activity. He passed whole 
 days in the saddle. He hastened every movement of the 
 troops. Minutes then possessed to him the magnitude and 
 the importance of years. 
 
 On the 19th of September the march began from the " Old 
 Fort." The army was drawn up in the shape of a wedge; 
 the division of General Canrobert formed the point ; and the 
 advance toward the Alma began. The allied fleet remained 
 at anchor, sweeping with its guns the position of the Rus- 
 sians, and the far-famed marksmen of Finland. The army 
 of the Russians under Prince Menzikoff awaited the approach 
 of the Allies, posted, forty-five thousand in number, on the 
 rugged heights of the right bank of the Alma. The next day 
 the battle began at six o'clock in the morning. We will not 
 follow the details of the conflict. There had been long dis- 
 putes in the council of war, on the preceding night, as to the 
 plan of attack. The dying Marshal was again compelled to 
 encounter all the obstacles which cowardice and ignorance 
 had opposed to his movements at Varna. Even General
 
 214 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Busquet resisted, on this occasion, the proposed execution of 
 that very rotatory movement, in which he afterwards won so 
 much glory ; and it was astonishing to observe how much 
 self-command and clearness of mind St. Arnaud displayed in 
 that vexatious council of war, the last in which he ever took 
 part. 
 
 The battle was fought with great bravery, especially by the 
 French. The heroic Zouaves climbed, in the face of a sweep- 
 ing fire, abrupt and dizzy heights, where the chamois could 
 scarcely find footing. After the chief brunt of the battle had 
 been sustained by the French, the English came slowly up to 
 the attack. The conflict lasted for many hours, but toward 
 night the Russians were completely routed, and were dis- 
 lodged from every position. Had he possessed the command 
 of sufficient cavalry St. Arnaud would have pursued the van- 
 quished to the gates of Sevastopol, and the war might have 
 been ended with one blow. But in this purpose his ardent 
 spirit, consuming itself with its last expiring fury, was over- 
 ruled. Lord Raglan again interfered. 
 
 St. Arnaud encamped that night in the midst of the dying 
 and the dead, on the field of glory which his own valor had 
 won. Extended on the ground, on some hay, and covered 
 with a military cloak, he passed a night of agony and exhaus- 
 tion. Such immense ravages had disease made on his person 
 thit he was scarcely recognizable. The array remained three 
 days without advancing, in opposition to his wishes. At 
 length when the camp was pitched near " Makenzie's farm" 
 he was attacked with cholera, and his condition became de 
 plorable in the extreme. He found his strength utterly fail- 
 ing, and he was compelled to resign his command to some 
 successor. Surrounded by his friends and staff he prepared 
 to transmit an order to the oldest general of division in the 
 army, conferring on him the authority of commander-in-chief, 
 when an officer, who had been slightly wounded at Alma six 
 days before, approached him and handed him a sealed letter 
 This letter the officer had carried from the beginning of the
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 215 
 
 campaign. In it the Emperor of the French gave to him the 
 commaud of the French army, in case of the death or resig- 
 nation of St. Arnaud. That officer was General Canrobert. 
 The veteran warrior at once obeyed the imperial will. He 
 next bade adieu to the army. He rode through the ranks in 
 an open carriage, wrapped in his pelisse, with a Turkish cap 
 on his head, reclining on cushions, faint, emaciated, and dy- 
 ing. The soldiers left their ranks, crowded around the car- 
 riage, and wept. He extended his hand to them ; and as 
 many of the impetuous Zouaves as could touch it, kissed it. 
 After this Lord Raglan, General Canrobert, and General 
 Busquet, visited him in his tent, and bade him farewell. He 
 was thence removed to one of the vessels riding at anchor in 
 the bay. There he immediately received the last sacraments 
 of religion from a Catholic priest ; and he rapidly sank from 
 day to day, until at last his eyes were closed in death, " as 
 calmly as flowers at set of sun," on the 29th day of Septem- 
 ber, 1854. 
 
 Such was the life and such the death of Marshal St. 
 Arnaud ; a man of great talents, and of strong and ungo- 
 vernable passions ; whose youth was spent in turbulent vice ; 
 whose riper years were devoted to the attainment of military 
 glory ; who rose at last to the first rank in his profession ; 
 who was the most efficient support and instrument of Louis 
 Napoleon in attaining supreme power ; and whose whole life 
 and most brilliant achievements were all tarnished and em- 
 bittered by those early excesses, whose stigma and whose 
 curse followed him implacably to the grave 1 He was the 
 military Mirabeau of the Nineteenth Century.
 
 216 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 General Canrobert — His peculiar Genius — His remarkable Activity 
 and Vigilance — His personal Appearance — His Birth and Youth — ■ 
 His Exploits in Algiers — His conduct in the Crimea — He succeeds 
 St. Arnaud to the Chief Command — Lord Radeliffe — Difficulties of 
 Canrobert's position — He resigns the Chief Command — Is the victim 
 of Diplomacy — His Mission to Sweden — A Greek Myth — The future 
 of Canrobert and Pelissier. 
 
 General Canrobert, who succeeded St. Arnaud in the 
 command of the French army in the Crimea, was a man not 
 unworthy of the high post to which the discernment and the 
 partiality of Louis Napoleon ' advanced him. His nature 
 was essentially sympathetic and generous ; his intellect ex- 
 ceedingly prompt, energetic, and penetrating. He differed 
 from his predecessor in one great feature, that he never 
 wished merely to play a part, or to seem a hero ; but he aimed 
 at being what honor and duty impelled him to seem. He was 
 very affable and accessible to the soldiers ; and possessed a 
 happy originality of manner in his addresses to them, which 
 riveted their attention, and won their applause. Thus on 
 one occasion addressing the calvary, he said to them : " You 
 are living balls, which I throw when and where I please." 
 Hence he soon became the favorite of the army. After their 
 return from the Crimea, Canrobert, who had preceded them, 
 was ordered by the Emperor to repair to Lyons, and meet 
 them there. As soon as the Crimean veterans beheld him 
 they shouted with joy : " There he is ; there is our father !" 
 
 This title Canrobert had deserved by his conduct at Se- 
 vastopol. During the winter which preceded the fall of that 
 great fortress, he had displayed the utmost solicitude for the 
 comfort of his men. He endeavored assiduously to pave the 
 way to future victory by sustaining the moral courage of
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 217 
 
 trooj s already exhausted by famine, exposure and pestilence. 
 He was constantly on duty. He was always serving at the 
 trenches. He proved by his bold and daring deportment 
 that he entertained more solicitude for the lives of others, 
 than he did for his own. He was the Lannes of the French 
 army in the Crimea. 
 
 In person Marshal Canrobert resembles a village beadle. 
 His figure is not large, and the peculiar feature of his face 
 is a small, round, up-turned nose. No one would ever ima- 
 gine from his appearance that he was one of the most able 
 and brilliant military men in Europe. His bravery was almost 
 fabulous, and he seemed to pass through a shower of balls and 
 bullets as an actor does through the sham fights of the theatre. 
 His whole history proves that he has always been a favorite 
 of fortune. Every dynasty in France has had its eminent 
 military leaders. Thus under Louis Philippe, Marshal 
 Bugeaud was the popular hero. Under the Republic there 
 were Lamoriciere, Changarnier, and Cavaignac ; and under 
 Louis Napoleon, Busquet and Canrobert have inherited the 
 glory and the power of their predecessors. 
 
 Marshal Canrobert was born in 1810. In 1828 he left St. 
 Cyr as a sub-lieutenant ; two years afterward he obtained a 
 slight promotion, and was then sent to Algiers. That country 
 is the classic land which for twenty years has been the nursery 
 of French generals and heroes. It is an excellent field for 
 the development of physical strength, and for the exhibition 
 of multiform bravery ; but it has been asserted that that war of 
 thickets, and those skirmishes with an enemy who were as 
 quiet as a reptile, was not a scene propitious for the develop- 
 ment of military genius. Nevertheless, such as the war was, 
 Canrobert distinguished himself by his skill and daring on many 
 occasions. At the storming of Hemsen he received the brevet 
 of Captain. In 1850 he had risen to the rank of General 
 of brigade. In 1853 he was made General of division. In 
 that year Louis Napoleon appointed Canrobert his aid-de- 
 camp. He had formed a very high estimate of the bravery, 
 19
 
 218 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 the capacity and the fidelity of the General ; and moreover 
 esteemed him as a, fortunate man. Such men the Emperor 
 has always attached to himself, having faith in their star. 
 He avoids unfortunate men, however talented and meritorious 
 they may be, although he himself for many years was con- 
 stantly and pre-eminently the victim of misfortune. 
 
 The chief exploit of Canrobert in Africa was his celebrated 
 retreat from Bonsaada. In that achievement he was sur- 
 rounded and blockaded by an overwhelming force. The 
 plague also infested his ranks, yet he succeeded in escaping 
 safely by the employment of a skilful stratagem, and released 
 his weak detachment from their perilous position without any 
 serious loss. 
 
 When General Canrobert arrived at the Crimea, he was 
 heralded by quite a distinguished reputation. Called, very 
 soon after the opening of these tremendous conflicts, to assume 
 the chief command, his conduct exhibited from the first the 
 utmost energy, capacity, aud forethought. His arrangement 
 of the campaign was adroit and skilful, and his personal con- 
 duct everywhere was intrepid in the extreme. He was 
 wounded both at Inkermann and at the Alma. During the 
 long and desperate siege of Sevastopol, his soldiers, exposed 
 to the rigors of winter, to the ravages of disease, and to the 
 constant fire of the Russians from their batteries, would have 
 perished by thousands and myriads, had not his solicitude for 
 their welfare, and his admirable prudence and energy inter- 
 posed. His vigilance was remarkable. At the first sound 
 of the guns of the Russians, whether in day-time or the night, 
 he mounted his horse ; he dispatched his aids-de-camp every- 
 where ; he visited in person the scene of danger ; he superin- 
 tended every movement ; and he remained with his troops 
 until the conflict was ended. His return to his tent, after 
 such scenes, drew forth the enthusiasm of his soldiers, and 
 huzzas in his honor often resounded from one end of the 
 French lines to the other. 
 
 During the progress of the siege Lord Radcliffe was sent
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 2*9 
 
 by the British government to visit Sevastopol, and examine 
 the camp of the Allies. In the execution of his researches 
 he stopped at the tent of Caurobert. Scarcely had they com- 
 menced to converse when the sudden thunder of the distant 
 cannon of the Russians resounded over the plain. Several 
 aids-de-camp immediately entered for orders. Canrobert 
 rose from his seat, told Lord Radcliffe that the enemy had 
 commenced a sortie, and that he must mount his horse and 
 visit the scene of conflict. The English ambassador expressed 
 a desire to accompany the French commander. The latter 
 instantly acquiesced, and the horses were ordered. They 
 rode together to the battle-field, and continued their conversa- 
 tion almost under the Russian batteries ; but Lord Radcliffe 
 could not discover any of the troops of the Allies, though he 
 saw plainly that the artillery swept the trenches, that clouds 
 of dust and smoke were rising from the ravines, and he heard 
 loud echoes reverberating from the rocks. ,: It is not pos- 
 sible," said Lord Radcliffe, "that our soldiers are fighting 
 in those hollows. " Canrobert replied : "These ravines, my 
 lord, are our battle-fields ; and it is proper that I should par- 
 ticularly call the attention of a visitor like yourself to the 
 singular and unfortunate position in which our diplomatists 
 have placed these brave soldiers. They fight under the most 
 desperate disadvantages ever known in the history of war- 
 fare. " Lord Radcliffe could not but admit the truth of the 
 assertion. 
 
 When General Canrobert was entrusted with the supreme 
 command, he found not only those perplexing questions of 
 diplomacy which had so much embarrassed St. Arnaud, en- 
 tangling and confining himself; but he met with other annoy- 
 ances to which his predecessor had been a stranger. His 
 former companions were now his subordinates ; and his sud- 
 den elevation above them wounded their self-love. The rigor- 
 ous mechanism and discipline of the military hierarchy does 
 not permit the least resistance to be made to these changes 
 and promotions. The chief difficulty of this description Can-
 
 220 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 robert encountered with the haughty veteran of Waterloo who 
 commanded the British forces. Lord Raglan felt and exhi- 
 bited great repugnance to act as an equal in authority with a 
 young general, so recently his inferior. The consequence was 
 that for a time, the unity of strength was broken, and great 
 delays ensued. The same disadvantages resulted which, as 
 Homer relates, followed the quarrels of the Greek princes 
 around the walls and fortresses of the ancient city of Priam. 
 The magnanimity of General Canrobert made every effort to 
 overcome and dissipate this feeling on the part of Lord 
 Raglan. He was convinced indeed, as was Omer Pacha, 
 that by stopping at Sevastopol the Allies were only singeing 
 the hair of the Russian bear ; but the diplomatists had con- 
 trived and decreed that it should be so, and he was compelled 
 to submit. The difficulties between the two allied comman- 
 ders increased, until at length co-operation became impos- 
 sible. Canrobert then offered to resign to the intractable 
 Raglan the entire direction of the operations. The proposal 
 was accepted ; but Lord Raglan immediately determined on 
 such measures as rendered a rupture between the two armies 
 and their generals inevitable. Canrobert, rather than increase 
 the difficulty, resigned the chief command entirely, requesting 
 the Emperor to appoint Marshal Pelissier in his place. His 
 request was complied with ; although Louis Napoleon would 
 have preferred General Busquet as incumbent of that post. 
 
 General Canrobert, when again placed at the head of his divi- 
 sion, conducted himself with the same ability and energy which 
 had always characterized him. He had been made the victim 
 of the politic maxim of the Austrian cabinet, who professed 
 to contract and localize the war, and who entertained the 
 selfish and ambitious design of acting as the mediatrix between 
 the contending nations of a continent. Canrobert was de- 
 feated by the intrigues of Lord John Russel and Druin de 
 L'Huys, and made a sacrifice to the alliance between England 
 and France. 
 
 But as is his invariable oustoin, the Emperor Napoleon was 

 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 221 
 
 faithful to his devoted servant, and two months after his resig- 
 nation of the chief command he bestowed upon him the baton 
 of a marshal ; thus raising him to the highest rank in the 
 military hierarchy. 
 
 After his return from the Crimea, Marshal Canrobert was 
 dispatched upon a diplomatic mission to Sweden, for the pur- 
 pose of obtaining the hand of the fair Princess Vasa in mar- 
 riage for the Emperor of the French. It is a circumstance 
 illustrative of the tangled involutions of the web of European 
 politics, and especially of that Gordian knot known as the 
 Eastern Question, that the influence and intrigues of Russia 
 at the Court of Stockholm, prevented the Marshal from con- 
 ducting the blooming Swedish princess to the nuptial bed 
 now occupied by the beautiful Countess de Teba. What con- 
 sequences might have ensued to the future destinies of France 
 and Europe had the Swedish match been consummated, it 
 would be very difficult to predict. The Empress Eugenie had 
 most excellent reasons for receiving the visit of the Russian 
 Grand Duke Constantine at the Court of the Tuilleries in 
 1857, with the utmost cordiality and the most magnificent 
 hospitality. 
 
 General Pelissier was the most fortunate of all the Gene- 
 rals who combatted in the Crimean war. He succeeded in 
 reducing Sevastopol, and in eventually accomplishing the 
 purpose of the Allies. Lord Raglan fell a victim to the 
 cholera ; and like St. Arnaud, he never saw the conclusion 
 of the conflict. If the myth of the ancient Greeks were 
 true, that in the future existence there are eternal groves be- 
 neath whose fragrant shades the illustrious dead are permitted 
 to wander, what sad and affecting confidences would pass 
 between the souls of Lord Raglan and St. Arnaud, in those 
 peaceful Elysian realms, respecting the stormy and anxious 
 scenes in the midst of which they both took their departure 
 from the world ! 
 
 Since the conclusion of the war in the Crimea, Marshals 
 Canrobert and Pelissier have both enjoyed the favor of the 
 19*
 
 222 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Emperor of the French ; and they now repose upon their 
 hardly-earned laurels, in the midst of scenes of courtly mag- 
 nificence ; their names are inseparably identified with great 
 historical events ; and their fortunes and reputations are 
 placed upon a secure and brilliant elevation. It is scarcely 
 probable that they will ever be called upon to enter the field 
 of battle again, or to lead the French armies to conquest and 
 glory in future years. Yet should such an emergency occur, 
 it may reasonably be inferred that the names of Pelissier, 
 Canrobert, and Busquet, will re-appear in connection with ex- 
 ploits which will invest them with brighter lustre, and add re- 
 newed freshness to those laurels which the progress of time 
 may have faded and withered.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 223 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The great rival of Louis Napoleon — Marshal Bugeaud's estimate of 
 Cavaignac — A better Estimate of him — His conduct as Dictator of 
 France — Cavaignac's Birth and Early History — He makes the Cam- 
 paign of the Morea — Policy of Louis Philippe — Cavaignac is sent to 
 Algiers — His Bravery and Ability there — The Revolution of 1848 in 
 France — The Provisional Government appoint him Governor-General 
 of Algiers — He declines the office of Minister of War — Resentment 
 of the Provisional Government — He accepts the post of Minister of 
 War from the Republic — The Downfall of the Executive Commission 
 — Cavaignac appointed Dictator of France — His Cabinet — Results 
 of his Measures — Louis Napoleon elected President — Subsequent 
 Insignificance of Cavaignac — He is arrested at the Coup d'Etat — 
 Conduct of Mademoiselle Odier — Correspondence between Cavaignac 
 and De Morny — Cavaignac's release from Prison — His Marriage to 
 Mdlle. Odier — His subsequent Obscurity — His Death. 
 
 There was a man in France possessing remarkable qualities 
 and great eminence, both as a soldier and as a statesman ; 
 who was the chief rival of Louis Napoleon in his am- 
 bitious pathway ; who on several critical occasions stood 
 between him and the possession of supreme power ; and who 
 was the rallying point and the hope of a large and influ- 
 ential party in France, who patiently await the hour which 
 will bring about the downfall of the second empire. That 
 man was Eugene Cavaignac. 
 
 Marshal Bugeaud said of him, about the period of the 
 sortie of Tlemsen in Algiers, that he was an ardent, well- 
 trained officer, capable of intense devotion, possessed of su- 
 perior talents, adapted to great things ; and that, if he lived, 
 he would one day achieve distinction. This judgment of the 
 Marshal respecting Cavaignac needed only one restriction to 
 make it perfectly correct. He should have added : provided
 
 224 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Cavaignac remained in the military profession, and did nat 
 venture into politics. For to govern a great and fickle 
 people like the French, other qualities are requisite beside 
 zeal, talent, ardor, knowledge, and decision ; for these were all 
 the mental gifts which Cavaignac possessed. Reaching the 
 Dictatorship by means of a vast expenditure of blood, he 
 perceived, when it was too late, that a man may be a bad 
 statesman, though an excellent general of division. At 
 least, he never understood the cause of his own inefficiency ; 
 and wasted in a barren and unprofitable struggle, which pro- 
 cured him no accession of glory, all the enthusiasm of the 
 National Guards and all the resources of the Treasury. The 
 laurel wreath which surrounded his brow as Dictator, was 
 stained with the blood of a civil war. 
 
 There can be no doubt but that General Cavaignac would, 
 at one time, have sacrificed unhesitatingly all his dreams of 
 ambition for the good of the Republic. Not that he was a 
 Republican more than anything else ; for he was destitute of a 
 fixed political faith ; he was irresolute, vacillating, and better 
 acquainted with Algiers than he was with France ; he had no 
 historical acquaintance with the past, and no talent for 
 government ; he simply felt a desire to possess the supreme 
 power, and, aided by a variety of accidental circumstances, 
 it was placed in his hands. But the moment he saw the 
 sceptre in his grasp he felt incompetent to wield it, and was 
 utterly ignorant how he should exercise his authority. He 
 concluded to act violently in a country which needed concilia- 
 tion above all things else, and to apply the laws and regula- 
 tions of the barracks to a Legislative Assembly composed of 
 talented, excited, and desperate adventurers. He acted while 
 Dictator as if he believed that good order could not be main- 
 tained in France except by a system of rigor which debased 
 human nature, and degraded the genius of a nation. Thus, 
 whenever a man undertakes a task for which he is incompetent, 
 he plunges into an abyss, and he drags with him into its fatal 

 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 225 
 
 depths, the nation, the party, or the family, who had been 
 unfortunate enough to select him as their leader. 
 
 Eugene Cavaignac, to whom alone of all Frenchmen 
 belonged the honor of having possessed a Dictatorship iD 
 France, not only in reality but also in name — was born a' 
 Paris, in October, 1802. He was the younger brother of God 
 frey Cavaignac — a name whose memory will always be che 
 rished by French Republicans. There are some persons who, 
 from their birth, are consecrated to some particular profession, 
 such as the church or the camp. By all his family associations 
 Eugene Cavaignac was devoted from his youth to Demo- 
 cracy. This was his misfortune, for nature in no respect had 
 designed him for political life. As an advocate or as an 
 editor he might have attained some little distinction. As a 
 statesman he could never have become really illustrious. 
 
 Iu his youth, in 1820, he was admitted to the Polytechnic 
 School of Paris. He was not distinguished by superior 
 talents or attainments while a student. He remained in that 
 institution during two years. He left it as a sub-lieutenant to 
 enter the Military School of Metz. Here he remained three 
 years. In 1826 he attained the rank of Lieutenant. In 
 1828 he made the campaign of the Morea. France, now so 
 firmly allied to Turkey was, at that time, and in that conflict, 
 the friend of Greece. Russia had not yet unmasked her real 
 purposes. The Greeks were fighting for freedom, for a glo- 
 rious country ; and a patriotic young officer like Cavaignac 
 could not look upon such a struggle without interest. After 
 the conclusion of the conflict in Greece he returned to France ; 
 and when the revolution of 1830 broke forth, Cavaignac 
 hoped, along with thousands of others, that the era of a true 
 Republic in France had at last arrived. They soon discovered 
 their error, and found that the elevation of the " money-bag- 
 king, " Louis Philippe, was the signal for the advancement 
 of the interests of the middle classes, or the Bourgeoisie. 
 The French monarch was only the head and chief of the two 
 hundred and twenty-two thousand "copy-holders of the 
 
 P
 
 226 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 electoral system," which was destroyed in 1848. Louis 
 Philippe patronized the middle classes, and endeavored to 
 promote their interests at the expense of the nation, because 
 he hated the high aristocracy, inasmuch as many of them 
 were impoverished, and because they regarded the Orleans 
 dynasty as an illegitimate upstart ; and he hated the masses 
 because they were poor and vulgar, because he feared them, 
 and because he could not extort much money from them. He 
 was enough of an aristocrat himself to despise those who were 
 ignobly born ; and he was also conscious that the rabble, the 
 working classes, as he termed them, would more strictly hold 
 him to an account for the way in which he redeemed the solemn 
 pledges with which he ascended the throne of the barricades. 
 It was the adroit policy of Louis Philippe to send such 
 military Republicans as Cavaignac to Algiers. They could 
 there find an outlet for their ardor which did not endanger 
 the stability of his throne. In Algiers Cavaignac passed the 
 most creditable period of his life. There he exhibited great 
 talents. On the battle-field he displayed extraordinary intel- 
 ligence, fortitude, and activity. He frequently astonished 
 military veterans like Marshal Bugeaud by the rare combina- 
 tion of his soldier-like qualities. He was left by Marshal 
 Clausel with a handful of soldiers in Tlemsen. This Arabian 
 town was situated in the desert like an island in the midst of 
 the ocean. Hosts of hostile Arabs hovered around it. Cut 
 off from all communication with the French army, with no 
 hope of an accession of men or of ammunition, the little gar- 
 rison was compelled, at one and the same time, to repel the 
 attacks of the enemy without, and to curb the movements of 
 a hostile population within. During eighteen months this 
 state of things continued, and, notwithstanding the extra- 
 ordinary difficulties of his position, Cavaignac succeeded in 
 keeping the town, in conciliating the inhabitants, in building 
 hospitals and barracks. In the final triumph of the French 
 arms, which eventually made Algiers an unresisting province 
 and appendage of France, General Cavaignac bore a dis- 

 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 227 
 
 tinguished part. He was the commander of the corps of the 
 Zouaves — soldiers whose peculiar merits were not then so 
 universally known, but which the memorable scenes of the 
 Crimea have fully and amply illustrated. In April, 1840, 
 he was engaged in the battle of Cherchell, which lasted during 
 the immense period of twelve days, and then he received a 
 severe and dangerous wound in the thigh. In August, 1841, 
 he was promoted to the rank of Colonel. In September, 
 1844, he received his commission as General of Brigade. 
 The adventurous soldier was destined to attain the loftiest 
 summit of the military hierarchy. 
 
 When the heroic Abd-el-Kader, as a last resort to save his 
 falling country, proclaimed a "holy war" against the French, 
 Cavaignac may be said to have begun a battle which con- 
 tinued till March, 1846. The expedition to the Atlas, a hun- 
 dred leagues from Tlemsen, was followed by the final submis- 
 sion of the Arabs, and by the capture of their celebrated 
 chief. Cavaignac was appointed in the place of General La- 
 moriciere as Governor of the Province of Oran. In this 
 office he vigorously prosecuted the plans of military coloniza- 
 tion which Marshal Bugeaud had begun at Orleansville. 
 
 The revolution of 1848 suddenly changed Cavaignac 's 
 whole career. He was then forty-six years of age. He 
 had served his country with honor and success. But he 
 longed for influence and power at the centre and seat of both. 
 The day after the downfall of the throne of Louis Philippe, 
 he started for Paris in company with Changarnier and La- 
 moriciere. He exclaimed, when he first heard of the king's 
 flight: "In six months France will be ruled by Henry V." 
 Fifteen years before, Cavaignac would have enthusiastically 
 saluted the young republic, which he had so many causes to 
 admire and defend. 
 
 In proportion as Cavaignac ascended in the military hier- 
 archy, his attachment to Democracy became more and more 
 feeble ; until at last he maintained the slightest show of re- 
 gard for it only through a third party. Madame Cavaignac,
 
 228 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 the mother of the General, was the chain which bound him 
 to his unwilling allegiance to the Republic. Yet the Provi- 
 sional Government of 1848 bestowed on him the grade of 
 General of Division, and promoted him to the important and 
 distinguished post of Governor-General of Algeria. Chan- 
 garnier did not willingly resign his office to the successor ap- 
 pointed by the Provisional Government. He rudely dis- 
 pensed with the forms which common courtesy and ordinary 
 usage required, as being due to a new governor. He even 
 insulted Cavaignac by ascribing his promotion to the chief 
 authority in Algiers, in a proclamation which he issued on 
 his retirement, solely to the regard entertained for the memory 
 of his brother. Cavaignac was too politic to resent these 
 galling indignities. 
 
 ;No sooner was he elevated to the administration of Algiers, 
 than he began to exhibit his total incapacity for the science 
 of government. His first act was to remove from its pedestal 
 the statue of the deceased Duke of Orleans, whose amiable 
 disposition and whose unfortunate death had left in France a 
 sad and sympathetic remembrance. The inhabitants of the 
 town of Algiers were indignant at this outrage on the che- 
 rished memory of the dead ; and Cavaignac was compelled or 
 constrained to restore the statue to its former place. This 
 conduct indicated the most pitiable irresolution ; but it was 
 soon followed by another act still more absurd and pusillani- 
 mous. He was induced to assist at the solemn elevation of 
 a red Jacobin bonnet on the summit of a tree of Liberty. This 
 republican emblem produced on the Orleanist population of 
 Algeria the same effect which a scarecrow would cause upon a 
 company of children. Overcome by the public derision, Ca- 
 vaignac ordered the symbol of the Republic to be removed. 
 This additional act of indecision had its influence upon the 
 public mind in Algeria ; and considerably diminished the re- 
 spect which the military achievements of the Governor-General 
 had formerly obtained for him. 
 
 On the 20th of March the Provisional Government at Paris
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 229 
 
 nominated General Cavaignac to the post of Minister of War. 
 But he declined the proffered honor. Had he been a sincere 
 republican he would not have hesitated to accept it. But he 
 had no confidence in the stability of the Provisional Govern- 
 ment ; and he feared that, if he resigned his post in Algeria, 
 when the republic fell, he would fall with it, and would be 
 overwhelmed in its total ruin. The certain and secure pos- 
 session of the government of Algeria was a more desirable 
 position, than the insecure and probably transient honors 
 which clustered around the office of Minister of War for 
 France. The Provisional Government were highly offended 
 at this refusal of the General. The public at once drew the 
 inference that the government of February was tottering on 
 its basis, else Cavaignac would have accepted the appoint- 
 ment. The Provisional Government expressed their indig- 
 nation at his conduct in a bitter and sarcastic letter. After 
 the Republic was proclaimed, however, he accepted on the 
 17th of May the same office which he had previously declined 
 on the 20th of March. The reason was that the Republic 
 seemed to him to be a more permanent and responsible insti- 
 tution ; or at least it appeared to be one, a connection with 
 which would promote his future advancement to power. 
 
 He was then also appointed commander-in-chief of the 
 troops charged with the protection of the National Assem- 
 bly. Confusion began to reign in France, that same confu- 
 sion which terminated at last by the memorable coup d'etat 
 of the 2d of December. An Executive Commission had been 
 selected to administer the government, consisting of La- 
 martine, Arago, Ledru Rollin, Marrast, and Gamier Pag<§s. 
 This Commission was still too republican in their sentiments 
 to please the temper of the National Assembly. Despised 
 by tl/e Assembly and hated by the people, the only safety of 
 the Commission would have been in their unity; but an insane 
 personal ambition overcame every other consideration, and 
 divided their forces. Their downfall was inevitable. Gene- 
 ral Cavaignac at that moment represented in his own person 
 20
 
 230 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 the opposing power in the State. Affairs were approaching 
 a decisive crisis, and soon one or the other of these rivals — 
 the Commission or Cavaignac, the civil or the military Dic- 
 tatorship must triumph, and absorb all power to itself. 
 
 The destruction of the " National Workshops" was the 
 signal for the commencement of the struggle. At this period 
 the prospects of Louis Napoleon for the attainment of su- 
 preme power had not yet become flattering or even obtrusive. 
 His countless agents were then at work secretly throughout 
 the provinces, preparing the way for his future success. At 
 length, the workmen who have been deprived of their sub- 
 sistence by the destruction of the public workshops, crowded 
 the streets of Paris, and the air resounded with countless yells 
 of " work or bread. " The people were utterly dissatisfied with 
 the Assembly and with the Executive Commission. A pro- 
 position was then made to Cavaignac, the military chief of 
 France, by a committee of three, at the head of whom was 
 Ducrux, whether he would accept the Dictatorship, on con- 
 dition that the Executive Commission should retire. The 
 critical moment had at last arrived, and propitious fortune 
 by a strange caprice offered to place the supreme power in 
 the hands of the soldier of Algiers. Cavaignac accepted the 
 Dictatorship. But the Executive Commission were not will- 
 ing to be thus bought and sold, and shorn thus summarily of 
 their power, by the leaders of popular factions. At two 
 o'clock in the morning, Barthelemy de St. Hilaire, in the 
 name of the Commission, sent the captain of the National 
 Guard to carry an order to General Cavaignac. The order 
 was not executed. The Commission during the day demanded 
 of the General the reason. Cavaignac, disposed to equivo- 
 cate, threw the blame on General Fouche, a person who then 
 labored under a species of disgrace. Fouche earnestly de- 
 fended himself. Various discussions passed between the 
 Commission, Cavaignac and the Assembly, which need not be 
 narrated. The result of all these agitations was, that at 
 length Pascal Duprat, who was the leader of the Cavaignac
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 231 
 
 faction in the Assembly, ascended the tribune, and demanded 
 in loud and violent terms that the Assembly pass a decree to 
 the effect that Paris is in a state of siege, and that a dictato- 
 rial power be concentrated in the sole hands of General Ca- 
 vaignac. Lagrange and other deputies protested against 
 Buch a sacrifice of the liberties of the nation. When the vote 
 was taken on the decree, sixty votes were given against it. 
 A vast majority of several hundred bewildered, terrified or 
 corrupted representatives, decided in favor of it. At half- 
 past ten at night Cavaignac became Dictator of France, 
 and the Executive Commission existed no more. 
 
 The new Dictator immediately commenced the work of 
 subduing the revolt and the insurrection which then raged in 
 the streets of Paris, as well as of crushing every other ele- 
 ment of resistance. In less than twenty-four hours the Die 
 tator suppressed eleven newspapers. Two journals alone 
 applauded the policy and the severity of Cavaignac. These 
 were the "Constitutional" and " The Country ;" but these 
 were governed by speculators, and not by publicists ; by 
 Delamaire the banker, and by Veron the operator. Ca- 
 vaignac gained over the National Guards by a specious pro- 
 clamation, in which he spoke of a Republic which had no 
 existence except in his own imagination. The revolted 
 canaille of Paris were deluded and pacified by a similar 
 process, although at one period during the progress of the 
 conflict for the supreme power they not unjustly bestowed the 
 title of " Butcher" on the bold aspirant for supremacy. 
 
 His subsequent acts during his brief administration were 
 singular enough, and confirmed the statement which has 
 already been made in this work, that Cavaignac, though a 
 brave soldier, did not possess a particle of statesmanship. 
 He selected his cabinet from among the Orleanists, including 
 such men as Dufrane and Vivien, yet he attempted to flatter 
 and conciliate every party. But he succeeded in offending 
 all ; and when the period arrived for the election of a President 
 of the new Republic, out of seven millions of votes he did 
 not obtain more than a million and a half. The Dictator fell
 
 232 PUBLICAND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 to rise no more ; and on his ruins the power and glory of 
 Louis Napoleon gradually ascended, until they reached their 
 present magnificent proportions. 
 
 General Cavaignac then sank into that obscurity which he 
 deserved. Two eventful years rolled away, during which 
 Louis Napoleon ably swayed the sceptre of France as her 
 President. At length the memorable 2d of December, 1851, 
 dawned, and with its earliest light the sudden and mysterious 
 terrors of the coup d'etat burst upon the astonished capital. 
 Then came the arrest of General Cavaignac as already 
 described — and afterward his imprisonment at Ham. This 
 was a three-fold misfortune to the fallen Dictator ; for it 
 destroyed at the same moment his military reputation, his 
 political consequence, and those tender domestic hopes on 
 which his future happiness depended. During the period of 
 his supremacy, the fame of the general had fascinated and 
 won the heart of a beautiful young lady, Mademoiselle Odier. 
 She was the daughter of James Odier, a distinguished banker, 
 and she forgot the age of the general in her admiration of his 
 celebrity. When he was arrested he wrote a note to the young 
 lady informing her of his situation, and releasing her from the 
 obligations of the marriage vow which was to have been 
 assumed in a day or two after the occurrence of the coup 
 d'etat. 
 
 She answered immediately that she only saw in his misfor- 
 tune another and stronger reason why she should fulfil her 
 engagement. The first care of James Odier was to demand 
 for his wife and daughter permission to visit the general in 
 his prison. The Count de Morny, minister of the President, 
 acted the part of a trifler in this affair, and at length granted 
 the desired permission in such a manner as almost to render 
 it an insult. He allowed the commandant of the fortress to 
 permit an hour's interview in the presence of a guard. Mr 
 Odier thanked De Morny by letter for even this courtesy, and 
 requested that the general might be permitted to write to his 
 Jianc6e, and speak to her without the presence of a witness. 
 
 A singular correspondence between De Morny, M. Odier,
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 233 
 
 and Cavaignac then ensued. De Moray wrote to M. Odier 
 to the effect that Louis Napoleon did not confound General 
 Gavaignac with the desperate conspirators who meditated the 
 overthrow of his power ; and that it would grieve the Presi- 
 dent to see the joy of the marriage damped by the chilly walls 
 of a prison. The letter enclosed an order to the commandant 
 of the fortress to release the captive general. This circum- 
 stance called forth a reply from General Cavaignac, in which 
 he declared to De Moray that he was entitled to his liberty 
 without any act of grace from the President, and he should 
 accept it as a right, and not as a gift. He added, that by 
 using the order for his discharge, and by accepting his release, 
 he expressly refrained from acknowledging the legitimacy of 
 the power which had, for a short period, deprived him of his 
 freedom. De Moray responded in an artful epistle, in which 
 he said that he should abstain from making any response to 
 the positions assumed by the general in his previous letter, 
 and merely confined himself to congratulating the general 
 upon the felicity of his approaching nuptials. 
 
 General Cavaignac was united in marriage to Mdlle. 
 Odier on the 1st of January, 1852. Then terminated the 
 political and military importance of the former Dictator of 
 France. He never afterward emerged from the tranquil ob- 
 scurity in which the overwhelming success of Louis Napoleon 
 enveloped him. He expired suddenly, on the 29th of Octo- 
 ber, 1857, while engaged in the diversion of shooting on one 
 of the country estates of his wife. His corpse was conveyed 
 to Paris, where the funeral obsequies took place. He was 
 buried with the usual military honors, and most of the illus- 
 trious and the great who resided or were present in the capi- 
 tal, honored the last solemn journey of the hero of Algiers 
 to the grave with their presence and their sympathy. The 
 Court and the Emperor were represented ; but only to such 
 an extent as to imply that they tolerated, though they scarcely 
 approved, the demonstration which was made in favor of the 
 U. Timet Dictator. 
 20*
 
 234 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Louis Napoleon's reputation for Gallantry — Was always regarded in 
 England as a bad matrimonial match — He is rejected by Miss Belleu 
 — He afterward rejects Her — The Princess Mathilde — Louis Napo- 
 leon's intrigue with Mademoiselle Lautre — His connection with the 
 Countess de Castiglione — Despair of the Empress — The Opera of 
 Joconde — The Count de Morny — The Prince Walewski — Influence of 
 Louis Napoleon's reign on French Society — The contrast between its 
 Influence and that of Charles X. and Louis Philippe. 
 
 The unenviable reputation for excessive gallantry which 
 Louis Napoleon has acquired, may have had its origin to 
 some extent in the well-known character of his mother, 
 Queen Hortense. This lady is said to have spent her whole 
 life in a series of liaisons ; but especially during her resi- 
 dence in the Castle of Arenemberg. It is asserted that her 
 conduct allured around her many of the noblemen most dis- 
 tinguished for gallantry at that time in France. In the 
 small Court of Arenemberg, Louis Napoleon, in spite of his 
 great professions of regard and esteem for his mother, must 
 have seen ample evidence of the laxity of her morals, and the 
 unscrupulous violence of her passions. 
 
 During his boyhooa Louis Napoleon gave no evidence of 
 the existence of those strong propensities within him, which 
 have characterized his riper years. He was then remarkable 
 for the gentleness of his disposition, and for the timidity and 
 sweetness of his temper. His fair flowing curls and soft blue 
 eyes seemed more characteristic of girlhood; so that even 
 the ladies of the imperial court, his mother, and the Empress 
 Josephine, used to term him la Princesse Louis, instead of 
 le Prince Louis. His most general appellation when a boy, 
 was le Prince oui-oui, from the gentle obedience and Bub-
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 235 
 
 mission with which he uniformly complied with the wishes 
 of others. 
 
 During the first residence of Louis Napoleon in England, 
 several incidents occurred in reference to the gentler sex, 
 which deserve to be narrated, as indicative of the vicissitudes 
 which attend the progress of human life. Although the 
 Prince was received by the highest English aristocracy as 
 the representative and heir of the great Napoleon, he was re- 
 garded as a very bad match ; and not one of the distinguished 
 noblemen who entertained him, — the Duke of Buccleugh, the 
 Duke of Hamilton, or the Duke of Devonshire, — would have 
 given him their daughter in marriage. No one at that time 
 entertained the remotest suspicion that the imperial diadem 
 would ever encircle that pale and diminutive brow. There 
 are doubtless at this very moment many of the fairest 
 and proudest peeresses of England, who secretly sigh to 
 think that there was a time, when they might easily have 
 courted and won the hand which could now conduct them to 
 the splendid elevation of a throne 1 
 
 Though the British aristocracy repelled the matrimonial 
 advances of Louis Napoleon, and he possessed too much good 
 sense to press or obtrude them, there was one lady — not 
 however the daughter of a nobleman — who, at the time of 
 the Prince's residence in England, was young, beautiful, and 
 had just fallen heir to an estate of five thousand pounds a 
 year. This lady was Miss Belleu. Immediately after the 
 receipt of her fortune she repaired to London from Devon- 
 shire, entered its gay society, and was soon surrounded by 
 a host of admirers. Many younger sons of dukes and earls 
 sued for the posession of her hand and fortune ; and among 
 her other admirers was Prince Louis. He was greatly 
 smitten with her buxom beauty, and one evening, after dancing 
 with her in various waltzes and polkas, which were just then 
 becoming fashionable, he offered her his heart and hand. Miss 
 Belleu at once refused the future Emperor. Yet when, in the 
 year 1848, the star of Louis Napoleon began to glimmer in
 
 236 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 the political horizon, and he had been chosen representative, 
 and afterward President, Miss Belleu, still unmarried, and 
 still fascinating and beautiful, hastened to Paris, and showed 
 herself obtrusively at the receptions of the Elysee Palace. 
 But at that time the Prince Napoleon winked prodigiously 
 hard, and would not see or remember the former object of hia 
 idolatry. 
 
 At the Chateau of Ham there are said to be two children 
 who possess the right to call the Emperor of the French their 
 father. Their mother was the daughter of the keeper of the 
 prison ; and ample provision has been made for them by 
 their august progenitor. The same liberality has marked the 
 conduct of the Emperor to Mrs. Howard, whose partiality 
 and assistance were so opportune during the dreary years of 
 his exile. This lady received from her former lover an am- 
 ple fortune, as an acquittance in full of all obligations, at the 
 time of the imperial marriage. She has since become the 
 wife of a young Englishman, with whom she lives in ease and 
 luxury on the fruits of the imperial generosity. 
 
 While Louis Napoleon was still unmarried, he installed 
 his cousin, the Princess Mathilde, as the mistress of the pre- 
 sidential and imperial palace, deputing to her the task of 
 doing its honors. This lady is the daughter of ex-King 
 Joseph Bonaparte, who once resided at Bordentown as the 
 Count de Survilliers. She was educated in Florence, and 
 there married at an early age the Prince Demidoff. This 
 marriage was an unhappy one, and it ended at last in an 
 amicable separation. The Princess is a lady of remarkable 
 elegance and refinement, as well as beauty. Her grace, her 
 tact, and her extraordinary conversational powers, imparted to . 
 the dinners, and to the intimate receptions at the Elysee, a 
 peculiar and unrivalled charm. Her taste in dress directed 
 the fashions. Her love of music and the fine arts elevated the 
 Court. Louis Napoleon shared the admiration of the public 
 for his fair cousin ; and scandal even magnified his partiality 
 and affection for her into a grosser passion. Yet of the truth
 
 ' 
 
 jITI EL1IN
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 23T 
 
 of this charge there is no proof; nor could there well be, in 
 the nature of the case. 
 
 Since the marriage of the Emperor he has been attracted 
 by the potent charms of at least two women, who have suc- 
 ceeded in leading hira into lamentable lapses from conjugal 
 fidelity. The first of these was Madamoiselle Lautre, a 
 young prima donna of the Grand Opera of Paris. This lady 
 was very beautiful, and very talented ; and she so directed the 
 expressive glances of her dark voluptuous eyes towards the 
 imperial box, as to succeed in planting a love-dart in the 
 bosom of its chief occupant. Her salary was immediately 
 doubled ; and when the fascinating cantatrice complained to 
 her imperial lover in a moment of tenderness that the Opera 
 House was very badly arranged to display the peculiar merits 
 of her voice, he instantly replied : " Set fire to it, and I will 
 build you another." But the fair artist was deficient, not in 
 beauty nor in passion, but in discretion ; and the liaison did 
 not very long continue. 
 
 The second inamorata of the Emperor since his marriage 
 was the noble and beautiful Countess de Castiglione. This 
 lady was a native of Milan in Lombardy, and she belonged to 
 one of those ancient and distinguished Lombard families, a 
 portion of whom reside in Piedmont. Both at Turin aud 
 at Milan the ladies of the Castiglione family have long been 
 renowned for their great beauty. Madame Castiglione had 
 a good-natured husband, with whom she lived apparently on 
 the best possible terms. She was not only a beautiful woman, 
 but was also highly intellectual, accomplished, and refined. 
 She never assumed the airs of a mistress, or the authority of 
 a favorite, during the period of her connection with the Em- 
 peror. Her high birth and breeding prevented any such dis- 
 play of vulgarity; but certain it is that, for a time, the spell 
 which she cast upon the imperial mind and fancy was power- 
 ful in the extreme. The gentle Eugenie strove in vain to 
 conjure against the fascinating Italian magician. Time at 
 length accomplished for the Empress what her own charms
 
 238 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 had failed to do ; and an incident occurred on the 30th of 
 April, 185*7, which showed publicly that the reign of the 
 haughty daughter of Italy, for some mysterious and unknown 
 reason, had terminated. The Emperor and Empress were 
 present at the revival of a well-known and admired opera, 
 written by Etienne and Nicolo, called Joconde. A popular 
 romance closes with these words : 
 
 " On devient infidele 
 On court de belle en belle, 
 Mais on revient toujours, 
 A ses premiers amours. „ 
 
 ENGLISH VERSION. 
 
 " Oft we turn from fair to fair, 
 
 Faithless as the summer air, 
 
 But wherever we may rove, 
 
 Still we turn to our first love." 
 
 When this couplet was recited Louis Napoleon looked 
 significantly at the Empress, and nodded his head so decidedly, 
 that the audience at once remarked and applauded the act. 
 Eugenie blushed profusely, yet smiled sweetly in token of her 
 joy. The very next day the fair and proud Countess de Cas- 
 tiglione started, with her complacent husband, for Lombardy. 
 
 It is barely possible that the criminality of this connection 
 rests only in the suspicions of the perverse public. It is pos- 
 sible that the intelligence and wit of the Countess, rather than 
 her beauty, attracted her imperial admirer. Louis Napoleon 
 is almost constantly engaged in the laborious duties of his 
 high office, and even his intercourse with the Empress must, 
 to a great extent, be characterized by a political tinge ; their 
 conversation must have frequent and constant reference to the 
 onerous labors and responsibilities which rest upon him. It 
 would therefore be a great relief to his care-tired thoughts to 
 relax his mind in the gay and entertaining society of such a 
 woman as the Countess, to whom politics and ambitious pro- 
 jects, dark conspiracies and formidable combinations were
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 239 
 
 total strangers. Such indeed may have been the nature of 
 her association with the hero of the coup d'etat, in spite of 
 all the uncharitable and malicious suppositions of the world. 
 
 Louis Napoleon is surrounded by living monuments of the 
 incontinence of his illustrious race; for one of his chief 
 favorites is the Count de Morny, who is an illegitimate son 
 of Hortense. Another is Prince Walewski, the fruit of an 
 amour of the great Napoleon with a beautiful Polish lady, 
 the Countess Walewski, whom the conqueror met at the period 
 of the battle of Eylau. Count de Morny was the French 
 ambassador to the Court of St. Petersburg. Prince Walew- 
 ski was the President of the famous Peace Congress of Paris, 
 which terminated the war in the Crimea. These two noble- 
 men, together with the Prince Napoleon, who strikingly 
 resembles the great Napoleon in his person and in his features, 
 constitute the chief favorites of the Imperial family ; and they 
 now share, in an eminent degree, the splendor, felicity, and 
 power which are possessed by their remarkable and illustrious 
 relative. 
 
 The reign of Louis Napoleon, in its influence upon French 
 society, and in its relation to the French people, differs in its 
 essential features from all its predecessors. The restored 
 Bourbons of the elder branch, terminating with Charles X., 
 established as far as they could a rigid and severe prudery ; 
 they fostered and promoted the spirit of courtly chivalry, 
 which had flourished with genial pride and splendor, in the 
 palmy days of the ancient monarchy ; but which was indeed 
 little consonant with the matter-of-fact genius of the present 
 age. This policy on the part of the government compelled 
 the frail and licentious to conceal their intrigues, and to 
 simulate the possession of a virtue of which in reality they 
 were destitute. The intrigues of the courtiers were aa 
 numerous as ever, but they were concealed, and elevated to 
 some extent, by the instincts of the heart which generally 
 dictated them. 
 
 Louis Philippe, the head of the Orleans dynasty, or younger
 
 240 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Bourbon branch, was the king: and favorite of the Bourgeoisie, 
 and he set the example in his own family of the virtues 
 which, in all civilized countries, are the distinctive character- 
 istics of the middle classes. Family affection and domestic 
 felicity, during his reign, and under the benign sanction of 
 his exemplary wife and daughters, became more generally 
 prevalent in the middle classes of France, than at any other 
 period of her history. 
 
 The Napoleonic dynasty has always loved extreme magnifi- 
 cence and luxury ; and Louis Napoleon, at the head of the 
 second empire, is true to the traditions of his race. Napo- 
 leon I. exhibited his Italian descent by many indications ; 
 among the rest, even by his love of embroideries, finery, and 
 every thing which glittered and flashed. He also strove to 
 appeal to the French people through the influence of their 
 imaginations. Hence, glory was the great aim and charac- 
 teristic of his reign. Napoleon III. lives and toils for the 
 same supreme results, but with this difference, that while the 
 glory of the first empire was chiefly military, the glory of 
 the second is chiefly civil. But glory of no description can 
 be secured or supported without vast pecuniary resources. 
 These resources the first Napoleon obtained by his military 
 conquests ; the second empire flourishes in equal splendor by 
 means of the wealth which is won by speculation. The 
 money-changers and the speculators now have their halcyon 
 days in France, and bask in the golden felicities of an age 
 and of a reign eminently propitious to their interests. Hence 
 the passion for speculation has reached an extent and a degree 
 which never before existed in France ; and it may at last 
 prove the fatal rock on which the government and empire of 
 Louis Napoleon will split, after having successfully resisted 
 every other foe, and happily escaped every other peril.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 241 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The visit of Napoleon III. and Eugenie to England in 1855 — The jour- 
 ney of Queen Victoria to Paris — The Inundations in France in 1856 — 
 Louis Napoleon's great Administrative Talent — The pacific Splendors 
 of the Empire — Visit of the Grand Duke Constantine of Russia to 
 Paris — Review of Troops in the Capital in 1857 — The magnificent 
 Coup cTCEil — Louis Napoleon's Elat Major — Private Amusements of 
 the French Court — Political apathy in France — Causes of that 
 Apathy — The "Council of Regency" — The elections throughout 
 France in June, 1857 — Attempted Assassinations. 
 
 The alliance between England and France having termi- 
 nated so gloriously for the arms and the diplomacy of both 
 countries, other acts of national amity ensued between them. 
 In 1855 the French Emperor and Empress visited the British 
 sovereign in her own dominious ; the first instance probably 
 in the history of the world in which a reigning French 
 monarch set foot upon the soil of his hereditary foes. The 
 rejoicings on this occasion were prodigious ; and the man 
 who once paced the streets of London penniless, and de- 
 pendent on the amorous generosity of a woman of question- 
 able virtue, was received in the same capital with universal 
 greetings, with flying banners, with military salutes, with the 
 congratulations of the sovereign and nobility, and with the 
 joyful acclamations of millions. In a short time, Victoria 
 and Albert returned the compliment, and the scene was 
 changed from London to Paris. On that memorable occa- 
 sion the gay and brilliant capital of France assumed un- 
 wonted hues of splendor, and exhibited scenes of festivity 
 and rejoicing which had never before been equalled. The 
 great centre of the world's civilization and luxury exhausted 
 21 Q
 
 242 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 her varied and infinite resources to impress, delight, and charm 
 the august visitors. 
 
 The extraordinary inundations which deluged a portion of 
 the French territory in 1856, called forth a degree of chival- 
 rous and charitable daring on the part of the Emperor, which 
 won for him fresh laurels among his subjects. As soon as 
 the ravages of the swift and swollen Rhone were reported at 
 Paris, the Emperor started for Lyons. It was at midnight. 
 He arrived at that desolate city almost unattended, and in- 
 stantly gave such orders as were adapted to afford relief. 
 He passed fearlessly between crumbling houses and through 
 dangerous currents. All Lyons resounded with his applause. 
 From that city he proceeded to Provence. He penetrated 
 to the very centre of the city of Avignon, in a small boat. 
 He thence advanced to Aries over a vast inundated plain, 
 frequently sailing in a frail nut-shell, over the tops of houses 
 and trees. The same scenes were repeated at Orleans, at 
 Blois, and at Tours. Everywhere the Emperor displayed 
 great intrepidity in affording relief of all kinds to the 
 myriads who had been mined by the overwhelming floods. 
 
 Since his attainment of supreme power, Louis Napoleon 
 has exhibited administrative talent of the first order. France 
 is governed with the regularity and system of a gigantic piece 
 of mechanism. Never before, even in the palmiest days of 
 the great Napoleon, did more vigor, energy, and harmony per- 
 vade the administration ; while in addition to this, the country 
 is saved from the immense expense of blood and treasure 
 which the insatiable ambition of that restless hero constantly 
 entailed upon it. Recent improvements have been introduced 
 into everything which the resources or the activity of the 
 sovereign could possibly reach. The gay capital of the 
 empire has been the special object of his care ; and Paris 
 seems almost to have thrown off the dingy and faded habili- 
 ments of past ages which still clung to her, and to have 
 assumed the freshness, the beauty, and the energy of youth.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 243 
 
 All the public monuments of architectural skill, the palaces, 
 the temples, and the chief streets have, by his orders, been 
 embellished, enlarged, repaired and renovated. Much as 
 Paris owed to the Bourbons, to Napoleon I., and to the Or- 
 leans dynasty, she owes perhaps still more to Louis Napoleon. 
 Under his administration all the pacific splendors of the 
 former empire have been restored. He has neglected no 
 means of impressing upon the world, and upon his own sub- 
 jects, the greatness of his power, and the security with which 
 he sits upon his throne. All the appointments of his court 
 are on the highest scale of magnificence. Those public 
 reviews, by which the strength and majesty of his army are 
 exhibited, are imposing in the extreme, and he embraces every 
 opportunity to display them. One of these occasions was 
 the visit paid by the Russian Grand Duke Constantine, to 
 Paris, in May, 1857. The day was observed as a general 
 festival in the capital. The review was appointed to com- 
 mence at two o'clock in the afternoon, but for hours before 
 the arrival of that period every avenue leading to the vast 
 area of the Champs de Mars was crowded with endless 
 masses of troops of all arms, and of every imaginable style 
 of uniform, who were marching with stately tread and martial 
 music to the grand rendezvous. As the hour approached for 
 the review to commence, the scene presented was magnificent 
 in the extreme. As far as the eye could reach, along both 
 banks of the Seine, and through the immense perspective of 
 the adjacent Boulevards, the glittering arms of cavalry and 
 infantry flashed brightly in the rays of the refulgent sun ; 
 while the various strains of the multitudinous bands of music, 
 and the loud sounding words of command from officers riding 
 to and fro, came floating to the ear on the grateful and 
 gentle breeze. For a long time after reaching the plain, the 
 movements of the various bodies continued, advancing, re- 
 ceding, wheeling, and at last taking their positions in the line. 
 As the hour of two was tolled from the lofty towers of the
 
 244 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Invalides, seventy thousand men stood motionless in military 
 array, and disposed so as to produce the most sublime and 
 impressive effect, awaiting the approach of that single person 
 who had so heroically grasped and secured the sceptre of 
 dominion in France. That moment of expectancy presented 
 to the eye of the observer a scene of martial splendor equal 
 to any ever witnessed by mortal eye. The military pageant 
 was not the only element of splendor there. The place itself 
 surpassed in magnificence any other spot on earth. The more 
 prominent objects which met the eye were of matchless 
 grandeur. The noble facade of the Ecole Militaire, the 
 splendid dome of the Hotel des Invalides, the towering mass 
 of the Arc-de-Triomphe, and a hundred other monuments of 
 architectural beauty, as well as of historic celebrity, suggest- 
 ing to the mind of the observer those memorable scenes of 
 glory and felicity, as well as of misery and blood, through 
 which France and her children had passed in former years ; — 
 all these were then within view, and combined with the 
 majesty of military power which was assembled in their centre 
 to form a coup deceit such as no other locality in the world 
 could present. 
 
 At length the graceful waving of white and red plumes, 
 and the glittering of polished silver helmets on the Pont de 
 Jena, the roll of a thousand drums and the music of a thou- 
 sand trumpets, indicated the approach of Louis Napoleon 
 and his illustrious guest. Surrounded by his magnificent 
 Etat Major, composed of the chief officers of all the regiments, 
 including many men of distinction, the Emperor rode with 
 military precision into the centre of the gorgeous array. The 
 Champs de 31ars, familiar as it had been with the glories of 
 the first empire, had never seen the conqueror of a hundred 
 battle-fields surrounded with a halo of greater martial 
 grandeur than that which then encompassed the man who had 
 never seen a solitary conflict of arms, or had commanded a 
 single battalion ic the field. On the right of the Emperor
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 245 
 
 rode the Grand Duke Constantine, dressed in the costume of 
 a Russian Admiral. At the side of these respectively, rode 
 the Prince Napoleon and the Duke of Nassau. A crowd of 
 illustrious commanders followed in the rear, including Marshals 
 Bosquet, Canrobert, and Pelissier, together with three Russian 
 generals of celebrity, Totleben, Luders, and Liprandi. Behind 
 these came the sumptuous carriage of the Empress Eugenie, 
 who was arrayed in the most gorgeous and elegant toilette, 
 and seemed the very picture of loveliness and beauty. Three 
 times the splendid cortege passed through the field ; after 
 which the Emperor, the Grand Duke, and the Empress took 
 up their position under the central pavilion of the Military 
 School ; and then the defile began. During three hours 
 seventy thousand men, composed of seventy-four battalions 
 of foot, sixty squadrons of cavalry, and a hundred and fifty 
 pieces of artillery, marched by, to the inspiring notes of 
 martial melody ; all arrayed in new uniforms, with untarnished 
 arms and accoutrements, and beneath a bright and propitious 
 sky. Many of the regiments bore immortal names upon their 
 colors, which must have forcibly reminded the Grand Duke 
 Constantine of those far-famed and bloody struggles in which 
 the colossal power of the first empire strove with desperate 
 energy and effort to crush forever the throne of the Musco- 
 vite kings. Nevertheless the Grand Duke looked on com- 
 placently, and uttered nothing but polite phrases of commen- 
 dation and praise. 
 
 Such are some of the pageantries with which Louis Napo- 
 leon regales and impresses the inhabitants of his capital. 
 Within the precincts of his palace, and within the limits of 
 his private domains, other scenes of a less imposing but 
 equally diverting nature occur. The incidents which took 
 place during the visit of the Russian Grand Duke to Paris, 
 just alluded to, furnish an illustration of what royalty is in 
 dishabille. Their majesties, the Emperor and Empress, and 
 their guests, laying aside all ceremony and etiquette, took 
 21*
 
 2-46 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 part in such amusements as seem more appropriate to chil- 
 dren on a holiday than to high and mighty potentates. They 
 were entertained in the imperial park with a performance of 
 learned dogs and monkeys, brought from the cirque Napo- 
 leon. After this exhibition was ended, the ladies of the com- 
 pany took possession of a steep and mossy mound, and un- 
 dertook to defend it as a fortress against the attacks of the 
 gentlemen ; the Empress acting as commander-in-chief of the 
 fair Amazons. 
 
 One of the most singular peculiarities of France under the 
 second empire, is the complete and almost universal apathy 
 which is exhibited by the people in general in the affairs of 
 the government, and in the details of the administration. 
 That restless spirit which has so often thrown the whole 
 French nation into a frenzy, seems to have expired ; and they 
 appear to have delivered themselves over, body and soul, to 
 the control and the supremacy of the chief of the State. 
 
 The cause of this peculiar phenomenon is twofold: the 
 
 first is a conviction of the uselessncss and futility of resistance 
 and agitation at the present time. The agents of the impe- 
 rial government are known to be so numerous, so active, and 
 so determined, and the spirit which actuates Louis Napoleon 
 is so dogmatical and exclusive, that any attempt on the part 
 of the people to influence the course of the administration is 
 readily believed to be futile. The Emperor constantly speaks 
 of the freedom of the polls ; he declares that it shall not be in- 
 vaded ; while at the same moment he proclaims a threat that 
 whoever attempts to disturb the order and security of the 
 government shall be severely punished: which means that 
 those who do not on all occasions vote for the candidates 
 whom the government specifies and approves, shall be severely 
 punished. Under these circumstances, the boasted freedom 
 of the elections is but an idle name, an absurd farce. 
 
 The second reason of this strange apathy is the confidence 
 which the great majority of the French nation actually feel in
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 247 
 
 the sagacity and security of the imperial government ; and a 
 desire to enjoy a continuance of the favorable results which 
 the policy and labors of Louis Napoleon have already ob- 
 tained for France. It is undoubtedly true that, in regard to 
 physical advantages, such as commerce, agriculture, arts, 
 sciences, and education, France was never more prosperous 
 and flourishing than she has been under the second empire ; 
 and it is natural that the French people should desire a per- 
 manence of this fortunate state of affairs. It is true that 
 the ancient parties which are hostile to the Emperor still 
 exist. The Legitimists, the Orleans party, and the Red Re- 
 publicans, are not yet extinct. But it is very evident that 
 their influence is insignificant, either separately or com' 
 bined, when compared with the overwhelming power of the 
 partisans, the patrons, and the employees of the imperial 
 government. 
 
 In June, 1857, the general eleotion for members of the 
 Corps Legislatif took place throughout France. The result 
 of the contest clearly demonstrated that the power of the fac- 
 tions hostile to the government was broken. The whole of 
 France returned but half a dozen deputies who were repre- 
 sentatives of the Opposition. The most important of these 
 was General Cavaignac ; but his subsequent premature death 
 relieved the government of any disagreeable or dangerous re- 
 sults which might have followed his appearance in the national 
 legislature. 
 
 In September, 1857, a preconcerted and formal interview 
 took place between the French Emperor and the Russian 
 monarch, the youthful Alexander II., at Stuttgart. The 
 Empress of Russia and the Queen of Greece were also present. 
 The King of Prussia had been invited ; but for some import- 
 ant reasons of state he declined. The conferences continued 
 during four days at the palace of the King of Wurtemberg. 
 Measures of importance, as affecting the future peace of 
 Europe and the relations of the high powers represented, were
 
 24$ PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 discussed. One of these is understood to have been the set* 
 tlement of the limits within which Russia and Great Britain 
 shall be permitted in future to extend their conquests in the 
 East. Thus the once penniless London vagabond sways the 
 sceptre of his empire, with potent influence, not merely in 
 Europe and in Africa, but even over the illimitable domains 
 of Oriental climes and countries. 
 
 It has been the unfortunate fate of Louis Napoleon to have 
 been frequently subjected to the perils of attempted assassi- 
 nation. These attempts have all been singularly unsuccessful ; 
 and their failure has led the credulous and the superstitious 
 to believe that he possesses a charmed life. One of the most 
 important of these attempts occurred in January, 1858. As 
 the carriage of the Emperor approached the Italian Opera 
 House three hollow projectiles were aimed at his person, and 
 burst beneath his feet. Many persons were wounded, and some 
 were killed among those who surrounded the imperial car- 
 riage ; but both Napoleon and the Empress escaped unhurt. 
 The chief conspirators were Italian refugees, some of whom 
 suffered the richly-merited penalty of death for their sangui- 
 nary but unsuccessful purpose. In this abortive attempt 
 upon the lives of the Emperor and Empress the names of 
 Orsini and Pierri occupy an uuenviable pre-eminence in 
 ferocity and guilt. 
 
 The hopes of the Emperor and the policy of his adminis- 
 tration were duly set forth in his Address to the French 
 Legislature, delivered on the 18th of January, 1858. He 
 concluded this Address with the following appropriate and 
 significant language : 
 
 " I have not accepted the honors of the nation with the 
 aim of acquiring an ephemeral popularity, but in hope of 
 deserving the approbation of posterity as the founder of 
 established order. And I declare to you to-day, notwith- 
 standing all that has been said on the contrary, that the 
 future perils of your country will not arise from the excessive
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 249 
 
 prerogatives of the throne, but from the absence of repressive 
 laws. Thus the last elections, despite their satisfactory re- 
 sults, offered in some districts a sad spectacle. Hostile par- 
 ties availed themselves of that opportunity to create disturb- 
 ances ; and some men even avowed themselves as the enemies 
 of our national institutions, deceived the electors by false 
 promises, and after gaining their suffrages, rejected them 
 with disdain. You will never allow such a scandal to occur 
 again ; and you will hereafter compel all the eligible to take 
 the oath to the Constitution before presenting themselves as 
 candidates for office. 
 
 "The tranqailizing of the public mind has been the aim 
 of our constant efforts, and you will aid me in seeking means 
 for reducing the factious opposition to silence. Is it not 
 painful to witness in a country peaceful and prosperous at 
 home, and respected abroad, one party decrying the govern- 
 ment to which it is indebted for the security it enjoys, while 
 another exerts its political liberty to undermine the existing 
 institutions ? 
 
 "I offer a hearty welcome to all those who recognize the 
 national will, and I do not inquire into their antecedents. 
 As for those who have originated disturbances, and or- 
 ganized the conspiracies, let them know that their time has 
 gune by ! 
 
 "I cannot close without mentioning that criminal attempt 
 which has been recently made. I thank Heaven for the 
 visible protection which it has granted to the Empress and 
 myself; and I deeply deplore that a plan for destroying one 
 life, should have ended in the loss of so many. Yet this 
 thwarted scheme can teach us some useful lessons. The re- 
 course to such desperate means is but a proof of the feeble- 
 ness and impotence of the conspirators. And again, there 
 never was an assassination which served the interests of the 
 men who armed the murderer. Neither the party that struck 
 Caesar, nor that which slew Henry IV., profited by their 
 overthrow. God sometimes permits the death of the just
 
 250 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 but he never allows the triumph of the evil agent. Thus 
 these attempts neither disturb my security in the present, nor 
 my trust in the future. If I live, the Empire lives with me ; 
 if I fall, the Empire will be strengthened by my death, for 
 the indignation of the people and of the army will be a new 
 support for the throne of my son. 
 
 " Let us face the future with confidence, and calmly devote 
 ourselves to the welfare and to the honor of our country. 
 Dieu protege la France I "
 
 PART SECOND. 
 
 NAPOLEONIC MISCELLANY. 
 
 No inconsiderable portion of the interest of the history of 
 Napoleon III. consists in the works which he published, in 
 the private letters which he wrote, and in the official addresses 
 which he delivered, during the progress of his career. In 
 order to render the present work more complete, the writer 
 has resolved to introduce into it a selection from the more im- 
 portant of these productions ; but instead of interrupting the 
 narrative by their insertion at different points and periods of 
 it, they are placed together in a body in the following 
 pages. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 Louis Napoleon's Views of the English Revolution ; from his " His- 
 torical Fragments." 
 
 The English wanted the same things all through this 
 period of their history, and did not rest until they had ob- 
 tained the object of their wishes. From the sixteenth century 
 the English tried to get, 
 
 Firstly — and above all things — the establishment of their 
 reformed religion, which comprehended all national interests 
 
 Secondly — the preponderance of their navy, and conse 
 quently an increased influence on the continent. 
 
 Thirdly — the full use of their freedom. 
 
 Elizabeth confirmed the triumph of the cause of Protest- 
 antism, she added to the notional glory, and her memory was 
 revered 
 
 (251)
 
 252 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 The republic and the Protector concealed their despotic 
 and selfish views under the name of national dignity. They 
 passed away. 
 
 The Stuarts went counter to the three great wishes of the 
 majority of England. They fell. 
 
 William III. alone confirmed at once the religion, the 
 glory, and the liberties of his country. He consolidated his 
 work. 
 
 It is not, then, chance which rules the fate of nations ; it 
 is not an unforeseen circumstance which overthrows or sup- 
 ports thrones : there is a general cause which regulates events, 
 and which makes them really dependent on each other. 
 
 A government may often violate the laws, and even 
 liberty, with impunity ; but unless it truly puts itself at the 
 head of the great interests of civilization, it can only have a 
 transient existence ; and the plain, philosophical reason, 
 which is the cause of its death, is called fatality, when it is 
 wished to avoid the true reason. 
 
 England required nearly a century of struggles between 
 society and the evil passions of those in power, and vice versa, 
 before she could ever erect that immense English structure 
 which we have hated, which we have tried to overthrow, bid 
 which we cannot but admire. 
 
 The revolution of 1688 has procured for England one 
 hundred and fifty-three years of prosperity, grandeur, and 
 liberty. 
 
 Will the revolution of July bestow the same blessings :n 
 France ? The future must settle this question. 
 
 Without wishing to pry into the mysteries of Providence, 
 let us content ourselves with examining the causes and effects 
 of these great political dramas, and seek in the history of the 
 past some consolation for our ills, some hope for our country. 
 
 England, tired of civil wars, disabused of the sacredness 
 of parties and the excellence of the regal power, preserved 
 but one object of hatred, one of love, as the result of her 
 struggles — hatred of Popery and love of power
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 253 
 
 In recording the principal facts of the revolution in Eng- 
 land, one naturally feels a reluctance, as a Catholic, to treat 
 those men with contempt who supported that religion in 
 Great Britain ; but, on a close investigation, we see the 
 justice of disliking those who, by their blind zeal and rash- 
 ness, compromised and rendered the true doctrine of Christ 
 unpopular in England, by making it a handle for a party, and 
 the instrument of their passions. Their conduct should be 
 branded ; for never had the Catholic religion found so genial 
 a soil as that of England, to rule by the purity of its princi- 
 ples and its moral influence. Persecuted by the royal power, 
 it followed the example of the aristocracy, and to avenge its 
 wrongs put itself at the head of the national liberties. This 
 was an admirable position for action, for it was independent 
 of the temporal power, only acknowledging as chief the Chief 
 of the universal church, while the Anglicans then only derived 
 their rights and privileges from the will and power of the 
 head of the government. But the Catholic clergy, dazzled 
 by worldly interests, lost themselves by joining the oppressors 
 of the people instead of joining the oppressed. Every en- 
 lightened mind was so well convinced that the Stuarts were 
 about to ruin the cause of religion, that Pope Innocent IX. 
 loudly expressed his displeasure at the imprudent conduct 
 of James II., and the cardinals of Rome said, jestingly, that 
 " James II. ought to be excommunicated, as a man who was 
 about to destroy the remnant of Catholicism that was left in 
 England." 
 
 The Prince of Orange did not abuse his triumph on the 
 first feeling of enthusiasm which the people entertained for 
 their deliverer. William did not come to take a crown by 
 assault ; he came to consolidate the destinies of England ; he 
 had destroyed the principle of hereditary succession, a prin- 
 ciple hitherto regarded as inviolable and sacred ; and he could 
 only combat it by another principle, that of the sovereignty 
 of the people. An acquired and acknowledged right can 
 only be done away by giving in its stead another right, 
 22
 
 254 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 legally acquired and acknowledged. Counsellors were not 
 wanting who advised him to take possession of the govern- 
 ment by right of conquest, as William the Conqueror had 
 done, forgetting that six hundred years of civilization had 
 added more to the strength of the national right than to tnat 
 of the sword. Others also urged him to seize the crown, 
 representing the dangers of anarchy, that convenient phantom 
 which always serves as an excuse to tyranny. 
 
 William remained firm ; he would not be an usurper. 
 
 His conduct was reserved and dignified ; he had remained 
 unmoved amidst the passions which raged around him, and 
 had not entered into any intrigues either with the electors or 
 members of Parliament. He was frequently blamed for his 
 cold and distant manner to those whose interest he required ; 
 but William's great mind disdained popularity acquired by 
 meanness. This was indeed a sublime proof that he was 
 not dazzled by the splendor of a crown, but that he was 
 desirous of fulfilling his mission, and of rendering his cause 
 triumphant. 
 
 What means shall he employ to surmount them ? One 
 only, and it will succeed. It is to remain faithful to the 
 cause of the revolution which had summoned him, and to 
 render it triumphant at home by its justice, and formidable 
 abroad by its boldness. 
 
 Though there was a party opposed to the new state of 
 things, which was called the republican or revolutionary 
 party, they kept quiet, which proved that if they did not 
 make common cause with William, they still thought that 
 he guaranteed the general interests against the common 
 enemy. There were also some of those fanatics who place 
 the destinies of their country on the point of the dagger, who 
 attempted the king's life ; but they were sent back with con- 
 tempt to the ordinary tribunals, under the idea that giving 
 too much publicity to an attempt at assassination was en- 
 couraging others. 
 
 The Stuarts never sought by the application of any great
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 255 
 
 principle, whether they could assure the prosperity and inde- 
 pendence of their country, but by what little expedients, by 
 what hidden intrigues, they could support their always troubled 
 power. 
 
 They desired to re-establish Catholicity : they annihilated 
 it for centuries in England. They wished to elevate royalty : 
 they only compromised it. They wished to assure order, and 
 they brought confusion on confusion. It is a true saying, 
 then, that 
 
 The greatest enemy to religion is the man who would 
 impose it ; the greatest foe to royalty is he who degrades it ; 
 the greatest enemy to the repose of his country is he who 
 renders a revolution necessary. 
 
 Let us now consider what would have been the consequen- 
 ces, if the prince, after having dethroned James II., and 
 violated the hereditary principle, had accepted the throne 
 from James II. 's last Parliament, and instead of convoking 
 a National Assembly — the free expression of the popular 
 will — had held his authority from a bastard Assembly, who 
 would not have any right to present him with it. 
 
 William III. satisfied the exigencies of nis reign, and re- 
 established public order ; but had he followed the Stuart 
 policy he would have destroyed it, and the enemies of the 
 English nation, on again witnessing a desire for change, 
 would have accused the people of inconsistency and. frivolity, 
 instead of accusing the government of blindness and perfidy. 
 It would have been asserted that England was an ungovern- 
 able nation. 
 
 The history of England calls loudly to monarchs, March 
 at the head of the ideas of your age, and then these 
 ideas will follow and support you. 
 
 If you march behind them, they will drag you on. 
 
 And if you march against them, they will certainly 
 prove your downfall.
 
 256 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 NO. II. 
 
 Louis Napoleon's Letter respecting his Father, to the Minister of 
 
 the Interior. 
 
 Fortress of Ham, Dec. 25, 1845. 
 
 Sir : My father, whose age and infirmities require the at- 
 tention of a son, has asked the government to allow me to 
 join him. 
 
 His application has not been attended with a favorable 
 result. 
 
 The government, I am told, requires a formal guarantee 
 from me. In such circumstances my determination cannot 
 be doubtful. I am ready to do every thing compatible with 
 my honor, in order to offer to my father those consolations to 
 which he has so many claims. 
 
 I now, therefore, declare to you, sir, that if the French 
 government consent to allow me to go to Florence, to dis- 
 charge a sacred duty, I promise, upon my honor, to return 
 and to place myself at the disposal of the government, as 
 soon as it shall express a desire that I shall do so. 
 Accept, sir, the expression of my high esteem. 
 
 Napoleon Louis Bonaparte. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 Letter to Louis Napoleon respecting the Nicaragua Canal. 
 
 Leon de Nicaragua, Dec. 6. 1845. 
 
 Prince : It is with the greatest pleasure I acknowledge 
 the receipt of your highness's letter, dated the 12th of 
 August, containing the expression of sentiments of friend- 
 ship and esteem with which I feel highly honored. Annexed 
 to it I found the development of your ideas relative to the 
 canal of Nicaragua, viewed by you in that light which is 
 best calculated to promote the welfare of Central America. 
 You, at the same time, acquaint me that you are far more
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 25T 
 
 disposed than when I first paid you a visit at Ham to come 
 to this country, in order to advance, by your presence and 
 exertions, the execution of that great work, sufficient of itself 
 to satisfy the most noble ambition, and that you are ready to 
 accept the necessary powers for its execution, without any 
 other view than that of performing a task worthy of the great 
 name you possess. 
 
 When I went to France, some time ago, as minister pleni- 
 potentiary to his majesty the King of the French, I was 
 anxious, before leaving Europe, to pay you a visit at Ham. 
 I longed for the honor of seeing you, not only on account of 
 the popularity which invested your name throughout the 
 world, but also because I had myself witnessed the high 
 esteem in which your character was held in your own coun- 
 try, and the sympathy exhibited for your misfortunes. 
 
 It was also my wish, prince, to prevail on you to come to 
 my country, fully convinced that you would find there an ad- 
 mirable opportunity for the display of your activity, and the 
 exercise of your talents, which continued inaction might ex- 
 haust. I admired, prince, your resignation, and the love of 
 your native land, standing even the test of imprisonment ; 
 but it was with great pleasure that I saw your mind exulted 
 at the recital of the immense work to be executed in my 
 country for the general advancement of civilization. 
 
 I am happy to see by your highness 's letter, that you feel 
 disposed to come to this country, where the documents you 
 have forwarded to me have elicited sentiments of the deepest 
 gratitude and of the liveliest enthusiasm. 
 
 Now, I am happy to be enabled to acquaint your highness 
 that the government of this state, fully convinced that the 
 capital necessary to this undertaking could only be raised by 
 placing at its head a name which, like yours, is independent 
 both by fortune and standing, and thereby inspiring a gene- 
 ral confidence in the two worlds, whilst it dispels from the 
 easily alarmed spirit of our people every fear of foreign 
 domination — this government, I say, relies upon the co-ope- 
 22* r
 
 258 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 ration of your highness, as the only person combining in the 
 highest degree these different qualities. Brought up in a 
 republic, your highness has shown by your noble behavior in 
 Switzerland, in 1838, to what extent a free people may rely 
 on your self-denial ; and we feel convinced that, if your uncle, 
 the great Napoleon, has rendered himself immortal by his 
 military glory, your highness may acquire, with us, an equal 
 glory in works of peace, which cause only tears of gratitude 
 to flow. 
 
 From the day on which your highness shall set foot on 
 our soil, a new era of prosperity for the inhabitants will 
 commence. 
 
 The most influential persons of this capital, distinguished 
 both by their learning and their wealth, have presented to 
 the government a memorial recommending that your high- 
 ness be entrusted with the final settlement and terms of the 
 impending negotiation, or of any other which might present 
 itself — intended to promote the welfare of the State of Nica- 
 ragua. The government has not rejected the suggestion, but 
 it appears that, at all events, it will feel disposed to send me 
 to you with the necessary instructions, to enable your high- 
 ness and myself to come to an understanding on the subject. 
 
 Another cause of the delay is the recent popular outbreak 
 in the country ; but the number of malcontents being exceed- 
 ingly small, and the government being supported by public 
 opinion, I think that this revolution will soon be appeased, 
 and the government will be able to display all the elements 
 upon which it relies to insure permanent peace, and to give 
 this project the strong impulse it justly demands. The go- 
 vernment is moreover convinced that the construction of the 
 canal, by giving employment to all those hands which are 
 now unoccupied, will contribute efficaciously to the tranquil- 
 ity and g3od of the people, harassed, for a long time, by the 
 horrors of civil war. 
 
 As much from a desire of bringing to a favorable issue this 
 important matter, in which I am especially disposed to co-
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 259 
 
 operate with all my ability, as from an ardent hope of seeing 
 your highness ruling the destinies of our country, I long for 
 the honor of paying you, were it but a few hours, a visit at 
 Ham, which I quitted last year full of grief at the prolonga- 
 tion of a captivity from which I earnestly prayed God to grant 
 you a speedy release. 
 
 I beg that your highness will continue to honor me with 
 your correspondence, and that you will accept the expression 
 of my respectful sentiments. 
 
 Franc. Castellan. 
 
 No. IT. 
 
 Letter of Odillon Barrot to the Prince Napoleon. 
 
 Feb. 25, 1846. 
 
 Prince : Our renewed negotiations have proved a failure ; 
 and if I have delayed to inform you of the fact, it was 
 because up to yesterday I still retained some hope. The 
 government speaks of present circumstances — the state 
 of Italy — that of Switzerland. These circumstances would, 
 nevertheless, have been overlooked, had a more explicit gua- 
 rantee been given in your letter, because then they would 
 have dispensed with the council of ministers. But politics 
 not having been put out of the question, it was necessary to 
 yield to the considerations of public order which prevailed in 
 the council. So, for the present, considering the circum- 
 stances, no liberation is to be looked for. 
 
 It is with great pain that I inform you of this result ; I 
 had begged Yalmy to say to the king, that if we had com- 
 pletely differed, since 1830, in political opinions, I hoped 
 that, at least, we agreed in sentiments of humanity and gene- 
 rosity. I now see that this is another of my Utopian ideas, 
 which I shall be compelled to renounce. 
 
 Accept, &c. 
 
 Odillon Barrot.
 
 260 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 No. V. 
 
 Louis Napoleon's Letter to M. Vieillard. 
 
 Lonpon, May 11, 1848. 
 
 My Dear M. Yieillard : I have not yet answered the let- 
 ter which you addressed me from St. Lo, because I was wait- 
 ing your return to Paris, when I would have an opportunity 
 to explain my conduct. 
 
 I was not desirous to present myself as candidate at the 
 elections, because I am convinced my position in the Assem- 
 bly would have been extremely embarrassing. My name, my 
 antecedents, have made of me, willing or unwilling, not a party 
 chief, but a man upon whom the eyes of all malcontents are 
 fixed. As long as French society shall remain unsettled, as 
 long as the constitution shall remain undecided, I feel that 
 my position in France will be to me extremely difficult, weari- 
 some, and even dangerous. 
 
 I have then taken the firm resolution of keeping myself 
 apart, and of resisting all the charms a residence in my own 
 country should possess. 
 
 If France needed me ; if my part were marked out ; if, in 
 short, I thought I could be useful to my country, — I would 
 not hesitate to fling aside these secondary considerations, and 
 to fulfil my duty. But, in the present circumstances, I can 
 do no good ; at most, I should only be in the way. 
 
 On the other hand, I have important personal interests to 
 attend to in England ; I shall wait here a few months longer 
 theu, until affairs in France assume a calmer and more de- 
 cided aspect. 
 
 I do not know but that you will blame me for this resolu- 
 tion ; but, if you had an idea of the number of ridiculous 
 propositions that reach me even here, you would easily under- 
 stand how much more I should be a butt in Paris for all sorts 
 of intrigues. 
 
 I do not want to meddle in any thing ; I desire to see the
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 261 
 
 republic become strong in wisdom and in rights, and, in the 
 mean time, I find voluntary exile very agreeable, because I 
 know it to be voluntary. 
 
 Receive, &c. 
 
 L. N. Bonaparte. 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 Letter of Louis Napoleon to the National Assembly. 
 
 Citizen Representatives : I learn, by the newspapers, 
 that it has been proposed in the National Assembly to main- 
 tain against me alone the law of exile which has been in force 
 against my family since the year 1816; I now apply to the 
 representatives of the people for information why I have de- 
 served such a penalty. 
 
 Can it be for having always publicly declared that, in my 
 opinion, France was not the property either of an individual, 
 or of a family, or of a party ? 
 
 Can it be because, desiring to accomplish the triumph, 
 without anarchy or license, of the principles of national sove- 
 reignty, which alone can put an end to our dissensions, I have 
 been twice the victim of my hostility to a government which 
 you have overthrown ? 
 
 Can it be for having consented, out of deference to the wish 
 of the provisional government, to return to a foreign country 
 after having hastened to Paris upon the first report of the 
 revolution ? 
 
 Can it be for having disinterestedly refused those nomina- 
 tions for the Assembly which were proffered to me, being 
 resolved not to return to France until the new constitution 
 should be agreed upon and the republic firmly established ? 
 
 The same reasons which have made me take up arms 
 against the government of Louis Philippe, would induce me, 
 were my services required, to devote myself to the defence of 
 the Assembly — the result of universal suffrage.
 
 262 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 In presence of a king elected by two hundred deputies, I 
 might have recollected that I was heir to an empire founded 
 by the consent of four millions of Frenchmen. 
 
 In the presence of the national sovereignty I neither can 
 nor will claim more than my rights as a French citizen ; but 
 these I will demand incessantly, and with the energy imparted 
 to an honest heart by the consciousness of never having done 
 any thing to render it unworthy of its country. 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 Curious Scene in the National Assembly. 
 
 The papers of the 24th of October, 1848, contained the 
 following letter, signed by Prince Napoleon, son of Jerome : 
 
 "Some well-informed persons having warned representa- 
 tive Louis Bonaparte that certain simpletons were secretly 
 laboring to get up a riot in his name, with the evident object 
 of compromising him in the eyes of men of order, and of sin- 
 cere republicans, Louis Napoleon considered it his duty to 
 make M. Dufaure, Minister of the Interior, aware of these 
 reports ; he added that he utterly denied any participation in 
 dealings so completely opposed to his political sentiments, 
 and to the conduct which he has invariably pursued since the 
 24th of February." 
 
 The appearance of this note was the occasion of a violent 
 altercation in the Assembly. 
 
 M. Grandin asked the minister for some explanation re- 
 garding this note, and the information alluded to by the 
 prince. M. Dufaure replied that he had himself heard of 
 hese reports, and added that he had immediately re-assured 
 Louis Napoleon, by telling him that he was misinformed, and 
 that no plot of such a nature was in contemplation. 
 
 Hereupon Prince Napoleon stepped towards the tribune. 
 
 The following almost verbal report of the ensuing scene is 
 not without interest :
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 203 
 
 Voice on the Left (to Prince Napoleon). — It is not your 
 business to speak. The other one must speak — Louis Bo- 
 naparte ! 
 
 Several Members. — He is absent. 
 
 Many members of the Left, rising from their seats, look in 
 the direction of M. Louis Bonaparte's usual place : they per- 
 ceive that his seat is occupied by another representative. 
 They cry out none the less to M. Napoleon Bonaparte, still 
 making his way to the tribune: No, not you — the other one. 
 
 M. N. Bonaparte (in the tribune). — I do not come — (loud 
 interruption). 
 
 Numerous Voices. — Not you ! The other, the other 1 
 
 M. N. Bonaparte struggles against the interruptions for a 
 quarter of an hour ; at last silence is restored, and he in- 
 sists that he has a right to speak on the subject, since he is 
 the author of the letter. He explains that it was sent to the 
 papers with the particular purpose to prove that the Bonaparte 
 family never had anything to do, and never would have any- 
 thing to do, with riots. As soon as he left the tribune, 
 representative Clement-Thomas occupied it. 
 
 M. Clement- Thomas. — Gentlemen, I know it is a failing 
 of mine to be always wanting to sift things to the bottom ; 
 and I am afraid this unpleasant feature in my character is 
 going to make its appearance again to-day. But I must say, 
 I am astonished that when a matter personally concerning 
 one member of this Assembly is brought before you, it is 
 another member that appears to answer for it. (Interruption 
 — uproar.) 
 
 A Voice. — The other is absent. 
 
 31. Clement- Thomas. — It is not the first time that I 
 remark the absence of representative Louis Bonaparte from 
 this Assembly. 
 
 Several Members. — What is that to you ? 
 
 A Member. — This is scandalous. 
 
 M. Clement- Thomas. — It is unnecessary for me to say that 
 I speak here in nobody's name ; no more for any party in the
 
 264 Pi: B LIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Assembly than for the government. No one is responsible 
 for my words but myself. Well, then, I repeat it, it is not 
 the first time that I remark the absence of M. Louis Bona- 
 parte. (New interruption.) 
 
 A Voice. — He is never here. 
 
 Another Voice. — He never votes. 
 
 M. Clement- Thomas. — And when I say this I know why 
 I say it. You cannot deny that there are certain members 
 of this Assembly who are about to present themselves to the 
 country as candidates for very elevated and very important 
 offices. (Vociferous exclamations — many members grouped 
 in the passage on the right of the tribune, among whom are 
 MM. N. Bonaparte, Pierre Bonaparte, Petri, &c, loudly 
 interrupt the orator.) 
 
 The President Marrast ( ringing his bell). — The repre- 
 sentatives standing in the passage will please resume their 
 seats. 
 
 By this time a violent agitation pervades the Assembly 
 generally. 
 
 M. Clement- Thomas. — I say that several members of this 
 Assembly are about to offer themselves to the people. But it 
 is not by hardly ever attending your sittings, it is not by 
 taking no part in your voting, it is not by maintaining a 
 reserved silence on whence we come, where we go, what we 
 want, that we can pretend to gain the confidence of such a 
 country as France. For my part, I suspect such tactics. 
 (Interruption.) 
 
 M. N. Bonaparte (quickly). — Vote against them then. 
 
 Some Members. — Order, order 1 
 
 President Marrast. — Monsier Napoleon Bonaparte, if you 
 interrupt again I shall call you to order. 
 
 M Clement- Thomas. — Since M. Napoleon Bonaparte is 
 so ready to answer for his cousin 
 
 Several Voices. — He has spoken for him already. 
 
 M Clement- Thomas. — I will ask him if it is not true that
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 265 
 
 at this very moment agents are canvassing the provinces for 
 M. Louis Bonaparte. 
 
 Some Members. — Well, what of that? 
 
 M Clement- Thomas. — I will ask him if it is not true that 
 in every department they are presenting him to the least en- 
 lightened portion of the population ? And if this be true, I 
 ask M. Napoleon Bonaparte, on what title does his cousin 
 put forward his claims ? (Interruption.) 
 
 M. Isambert. — On his title of citizen. 
 
 M. N. Bonaparte. — Are we here to discuss candidates 
 for the presidency ? 
 
 M. Clement- Thomas. — M. Isambert tells me that every 
 citizen has a right to present himself to the suffrages of his 
 country ; but it seems to me that pretensions of this nature 
 should be supported by real titles. 
 
 M. Pierre Bonaparte. — That is impertinent, sir. 
 
 31. Pietri. — Totally unbecoming ! Who made you a judge 
 of titles ? 
 
 M. N. Bonaparte (indignantly). — We may be proscribed, 
 but we must not be insulted 1 (General tumult.) 
 
 M. Clement-Thomas, seeing he has gone too far, leaves 
 the tribune, amidst unmistakable marks of universal disap- 
 probation. 
 
 Perhaps he wished Louis Napoleon to send him a challenge. 
 
 " One would think," said a general on his way home, after 
 this, scene: "one would think that M. Clement-Thomas has 
 sufficient confidence in his sword, to rely upon it altogether 
 for simplifying the presidential election." 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 Speech of Louis Napoleon in the National Assembly. 
 
 Of my sentiments or of my opinions I shall not speak ; I 
 have already set them before you, and no one as yet has had 
 reason to doubt my word. As to my parliamentary conduct, 
 23
 
 266 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 I will say that as I never permit myself the liberty of bringing 
 any of my colleagues to an account for the course which he 
 thinks proper to pursue, so, in like manner, I never recognize 
 in him the right to call me to an account for mine ; this 
 account I owe only to my constituents. (Hear, hear !) 
 
 Of what am I accused ? Of accepting from the popular 
 sentiment a nomination after which I have not sought. (Dis- 
 turbance.) Well ! I accept this nomination, that does me 
 bo much honor ; I accept it, because three successive elections, 
 and the unanimous decree of the National Assembly, reversing 
 the proscriptions against my family, authorize me to believe 
 that France regards the name I bear to be serviceable for the 
 consolidation of society, now shaken to its foundations, — 
 (Oh, oh 1 interruption) — and for the establishment and 
 prosperity of the republic. 
 
 How little do those who charge me with ambition know my 
 heart 1 If an imperative duty did not keep me here, if the 
 sympathy of my fellow-citizens did not console me for the 
 violence of the attacks of some, and even for the impetuosity 
 of the defences of others, long since would I have regretted 
 my exile. (Citizens Clement-Thomas and Flocon start up to 
 speak. Commotion. Cries of order ! order !) 
 
 I am reproached for my silence ! Few persons here are 
 gifted with the faculty of eloquent speech obedient to just and 
 sound ideas. But is there only one way to serve our country ? 
 What she wants most of all is acts ; what she wants is a 
 government, firm, intelligent, and wise, more desirous to heal 
 the evils of society than to avenge them — a government that 
 would openly set itself at the head of just ideas, and thus 
 repel a thousand times more effectually than with bayonets 
 those theories which are not founded on experience and 
 reason. 
 
 I know that parties intend to set my path with pits and 
 snares ; but I shall not fall into them. I shall always follow, 
 in my own way, the course which I have traced out, without 
 troubling myself or stopping to see who is pleased. Nothing
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 267 
 
 shall interrupt ray tranquillity, nothing shall induce me to 
 forget my duty. I have but one aim ; it is to merit the 
 esteem of the Assembly, and with this esteem, that of all good 
 men, and the confidence of that magnanimous people that 
 was made so light of here yesterday. (Exclamations.) 
 
 I declare then to those who may be willing to organize a 
 system of provocation against me, that, henceforward, I shall 
 reply to no questioning, to no species of attack, to none who 
 would have me speak when I prefer to be silent. Strong in 
 the approval of my conscience, I shall remain immovable 
 amidst all attacks, impassible towards all calumnies. 
 
 No. IX. 
 First Inaugural Address of President Napoleon. 
 
 The prince slowly ascended the tribune, and turned his face 
 towards the president, who, in a loud and deliberate voice, 
 read the oath of fidelity to the constitution : 
 
 " In the presence of God, and before the French people, 
 represented by the National Assembly, you swear to remain 
 faithful to the democratic republic, and to defend the consti- 
 tution." 
 
 " I swear," said the prince, earnestly, holding up his right 
 hand. 
 
 "I take God and man to witness the oath just sworn,'* 
 cried the President Marrast. "It shall be inserted in the 
 official report, in the Moniteur, and published in the form3 
 prescribed by the public acts." These words, which might 
 be considered as rather uncalled for, produced an evident im- 
 pression on all present ; but the new president of the republic 
 took no notice of it, and read the following inaugural dis- 
 course : 
 
 Citizen Representatives : The suffrages of the nation 
 and the oath which I have taken command my future conduct. 
 My duty is marked out ; I shall fulfil it as a man of honor.
 
 268 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 I shall treat as enemies of the country all those who may 
 attempt to change, by illegal means, what entire France has 
 established. 
 
 Between you and me, citizen representatives, no real dis- 
 sensions should exist : our wills, our desires are the same. 
 
 I wish, like you, to place society on its bases, to strengthen 
 democratic institutions, and to try every means to relieve the 
 sufferings of the generous and intelligent people that has just 
 given me such a splendid mark of confidence. (Cheers.) 
 
 The majority which I have obtained not only fills me with 
 gratitude, but it shall impart to the new government the moral 
 force without which there is no authority. 
 
 With the re-establishment of peace and order, our country 
 can arise, heal her wounds, collect her stray children, and 
 calm her passions. 
 
 Animated with this conciliatory spirit, I have called around 
 me men of honesty, talent, and patriotism, fully assured that, 
 notwithstanding the differences of their political origin, they 
 are determined to co-operate harmoniously with you in apply- 
 ing the constitution to the perfection of the laws, to the glory 
 of the republic. (Marked approbation.) 
 
 The new administration, in entering on business, must 
 thank its predecessor for its efforts to transmit the power in- 
 tact, and to maintain public tranquility. (New applause.) 
 
 The conduct of the honorable General Cavaignac has been 
 worthy of the loyalty of his character, and of that sentiment 
 of duty which is the first qualification of the head of a State. 
 (Loud cheers.) 
 
 We have, citizen representatives, a great mission to fulfil : 
 it is to found a republic for the interest of all, and a govern- 
 ment just, firm, and animated with a sincere love of progress, 
 without being either reactionary or Utopian. 
 
 Let us be men of the country, not men of a party, and, 
 with the assistance of God, we shall accomplish useful if not 
 great things.
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 269 
 
 No. X. 
 
 Letter of Louis Napoleon to his Consul. 
 
 Elysee National, April 10, 1849. 
 
 My dear Cousin : It is said that on your way through 
 Bourdeauxyou made use of words capable of sowing dissen- 
 sion even among the best intentioned. You are reported to 
 have said that I did not follow my own inspirations because 
 I was ruled by the leaders of the reactionary movement ; that 
 I was impatient of the yoke, and wanted to shake it off; and 
 that, in order to assist me at the approaching elections, it 
 was necessary to send to the Chamber men hostile to my go- 
 vernment, rather than those belonging to the moderate party. 
 
 Such an imputation coming from yon cannot but surprise 
 me. You should know me well enough to be aware that I 
 never brook the ascendency of any one, and that I struggle 
 incessantly to govern for the interest of the people, not for 
 the interest of a party. I honor those men who by their ca- 
 pacity and experience can give me good counsels ; but if I 
 receive daily the most contradictory advice, I obey nothing 
 but the impulses of my own head and heart. 
 
 Censure of my political conduct was last of all to be ex- 
 pected from you, who found fault with ray manifesto, because 
 it had received the entire sanction of the chiefs of the mode- 
 rate party. This manifesto, from which I have not deviated, 
 still continues to be the conscientious expression of ray 
 sentiments. 
 
 My first duty was to reassure the country. Well, confi- 
 dence has been increasing during the last four months. Every 
 day has its own task. Security first, reform afterwards. 
 
 The approaching elections, I entertain no doubt, by 
 Strengthening the republic in order and moderation, will 
 hasten the period of all possible reforms. To bring all the 
 old parties together, to reconcile them, to unite them, should 
 be the constant o'nject of our exertions. Such is the mission 
 23*
 
 270 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 attached to the great name we bear ; and it would prove a 
 failure if it served to divide and not to rally the supporters 
 of the government. 
 
 For all these reasons I cannot approve of your being no- 
 minated by a score of departments at once ; for, consider it 
 well, under the protection of your name, it is expected to 
 send to the Assembly representatives hostile to the govern- 
 ment, and to discourage its best friends by wearying the 
 people with multiplied elections which should be made over 
 again. 
 
 Henceforward, then, I hope, my dear cousin, you will use 
 every exertion to enlighten the people regarding my real in- 
 tentions, and to avoid furnishing grounds, by inconsiderate 
 expressions, for absurd calumnies which go so far as to assert 
 that sordid self-interest alone rules my conduct. Nothing, 
 repeat it aloud, shall trouble the serenity of my judgment or 
 shake the strength of my resolution. 
 
 No. XI. 
 
 Proclamation of Louis Napoleon. 
 The President of the Republic to the French People. 
 
 Some factious men presume once more to lift the standard 
 of revolt against a legitimate government — legitimate, be- 
 cause it is the production of universal suffrage. They accuse 
 me of having violated the Constitution — me, who have pa- 
 tiently endured for six months all their sneers, their calum- 
 nies, their defiances. 
 
 The majority of the Assembly itself is the constant theme 
 of their outrages. 
 
 The accusation brought against me is only a pretext. Of 
 this the proof is, that those who attack me now persecuted 
 me with the same hatred, and with the same injustice, at the 
 time when the people of Paris nominated me as their repre- 
 sentative, and the people of France as president of their 
 republic
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 2U 
 
 This system of agitation maintains a state of uneasiness 
 and mistrust that entails misery. It must cease. 
 
 It is time for the good to take courage and the wicked to 
 tremble. 
 
 The republic has no enemies more implacable than those 
 men who, by perpetuating disorder, compel us to change 
 France into a vast camp, and our projects for amelioration 
 and progress into preparations for defence. 
 
 Elected by the nation, the cause which I defend is your 
 own. It is that of your family as of your property ; of the 
 poor as of the rich ; that of civilization, in whole and in 
 part. 
 
 No. XII. 
 
 Annual Message of President Napoleon to the Assembly, 
 November, 1850. 
 
 Our arms have overthrown that turbulent demagoguisrt 
 which has compromised the cause of real liberty throughout 
 the Italian peninsula, and our brave soldiers have had the 
 signal honor of restoring Pius IX. to the throne of St. Peter. 
 Party spirit shall never obscure this fact, which will always 
 form a glorious page in the history of France. The con- 
 stant aim of our exertions has been to encourage the liberal 
 and philanthropic dispositions of the Holy Father. The 
 pontifical power continues to realize the promises contained 
 in the Motu Proprio of September, 1849. 
 
 Touching questions that most deeply engaged the minds 
 of all, the message spoke with reserve, though the meaning 
 of several passages was clear enough. Towards the end, it 
 said : 
 
 Notwithstanding the difficulty of circumstances, law and 
 authority have so far recovered their empire that now no one 
 dreams of the success of violent measures. But, on the 
 other hand, the more fears diminish regarding the present, 
 the more they increase regarding the future. France first
 
 272 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 of all wants repose. She is hardly yet recovered from the 
 dangers that threatened society, and remains indifferent to 
 quarrels between parties or individuals, in the presence of 
 the great interests that are at stake. 
 
 Farther on, he says : 
 
 As first magistrate of the republic, I have been obliged to 
 put myself in communication with the clergy, the magistracy, 
 the agriculturists, the manufacturers, the people, in short, 
 and the army ; and I have taken care to seize every oppor- 
 tunity to show them my gratitude for the support they have 
 given me. If my name and my efforts have succeeded in 
 arousing the spirit of the army, of which I alone, according 
 to the terms of the Constitution, have the power to dispose, 
 it is a service, I venture to say, which I have rendered the 
 country, for I have always directed my personal influence to 
 the advantage of order. 
 
 It is now permitted to every one, except myself, to desire 
 the speedy revision of our fundamental law. If the Consti- 
 tution contains vices and dangers, you are at liberty to hold 
 them up before the gaze of the country. I alone, bound 
 down by my oath, circumscribe myself within its strictly 
 drawn limits. 
 
 The councils general have, in great numbers, expressed a 
 wish for its revision. This wish is addressed to the legisla- 
 tive power. As for me, the elect of the people, amenable 
 but to the people, I shall always conform to the wishes of 
 the people legally expressed. 
 
 If in this session you vote the revision of the Constitution, 
 our fundamental laws shall be reformed, and the system of 
 the executive authority regulated ; if you do not vote it, the 
 people, in 1852, will solemnly manifest the expression of 
 their new wishes. But whatever may be the solutions of 
 the future, let us understand each other, so that it may never 
 be left to passion, or surprise, or violence, to decide the fate 
 of a great nation. Let us inspire the people with a love of 
 repose, by introducing calmness into our deliberations ■ let
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 273 
 
 us ir.spire them with a love of rectitude, by never forgetting 
 its dictates ourselves : then, rely upon it, the progress made 
 in our political morals will compensate for the danger of in- 
 stitutions created in days of suspicions and uncertainties. 
 
 What occupies me especially is, not to know who shall 
 govern France in 1852, but to employ the time at my disposal 
 in such a manner that the transition, whatever it may be, 
 may take place without trouble or agitation. 
 
 The employment which is noblest and worthiest of a gene- 
 rous soul is, not to seek, when one is in power, by what ex- 
 pedients he can retain himself there, but to seek incessantly 
 for the means of consolidating, for the benefit of all, those 
 principles of authority and morality which are continually 
 struggling with the passions of men and the instability of the 
 laws. 
 
 I have loyally opened my heart to you ; you will corre- 
 spond to my frankness by your confidence, to my good inten- 
 tions by your co-operation, and God will do the rest. 
 
 No. XIII. 
 
 Famous Speech of President Napoleon at Dijon. 
 
 I wish that such persons as entertain apprehensions regard- 
 ing the future had accompanied me through the populations 
 of the Yonne and the Cote d'Or. They would have had 
 their minds set at rest by being able to judge for themselves 
 of the real state of public feeling. They would have seen 
 that neither intrigue, nor attacks, nor passionate discussions 
 of parties are in harmony with the sentiments and the situa- 
 tion of the country. 
 
 France does not wish either the return of the ancient 
 regime — no matter under what form it may be disguised — or 
 the trial of evil and impracticable Utopias. It is because I 
 am the most natural adversary of the one and the other, that - 
 she has placed her confidence in me. If it be not so, how 
 
 8
 
 274 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 else can be explained this touching sympathy entertained by 
 the people towards me, which, whilst it repels the most 
 ruinous controversies, absolves me from being the cause of 
 their sufferings ? 
 
 In fact, if my government has not realized all the ameliora- 
 tions which it has had in view, the blame lies in the manoeuvres 
 of factions which paralyze the good dispositions of Assem- 
 blies, as well as those of governments the most devoted to 
 the public good. For the last three years it could be remarked 
 that I was always seconded whenever the question was to 
 subdue disorder by coercive enactments. And whenever I 
 wished to do good, to establish the landed influence or to 
 ameliorate the condition of the poorer classes, I met with 
 nothing but inertness. It is because you have shared those 
 convictions that I have found in patriotic Burgundy such a 
 reception as is at once for me both approbation and encou- 
 ragement. 
 
 I take advantage of this banquet, as if it were a public 
 tribune, to open to my fellow-citizens the bottom of my heart. 
 A new phase of our political life is commencing. From one 
 end of France to the other, petitions are being signed in 
 favor of the revision of the Constitution ; I await with confi- 
 dence the manifestation of the country and the decision of the 
 Assembly, which can only be actuated by the sole thought of 
 the public good. If France feels that she must not be dis- 
 posed of against her will, France has but to say so ; she shall 
 not be without my courage and my energy. 
 
 Since I came into power, I have proved how much, in the 
 presence of the grave interests of society, I disregarded what- 
 ever affected myself personally. The most unjust and the 
 most violent attacks have failed to affect my attitude of 
 calmness. Whatever duties the country may impose, she shall 
 find me resolute to execute her will. And believe me, gen- 
 tlemen, France shall not perish in my hands.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 275 
 
 No. XIV. 
 
 Second Annual Message of President Napoleon. 
 
 A vast demagogical conspiracy is now organizing in France 
 and Europe. Secret societies are endeavoring to extend 
 their ramifications even into the smallest communes. Without 
 being able to agree on men or things, they have agreed to 
 bring all the madness, the violence, and the obduracy of 
 parties to a focus in 1852, not to construct, but to overthrow. 
 
 Your patriotism and your courage, with which I will en- 
 deavor to keep pace, will, I am sure, save France from the 
 dangers with which she is threatened. But to conquer these 
 dangers we must look at them without fear and without 
 exaggeration ; and, whilst convinced, thanks to the strength 
 of the administration, to the enlightened zeal of the magis- 
 trates, and to the devotion of the army, that France cannot 
 perish, let us unite our efforts to deprive the spirit of evil 
 even of the hope of a momentary success. 
 
 The best means to attain this end has always appeared to 
 me the application of that system which consists, on the one 
 hand, in satisfying the legitimate interests ; and, on the other, 
 in stifling, at the moment of their appearance, the slightest 
 symptoms of an attack against religion, morality, or society. 
 
 Thus, to procure labor by granting to companies our great 
 lines of railway, and with the money which the state will 
 procure from these projects to give a strong impulse to the 
 other works in all the departments ; to encourage the institu- 
 tions destined to develop agricultural or commercial credit ; 
 to come, by the establishment of charitable institutions, to the 
 assistance of poverty, — such has been, and such still must be, 
 our first care ; and it is by following this course that it will 
 be easier to recur to means of repression when their necessity 
 shall have become felt. 
 
 After describing the state of the country, he comes to the 
 grand feature of the message — the restoration of universal
 
 276 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 suffrage. He uses every argument to urge them to an adop- 
 tion of the measure. 
 
 The state of general uneasiness, said he, is increasing 
 every day. Employment grows slack, poverty spreads, the 
 interests become more apprehensive, and expectations hostile 
 to society become more exulting as the almost exhausted 
 public authorities approach their term. 
 
 In such a state of things, my duty is the same to-day as it 
 was yesterday. It consists in maintaining order, and in 
 removing every occasion of disturbance, so that the resolutions 
 which are to decide our fate may be conceived in tranquillity 
 and adopted in peace. 
 
 These resolutions can emanate only from a decisive act of 
 the national sovereignty, since they have popular election for 
 a basis. Well ! I have asked myself whether, in the presence 
 of the delirium of passions, of the confusion of doctrines, of 
 the division of parties, when everything is combined to attack 
 morality, justice, and authority, we ought to leave shaken and 
 incomplete the only principle which, in the middle of the 
 general chaos, Providence has kept standing to rally us 
 around it. 
 
 Since universal suffrage has reconstructed the social edifice 
 by substituting a right for a revolutionary fact, is it wise in 
 us to narrow its basis any longer ? Finally, I have asked 
 myself if, when new powers shall preside over the destinies 
 of the country, it would not be compromising their stability 
 beforehand to leave behind us a pretext for questioning their 
 origin, or for misrepresenting their legitimacy ? 
 
 No doubt on the subject was possible ; and without wishing 
 to swerve for a single instant from the policy of order which 
 I have always followed out, I have been obliged, much to my 
 regret, to separate from a cabinet which possessed all my con- 
 fidence, in order to choose another, which, equally composed 
 of honorable men publicly known for their conservative senti- 
 ments, has moreover consented to admit the necessity of re- 
 establishing universal suffrage on the broadest possible basis.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 277 
 
 You will, therefore, have presented to you the draught of 
 a law which restores the principle in all its fulness. 
 
 The project has no features which can offend this Assem- 
 bly ; for, if I think it expedient to ask to-day for the with- 
 drawal of the law of the 31st of May, I do not mean to deny 
 the approbation which I gave at that time to the cabinet 
 which claimed from the chief of the majority, whose work it 
 was, the honor of presenting it. 
 
 If we remember the circumstances under which this law was 
 presented, we shall not, I believe, refuse to allow that it was 
 an act of policy, rather than an electoral law, that it was 
 really and truly a measure to insure the public tranquillity. 
 Whenever the majority shall propose to me energetic measures 
 for the safety of the country, it may rely on my loyal and 
 disinterested support. But even the best of such measures 
 have but a limited time. 
 
 The law of the 31st of May has, in its application, even 
 gone beyond the object intended to be attained. No one 
 foresaw the suppression of three millions of electors, two- 
 thirds of whom are peaceful inhabitants of the country. 
 What has been the result ? Why, that this exclusion has 
 served as a pretext to the anarchist party, who cloak their 
 detestable designs by appearing to conquer back a right of 
 which they had been despoiled. Too weak in numbers to 
 take possession of society by their votes, they hope, under 
 favor of the general emotion and the decline of the powers 
 of the State, tc kindle at several points of France, instanta- 
 neously, troubles which would be quelled, no doubt, but 
 which should inevitably throw us into fresh complications. 
 
 Another serious objection is this : The constitution requires, 
 for the validity of the election of a president by the people, 
 at least two millions of suffrages ; and if this number is not 
 made up, the right of election is conferred on the Assembly. 
 The Constituent Assembly had therefore decided that, out of 
 ten million voters inscribed on the lists, one-fifth was sufficient 
 to lender the election valid. 
 24
 
 278 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 At the present time, the number of electors being reduced 
 to seven millions, to require two millions is to invert the pro- 
 portion ; that is to say, it is to demand one-third instead of 
 one-fifth, and thus, in a certain eventuality, to take the elec- 
 tion out of the hands of the people, and give it to the 
 Assembly. It is, therefore, positively chauging the condition 
 of the eligibility of the president of the republic. 
 
 Lastly, I call your particular attention to another reason, 
 which, perhaps, may prove decisive. 
 
 The re-establishment of universal suffrage on its principal 
 basis furnishes an additional chance of obtaining the revision 
 of the constitution. You have not forgotten why the adver- 
 saries of this revision refused last session to vote for it. They 
 used this argument, which they knew how to render specious : 
 "The Constitution," said they, "which is the work of an 
 Assembly taking its rise in universal suffrage, cannot be 
 modified by an Assembly issuing from a restricted suffrage." 
 Whether this be a real motive, or only a pretext, it is expe- 
 dient to set it aside, and be able to say to those who would 
 bind the country down to an immutable constitution, "Be- 
 hold universal suffrage re-established. The majority of the 
 Assembly, supported by two millions of petitioners, by the 
 greater number of the councils of arrondissement, and almost 
 unanimously by the councils general, demands the revision 
 of the fundamental compact. Have you less confidence than 
 we in the expression of the popular will ?" 
 
 The question, therefore, may be thus stated to all those 
 who desire a pacific solution of the difficulties of the day : 
 " The law of the 31st of May has its imperfections ; but even 
 were it perfect, should it not, nevertheless, be repealed if it 
 resists the revision of the Constitution, that manifest wish of 
 the country ?" 
 
 It is objected, I am aware, that on my part these pro- 
 posals are inspired by personal interest. My conduct for the 
 last three years ought to repel such an allegation. The wel- 
 fare of the country, I repeat, will always be the sole moving
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 279 
 
 spring of ray conduct. I believe it my duty to propose every 
 means of conciliation, and to use every effort to bring about 
 a pacific, regular, legal solution, whatever may be its issue. 
 
 Thus, then, gentlemen, the proposal I make to you is 
 neither a piece of party tactics, nor an egotistical calculation, 
 nor a sudden resolution ; it is the result of serious meditation 
 and of profound conviction. I do not pretend that this 
 measure will banish all the difficulties of the situation. But 
 to each day its own task. 
 
 To-day to re-establish universal suffrage is to deprive civil 
 war of its flag, the opposition of its last argument. It is to 
 furnish Trance with the possibility of giving itself institutions 
 which may insure its tranquillity. It is to give the future 
 powers of the state that moral force which can only exist so 
 long as it reposes on a consecrated principle, and on an in- 
 contestable authority. 
 
 No. XV. 
 
 Memoir of Louis Bonaparte, ex-King of Holland. 1 
 
 Louis, the third brother of Napoleon I., and supposed 
 father of Napoleon III., was born at Ajaccio on the 2d of 
 September, 1778. During the siege of Toulon, in the early 
 part of 1793, Napoleon frequently visited Marseilles, for the 
 purpose of hastening the preparations for the siege, and at 
 the same time of seeing his family. In one of these visits 
 he prevailed on his mother to send Louis, then little more 
 than fourteen years of age, to the school at Chfilons, to un- 
 dergo the examination necessary to his entrance into the 
 artillery ; for which service he had always been intended. 
 
 On the recapture of Toulon, Napoleon, being appointed 
 to survey the line of fortifications on the Mediterranean coast 
 of France, took Louis with him, intending to place him on 
 his staff with the rank of sub-lieutenant. 
 
 Adap ted from an English work.
 
 280 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Wnen, in 1794, Napoleon joined the army of Italy, then 
 stationed at Nice, the representatives of the people wished 
 to confer on Louis the rank of captain ; but as he was little 
 more than fifteen, the measure was objected to by his brother. 
 Napoleon used to relate sundry anecdotes of Louis, which, 
 while they evince the most ardent fraternal attachment, afford 
 proofs of courage and coolness. The first time he was led 
 into an engagement, Louis, far from betraying any astonish 
 ment, was anxious to serve as a rampart to his brother. Thh 
 was before Saorgio, on the high road from Nice to Tenda. 
 While the enemy were keeping up a brisk fire of artillery, 
 Louis placed himself before Napoleon, as he proceeded along 
 the outside of the intrenchments, for the purpose of ex- 
 amining them ; and in this position he continued during the 
 whole of the inspection. 
 
 On another occasion they happened to be together at a 
 battery, upon which the enemy kept up a smart fire. As the 
 breastworks were only three or four feet high, the garrison 
 frequently stooped down to shelter themselves. Napoleon, 
 observing that Louis, imitating his own example, remained 
 immovable, asked him the reason : " I have heard you say," 
 replied Louis, "that an artillery-officer should never fear 
 cannon, it being our best weapon." 
 
 Louis was little more than seventeen when he a second 
 time joined the army of Italy, then commanded by his 
 brother ; to whom, though he had only the rank of lieutenant, 
 he was appointed aid-de-camp. At this early stage of his 
 career, he was of an observant and silent character. "He 
 felt," he says, "a vacuity of heart and a sentiment of deep 
 regret, at seeing himself impelled into a career of trouble- 
 some ambition." He already sighed for retirement and a 
 peaceful occupation. He displayed courage on several occa- 
 sions, but only by fits ; and the acquirement of a military 
 reputation gave him no concern. 
 
 At Nice he met with an accident which had nearly cost 
 him an eye. While returning from a mission at full gallop,
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 281 
 
 on a young and fiery horse, he was met by his brother aid- 
 de-cainp, Junot, on foot, who frightened the animal in order 
 to try the skill of its rider. Louis fell, and the wound he 
 received was so improperly treated that the scar remained 
 till his death. 
 
 He and the brave Lannes, afterward Duke of Montebello 
 were the first who, in May, 1196, passed the Po. At th« 
 taking of Pizzighitone, Louis entered the breach with Dom- 
 martin, the general of artillery. He was present at the 
 driving in of the gates of Pavia, and the reduction and par- 
 tial pillage of thnt city. At this horrible spectacle he was 
 greatly shocked, and became thenceforward still more cold 
 and taciturn. He was present at the battle of Yaleggio, 
 after which the Mincio was forcibly passed, with the Austrian 
 array in front. He presented to the Directory the colors 
 taken at the battle of Castiglione, and had the rank of cap- 
 tain conferred on him as a mark of their affection. 
 
 He was also at the battles of Brenta, Coldiero, and Rivoli ; 
 and at the memorable one of Areola, which lasted three days, 
 he was exposed during the hottest period of the attack to 
 imminent peril. The brave Lannes fell wounded by his side; 
 and Napoleon's horse having sunk with him in a morass, 
 Louis succeeded in getting hold of one of his brother's 
 nands ; but not being sufficiently strong, he was drawn along 
 with him, and both must have perished, had not Marmont, 
 with two subalterns, extricated them from their perilous situa- 
 tion. This took place on the first day. On the second 
 Louis was charged with important orders from the general- 
 in-chief to General Robert, and being the only person on 
 horseback, he was marked out by the tirailleurs of the enemy, 
 and exposed for a long time to their fire. On regaining his 
 brother, Napoleon expressed a feeling of surprise and joy at 
 seeing him : " I believed you dead," said he ; and his death 
 had been actually announced to him by some of the grenadiers. 
 
 Pending the negotiations in 1797, previous to the treaty 
 of Campo Formio, Lruis was sent to reconnoitre the ad- 
 24*
 
 282 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 vanced posts of the enemy. This important duty lasted 
 eight days, and his conduct received the highest praise from 
 his brother. On this inspection he first saw the young Ber- 
 trand, who then belonged to the engineers at Osappo. He 
 soon appreciated his merit, and recommended him to his 
 brother. This is the person who was afterward grand mar- 
 shal, and accompanied Napoleon into exile. 
 
 When the expedition to Egypt was in contemplation, 
 Louis was anxious to serve in it ; but, for a personal reason, 
 he was desirous of setting out later than the rest of the aids- 
 de-camp. His sister Caroline was then at the celebrated 
 boarding-school of Madame Campan, at St. Germain. 
 Thither he frequently repaired, and became acquainted with 
 a female friend of his sister, whose father had emigrated at 
 the commencement of the Revolution. He felt a warm inte- 
 rest in her behalf, esteemed the qualities of her mind and 
 heart, and thought her altogether the most beautiful young lady 
 he had ever seen. Walking one evening with Casabianca, a 
 naval officer and a friend of his brother, he could not con- 
 ceal his sentiments, but confided them to that gentleman. 
 Casabianca was alarmed. " Do you know," said he, "that 
 a marriage of this description might be highly injurious to 
 your brother, and make him an object of suspicion with 
 the government ?" On the following day, Napoleon sent 
 for Louis, and desired him to set out instantly for Toulon. 
 Instead of losing time in fruitless attempts to convince a love- 
 sick youth of the folly of his passion, he procured from the 
 minister of war an order for his immediate departure. 
 
 In May, 1798, Louis embarked with the expedition for 
 Egypt. Being greatly fatigued with the voyage, he was per- 
 mitted to remain at Alexandria, where he was an eyewitness 
 of the ever-memorable battle of the Nile. On the blowing 
 up of the French admiral's ship, L 'Orient, "the whole hori- 
 zon," he says, "seemed on fire; the earth shook, and the 
 smoke which proceeded from the vessel ascended heavily in a 
 mass, like an immense black balloon It then brightened up,
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 283 
 
 and exhibited the objects of all descriptions which ^ere pre- 
 cipitated on the scene of the battle. What a terrible moment 
 of fear and desolation for the French who witnessed this 
 awful catastrophe !" 
 
 While in Egypt, Louis wrote several letters to his friends 
 in France. One to his brother Joseph, which was inter- 
 cepted by the British cruisers and made public, breathes a 
 tone of philanthropy very creditable to the youthful writer. 
 "The Mamelukes," he says, "have no idea of children's 
 play : they either kill or are killed. The Bedouins are an 
 invincible people, inhabiting a burning desert, mounted on 
 the fleetest horses in the world, and full of courage. They 
 live, with their wives and children, in flying camps, which are 
 never pitched two nights together in the same place. They 
 are horrible savages, and yet they have some notion of gold ! 
 A small quantity of it serves to excite their admiration. 
 Yes, my dear brother, they love gold ; they pass their lives 
 in extorting it from such Europeans as fall into their hands ; 
 and for what purpose ? — for continuing the course of life 
 which I have described, and for teaching it to their children. 
 O, Jean Jacques 1 why was it not thy fate to see those men 
 whom thou callest 'the men of Nature V thou wouldst sink 
 with shame and startle with horror at the thought of having 
 once admired them 1 Oh 1 how many misanthropes would 
 be converted, if chance should conduct them into the midst 
 of the deserts of Arabia!" 
 
 On setting out for Syria, Napoleon, yielding to the entrea- 
 ties of his brother, consented to his return to France. Louis 
 accordingly, on the 11th of May, H99, took his departure 
 from Egypt in a small gun-boat, carrying with him despatches 
 for the Directory; and after a voyage of two months, during 
 which he escaped, as it were, by miracle, the Turkish, Rus- 
 sian, English, and even Portuguese vessels, he reached Porto 
 Vecchio. On his way to Paris, he stopped at Sens, and was 
 not a little surprised to find, at Madame de Bourrienne's, the 
 intercepted correspondence, seized by the English and
 
 284 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 printed at London, containing his own letter to his brother 
 Joseph, of which the above is an extract, as well as others, 
 "the publication of which would," he observed, "on the 
 return of the army to France, give birth to unpleasant scenes 
 in more families than one." 1 
 
 In December, 1799, on Napoleon's elevation to the consul- 
 ship, Louis was appointed colonel of a regiment of dragoons, 
 and sent to serve in Normandy, where the troubles had not 
 entirely ceased. Peace soon followed ; but it was thought ex- 
 pedient that four of the Chouan leaders should be tried by a 
 court-martial, and Louis was called upon to preside. This, 
 however, he obstinately refused, nor could entreaties or 
 threats induce him to consent. He protested against the 
 sentenoe of death passed upon these unfortunate persons, 
 and during its execution not only confined himself to his 
 quarters, as if it had been a day of mourning, but ordered his 
 officers to do the same. His regiment was soon after re- 
 called to Paris ; and from this time he appears to have lost, 
 in a great degree, the good-will of his brother. 
 
 It seems, however, to have been a favorite object with Na- 
 poleon, and more especially with Josephine, to effect a mar- 
 riage between her daughter Hortense and Louis. The pro- 
 position was made to him in July, 1800, shortly after the 
 return of the First Consul from the brilliant campaign of 
 Marengo, and he then gave it a decided negative ; "not," 
 he says, "from any unfavorable opinion entertained of the 
 character or morals of the young lady, who was the subject 
 of general praise, but because he was afraid their characters 
 were not suited to each other." 
 
 Not long after the proposition was renewed, but with no 
 better success ; and to escape further importunities, Louis 
 made a tour of several months in Germany. He there met 
 with a gracious reception from the King and Queen o/ 
 Prussia, and from that time never ceased to express the 
 highest esteem for that illustrious house. "And what an 
 
 ' De Bourrienne, torn, ii." p. 207.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 285 
 
 i"on heart," he gallantly observes, "must that raa.i have had, 
 who would not have been touched with the enchanting spec- 
 tacle of a court at once military and polished, in which the 
 most beautiful, most gracious, and most amiable of women 
 enjoyed the love and affection of her subjects!" 
 
 On his return from this excursion, he was assailed with a 
 fresh repetition of the proposal. An expedition was at that 
 time organizing for Portugal, in which he contrived to have 
 his regiment included, and thus obtained a new pretence for 
 eluding the importunities of his over-kind relations, who, 
 like certain parents and uncles on the stage, seemed obsti- 
 nately bent upon making poor Louis happy against his will. 
 
 On passing through Mont-de-Marsan, in the department 
 of Landes, he was received with demonstrations of joy, on 
 account of his brother. Scarcely had he entered the hotel 
 of the prefecture, when the prefect presented to him all the 
 constituted authorities ; at the head of whom was the vene- 
 rable president of the tribunal, who had his speech ready pre- 
 pared in his hand, and was intent on delivering it. The 
 orator advanced, and with solemn voice began — "Young and 
 valiant hero !" This was too much for Louis. He instantly 
 stepped forward, and snatching, in a good-humored manner, 
 the oration out of the hand of the spokesman, said : " M. le 
 President, this address is, I suppose, intended for my brother. 
 I will take care to acquaint him with the kind sentiments you 
 entertain towards him." This put an end to the harangue, 
 as well as to the presentations. 
 
 Immediately after Louis's return from Portugal, in Octo- 
 ber, 1801, Josephine renewed with fresh spirit the matri- 
 monial charge, and with better success than heretofore. One 
 evening, when there was a ball at Malmaison, she took him 
 aside, Napoleon joined the conference, and after a long con- 
 versation, Louis says, "they made him give his consent" — 
 " on lui fit donner son consentement. " The day of the nup- 
 tials was fixed, and on the 4th of January, 1802, the con- 
 tract, the civil marriage, and the religious ceremony took
 
 286 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 place at the First Consul's private residence in the Rue de la 
 
 Victoire. 
 
 "Without connubial Juno's aid they wed: 
 
 Nor Hymen nor the Graces bless the bed!" 
 
 "Never," exclaims Louis, in a tone of anguish, "was there 
 a more gloomy ceremony 1 Never had husband and wife a 
 stronger presentiment of the horrors of a reluctant and ill- 
 assorted union !" From this he dates the commencement 
 of his unhappiness, his bodily and mental sufferings. It 
 stamped on his whole existence a profound melancholy, a de- 
 jection, a drying of the heart, which, he adds, "nothing 
 ever could, or ever will remedy." As for Hortense, who had 
 only left Madame Campan's boarding-school a few weeks 
 before the wedding, a lady who was present at a ball given 
 in honor of it by Madame de Montesson, states, that " every 
 countenance beamed with satisfaction, save that of the bride, 
 whose profound melancholy formed a sad contrast to the hap- 
 piness which she might have been expected to evince : she 
 seemed to shun her husband's very looks, lest he should read 
 in hers the indifference she felt towards him." 
 
 During the years 1802, 1803, and 1804, Louis was almost 
 entirely with his regiment, or at the mineral baths. In 1804 
 he was appointed general of brigade ; and at this period the 
 death of the Duke d'Enghien took place. On learning the 
 sad catastrophe, he repaired to Paris ; but he was too late, 
 and could only add his tears to those of Josephine, Hortense, 
 and Caroline. Louis represents his brother as being, for 
 several days, melancholy, absent, and slovenly ; and declares 
 that he must have been drawn into the adoption of the fatal 
 measure in a hasty and perfidious manner. 
 
 On Napoleon being crowned Emperor, Louis was made 
 general of division and counsellor of state; and in 1805, 
 during his brother's absence in Germany, he received the 
 command of the garrison of Paris ; in which situation he dis- 
 played a zeal and activity that could scarcely have been ex- 
 pected from him.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 287 
 
 We now arrive at the period wheu Louis was elevated to 
 the throne of Holland. The first intimation he had of Na- 
 poleon's intention was conveyed to him during the campaign 
 of Austerlitz. At that time Louis commanded a corps of 
 troops stationed in Holland, to protect the northern portion 
 of the empire against a diversion on the part of Prussia ; 
 and his conduct while there was praised by Napoleon in one 
 of the bulletins of the grand army. At the close of the cam- 
 paign, Louis sent back most of the troops to Paris, and went 
 to meet the Emperor at Strasburg. He was received with 
 coldness, and reprimanded for his hasty departure from Hol- 
 land. Louis replied, that the rumors which were in circula- 
 tion in Holland, with respect to certain changes in the go- 
 vernment of that country, had hastened his departure, and 
 were of a nature to displease that estimable nation. Napo- 
 leon gave him to understand .that they were not unfounded, 
 and that he was to be created king of Holland. 
 
 Thinking he should be able to find pretexts for declining 
 an honor for which he was not ambitious, Louis gave him- 
 self little uneasiness about it. However, in the spring of 
 1806, there arrived at Paris from Holland a deputation of 
 five ambassadors, all men of rank and consequence ; and after 
 four months of negotiation, a treaty was concluded, by which 
 the Dutch republic was transformed into a monarchy. Louis 
 was not invited to their sittings, and received no official in- 
 timation that his personal interest was at all connected 
 with them ; but at length, the ambassadors made him ac- 
 quainted with what had been going on, and assured him that 
 their nation gave him their preference forking. He did what 
 he could to avoid expatriation, but was insultingly told by 
 his brother, that he need not be frightened before he was 
 hurt; and on every thing being matured, Napoleon informed 
 him that he was to be king of Holland, and that if he had 
 not hitherto been consulted, it was because it was the duty 
 of a subject to obey. 
 
 Louis still held uut. He pleaded the delicacy of his con-
 
 288 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 stitution, and the nnfavourableness of the climate. "Better 
 to die a king than live a prince,' 1 was the unbrotherly reply ;* 
 and in a day or two after, Talleyrand waited on him at St. 
 Leu, and read aloud to him and Hortense the treaty and con- 
 stitution which had just been concluded. On being asked 
 whether he approved of them, he answered, that not having 
 been in the secret, he could not form an opinion at a single 
 reading, but that he would endeavor to do his best. This 
 took place on the 3d of June, 1806. On the 5th, Louis and 
 his wife were proclaimed king and queen of Holland. 
 
 Louis now gave himself up with enthusiasm to the hope 
 of being useful to two millions of men, and resolved to 
 devote himself to their happiness. He remained a week at 
 St. Leu, and during that time endeavored to gain from the 
 deputation a general notion of the state of the country over 
 which he was about to rule. Finding its treasury empty, and 
 that France owed it three millions of florins (250,000/.), lent 
 to the French governors of the colonies in the East Indies, 
 he demanded of the Emperor the repayment of it, but with- 
 out success. All the money he carried with him into Hol- 
 land was seven hundred thousand francs, not 30,000/., the 
 arrears of his annual allowance from the state, and which 
 belonged to him personally. 
 
 Louis and his family left Paris on the 15th of June. On 
 approaching the Dutch frontiers he changed his cockade ; 
 not, he says, " without great pain, and shedding sincere 
 tears." He arrived on the 18th at the Hague, and his first 
 care was to form a ministry. He inquired into the integrity 
 and merit of individuals, and on these he founded his confi- 
 dence. To the several addresses presented to him, he re- 
 plied : " that from the moment he set foot on the soil, he had 
 become a Dutchman." He promised to protect justice, as 
 he would protect commerce, by throwing the access to it 
 open, and removing every thing that might impede it. 
 
 ' De Bourrienne, torn. viii. p. 126.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III 2S9 
 
 "With me, "he said, "there shall be no different religions — 
 no different parties ; merit and services shall form the sole 
 ground of distinction." 
 
 The necessities of his treasury demanding immediate atten- 
 tion, he despatched an individual to Paris, to inform his 
 brother that unless he liquidated the debt due to Holland, 
 took the French troops into his own pay, and lessened the 
 naval force, he would instantly abdicate ; meantime, without 
 waiting for an answer, he gave directions for such reductions 
 as it was in his power to make. He also represented to Na- 
 poleon, that the suppression of all commerce and navigation, 
 which was merely a severe loss for France, was the same 
 thing as depriving Holland of its very soil. 
 
 He soon perceived that the government of Holland must 
 found its chief support on public opinion. He set about 
 drawing up in silence the plan of a Constitution, of the most 
 simple description, alike suited to the taste and the habits of 
 his subjects ; and he took steps for obtaining a uniform civil 
 and criminal code, which should unite the principles of jus- 
 tice with those of humanity. He also appointed two com- 
 mittees, composed of the ablest professors and men of letters, 
 to draw up a uniform system of weights and measures ; and 
 though the good he thus intended was not attained during 
 his reign, it has since been carried into complete effect by the 
 present sovereign of the Netherlands. Besides these, Louis 
 projected sundry ameliorations connected with the health of 
 his subjects and the salubrity of his country. Himself a 
 victim, ever since the age of two-and-twenty, to a slow and 
 extraordinary disease, he had often had occasion to direct 
 his attention to this important object. He enlarged the 
 public libraries, encouraged the fine arts, by distributing 
 prizes and sending pupils to Paris and Rome, founded a 
 General Institution of Arts and Sciences, and created the 
 order of Union and Merit, selecting for its device the Dutch 
 maxim : " Doe wel en zie niet om ;" — " Do what you ought j 
 happen what may." 
 
 25 T
 
 290 PUBLIC AIN^ PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 In January, 1801, a shock like that of an earthquake was 
 felt at the Hague, and a light in the horizon announced a ter- 
 rible fire, in the direction of Leyden. Louis happened to be 
 on his way thither, when he was informed that a vessel laden 
 with gunpowder had blown up in the centre of the city. On 
 his arrival, he was horrorstruck at the spectacle that pre- 
 sented itself. Eight hundred houses had been levelled with 
 the ground ; and with their fall, numerous families, while en- 
 joying the repast of dinner, were precipitated into eternity — 
 fathers, mothers, children, and domestics, all were hurried to 
 a promiscuous grave. Every window in the place was 
 smashed to atoms, and thus the bread, flour, and other ne- 
 cessaries of life were rendered dangerous and useless, by the 
 showers of powdered glass that fell in all directions. 
 
 Attended by the magistrates, Louis traversed the scene of 
 desolation. He ascended the ruins, mixed with the laborers, 
 visited the wounded, promised a reward to every one who 
 succeeded in rescuing a fellow-creature from beneath the rub- 
 bish, and did not quit the spot till daybreak of the following 
 morning. He sent off to the principal towns for succors of 
 all kinds, and ordered his palace in the Wood, between 
 Leyden and the Hague, to be thrown open to those respect- 
 able families whom the accident had left houseless. On after- 
 ward receiving the thanks of the magistrates, he returned a 
 most benignant answer. "The dead," said he, "I cannot 
 restore to you ; that is above human power ; but all that I 
 can I will do for your city." Louis kept his word. . He 
 proposed to the legislative body the measures necessary to its 
 restoration ; directed a general subscription to be set on foot, 
 which was so productive, that the inhabitants were indem- 
 nified for their pecuniary losses ; and decreed that Leyden 
 should become the seat of the Royal University. 
 
 Again, in 1809, when a sudden inundation spread desola- 
 tion over several districts, Louis was on the spot, performing 
 the same beneficent offices. He traversed the whole of it 
 during two days and a night, visited every village, consoled
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 291 
 
 and encouraged the inhabitants, and promptly rewarded 
 those who most exposed themselves to danger. 
 
 At the close, of 1806, the famous Berlin decree was 
 enacted, prohibiting all intercourse with England, and Louis 
 was required to enforce it in Holland. He could not avoid 
 taking some analogous steps, but he would not re-enact the 
 decree. On complaints being made, that a contraband traffic 
 was carrying on, Louis coolly replied ; " Empechez done la 
 peau de transpirer ?" — "You might as well forbid the skin 
 to perspire!" At another time, while he was standing on 
 one of the quays, with some French courtiers, a Swedish 
 vessel was seen coming up, with her flags flying. The cir- 
 cumstance being pointed out to him, he replied coolly, that he 
 saw nothing but a merchant ship, and turned his back on the 
 officious informer. 
 
 After the conquest of Prussia, he sent a deputation to his 
 brother at Berlin to congratulate him on the achievement ; 
 but instead of meeting with a gracious reception, Napoleon 
 loaded them and their master with the grossest insults, and 
 shortly after compelled Louis to concede several provinces, 
 including Flushing. 
 
 About this time, Napoleon, who was making arrangements 
 for taking possession of Spain, conceived the design of trans- 
 ferring Louis to the throne of that country. He accordingly 
 addressed a letter to him, in March, 1808, in which he opened 
 his plan, intimating, among other things, that the climate of 
 Holland was unfavorable to his health. " Tell me categori- 
 cally," he said, " if I make you king of Spain, will you agree 
 to it? answer me — yes, or no." The surprise of Louis, on 
 receiving so impolitic, unjust, and shameful a proposition, 
 was only equalled by his indignation: — "I am not the 
 governor of a province," he said: "for a king there is no 
 promotion but to heaven ; they are all equal : with what face 
 can I demand an oath of fidelity from another people, if 1 am 
 unfaithful to that which I have taken to the Dutch ?" His
 
 292 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 answer was a direct refusal ; and the throne of Spain was 
 given to Joseph. 
 
 What the feelings of Louis at this time were, with reference 
 to his brother, may be collected from the following anecdote. 
 He was one day conversing with the Russian minister, Prince 
 Dolgorouki, on the possibility of enforcing the decree against 
 commerce in Holland. "We live on hope," said Louis, 
 "and by expedients, as Heaven permits" — " comme le Ciel 
 le permet," The ambassador, in allusion to the word 
 "heaven," and wishing to discover whether the king had 
 authorized any relaxation of his prohibitory measures, quoted, 
 with a smile, the line from Tartuffe : 
 
 " II est avec le ciel des accommodemens." x 
 
 •' Oui, monsieur," said Louis, "mais il n'en est pas avec 
 l'enfer," 2 and changed the conversation. 
 
 The relations between France and Holland continued in 
 this state until the peace with Austria, in 1809 ; when Napo- 
 leon would frequently say to his officers at Schoenbrunn. 
 " We have nothing to do now but to march against Spain 
 and Holland. " In speaking of his brother, he would exclaim, 
 " Louis is no longer French ; he is rather the brother and 
 ally of King George." In this state of things, Louis was 
 advised to pay Napoleon a visit, and endeavor to induce him 
 to change his determination. He reached Paris in December, 
 but had little reason to be satisfied with the success of his 
 journey. At their first interview, the brothers had a warm 
 dispute on the affairs of Holland. Advantage, however, was 
 taken of his presence to make an overture to the British 
 ministry for the repeal of the orders in council, and Louis 
 was given to understand, that if those orders were not revoked, 
 Holland would be united to the French empire. The British 
 
 1 " There is such a thing as coming to a compromise with heaven." 
 * " Yes, sir, but not with hell."
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 293 
 
 government declined the overture ; and Louis, pressed in 
 every way, was induced to sign a treaty, providing for the in- 
 troduction of a body of French troops into Holland, to co- 
 operate in enforcing the continental system. 
 
 Louis returned to Holland in April, 1810. In submitting 
 to the humiliating conditions imposed on him, he seems to 
 have intended to put Napoleon as much as possible in the 
 wrong, that he might, in the end, appeal to the spirit of the 
 people for the purpose of making an active resistance ; and 
 when, on the 29th of June, the French troops were about to 
 establish their head-quarters in Amsterdam, he had come to 
 the determination to place the country in a posture of defence 
 by cutting the dikes ; but on communicating this determination 
 to his ministers, all gave their opinion against a defence. 
 "This is enough," said Louis ; "this determines me. I will 
 drive the emperor to the wall, and compel him to avow, in 
 the face of all Europe, the secret of his policy towards Hol- 
 land. I will put my son in my place. If the complaints 
 against me be well founded, he will acknowledge the boy. 
 If, on the contrary, he avails himself of my abdication to 
 seize upon Holland, it will prove that all his accusations were 
 merely attempts to pick a quarrel." 
 
 He accordingly, on the 1st of July, abdicated in favor of 
 his son. The act of abdication was, however, declared a 
 nullity. Napoleon sent an aid-de-camp for the minor, and 
 assigned him a dwelling in the park of St. Cloud ; and Hol- 
 land was, in a fortnight after, formally united to the French 
 empire. One who was with the emperor when he received 
 the news of Louis's abdication states, that he never saw him 
 so much struck with astonishment. He remained silent for a 
 few minutes, and after a kind of momentary stupor, suddenly 
 appeared to be greatly agitated. "Was it possible," he 
 exclaimed, " to suspect conduct so mischievous from the 
 brother most indebted to me ? When I was a mere lieutenant 
 of artillery, 1 brought him up with the scanty means afforded 
 25*
 
 294 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 me : I divided my bread with him ; and this is the return he 
 makes me I" 1 
 
 Louis took his departure from Haarlem in the strictest in- 
 cognito, proceeding to the baths of Tceplitz, in Bohemia. He 
 then retired to Gratz, in Styria, taking the title of Count de 
 St. Leu, a small estate he possessed near Paris. He left with 
 his son the revenues of the month of June, taking with him 
 only ten thousand florins, to defray the expenses of the 
 journey, and his diamond decorations. By a decree of the 
 French senate, an apanage of two million francs (80,000Z.) 
 was settled on him and his family ; but as he considered the 
 decree calculated to injure him in the esteem of the Dutch, 
 he published a protest, expressive of his determination to 
 refuse it. 
 
 At Gratz Louis lived a retired life, endeavoring to re-estab- 
 lish his health. On Napoleon's first reverse, and again after 
 the battle of Leipsic, he made an attempt to recover the 
 possession of his lost crown, and even thought of returning 
 to Holland by way of Paris ; but he was not permitted to 
 enter that city. He therefore retraced his steps to Switzer- 
 land, and on arriving there found a letter from his brother, 
 in which Napoleon admitted, that he would rather that Hol- 
 land should return into the government of the Prince of 
 Orange than to that of his brother. Louis next made a 
 direct address to the magistrates of Amsterdam, but the 
 Dutch paid no attention to his letter, and conferred the sove- 
 reign power on the heir of their ancient stadtholders. 
 
 Being now released from all obligations to his former 
 subjects, Louis wished to retire to St. Leu for the remainder 
 of his life. He reached Paris on the 1st of January, 1814 ; 
 but Napoleon at first not only refused to see him, but ordered 
 him to remove to the distance of forty leagues from Paris ; 
 however, through the mediation of Maria Louisa, a meeting 
 took place, which passed very coldly. He remained at or 
 
 1 Me"raoires du Due de Rovigo.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 295 
 
 dear Paris till the 30th of March, when he attended the 
 empress to Blois ; and after his brother's abdication, he 
 retired, with the pope's permission, to Rome ; where he has 
 ever since enjoyed that repose which he so much loves, and 
 ro well deserves. 
 
 In 1808 Louis gave to the world a sentimental romance, 
 called " Marie, ou les Peines de l'Amour," of which a second 
 edition appeared in 1814, under the more attractive title of 
 "Marie, ou les Hollandaises." 
 
 His treatise entitled " Documens Historiques, et Reflexions 
 sur le Gouvernment de la Hollande," met with a better 
 fate. Besides the English, Italian, and German translations, 
 four separate ones have been made into Dutch. It is a work 
 of no literary pretensions, being merely an unpresuming 
 account of his administration in Holland. It appears clear 
 from it, that he ascended the throne with unfeigned reluctance, 
 — under an influence amounting to little less than absolute 
 duresse, — and, at the same time, with a settled determination 
 not to be made an instrument of oppression. He certainly 
 evinced some feebleness of mind, and a kind of willing decep- 
 tion, in imagining that he could carry this system into effect ; 
 but these are mere blemishes in an honorable and virtuous 
 character. He found his reward in the respect and affection 
 of his subjects, and his name continues to be mentioned 
 among them with honor and regret. 
 
 He has been blamed by the Duke of Rovigo and others 
 for deserting a nation which did ample justice to his qualities, 
 and had given proofs of fidelity and obedience to his service ; 
 but De Bourrienne, on the other hand, maintains, that he could 
 not have submitted to his brother's exorbitant demands with- 
 out inducing the entire'ruin of Holland. 1 If Louis did not 
 always effect the best that could possibly be done, it was, at 
 least, his constant aim to do so ; his favorite maxim being 
 0>e motto of his order — "Doe wel en zie niet om." 
 
 The following short anecdotes will show the spirit of mild- 
 
 1 De Bourrienne, torn. viii. p. 255.
 
 296 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 ness by which his government was actuated. One of the 
 persons about him expressed his regret that Louis had not 
 punished with severity a sort of revolt which took place at 
 Rotterdam. "It should have finished," said the person, 
 "by hanging up some fifty of the ringleaders." "I chose 
 rather to put an end to it by a letter," answered Louis with 
 a smile. In the same spirit, he said to the Duke de Cazes, 
 then his private secretary, " For my part, I cannot see why 
 bayonets should be employed to quell every petty tumult in a 
 playhouse. To put an end to them, artificial shower-baths 
 should be placed in the ceiling over the pit, to give it a 
 sprinkling when too noisy. This would be far more suitable ; 
 for there is a great deal of sportiveness in theatrical riots, and 
 to punish them as crimes is to crush a fly with a rock. " This 
 amiable and unambitious man died at Florence, in January, 
 1846. 
 
 No. XVI. 
 
 Memoir of Hortense Beauharnois, Ex-queen of Holland. 1 
 
 Hortense Fanny de Beauharnois, the mother of Napo- 
 leon III., was born at Paris on the 10th of April, 1783, at a 
 period when the French nobility was still resplendent with that 
 prosperity which was the reward of service done to the State, 
 in arms or magistracy. Paris had not yet learned to gaze 
 enviously upon this elevated class, then as pre-eminent by the 
 elegance of its manners, as by the enjoyment of privileges to 
 which it attached little importance. Every young girl of 
 family could then, not perhaps aspire openly to the throne, 
 but at least flatter herself with the belief of rising to it without 
 difficulty. Madame de Maintenon had shown that royal blood 
 was not essential to the easy exercise of royal power. 
 
 The history of childhood is rather the story of the family 
 than of the infant. Hortense gave promise of wit, grace and 
 
 1 From 'he French of Count de la Garde.
 
 wmnv. 
 
 M
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 291 
 
 amiabilitv, but the fond anticipations of maternal partiality 
 were not realized until after a series of distressing calamities, 
 of which some account may not be inappropriate. 
 
 Her father, the Vicomte de Beauharnois, was a younger 
 son of a noble and wealthy family of Martinique. He entered 
 the array at an early age, and obtained distinction in several 
 affairs as a major in the forces under Rochambeau, then fight- 
 ing for the cause of American freedom. Upon his return to 
 France, without disgracing the creed of liberty by any un- 
 worthy action, he adhered to the principles he had defended, 
 which perhaps had been prematurely developed by his 
 American associations. He espoused with enthusiasm the 
 doctrines of the revolution, and became a zealous advocate 
 of the reform of abuses, and of a well regulated liberty. 
 
 Rather a philosopher than a courtier, Beauharnois hailed 
 with joy the dawn of that liberty in France, which he had 
 seen resplendent in America. In 1789 he was deputed to the 
 States-General by the noblesse of Blois, and was one of the 
 first of his order who voted with the third estate. In the 
 memorable nocturnal sitting of the 4th of August, he moved 
 and carried the abolition of privileges, equal penalties for all 
 classes of citizens, and universal eligibility to office. After 
 having been secretary of the constituent assembly, he was 
 appointed on the different military committees, from which he 
 made several remarkable reports, on the organization of the 
 National Guard ; the maintenance of discipline in the army ; 
 and the means of protecting the country from military usurpa- 
 tion. One of his most constant and active opponents was his 
 brother, the Marquis de Beauharnois, who was also a member 
 of the assembly, but belonged to the Cote droit. 
 
 It is related by Mercier, in his Picture of Paris, that the 
 vicomte took a prominent part in the preparations for the 
 festival of the federation, celebrated in the Champ de Mars, 
 on the 14th of July, 1790. He figured in the procession, 
 harnessed to the same car with the Abbe" Sieyes. 
 
 Sincerely devoted to the true interests of his country, he
 
 298 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 warned the nobles that the time had come, when they must 
 declare themselves ; that as yet, nothing was done for the 
 people, who had many just causes of complaint, and that pru- 
 dence alone could now avert bloodshed and save Louis XYI. 
 Beauharnois was president of the National Assembly at 
 the time of the king's flight, on the 21st of June, 1791. He 
 displayed the true firmness of antiquity in announcing to the 
 deputies this disastrous intelligence. " Gentlemen," said he, 
 on taking the chair, " the king set out last night : let us proceed 
 to the order of the day.' 1 ' His dignity and presence of mind 
 extorted admiration even from his enemies, and procured his 
 re-election to the presidency on the ensuing 31st of July. At 
 the close of the session, he joined the army of the north, with 
 the rank of adjutant-general. His behavior at the rout of 
 Mons, April 29th, IT 92, was highly commended by Biron, 
 then general-in-chief ; and in the beginning of August, the 
 command of the camp at Soissons was entrusted to him by 
 General Custine. After the memorable 10th of August, the 
 army commissioners of the legislative assembly distinguished 
 him as one of the generals who still continued in the service 
 — faithful to their honor and their country. Two months 
 afterwards he addressed a proclamation to the army of the 
 Rhine, and in December his conduct was again made the 
 theme of praise by Custine, and Sache the minister of war. 
 
 On the 29th of May, 1793, he was proclaimed commander- 
 in-chief of the army of the Rhine, and shortly afterwards he 
 declined the ministry of war. The nobles were at this period 
 wholly excluded from military employment, and Beauharnois, 
 with a feeling of honorable pride, placed his resignation in 
 the hands of the deputies of the convention. This they at 
 first refused, but it was finally accepted on the 21st of August, 
 with the usual order to retire to the distance of twenty leagues 
 from the capital. Leaving General Landremont in command 
 of the army, he took up his residence at the estate of Beau- 
 harnois, near La Ferte Imbaut (Loir et Cher), which had 
 been erected into a marquisate for his father. He had pre-
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 299 
 
 viously been the subject of several denunciations, which were 
 answered in his "Observations on the Proscription of the 
 Nobles," and had now scarcely reached his new abode before 
 fresh accusations assailed him, to which he replied with the 
 dignity of conscious innocence. All was in vain ; he wag 
 arrested and imprisoned in Paris. 
 
 The court, as if impelled by an irresistible fatality, had 
 afforded to republican insurrection the pretext of warlike in- 
 vasion and foreign alliance. The Marquis de Beauharnois, 
 brother of the vicomte, was one of those imprudent adherents 
 of monarchy, who, by their blind devotion to their party, 
 mainly contributed to the overflow of a torrent which no 
 barrier could withstand. Wherever a government is exposed 
 to sudden change, and the interests of relationship are 
 mingled with political passions, it commonly happens that 
 members of the same family espouse opposite parties. Thus 
 in Scotland, during the last ceutury, nothing was more fre- 
 quent than to see one nobleman a zealous Jacobite, while his 
 son or brother remained a faithful adherent of the house of 
 Brunswick. In every event of the contest, the family posses- 
 sions were secured ; for natural feeling afforded an excellent 
 pretext for the protection or pardon of the defeated. But the 
 political opposition of the two Beauharnois was the result of 
 no selfish calculation. Each was firmly convinced of the 
 rectitude of his principles, and each underwent the severest 
 punishment of consistency — the ingratitude of his party. The 
 vicomte, after having shone with distinction in the constituent 
 assembly, and commanded with honor the armies of the 
 republic, perished on the scaffold on the 23d of July, in the 
 thirty-fourth year of his age ; bequeathing to his children a 
 rich heritage of glory, worthy of the proud motto of their 
 house — "Serve no further." In 1815, it was only by the 
 heroic devotion of Madame Lavallette, that her husband, the 
 son-in-law of the marquis, was rescued from a similar fate. 
 
 The Vicomte de Beauharnois married in Martinique Jo- 
 sephine Rose Tascher de la Pagei'ie ; a creole lady of distin-
 
 300 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTOR1 
 
 guished birth. Previous to her marriage, her attention waa 
 one day attracted by a group of slaves, collected around an 
 old negro sybil, who was telling their fortunes. Josephine 
 stopped ; and the hag no sooner perceived her new auditor, 
 than, uttering a loud shriek, she seized her hand in the utmost 
 agitation. "You must certainly discover something very 
 striking in my appearance," said Josephine : " Well — shall 
 my fortune be good or evil ?" "Both 1" "I must confess, 
 my good woman, that your predictions are quite vague enougk 
 to run no risk of contradiction." The old woman raised hei 
 eyes with a singular expression. " Come, come," pursued 
 Josephine, whose curiosity now began to be excited, "let ma 
 know what is to be read in the story of the future !" "In 
 the future — ah ! you will not believe me if I tell." "Oh, 
 yes ! I promise you full credence, my good mother ; tell mt- 
 what I have to hope or fear." " If you insist on it — listen ! 
 You will soon marry — your union will be unhappy — you will 
 be left a widow. Then you will become queen of France ; you 
 will have mighty armies at your feet ; but you will die in a 
 revolution." On finishing this extraordinary prediction the 
 old woman retreated with as much activity as her age per- 
 mitted. 
 
 Josephine prohibited her slaves from rallying the sybil on 
 her "ridiculous prophecy." She made use of the apparent 
 absurdity of the promise to prove to the young negresses her 
 slender belief in its fulfilment, and it was treated merely as a 
 subject for family merriment. In fact, there was little reason 
 to imagine that a young West Indian girl could by any revo- 
 lution be seated on the first throne in the world. Life and 
 death in her native island, seemed the unchangeable destiny 
 of Mademoiselle Tascher. She became the wife of the 
 Yicomte de Beauharnois, and in 1780, gave birth to a son, 
 afterwards Prince Eugene, viceroy of Italy. He was three 
 years older than his sister Hortense. 
 
 The cause of American emancipation was too popular in 
 France, not to ensure an enthusiastic reception to the return*
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 301 
 
 ing officers who had aided it with their courage. To this 
 recommendation, Beauharnois added a prepossessing exterior, 
 agreeable accomplishments, and polished manners. The 
 society of one so eminently qualified to shine was everywhere 
 courted ; and with the natural facility of youth, he gave him- 
 self up unreservedly to the seductions of the great world. 
 Josephine, thus deserted by the man of her choice, resolved 
 to seek consolation in the place of her birth, and commisera- 
 tion in the sympathy of her family. She sailed for Martinique 
 in 1181. 
 
 Eugene remained with his father : his sister, then only three 
 years old, accompanied her mother across the seas. The vessel 
 in which Madame Beauharnois had embarked, encountered a 
 violent storm, and Hortense thus commenced a severe ap- 
 prenticeship to the dangers and misfortunes which afterwards 
 so nearly balanced the glory of her brilliant career. In the 
 convulsion of the elements, she might then have seen a fit 
 emblem of that tempest of human passion of which her future 
 destiny had marked her for the sport. 
 
 It is beneath the burning sky of the Antilles that the influ- 
 ence of the vertical sun is most strikingly felt, rendering the 
 imagination more ardent, and communicating to the frame 
 the captivating languor so characteristic of the Creoles. 
 Hortense experienced its full effects. Her infancy resembled 
 that of the interesting Virginia, so well described by St. 
 Pierre in the episode to the Etudes de la Nature, a work 
 which, for perfection of detail and splendor of coloring, 
 seems to defy imitation. Hortense, compassionate and tender- 
 hearted as Virginia herself, was deeply shocked by the 
 miseries of slavery, which, in her childish charity, she strove 
 to alleviate Like her also, the constant object of maternal 
 solicitude, she imbibed from the cares, the endearments and 
 the example of Josephine, the witching grace and captivating 
 sensibility, which afterwards won every heart and rivetted 
 unwavering affection. Thus she, who was one day to rule 
 over subjects, was first the mistress of slaves ; but Hortense 
 26
 
 302 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 was ever humane and compassionate, though accustomed from 
 her infancy to dominion. It is only when the hand of woman 
 tempers the rigor of power, when her voice softens the evils 
 of misgovernment, that the unfortunate forget the burthen of 
 their chains, and contented with the illusion of liberty, sigh 
 no longer for its lost reality. 
 
 The effects of the French revolution in the colonies were 
 proportioned to the violent passions of the inhabitants of 
 sultry regions, and the deep hatred excited in the minds of 
 the slaves by the tyranny of their masters. The tremendous 
 explosion of St. Domingo reverberated through the Antilles. 
 The existence of Hortense and her mother was frequently 
 menaced by conflagration and the sword ; for the blacks per- 
 secuted an entire race, and not individuals. Humanity, 
 mildness, and benevolence were already associated with the 
 name of Josephine, inspiring everywhere affection and respect. 
 The simple annunciation, "lam Madame de Beauharnois— - 
 this is my daughter," was sufficient to disarm the violence of 
 the assassins, and she was fortunately enabled to reach a sea- 
 port and embark for France. Evils of still greater magni- 
 tude awaited her return, and made a deep impression on the 
 mind of Hortense. She soon learned that there is but a 
 single step from power to servitude, from happiness to misfor- 
 tuue. This first lesson of adversity was not given in vain ; 
 and, notwithstanding its severity, it was neither the last nor 
 the least painful she was destined to endure. 
 
 The ardent attachment of the vicomte to the principles of 
 the revolution had never cooled for an instant, but a new and 
 more determined faction had overthrown all its rivals, and 
 was now in full possession of power. Beauharnois was im- 
 prisoned ; for the advocates of moderation and the partisans 
 of ancient privileges were equally obnoxious to gloomy 
 fanaticism. His wife, losing all remembrance of former 
 wrongs, was only sensible of his misfortunes. To love and 
 believe, to suffer and forgive — such is female life. She used 
 every exertion to relieve his situation. Inconstancy had
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 303 
 
 wounded her feelings, but she had never ceased to love her 
 husband ; and her truth was displayed, when, without advan- 
 tage to him, it could only involve her in his fate. Beauharnois 
 was much moved by this generous conduct, and in several 
 affecting letters, written when no hope remained of escaping 
 the scaffold, he warmly commended his children to her care. 
 
 Josephine, becoming in her turn an object of suspicion, 
 was also confined. Up to this time she had scarcely bestowed 
 a thought upon the fortune-teller of Martinique ; but now, by 
 a common inconsistency of human nature, the prediction 
 recurred to her remembrance amid the gloom of a prison. 
 Her mind became accustomed to dwell upon its promises, and 
 she ended by a firm belief in its easy accomplishment. 
 
 One morning the jailor entered the cell, which she occupied 
 in common with the Duchess of Aiguillon, afterwards Madame 
 Louis de Girardin,) and two other ladies, and announced 
 abruptly, that he came to remove her bed, which was wanted 
 for another prisoner. " Of course," said Madame D'Aiguil- 
 lon, with vivacity, " Madame de Beauharnois is to be pro- 
 vided with a better?" The keeper answered savagely, 
 " There will be little need of that, as she is to go at once to 
 the Conciergerie, and thence to the guillotine." This cruel 
 warning drew loud shrieks from her companions in misfortune, 
 but Josephine attempted the task of consolation. At length 
 she begged them earnestly to calm all their fears, as she was 
 assured, not only of present safety, but of living and reigning 
 the queen of France. " It is a pity that you don't appoint 
 your attendants," cried Madame D'Aiguillon, angrily. "Ah ! 
 that is very true — I had forgotten. Well, my dear, you shall 
 be one of my ladies of honor : come — you have my promise." 
 At these words her companions burst into tears ; for they 
 could account fur the ill-timed pleasantry onlj by supposing 
 thnt she had lost her senses. 
 
 Madame D'Aiguillon was much overcome. Josephine led 
 her towards a window, which she threw open to give her air. 
 A woman of ordinary appearance was noticed below, who
 
 304 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 seemed to be making some extraordinary signals. She shook 
 her dress (robe) violently, a gesture which at first was inex- 
 plicable. At length Josephine cried out " Robe," the woman 
 nodded, and immediately seizing a pebble (pierre) recom- 
 menced her gestures. Josephine again cried "Pierre," and 
 the woman, apparently much gratified, again expressed assent. 
 Then placing her gown and the pebble together, she repre- 
 sented the motion of cutting a throat, dancing and clapping 
 her hands at the same time, with great glee. It would be 
 impossible to describe the joy with which the captives ven- 
 tured to hope that the death of Robespierre was thus an- 
 nounced to them. 
 
 While they were still divided between hope and fear, a dis- 
 turbance in the gallery attracted their attention, and they 
 presently distinguished the rough voice of their turnkey, who 
 was kicking his dog and crying out, " Get along, you damned 
 Robespierre !" This energetic expression assured our ladies 
 that there was little to apprehend, and that France was saved. 
 In fact, a short time afterwards, their companions in misfor- 
 tune burst into the cell to communicate the tidings of the 
 great events of the 9th Thermidor. " Well," said Josephine, 
 as her bed was returned, " you see I am not destined to be 
 guillotined. I shall certainly be queen of France." 
 
 We may pardon the youthful Hortense for anticipating the 
 future completion of a prophecy, which she thus saw partially 
 accomplished, in the preservation of her mother when destruc- 
 tion had appeared inevitable. The superior intelligence of 
 Josephine could not have placed its firm reliance on such a 
 fallacy ; though reason and imagination have but slender con- 
 nection in the mind of a Creole. Perhaps she may have 
 entertained hope of its fulfilment, at the very time that she 
 treated the prediction with the greatest ridicule. It is in this 
 way that we may explain an intimacy (which was, however, 
 much exaggerated) with a fortune-teller, who at least has 
 evinced a constant and grateful remembrance of the favors 
 received.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 305 
 
 But what was the impression made upon the mind of Hor- 
 tense by the promise of so brilliant a future ? More than 
 once she made it the foundation of those pleasing dreams, 
 which are courted with equal eagerness by childhood, the 
 flower of life, and age itself. Happier, doubtless, would she 
 have been, had destiny reserved for her a fortune less brilliant 
 or less unequal ; and if she had felt in the morning of her 
 years all the truth of the wise motto she afterwards adopted — 
 " Little known, little troubled" (peu conne, peu troublee). 1 
 
 After her liberation, Josephine became extremely intimate 
 with Madame Tallien, 2 at whose house she met Barras. To 
 
 1 "On reaching home, I found your new romance. I think it very 
 pretty ; and although accustomed to agreeable things from you, I am 
 not the less struck with your facility in composing good verses. Who- 
 ever told you my motto, has changed it a little. 'Less known, less 
 troubled,' is the one I chose long ago, because it is so well suited to a 
 woman. In prosperous days, my friends used to add, ' More known, 
 more loved ;' they knew my only ambition, and wished to make me 
 think that I really possessed what I most desired. Perhaps they think 
 no more about it now, so that my first motto is, after all, the only one 
 that befits me. 
 
 " So, you have been exhibiting my letters ! Were we better acquainted, 
 we should certainly fall out, but you ought to be excused for this fault, 
 as you had mistaken my motto. I had seriously resolved not to write 
 you another line. I neither choose to be praised for what I write, nor 
 to be read by those to whom I have never written. My mind changed 
 in the course of the excursion, for they told me that all the world had 
 not dealt kindly by you, and I do not choose to resemble all the world: 
 on the contrary, the ill will of others only increases my interest in your 
 behalf. I shall begin a collection of mottoes for new romances, without 
 the least fear of imposing on your good nature : I see you have a great 
 deal, and I am pleased to tell you how much you have obliged me." — 
 Letter from Hortense. 
 
 3 Mademoiselle Tabarus, the daughter of a Spanish banker, and one 
 of the most beautiful women of her day, married Tallien to save her 
 father's life from the condemnation of a revolutionary tribunal. On the 
 8th Fructidor, several deputies, included in the proscription list of 
 Robespierre, agreed to attack him in the convention. Tallien, at whose 
 house they had assembled, seeing them falter in their resolution, 
 26* u
 
 306 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 the patronage of the latter, who became shortly afterwards 
 the head of the directory, she was indebted for the restoration 
 of a part of her fortune. 
 
 During the imprisonment of Hortense's parents one of Jo- 
 sephine's friends, the Princess of Hohenzollern, was struck 
 with compassion for the destitute condition of the two young 
 Beauharnais. As her residence in Paris was rendered dan- 
 gerous by proscription, she proposed to carry them with her, 
 into Germany. This design was found impracticable : the 
 princess set out alone, and the unfortunate children remained 
 in Paris, with no other protection than that of an old nurse. 
 The cares of education could be little attended to, when even 
 the means of existence were of difficult attainment. The 
 labors of the nurse were soon found insufficient for the main- 
 tenance of three persons ; but Hortense, though still very 
 young, evinced that energy of character, which, in after life, 
 was so useful in enabling her to support adversity. Both she 
 and her brother determined to labor for their common liveli- 
 hood. Eugene hired himself to a joiner, and Hortense went 
 to a mantuamaker's. Her patience under every privation, 
 showed how deeply rooted were those principles of perseve- 
 rance and resignation, which had been so sedulously and suc- 
 cessfully inculcated by her excellent mother. 
 
 The liberation of Josephine was the means of restoring her 
 daughter to comfort and to her studies. She was placed at 
 a boarding-school at St. Germain ; which, though but recently 
 opened, had already acquired a well-deserved reputation. 
 The sense, talent, and purity of principle of Madame Campan, 
 
 addressed them thus: 'Cowards! since you hesitate to deliver France 
 from a monster, I am determined that you shall never live to witness 
 the destruction of your country. I go this instant to denounce your 
 treason.' The deputies were electrified ; resolution was restored, and 
 France was saved. The next day, Robespierre, condemned as soon as 
 accused, perished by the guillotine. Madame Tallien is now married 
 to the Prince of Chimay
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 30T 
 
 the head of the establishment, were sufficient to ensure its 
 complete success. 1 
 
 The conspicuous services rendered by Madame Campan, 
 uuder the empire, in the field of education, have created for 
 her the most solid claims to public esteem. She possessed 
 every requisite for forming the mind, the heart, and the man- 
 ners of youth. On the last, she could bestow the polished 
 urbanity of the old court, where her superior talents and 
 knowledge had obtained honorable notice. At the age of 
 fifteen, she had been appointed reader to the daughter of 
 Louis XV. ; and Marie Antoinette shortly afterwards attached 
 her more immediately to her own person, by promoting a 
 marriage with her private secretary. Ruined like so many 
 others, by the revolution, she determined, after the 9th Ther- 
 midor, to turn her talents to account by opening a boarding- 
 school. In a short time, the reputation of St. Germain 
 rivalled the ancient renown of the establishment of St. Cyr, 
 founded by Madame de Maintenon. Every distinguished 
 personage of the day was sure to have a relative under the 
 care of Madame Campan, and some of her scholars after- 
 wards rose to royalty. Even the amusements of St. Germain 
 yielded in nothing to those of St. Cyr ; for though the former 
 could boast no Racine as its religious laureate, yet the young 
 and gifted pupils alternately performed his Esther and 
 Athalie — the great master-pieces of the French drama. If 
 they were not honored by the presence of Louis le Grand, 
 their audience was composed of that crowd of young soldiers 
 who already gave lustre to the arms of France, and their 
 judge was he whose name was but another name for victory, 
 
 1 After the battle of Austerlitz, Madame Campan was appointed by 
 Napoleon to superintend the school at Ecouen, where she remained 
 until its suppression at the restoration of the Bourbons. She then re- 
 tired to Nantes, where she died on the 16th of March, 1822. In her 
 last moments, she displayed the calmness of a sage, and the pious hop© 
 of a sincere Christian.
 
 308 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 and whose exertions promised the restoration of its depressed 
 arts to his suffering country. 
 
 Among the companions of Hortense at Madame Campan's, 
 were her cousin Stephanie, afterwards Grand Dutchess of 
 Baden — Caroline Bonaparte, the future Queen of Naples, and 
 several others, both relatives and connections by her mother's 
 6econd marriage. But in forming one of those friendships 
 of childhood, which become almost a part of our nature and 
 seldom end but with life, Hortense was guided neither by the 
 ties of blood, nor the pride of rank. The person to whom 
 she became most attached was not a relation, nor was she 
 destined to royalty. A niece of Madame Campan — Adele 
 Auguie, afterwards Madame de Broc — became her constant 
 and faithful attendant. She followed Hortense on her de- 
 parture from St. Germain, and remained with her until their 
 friendship was severed by death. 
 
 Notwithstanding the apparent equality of all the boarders, 
 it was almost impossible to prevent the relatives of him who 
 ruled France and dictated to Europe, from being spoiled by 
 their companions and their mistress. At the same time, the 
 care bestowed by Madame Campan on the education of Hor- 
 tense, was far from being lost. This sagacious instructress 
 delighted to repeat that "talents were the wealth of the rich 
 and the ornament of the poor." Her pupil — besides ac- 
 quiring the general branches of education — excelled in all the 
 agreeable accomplishments, and the success of her debut in 
 society fully justified the truth of the favorite maxim. The 
 following valuable letter shows how completely Josephine had 
 retained in the midst of grandeur, her native modesty, sim- 
 plicity and justness of principle. 
 
 To Madame de Campan — St. Germain. 
 
 " In returning you my niece, my dear Madame Campan, I 
 Bend you both thanks and reproof — thanks, for the brilliant 
 education you have given her, and reproof for the faults which 
 your acuteness must have noticed, but which your indulgence
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 309 
 
 has passed over. She is good tempered, but cold ; well 
 informed, but disdainful ; lively, but deficient in judgment. 
 She pleases nobody and it gives her no pain. She fancies 
 the renown of her uncle and the gallantry of her father are 
 everything. Teach her ; but teach her plainly, without 
 mincing, that in reality they are nothing. We live in an age 
 when every one is the child of his own deeds ; and if they 
 who fill the highest ranks of public service enjoy any superior 
 advantage or privilege, it is the opportunity of being more 
 useful and more beloved. It is thus alone that good fortune 
 becomes pardonable in the eyes of the envious. This is what 
 I would have you repeat to her constantly. I wish her to 
 treat all her companions as her equals : many of them are 
 better, or at least quite as deserving as she is herself, and 
 their only inferiority is in not having had relations equally 
 skilful or equally fortunate. 
 
 " Josephine Bonaparte. " 
 
 But the new signature of the mother of Hortense reminds 
 us that we have somewhat anticipated events — let us resume 
 our narrative. 
 
 We have already mentioned Barras and Tallien as friends 
 of Madame de Beauharnois. Bonaparte, then a general 
 officer, also belonged to their circle, and his feelings were 
 excited towards Josephine by the following occurrence. A 
 general disarming of the people was one of the chief precau- 
 tionary measures of police, undertaken after the insurrection 
 of Vendemiaire, and entrusted to him for execution, in his 
 capacity of commander in chief of the army of the interior. 
 One day his aid-de-camp, Lemarrois, introduced a boy of 
 fourteen, who earnestly begged the return of a sword seized 
 by the police : it had been the weapon of his father, once in 
 the chief command of the forces of the republic, and it seemed 
 an act of ingratitude thus to deprive a son of the last relic 
 of an unfortunate and respected parent. The sword was 
 returned, and on seeing it, the boy burst into tears. The
 
 310 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 firmness, enthusiasm, graceful manners, and filial affection of 
 the young Eugene, for it was he, excited a lively interest in 
 Bonaparte, and induced him to mention the occurrence to 
 Barras, at an evening party. Madame Beauharnois appeared 
 shortly afterwards, and Bonaparte congratulated her on pos- 
 sessing so interesting a son. Before the end of the evening, 
 he became convinced that Josephine was worthy of being the 
 mother of Eugene : the intimacy thus begun, gave rise to a 
 mutual attachment, which increased every day, and soon 
 terminated in marriage. This was in 1796. Bonaparte set 
 out for his memorable campaign of Italy, and subsequently 
 embarked for Egypt. After the latter expedition the whole 
 family was reunited., for Hortense, then about seventeen, fre- 
 quently left her boarding-school to pay long visits to Paris. 
 
 On his arrival at the capital, Bonaparte resumed the same 
 laborious and secluded manner of life which he had led on 
 returning from Rastadt — appearing but little in public; 
 always occupying a latticed box at the theatre ; frequenting 
 none but literary society, and never dining with the directors, 
 except in private. He found it, indeed, impossible to decline 
 the public dinner given to him by the legislative councils in 
 the Temple of Victory (St. Sulpice) ; but he only remained 
 an hour, and quitted the entertainment in company with 
 Moreau. This retirement, which appeared a necessary relaxa- 
 tion from his labors in the service of the State, was universally 
 respected. The resumption of habits which had ever distin- 
 guished important epochs in his career, was attributed by 
 many to deep designs for restoring the dignity of the nation, 
 and for alleviating the public distress. 
 
 The conspiracies against the directory had now become 
 universal. On all sides, Bonaparte was entreated to place 
 himself at the head, not of a rebellion, but of a revolution. 
 He was even made the confidant of the various schemes and 
 designs which divided the members of the government, for 
 there were plots among the directors themselves. The posi- 
 tion of the different factious may be thus described. Augereau
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 311 
 
 and Bernadotte, representing the radicals of the Manbge, 
 offered to place him at the head of the republic. Others 
 again, proposed the overthrow both of the directory and the 
 manege. Among these was Fouche, who had broken with 
 the latter ; and who, though a member of the ministry, had 
 commenced the same game which he afterwards continued to 
 play with all the successive governments. Bonaparte was 
 also exposed to the flatteries of another minister, who, if his 
 conduct has partaken too much of the rapid versatility of the 
 events, in which for forty years he has taken such active part, 
 at least offers some atonement by all the personal superiority 
 that genius and profound knowledge can bestow on a states- 
 man. Such has been the ascendency of his distinguished 
 merit, that every new dynasty has paid to it the tribute of 
 official employment. Influencing the diplomacy of Europe 
 for many years ; moving all the wires at pleasure ; directing 
 in secret every spring, he thus became indispensable to the 
 ambitious ; who, after seizing the supreme power, availed 
 themselves of his experience to retain their elevation. 
 
 Among the directors themselves, discord was at its height ; 
 and they intrigued separately with Bonaparte for the destruc- 
 tion of their joint power. Sieves, with many members of the 
 council of ancients, solicited him to head the moderate party, 
 who were to establish a constitution which he had prepared 
 in secret. Roger Ducos was the mere shadow of Sieyes, and 
 his constant concurrence with his colleague might be taken 
 for granted. Barras, Moulins, and Gohier, were all desirous 
 that Bonaparte should resume the command of the army of 
 Italy : the first, in order to withdraw him from politics ; the 
 others, merely to employ him as the military engine of their 
 power. They were not aware that the times of the 18th 
 Fructidor had gone by. These plots were generally known • 
 the most formidable was still a secret. 
 
 Bonaparte's counsellors in the present critical position of 
 his affairs, were all men of talents and experience, such as 
 Cambaceres, Roedcrer, Real, and Regnault do St. Jean
 
 312 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 d'Angeley. Sieves, a Provencal and an old acquaintance of 
 the ambitious general, was the only director who possessed 
 any share of his confidence, and in fact, was the only one who 
 deserved it. As for Barras and Moulins, he had long known 
 how to appreciate them. 
 
 On the 8th of Brumaire, Bonaparte dined with Barras, — 
 who communicated to him in pretended confidence, his deter- 
 mination to retire from the head of affairs. The chief director 
 explained the necessity of adopting another form of govern- 
 ment for France, and of selecting General H£douville as the 
 only proper president of the republic. As for Bonaparte, he 
 proposed to place him at the head of a French army, with 
 which he should conquer the old Cisalpine commonwealth, 
 and retain its sovereignty for his own private profit. It was 
 clear that the name of Htfdouville was a mere cover for that 
 of Barras himself, and Bonaparte, by a single glance, gave 
 him to understand that the design was perfectly comprehended. 
 On quitting the director, the general sought out Sieves, to 
 whom his own plan of revolution was exhibited. They were 
 soon agreed, and the execution of their project was arranged 
 for some period between the 15th and 20th of Brumaire. 
 
 The news of this conference with his colleague soon reached 
 Barras, and it produced a visit to Bonaparte early next morn- 
 ing, in which the confidence of the preceding day was renewed, 
 and the blame of the weakness of his plans laid on the im- 
 potence of the government. He concluded by declaring that 
 he threw himself on the mercy of the only man who could 
 save his country. Bonaparte was much less open in his ex- 
 planations : he disclaimed all right to this title, and alleged 
 that the restoration of his health and the tranquillity of 
 repose, were all that he desired. It was about this time that 
 Sieyes commenced taking lessons in riding : a piece of news 
 which amused the gossips of Paris, and especially Barras, 
 who took great delight in watching from his window the new 
 gymnastics of his grave colleague. 
 
 In the mean time, the garrison of Paris, which had served
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 313 
 
 in Italy up to the 13th of Vendemiaire — the forty-eight 
 adjutants of the National Guard, who had been appointed 
 by Bonaparte af.er that epoch — and General Moreau, com- 
 mandant of the capital, had united in a request to be pre- 
 sented to Napoleon and afterwards reviewed. The ceremony 
 was deferred from day to day. At length, on the 15th, 
 Bonaparte and Sieyes had a last decisive interview : the plan, 
 cf revolution was definitely settled, and its execution appointed 
 for the 18th. 
 
 Early on the 17th the commandant of Paris, the regiments 
 of the garrison, and the adjutants of the sections, were 
 requested to attend at Bonaparte's residence in the Rue 
 Chantereine, at seven in the morning of the succeeding day. 
 As this visit had been long arranged, no importance was 
 attached to it. The various officers on whom any reliance 
 could be placed, were also invited for the same hour. All of 
 these individuals, firmly impressed with the popular belief in 
 the immediate departure of the general for the army of Italy, 
 imagined that they were only to receive orders relative to this 
 subject. Neither Moreau nor Macdonald had directly solicited 
 any participation in the arrangements of the plot, of which 
 the existence alone had been confided to them ; but they had 
 offered to assist its execution, and, with General Lefevre, the 
 commandant of the division, were invited to the rendezvous 
 in the Rue Chantereine. All arrived at the appointed time : 
 Bernadotte was brought by Joseph Bonaparte. At half past 
 eight a messenger appeared from the council of ancients, 
 bearing a decree passed by the influence of Sieyes and his 
 cabal. It was the first manifesto of the revolution, and con- 
 ferred the supreme military command on Bonaparte. Imme- 
 diate nse was made of the new power, by intrusting all the 
 important parts of the capital to his adherents. Thus the 
 directors, who were ignorant of all these events until about 
 ten o'clock, found themselves, in one moment, without power, 
 without protection, and deprived of all confidence in the 
 council, the commander-in-chief, and the army. In this 
 21
 
 314 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 emergency, Monlins proposed to Barras and Gohier, to have 
 Bonaparte instantly arrested and shot ; but he changed his 
 mind when the Luxembourg was surrounded by a strong 
 guard. He then, along with Gohier, sent in his resignation, 
 and with him was confined in the palace of the government ; 
 from which, however, he succeded in making his escape. 
 Barras obtained a safe conduct, and a detachment to escort 
 him to Gros Bois. Thus ended the Directory. On the suc- 
 ceeding day, the famous scene occurred at the Orangerie of 
 St. Cloud ; when Bonaparte, seconded by the firmness and 
 presence of mind of his brother Lucien, as well as by the 
 bayonets of his grenadiers, succeeded in dissolving the council 
 of five hundred, and shutting up their place of meeting. 
 
 After the 18th of Brumaire, Bonaparte and his family 
 resided at the Tuilleries. Here the mild graces of Hortense 
 appeared to great advantage, contrasted with the glittering 
 display of a new court, alive with the stir of military glory. 
 She was courted by the richest and noblest of France, and 
 had now full scope for the indulgence of those pleasing 
 anticipations of a future which so rarely falls out according 
 to our hopes or our fears. But France, under the sway of 
 the first consul, was mightier than the France of the old 
 monarchy : who might then aspire to the honor of alliance 
 with its sovereign ? The sad destiny of princesses — the obli- 
 gation of loving according to political necessity — must have 
 appeared to Hortense a heavy drawback upon all her gran- 
 deur. Girls of seventeen are not long in feeling that they 
 possess an eye and a heart, and can conceive no other motive 
 for matrimony than affection. Before this last revolution, the 
 fortune of her adopted father, which, whether in prosperity 
 or evil, ever moved with the strides of a giant, had not 
 attained so high an elevation as to give Hortense reason to 
 fear constraint on her inclinations. At her time of life, fancy 
 presents everything through a false medium, which nothing 
 but experience can remove : but the motions of reason are
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 316 
 
 slow, and she is sometimes too late in destroying the iLusion 
 and displaying the mortifying reality. 
 
 Before etiquette had changed the drawing-room of Madame 
 Bonaparte into the brilliant hall of a sovereign, it was the 
 resort of the highest Parisian society : a class which, at this 
 time, presented some curious contrasts of character and situa- 
 tion. Around General Bonaparte were, of course, assembled 
 the men of high military rank, and the chief public function- 
 aries of the directory — all more or less decided jacobins, with 
 whom it was yet necessary to preserve a good understanding. 
 Josephine, on the other hand, was the centre of a circle com- 
 posed of the courtiers of the old monarchy, who more or less 
 openly regretted the ancient order of things. You might see 
 a returned emigrant, still nominally under sentence of death, 
 seated next to a member of the very convention which had 
 pronounced that sentence : while further on, a royalist leader, 
 secretly jealous of the renown of the soldier and the power 
 of the civilian, concealed his envy under an affectation of 
 contempt. The perfect good breeding of Madame Bonaparte, 
 with the grave and imposing carriage of her husband, har- 
 monized all these various incongruities. 
 
 Hortense frequently made her appearance in the drawing- 
 room, and according to court gossip, was much struck with 
 an individual conspicuous for all the qualities most admired 
 by very young ladies — a dashing reputation, a fine figure, 
 and bold yet polished manners. This personage was M. de 
 Paulo, a royalist of extravagant enthusiasm, who was said to 
 have excited an insurrection of the peasantry in the vicinity 
 of Toulouse. His good mien, his cast of character, and 
 especially his misfortunes, were found irresistible by Made- 
 moiselle Beauharnois, and even Josephine was so far led 
 away, as to allow some talk of marriage 1 But the bombast 
 and vanity of young Paulo were by no means to the taste of 
 the first consul, who exiled him forthwith to Lauguedoc. 
 
 In the eyes of a girl of seventeen, faults of this description 
 are seldom unpardonable in au admirer, especially when
 
 316 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 accompanied by striking qualities. If Paulo had been loved 
 before for the dangers he had run, he became even more inter- 
 esting when persecuted in the cause of love. Hortense had 
 been duly impressed with tales of the glories of the old mon- 
 archy, under which her ancestors had played so distinguished 
 a part, and her mind was failed with descriptions of those 
 gallant, graceful, and polished nobles, who are only to be 
 found in the atmosphere of a court. De Paulo seemed in 
 some measure to realize these fancies. The throne had fallen, 
 but he was still loyal. Fidelity in misfortune gave him a 
 melancholy interest, and inspired that kind of enthusiasm 
 always displayed by women towards those who suffer for the 
 sake of principle. His exile gave the last touch of the pic- 
 ture, by adding the mellowing effects of absence to the 
 attractions of adversity and first love. 
 
 Hortense never saw Paulo again. Even if they had met 
 in after life, there can be no question but that her ripened 
 judgment and correct good sense would have confirmed the 
 decision of the consul. We may, however, be allowed to 
 fancy that the remembrance of her lover, such as he first ap- 
 peared to her imagination, sometimes recurred to her memory ; 
 and that this phantom of childish romance perhaps disturbed 
 the pomps of royalty, and increased the melancholy monotony 
 of grandeur. 
 
 State policy had broken off one marriage — State policy 
 now arranged another. In uniting their own fortunes, Napo- 
 leon and Josephine seemed to have tacitly agreed to work in 
 concert for the advancement of their families. One of the 
 most certain and expeditious modes of forwarding this design, 
 was to promote as many mutual alliances as could possibly be 
 effected. The consul looked upon Louis Bonaparte, whom 
 he had brought up, rather in the light of a son than a bro- 
 ther : on her side, Josephine was particularly anxious to 
 unite him to her daughter, and they were accordingly married 
 in the month of January, 1802. 
 
 Louis Bonaparte, Napoleon's third brother, born at Ajaccio
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 317 
 
 the 2d of September, 1718, entered the army at an early age, 
 and served in the famous campaigns of Italy and Egypt. 
 Several of his letters from the latter country were intercepted 
 and published by the English. They are everywhere filled 
 with the sound philosophy and love of mankind which may 
 be called the basis of his character. The indignant distress 
 excited in his heart by the cruelties and calamities of warfare, 
 are especially remarkable. He quitted Egypt on the 14th 
 of March, IT 99, and returned to France, bearing despatches 
 from his brother to the directory. 
 
 After Brumaire, when Napoleon had become first consul, 
 Louis was appointed on a diplomatic mission to St. Peters- 
 burg : but the violent death of the Emperor Paul induced 
 him to stop at Berlin, where he remained nearly a year. On 
 his return to Paris, he received the command of the 9th regi- 
 ment of dragoons, and was shortly afterwards appointed 
 general of brigade. It was at this period that his union with 
 Hortense took place. 
 
 Had the choice of these parties been unfettered, each pos- 
 sessed qualities which might have produced a mutual attach- 
 ment : but the desire of happiness was exchanged for a 
 submission to necessity, and objects present a very different 
 appearance when regarded from opposite points of view. The 
 character of Louis was the reverse of that of Hortense. A 
 great moralist has remarked that this was the best reason for 
 expecting future sympathy ; but it frequently happens that 
 the same wheels, which by properly meeting would accomplish 
 all the objects of the mechanic, clash and crush each other by 
 an untimely revolution. 
 
 The newly-married couple treated their union as the work 
 of compulsion, and their little asperities instead of being 
 smoothed by gentle friction, were in constant collision. Louis 
 had some romance in his disposition, but it was that kind of 
 romance which leads its possessor rather to write a book than 
 to enact the hero. The Contrat Social of Rousseau was the 
 favorite study of one, whose duty it became to assist in the 
 27*
 
 318 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 overthrow of his country's liberties, and who was doomed one 
 day to be a king. Louis was enthusiastically devoted to 
 visions of universal peace, and yet fate had condemned him 
 to be a soldier. He hated ceremony, and yet his life was 
 spent in a court, and his motions were a perpetual pageant. 
 Preferring retirement and speculative reflection, he was 
 hurried along by the whirlwind of his brother's genius. 
 
 Cottages and shepherdesses we .may fancy as the subjects 
 of the love dreams of Louis. It was impossible to imagine 
 more sweetness, benevolence, and simplicity of taste, than 
 were to be found united in the character of Hortense ; but 
 she added the qualities befitting a queen, and her superior 
 mind was prepared for every change of fortune. She pos- 
 sessed a quick and decided temper, a strong intellect, and a 
 considerable share of ambition : but her chief desire was that 
 which forms the most ardent wish of every wife, and especially 
 of every queen — that the renown of her husband should 
 elevate and gratify her pride. Louis' military career had not 
 been without distinction : his literary productions were ad- 
 mired throughout Europe, for their humane and correct 
 principles : his family name had become the proudest in 
 history — but he was the brother of Napoleon, and every 
 minor light was dimmed by the sun of his glory. 
 
 Both were therefore far from looking forward to marriage, 
 with that expectation of happiness which many feel so sensi- 
 bly at the moment of union. Their gloom was the more 
 observed, because the domestic incidents in the first consul's 
 family, had already assumed the importance of political 
 events. The ambassadors of the various powers were all 
 present at a grand ball given by Madame de Montesson in 
 honor of these nuptials : and thus a Bourbon's widow acted 
 as mistress of ceremonies to the chief of the republic. Napo- 
 leon, accustomed to domineer over fortune, and seemingly 
 careless of petty incongruities, perhaps sometimes felt a secret 
 satisfaction in producing the singularity of such contrasts. 
 
 The new husband was at least resolved to assert his inde-
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 319 
 
 pendence as far as it lay in his power. The first consul 
 offered to adopt the eldest son, which at that period was 
 equivalent to the gift of a monarchy. Louis could not oppose 
 the advancement of his child, but he ventured to refuse his 
 consent to the formality of an adoption. When Napoleon 
 became emperor, all his brothers were named as possible suc- 
 cessors to the imperial crown. In the mean time the most 
 splendid dignities of the empire were conferred on Louis ; he 
 appeared at the coronation as constable of France — he was 
 recognized as a prince of the blood — appointed colonel — 
 general of carbineers — governor of Piedmont, and governor 
 of Paris. His second son was christened by the pope, who 
 had come to Paris to anoint the emperor with the holy oil. 
 
 It was at this brilliant period of Hortense's life, that the 
 fine collection of romances appeared, which has ranked her 
 among the most tasteful of our musical composers. The 
 saloons of Paris — the solitude of exile 1 — the most remote 
 countries — have all acknowledged the charm of these delight- 
 ful melodies, which need no royal name to enhance their 
 reputation. It is gratifying to our pride of country, to hear 
 these airs of France sung by the Greek and the Russian, and 
 united to national poetry on the banks of the Thames and the 
 Tagus. The homage thus rendered is the more flattering, 
 because the rank of the composer is usually unknown. It is 
 their intrinsic merit which gives to these natural effusions of 
 female sensibility the power of universal success. If Hortense 
 ever experienced matrimonial felicity, it must have been at 
 this time. The union blessed with children seems sanctioned 
 by Providence. Hortense had already two sons, and thus 
 maternal tenderness, conjugal anxiety, and the pride of a 
 
 1 When Madame de Stael and her beautiful friend Madame Recamier, 
 were exiled to the old castle of Chaumont-sur-Loir, formerly the resi- 
 dence of Diana of Poictiers, one of their favorite song.s was that fine 
 air composed by the queen of Holland, which has for its burthen her 
 husband's motto — " Fais ce que dois — advicnne que pourra." — (Do 
 well, come what may). — Ten Years of Exile, by Madame de Stael, p. 112
 
 320 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 princess, were all gratified in their fullest extent Everything 
 around her appeared to reflect glory, renown, and happiness. 
 Josephine was seated on the first throne in the world : Eugene 
 reigned as a viceroy at Milan ; while the head of this exalted 
 family, a king of kings, could bestow on his brothers the 
 monarchies raised by his military genius, and consolidated by 
 his political talents. The brows of Hortense seemed destined 
 for a diadem : Napoleon willed it, and Louis became king of 
 Holland. 
 
 In the year 1805, Schimmelpeninck had been invested with 
 the whole executive power of the Batavian republic, under 
 the title of grand pensionary. He was properly impressed 
 with the magnitude of the favor received, and promised to 
 prove his gratitude. Unfortunately his views of policy were 
 soon found to be in direct opposition to those of Napoleon. 
 The grand pensionary encouraged the trade with England, 
 and the commercial speculations of the Dutch were enormously 
 profitable, from the almost entire prohibition of English manu- 
 factures throughout Europe. This connection with the sworn 
 enemy of France, and Schimmelpeninck's subsequent loss of 
 sight, furnished sufficient excuses for the emperor's intended 
 change iu the government of Holland, and the Batavian 
 republic was erected into a monarchy. In May, 1806, a 
 deputation consisting of Yice-Admiral Verhuel, Bracdzen, 
 ambassador at Paris, Yan Styreau, minister of their high 
 mightinesses, Gogel, minister of finance, and W. Six, coun- 
 cillor of State, offered the crown to Louis in behalf of the 
 republic ; and on the 5th of June the emperor, at St. Cloud, 
 proclaimed him king of Holland, continuing at the same 
 time his former office of constable of France. 
 
 The first offer of the throne was met by an absolute refusal 
 on the part of Louis ; who declared the climate of Holland 
 entirely unsuited to his weak state of health. This reply was 
 by no meaus conclusive : there were other kingdoms, less cold 
 and less humid, at the disposal of Napoleon, and iu his eyes, 
 the resolution of his brother appeared too extraordinary to
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 321 
 
 be immovable. It would have proved so, however, had not 
 the will of the emperor been the law. Lonis would have 
 preferred a life of seclusion : " It is better to die a king," 
 was the laconic answer of Napoleon. The danger was by no 
 means so imminent as Louis would have wished it to appear : 
 the constitution of the new monarch was, however, extremely 
 delicate, and bodily weakness increased the natural gloom of 
 his sombre and melancholy temperament. If the refusal was 
 dictated by pure philosophy, we cannot but admire it, even 
 if our own feelings disable us from imitation. In the peculiar 
 circumstances under which Louis and Hortense were placed, 
 they were partners in fortune as well as in happiness. Napo- 
 leon was as anxious to bestow a crown upon his adopted 
 daughter, as a sceptre on his brother. If Louis adhered to 
 his resolution, it was, on the part of Hortense, a sort of ab- 
 dication, unless the Salic law, so venerated in France, were 
 abolished in Holland. The chance of becoming a king, 
 might therefore be considered as a part of their marriage 
 contract. The force of this reasoning was at length under- 
 stood by Louis, and he abandoned this unjust opposition. 
 
 In the midst of the enjoyment of new dignity, and of 
 benevolent plans for the future welfare of her subjects, the 
 happiness of Hortense was clouded by the necessary separa- 
 tion from her mother and her home. It was the first severance 
 for any length of time, which had occurred during her whole 
 life. The prospect of departure from the scenes of infancy 
 now revived all her childish feelings and attachments, and 
 the pain thus created divided her heart with the anticipation 
 of future grandeur. She wished at least, to bid adieu to 
 France in a manner worthy of a kind and compassionate 
 princess. She learned that Madame de Gevres, 1 a noble lady 
 of the court of Louis XVI., ruined by the revolution, had 
 fruitlessly endeavored to obtain permission to revisit the place 
 
 1 The last descendant of the celebrated De Gucsclin. She died in 
 1831, at an advanced age.
 
 322 PUBLIC AND PR VATE HISTORY 
 
 of her birth. Hortense could now feelingly appreciate this 
 patriotic attachment : she solicited and obtained from the 
 emperor, the recall of Madame de Gevres, and her farewell 
 to her country was thus commemorated by another deed of 
 heavenly charity. 
 
 On the 18th of June, 1806, Louis and his queen arrived in 
 their new dominions. They took up their residence at the 
 Maison des Bois, a country-seat about a league from the 
 Hague, where they received the various congratulatory depu- 
 tations. Their public entry into the capital was delayed until 
 five days later. Louis was well known in Holland, which he 
 had visited on former occasions, and the curiosity of the 
 Dutch was therefore chiefly directed towards the queen, whom 
 they now saw for the first time. At the Hague, as in all 
 other countries, love is the promptest and most universal 
 cause of popular enthusiasm. Louis was highly esteemed 
 and venerated, but fear always predominates in the respect 
 inspired by a king : whilst a young and lovely queen fascinates 
 all eyes and wins every heart. The Hollanders, who received 
 Hortense with joyous acclamations, might easily have believed 
 that the fair being before them had been created by heaven 
 expressly for their sovereign. 
 
 In her appearance, Hortense united the fine figure, the noble 
 mien and the graceful manners of her mother, to the peculiar 
 charms of the beauties of the Netherlands, their soft blue 
 eyes, profusion of fair hair, and dazzling complexion. Her 
 conversation displayed the elegance of a French woman, in 
 the vivacity, sprightliuess, and appropriate turn of her least 
 expressions. During her residence at the Hague, that sober 
 capital presented an appearance as gay as it was unexpected, 
 in a constant succession of public balls and entertainments, 
 at which the most distinguished youth contended for superi- 
 ority in dress and accomplishments. The dancing of the 
 queen was perfection, and she promoted this delightful amuse- 
 ment, with that true condescension which produces in every
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 323 
 
 mind the forgiveness, but never the forgetfulness of superior 
 rank. 
 
 As soon as the king had assumed the reins of government, 
 he began to use every exertion in his power to merit the 
 affection which his subjects already professed from confidence 
 in his virtues. To promote sedulously all the various interests 
 of the country, seemed to him a certain means of succeeding 
 in his endeavor. "I desire," said he, in reply to a deputa- 
 tion, "to be saluted by the title of national majesty.'' 1 He 
 declined the services of a body of French troops, which had 
 been sent to accompany him to his capital ; it was his wish 
 that the escort of his entry should consist of Hollanders 
 alone. This delicate proceeding made a very favorable im- 
 pression, and its success induced the adoption of further 
 measures of a similar character. As all the officers of the 
 household were Frenchmen appointed at Paris, it was natural 
 for the aristocracy of Holland to view this exclusive prefer- 
 ence with deep mortification : they justly concluded that the 
 duties of welcome, and attendance on the foreign prince given 
 to them as a monarch, belonged of right to the natives of the 
 soil. Louis entertained the same sentiments, and gradually 
 removed the French, under various pretexts, from all the 
 posts of importance, which were speedily filled by Hollanders. 
 
 Among other dismissions was that of the grand marshal 
 of the palace, M. de Broc, whom queen Hortense had united 
 to her friend Adele Auguie, the sister-in-law of Marshal Ney. 
 Louis despatched him on a message of congratulation to 
 Madrid, on the accession of King Joseph, and as he was 
 never recalled, he returned to the French service. His wife 
 remained with Hortense, for the queen could never part from 
 the faithful depository of all her griefs ; while she repaid the 
 confidence with that sympathy so essential to their endurance. 
 Braving everything, even the open indignation of the king, 
 Madame de Broc supported her friend, and repelled the ma- 
 lignant suspicions and insidious calumnies which assailed the
 
 324 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 reputation of her sovereign and benefactress. Ah ! why should 
 the ties of such an attachment ever be destroyed ? 
 
 A just appreciation of his political position, and of the 
 decision and perseverance displayed in making every necessary 
 sacrifice, shows that Louis was too diffident of his abilities, 
 when he declined a throne ; indeed we doubt whether any of 
 his brothers could have filled it more worthily. In receiving 
 the investiture of Holland, there were but two lines of policy 
 to be adopted. As a mere imperial prefect, the new king was 
 to sacrifice independence by subjecting everything to France, 
 and to annihilate the prosperity of a people wholly dependent 
 on maritime commerce, by forcing upon them the continental 
 system ; or on mounting the throne he was to assume at once 
 the duties and dignities of a sovereign, and as such, to act 
 exclusively for the welfare of his kingdom. The former 
 alternative would undoubtedly have excited insurrection, and 
 to make war on his subjects is, for a monarch, but an indifferent 
 style of reigning. The latter plan was far more honorable ; 
 instead of being the mere instrument of another's caprice, it 
 was to reject all subserviency, and to be really a king. It is 
 true that in either case, the final consummation would inevi- 
 tably be the occupation of Holland by the imperial armies ; 
 but there is no room for self-reproach when we have followed 
 the conclusions of reason and the dictates of conscience. 
 Louis had taken for his motto, "Do well, come what 
 mat. ' ' 
 
 Unhappily the king, though the one most interested in 
 deciding correctly, was the only person who saw things in 
 this light. The highest offices, it is true, were filled up by 
 natives of Holland, yet many inferior employments were still 
 in the hands of the French. In proportion to the coldness 
 and distance exhibited by Louis towards his countrymen, the 
 queen believed herself obliged to increase the consolation of 
 encouragement and courtesy. The favor she showed was the 
 more sincere, because she really disapproved of the policy 
 which rendered their situation so delicate. Placed, in a
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 325 
 
 manner, between her husband and her adopted father, she may 
 be pardoned for believing in the infallibility of one whose 
 iron will had well ministered, in every conjuncture, to the 
 advancement of his glory. It is true that in espousing the 
 interests of the French, she lost nothing of the attachment 
 of her subjects, but the difference in the behaviour of the 
 royal pair involved the court in perpetual contests. The 
 rivalry apparent in the smallest details of the palace betrayed 
 this misunderstanding, the results of which must necessarily, 
 be so disastrous to the general weal. 
 
 The situation of Rotterdam is delightful ; its appearance is 
 handsome and its streets particularly clean. There is a superb 
 road leading to the Hague, pleasantly laid out along the 
 canal, and shaded by fine trees. It runs through vast 
 meadows, covered with cattle, and displaying a verdure of 
 the most splendid green. The view, which would be other- 
 wise monotonous, is diversified by a multitude of small coun- 
 try-seats, not built perhaps with the most correct taste, but 
 pleasing from their remarkable neatness, and the beautiful 
 gardens of the rarest plants, by which they are surrounded 
 and adorned. 
 
 Holland displays a peculiar character ; it is like nothing 
 but itself — a conquest from the sea, preserved by the constant 
 repair of its dykes. Its inhabitants are well provided with 
 the means of subsistence and comfort, and are extremely con- 
 scientious in the discharge of every duty connected with the 
 government. They are brave soldiers : Bonaparte has openly 
 pronounced this opinion, and they enjoyed the same character 
 in the days of Tacitus. Their probity is extraordinary : 
 nearly all their contracts are verbal, yet they are as scrupulous 
 in the obligations of commerce, as in the engagements of love 
 or the promises of marriage. 
 
 An outline of the court of Holland may not be inappro- 
 priate. M. D'Aijuson held the post of grand chamberlain: 
 Auguste Caulaincourt that of grand equerry. M. De Ville- 
 28
 
 326 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 neuve was first chamberlain to the queen : his wife, the 
 daughter of M. Guibert — a lady celebrated for her wit and 
 her fine person — was dame du palais. M. de Saugras, 
 chief master of the ceremonies, did the honors of the palace 
 in an extremely agreeable manner. 
 
 M. de Girardin tells us that a chamberlain introduced him 
 into the cabinet of the king, who was dressed in the uniform 
 of the guard, white, with crimson facings. "The pleasure 
 of seeing him after a long absence, was diminished by my 
 sorrow at observing his sallow complexion, and aspect of 
 general languor, and the extreme difficulty he experienced in 
 walking, and especially in standing. He looked so much like 
 a man on whom death had set his seal, that I found it impos- 
 sible to restrain the feelings of sadness with which his appear- 
 ance oppressed me. My emotion became so strong that it 
 was noticed by his majesty, and drew from him several 
 remarks, though I sincerely hope that he was unable to divine 
 the cause. It is impossible to know the king and not to love 
 him : he is gifted with all the inestimable qualities that belong 
 to an upright man. I was the bearer of two letters : one 
 from the king of Naples, and the other from his mother. He 
 conversed with us a long time, and expressed great pleasure 
 at seeing us again. I mentioned that a passage in his letter 
 to the queen of Naples, had given rise to my journey. ' Be 
 assured, ' was his reply, ' that I shall use every exertion in my 
 power to be useful to Joseph : whatever belongs to me is at 
 his disposal. I am already endeavoring to raise money, 
 though it will be a difficult business ; for this country would 
 never lend, even to Napoleon. However, I do not despair, 
 and shall do my best. ' All this was said in that open, frank 
 manner, which no dissimulation, however practised, can pre- 
 tend to imitate. ' Your majesty,' said I, 'has just opened a 
 loan, which, I understand, is filling up rapidly. It is a 
 splendid reward of your exertions, and the most flattering 
 testimony of the popularity of your administration. Posterity
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 32 1 
 
 will ever remember with gratitude, your constant opposition 
 to a national bankruptcy. ' ' I take the more credit to my- 
 self,' said the king, 'for this opposition, because the measure 
 was particularly pressed upon me by the emperor. I found 
 it impossible to persuade him, that in declaring bankruptcy, 
 I declared the destruction of Holland. a.I\ its capital would 
 have immediately sought refuge in England, where much of i* 
 is collected already. The force of circumstances has set on 
 foot a contraband trade, which I find it impracticable to sup- 
 press. This nation is so industrious, that with a population 
 of not more than eighteen hundred thousand souls, it pays 
 one hundred and. ten millions. Its debt is sixty millions, and 
 there is scarcely enough remaining for State expenses. There 
 is not a French soldier in the kingdom, yet I am obliged to 
 supply a corps of twenty thousand Dutch troops for the grand 
 army. Peace ! peace ! that must be the grand object of con- 
 quest. This hard work ruins my health, Girardin ; you must 
 find me very much changed. I can scarcely write : I walk 
 with great difficulty.' — He was continually rubbing his legs 
 and hands during the whole interview. — 'The climate of this 
 country is killing me. Its humidity is very unwholesome for 
 my constitution. I am sorry for it : it is the country of good 
 faith. There is no need here of superintending the adminis- 
 tration : a man, on receiving an appointment, swears that he 
 will fulfil its duties to the best of his ability, and keeps his 
 word. Their custom-house oaths are never examined, and 
 are never false. It is a nation of true republicans, but deeply 
 tinged with party spirit : this prevents them from forming a 
 proper estimate of each other. I require a hot climate, and 
 the baths of the south of France.' 
 
 " On taking leave of his majesty, we were informed by M. 
 Boucheberne, prefect of the palace, that the king desired us 
 to lodge in no other house than his own, and that we were to 
 reside in the palace : this intelligence was afterwards con- 
 firmed by M. de Saugras. Just as we were about sitting 
 down to table, we were invited to dine with the queen. The
 
 328 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 company consisted of an aid-de-carup of Jerome, Madame de 
 Bouber, and the little Prince Louis. 
 
 " The queen was as agreeable and amiable as ever. I de- 
 livered her the letters from the empress and the queen. 'I 
 always like to receive letters,' said she, 'and to be remem- 
 bered. My friends would be ungrateful if they forgot me, 
 for I never forget any one. My brother Joseph ought cer- 
 tainly to be pleased with me ; for, while I was at Mayence, 
 I wrote to him frequently, and sent him a great quantity of 
 trifling news, which absence alone renders of the least conse- 
 quence.' 
 
 "After dinner, we went into the queen's drawing-room. 
 Her apartments are furnished with great simplicity. Nothing 
 could be more gracious than our reception, and on leaving 
 her, she invited us to prolong our visit to this country, and 
 to pay our respects to her every evening. Before going to 
 bed, we made a round of visits to all the ministers, and 
 returned to our hotel at ten o'clock at night, heartily tired. 
 AH the French about the king's person are loud in their com- 
 plaints of the climate : Caulaincourt, whose health is indif- 
 ferent, is quite unable to stand its effects. 
 
 " Next day, the king received us in his cabinet. He was 
 in the midst of a circle of the great civil and military officers. 
 He quitted his place for the purpose of addressing a few 
 words in an obliging manner to the different members of the 
 diplomatic corps, and the various individuals who had the 
 nonor of being admitted to the audience. 
 
 " The court presents an extremely brilliant spectacle. The 
 dresses of the public ministers and the civil functionaries are 
 superbly embroidered : it seems as if they intended to make 
 up for the long prohibition of embroidery in this country. 
 The great officers of State wear a green dress, laced with 
 gold : the pattern of the trimming is the same as that of the 
 imperial household. The chamberlains are dressed in red 
 and gold : the equerries and prefect in blue and gold. The 
 diplomatic costume of Holland is remarkably rich and
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 329 
 
 elegant : it is a shade of very light blue, with silver lace. 
 The decoration of the Order of Holland has been very ex- 
 tensively distributed : there are three classes — knights, com- 
 manders, and grand crosses. This sort of distinction has 
 become quite an object of ambition, in a country where it was 
 previously wholly unknown. Wherever men are united in 
 society, vanity, adroitly flattered, is one of the most potent 
 instruments of the sway of the ruler. 
 
 " The king generally rides with a single pair of horses to 
 his carriage : it is only on very rare occasions that he uses a 
 coach and six. Whenever he goes out, the equerry on duty 
 mounts his horse, and takes his place near the door." 
 
 Calamity reunited Louis and Hortense, and restored for a 
 time domestic concord, by overwhelming them with misfortune. 
 In the beginning of May, 1807, their eldest son, the young 
 Prince Napoleon, was suddenly carried off by the croup ; a 
 disease of which even the name was, until then, unknown in 
 France. 
 
 The grief of Hortense, which was vehement in proportion 
 to the strength of mind it had overcome, excited serious 
 apprehensions for her life. It brought on a series of nervous 
 attacks, that inspired pity in all who approached her. The 
 distress of Louis was not less poignant, though more gloomy 
 and under better command. Their physicians at length 
 recommended the baths of the Pyrenees ; perhaps quite as 
 much to remove them from the reminiscences of their lost 
 child, as for any medical properties likely tc be useful in the 
 restoration of their health. 
 
 It is one of the burthens of royalty, that a monarch can 
 neither enjoy nor suffer like a private individual : every mo- 
 ment withdrawn from duty, to be devoted to pleasure or 
 sorrow, is marked by a public loss. The Dutch sympathized 
 too deeply in the affliction of their sovereigns to murmur at 
 their seeking consolation in the variety of travel : but, unfor- 
 tunately, though Louis had rendered them happy by the 
 equitable policy of his personal government, vet he could not 
 28*
 
 330 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 prevent the just grounds of complaint that arose from th« 
 measures of Napoleon, who administered the affairs of hi* 
 kingdom during his journey. 
 
 The emperor availed himself of this opportunity to intro- 
 duce into Holland the measures of policy adopted in his own 
 territories. The chief resources of Great Britain were 
 derived from her commerce with the continent, which was the 
 outlet for the immense products of her factories. Collecting 
 by her ships the raw material of every country, she afterwards 
 laid all Europe under contribution by returning them in a 
 manufactured shape. By closing this outlet the sources of her 
 prosperity were dried up, and her most vital interests endan- 
 gered. Such was the Continental System. The opposition 
 in Holland to its introduction sunk under the absolute will 
 of Napoleon, and the ministers of Louis obeyed with reluc- 
 tance and sorrow. 
 
 The inhabitants of the sea-ports, deprived of the resources 
 of lawful commerce, attempted to substitute an illicit traffic. 
 The emperor became irritated, and would have made terrible 
 examples of the guilty, but for the return of Louis, who ex- 
 ercised the richest prerogative of royalty, by pardoning the 
 criminals This clemency, with his courageous humanity at 
 the time of the disaster at Leyden and during several inunda- 
 tions, endeared him still more to his subjects. The contraband 
 trade, however, was greatly augmented by the impunity of 
 the first offenders ; and Napoleon, deeply incensed by the 
 opposition to his authority, began to entertain unfriendly 
 feelings towards his brother, and to project seriously the 
 union of Holland and France. 
 
 On her return from the Pyrenees, Hortense was prevented 
 from proceeding to the Hague by her peculiarly delicate state 
 of health. She suffered from general weaknes, and had but 
 partially recovered from the nervous attack, brought on by 
 the recent shock. Her domestic happiness had been also 
 much disturbed by the political disputes of her husband and 
 the emperor. Calamities from without strike equally the
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 331 
 
 prince and the peasant in their domestic recoil. The gloomy 
 temper of Louis, exasperated by the importunate demands of 
 his brother, no longer permitted him to be kind to a wife, 
 who espoused or excused every measure dictated by the policy 
 of France. 
 
 Napoleon's grounds of complaint are contained in a letter 
 addressed to the king of Holland, in 1808, on the occasion 
 of the pardon of the smugglers. This historical document 
 is too important to be here omitted ; for it forms a valuable 
 appendix to the account of his administration given to the 
 public by Louis, and has a direct bearing on events deeply 
 and fatally influencing the destiny of Queen Hortense. 
 
 Chateau de Marac, April 3d, 1808. 
 
 Sir, and my brother, — Within the last hour I received 
 your despatch of the 22d March, from the Auditor D — t, and 
 the courier, who will bear you my reply, sets out for Holland 
 immediately. The use you have made of the power of pardon 
 must inevitably produce bad effects. The power of pardon 
 is one of the finest and noblest attributes of sovereignty : but 
 to save it from contempt, it should only be exercised when 
 the mercy of the sovereign is no reproach to the act of the 
 judge — when the royal clemency can inspire none but gene- 
 rous and grateful sentiments. But the present case is widely 
 different. A troop of banditti attack and murder a party of 
 custom-house officers, in order to smuggle with more im- 
 punity : — they are condemned to death, and your majesty 
 accords them a pardon — a pardon to outcasts and assassins 
 whom no one pitied ! Had these men been merely taken in 
 the act of smuggling — had they even murdered your officers 
 in self-defence — then the destitute condition of their families, 
 and the particular circumstances of the deed, might have been 
 taken into consideration, and the mitigation of the rigor of 
 the law would have gained for your government an appear- 
 ance of paternal kindness. In remitting the penalty of crimes 
 against fiscal laws, and especially in the forgiveness of political
 
 832 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 offences, mercy is well bestowed. The great principle is, 
 that when the sovereign himself is the object of the crime, 
 then clemency becomes admirable. On the first rumor of an 
 accusation of this nature, public opinion is arrayed on the 
 side of the culprit, and not in support of the executive which 
 is to enforce the law. Should the prince remit the punish- 
 ment, the people consider him superior to the offence, and 
 their indignation is then excited against the offender : should 
 he pursue an opposite course, he is reprobated as an oppressor 
 and a tyrant ; but if he pardon atrocious criminals, he is con- 
 temned for his weakness, or hated for his evil intentions. Do 
 not imagine that mercy is a prerogative which can be always 
 wielded without injury, or that society applauds its constant 
 employment. On the contrary, the community condemns its 
 exercise on signal offenders, because it then becomes destruc- 
 tive of social order. You have made use of this right too 
 frequently and too indiscriminately : you should be deaf to 
 your heart's benevolence, when it incites to acts detrimental 
 to your subjects. I should have imitated your conduct with 
 regard to the Jews, but I would never have pardoned the 
 Middleburg smugglers. In the latter case, there were many 
 reasons why justice should have been allowed to take its 
 course, and by the terror of such an execution to attain the 
 excellent effect of preventing future crimes. Royal officers 
 had been massacred in the middle of the night ; the murderers 
 were condemned ; yet your majesty commutes the punishment 
 for a few years' imprisonment, and the inevitable result will 
 be found in a complete discouragement of the collectors of 
 the revenue. 
 
 Let me now explain the political tendency of this measure. 
 For many years past, Holland has been the channel through 
 which England has introduced its manufactures into the con- 
 tinent, and this branch of trade has been immensely profit- 
 able to its merchants. For this reason the Dutch are attached 
 to smuggling and favor England, and for this reason they 
 hate France, who prohibits smuggling, and wars against
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 333 
 
 England. The pardon you have accorded to these murdering 
 revenue-breakers, is a kind of deference paid to the love of 
 Holland for contraband trade. It seems as if you made 
 common cause with them ; but against whom ? Against 
 myself I 
 
 The Hollanders are attached to you. Your manners are 
 plain : your disposition mild : your government suited to their 
 views. Were you to show yourself firmly resolved to put 
 down all illicit traffic — were you to explain to your subjects 
 their true position — you would then employ your influence 
 with discretion, and they would believe the continental system 
 a benefit, because it would be upheld by their king. I cannot 
 discover what advantage your majesty proposes to yourself, 
 from popularity obtained at my expense. The days of Rys- 
 wick are gone by in Holland, and France is no longer in the 
 last years of Louis XIV. If Holland be unable to pursue 
 an independent policy ; she has no alternative but to adhere 
 to the conditions of her alliance with France. 
 
 The policy of princes, my brother, must ever regard the 
 future, and not the mere exigencies of the passing day. 
 What is the present condition of Europe ? On the one hand 
 is England, possessing alone a preponderance to which the 
 whole world has hitherto been obliged to submit ; on the other 
 are the French empire and the powers of the continent; who, 
 with the force of union, can never submit to this species of 
 supremacy exercised by Great Britain. All these nations 
 formerly possessed colonies and foreign commerce ; the extent 
 of their seaboard is much greater than that of England ; but 
 unfortunately they have been always disunited. Great Britain 
 has attacked their navies in detail — she has triumphed on 
 every sea — and all their maritime forces are destroyed. With 
 all the resources for shipping and seamen, of Russia, Sweden, 
 France, and Spain, not a squadron dare venture from their 
 roadsteads. It is no longer, then, from a league of the 
 maritime powers — a confederacy which is moreover impracti- 
 cable, from distance and conflicting interests — that Europe
 
 334 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 must expect commercial independence and established peace : 
 they can only be declared by the will of England I 
 
 Peace ! I desire to obtain it by every means consistent 
 with the dignity of France : for peace, I will sacrifice all but 
 national honor. Every day I am more and more convinced 
 of its necessity, and the other powers wish for it as much as 
 I do. I entertain towards England, neither angry prejudice 
 nor implacable hatred. Her policy towards me has been the 
 policy of repulsion ; on my part, I have retaliated by a system 
 of exclusion ; not so much from the ambitious views alleged 
 by my enemies, as to force the British cabinet to terms. I 
 am perfectly content that England should be rich and pros- 
 perous, if France and her allies are as rich and prosperous as 
 England. Thus the continental system has no other end than 
 to accelerate a final settlement of international law, as well 
 for the French empire as for Europe. All the northern 
 sovereigns maintain a rigorous prohibitive policy, yet their 
 commerce has increased wonderfully ; the fabrics of Prussia 
 in particular already begin to rival our own manufactures. 
 You are aware that France itself, and all the extent of coast 
 from the Gulf of Lyons to the head of the Adriatic, now an 
 integral part of the empire, are absolutely closed against the 
 products of foreign industry. I am now about to take such 
 a share in the affairs of Spain, as will wrest Portugal from 
 the influence of Great Britain, and place the Spanish ports 
 under the full control of the French political system. Thus 
 the whole seaboard of Europe will be shut against the Eng- 
 lish, for I exclude the Turks, who have no commerce with 
 the rest of the continent. 
 
 You will perceive from this abstract, the fatal consequences 
 of the facilities afforded by Holland to Great Britain for in- 
 troducing her manufactures into Europe. It affords her an 
 opportunity of raising from ourselves the subsidies with which 
 other nations are paid to attack us. Your majesty is more 
 interested than I am, in guarding against the trickery of
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 335 
 
 English diplomacy. A few years' patience, and England will 
 desire peace as earnestly as her enemies. 
 
 Again, if you consider the position of your States, you 
 will discover that the continental system is less beneficial to 
 me than to yourself. Holland is essentially a commercial and 
 maritime power. She possesses capacious harbors, fleets, 
 seamen, skilful officers, and colonies which cost the mother 
 country nothing. Her inhabitants, too, have as much ability 
 in commerce as the English. Has not Holland all this to 
 protect ? May not peace restore her to her ancient import- 
 ance ? Grant that her situation for a few years may be 
 painful : is it not better than that the monarch of Holland 
 should be a mere English governor, and his kingdom and 
 colonies the appanages of Great Britain ? Any encourage- 
 ment given to the trade with England must tend directly to 
 this result. Sicily and Portugal are before your eyes. 
 
 Let events take their course. If you are obliged to sell 
 your gin, England is obliged to buy it. Point out places 
 where it can be obtained by the British smugglers in return 
 for hard money, but never for merchandize: never — you 
 understand me. Peace will come at last, and then a treaty 
 of commerce will be signed with England. Yery probably 
 I may conclude one too, but our mutual interests shall be 
 guaranteed. If we should be obliged to allow England her 
 maritime supremacy, purchased at the expense of so much 
 blood and treasure ; a preponderance, moreover, to which 
 she is entitled by geographical situation, and her territorial 
 acquisitions in three quarters of the globe ; at least our vessels 
 will be able to navigate the ocean without the fear of insult 
 to their flag, and our foreign commerce will cease to be ruinous. 
 The main object now is, to prevent England from interfering 
 in the politics of the continent. 
 
 This business of the pardons has drawn me into long de- 
 tails, which were necessary to obviate erroneous impressions, 
 if any such had been instilled into your majesty by a Dutch 
 ministry. I request you to reflect seriously on this letter — to
 
 336 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 make the matters of which it treats a subject of deliberation 
 in your councils, and through your ministers, to give a corre- 
 sponding impulse to the administration of the government. 
 
 France will never permit Holland, under any pretext, to 
 secede from the general cause of the continent. As for the 
 smugglers, since the fault has already been committed, and 
 there are no means of recalling the past, I can only advise 
 you not to leave them in the prison of Middleburg, which is 
 too near the scene of their crime : send them to the other end 
 of Holland. 
 
 The insertion of this letter seemed necessary to exhibit the 
 true situation of Louis in Holland. Harassed by the con- 
 stant importunities of his brother, the reaction of his vexation 
 was too often felt by the queen. Was she then sufficiently 
 indulgent ? Did she feel that, notwithstanding the inferiority 
 of his genius, her husband could not yield, without pain, to 
 views of policy diametrically opposite to his own? She pro- 
 bably endured as long as it was in her power, the miseries 
 of an union without sympathy ; but she was unhappy, and 
 power without happiness has no charms save for the unfeeling 
 and ambitious. The heart of Hortense had been cast in 
 another and a far different mould. 
 
 Louis soon grew weary of his capital, and removed the 
 court to Utrecht, hoping to escape from his own disgust and 
 chagrin. To change of place — the first remedy suggested by 
 unhappiness — the king, in his new abode, sought to add the 
 relief of gaiety. In addition to the ordinary parade of a 
 court, there were frequently small social parties at the palace ; 
 and public balls, attended by the best society of the province ; 
 but in all these assemblies, seemingly devoted to pleasure, the 
 languor and monotony impressed by the absence of the queen, 
 were but too apparent. All remembered the charm with 
 which her wit and vivacity had enlivened the circles of the 
 Hague, and all regretted the fascination that ever surrounds 
 a young, affable, and beautiful princess.
 
 OF NATOLEON III. 337 
 
 Louis was soon dissatisfied with his residence at Utrecht. 
 He found the town to be too thinly peopled to supply suffi- 
 cient movement and variety to the court circle. Its inhabit- 
 ants were chiefly retired merchants, living quietly on their 
 incomes, who were annoyed by the turmoil which thus inter- 
 rupted their old established habits. While these showed but 
 little gratitude for the preference of their sovereign, the 
 citizens of the Hague, on the other hand, were enraged by 
 his desertion. Either to suppress murmurs, or to indulge 
 once more the love of change, Louis returned again to the 
 north of Holland, where the industry and wealth of the nation 
 w r ere chiefly centered. Amsterdam was finally fixed upon, and 
 received officially the merited title of capital of the kingdom. 
 
 As Holland still continued to import great quantities of 
 English merchandize, the cause of the emperor's displeasure 
 was by no means removed. Louis was invited to attend a 
 congress in the city of Paris, of all the sovereigns in alliance 
 with Napoleon. He was perfectly aware of the reproaches 
 that awaited him, and of the projects of his brother ; but he 
 knew also that when the independence of a sovereign is un- 
 supported by military forces, resistance to colossal power is 
 a mere sacrifice of the welfare of his subjects. In the end of 
 November, 1809, the king of Holland repaired to Paris, in 
 the vain hope of averting the storm he felt himself unable to 
 withstand. 
 
 Louis had little reason to look for a fraternal reception, 
 when he considered the unfriendly relations subsisting between 
 France and Holland, and the mortifications heaped upon him 
 under the sanction of the emperor. It happened quite other- 
 wise. Napoleon received his brother graciously, and in a 
 manner expressive of sincere and ardent friendship. The 
 king was at once surprised and moved ; pomp and etiquette 
 were laid aside, and the kindest affection replaced the stiffness 
 of royal dignity. It was a meeting of brothers after a long 
 and painful estrangement. The pleasure of reconciliation 
 engrossed all their thoughts, and public affairs were never 
 29 w
 
 338 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 mentioned. Still the king would have desired an open and 
 unhesitating discourse on the various interests which had so 
 long divided the two nations, for past events rendered him 
 suspicious, and the silence of Napoleon left little room for 
 self-deceit. The careless manner in which he was treated, 
 soon gave him to understand that the demands on Holland 
 would be mere subjects of official communication ; that he 
 was not to be consulted ; and that no pains would be taken 
 to secure his approbation, or to ascertain that the measures 
 proposed accorded with the interests of Holland. 
 
 These gloomy presentiments were soon but too fully realized. 
 The speech of Napoleon to the legislative body announced 
 the sad destiny of Holland. The king would probably have 
 entered his solemn protest before the assembled sovereigns, 
 but cere had been taken to exclude him from the invitation 
 which embraced all the other allies of the emperor. The 
 danger became every day more imminent : Louis at length 
 resolved to return privately to his kingdom, and to resist the 
 violent encroachments of his brother, if resistance were yet 
 possible. The secret orders given for his departure were 
 communicated to the emperor, and the king, on his part, 
 ascertained that he was constantly watched by disguised 
 officers of the police : one of them, an old soldier of the fifth 
 regiment of dragoons, having discovered himself to his former 
 colonel. Louis dissimulated, and hoping to elude the vigilance 
 of his guards, feigned total ignorance of this system of ob- 
 servation ; but every hope proved vain — every plan was a 
 failure. Neither corruption nor address could extricate him 
 from the toils in which he was involved, and no resource was 
 left better than a disguised flight. A man more robust and 
 resolute than Louis, might have quitted Paris at nightfall — 
 mounted his horse at the gates — and escaped at full speed; 
 but though still young, the doubtful health of the king pre- 
 vented all thoughts of so hardy an enterprize. He resolved 
 to despatch one of his attendants secretly to Amsterdam, 
 with positive orders to the minister of war to break the dykes,
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 339 
 
 place the country in a complete state of military preparation, 
 and by every possible exertion to prevent the French forces 
 from occupying the capital. Napoleon, who was soon informed 
 of these measures, made bitter complaints to the king, and 
 gave way to the most furious passion. Louis opposed firm 
 ness to violence, and when driven to extremity, avowed 
 openly that the defensive preparations had been undertaken 
 by his express command. " I have been deceived," was his 
 bold expression, "by promises which were never intended to 
 be kept. Holland is weary of being the puppet of France." 
 The emperor, enraged by a dignified opposition to which he 
 was wholly unused, was violently excited ; Louis met him 
 with the quiet resignation and composure of a good conscience. 
 Napoleon quickly recovered himself, and becoming suddenly 
 calm, informed the king coldly, that he must choose between 
 the union of Holland to France, or the immediate revocation 
 of his warlike instructions, and the removal of his minister 
 of war. 
 
 This result had been the constant object of the king's most 
 lively apprehensions ; it was this deadly blow which he had 
 endeavored most especially to shun. The imperious neces- 
 sity of his situation compelled submission, and forced him to 
 comply with the demands of those who were armed with 
 irresistible power. In his inmost heart, the noble design was 
 still cherished, of protecting his dominions from their immi- 
 nent danger : but to effect this, it was first necessary to escape 
 from the species of captivity in which he was held. His 
 renewed attempts to elude the vigilance of his domestic spies, 
 were regularly thwarted. Under pretence of the respectful 
 deference due to his exalted rank, their attendance on his per- 
 son was constant, and they particularly, but with the utmost 
 politeness, opposed all his excursions in the direction of the 
 gate of Flanders. 
 
 The first open act of usurpation undertaken against Holland, 
 was the occupation of the fortresses of Bergen-op-Zoora and 
 Breda by the Marshal Duke of Reggio, without the know-
 
 340 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 ledge of the king : at the same time the emperor proclaimed 
 the union to France of the whole country between the Meuse, 
 the Scheldt, and the ocean. The captive monarch, incapable 
 of armed resistance, published a protest against this flagrant 
 infraction of every principle of international law. 
 
 His health was so far affected by these various disturbances 
 and vexations, that for some time he was confined to his bed 
 by a nervous disease. All the different monarchs then assem- 
 bled in Paris, hastened to visit him ; Napoleon alone was 
 absent, and this apparent indifference deeply wounded the 
 feelings of his sensitive brother. At length the emperor 
 came, and accosted him with the utmost kindness ; but the 
 conversation turned entirely upon indifferent topics, without 
 the slightest mention of politics. 
 
 As soon as his health would permit, the king undertook a 
 short journey, for the purpose of settling his position on the 
 score of restraint. He proceeded to his chateau of St. Leu, 
 where the question was resolved to his disappointment and 
 mortification. The measure of sacrifice was not yet filled : 
 concessions far more important than those already made, 
 were still to be exacted. As usual, Louis began by resist- 
 ance and ended in submission. It was the only means to 
 retain a sovereignty, of which he was less tenacious from 
 personal motives, than from anxiety to preserve the place of 
 Holland among the independent powers of Europe. Much 
 was yielded, though with deep regret. Everything that was 
 not lost, seemed a clear gain in these unhappy negotiations. 
 At length the constant watching of his person ceased : Napo- 
 leon became kind when all his demands were conceded, and 
 even endeavored to renew their former affection. After an 
 absence which, instead of lasting one month, had been pro- 
 longed to four, Louis took his departure from France. His 
 affliction at this protracted separation from his kingdom 
 may well be imagined, but every sorrow was forgotten as he 
 approached once more his adopted country, his cherished 
 Holland.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 341 
 
 The highest enjoyment of a monarch, the delight of wit- 
 nessing the joy of his subjects, awaited Louis in his dominions. 
 Dark rumors, hinting that he would never return, had been 
 long circulated, and the sensation produced by his re-appear- 
 ance was the more enthusiastic in proportion to its being un- 
 expected. The queen also was immediately looked for. Her 
 residence at Paris had been but little happier than her hus- 
 band's, for the same ambition which excited Napoleon's 
 aggressions upon Holland, had also inspired the project of 
 an imperial alliance with the house of Austria. Motives 
 seemingly the most opposite, governed the deeds of this 
 extraordinary man. After routing the armies of Francis in 
 a hundred battles — after two entries as a conqueror into the 
 German capital — he rejoiced in consummating the humiliation 
 of his enemy, by extorting his consent to the marriage of his 
 daughter. It seemed also to the fortunate soldier, that an 
 alliance with the oldest and haughtiest dynasty of Europe, 
 would seat him legitimately on his uninherited throne. 
 
 A second marriage being decreed, it became necessary to 
 annul the first. Long before any direct expression of the 
 imperial will, the quick-sighted courtiers had discovered Na- 
 poleon's intentions; which were allowed, indeed, to escape 
 by degrees, as if to prepare the public mind, and the feelings 
 of the individuals most deeply interested. In this he was 
 unsuccessful. A palace seldom contains the courage or the 
 indiscretion that will convey unwelcome intelligence to the 
 sovereign, before it assumes an official shape. Notwithstand- 
 ing all the precautions of her husband, the heart of Josephine 
 was so long a stranger to distrust, that even at the fatal 
 moment of explanation, the blow prepared by the manoeuvres 
 of many weeks, and announced through every channel, came 
 at last, with the suddenness and severity of an unexpected 
 shock. 
 
 As early as a journey to Fontainbleau, in 1807, the word 
 divorce had been cautiously whispered by the officers of the 
 imperial household. A sudden death had carried off the 
 29*
 
 342 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 eldest son of the queen of Holland ; a loss deeply regretted 
 by Napoleon. When only seven years of age, the child ex- 
 hibited a most promising disposition, great mildness of 
 temper, and an aptitude of character, capable of receiving 
 the noblest impressions. The first born of the new dynasty 
 had excited and preserved all the solicitude and affection of 
 its founder, who had given him his name, and had proposed 
 adoption. Napoleon indulged the hope of superintending 
 his education, and of making him ultimately the heir of his 
 power : with the death of this child came probably the first 
 thought of centreing in himself and his direct line, the hopes 
 and heritage of so many victories. 
 
 After the conferences of Schoenbrunn, the idea of a divorce 
 had obtained complete possession of the mind of Napoleon. 
 On his return to France after the conclusion of peace, he 
 proceeded directly to Fontainbleau. His journey had been 
 so well arranged, that he arrived many hours before the em- 
 press, who had quitted Strasburg, and had been more than a 
 month at Paris. This delay produced severe reproaches on 
 the part of Napoleon, who was seeking excuses for his con- 
 duct even to himself. 
 
 " Three days after our arrival at Fontainbleau," says an 
 officer of the household who has since published his memoirs, 
 " I observed some traces of sadness upon the brow of Josephine, 
 and much less freedom in Napoleon's manners towards her. 
 One morning, after breakfast, the empress did me the honor 
 to converse with me in the recess of a window in her chamber ; 
 and after some commonplace questions respecting our stay 
 at Schoenbrunn, and the manner in which we passed our time 
 there, she said to me, ' Monsieur de Bausset, I have great 
 confidence in your attachment to me : I hope you will reply 
 with sincerity to the question I am about to ask you.' I 
 assured her of my readiness to give her all the information in 
 my power, and that I felt at greater liberty to do so, because 
 nothing had been entrusted to me which could bind me to 
 gilence. 'Well, then, if you know the reason, tell me why
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 343 
 
 the private communication between my apartment and that 
 of the emperor has been closed.' 'I was entirely ignorant 
 of it, madam, until your present assurance of the fact. I 
 only know that some repairs were commenced, and that they 
 have been suspended in consequence of the emperor having 
 returned much sooner than he was expeeted. Probably they 
 did not imagine that he would take up his residence at Fon- 
 tainbleau so late in the season. Your majesty may perceive 
 from the manner in which some of your apartments are 
 furnished, that things are not yet completed.' Such was my 
 answer, and in truth I should have been much embarrassed 
 had I made any other, for this was not the time to speak of 
 my private observations. I shall never forget the last words 
 which this estimable princess condescended to address to me : 
 ' Be assured, M. de Bausset, that there is some mystery in all 
 this. ' This conversation only served to strengthen the im- 
 pressions I had received during the negotiations at Schoen- 
 brunn, although I could not foresee the period of the catas- 
 trophe, nor how it would be brought about. I was soon 
 better informed. 
 
 "The king of Saxony arrived at Paris on the 13th of No- 
 vember, and their majesties left Fontainbleau on the 14th. 
 Napoleon performed the journey on horseback, and immedi- 
 f .tely after his arrival he paid a visit to the king, who occupied 
 the palace of L'Elysee. The presence of this virtuous mon- 
 arch at Paris sometimes interrupted their privacy, but the 
 embarrassment of Napoleon increased proportionally with 
 the uneasiness and vague forebodings of the empress. She 
 appeared to have a strong presentiment of approaching mis- 
 fortune, and to be gathering her strength to support its 
 bitterness with fortitude. 
 
 " I was on duty at the Tuilleries, after the 27th of Novem- 
 ber. On that day, and on the succeeding Tuesday and Wed- 
 nesday, I could easily observe a great change in the features 
 of the empress, and a mute constraint in the manners of 
 Ns-»)oleon. If during dinner, he broke the silence, it was
 
 344 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 only to ask me some brief question, without listening to my 
 reply. On each of these days the dinner was over in less 
 than ten minutes. At length, on Thursday, the 30th, the 
 storm burst. Their majesties sat down at table : Josephine 
 wore a large white hat, which was tied under the chin, and 
 concealed a great part of her face. I thought I could per- 
 ceive that she had been weeping, and that she still restrained 
 her tears with difficulty. She appeared the image of grief 
 and despair. The most profound silence reigned during the 
 whole meal, and the dishes were touched out of mere form. 
 The only words uttered were when Napoleon asked me ' what 
 kind of weather it was ?' In pronouncing them he rose from 
 the table, and Josephine slowly followed. When coffee was 
 served, Napoleon took the cup from the page in waiting, and 
 intimated that he wished to be alone. Anxious, uneasy, and 
 a prey to gloomy reflections, I immediately retired to the 
 attendance hall, where their majesties usually dined, and sat 
 down in an arm chair near the door of the emperor's apart- 
 ment. I was watching mechanically the removal of the 
 dinner service, when I suddenly heard the empress shriek 
 violently. The usher of the chamber was on the point of 
 opening the door, but I prevented him, observing that the 
 emperor would call for assistance if he thought it necessary. 
 
 " I was standing close to the door when Napoleon opened 
 it himself, and said quickly on perceiving me, ' Come in, 
 Bausset, and shut the door.' I entered the room, and saw the 
 empress lying on the carpet, and uttering the most lamentable 
 cries and complaints. 'No! no 1 I can never survive it,' 
 exclaimed the unfortunate princess. Napoleon said to me, 
 ' Bausset, are you strong enough to carry Josephine down the 
 private staircase to her own apartment ?' I immediately 
 obeyed, and with the assistance of Napoleon, raised the em- 
 press, who seemed to be laboring under a nervous attack. 
 He then took a light from the table, and opened a door, which 
 led through an obscure passage to the staircase he had men- 
 tioned. When we had come to the first step of the staircase,
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 3A5 
 
 I observed to Napoleon that it was too narrow for us ta 
 descend without falling 1 • he immediately called the keeper of 
 nis portefolio, who was stationed, night and day, at a door 
 of the cabinet opening upon the landing. Napoleon gave 
 him the torch, which was now of no use in the lighted pas 
 sage, and ordered him to go before. He then took hold of 
 Josephine's feet himself, to enable me to descend with more 
 ease. Once my sword embarrassed me, and I thought we 
 should certainly fall ; but happily no acudent occurred, and 
 we deposited our precious burthen on an ottoman in her bed- 
 chamber. 
 
 " The emperor immediately ran to the bell-pull, and rang 
 for the women of the empress. She had ceased to moan since 
 I had first raised her in the upper saloon, and I imagined 
 that she had fainted, until the time of the little difficulty with 
 my sword in the middle of the stairs. As we had no time 
 for arranging our positions, I was obliged to tighten my 
 grasp in order to avoid a fall which might have been fatal to 
 all of us. My arms were round her waist — her back sup- 
 ported by my breast — and her head lying on my right 
 shoulder. When she perceived my endeavors to keep from 
 falling, she whispered, ' You press me too hard. ' From 
 that moment I felt no apprehensions about her health, and 
 it was evident that she had never lost her recollection for an 
 instant. 
 
 " During this whole transaction I was too busy with 
 Josephine to observe Napoleon ; but when the attendants 
 came in, I followed him into a small antechamber adjoining 
 the bed-room. His agitation and uneasiness were excessive. 
 His grief, indeed, disturbed him so much, that he informed 
 me of the cause of all that had passed, in these words. ' The 
 interests of France and of my dynasty do violence to my 
 heart. Divorce has become a rigorous duty. I am the more 
 afflicted at this scene with Josephine, because she must have 
 heard everything from Hortense three days ago. I deplore 
 with my whole heart the necessity which condemns me to a
 
 S46 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 separation. I thought she had more firmness, and was by 
 no means prepared for such a paroxysm of grief.' His emo- 
 tion compelled him to utter these sentences at long intervals ; 
 the words were pronounced with difficulty and almost without 
 connection. His voice was faltering and oppressed, and his 
 eyes filled with tears. He must have lost all self-command, 
 or he would never have entered into such details to one so 
 far removed from his councils and his confidence as myself. 
 The whole scene did not last more than seven or eight 
 minutes. 
 
 " Napoleon immediately sent for Corvisart, Queen Hor- 
 tense, Cambaceres and Fouche" ; but before returning to his 
 own apartment, he made personal inquiries after Josephine, 
 who was calmer and more resigned." 
 
 It was easy indeed for him to feel resigned to the blow 
 about to be inflicted upon his best friend, and most faithful 
 companion ; and it was equally unreasonable to charge her 
 with weakness, because a complaint escaped her at the fatal 
 crisis. He might have learned from his own experience, that 
 keenness of feeling is the first emotion of surprised pride. 
 His own disorder — the few words of apology stammered out 
 to an inferior attendant — the tears he was unable to restrain 
 . — were at least as much astonishing, as that Josephine should 
 exhibit in her grief the weakness of a woman, rather than the 
 dignity of a sovereign. It is true that the unhappy empress 
 had been already led to expect this afflicting communication ; 
 but the instructions of Napoleon, given as well to prevent his 
 own embarrassment, as out of consideration for Josephine, 
 had been but imperfectly fulfilled. Hortense was selected as 
 the natural mediatrix, because, as she was endeared by the 
 closest ties of blood, she could best employ the affectionate 
 stratagems and soothing address, so necessary to prepare her 
 mother for her calamity. But the same feelings prevented 
 her complete co-operation ; for in the proposed measure, she 
 could see neither propriety nor necessity, while her filial 
 affection and queenly pride pointed out all its injustice and
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 347 
 
 caprice. The confidence of the emperor was to her a misfor- 
 tune ; and her heart would have broken had it been required 
 that she should declare the imperial will abruptly to her 
 mother. A few distant allusions and equivocal expressions, 
 which were all she could bring herself to utter, fulfilled the 
 strict commands of duty ; after these, it was but just that the 
 first cause of all the evil, should bear the punishment of 
 announcing its approach, and sustaining the first burst of 
 sorrow or anger produced by the sad intelligence. 
 
 The liveliness of Josephine's grief was displayed in all her 
 sentiments and expressions. The invincible goodness of her 
 heart recalled the many ties that united her to the emperor, 
 at the very moment when they were about to be eternally 
 severed. Her least regret was for her throne : it was the loss 
 of her husband, so warmly admired and so truly loved — that 
 excited the keenest and most enduring affliction. Not con- 
 tent, however, with practising herself the duties of gratitude 
 and submission, she enjoined and enforced them upon her 
 children. Young and strongly attached to their mother, they 
 f elt themselves injured by the blow directed against her rights. 
 This exalted filial piety, justified by natural affection, was 
 pardonable even in the eyes of reason and policy. 
 
 Josephine was the true and only link of connection between 
 Napoleon and her children : after her divorce, their natural 
 relation towards him was inferior to that of collateral rela- 
 tives. The crown of Italy, which had been promised to 
 Eugene, was lost beyond all hope, when the emperor could 
 look forward to heirs of his own blood. The situation of 
 Hortense was in no wise more favorable. Her condition as 
 the wife of Napoleon's brother seemed a feeble bond of union, 
 when that brother already tottered on his throne, and when 
 every day increased his estrangement from his consort. It 
 was therefore excusable in the brother and sister, if they 
 wished to resign the grandeur already half lost by the divorce 
 of their mother, and to become the companions of her retire- 
 ment, and the sharers of her obscurity. Josephine moderated
 
 348 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 these transports of feeling ; she excused the conduct of Na- 
 poleon, reminded them of their obligations to his favor, and 
 commanded implicit obedience to the will of him, who was to 
 them a father and a sovereign. Their sacrifice was in the 
 highest degree meritorious. What could be more painful, 
 after they had left their weeping mother, than to mingle in 
 all the pomp of a second marriage — to see a haughty stranger 
 Seated on the throne of Josephine — to gaze upon the throng 
 of servile courtiers crowding around this new object of adula- 
 tion — and to acknowledge a mistress, when they had forgotten 
 their condition as subjects, in the honored title of children 
 of the empress ? 
 
 In every ceremony requiring his presence, Eugene was dis- 
 tinguished for his dignified behavior. His countenance, 
 usually mild and smiling, had become grave and serious, 
 strongly expressive of internal distress, restrained by pride, 
 honor, and the obligations of the occasion. He was a man; 
 but the feminine weakness of his sister was unequal to a 
 similar exertion. Four queens bore the imperial train of 
 Maria Louisa, as she approached the nuptial altar : Hor- 
 tense, one of the four, wept bitterly as she followed the new 
 bride of Napoleon, and when the fatal Yes was pronounced 
 that separated him forever from her mother, she utttered a 
 loud shriek and became insensible. When this tribute to 
 nature and her sex had been thus paid, she recovered all her 
 native strength of character, and the lofty bearing befitting 
 her rank 
 
 Josephine practised in its fullest extent the generous mode 
 ration she inculcated on her children. It was in her power 
 to have interposed serious obstacles in the way of Napoleon's 
 marriage, by means of the religious scruples of Maria Louisa, 
 who, from her education in a bigoted court, evinced a strong 
 repugnance to become the wife of one whose former union 
 was still unbroken in its sacramental obligation. The new 
 bride had received assurances that Napoleon's first marriage 
 was a mere civil ceremony ; but she refused to trust any other
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 349 
 
 authority than that of Josephine herself. The Duke of 
 Rovigo has stated in his Memoirs, that Napoleon had never 
 espoused Josephine in church : in this assertion he has only- 
 repeated the rumor which he and many others had most pro- 
 bably been ordered to spread at the time of the divorce, but 
 it is not, on that account, the less untrue. Every religious 
 rite had been fulfilled, and, strange as it may appear, twice 
 instead of once. The first time the ceremony was performed 
 by a parish priest ; afterwards, a few days before the corona- 
 tion, in consequence of some informalities discovered by the 
 cardinal delegated by the pope, the nuptial benediction was 
 repeated by himself in the chapel of the Tuilleries : Duroc 
 and Eugene were two of the witnesses present. The cardinal 
 subsequently, at the request of Josephine, signed a certificate, 
 declaring the reality and validity of her religious marriage ; 
 but no use was made of this powerful weapon. The will of 
 a husband who deserted her, was respected, and an equivocal 
 reply, involving no direct violation of the truth, quieted all 
 the scruples of Maria Louisa. She was requested to refer 
 to the Moniteur ; when Josephine well knew that Napoleon 
 had thought it inexpedient to publish in that journal, his 
 deference for the wishes of the pope and the cardinal. 
 
 In separating for ever from her consort, Josephine sought 
 the sad satisfaction of writing her farewell, and of giving him 
 for the last time those counsels, which he had always followed 
 with advantage. From such a letter it was impossible to 
 exclude every expression of conjugal and maternal grief; but 
 it is to the foresight, rather than to the sorrow of Josephine, 
 that we must ascribe the prophetic foreboding of evil, so 
 soon to be realized. We here insert this interesting document. 
 
 " My forebodings are realized I you have pronounced the 
 word which separates us for ever ; the rest is nothing more 
 than mere formality. This, then, is the consummation, I will 
 not say of all ray sacrifices, — they cost me nothing since they 
 were made for you, — but of my unbounded attachment, and 
 of your own most solemn obligations. If the policy which 
 30
 
 350 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 you allege as a reason should prove successful, I should not 
 complain, but policy is a mere pretext. It is to your mis- 
 taken ambition that I am sacrificed — to that ambition which 
 has guided your whole career, which has led you to conquest, 
 elevated you to empire, and now hurries you onward to dis- 
 aster and defeat. 
 
 "You speak of mighty alliances, of giving an heir to the 
 empire, of founding a new dynasty ; but with whom is this 
 alliance to be formed ? With the deceitful house of Austria, 
 the sworn enemy of France ; a family which detests us from 
 feeling, from system, and from necessity. Do you believe 
 that this hatred, so often displayed within the last half cen- 
 tury, has not been transferred from the Bourbons to the 
 empire ? Or do you suppose that the children of the able 
 Maria Theresa, who purchased from Madame de Pompadour 
 the fatal treaty of 1756, which you cannot even mention 
 without a shudder — do you suppose that her posterity have 
 not inherited her spirit as well as her dominion ? I only 
 repeat what you have told me a hundred times when your 
 ambition was satisfied with humiliating a power which it now 
 seeks to restore. Believe me, as long as you are master of 
 Europe, you will find her your slave ; but beware of a reverse ! 
 
 "You wish, however, an heir. Even though as a mother, 
 I should appear partial in speaking of a son who is all my 
 delight, and used to be your hope — can I or ought I to be 
 silent? The adoption of the 12th of January, 1806, was 
 then another political falsehood : but there is no deception in 
 the virtues and talents of my Eugene. How often have you 
 yourself praised them ! Praised them ! you have endeavored 
 to recompense them with a throne, while you confessed that 
 the reward was inferior to his merits. All France has re- 
 echoed these sentiments, but what are the wishes of France ? 
 I do not speak of my successor, and you can hardly expect 
 it, when all I could say of her would appear suspicious. 
 There can be no suspicion as to my prayer for your happiness,
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 351 
 
 which alone can now console me. Ah ! how great will that 
 happiness be, if it equals my sorrow." 
 
 The king of Holland entertained a sincere friendship for 
 Josephine, and was deeply grieved at the divorce, yet he was 
 very near following the example of Napoleon. The time had 
 not come, when he could venture to solicit openly for a disso- 
 lution of his marriage, but he wished to add the sanction of 
 the law to the actual separation existing between himself and 
 his queen. The health of both parties was, in point of fact, 
 much impaired ; the true motive, however, was to be sought 
 in their discordant tempers. During the whole period of his 
 late residence in Paris, Louis had never seen the queen, 
 except on those public occasions when a meeting was rendered 
 unavoidable by the rules of etiquette. On his arrival from 
 Holland, he had repaired immediately to his mother's resi- 
 dence, instead of proceeding to his own palace, which was 
 occupied by Hortense. After all this coldness, he expressed 
 a desire for her return to Amsterdam ; and she conceived 
 herself obliged by duty to comply with all his wishes. He 
 was unfortunate ; his kingdom was menaced by the imperial 
 armies ; and the winning manners, amiability and address of 
 the queen, might prove extremely useful in encouraging his 
 dispirited subjects, and in preserving to the last moment their 
 wavering allegiance. 
 
 The experience of a few weeks satisfied Hortense that she 
 had flattered herself with a vain illusion. In private, the 
 behaviour of the king had undergone no change, and he soon 
 found the public observance of appearances, an intolerable 
 constraint. Indifference, discord, and misunderstanding be- 
 came too apparent, and alike annoyed and afflicted the people 
 and their courtiers, the French and the Dutch. Hortense 
 was soon convinced that her presence could be more useful to 
 her mother than to her husband. Under pretext of ill health, 
 she removed for a few days to the royal castle of Leu ; and 
 thence, without the least intimation to the king, she set out 
 for France.
 
 352 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 It is said that Louis was somewhat piqued when he heard 
 of this departure, either on account of the contempt displayed 
 for his authority, or because he really entertained the plan, 
 asserted by some, of compelling the queen to reside in hia 
 dominions. This latter supposition is highly improbable. 
 The justice and humanity of Louis, himself so severe a 
 sufferer by state policy, could scarcely have inflicted the same 
 wrongs upon a neglected wife. Still, however, the best and 
 most reasonable are often inconsistent : and we are seldom 
 governed ourselves by the same rigid morality which influences 
 our judgment of the conduct of others. A rigid supporter 
 of political necessity, Napoleon himself has censured the 
 behaviour of Hortense, and her little inclination to remain 
 with her husband. In the memorial of St* Helena it is said 
 that "Josephine constantly professed submission, devotion, 
 and the most unbounded complaisance. She frequently 
 blamed and reproved her daughter Hortense and her niece 
 Stephanie, who lived on bad terms with their husbands, ex- 
 hibited caprice, and affected a sort of independence." In 
 another place he says, " Hortense, with all her goodness and 
 generosity, was not without fault in her behaviour tb her hus- 
 band ; this I must admit, notwithstanding the affection I bear 
 her, and the real attachment which I know she feels for me. 
 However eccentric and disagreeable Louis may have been, 
 he undoubtedly loved her ; and every woman, under such 
 circumstances, and with equally important calls, ought to 
 know how to restrain her feelings and even to love in return. 
 Had she possessed this self-command, the vexation of her late 
 law suit would have been spared and her life rendered happier. 
 If she- had accompanied Louis to Holland, he would never 
 have quitted Amsterdam, nor should I have been compelled 
 to take possession of his kingdom, a measure which con- 
 tributed greatly to ruin me in Europe, and thus many events 
 might have taken a different turn. " 
 
 Napoleon must have been strangely disposed to ascribe 
 great results to trifling causes, if he really imagined the union
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 353 
 
 of Holland and France to have been the consequence, either 
 of the discord of Louis and his consort, or of the indifference 
 of Hortense for her husband. If this was his true belief, 
 why had he not commanded them to sacrifice their mutual 
 dislike ? His will had certainly worked greater miracles than 
 this. The truth is, that the emperor never occupied himself 
 seriously with these family dissensions ; and all three per- 
 fectly understood their relative positions. Louis had adopted 
 the only reasonable line of policy ; his wife admired his con- 
 duct, even while lamenting the inevitable rupture with Napo- 
 leon, and had she idolized her husband she could never have 
 advised him to other measures. The policy of the emperor 
 was wholly independent of mere domestic relations. In giving 
 up to the bent, or perhaps to the caprice of their dispositions, 
 Louis and Hortense endangered nothing but their individual 
 happiness ; all the rest depended on the destiny, or rather on 
 the ambition of Napoleon. It was no doubt through a singu- 
 lar modesty that he preferred seeking in others, those causes 
 of action which existed only in himself. With Louis, the 
 great misfortune was not so much the alleged indifference of 
 his consort, as his own inability to stand in comparison with 
 the lofty genius of his brother. That same genius which 
 conquers kingdoms, subjects nations, creates monarchies, and 
 legislates for an empire, possesses in everything a supernatural 
 energy. It rules the hearts of women, as despotically as the 
 reason and courage of men. To his family the emperor was 
 fond and affectionate ; had he been savage and brutal, still 
 Josephine would have ever shown mildness, submission, and 
 love. Fortune had dealt hardly by Louis : his character was 
 unamiable, and he wanted the commanding mind of Napoleon. 
 But, alas ! genius is often a fatality. 
 
 Josephine retained, after her divorce, the title of empress, 
 with a fortune and household befitting her dignity. Her re- 
 tirement still bore the appearance of a court ; differing only 
 in the less strict observance of etiquette and in the diminished 
 attendance of courtiers, but atoning in freedom from restraint 
 30* x
 
 35* PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 and in general kindness, for the want of magnificence and 
 ceremony. The pleasures of a circle of intimate friends are 
 certainly the best consolations for the loss of power ; and 
 Josephine having full liberty to travel, enjoyed the additional 
 advantage of carrying all her society along with her. On 
 these expeditions, liberty increased in direct proportion to 
 the distance from the capital. She chiefly resided at her 
 country seats, Malmaison and Navarre, though sometimes 
 more distant journeys were undertaken. On one occasion she 
 even went as far as Geneva, where the viceroy of Italy and 
 his queen came from Milan to visit her. Hortense, who was 
 always with her mother, made one of the party on this occa- 
 sion. She wished, while in the vicinity of Savoy, to drink 
 the celebrated waters of Aix, which had been recommended 
 for the restoration of her health, then very precarious, and 
 attended with a kind of morbid melancholy. 
 
 Her faithful friend, Madame de Broc, followed her to Aix. 
 They frequently amused themselves with long walks in this 
 picturesque and extraordinary region, where every excursion, 
 every fresh step, seemed to unfold additional objects of ad- 
 miration. The wonders of nature are always enhanced by 
 sentiment, and we discover new beauties in a magnificent 
 prospect when we view it in the company of those we love. 
 Hortense felt this pleasure the more keenly, as landscape 
 painting was one of the branches of art in which she particu- 
 larly excelled. 
 
 The two friends, one day, attempted the ascent of a moun- 
 tain which promised to afford a magnificent and unbounded 
 prospect. To reach the summit it was necessary to cross a 
 deep ravine, apparently torn open by some terrible convulsion. 
 The darkness of the abyss was rather increased than con- 
 cealed by the alpine firs scattered along its sides ; while below, 
 a rapid torrent rolled noisily along. The gloomy sublimity 
 of the whole scene struck the vivid imagination of Hortense, 
 and she remained for a moment in silent admiration. Her
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 355 
 
 deep feelings were too soon to be wounded by a more real 
 horror. 
 
 Their guides had hastily laid a narrow plank across the 
 chasm as a bridge. Hortense, who first made the attempt, 
 crossed with a firm, light step, and in perfect safety. Madame 
 de Broc ventured in her turn. A sudden crash is heard, 
 followed by a piercing shriek — Hortense turns and rushes to 
 the brink, the plank had given way, and she sees the body of 
 her unhappy friend, shooting from rock to rock, and over- 
 whelmed at last in the waters of the torrent. There were no 
 ropes at hand, and no ladder could have been long enough 
 to reach the foot of the precipice. The guides never doubted 
 her fate for an instant ; death was inevitable, and it was 
 scarcely even to be hoped that the mutilated corpse might be 
 carried far into the valley, and deposited where the care of 
 friends could recover it for the last sad funeral rites. Over- 
 whelmed with grief, Hortense lost every thought of her own 
 escape from a similar fate in traversing the same frail plank. 
 Her situation was really alarming, and the guides were 
 obliged to lay hastily a stronger bridge and to cross to her 
 assistance. Her oldest friend, she who had shared every wish 
 and soothed all her sorrows, was thus torn from her by a 
 sudden and fearful death. It was the most terrible shock 
 sustained by Hortense, since the loss of her eldest son. When 
 time and care had in some degree restored her to health, she 
 sought to divert her grief by her customary occupations of 
 beneficence. She founded a hospital at Aix, and devoted a 
 great portion of each day to the distribution of money and 
 medicine to its sick or indigent inmates ; accompanying her 
 gifts with those kind expressions, which render charity yet 
 more welcome and more efficacious. 
 
 At length the hurricane which had been so long and so 
 ominously gathering, burst in its full fury upon France. 
 Every day announced to Xapoleon the defection of an ancient 
 ally, and every day the ranks of his enemies were swelled by 
 the diminution of his own forces. The utmost prodigies of
 
 356 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 valor were unable to save his country from invasion, and the 
 capital itself was threatened by the hostile armies. 
 
 Hortense, who had promptly returned to her mother at 
 Navarre, read with painful anxiety the bulletins of the French 
 army, and listened eagerly to the reports of the expresses. 
 The unhappy Josephine, more attached to her husband now 
 that fortune was false, shed bitter tears over the sad fulfilment 
 of her predictions. At length she received despatches from 
 a sovereign, who had once courted the friendship of Napoleon, 
 and had deemed himself honored when treated as his equal. 
 Times had indeed altered : we characterize the change almost 
 in a word, when we add that the wife and daughter of the 
 emperor were reduced to avail themselves of his protection 
 as an enemy and a conqueror. Paris had capitulated : the 
 armies of the allies were encamped in her squares, and their 
 chiefs lodged in her palaces : while Napoleon, with his forces 
 reduced to a handful of veterans, had abdicated the throne 
 at Fontaiubleau, and was retiring to his empire of Elba. 
 
 In the letter of Alexander, the language of a victor was 
 studiously disguised under the forms of the most delicate 
 courtesy. He was so anxious to see the empress Josephine 
 and her daughter, that he entreated them to return to Mal- 
 raaison, unless they preferred receiving an early visit at 
 Navarre. As an acknowledgement of this politeness, the 
 mother set out immediately: but Hortense had duties to per- 
 form towards Maria Louisa, whom she still regarded as her 
 sovereign. The powerful protection tendered to her mother, 
 removed all anxiety on that account ; and it was therefore 
 incumbent on her to calm the apprehensions and share the 
 perils of the second consort of Napoleon. She accordingly 
 repaired to Rambouillet, where Maria Louisa, guarded by 
 the forces of the coalition, was awaiting her future lot. It 
 was speedily determined ; and when she had set out for 
 Vienna with an Austrian escort, Hortense returned to her 
 mother at Malmaison. Here Josephine appeared to have 
 revived her ancient court of the Tuilleries. The more inti-
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 357 
 
 mately she became known to the allied monarchs, the more 
 she was admired and respected ; and the arrival of her 
 daughter increased the attentions of these illustrious visitors. 
 Grace and amiability were hereditary in this family ; their 
 triumphs were surer, milder, and more rapid than the con- 
 quests of Napoleon. 
 
 The solicitude of the allied monarchs for the future welfare 
 of Hortense, was an immediate consequence of the interest 
 she had inspired " Remark," said they, " with what ease an 
 enlightened people can abandon a chief who has raised them 
 to such a pitch of power and glory. The military alone ex- 
 hibit the least regret : all the rest rejoice in the change, 
 though it is impossible for them to foresee its results. Observe 
 all those courtiers eagerly crowding about the restored 
 dynasty I But yesterday, they were prodigal of the most 
 solemn oaths of attachment to Napoleon : to-day, they pre- 
 tend to have always hated and despised him, and win new 
 titles to favor by bitter and scandalous libels against their 
 fallen master. Believe us, princess, all the rare and noble 
 endowments which Heaven has lavished on you, will not 
 suffice to fix the affections of the people : a power superior 
 to the storms of revolutions, is the only safeguard against 
 their fickleness and inconstancy. " Her august friends pressed 
 her with these reasons to accept an independent sovereignty. 
 
 The philosophy of Hortense had been acquired in the 
 school of misfortune, but it bore no similarity to that incul- 
 cated by these clear sighted sovereigns. The obscurity of 
 retirement seemed to her a yet safer asylum against the revo- 
 lutions of kingdoms and the caprices of the people : but she 
 had children, born in the purple, and brought up amidst the 
 homage and respect of the highest dignitaries of the empire. 
 The first impressions of education exercise an unconquerable 
 influence over all the actions of life : those to whom grandeur 
 was a birthright, can never endure mediocrity or obscurity, 
 unless endowed with more greatness of soul than commonly 
 falls to the lot of mortals. Hortense, therefore, yielded to
 
 358 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 the dictates of maternal tendernesss, in accepting for her 
 children what was to her a subject of indifference ; but she 
 still displayed her moderation, in taking much less than had 
 been originally offered. At the request of the allied sove- 
 reigns, Louis XVIII. erected St. Leu into a duchy for her 
 advantage, with the right of inheritance vested in her children. 
 
 The allied monarchs were equally anxious to confer a 
 Bimilar favor upon Josephine. She thanked them, but con- 
 stantly refused ; with an indifference to power that seemed 
 almost a presentiment of the early fate which removed her 
 from her children and her friends. Her health had been so 
 deeply undermined by the shock and affliction caused by the 
 overthrow of the empire, that an indisposition, apparently 
 trifling, became serious, and in a few days terminated in 
 death. The spring is always damp at Paris ; but Malmaison, 
 the empress's residence, being situated on the northern face 
 of a hill and surrounded with woods, has more than its share 
 of the general humidity. Josephine had been confined to her 
 bed for several days, by an attack of sore throat. The king 
 of Prussia paid her a visit to inquire after her health, and 
 she imagined herself sufficiently well to rise and receive him. 
 Alarming symptoms appeared the same evening ; the next 
 day, the best of women, the mildest of queens, and the most 
 affectionate of mothers and wives ceased to exist. 
 
 It was now the second of June, 1814 : during four days, 
 heaven, earth, and mankind, had been alike sad : for four 
 days had elapsed since the death of Josephine had deprived 
 humanity of its ornament and poverty of its protectress. 
 Every road from Paris to Ruel and its environs was crowded 
 with trains of mourners. The indigent were not here alone 
 . — there are other misfortunes besides poverty. Sad groups 
 thronged all the avenues, and I could distinguish tears even 
 in the splendid equipages which came rattling across tne 
 court yard. 
 
 From the fatal day of Josephine's death, until the 2d of 
 June, the time appointed for the funeral, more than twenty
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 359 
 
 thousand persons beheld her for the last time. I do not in- 
 clude the inquisitive stragglers, who availed themselves of 
 this opportunity to obtain a sight of Malmaison ; and who, 
 after making a slight obeisance to the state-bed, immediately 
 inquired the way to the great Conservatory, or went off 
 laughing to tease the wild beasts. A far greater number came 
 to weep over the body of the empress, and kneeling, to offer 
 their prayers for the repose of her soul. They visited with 
 veneration the shrubberies she had planted, the fields she had 
 tilled, and the plants watered by her own hands : while ad- 
 miring her works, they seemed to enjoy a secret pleasure, in 
 the very increase of regret. The young girls who had repaired 
 to the melancholy spot, wept bitterly when they remembered 
 the happy marriages of their associates, for whom the kind- 
 ness of the empress had removed the opposition of interest. 
 Old men sighed over their lost pensions, and the little enjoy- 
 ments they had procured : while many a mother shed tears in 
 grateful recollection of the conscript son, restored by the 
 bounty of Josephine, who had removed him from active ser- 
 vice, obtained his discharge, or hired the substitute. Even 
 strangers accosted each other to relate some trait honorable 
 to her memory. Grief, the great peace maker, reconciled 
 many enemies on this solemn occasion, when everything was 
 forgotten but the charity of her whom all lamented. Those 
 who spoke of her soon felt the return of mutual kindness, for 
 how could any one refuse forgiveness, near the tomb of her 
 who had pardoned so much ? Thus her very memory was aa 
 powerful as her presence. The body of Josephine was laid 
 out on a state-bed, surrounded with numerous tapers, in an 
 antechamber leading into the room where she died. The 
 antechamber was hung with black, without cyphers or escut- 
 cheons : on the right of the entrance stood an altar, sur- 
 rounded with chairs and sofas. The face of the corpse was 
 covered with a cambric handkerchief, as it lay under the 
 charge of two officiating clergymen belonging to the neigti-
 
 360 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 boring villages, together with the curate of Ruel, and four 
 domestics. 
 
 The solemn tolling of the bells of all the neighboring 
 parishes summoned the faithful to pay the tribute of gratitude 
 at the foot of the altar. The funeral took place at noon, 
 w' + h the greatest pomp, in the modest little church of the 
 village of Ruel, belonging -to the parish of Malmaison. 
 The pall-bearers were the Grand Duke of Baden, the husband 
 of Stephanie de Beauharnois, Josephine's niece; the Marquis 
 de Beauharnois, brother-in-law to the empress, and formerly 
 ambassador to Spain ; her nephew, the Count de Tascher ; 
 and, I believe, the Count de Beauharnois, gentleman in 
 waiting of Maria Louisa. 
 
 The funeral train left Malmaison by the iron gate, and 
 followed the high road as far as Ruel. General Sacken, who 
 represented the emperor of Russia, and the adjutant-general 
 of the king of Prussia, on the part of his master, walked on 
 foot at the head of the procession, followed by a number of 
 foreign princes, marshals of France, generals, and other 
 Freuch officers. Then came the banners of the various trades 
 of the parish, with twenty young girls in white, chanting 
 psalms : while two thousand mendicants of all ages brought 
 up the rear. The whole route was lined with Russian hussars, 
 and the National Guards. 
 
 General Sacken was the bearer of a message from his sove- 
 reign, to the relatives of the empress assembled at Malmaison, 
 expressing his wish to devote the thirty-six hours he had yet 
 to remain in Paris, exclusively to the excellent prince Eugene 
 and his sister, as a testimony of deep affliction at the death 
 of her majesty. The emperor, in fact, never quitted them 
 until he set out for his dominions. 
 
 Upwards of four thousand inhabitants of the neighboring 
 districts, are understood to have assembled for the purpose 
 of paying a parting homage to the memory of a princess, 
 who had so justly earned the title of mother of the poor and 
 of the afflicted. Mass was celebrated by M. de Barrel, arch
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 361 
 
 bishop of Tours, her chief almoner, assisted by the bishops 
 of Evreux and Versailles : after the gospel, he pronounced a 
 short but affecting funeral oration. 
 
 The body of Josephine 1 was placed in a leaden coffin, 
 enclosed in one of wood, which was temporarily deposited in 
 that part of the cemetery containing the remains of three 
 hundred persons crushed to death in the Rue Royale, in 
 returning from the exhibition of fire-works, in the Place Louis 
 XV. in honor of the marriage of Louis XVI. and Marie 
 Antoinette. 
 
 On reaching the burial-ground, Hortense, who had pre- 
 viously remained in one of the chapels of the church of Ruel, 
 threw herself upon her mother's grave, to which she clung 
 as if distracted, until forcibly removed from the melancholy 
 spot. 
 
 The ceremonies lasted until five o'clock in the evening. 
 The whole household of the illustrious deceased were bathed 
 in tears ; many strangers who were present, and who had only 
 become acquainted with her since the restoration, wept in 
 common with those whom she had blessed or comforted. 
 
 I had no wish to witness this spectacle : it was melancholy, 
 with no accompanying consolation. Whilst the general 
 sorrow was publicly expressed, mine was indulged in a 
 different manner. I wandered among bowers planted by the 
 hands of Josephine herself, and through their branches I 
 looked out upon the fields she had cultivated and the cottages 
 she had built. Even this sad delight, and the very shade 
 which sheltered me, were all her work. Near me on the road, 
 
 1 The body of Josephine reposes under a magnificent tomb of white 
 marble, erected by her children. She is represented in her imperial 
 robes, kneeling, and apparently praying for the welfare of France. 
 •'Eugene and Hortense to Josephine," is the only inscription. This 
 beautiful monument stands in a side chapel, and is the work of that 
 excellent sculptor, M. Cartelier. I cannot tell whether criticism has 
 ever discovered any fault: I have wept too often over that statue not 
 to believe it perfect. — Cvunt de la Garde. 
 31
 
 362 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 and far across the fields, crowds were hurrying towards Mal- 
 maison and Ruel, whilst others were on the return. They 
 met and exchanged a few words : the young girls shed tears, 
 and then went mourning on their way. Sometimes I caught 
 disjointed sentences borne to me by the wind : in all, the name 
 of Josephine was pronounced by gratitude, and her charity 
 commemorated by sorrow. 
 
 Above the confused noises which re-echoed over the plain, 
 came the sullen tolling of the bells, and every breeze seemed 
 charged with their endless peals. To me, the wearisome 
 monotony of the chiming brass, which knells alike for the 
 good and the wicked, has ever appeared ill-omened. I strove 
 to divert my attention by listening to the twittering of the 
 birds : their concerts were occasionally interrupted, but they 
 recommenced their songs with more subdued notes ; and there 
 was something soothing in the sad thought, that from the 
 very bench where I was then seated, Josephine had a thou- 
 sand times enjoyed their music. 
 
 The brightness of the day was obscured by dark clouds 
 when I arrived at the church. It was hung with mourning 
 for its departed benefactress. When a crowned head falls at 
 the feet of death, vanity raises the diadem to decorate a 
 coffin : here there was no pomp, no proud epitaph, but in the 
 midst of tears and sighs, a thousand voices repeated and ever 
 will repeat the name of Josephine. 
 
 To the name of one so dear and who soothed so many sor- 
 rows, gratitude would willingly add two more, which a pru- 
 dent sorrow, it is said, should carefully suppress. On this 
 subject I am equally ignorant and indifferent. I can only 
 say that grateful remembrance acknowledges no other guide 
 than the dictates of affection, and that Eugene and Hortense 
 are invoked alike with the cherished memory of Josephine. 
 Can there be any so unfeeling as to imagine tears formidable, 
 or to consider grief a crime ? Sorrow never conspires. 
 
 The following portrait of Josephine is from the pen of an 
 intimate friend. Several years before a sudden turn of the
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 363 
 
 wheel of fortune had raised her to a throne, she had attained 
 the utmost perfection of what was called her beauty : yet she 
 was never strictly beautiful, if to entitle a woman to that dis- 
 tinction, regularity of feature must be added to nobleness and 
 elegance. A countenance animated by intelligence, and 
 especially by feeling, is far more captivating than the cold 
 perfection and symmetry so prized by artists in the models 
 of antiquity. To these charms Josephine had no claim ; but 
 every emotion of her mind was forcibly and rapidly depicted 
 by the ever varying expression of her fascinating face. It 
 was the mirror of her heart, adorned by every grace, and 
 reflecting that general, benevolence, which seeks in every 
 suffering creature another subject for consolation and relief. 
 
 Her benevolence, the leading trait in her character, was in 
 truth universal. The same hand which lavished bounties 
 without stint and sometimes without reflection, caressed a 
 suffering animal, or sought to revive, by cultivation, a 
 withered and drooping plant. Her feelings of charity suffered 
 no change from the vicissitudes of fortune. When almost 
 indigent at Fontainbleau, a strict economy enabled her to 
 assist others yet more destitute than herself; while as an 
 empress and a sovereign, her benevolence became as splendid 
 as her prosperity. 
 
 A heart so affectionate was indeed worthy of affection. 
 When imperial France in the pride of victory beheld captive 
 Europe at her feet, she bestowed on Napoleon the title of 
 "great:" a medal struck to Josephine the beneficent, pro- 
 claims the milder fame of the empress. Except Stanislaus 
 and herself, I know but few sovereigns who have been tempted 
 to deserve a similar surname — one, indeed, not to be gained 
 by pensions heaped upon the minions of a court, but by acts 
 of heavenly charity, done ill the cottage of the poor, and near 
 the sick bed of the unfortunate. 
 
 Such is a brief sketch of all that will survive of Josephine 
 — the envelope of so pure a soul may be described in a few 
 words. It is pleasing to see a woman at once estimable and
 
 364 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 beautiful, and I have already said that in either point of view 
 there was nothing wanting in Josephine. Yoltaire himself, 
 like the court poets who were the plagiarists of his panegyric, 
 would have applied to her, as he did to the Marchioness de 
 Yillette, the famous epithet of Fair and Good. 
 
 Her figure was of the ordinary height, but beautifully 
 modelled. Every motion was marked by that pliant ease 
 which was equally suited to the graceful attitude which 
 painters love to represent in Yenus, or to the dignified de- 
 meanor befitting the majesty of a queen. A constant change- 
 fulness gave to her countenance, even when agitated by 
 sorrow, an expression ever new and always attractive. Her 
 eyes were large, deep blue, and shaded by slightly curved 
 eye-lashes : the color of her hair, between dark and light, 
 harmonized exactly with the tint of her complexion. All 
 who have heard Josephine converse, and especially those who 
 were so fortunate as to hear her sing, must preserve a pleasing 
 remembrance of the soft and winning tones of her voice. 
 "Without much compass and almost without art, (although she 
 was a good musician,) the sounds possessed that tremulous 
 melody which chords so well with the feelings of the listener 
 The notes were scarcely above mediocrity, but the accents 
 came from the heart and found the heart. While she was 
 seated on the throne, her performance on the harp and piano 
 was the theme of universal praise : it is true, however, that 
 there are few queens, who, at least in their lives, have not 
 enjoyed a reputation for virtue and talent. The abilities of 
 Josephine appeared perhaps to less advantage in the empress 
 than in Madame Bonaparte ; but on the other hand, none 
 could surpass the virtues she displayed in imperial sovereignty. 
 
 Besides these agreeable accomplishments, Josephine pos- 
 sessed more solid acquirements. She understood botany 
 thoroughly ; her taste for this favorite study erected the 
 magnificent conservatories of Malmaison, which honor her 
 memory almost as much as her pensions to the indigent. 
 When her divorce had dispelled the magic dream of power,
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 365 
 
 and an abdication had exhibited the vanity of greatness, she 
 found consolation in the sight of her beautiful exotics, 
 warmed, even in exile, by their native sun. The imperial 
 purple was replaced by a plain dress of muslin ; while the 
 brow which once had glittered with royal jewels was still 
 erowned, but it was now with a simple diadem of roses and 
 violets. 
 
 At the first intelligence of his mother's illness, Eugene set 
 ont instantly from Munich, where he had been welcomed by 
 his father-in-law, the king of Bavaria ; but he arrived only 
 in time to pay her the last honors, and to weep with Hortense 
 over her tomb. We shall not attempt to describe their afflic- 
 tion. As a mother, no one was ever more affectionate than 
 Josephine, or more deserving of love ; as children, Hortense 
 and Eugene were every way worthy of their parent, and none 
 could feel more deeply a similar calamity. 
 
 As etiquette required the son-in-law of a reigning monarch 
 to wait on the king of France in passing through Paris, 
 Eugene paid a visit to Louis XVIII., after the expiration of 
 the time prescribed for the observances of grief. He was 
 unwilling on this occasion, either to style himself a German 
 prince, or to assume any title recalling the days of the em- 
 pire : with characteristic modesty and true French feeling he 
 was therefore simply announced as General Beauharnois. He 
 expressed his thanks to the king for the kind treatment ex- 
 tended to his mother by the allied monarchs, and for the 
 favors they had conferred upon his sister. 
 
 Hortense was under a still greater obligation of gratitude 
 towards Louis, and she consequently paid her respects to him 
 on quitting her mourning. Both parties to this interview 
 enjoyed a great reputation for conversational talent, although 
 the style of each was extremely different. The wit of the 
 king was academic, and its far-fetched refinement was con- 
 stantly perceptible through the formal politeness of a court. 
 Ho r tense, on the contrary, is ever frank and unaffected : her 
 Bemibility lends its hue to every thought, and her goodness 
 31*
 
 366 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 of heart is expressed in every sentiment. The labor of dis- 
 play and the coquetry were all on the part of the king, foi 
 Hortense had only to be herself to triumph in this little con- 
 test. Louis, however, acquired some advautage, from his 
 loud commendation of the merit of the princess with whom 
 he had thus become acquainted. In a Bourbon, this praise 
 of a member of the imperial family was almost magnanimity ; 
 but while full justice was rendered him for the feeling, the 
 courtiers and Parisians took care to add that he had turned 
 a rank Bonapartist. 
 
 The discontent of the partisans of Napoleon at the conduct 
 of Hortense, though more suppressed, was much more 
 enduring. They admitted no excuse for her visit to the king, 
 for they could never forgive its reason. The article in the 
 treaty of Fontainbleau, erecting the Duchy of St. Leu, was 
 to them conclusive proof that the daughter of Napoleon 
 wished to separate herself from the cause, and even from the 
 remembrance of her father : they would never listen to the 
 real motives we have already explained. Party spirit is 
 strangely inconsistent : its approbation or its silence must be 
 purchased by sacrifices, and yet these are only rewarded with 
 obscurity and contempt. 
 
 Louis Napoleon was by no means the last to attack the 
 conduct of Hortense : perhaps, indeed, he was only taking 
 advantage of her present unpopularity, to realize a scheme 
 projected long before. A formal separation from bed and 
 board already existed : he now claimed the possession of his 
 eldest son — a claim of course refused by Hortense. The 
 affair was referred to a legal tribunal, where it was still 
 pending, when the news reached Paris of the landing of Na- 
 poleon at Cannes. We may easily imagine that under such 
 circumstances, all farther proceedings were suspended. The 
 great arbiter soon arrived in his capital. 
 
 Napoleon, hailed everywhere by the people, and by the 
 very troops despatched to oppose him, had reconquered 
 France in traversing it : on the 20th March, 1815, without
 
 OF NaPOLEON III. 361 
 
 striking a blow, he took possession of the Tuilleries. Hor- 
 tense immediately requested an interview ; moved by affection, 
 for her adopted father, and anxiety to dispel the prejudices 
 raised against her in his mind. The emperor at first refused 
 to see her, but she persisted in her demand, feeling that every 
 embarrassment would be well compensated by an interview 
 with a beloved relative. Napoleon at length received her; 
 but it was with that stern look, severe eye, and frowning 
 brow — with that aspect of Jupiter Tonans — which inspired 
 more terror than even the reproaches pronounced by his lips. 
 Strong in conscious innocence, the queen listened without 
 impatience, and vindicated herself without difficulty. Napo- 
 leon at length became convinced that there was no treachery 
 in submission to events which could neither be foreseen nor 
 controlled — no defection in natural anxiety for the welfare of 
 her children, and in a residence in France when assured of a 
 harsh reception everywhere else. He admitted that to return 
 civility for kindness was not a fault — that there was no crime 
 in showing gratitude to sovereigns who had given protection, 
 when they might have exercised injustice and tyranny without 
 a possibility of resistance or escape. In political revolutions, 
 the obligations of a mother and a woman are far different 
 from those of a man. The firmness of the latter, supported 
 by native energy of mind and body, is recompensed by glory ; 
 while none but milder duties remain to the humble and modest 
 female. 
 
 Louis Napoleon abstained from a personal appearance as 
 the adversary of his consort ; contenting himself with despatch- 
 ing an envoy from Rome with full powers. His deep anxiety 
 was declared for a complete reconciliation with his brother, 
 whom he had never seen since the abdication of the crown 
 of Holland ; but the condition was annexed that a divorce 
 from his wife should be permitted. As divorces had been 
 formally abolished in 1814, the tribunal having cognisance 
 of the suit for the possession of his eldest son, could entertain 
 no proceedings of that nature : he believed this, however, an
 
 368 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 excellent opportunity for the complete execution of his favorite 
 project. The emperor received the individual charged with 
 this mission, in a manner worthy of himself. "Let Louis," 
 said he, "come when he will : he shall be well received, for 
 he is my brother. As for his divorce, it is a mere whim, 
 which I could not indulge even if our family contract was not 
 diametrically opposed to it." Louis remained at Rome. 
 
 As soon as Hortense had regained the esteem and affections 
 of her father, she renewed her ancient habits of benevolence 
 under the sanction of imperial authority. The Duchess of 
 Orleans, a princess of the blood-royal, had broken a limb in 
 attempting a precipitate flight from Paris on the arrival of 
 the emperor. The solicitations of Hortense procured a per- 
 mission for her residence in the capital, with a pension 
 suitable to the high station she had lost ; and under the same 
 auspices, a like favor was accorded to her daughter the 
 Duchess of Bourbon. She interceded much longer, though 
 with unequal success, for a less illustrious personage, the 
 Baron de Vitrolles. His only crime was that of ardent de- 
 votion to an unfortunate family ; and the emperor could now, 
 better than any one else, appreciate the merit of such an 
 attachment ; but he knew also that the baron had other claims 
 to the gratitude of the Bourbons, and he was deaf to all the 
 entreaties of Hortense. 
 
 The news of the return of Napoleon startled the congress 
 assembled at Vienna to partition his empire. A strong pro- 
 test, issued against his fresh occupation of the throne, was 
 followed by the immediate march of the armies of the allies. 
 The troops of Prussia and the English forces occupying Bel- 
 gium, from their proximity to France, naturally formed the 
 vanguard of the coalition. Napoleon hastily assembled an 
 army, which was less formidable from its numbers than from 
 the ability and fame of the leader. By rapid marches, the 
 junction of the Prussians and English was anticipated, and 
 victory smiled for an instant before departing for ever The 
 fatal rout of Waterloo then hurried along Napoleon and the
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 369 
 
 wrecks of his guard, involving infantry, cavalry, artillery, 
 and baggage, in one mass of hopeless confusion. Many 
 officers and soldiers perished by their own hands, rather than 
 survive so fearful a disaster. Great numbers of the wounded 
 were preserved from Prussian barbarity by the humanity and 
 friendship of the Belgians. The despair of the survivors 
 who followed the retreat of Napoleon towards Paris, can 
 only be compared to the glory they had won from the com- 
 mencement of the battle until the close of the day. They 
 resembled a funeral procession, as they stole silently from that 
 bloody field which had twice resounded with their shout of 
 victory. Every French soldier seemed a hero weeping over 
 his country and her triumphs. The staff reached Jemappes, 
 where a vain attempt was made to rally the means of defence. 
 The very carriage of Napoleon had been lost, and a small 
 wagon bore the victim of Waterloo to Philippeville, where 
 he found the equipage of Marshal Soult. He entered a 
 caleche with General Bertrand, who was destined never to 
 leave him, until he had closed his eyes at the distance of three 
 thousand miles from France. 
 
 The allies had gained a great battle ; but this first tre- 
 mendous disaster might yet have been repaired, had Napoleon 
 found followers at Paris sincerely disposed to second his 
 exertions. Fouchd, however, whom he had imprudently 
 created a minister, busily excited the partisans of the Bour- 
 bons : while on the other hand the representative chamber, 
 jealous of the emperor's authority, thwarted all his measures, 
 assumed the supreme control, and engaged in interminable 
 debates while the enemy were at the very gates of the capital. 
 The republican opposition was strengthened by a great body 
 of royalists, who were not long in throwing off the mask. 
 Napoleon was forced to a second abdication far more painful 
 than the first; for it was now his own subjects who hurled 
 him from the throne, and threatened his very existence. A 
 rapid succession of political concussions had awakened all 
 
 Y
 
 370 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 those evil passions, which in times of anarchy always rage 
 without restraint. 
 
 The emperor, after laying down his authority, retired to 
 Mahnaison. The provisional government, to whom he was 
 yet formidable, converted his asylum into a prison, and ap- 
 pointed a jailor in the person of General Beker, an officer 
 who owed his rank to Napoleon, and discharged the painful 
 duties imposed on him with all possible respect for his former 
 master. He was consoled by the reflection, that in fulfilling 
 the instructions of the provisional government, he in reality 
 protected the emperor from attempts upon his life. There 
 was now this singular difference between Malmaison and other 
 prisons, that it was more difficult to enter than to leave it. 
 
 The gates opened, however, to admit Hortense, or rather 
 she arrived at the same time with the illustrious captive. If 
 Napoleon had not already appreciated her unbounded kind- 
 ness and affection, he had here abundant proof of their ex- 
 istence and sincerity. Could anything have enabled him to 
 forget the extent of his misfortunes, or have interrupted the 
 sad current of reflection on his own probable fate, and the 
 future destinies of France, it must have been the presence of 
 this angelic woman. Her ingenuity was unceasingly employed 
 in devising new amusements to divert his mind ; her compas- 
 sion found tears for irremediable evils ; her sympathy shared 
 the weight of affliction ; while her enthusiasm roused his 
 genius, by pointing to the glorious perspective, when his ex- 
 ploits would be recorded in the brightest pages of history for 
 the admiration of all posterity. 
 
 Hortense would certainly have been excusable if she had 
 directed a portion of this admiration to herself: she might 
 justly have been proud of the unbounded self-devotion 
 exhibited in defiance of the enemies of her family, who were 
 sure to seek everywhere new food for their unmanly calumnies. 
 The infamous libels in which these slanders were circulated, 
 had been published after the first restoration, and must have 
 been known to Hortense. She probably considered them
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 371 
 
 unworthy of notice, for she was ever faithful to the motto of 
 the arras of Holland, — "Do right, come what may." 
 
 The moment of lasting separation at length arrived. 
 Forced to abandon France, Napoleon set out from Malraaison 
 for Rochefort, in order to embark upon that ocean which was 
 to bear him he knew not whither. Neither Hortense nor 
 himself could possibly conjecture his destiny; and this uncer- 
 tainty alone was sufficient to render their parting deeply 
 afflicting : how much more painful would it have been, could 
 the queen have pictured to herself her father falling into the 
 hands of his enemies, and perishing by a lingering martyrdom 
 of five years, in a dreadful climate, on a little rock lost in the 
 midst of the African ocean. 
 
 The second restoration took place. The government, filled 
 with old rancor and new exasperation, announced openly a 
 bloody retribution ; while its gloomy distrust seemed to in- 
 crease with the severity of its measures. Hortense was 
 included iu the circle of suspicion : she was accused of plan- 
 ning and directing all the Bonapartist contrivances, though 
 they really originated in the department of police. The 
 Hdministration, hypocritical in its justice and cowardly in its 
 cruelty, got up daily some new conspiracy, as a pretext for 
 oppression, and in order to involve the secret friends of the 
 imperial sway. Injustice and suspicion are the proper attri- 
 butes of weak and short-sighted rulers. Napoleon landed at 
 Cannes — Hortense could alone have planned his return : he 
 had traversed France, hurrying the whole nation in his train — • 
 Hortense must have poured out the treasures of corruption : 
 his concealed partisans were now promoting everywhere 
 rebellious disturbances — it was still the mysterious power of 
 Hortense that encouraged and directed sedition. The same 
 absurdity marked the behavior of the congress of Vienna 
 towards Eugene, a prince eminently distinguished for his 
 frank and honorable conduct. The return of Napoleon and 
 his successes in France, were due neither to the machinations 
 of a prince without power, nor to the weak intrigues of a
 
 372 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 woman : instead of ascribing the origin of those great events 
 to such remote and inadequate causes, we must look for it in 
 the shameful conduct of the congress itself towards the people 
 of every nation, and in the counter-revolutionary spirit of the 
 Bourbons and their ministers. 
 
 Hortense, now an object of suspicion, received orders to 
 quit France without delay, and she accordingly set out, with 
 her children, from Malmaison, on the 17th of July, 1815. 
 Her travelling companion was Prince Schwartzenberg, whose 
 situation was soon converted into that of a protector. When 
 the party arrived at Dijon, they found the municipal authori- 
 ties resolved to detain the princess as a prisoner. This act 
 was certainly an apparent disobedience to their superiors at 
 Paris, who had granted her a passport ; but perhaps, they 
 were more complaisant in reality than in seeming. In those 
 days of dark machinations, the higher powers frequently en- 
 trusted their subalterns with the execution of odious measures, 
 which, officially at least, they affected to disavow. Fortu- 
 nately for Hortense, this part of Burgundy was occupied by 
 Austrian troops. Prince Schwartzenberg immediately intro- 
 duced himself to the city authorities, and demanded whether 
 he must appeal to his soldiers for leave to proceed without 
 interruption. Such arguments are irresistible, and the travel- 
 lers reached Geneva without further accident. 
 
 The dominion of France was here at an end, but the 
 troubles of Hortense seemed only to recommence. Imprison- 
 ment was no longer a subject of apprehension, but the 
 magistracy would suffer neither a residence in the city, nor a 
 prosecution of her journey. It was clear that they wished 
 her to return homeward, where open persecution was likely 
 to be her lot. The Genevese, quite as scrupulous as the 
 French ministry, had no objection to see those vexations 
 inflicted by others, which they were too timid to take upon 
 themselves. 
 
 Were such sentiments worthy of proud republicanism ? 
 The union of Geneva to France was their heavy subject of
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 373 
 
 complaint against the emperor ; but they had received the 
 richest compensation. Their country had prospered beyond 
 example : the reputation of her literati was extended by their 
 admission into the institute of Paris : the youth of the canton 
 had gained decorations and glory on the field of victory : 
 titles of nobility had been gladly accepted by the dignitaries 
 of the republic, and the department of the Leman — a part 
 of the mighty empire of France — enjoyed far higher con- 
 sideration than the petty State of Geneva — the most insignifi- 
 cant of sovereignties, except its sister commonwealth of San 
 Marino. 
 
 If we concede the utmost extent of the alleged injury, it 
 was still wrong to avenge the faults of Napoleon upon an 
 innocent member of his family, and above all, they should 
 never have selected as their victim, a female whose whole life 
 was a continued stream of benevolence, fertilizing all that 
 approached her. It was the same enchanting excellence of 
 character, that now again extricated her from the danger by 
 which she was menaced. 
 
 The malice of the authorities of Geneva was exhibited 
 rather in negotiations than in deeds. It was impossible to 
 converse with Hortense for any length of time, without a 
 feeling of devotion to her service ; and a short interview 
 converted the most violent of the magistrates into penitent 
 partisans. They assumed the responsibility of authorizing 
 the continuance of her journey to Savoy, and afterwards 
 excused this act of simple justice by specious pretexts of 
 negligence or ignorance. 
 
 Hortense at length reached Aix in Savoy, where a friendly 
 reception was extended to her — the first since her departure 
 from Paris. The inhabitants remembered her long stay 
 among them, her liberal charities, and the hospital she 
 had founded and so munificently endowed. If in the course 
 of her travels she had hitherto met nothing but persecution 
 and enmity, here at least were those who had no other senti- 
 ments than peaceful kindness and unaffected gratitude. In 
 32
 
 371 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 treating her with all the respect due to her rank and misfor- 
 tunes, the magistrates nobly expressed the feelings of the 
 inhabitants. She was invited to remain at Aix, until the 
 allied powers had designated her future residence. 
 
 But it was decreed that henceforth her repose should be 
 constantly disturbed. The calm and pleasing aspect of Savoy 
 was suddenly overshadowed by the same melancholy gloom 
 which had passed before her eyes after the tragical end of her 
 dearest friend ; and the remembrance of that terrible calamity 
 was revived by another misfortune, scarcely less afflicting, 
 and wholly unexpected. The suit of Louis Napoleon for the 
 custody of his eldest child, which had been interrupted by 
 the "hundred days," was afterwards resumed and carried to 
 a judgment in his favor. An agent arrived at Aix, furnished 
 with competent legal powers, and the queen was obliged to 
 submit to this cruel decree of separation. 
 
 The soul of Hortense had been already steeped in misfor- 
 tune, but her power of endurance seemed at length exhausted. 
 When she had embraced her son for the last time, and beheld 
 the carriage depart that bore him away, a deep despondency 
 overwhelmed her spirits. Her very existence became a dream, 
 and it seemed indifferent to her whether her lot was to enjoy 
 or to suffer, to depart or to be allowed to remain, to be 
 persecuted, respected, or forgotten. She scarcely noticed 
 the reply of the allied sovereigns, allowing her to reside at 
 Constance ; and gave no orders whatever for her journey. 
 Her attendants were compelled to repeat frequently in her 
 presence the hints of the Savoyard authorities, who were 
 exposed to the ill will of their government by her prolonged 
 residence. Then, indeed, the fear of injuring those from 
 whom she had experienced nothing but kindness, awakened 
 her from her melancholy lethargy. 
 
 She traversed Switzerland at the very season when nature 
 assumes her most picturesque aspect; sublime views or 
 smiling lan&capes were constantly presented ; but she gazed 
 on them as if her eyes were not those of an artist, and her
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 375 
 
 hands had forgotten their skill in sketching. Her imagination 
 itself seemed torpid, for it rose to no enthusiasm before the 
 green valley, the magnificent cascades, or even the snowy 
 domes of Mont Blanc. Nothing could rouse her from this 
 fatal lethargy but the approach of danger, and such an ex- 
 citement was not long wanting. 
 
 Being again obliged to pass through the territory of Geneva, 
 she now met with far less courtesy from the country people, 
 than formerly from the citizens themselves. She had halted 
 for a short time at a country-seat, formerly her mother's, and 
 of course now her own. Yet the sanctity of a private dwel- 
 ling was disregarded, and the house surrounded by a party 
 of soldiers. These violent measures evidently proceeded from 
 no pure motive, but the courage and presence of mind of the 
 princess disconcerted all the plots of her enemies. She went 
 alone into the midst of the armed warriors who crowded 
 around her : many recognized her, for nearly all had seen 
 service in the imperial armies. "Behold me," she exclaimed, 
 "I am the daughter of Josephine — the child of Napoleon — 
 of him who loved you so well and led you to glory. Is this 
 the crime of which I am accused ? I can never believe it. 
 Return to your employers and thank them in my name : tell 
 them of my gratitude for the pleasure of being again guarded 
 by the soldiers of my father and of France." Every gesture, 
 every word produced a magical effect on the hearts of the 
 Genevese veterans. Respect, compassion, and admiration 
 succeeded the low impulses of hate and revenge; until at 
 length, wholly overcome, they fell on their knees and wept at 
 the feet of her whom haply they had come to assassinate. 
 
 In travelling through the rest of Switzerland, Hortense 
 encountered other obstacles and accidents of a less dramatic 
 character ; but she at length reached the territories of the 
 Grand Duke of Baden, and once again the wanderer breathed 
 freely, as she recollected the near connection between that 
 sovereign ami herself. g 
 
 A sentiment of politeness iniuced Hjrtense to despatch a
 
 376 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 courier to the Grand Duke, to request permission to remain 
 in Baden : but she felt so well assured of his friendship, that 
 a simple notice of the selection of his duchy for her future 
 abode seemed sufficient. What was her surprise when a 
 chamberlain arrived with a most courteous apology from his 
 master, who found himself, unfortunately, unable to allow the 
 intended residence in his dominions. At this period the petty 
 princes of Germany were as much exasperated against Napo- 
 leon as the Swiss cantons, and in the same spirit they sought 
 to gratify their vengeance by the persecution of his family. 
 Some also, like the French municipality of Dijon, endeavored 
 to win favor with their superiors by a gratuitous accumula- 
 tion of vexations ; but it was still a most extraordinary 
 exhibition of complaisance, to volunteer this inquisitorial 
 rigor against a near connection. It is but just to remark that 
 there were noble exceptions even among the minor sovereigns : 
 for honorable and gallant men, however confiued may be 
 their rule, can never degrade themselves into police emissaries 
 or subaltern tyrants. 
 
 The health of Hortense — long weak and precarious — had 
 suffered severely during this sad pilgrimage. In these moun- 
 tainous regions, winter had already commenced his reign, and 
 the inclemency of the elements was thus added to the injustice 
 of man. Not only was there an urgent necessity for stopping 
 somewhere, in order to enjoy the advantages of constant and 
 careful nursing, but her fatigue of body and mind became so 
 extreme, that she was entirely unable to pursue her journey. 
 The season of trial, however, was now fortunately approach- 
 ing its conclusion. The king of Bavaria was informed of 
 her critical situation, and immediately offered the wanderer 
 an asylum in his dominions. Hortense had here the prospect 
 of remaining unmolested for the future, with the additional 
 pleasure of being near her brother, and of frequently enjoying 
 his society. Augsburg was selected for her habitation, and 
 she was residing in that city in 1819, when a French gentle- 
 man had the honor of an introduction. We find in his pub-
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 377 
 
 lished travels in various parts of Europe, the following 
 account of his visit. 
 
 "Returning to France in 1819, after a long residence in 
 Russia, I stopped at Augsburg, where the Duchess of St. 
 Leu was then a resident. She had formerly set to music 
 some romances of ray composition, and I used this as a pre- 
 text for soliciting the honor of presentation. The obliging 
 manner of her prompt answer gave additional value to the 
 favor it conceded. 
 
 " I had hitherto only known her by report. Some Russian 
 officers who had accompanied the Emperor Alexander to 
 Malmaison in 1814, had spoken to me of Hortense with so 
 much enthusiasm, that for the first few moments, it appeared 
 as if I saw her again after a long absence, and as if I owed 
 my kind reception to the ties of ancient friendship. Every- 
 thing about her is in exact harmony with the angelic expres- 
 sion of her face, her conversation, demeanor, and the sweetness 
 of her voice and disposition. When she speaks of an affecting 
 incident, the language becomes more touching through the 
 depth of her sensibility : she lends so much life to every scene, 
 that the auditor becomes as a witness of the transaction. 
 Her powers of delighting and instructing are alm<^t magical, 
 and her artless fascination leaves on every heart those deep 
 traces which even time can never efface. 
 
 " She introduced me to her private circle, which consisted 
 of the two children and their tutors — some old officers of her 
 household — two female friends of her infancy, and that living 
 monument of conjugal devotion, the Count Lavallette. The 
 conversation soon became general. They questioned me 
 about the Ukraine, where I had long resided, and Greece and 
 Turkey, through which I had lately travelled. In return 
 they spoke of Bavaria, St. Leu, the lake of Constance, and, 
 by degrees, of events deriving their chief interest from the 
 important parts played by the narrators themselves We 
 dined at five. I afterwards accompanied the duchess into the 
 garden, and in the few moments then enjoyed of iutimato 
 32*
 
 378 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 conversation, I saw that no past praises had ever been ex- 
 aggerated. How admirable were her feelings when she 
 recalled the death of her mother, and in her tragic recital of 
 the death of Madame de Broc ! But when she spoke of her 
 children, her brother, her friends, and the fine arts, her whole 
 figure seemed to glow with the ardor of her imagination ; 
 while goodness of heart was displayed in every feature, and 
 gave additional value to her other estimable qualities. In 
 describing her present situation, it was impossible to avoid 
 mentioning her beloved France, the subject of her constant 
 grief. 'You are returning,' said she, ' to your native coun- 
 try :' and the last word was pronounced with a heartfelt sigh. 
 I had been an exile from my cradle, yet my own eager anxiety 
 to revisit a birth-place scarcely remembered, enabled me to 
 estimate her grief at the thoughts of an eternal separation. 
 She spoke of the measures adopted for her banishment with 
 that true resignation which mourns but never murmurs. 
 After two hours of similar conversation, it was impossible to 
 decide which was the most admirable — her heart, her good 
 sense, or her imagination. 
 
 " We returned to the drawing-room at eight, where tea was 
 served. Tfee duchess observed that this was a habit learned 
 in Holland: 'though you are not to suppose,' she added 
 with a slight blush, ' that it is preserved as a remembrance 
 of days so brilliant, but now already so distant. Tea is the 
 drink of cold climates, and I have scarcely changed my 
 temperature. ' 
 
 "Numerous visitors came from the neighborhood, and 
 some even from Munich. She may indeed regard this anxious 
 attention with a feeling of proud gratification : it is based 
 upon esteem alone, and as a tribute, is far more honorable 
 than the tiresome adulations of sycophants while at St. 
 Cloud or the Hague. In the course of the evening we looked 
 through a suite of rooms, containing, besides a few master- 
 pieces of the different schools, a large collection of precious 
 curiosities. Many of these elegant trifles had once belonged
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 379 
 
 to her mother, and nearly every one was associated with the 
 remembrance of some distinguished personage or celebrated 
 event. Indeed her museum might almost be called an 
 abridgment of contemporary history. Music was the next 
 amusement, and the duchess sang, accompanying herself with 
 the same correct taste which inspires her compositions. She 
 had just finished the series of drawings intended to illustrate 
 her collection of romances : how could I avoid praising that 
 happy talent which thus persouifies thought ? The next day 
 I received that beautiful collection as a remembrance. Time 
 will render it more precious, though I have ventured to render 
 it less rare. 
 
 "I took my leave at midnight, perhaps without even the 
 hope of another meeting. I left her as the traveller parts 
 from the flowers of the desert, to which he can never hope to 
 return. But wherever time, accident, or destiny may place 
 me, the remembrance of that day will remain indelibly im- 
 printed, alike on my memory and my heart. It is pleasing 
 to pay homage to the fallen greatness of one like Hortense, 
 who joins the rare gift of talents to the charms of the tenderest 
 sensibility." 
 
 It will be remarked in this extract, that Hortense had found 
 again many of the elements of happiness. Though not re- 
 united to her husband, his feelings towards her had been 
 greatly softened. He had conferred the greatest and most 
 affecting favor that a mother can receive, by returning their 
 eldest son. Thus the current of her life glided tranquilly 
 along, in the midst of all that could console an exile. Her 
 children were about her, and she was surrounded by friends to 
 whom she was almost an object of adoration : these, as she was 
 wont to say, are far greater blessings than the submission of 
 subjects, aud the pride of royalty. 
 
 The clearing of the political horizon now enabled Hortense 
 to visit Rome and the family of Napoleon. Augsburg is no 
 longer her place of residence ; she has selected in preference 
 a country-seat called Lindau, on the banks of the lake of
 
 380 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Constance, which is equivalent to saying that its environs are 
 romantic, and its prospects magnificent. It is here that she 
 passes the summer months. 
 
 Eugene and his consort paid her frequent visits, and upon 
 one particular occasion, their stay was unusually prolonged. 
 The emperor of Austria, who had contracted a third marriage 
 with a Bavarian princess, daughter of Maximilian Joseph, 
 came with the empress to visit his father-in-law. The cere- 
 monial at the reception of his connections was of course 
 regulated by txermau etiquette, and he hesitated in paying 
 the like honors to the wife of Eugene, as to her sisters. No 
 doubt the same inflexible forms would have denied to Maria 
 Louisa the precedence due to her exalted rank ; and she who 
 was once the empress of the French and queen of Italy, now 
 ranked at the Austrian court after the last of the arch- 
 duchesses. The vice-queen was no sooner informed of the 
 scruples of Francis, than she availed herself of a very simple 
 expedient to extricate him from embarrassment, and herself 
 from unmerited insult. She left Munich with her husband, 
 and resided with Hortense until the departure of the emperor. 
 
 The constant attachment of this estimable princess to her 
 husband, was proved by the violence of her grief, when he 
 was shortly afterwards carried off suddenly by a stroke of 
 apoplexy. The loss of a brother, so affectionate and so 
 fondly loved, seemed to revive in the sensitive mind of Hor- 
 tense all her old misfortunes. Augsburg and Munich, where 
 she had been accustomed to see him constantly, became insup- 
 portable, and she resolved to pass her winters elsewhere. She 
 now visits alternately Rome and Florence, always returning 
 in summer to the banks of her favorite lake. It was at Rome, 
 and at her country-seat of Arenemberg, that she became 
 acquainted with an English lady of distinguished talents, who 
 has given us the following sketch of the impressions received 
 from her visits. 
 
 "The Duchess of St. Leu formed her principal establish- 
 ment on the banks of the lake of Constance, where she was
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 381 
 
 less exposed to the hateful system of espionage, and farther 
 removed from the bustle of the great world in which she had 
 once reigned a queen. In this delightful retreat, she wa3 
 accustomed to spend eight months of the year, passing the 
 remainder of her time at Augsburg or Munich ; but, since 
 the death of her brother, the painful remembrances constantly 
 awakened by those cities, have induced her to transfer her 
 winter residence to Rome or Florence. The summer brings 
 her back to Arenemberg, and to the cheerful company of 
 many of her dearest friends, especially the Grand Duchess 
 Stephanie Beauharnois, and Madame Pasquier, formerly 
 attached to the court of Holland. The style of living of the 
 Duchess of St. Leu is sumptuous, without that freezing eti- 
 quette so commonly met with in the great. Her household 
 still call her queen, and her son prince Napoleon, or Louis ; 
 but this is a mere habit, preserved through respect, and 
 allowed from friendship. The suite is composed of two ladies 
 of honor, an equerry, and the tutor of her younger son. She 
 has a numerous train of domestics ; and it is among them 
 that the traces are still observable of by-gone pretensions, 
 long since abandoned by the true nobleness of their mistress. 
 The former queen — the daughter of Napoleon — the mother 
 of the imperial heir apparent — the relative of twenty kings 
 
 has returned quietly to private life, with the perfect grace 
 
 of a voluntary sacrifice. 
 
 " The duchess receives strangers with inexpressible kind- 
 ness : ever amiable and obliging, she is endowed with that 
 charming simplicity which inspires at first sight the confidence 
 of intimate affection. She is a good listener, and remembers 
 all who have ever approached her : at each successive inter- 
 view you appear to have made a new advance in her regard. 
 A pointed word shows that she has not forgotten the former 
 conversation, and you are encouraged to continue the same 
 subject by questions expressive of interest. She speaks freely 
 of the brilliant days of her prosperity ; and history then flows 
 bo naturally from her lips, that more may be learned as a
 
 382 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 delighted listener, than from all the false or exaggerated works 
 so abundant everywhere. The dethroned queen considers 
 past events from such an eminence, that nothing can interpose 
 itself between her and the truth. This strict impartiality 
 gives birth to that true greatness, which is a thousand times 
 preferable to all the splendors she lost in the flower of her age. 
 
 " I have been admitted to the intimacy of the Duchess of 
 St. Leu, both at Rome and in the country : I have seen her 
 roused to enthusiasm by the beauties of nature, and surrounded 
 by the pomp of ceremony : but I have never known her less 
 than herself, nor has the interest first inspired by her character 
 ever been diminished by an undignified sentiment, or the 
 slightest selfish reflection. 
 
 " It is impossible to be a more ardent and tasteful admirer 
 of the fine arts than the duchess. Every one has heard her 
 beautiful romances, which are rendered still more touching 
 by the soft and melodious voice of the composer. She usually 
 sings standing, and although a finished performer on the harp 
 and piano, she prefers the accompaniment of one of her 
 attendant ladies. Many of her leisure hours are employed in 
 painting : miniatures, landscapes and flowers are equally the 
 subjects of her pencil. She declaims well — is a delightful 
 player in comedy — acts proverbs with uncommon excellence 
 — and I really know no one who can surpass her in every kind 
 of needle-work. 
 
 "The Duchess of St. Leu never was a regular beauty, but 
 she is still a charming woman. She has the softest and most 
 expressive blue eyes in the world, and her light flaxen hair 
 contrasts beautifully with the dark color of her long eyelashes 
 and eyebrows. Her complexion is fresh and of an even tint : 
 her figure elegantly moulded : her hands and feet perfect. In 
 fine, her whole appearance is captivating in the extreme. 
 She speaks quickly, with rapid gestures ; and all her move- 
 ments are easy and graceful. Her style of dress is rich, 
 though she has parted with most of her jewels and precious 
 stones Among the remaining ornaments, I have held in my
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 383 
 
 hands the enormous chain-work, which bound the haughty 
 standards of the Venetian republic, when they were sent by 
 Napoleon to Paris, as a pretty present for the youthful 
 Hortense." 
 
 No. XVII. 
 
 Rivals of Napoleon III. to the throne of France. 1 
 Napoleon III. wields an uncertain and precarious sceptre. 
 No human foresight can anticipate or prevent the sudden 
 explosion of a convulsion, by which he and his dynasty may 
 be swept away forever. Should such an event occur, at least 
 four prominent aspirants would be put forward by their par- 
 tisans as legitimate inheritors of the sceptre which would 
 have been wrested from the grasp of the deposed usurper. 
 These are the Duke de Bordeaux, son of Charles X., who 
 represents the elder Bourbonic race ; the Count de Paris, son 
 of the late Duke of Orleans, and grandson of Louis Philippe 
 of the house of Orleans ; a President, to be chosen by the 
 Red Republican and the Socialist factions ; and a mysterious 
 and singular personage who makes pretensions higher, older, 
 and more exclusive than any of these. We refer to the indi- 
 vidual known as the Rev. Eleazar Williams, who claims to 
 be the real Louis XVII., formerly the Dauphin of France ; 
 and who regards himself, in his green and vigorous old age, 
 as the rightful possessor of the diadem which now graces the 
 brow of Napoleon III. The claims of Mr. Williams, which 
 assuredly possess many strange and perplexing semblances 
 to truth, have been put forth in an elaborate and formal 
 manner ; and from time to time new facts are brought before 
 the public which seem to confirm his pretensions. It may 
 not be amiss to examine the subject, and present a confuta- 
 tion of his claims. This is one of the most remarkable and 
 curious problems involved in the arcana of modern history, 
 and it deserves a thorough and careful investigation. 
 
 1 The following Essay was prepared by the writer of this volume 
 several years since ; and though not originally intended for this work, 
 it may fitly have a place in a Napoleonic Miscellany.
 
 334 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Several resolute attempts have been made, at different pe* 
 riods since the supposed death of Louis XVII., otherwise 
 termed the Dauphin, to personate him, and to obtain the 
 support of public approval in behalf of the assumptions of 
 their authors. The first instance of this description occurred 
 immediately after the Dauphin's death : a youth named Her- 
 vagault appeared at Chalons, in France, who represented him- 
 self as the unfortunate prince. This adventurer was the son 
 of a tailor in the department of La Manche. As is always 
 the case with pretenders of this kind, by addressing the spirit 
 of credulity so powerful in the human breast, and possessing 
 very considerable similarity of person to the son of Louis XVI , 
 he obtained for a time many followers. He subsisted during 
 some months on their generosity, and ran a short career of 
 luxury and prodigality ; after which, he and his groundless 
 pretensions were quietly buried in the same oblivion. 
 
 The next impostor was a person named Brnneau, who first 
 represented himself as the son of a French noble named 
 Baron de Vezin. He entered the French army, and served 
 in America until he deserted. After various vicissitudes he 
 reached France in 1815, where he boldly set forth his claims 
 to the character and the rights of the Dauphin. This adven- 
 turer, after producing some excitement, and gaining some 
 adherents, was imprisoned by the government as a disturber 
 of the public peace, after which he entirely disappeared from 
 the notice of mankind. 
 
 The third impostor of this kind was named Neundorf, who 
 came upon the tapis during the reign of Louis Philippe. He 
 is said to have discovered his identity with the Dauphin by 
 means of mesmeric revelations. He also possessed some 
 striking personal resemblances to the son of Louis XVI., 
 and obtained many adherents. Several attempts were made 
 to assassinate him, which added to his presumed importance, 
 and constituted the strongest argument in favor of his claims. 
 He was banished from France in 1838, after which be re- 
 mained in England till 1844, at which period he died.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 385 
 
 Instances such as these clearly evince, how easy it is to 
 find plausibilities and coincidences in favor of almost any 
 claim which may be made to identity with persons supposed 
 to be long since deceased Many similar cases occur in his- 
 tory. Thus after the assassination of Paul I., the Czar of 
 Russia, and husband of the great Catherine II., several im- 
 postors arose at different times, and with such apparently 
 unanswerable proofs of identity with the murdered sovereign, 
 that they succeeded in convulsing the whole Russian empire 
 with their formidable and desperate factions. 
 
 The latest, and by far the most respectable, pretender to 
 identity with the Dauphin, and hence to the throne of France, 
 is the Rev. Eleazar Williams, a clergyman residing in Western 
 New York. The arguments in his favor have been brought 
 forward with considerable logical ability, by a clerical gentle- 
 man ; ' by whom the positive and circumstantial evidence in 
 favor of the position that Mr. Williams is the lost Dauphin 
 of France is marshalled, and commented upon, with clear- 
 ness, force, and ingenuity. We propose to examine the argu- 
 ment which he has thus elaborated, and to endeavor to show, 
 that the facts which he adduces are uncertain and insufficient ; 
 and that the conclusions drawn from them are illogical, and 
 unwarranted by the evidence. 
 
 The whole discussion of this question divides itself into two 
 separate and distinct inquiries : — First, is the evidence that 
 the Dauphin expired in the Temple in 1795, conclusive and 
 satisfactory ? Second, if it be not ; if the Dauphin escaped 
 both from the Temple and from the grave ; is the proof suffi- 
 cient to warrant the assertion that Mr. Williams and the 
 escaped Dauphin are one and the same person ? 
 
 In investigating the facts connected with this argument, it 
 is proper that a preliminary statement should be made, to 
 which every impartial reader will accede, and that is, that no 
 
 1 Rev. J. II. Hauson, late Assistant Rector of Calvary Church, Nevt 
 York. 
 
 33 z
 
 386 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 mere assertions of Mr. Williams on the one hand, or of the 
 Prince de Joinville, his rival, who is equally interested, on 
 the other hand, ought to be received, as logically conclusive 
 arguments, unless they are supported by additional evidence ; 
 inasmuch as the statements of both are liable to the fatal 
 objection, that they may be dictated by personal interest or 
 prejudice. Solid proofs, unanswerable facts, and not mere 
 surmises and presumptions, however plausible and ingenious 
 they may be, ought to have weight in determining one of the 
 most important and intricate historical enigmas ever yet pro- 
 pounded. 
 
 Having premised thus much, let us proceed to the exami- 
 nation of the evidence, as it appertains to the two points 
 already stated. 
 
 On the 21st of January, 1194, Simon, the first jailor of the 
 Dauphin, left the Temple, and his connection with the un- 
 fortunate Prince then ended. From that period till the 28th 
 of July, 1794, the young prince had no particular keeper, 
 but was supplied with bread and water by the ordinary 
 attendants in the Temple, while he remained shut up in his 
 dungeon, in a most pitiable and wretched condition. Now, 
 here was a period of six months, during which, if a rescue 
 would have been attempted by the friends of the royal family 
 at all, it would have been most easily accomplished ; for 
 though the iron door of the apartment was bolted and barred, 
 yet, by the use of chemical agents, especially as the door, and 
 the child's prison, were subjected to no scrutiny, the fasten- 
 ings might easily have been removed. Besides, it was during 
 this period that the prince's room was in darkness ; was 
 never opened, ventilated, or swept ; and consequently, if any 
 substitution had been attempted or made, it would not easily 
 have been detected. And the inference is a very fair one, 
 that if no rescue was attempted during this long and propi- 
 tious interval, by the friends of the Dauphin, they would not 
 make the effort at any later and more unfavorable period. 
 
 Now was any substitution made in the person and place
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 387 
 
 of the Dauphin during this interval ? The answer is, there 
 was none. It is not even pretended that there was any. It 
 is admitted on all hands, that on the 28th or July, 1794, 
 when Barras became inspector of the Temple, and he first 
 learned the horrid condition of wretchedness to which the royal 
 child had been reduced, he obtained the appointment of Lau- 
 rent as the keeper of the prince, and some amelioration of his 
 condition immediately took place. It is conceded that, during 
 the attendance of Laurent, the prince was seen by many per- 
 sons who recognised and identified him. After some time 
 Gomin, in heart a royalist, was appointed to assist Laurent 
 in his duties. Some months elapsed when Laurent obtained 
 his dismissal from his ungrateful task, and Lasne, the last of 
 the keepers of the prince, was installed in his place. Now this 
 same Lasne had been a soldier. He had served in the Garde 
 Fraru;aise, and later in the Garde National. In the latter 
 body he attained the rank of captain, and had served on duty 
 at the Tuilleries, while the royal family resided in confinement 
 there. At that time he became familiar with the person of 
 the Dauphin. Hence it was that he was able to recognize 
 the young prince as soon as he became his keeper, and was 
 also able to recall to his mind the cheering personal recollec- 
 tions with which it is said he diverted his captive. 
 
 Now Gomin and Lasne both testify to the identity and to 
 the death of the Dauphin. Do they falsify ; and were they 
 accessory to his escape ? For it must be admitted that, if he 
 escaped at all, it must have been with their connivance and 
 their knowledge. As to Lasne, he was a decided Republican, 
 appointed to his post by the Republican interest, and it can- 
 not be supposed that he would aid in such a measure. 
 Gomin, on the contrary, was a concealed Royalist; he was 
 selected as the direct agent of the Count de Provence, after- 
 ward Louis XVIII. — and the question arises, whether the 
 Count de Provence was favorable to the escape of the prince 
 or not ? It is admitted by the advocate of Mr. Williams, 
 that the "Count de Provence was anxious to obtain sove~
 
 388 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 reignty," at the period of the confinement of the Dauphin, 
 as well as ever afterward ; so much so, indeed, that he sub- 
 sequently did ascend the throne as Louis XVIII., at the 
 first opportunity which was offered. Now though the Count 
 proclaimed himself Regent, at the time when he proclaimed 
 the Dauphin king as Louis XVII., yet regencies, he well 
 knew, were dangerous and insecure. Moreover, a regency 
 did not satisfy his ambition, and hence, as he was anxious to 
 reign alone, the release or escape of the Dauphin would have 
 placed an insurmountable barrier to his ambition. If, there- 
 fore, Gomin was a creature of the Count de Provence, as he 
 undoubtedly was, his orders would have been, if he had any 
 at all, to prevent the escape of the captive ; and as his suffer- 
 ings had already nearly proved fatal, and his recovery hope- 
 less, to let him remain, and to let him quietly die. It is very 
 justly observed by the partisan of Mr. Williams, that "the 
 only chance for the Royalists in 1795 seemed the possessson 
 of the right of succession by a strong man." That strong 
 man was the Count de Provence, and not the imbecile and 
 dying prince. It is admitted on the other side, that the 
 Count de Provence was a man of so little principle " that he 
 corresponded with Robespierre himself; that he was known 
 to have been most anxious to obtain royal power, and was 
 naturally impatient of the intervening obstacle." Now this 
 being the case, what possible motive had he to obtain the 
 release of the Dauphin ? The latter, it was known, was has- 
 tening to his grave ; it was believed that his sufferings, if 
 they continued, would inevitably lead to that result ; and the 
 lengthened captivity of the Dauphin would not only compass 
 the end desired by the ambitious Count, but at the same time, 
 would throw all the odium of the murder on the Republican 
 party. Under these circumstances, and with such principles, 
 it would have been the greatest possible insanity on the part 
 of the uncle of the captive, to interfere in his condition ; and 
 it is clear that his uncle was the only person who could have 
 interfered effectually for his release. It is probable, even,
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 389 
 
 that he would exert his influence, and employ his intrigues, 
 to prevent his escape. 
 
 The apologist for Mr. Williams adds, "that it was only 
 necessary that there should be the appointment of a Royalist 
 Commissary, who would lend himself to the plot, to effect 
 the removal of the Prince." This is doubtful; for would 
 Lasne, an acknowledged Republican, assist this purpose ? 
 ^Yould Tourin, the obsequious creature of the ambitious and 
 unprincipled Count of Provence, aid in this escape ? And 
 more than all, would the Convention appoint any known 
 Royalist as Commissary of the prison, whose jurisdiction was 
 absolute there as its inspector ? And even if the Con- 
 vention would make such a singular and dangerous appoint- 
 ment, there is not the slightest proof on record, and none is 
 adduced by our opponent, that such a Royalist Commissary 
 ever was appointed. It is in the absence of all such proof, 
 and even in the face of strong probabilities to the contrary, 
 that the presumption is set up, that it is probable the escape 
 of the Dauphin was planned and effected, and that by some- 
 body, but nobody knows by whom 1 
 
 But it is urged that, after the alleged death of the Prince, 
 and when the post mortem examination was made by four 
 eminent physicians appointed by the Convention, it was found 
 that the deceased child had but two tumours, one at the 
 wrist and the other at the knee ; whereas it is alleged that the 
 Dauphin was afflicted with tumours at all his joints, and par- 
 ticularly at his knees. From this discrepance it is urged that 
 another sick child had been substituted for the Dauphin. 
 
 Now, the answer to this argument is plain. The examin- 
 ing physicians, in their proces verbal, expressly declare that 
 they inspected the remains, and "opened the body of the 
 t,on of the deceased Louis Capet. " Two of these physicians 
 had attended the Dauphin during his lifetime, ever since the 
 death of Dessault ; they had attended him while Lasne had 
 been, as he remained till the Dauphin's death, his keeper ; 
 Lasne had known the person of the Dauphin while at the 
 33*
 
 390 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Tuilleries and before his captivity at the Temple ; and thus 
 tne chain of personal recognition was kept up, without any 
 mistake or imposition, from the residence of the Prince at the 
 Palace of the Tuilleries, till his supposed decease. Had 
 there been any substitution, the republican Lasne would have 
 detected and exposed it. He would have made it known to 
 Dumangin and Pelletan when they arrived, and these physi- 
 cians would never have certified under oath, to the National 
 Convention, that they had dissected " the body of the son of 
 the deceased Louis Capet," had they entertained any sus- 
 picion of an imposition. 
 
 The next position of importance assumed by the advocates 
 of the escape of the Dauphin is, that Bellanger, who was also 
 in the pay of the Count de Provence, and was an artist, had 
 interviews with the Dauphin ; that he painted his likeness, 
 and that he was the agent in his removal. Now, aside from 
 the fact that there is a strong presumption in favor of the 
 position, that the Count de Provence did not desire, and 
 would not aid in the escape of the Dauphin, another difficulty 
 arises in the way of this ai'gument. They urge that Bellanger 
 "stabbed a man in a political quarrel in France, and fled for 
 safety, and that he carried the Dauphin with him." The im- 
 probability of this story must be apparent to every one. To 
 effect such a purpose as the escape of the Dauphin from the 
 Temple, in the face of a hostile and vigilant nation, required 
 great secresy, composure, and leisure. The condition of a 
 man about to flee for his life, after the commission of so great 
 a crime as murder, is surely the least propitious situation 
 under which to effect such a purpose. But then, " Bellanger 
 declared on his death-bed, that he had brought the Dauphin 
 to this country." Granted : but may not this declaration of 
 his have been made in the disordered wanderings of a failing 
 and exhausted intellect ? The last hours of expiring nature, 
 when reason totters on her trembling throne, and deranged 
 physical action may, by sympathy, affect the clearness of the 
 mind — that, surely, is no situation favorable to accurate and
 
 OF NAPOLECN III. 391 
 
 reliable statements on any subject. And statements made 
 under such circumstances, are not sufficient foundations on 
 which to base the truthfulness of great historical facts, in the 
 absence of all other satisfactory proofs. If Bellanger made 
 this statement, and if when made, it was a true one, he would 
 have pointed out additional proofs ; he would have produced 
 papers, relics, and other collateral evidences, to substantiate 
 so singular and so remarkable a disclosure. But he did 
 neither ; though the motive which would have induced him to 
 make the statement in the first place would have also induced 
 him to furnish the additional evidence to substantiate it, had 
 he made it, or had it been true when made. It is a most im- 
 probable statement, for as yet there is nothing but a state- 
 ment — that Bellanger would have simply revealed so vast a 
 secret, aud not referred to or produced some corroborating 
 proof, as he easily might have done, had the statement been 
 true. 
 
 But still further positive evidence may be adduced to esta- 
 blish the death of the Dauphin in the Temple, and to prove 
 that no substitution had taken place. M. Dessault was the 
 first physician sent by the Convention to attend the suifer- 
 ing Prince. He had also been the physician of the Royal 
 family previous to their imprisonment. He therefore knew 
 the person of the Dauphin well. His attendance on him con- 
 tinued after Lasne, his last personal attendant, who had also 
 known him at the Tuilleries, was placed near him. Both of 
 these individuals, therefore, recognised the person of the 
 Dauphin after the six months of suspicious neglect, which 
 immediately followed the dismissal of the brutal Simon. And 
 Lasne and Gomin both declare that they were present with 
 the surgeons at the last inspection of the body, and that no 
 question then arose in the minds of any as to the identity of 
 the remains. 
 
 The sister of the Dauphin, the Duchess d'Angouleme, who 
 saw the corpse of her brother before its interment, describes 
 the miserable appearance of the corpse, the sad havoc which
 
 392 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 the disease had made in his once beautiful features, and pro- 
 ceeded to particularize as to his appearance. Yet, she never 
 for one moment questions the identity of the remains. Is it 
 possible that a sister should not have known and recognised 
 the body of a beloved brother ? Any position that would 
 wish to force such a supposition, or that would assert, that 
 the keen penetration of a sister's love could be imposed upon 
 by a substitution, must be most absurd. And yet such is the 
 dilemma to which our opponents are driven, in evading the 
 testimony of the princess d'Angouleme. She could not 
 recognise her own brother when dead, though only separated 
 from him two years, during which time she had seen him on 
 several distinct occasions ! 
 
 We proceed now to the second class of arguments and 
 facts connected with this interesting inquiry : — those which 
 it is alleged establish the claims of Mr. Williams as being 
 the Dauphin of France, or Louis XVII. 
 
 We will begin in the order of time with that argument 
 which first served to establish the convictions of Mr. Williams 
 himself on the subject — his famous interview with the Prince 
 de Joinville. It is alleged by Mr. Williams that when the 
 Prince visited the United States in 1841, he sought a meet- 
 ing with Mr. Williams ; stated to him that he was the son 
 of Louis the XVI. ; and wished him to abdicate his claim to 
 the throne of France, in exchange for a splendid establish- 
 ment, and the restoration of all the property which had 
 belonged to that sovereign ; and that, after the deliberation 
 of some hours, he (Mr. Williams) refused the offer. Now, 
 we must here apply the principle of reasoning laid down at 
 the commencement of this argument ; that the mere private 
 statement of the interested parties should not be received as 
 testimony ; — that they are not competent and admissible 
 proof in a case like the present ; because both are liable to 
 the influence of interest. Mr. Williams solemnly asserts that 
 this proposal was made. The Prince de Joinville as posi- 
 tively asserts that such is not the fact; and that nothing of the
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 393 
 
 kind ever occurred. Here one denial balances the other ; 
 one assertion is equal, as evidence, to the other. That is to 
 say, both are worth nothing. Hence, in examining the claims 
 of Mr. Williams, we must throw entirely out of the question 
 this interview, and proceed precisely as if it never occurred. 
 No argument on either side can be based on the mere state- 
 ments of either party to the dispute. 
 
 It cannot be said in answer to this position, that there is 
 collateral proof in favor of Mr. Williams' declaration. His 
 advocate asserts that he has convicted the Prince of false- 
 hood in one part of his denial at least : that while the Prince 
 declares the meeting in question to have been purely acci- 
 dental, there is proof that he sought an interview with Mr. 
 Williams. Now, in the first place the Prince does not say 
 that the meeting was accidental. His language is merely as 
 follows : " The Prince finding himself at Mackinaw, met on 
 board the steamboat a passenger whose face he thinks he 
 recognises in the portrait given in Putnam's Monthly Maga- 
 zine." The Prince may have " met" Mr. Williams by acci- 
 dent, or by concert and design, so far as anything appears 
 from the language of this letter. The Prince does not de- 
 scribe how he "met" Mr. Williams; but simply states the 
 fact of the meeting ; and it is putting a forced construction 
 upon the language of the writer, to say that, by these words, 
 he wished to give the idea that the meeting was purely 
 accidental. 
 
 Nor is it true, that the advocate of Mr. Williams convicts 
 the Prince of falsehood in any sense. For the testimony of 
 Captain Shook and others, who were present at the inter- 
 view, to show that it was sought for, does not refer to the 
 subject of their private conversation ; but they simply certify 
 to the fact that the Prince made inquiries about Mr. Wil- 
 liams, and desired to see him. Now why did he desire an 
 interview with Mr. Williams ? The Prince was making that 
 entire tour upon the Northern Lakes, in order to obtain his- 
 torical and geographical details respecting the early French
 
 394 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 settlements, and the Indians who had been in intercourse with 
 the French settlers. He had learned that the most intelligent 
 and reliable resident in all those regions was the Rev. Mr. 
 Williams himself. He therefore desired to make his acquaint- 
 ance, more than that of any other person ; hence he inquired 
 after him; and hence he "met" him. Now it is possible 
 that, in the private interview which followed between them, 
 the Prince may have informed the missionary that there was 
 a very striking resemblance between his appearance and that 
 of the elder branch of the Bourbon family, and it is possible 
 that Mr. Williams, overcome by the mental agitation occa- 
 sioned to an individual of his excessive timidity and nervous- 
 ness, by the familiar intercourse of so distinguished a person- 
 age as the Prince, might, in his confusion, have imagined 
 that the Prince added to that remark, that he belonged to 
 that family ; or, perhaps, that if he did not know the Dauphin 
 to be dead, he would have supposed that Mr. Williams was 
 he. Such might have been the origin of the honest delusion 
 under which Mr. Williams rested. But it is absurd to say, 
 that any evidence has yet been adduced to convict the Prince 
 of falsehood, in the statements contained in his communica- 
 tion in reference to the famous interview. 
 
 There are other facts which render the occurrence of this 
 alleged proposal of the Prince exceedingly improbable, aside 
 from the fact of his positive denial of it. First of all, is it 
 likely, that Mr. Williams would have rejected such an offer ? 
 We answer, placing equal reliance on the statement of the 
 clergyman and the prince, — that is, throwing them both out 
 of the question, we believe it to be the most improbable thing 
 that was ever narrated. Mr. Williams then lived, and still 
 lives, in one of the most dismal, cheerless, and forlorn spots 
 on the face of the earth ; his labors are great, and his com- 
 forts and means of living very small. Would he not have ex- 
 changed these deprivations for a splendid establishment, and 
 immense wealth, in this country or in France, on any condi-
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 395 
 
 tions, not involving moral dereliction ? He jiust have been 
 either more or less than human, not to have done so 
 
 Again, why was it that Mr. Williams took no copy of the 
 remarkable instrument of writing he was requested to sign ? 
 Why did he retain no marks or proofs whereby to establish 
 the occurrence of so extraordinary an event ? His neglect 
 of this precaution would seem to be the most astounding 
 thing on record. The answer is, in spite of Mr. Williams's 
 delusion to the contrary, that the reality never occurred He 
 himself questions in his journal of that date, as well he 
 may, whether these incidents were a "reality or a dream." 
 He himself seems doubtful as to which of these it actually 
 was. We believe it was the latter. We believe that the 
 excited or confused imagination of the missionary was struck 
 with the remark, perhaps, that he closely resembled the Bour- 
 bons, or particularly the dead Dauphin ; that in dwelling 
 upon it in thought, he gradually clothed this airy nothing 
 with a "local habitation and a name ;" that the " wish then 
 became father to the thought;" and that he at length per- 
 suaded himself, as men have done in thousands of similar in- 
 stances, that what he desired or imagined, actually possessed 
 a sober reality. 
 
 This alleged proposition of the Prince de Joinville pre- 
 sents itself in another aspect. It is most improbable for this 
 reason : that the Prince is represented as having taken no 
 precautions whatever to secure secresy, in case his overtures 
 should be rejected ; and no precautions to prevent Mr. Wil- 
 liams from taking ample proof of the reality of the proposals 
 made to him. Now the Prince expected either that Mr. 
 Williams would accept or that he would refuse them. If he 
 accepted the proposals, and signed away his throne, no danger 
 or scandal would accrue from the subsequent publicity of the 
 event. But if, on the contrary, Mr. Williams refused, and if 
 he took any evidence of his refusal, as the facilities afforded 
 him by the Prince's occasional absence from the room would 
 have easily allowed him to do, if it could have been done,
 
 396 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 then, the publication of such an interview, corroborated by 
 such proofs, would have been at least a source of great scandal, 
 and a cause of much anxiety to Louis Philippe, who even 
 then sat very insecurely upon his precarious throne. How 
 easy would it have been for Mr. Williams to have taken a 
 copy of the proposed abdication ? How easily might he have 
 taken an impress, and a pencil fac-simile of the ancient royal 
 seal of France, which, as he asserted, lay by him for some 
 hours. Now the Prince could not foresee that Mr. Williams 
 would not have had sagacity enough to secure these proofs ; 
 and, in case of his refusal to accept, to have published them. 
 And yet the Prince, according to Mr. Williams's own state- 
 ment, took no means whatever to prevent so unpleasant a 
 contingency. Surely the Prince de Joinville never before or 
 since acted with so little shrewdness. 
 
 In support of his assertions Mr. Wiliiams maintains that he 
 received several letters from the Prince, after his departure to 
 Europe, corroborative of his statements ; and that Louis Phi- 
 lippe, the father of the Prince, also addressed him an auto- 
 graph letter of the same import. That some letters may have 
 been received by Mr. Williams from these personages may be 
 true. But there is no evidence as to their contents. An 
 allusion to them is in fact positively injurious to the claim of 
 Mr. Williams, because, contrary to all common prudence, and 
 the ordinary conduct of rational men, he has destroyed those 
 very letters, as he himself declares. Now the excuse urged 
 by Mr. Williams for taking no copy, and for reserving no 
 proof, of the parchment, and of the interview with the Prince — . 
 namely, the sudden hurry and agitation of the scene, and the 
 consequent confusion of his mind — cannot be urged in excuse 
 for destroying these only additional evidences which were 
 subsequently, as he alleges, placed in his possession. If de- 
 stroyed at all, they were destroyed deliberately, after calm 
 reflection as to what had best be done with them. Mr. Wil- 
 liams doubtless concluded that their existence, if they existed 
 at all, would operate unfavorably to his pretensions : accord-
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 397 
 
 ingly they were destroyed. This part of the history of the 
 connection of the family of Louis Philippe with the case, is 
 most conclusively prejudicial to the claims of Mr. Williams to 
 the Dauphinship of France, in the mind of every impartial 
 observer. 
 
 But it is said Mr. Williams recognised the portraits of 
 Simon, and of Madame Elizabeth, the sister of Louis XVI.; 
 and yet it is stated also, that he could not recognise the 
 likeness of Louis XYI., his father, or of his mother, Maria 
 Antoinette, both of which were shown him at the same time. 
 Is it in .accordance with common sense to suppose that the 
 Dauphin, if he now lived, would, after the lapse of many 
 years, recognise the portrait of a stranger, and not be able to 
 recognise the portraits of his parents, whom he had seen far 
 more frequently, and that on much more intimate and familiar 
 terms than they ? Nor is it urged that Mr. Williams, when 
 he recognised the two former portraits, stated whose they 
 were ; — he merely declared that he recollected to have seen 
 the originals. Consequently his remembrance of the portrait 
 of the savage Simon amounts to nothing, so far as its weight 
 as testimony is concerned. Had Mr. Williams been able to 
 tell whose portrait it was, and some of the facts connected 
 with it, his recognition might have had some value. It 
 might indeed be true that the memory of such a countenance 
 " had haunted Mr. Williams through life ; " and yet, that 
 countenance, which he did remember, might just as well have 
 belonged to some semi-barbarous wretch, some half-man half- 
 demon, in the frontier solitudes of the western world, as to 
 the rabid and brutal French Jacobin, who tortured the un- 
 happy Dauphin in the Temple. 
 
 The advocate of Mr. Williams, after elaborating an argu- 
 ment of great ingenuity in his favor, has arranged all the 
 strong points of his case under twenty-six heads. We will 
 re-state the substance of each of these positions, in their order, 
 and append what we suppose to be a conclusive answer to 
 each of them. It is said: 
 34
 
 398 PUBLIC AND TRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 1. That the Prince de Joinville informed Mr. "Williams, 
 in a private interview in 1841, that he (Mr. Williams) was 
 the Dauphin. 
 
 This assertion of Mr. Williams is denied by the Prince in 
 the most positive manner ; and as both parties are equally 
 interested, and equally respectable, the denial of the one is 
 paramount in weight to the assertion of the other. 
 
 2. That Louis Philippe, late King of the French, wrote to 
 Mr. Williams with his own hand, on the subject of his royal 
 descent. 
 
 There is no proof of this fact, because Mr. Williams has 
 destroyed these letters, as he himself admits. Their destruc- 
 tion, if they ever existed, is itself an argument against him. 
 
 3. That Bellanger when dying confessed that he had brought 
 the Dauphin to this country. 
 
 There is no evidence of this fact but a mere unsupported 
 rumor. The dying declarations of men are sometimes very 
 erroneous, being merely the result of the derangement of 
 mind. Bellanger did not say that Mr. Williams was the 
 Dauphin. He did not assert that the Dauphin was even 
 alive at the time of his own death. 
 
 4. That the French Ambassador, Genet, acknowledged 
 that the Dauphin was in this country in 1817. 
 
 This was but the private opinion of M. Genet ; nor did he 
 furnish any evidence whatever to those to whom he com- 
 municated this surmise, upon what he based it. 
 
 5. That Le Ray Chaumont, in dealing with the Indians, 
 once made a remote allusion to the Dauphin. 
 
 His allusion is so very remote, that it is worth nothing ; 
 as it did not furnish any particulars, or give the least infor- 
 mation on the subject. 
 
 6. That Col. de Ferrier, one of the body-gnard of Louis 
 XVI., lived near Mr. Williams at Oneida, and believed that 
 a member of the family of Louis XVI. was somewhere in 
 America, and in indigent circumstances. 
 
 If Col. de Ferrier was so near Mr. Williams, in the same 
 neighborhood as is represented, and had known the Royal
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 809 
 
 family in France, he would inevitably have recognised the 
 Dauphin, and proclaimed the fact of his identity. His belief 
 that a " member of the King's family" was in this country, 
 is too remote and indefinite an allusion to be of any weight. 
 His belief might have referred to some other member, legi 
 timate or illegitimate, of the Bourbon race. He never speci- 
 fied the Dauphin as the subject of his reference, which fact is 
 itself suspicious. 
 
 7. That the Abbe de Chalonne and Bishop Chevreuse 
 believed the Dauphin to be in this country. 
 
 We have no evidence as to the foundation of this belief. 
 And even if its foundation has been sufficient and satisfactory, 
 it does not designate Mr. Williams, more than a million of 
 other persons on this continent, as being the subject of that 
 belief. 
 
 8. That strenuous efforts have been made by members of 
 the Roman Catholic Church to convert Mr. Williams to their 
 faith, which are only explicable on the ground that he is 
 more than an ordinary person. 
 
 The proselyting zeal of the Roman Catholic Church is 
 very great under all circumstances. Mr. Williams is a respect- 
 able Protestant clergyman, and his conversion would, on that 
 account alone, be a subject of unusual importance and inte- 
 rest. He would be a valuable accession ; and his influence 
 over the Indian population of Western New York would add 
 very much to the value of his acquisition. 
 
 9. That the name of Eleazar Williams is omitted in the 
 baptismal register at Caughnawaga where he was reared. 
 
 So are the names of hundreds of other baptized persons 
 accidentally omitted in the United States, each one of whom 
 would have an equal claim to Dauphinship, on that ground, 
 with Mr. Williams. 
 
 10. Mr. Williams has none of the characteristics of the 
 Indian race. 
 
 It is granted; and according to his own showing, he ought 
 not to have ; because his Apologist asserts himself, that Mr. 
 Williams is of English origin, and hence ought not to
 
 400 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTCRY 
 
 exhibit the characteristics of an Indian. He says expressly: 
 the Williams family are of English origin. It would cer- 
 tainly be very singular if Mr. Williams, being of English de- 
 scent, should resemble the Indian race. But we cannot admit 
 that because Mr. Williams is of English origin, that therefore 
 he ic entitled to the throne of France, or to being regarded 
 as the son of Louis XVI., or that he is even a Frenchman. 
 
 11. That he closely resembles Louis XVIII. in his per- 
 sonal appearance. 
 
 Personal resemblances are of such frequent occurrence, and 
 so ordinary in the daily observation of every one, that they 
 are worth nothing as evidence in a case of this description. 
 All the false claimants before Mr. Williams had the same or 
 greater personal resemblance to the Bourbon family. 
 
 12. Various marks on bis body correspond exactly with 
 the marks on the Dauphin. 
 
 There is conflicting testimony as to what the marks on the 
 real Dauphin actually were ; whether he had swellings on all, 
 or only on some of his joints. Mr. Williams has traces of 
 scrofulous disease only on the knee. So have ten thousand 
 other persons in this country, none of whom claim to be the 
 Dauphin on that ground alone. 
 
 13. The Dauphin was omitted in the religious solemnities 
 for the departed Bourbons, in the reign of Louis XVIII. ; 
 thus proving that he was supposed to be still alive. 
 
 Masses are not said by the Roman Catholic Church for 
 the souls of those who die in infancy and extreme youth, as 
 was supposed to have been the case with the Dauphin. Even 
 if the real Dauphin was believed to be alive in 1817, that 
 does not designate Mr. Williams to be the person ; or prove 
 him to have been regarded as such by the French Govern- 
 ment at that time. 
 
 14. That his reputed Indian mother does not recognise 
 him as her son. 
 
 This is simply absurd ; because if she did not recognise 
 nim as her son, how could she be regarded, as she is admitted 
 on all hands, to be, as "his reputed mother ?" But the
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 401 
 
 objection is false : she has solemnly declared him to be her 
 Bon under oath. 
 
 15. That boxes of clothing and medals of Louis XVI., 
 were left with the child. 
 
 There is not a particle of proof of this ; as Mr. Williams 
 does not possess a solitary relic of the sort; unless he will 
 assert, that his claim is strengthened and established by the 
 fact, that he possesses a faded silk dress, once said to have 
 been worn by Maria Antoinette, and given him several years 
 since by a friend in New York. 
 
 16. That an unknown Frenchman once visited and wept 
 over Mr. Williams in his youth, and called him pauvre 
 gar<;on. 
 
 There is no proof of this except Mr. Williams' own faint 
 recollection. Now Mr. Williams himself admits, that his 
 mind, during his youth, till his fifteenth year, was a blank. 
 Can we, therefore, place any confidence in any such vague 
 impressions of his imbecile years ? 
 
 IT. That Mr. Williams' board and tuition were mysteri- 
 ously paid for him at Dr. Ely's school, when his reputed 
 father could not do it. 
 
 This was the charity of some one ; hundreds of other chil- 
 dren have received their education in the same way. If these 
 funds came from the Bourbon family or their friends, why did 
 they afterward desert him, and leave him unfriended during 
 many years ? This they would not have done had they once 
 aided him. 
 
 18. Mr. Williams remembers a conversation that took 
 place between his reputed father and Vanderhuyden, in which 
 the fact of a French boy having been committed to the former 
 in 1195 was asserted. 
 
 This is hearsay testimony, and is, therefore, utterly incom- 
 petent, according to every established principle of evidence 
 We have no means of ascertaining the credibility of the first 
 witness, whose statements are thus brought into question in 
 this second-hand way. That first witness referred to may 
 34* 2 a
 
 402 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORJ 
 
 have bed mistaken, or dishonest. Mr. Williams himself may 
 either have forgotten or misunderstood him. 
 
 19. That Mr. Williams recognised the portraits of Simon, 
 the cobbler, and Madame Elizabeth. 
 
 But his recognition did not amount to anything more 
 than a statement, that he thought that he had seen the ori- 
 ginal before ; while at the same time, he was unable to recog- 
 nise the portraits of Louis XVI. and his queen. Had he 
 known the former, he certainly would also have recognised 
 the latter. 
 
 20. That Mr. Williams was idiotic at the age of fourteen 
 or fifteen years as the result of his early sufferings. 
 
 This is unfortunate, because there is no evidence that the 
 real Dauphin had lost his mind at any period, however great 
 his bodily sufferings might have been. On the contrary, the 
 testimony of Lasne is to the effect, that he retained his intellect 
 until his death. 1 There have been many thousands of children 
 idiotic till the age of fourteen or fifteen ; each one of whom 
 would have an equal claim, on that score, with Mr. Williams 
 to the throne of Napoleon III. 
 
 21. That the Dauphin was reduced to the same condition 
 of idiocy at the age of ten years. 
 
 We refer the reader again to the testimony of Lasne as 
 contained in the work of M. A. Beauchesne, 2 as proof that 
 no one about the person of the Prince ever supposed or 
 asserted that he had become idiotic, at any period during his 
 imprisonment. 
 
 22. That Mr. Williams has, since the recovery of his rea- 
 son, faint dreamy remembrances of the past, corresponding 
 with passages of the Dauphin's history. 
 
 1 The examining physicians testify in their Process Verbal after the 
 post mortem examination, that the brain of the deceased Dauphin in 
 the Temple was sound: " Le cerveau et ces dependences etaient dans leur 
 plus par/aits integrile." This proves that the intellect of the Dauphin 
 never had been aifected, as Mr. Williams represents his own to have 
 
 been. 
 
 2 Louis XVII. , sa vie, son agonie, sa mort, etc., par M. A. Beauchesne, 
 
 Tom. II., Paris.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 403 
 
 In so important a case as this, we may demand some more 
 substantial evidence than mere "dreamy remembrances." 
 And besides, what are those dreamy remembrances ? Are 
 they true or false ? If they corroborate history, they might 
 be valuable as proof. If they did, they would doubtless have 
 been already paraded before the world. The fact that they 
 are not thus presented to public scrutiny, but kept concealed, 
 is conclusive, that they do not harmonize with admitted facts. 
 
 23. In IT 94 a decree of banishment against the Dauphin 
 was proposed in the French Convention ; as if they appre- 
 hended that the real Dauphin was not dead. 
 
 This proposal was made previous to the reputed death of 
 the Dauphin ; which event occurred in the Temple (accord- 
 ing to our position) on the 8th of June, 1795 ; and therefore 
 this proposition presents no difficulty. Had it been made 
 after his reputed death, it would then have had great signifi- 
 cance. It was on this occasion that Cambaceres, afterward 
 second Consul with Bonaparte, declared that, "in banishing 
 the son of Capet there would be great danger to the Republic ; 
 in his close and continued confinement, none." The Con- 
 vention, after referring the proposition to a committee, de- 
 creed, that the Dauphin should not be banished, but should 
 remain in his confinement, which continued until his death. 
 The very fact that this proposition was discussed in the 
 National Convention, is proof that no doubts were entertained 
 at so short a period before the real Dauphin's death, as to 
 whether the government still had the real son of Louis XVI. 
 in their custody. 
 
 24. That the ecclesiastical dignitaries of France have 
 written to Mr. Williams, making inquiries of him respecting 
 his history. 
 
 If they believed him to be the real Dauphin, they would 
 have been familiar with his history ; and if there were any- 
 thing in their letters corroborative of his pretensions, it would 
 have been carefully proclaimed. The contents of these letters 
 are kept as silent as the grave, and have been cautiously 
 concealed.
 
 404 PTJBLiC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 25. That Liencourt was at Oneida, in New York, in 1*795, 
 under suspicious circumstances, which indicated that he had 
 something to do with the escape of the Dauphin. 
 
 The advocate of Mr. Williams has asserted, and truly, 
 that the only person who could possibly have brought the 
 Prince to America was Bellanger. Now, either Bellanger 
 brought the Prince to this country, or he did not. If he did, 
 then M. Liencourt could have had nothing to do with it. 
 If he did not, then Mr. Williams' advocate contradicts him- 
 self and overturns his own position ; for he declares, that 
 Bellanger alone could have brought the Dauphin to this 
 country The learned advocate of Mr. Williams may take 
 either horn of the dilemma. 
 
 26. That Mr. Williams has been, for twenty-seven years, 
 a respectable clergyman, of great worth and integrity. 
 
 This is granted ; but it is admitted that Mr. Williams is a 
 person of great simplicity of mind, who is very easily imposed 
 upon ; and whose intellect still bears some traces of his early 
 imbecility. Such persons become the easy victims of their 
 own and of other's delusions. There are some twenty thou- 
 sand respectable clergymen in the United States, each one 
 of whom would have a claim as strong as Mr. Williams on 
 that ground, to the inheritance of the Bourbons. That is 
 to say, they possess no claim whatever. 
 
 We have thus carefully followed the argument of the advo- 
 cate of Mr. Williams through all its intricate mazes ; and we 
 arrive at the conclusion that the historical fact still remains 
 unshaken, that the son of the unfortunate Louis XVI., the 
 Dauphin of France, expired in the Temple in 1795, an inno- 
 cent victim to the diabolical frenzy and fanaticism of the 
 Revolutionists ; and that Mr. Williams does not possess the 
 slightest claim, under any possible future contingency, to the 
 throne and empire of Napoleon III
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 405 
 
 No. XVIII. 
 
 Events of the War of 1859 in Italy. 
 
 Louis Napoleon, after having spent several years in the 
 tranquil administration of the affairs, both domestic and 
 foreign, of the French Empire, came forward in the spring 
 of 1859, to act a prominent part on the European stage, in 
 a new sphere, and under circumstances of absorbing interest. 
 He appeared as the bold and fearless assailant of the integrity 
 of the ancient, colossal empire of the House of Hapsburg, 
 and as the regenerator and deliverer of Italian independence. 
 
 Such were the professed and ostensible purposes of the 
 war of 1859; but, perhaps, the real motives for the inter- 
 ference of Louis Napoleon lay deeper than the surface, and 
 must be sought in the profounder recesses of his ambitious 
 and far-reaching aspirations. What then were the efficient 
 causes of the momentous events which, in the summer of 
 1859, agitated the continent of Europe by one of the fiercest 
 conflicts of modern times ? We answer that Louis Napoleon 
 is emulous of the glory of that great warrior whose heir and 
 representative he has not unworthily become. He would 
 show the world that he is not destitute of military genius. 
 He doubtless appreciated the truth, of which even Napoleon I. 
 felt and conceded the supreme importance, that for a French 
 ruler to retain his popularity permanently with the most fickle 
 and vain-glorious nation on the earth, he must constantly 
 renew and repeat his achievements ; — if it be nothing better 
 or greater than to gild the swelling dome of the Invalides. 
 He was also compelled to find a vent for the martial ardor 
 of a vast standing army ; else that ardor might turn destruc- 
 tively against the very hand which called it into existence, 
 and supported it for other and ulterior purposes. 
 
 In addition to these considerations, it is doubtless true, 
 that Louis Napoleon wished to attain universal popularity 
 by expelling the Austrian tyrants from Italy — from that
 
 406 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 land over which they have ruled with such cruel rigor during 
 the last forty years. And in this aspect of the subject, the 
 conduct of the French emperor commends itself to every 
 liberal and intelligent mind ; for history has rarely revealed 
 more infamous instances of despotic power and outrage, than 
 have been perpetrated in Lombardy and Venice, since Austria 
 has there been supreme. Napoleon also aimed, beyond a 
 doubt, to undo the arrangements, and to reverse the decrees, 
 of the Congress of Vienna in 1815, by which a powerful 
 coalition against Napoleon I. stripped him forever of all his 
 acquisitions, reduced France to smaller limits than had 
 marked her outline during the previous century, and elevated 
 the House of Hapsburg at the expense of France to a greater 
 degree of power than it had ever before possessed. Napo- 
 leon III. may also seek to place his cousin, Prince Napoleon, 
 on a newly erected throne in Central Italy. He may also 
 desire to reestablish the Napoleonic dynasty in the Neapolitan 
 dominions ; and to carry out all the details of the injunc- 
 tions laid down in the will of his presumed uncle, the first 
 Napoleon. 
 
 On the part of Sardinia, the ally of France in this con- 
 flict, the motives of action were of a different and a nobler 
 character. Victor Emmanuel is a prince whose enlightened 
 mind apprehended the real position and wants of Italy. 
 During some years past he has administered his kingdom on 
 principles so just and liberal as to serve as a reproof to the 
 tyranny of the Austrian emperor in the neighboring province 
 of Lombardy, and to produce within its limits very great 
 discontent. Liberal ideas have been gradually diffused by 
 the example and influence of this sovereign throughout the 
 whole of Italy ; and the ancient aspirations of the Italian 
 people after liberty have been revived again by these means, 
 with more than their pristine ardor and intensity. The 
 Italian hatred toward Austria has at length become irrepres- 
 sible, and has aided in producing the fierce conflict of arms 
 which now threatens to strip Francis Joseph of every foot
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 40* 
 
 of his Italian territory. But after all, the mainspring of 
 these events is to be found in the ambition, the talents, the 
 resources, and the far-reaching purposes of Napoleon III. 
 
 An offensive and defensive alliance having been formed 
 between the monarchs of France and Sardinia ; and the 
 various negotiations which had passed between them and the 
 Court of Vienna, in reference to the matters in dispute, 
 having proved fruitless ; the Austrian ultimatum having 
 been sent to Turin on the 19th of April, 1859, and the 
 period fixed by it, during which an accommodation might 
 have been arranged, having expired on April 26th ; and the 
 Austrian monarch being assured that war was firmly resolved 
 upon by the allies at all hazards, and that further negotia- 
 tions on their part were merely designed to gain time for 
 greater preparations ; ordered General Gyulai to commence 
 hostilities. On the 29th of that month he crossed the Ticino, 
 and occupied the Lomellino — a rich Sardinian province lying 
 between the Ticino, the Po, and the Sesia — with a well- 
 appointed army of a hundred and fifty thousand men. Hos- 
 tilities being thus begun, the allies hastened their movements. 
 On the 3d of May Louis Napoleon issued the following pro- 
 clamation at Paris : 
 
 "Austria, by ordering her army into the territory of Sar 
 dinia — our ally — has declared war against us. She thus 
 violates our treaties, and menaces our frontiers. 
 
 "All the great Powers have protested against this act of 
 aggression. 
 
 " Piedmont, having accepted the conditions, asks what can 
 be the reason of this sudden invasion ? 
 
 " 'Tis because Austria has driven matters to such an ex- 
 tremity that her dominion must extend to the Alps, or Italy 
 must be free to the shores of the Adriatic — for every corner 
 of Italy which icmains independent endangers the power of 
 Austria. 
 
 " Hitherto moderation has been the rule of my conduct.
 
 408 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 But now energy becomes my first duty. France must now 
 to arms, and resolutely tell Europe, ' I wish not for conquest, 
 but I am determined fully to maintain my national and tra- 
 ditional policy. I observe treaties on condition that they 
 are not violated against me. I respect territories and the 
 rights of neutral powers ; but I boldly aver my sympathies 
 with a people whose history is mingled with my own, and 
 who now groan under foreign oppression.' 
 
 " France has shown her hatred of anarchy. Her will was 
 to give me power sufficiently to reduce into subjection abet- 
 tors of disorder, and incorrigible members of the old factions 
 who were incessantly concluding compacts with our enemies. 
 But she has not for that purpose abandoned her civilizing 
 .haracter. Her natural allies have always been those who 
 desire the amelioration of the human race, and when she 
 draws the sword, 'tis not to govern, but to free. 
 
 " The object then of this war is to restore Italy to herself, 
 lot to impose upon her a change of masters, and we shall 
 then have upon our frontiers a friendly people who will owe 
 to us their independence. We do not enter Italy to foment 
 disorder, or to disturb the power of Our Holy Father, whom 
 we replaced upon his throne, but to remove from him this 
 foreign pressure which burdens the whole peninsula, and to 
 help to establish order there, based upon lawful, satisfied in- 
 terests. In fine, then, we enter this classic ground, rendered 
 illustrious by so many victories, to seek the footsteps of our 
 fathers. God grant we may be worthy of them. 
 
 " I am about to place myself at the head of the army. I 
 leave to France the empress and my son. Seconded by the 
 experience and enlightenment of the last emperor's surviving 
 brother, she will understand how to show herself worthy the 
 grandeur of her mission. 
 
 " I confide them to the valor of the army which remains 
 in France to keep watch upor our frontiers, and guard our 
 homes. 
 
 " I confide them to the patriotism of the National Guard.
 
 OF NAPOLEON III. 409 
 
 I confide them, in a word, to the entire people, who will 
 encircle them with that affection and devotedness of which I 
 daily receive so many proofs. 
 
 " Courage then, and union. 
 
 " Our country is about to show the world that she has not 
 degenerated. 
 
 " Providence will bless our efforts ; for that cause is holy 
 in the eyes of God which rests on justice, humanity, love of 
 country, and independence." 
 
 While France was electrified by the well-worded procla- 
 mation of her emperor, the Austrians were devastating the 
 province of Lomellino with every possible excess of cruelty 
 and brutality ; they passed the Po at Cambio ; they burnt 
 the bridge over the Scrivia at Placenza ; and their vanguard 
 reached Tronzano. Other detachments of the invaders passed 
 the Po at Vacarizza, and cannonaded Valenza. While the 
 Sardinian army under General Cialdini were manfully resist- 
 ing the much greater masses of the Austrians, the French 
 troops were rapidly approaching the scene of conflict. The 
 first division began their journey on the 19th of April from 
 Toulon. Other detachments crossed the Alps by the route 
 of Grenoble, and by that of Chamberry. By the 14th of 
 May sixty thousand troops of all arms had left the French 
 territories. On the 10th of May Napoleon himself bid adieu 
 to his capital, and commenced his journey toward Marseilles, 
 for the purpose of embarking for Genoa. He arrived at the 
 latter city on the 12th of May, and was received with the 
 most ardent enthusiasm. That ancient and once opulent 
 city assumed the joyous attire of a general holiday ; and all 
 classes testified their exultation at the arrival of the potent 
 magician whose powerful arm, it was supposed, would soon 
 strike off the galling chains of Austrian domination from the 
 fair and bleeding form of the so-long enslaved Italy, and pro- 
 claim her freedom, hei unity, anc her elevation to her ancient 
 place among European nations. 
 35
 
 410 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 Napoleon was met at Genoa by Count Cavour, the Sar- 
 dinian prime-minister, by the Prince de Carignan, M. de 
 Breur, and the Count Nigra. The emperor was accompanied 
 by the Prince Napoleon and Marshal Vaillant, his aides-de' 
 camp. Previous to his departure from France, Napoleon 
 had appointed the Empress Eugenie Regent of the empire ; 
 giving her authority to preside over the deliberations of the 
 Privy Council and the Council of Ministers ; but not per- 
 mitting her to authorize the promulgation of any senatus 
 consultum or state-law, except such as were already under 
 deliberation before the great legislative bodies of the empire. 
 
 After a delay of several days at Genoa, Louis Napoleon 
 proceeded with his suite to Alessandria, where he arrived on 
 the 15th of May. On the next day the French squadron 
 under Admiral Graviere anchored before Venice. The Aus- 
 trians had at this time pushed their advanced post as far as 
 Casteggio. On the 17th Napoleon reached the headquarters 
 of the allied armies at Occimiano, where his first interview 
 with the heroic king, Victor Emanual, look place. At this 
 moment, the Austrian forces were concentrated at Garlasco ; 
 and preparations were now made by both armies for active 
 operations on a grander scale. Immense reinforcements had 
 been secured on both sides ; and the troops which composec 
 each of the hostile armies then numbered probably a hundred 
 and fifty thousand men. 
 
 The first regular conflict which took place occurred on the 
 20th of May at Moutebello — a spot already rendered famous 
 by the heroism of the French during the triumphant progress 
 of the first Napoleon. At eleven o'clock on that day, fifteen 
 thousand Austrians, commanded by General Zobel, ap- 
 proached the position of the Piedmontese troops at Monte- 
 bello. The Austrians marched in echelon; their right wing 
 moving in the direction of Branduzzo, their left toward 
 Casona, their centre on Montebello. As soon as the distant 
 roll of musketry announced the commencement of the unequal 
 contest between the Austrian and the Sardinian forces,
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 411 
 
 General Foiey hastened with the second brigade of his 
 division, composed of eight thousand men, for the purpose 
 of supporting the Piedmontese cavalry ; and in the execu- 
 tion of this purpose, he engaged the Austrians who were 
 commanded by General Benedik, and consisted of the eighth 
 corps. The battle which ensued was composed more particular- 
 ly of a series of desperate hand to hand encounters of the most 
 sanguinary character, and of separate assaults and charges. 
 In the village of Montebello itself, the conflict became the 
 most furious. Each house was the scene of a battle, and 
 street by street was won by the French only after prodigious 
 exertions, and with great loss of life. General Beuret was 
 mortally wounded, at the side of General Forey. Not until 
 half-past six in the evening were the Austrians compelled to 
 evacuate the place. In this engagement, in which eight 
 thousand French, supported by nine hundred Sardinians, 
 resisted and eventually overcame sixteen thousand Austrians, 
 unusual gallantry was displayed on both sides. An Austrian 
 Colonel and two hundred Croats were made prisoners. The 
 French lost about seven hundred men in killed and wounded. 
 The total loss of the Austrians was fifteen hundred. The 
 chief hero of this first battle between the belligerents was 
 General Forey ; whose skill and fortitude shone conspicuously 
 during the engagement. Immediately after this struggle of 
 six hours, the Austrians evacuated Casteggio. 
 
 Thus terminated the first conflict which occurred during 
 this war. The Austrian bulletins endeavored to mitigate the 
 extent of their defeat by claiming that the engagement had 
 oeen indecisive in its results ; but the disproportion of dead 
 and wounded of the two armies, and the retreat of the Aus- 
 trians from the field, leaving it in the possession of the Allies, 
 unanswerably demonstrated that the real advantage had been 
 greatly in favor of the latter. On the 21st of May, the 
 Piedmontese commanded by General Cialdini forced the pas- 
 sage of the Sesia at Vereelli, and routed the Austrians who 
 opposed them. At the same time the blockade of Venice
 
 412 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 was established. On the 23d Garibaldi passed the Ticino 
 at Sesto-Calende, defeated a detachment of the Austrians, 
 and captured Varese. On the 26th Garibaldi achieved 
 another conquest over the Austrians at Malmate ; the next 
 day he marched upon Como, routed the Austrians again at 
 San Fermo, and at length occupied both Camerlata and 
 Lecco. 
 
 These various minor movements were preparing the way 
 for the second grand contest between the main armies of the 
 belligerents, which took place at Palestro on the 31st of 
 May. The following description of this fierce conflict, written 
 by one who soon afterward surveyed the sanguinary scene, 
 will furnish the reader with the most accurate and desirable 
 details respecting it. 
 
 " I have already informed you that as soon as the Austrians 
 had evacuated Yercelli King Yictor Emmanuel moved up, 
 with the bulk of the Piedmontese forces, from Occimiauo and 
 the other positions they held south of the Po. On Monday 
 the bulk of the Piedmontese army, about 30,000 men, were 
 concentrated around the town. At daybreak the King rode 
 out of the town, with his staff, to attack the advanced guard 
 of the Austrians. The advanced guard of the right wing had 
 taken up strong positions at Palestro, Yinzaglio, and Casa- 
 lino. Strong detachments were also posted at Confienza. 
 The object of the attack of the Piedmontese on Monday 
 seems to have been to drive the Austrians out of those posi- 
 tions which were held (I am informed) by the corps d'armee 
 of General Zobel. The King had formed his troops in three 
 corps, the brigade of the guards and the Aosta brigade 
 formed the main column, under the orders of the King and 
 General Cialdini, which proceeded along \he road to Pales- 
 tro. General Fanti attacked Vinzaglio, and General Durando 
 marched by way of Casalino, a circuitous route, so as to out- 
 flank the enemy, and was ordered to join the King at Pales- 
 tro after having carried the Austrian lines. The Piedmon- 
 tese brigades were supplied with artillery, but their practice
 
 OP NAPOLEON III. 413 
 
 is said to be very bad, although the coolness of the men 
 under fire is said to be admirable. The plan was punctually 
 carried out. Palestro, Vinzaglio, and Casalino were simul- 
 taneously attacked, and after some severe fighting the Aus- 
 trians evacuated both Palestro and Casalino, but still held 
 out at Yinzaglio, where the contest raged very severely. At 
 Palestro and Casalino, after a sharp fire of musketry and 
 artillery, the Piedmontese dashed forward and the Austrians 
 slowly retreated. At Vinzaglio, on the contrary, every 
 house was a fortress, and hand-to-hand encounters took 
 place, not only in the narrow streets, but every inch of ground 
 inside the houses was disputed step by step. At length re- 
 inforcements were sent to General Fanti. The King came 
 rushing up from Palestro, at the head of the Guards, while 
 Durando, who had just come down from Casalino, attacked 
 the Austrian position in the rear, and its occupants were 
 driven out literally at the point of the bayonet. They lost a 
 few prisoners, but succeeded in carrying off their guns. The 
 •arnage on both sides is represented as something fearful." 
 
 The immediate result of this battle was the evacuation of 
 Sardinia by the Austrians. Garibaldi attacked them at 
 Laveno, but the disproportion of numbers againt him was so 
 great that he was defeated. On the 2d of June the advance 
 of the Allied armies, commanded by General M'Mahou, 
 entered Lomburdy by the bridge of Turbigo. On the 3d of 
 June Garibaldi attacked the Austrians in Varese, expelled 
 them, and himself took possession of it. On the 4th and 5th 
 of June, the great battle of Magenta was fought; which was 
 more thrilling in its incidents, and more decisive in its re- 
 sults, than any which had yet occurred during the progress 
 of the campaign. 
 
 On the 14th of June, the army of the Allies was ordered 
 to cross the Ticino by bridges at Buffalora and Turbigo. 
 The Austrians were posted on the opposite side in immense 
 masses, to oppose their passage. A conflict ensued of three 
 hours duration ; after which the Allies effected their transit. 
 35*
 
 414 rUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY 
 
 General M'Mahon immediately advanced with his division to 
 Magenta, which is the first post-town in Lombardy on the 
 road toward Milan. This is a very ancient town, having 
 been founded by the Emperor Maximilian. It contains six 
 thousand inhabitants. It is probable that a hundred thousand 
 men were engaged on both sides, in this memorable conflict, 
 The object of the Austrians, commanded by Marshal Gyulai 
 and assisted by Baron Hess, was to obstruct and prevent the 
 advance of the Allies toward Milan. But the ardor of the 
 French generals and their troops to accomplish that purpose 
 was not to be overcome, and the resistance of the Austrians 
 at Turbigo and Buffalora produced only a temporary delay. 
 During the conflict on the Bridge of Turbigo, the condition 
 of the French became at one time very critical ; and it was 
 when Austrian desperation had almost won the victory, that 
 General M'Mahon, by making a powerful and successful 
 diversion, in an attack on the Austrians then posted at the 
 neighboring village of Magenta, succeeded in breaking the 
 power of their masses, and at length gained a decisive tri- 
 umph. In consequence of this skilful and opportune move- 
 ment, the chief glory of the victory was due to that general ; 
 and his merits were acknowledged and rewarded by Napoleon 
 by the gift of a marshal's baton on the field of battle. The 
 Allies lost three thousand in killed and wounded ; the loss 
 of the Austrians was five thousand prisoners, and about ten 
 thousand in killed and wounded. The immediate conse- 
 quences of this victory were the evacuation of Milan by the 
 Austrian authorities and garrison ; the proclamation of Vic- 
 tor Emmanuel as king ; and the annexation of Lombardy to 
 Sardinia. On the 7th of June the allied sovereigns entered 
 Milan in triumph ; and thus was attained, during the short 
 period of six weeks from the opening of the campaign, one 
 of the main purposes of the war. The victory of Magenta 
 was rendered still more complete in its results, by the advan- 
 tage subsequently gained over the Austrians by Baraguay
 
 OP NAPC LEON III. 415 
 
 d'Hilliers at Melegnano on the 9th of June ; after which the 
 Austrians evacuated Levano on the Lake Maggiore. 
 
 The 24th of June, was rendered memorable by the occur- 
 rence of the most desperate engagement of the campaign, 
 which took place at Solferino. This was the last stand 
 against the Allies which the Austrian generals proposed to 
 make before crossing the Mincio ; and Francis Joseph had 
 collected here the flower and chivalry of his army, to the 
 number of at least two hundred thousand men. He selected 
 his position with great skill, under the direction of General 
 Hess ; and commanded in person. He seemed disposed to 
 render this the decisive battle of the war ; and Louis Napo- 
 leon promptly accepted the challenge. The dawning day be- 
 held the lines of the Austrian army drawn out in battle 
 array over an area of eight miles in length. The conflict be- 
 gan at five o'clock in the morning. The Austrians were 
 posted in the form of a crescent on a range of hills which ex- 
 tend a mile in length, and then break off to the left into a wide 
 expanse of smaller eminences, which gradually decline into the 
 plain. The battle commenced with an attack of artillery by 
 the French upon the Austrians stationed nearest to Castig- 
 lione. The latter were soon driven from their position, and 
 were followed by the Allies into the villages in the plain below. 
 The first and most important of these was Solferino : there 
 the contest was most fierce and deadly. The ground was 
 furiously contested inch by inch, and soon became covered 
 with the dying and the dead. Thrice was the village lost by 
 the Austrians, and thrice did their desperate resolution re- 
 gain possession of it. At length overwhelmed by the uncon- 
 querable valor and enthusiasm of the French, they fell back 
 slowly toward the village of Volta, where they had planted 
 their most formidable batteries. Here the contest was re- 
 newed with increased energy. Meanwhile the battle con- 
 tinued to rage furiously over the whole line which connected 
 the towns of Castiglione, Solferino, and Volta. The Pied- 
 montese fought on the extreme left of the Allied army, and
 
 416 PUBLIC AND 1RTVATE HISTORY 
 
 were commanded by Victor Emmanuel in person. Both sides 
 here brought their artillery into play ; and as their powerful 
 batteries were but half a mile distant from each other, the 
 most terrible execution was made. During the progress of 
 the day, the uncertain tide of battle often wavered. Twice 
 were the French driven back by the desperate onslaught of 
 their foes ; but this retrograde movement was soon reversed. 
 Yet they suffered severely ; and the first regiment of Zouaves 
 lost an immense number of killed, being overwhelmed at one 
 point by superior numbers. At length, after a desperate 
 combat of sixteen hours, the whole Austrian line began slowly 
 to recede, as the shades of night were settling down over the 
 ensanguined scene. At nine o'clock the work of death ter- 
 minated, and the Austrians were permitted leisurely to cross 
 the Mincio in their rear. The Allies had indeed won the 
 victory ; but with such heavy losses as to render a few more 
 such triumphs equivalent to a defeat. They retained posses- 
 sion of the battle-field, but were so much weakened as to be 
 unable to pursue the retiring foe. This conflict presented a 
 memorable illustration of the stern resistance which stubborn 
 and mechanical discipline can make against the enterprising 
 efforts of an intelligent and enthusiastic enemy. The French 
 took a large number of cannon, standards and prisoners. The 
 loss on both sides was very severe. General Niel and his 
 corps d'armee performed the most distinguished exploits ou 
 that day, in contributing more effectually than any other to 
 the attainment of the general result. 
 
 Immediately after this memorable conflict, in which the 
 Allies lost 17,000 men in killed and wounded, and the Aus- 
 trians 20,000, a proposition was made for an armistice by 
 Napoleon, and accepted by his opponent. It was then agreed 
 that the horrors of war should be suspended till the 15th of 
 the ensuing August. The French Emperor had already re- 
 solved, however, to carry still further his pacific intentions ; 
 and while the Austrians were collecting their ^broken masses
 
 OP NAPOL EON III. 417 
 
 within the celebrated quadrangular fortresses of Mantua, 
 Peschiera, Legnano, and Verona, for the purpose of resist- 
 ing to the death the further advance of the enemy, Napo- 
 leon dispatched a messenger to Francis Joseph, desiring an 
 interview, in order to settle the terms of a general and per- 
 manent peace. 
 
 After some delay the Austrian monarch acceded to the 
 request; and the two Emperors met on the 11th of July at 
 Yillafranca, and agreed upon an arrangement, the terms of 
 which were as follows : Austria ceded Lombardy to France, 
 who transferred it to the King of Sardinia ; the State and city 
 of Yenice remained in the possession of Austria, though they 
 were to become members of the Italian Confederation ; that 
 confederation was to be constructed under the honorary Presi- 
 dency of the Pope ; the fugitive princes of Tuscany and 
 Modena were to resume the sovereignty of those States; 
 and an universal amnesty was to be proclaimed. 
 
 Thus were the thrilling scenes of this sanguinary conflict 
 suddenly brought to a peaceful termination. The alleged 
 motive which actuated Napoleon in this unexpected turn of 
 his policy, was the fact, that the struggle was about to assume 
 such immense proportions, that the secondary interest which 
 France had in its issue, did not justify the expense of blood 
 and treasure which it would necessarily involve ; while at the 
 same time it was asserted, that the chief aim of the war had 
 been successfully attained, and the glory of the French arms 
 had been triumphantly vindicated. 
 
 Immediately after this event Napoleon quitted the seat of 
 war, and arrived at Turin on the 14th of July. He embarked 
 at Genoa, and reached the welcome portals of St. Cloud ou 
 Sunday morning, the 17th of that month. The Empress and 
 Imperial prince, with several ladies and officers of the house- 
 hold, were waiting to receive him; and few moments could 
 have been happier in the whole life of the returning conqueror, 
 than that in which he pressed his wife and child to his bosom. 
 
 2b
 
 418 HISTORY OF NAPOLEON III. 
 
 ? 
 
 On the same day the great Ministers of state waited on him ; 
 and several weeks afterward he re-entered his capital, after 
 having performed the leading part in one of the most singu- 
 lar, brilliant, and effective campaigns which modern history 
 records ; which indeed bears no faint resemblance to those 
 extraordinary military successes, and those expeditious com- 
 binations of triumph, which signalized the career of the first 
 Napoleon. 
 
 35*
 
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