llDeroes of tbe IRcformation 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 Samuel A>acaules ^acds.^n 
 
 PROFESSOR OF CHURCH HISTORY, NEW YORK 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 Aiatpco-ctf ;^apta'|i.aT<ai', to Si aurb irfcufia. 
 
 CJVeRSITIES OF QIFTS, lUT THE SAME SPIRIT. 
 
 HULDREICH ZWINGLI 
 
??rrsE 
 
 &^ 
 
 M 
 
 
 ■^ 
 
 ^^ 
 
or 
 
HULDRICH ZWINGLI. 
 FROM A WEZZOTINT BY R. HOUSTON. 
 
HULDREICH ZWINGLI 
 
 THE REFORMER OF GERMAN 
 SWITZERLAND 
 
 1-484-1531 
 
 BY 
 
 SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON 
 
 ii 
 
 PROFESSOR OF CHURCH HISTORY, NEW YORK UNIVERSITY 
 
 TOGETHER WITH 
 
 An Historical Survey of Switzerland before the Reforma- 
 tion, by Prof. John Martin Vincent, Johns Hopkins 
 University ; and a Chapter on Zvvingli's Theology by 
 Prof. Frank Hugh Foster, University of California 
 
 SECOND EDITION, REVISED 
 
 Cx. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
 NEW YORK AND LONDON 
 
 TLbe Ifjnichcrbochcr press 
 
 1903 
 
Il6 
 
 Copyright, iqoo 
 
 BV 
 
 SAMUEL ^rACAULEV JACKSON 
 
 Ubc tJnicheibochcr iPreae, IHew li'ort? 
 
TO 
 
 MY BROTHER 
 
PREFACE 
 
 IN 1872 or 1873, the author, who was at that time 
 a student in the Union Theological Seminary in 
 New York City, heard that most inspiring teacher. 
 Professor Roswell Dvvight Hitchcock, say, in passing, 
 while lecturing on Church history, that Zwingli's 
 theory of the Lord's Supper was " a low, thin ' 
 view," and that Zwingli himself was " a much- 
 neglected man." These remarks turned the 
 author's attention to Zwingli, and ever since he 
 has been interested in him. 
 
 In 1895, the author projected the series upon 
 " The Heroes of the Reformation." It was taken 
 up by the present publishers in January, 1896. The 
 author began this book on the loth of February of 
 that year, but composition upon it has been fre- 
 quently interrupted and the manuscript laid aside 
 for months at a time. Its sources are fully revealed 
 in the references and notes. Of these sources the 
 chief have been the letters by and to Zwingli, filling 
 two volumes in the modern edition of his complete 
 works; the contemporary history of the Reformation ' 
 in Switzerland by Heinrich Bullinger, the successor 
 of Zwingli; the Acts of the Council of the City of 
 Zurich during the period covered by the volume, 
 and the similar collection of the Acts of the Councils 
 
VI 
 
 Preface 
 
 in other cities for the same period. These scource- 
 studies have been made independently but under the 
 direction of the three biographies of ZwingH worthy 
 of the name and of their theme, viz., those by Raget 
 Christoffel (Elberfeld, 1857; excellent EngHsh trans- 
 lation by John Cochran, Edinburgh, 1858), by Johann 
 Caspar Moerikofer (Leipzig, 1867-69, two volumes), 
 and by Rudolf Staehelin (Basel, 1895-97, two vol- 
 umes); and to these works the author would here 
 pay his tribute of profound respect. He could not 
 have written this book without them. Like Staehe- 
 lin he has built his book upon the Zwingli corre- 
 spondence, but he had adopted this plan before he 
 began to read Staehelin. Much help has also been 
 afforded by the monographs quoted in the notes, 
 and especially by Zwingliana (Zurich, 1897, sqq.'), 
 the semi-yearly organ of Zwingli studies, started 
 and ably carried on by the enthusiastic and thor- 
 oughly competent Zwingli student, Professor Egli, 
 of the University of Zurich. 
 
 This book is a biography of Zwingli. The text is 
 intended to give to the general reader the principal 
 facts of his life, while the numerous notes, excursus, 
 and references are intended for special students. 
 It is also as much as possible matter of fact. Few 
 statements in it are in the least conjectural, and 
 nothing has been put into it in the way of rhetoric 
 or to occupy space. The author has tried to be im- 
 partial and certainly has avoided eulogy. The 
 book is also restricted to the work of its subject, and 
 is not a history of the Reformation in Zurich — much 
 less in Switzerland — except so far as Zwingli was 
 
Preface vii 
 
 directly active in it. Moreover, it is not an exposi- 
 tion of Zwingli's theology, philosophy, and ethics, 
 for almost all that the volume contains on those 
 themes is found in Professor Foster's chapter and in 
 the Appendix. 
 
 When the volume was begun the author had the 
 design to publish a complete English translation of 
 the writings of Zwingli. To this end he had a com- 
 plete translation made of the Zwingli correspond- 
 ence and of a number of the treatises. It is not now 
 at all likely that the project spoken of will be carried 
 out, except in a partial way, but the author is able, 
 through the generosity of his publishers, to include 
 in this volume Zwingli's sermon which was the first 
 printed defence of the Reformation already begun 
 in Zurich, translated by Prof. Lawrence A. McLouth 
 of the New York University; and Zwingli's Con- 
 fession of Faith, the last in the translation of the 
 Rev. Prof. Dr. H. E. Jacobs, Dean of the Lutheran 
 Theological Seminary, Philadelphia, Pa., by his 
 kind permission. In this connection the author 
 calls attention to Professor Reichenbach's trans- 
 lation of Zwingli's " Christian Education of Youth " 
 (Collegeville, Pa., Thompson Brothers, 1899), and 
 to the announcement that the Department of His- 
 tory of the University of Pennsylvania will pub- 
 lish shortly after the appearance of this volume 
 several treatises of Zwingli's which the author had 
 translated for his projected complete translation 
 mentioned above, namely: 
 
 I. From the Zurich German, by Lawrence A. 
 McLouth, Professor of German in New York 
 
viii Preface 
 
 University: (i) the Acts of the First Zurich Dispu- 
 tation, January 23, 1523, between representatives 
 of the Bishop of Constance, the local clergy, and 
 Zwingli, wherein the proposed Reformation was first 
 set forth, attacked, and defended; (2) Zwingli's 
 Marriage Ordinance of May 10, 1525. 
 
 II. From the Latin by Henry Preble : (i) 
 Zwingli's account of the visit of the delegation 
 from the Bishop of Constance on April 7-9, 1522, 
 to investigate the rising reform movement in Zurich ; 
 (2) The petition of certain of the Zurich clergy, 
 written by Zwingli, to the Bishop of Constance, to 
 be allowed 'freely to preach the Gospel, and more 
 especially to marry (1522); (3) Zwingli's "Refuta- 
 tion of the tricks of the Catabaptists " (1527). 
 
 To these he hopes in the near future to add 
 several others, and the translation from the Latin 
 he made himself of the life of Zwingli by Oswald 
 Myconius, Zwingli's bosom friend and ardent ad- 
 mirer. It is interesting but defective, and its state- 
 ments need to be controlled by later researches. 
 
 In order to get local colouring and photographs 
 and to see Zwingli manuscripts, the author made, in 
 the summer of 1897, a special journey to all the 
 places in Switzerland which are associated with 
 Zwingli, and also to Marburg in Hesse. An account 
 of this journey appeared in the New York Evangelist, 
 for June 9, 1898. 
 
 The four years of intimate association with Zwingli 
 which the author has enjoyed have greatly increased 
 his respect for the man. But though Zwingli has 
 won his high regard, he is unable, through his own 
 
Preface ix 
 
 inability, perhaps, to appreciate greatness, to value 
 him so highly as some do. He does not put him in 
 the front rank of the great men of the world, nor 
 in Reformation history on equality with Luther and 
 Calvin. His defects are patent ; his literary work 
 is so frequently marred by haste that while it served 
 its immediate ends well it has less interest for the 
 after world ; in his treatment of the Baptists he fol- 
 lowed only conventional lines and was prejudiced 
 and cruel — the author is himself not a Baptist — his 
 jealousy of Luther was a mark of weakness ; in the 
 latter part of his life he was more a politician than 
 he should have been. But on the other hand he 
 led the Reformation movement in German Swit- 
 zerland, and spent his da}s in the service of his 
 conception of the truth. He was a generous, self- • 
 sacrificing, lovable character, whose politico-religious 
 writings reveal the stalwart Swiss who could not be 
 bribed to silence, the man who saw clearly the cause' 
 of his country's decline, but who loved his country 
 in spite of all her faults with a passionate devotion, 
 and for her sake laid down his life. It is as a man, 
 as an indefatigable worker, as a broad-minded 
 scholar, as an approved player of a large part on a 
 small stage, that the author admires Zwingli and 
 commends him to others. Whether he was right in 
 his theology the author does not here discuss; nor 
 is he at all concerned to expound and defend his 
 distinctive teachings. But he believes that if the 
 four great continental Reformers — Luther, Melanch- 
 thon, Zwingli, and Calvin — should appear to-day, 
 the one among them who would have to do least 
 
X Preface 
 
 to adapt himself to our modern ways of thought, 
 and the man who would soonest gather an enthusi- 
 astic following, would be Huldreich Zwingli, the 
 Reformer of German Switzerland. 
 
 It remains now to acknowledge with hearty thanks 
 the co-operation of a number of persons among 
 whose friends the author would fain ask to be 
 numbered. First of all he must give his thanks to 
 the authors of the introductory and supplementary 
 chapters. Professors Vincent and Foster respect- 
 ively, both of whom have greatly increased the 
 value of the volume by their labours. Professor 
 Vincent has won a reputation as a student of Swiss 
 history, and he embodies in his chapter much original 
 research. Professor Foster studied his theme afresh 
 for the book, and gives here his maturest thought 
 upon it. Next he would thank Mr. Henry Preble 
 of New York City and Prof. George William Gil- 
 more of Bangor Theological Seminary, and his col- 
 league. Prof. Lawrence A. McLouth of the New York 
 University, for the translations which have been 
 already mentioned in this Preface. He considers 
 himself particularly fortunate in securing such su- 
 perior scholars to join him in these Zwingli studies, 
 and he adds that those who will take the pains to 
 compare these translations with the originals will be 
 impressed with their fidelity and liveliness. He 
 thanks also Rev. Prof. Dr. Henry E. Jacobs for per- 
 mission to reprint his translation of Zwingli's Con- 
 fession of Faith ; the Rev. Dr. James Isaac Good, of 
 Reading, Pennsylvania, the historian of the German 
 Reformed Church, for the loan of several photo- 
 
Preface xi 
 
 graphs, from his large collection, for illustration of 
 this volume; Hermann Escher, Ph.D., City Librar- 
 ian of Zurich, for permission to have two pages of 
 Zvvingli's manuscript copy of the Pauline Epistles 
 photographed, and for information upon some points 
 utilised in this volume ; Prof. Emil Egli, Ph.D., 
 D.D,, of the theological faculty of the University of 
 Zurich, for permission to reproduce the plan of the 
 battle of Cappel from his monograph upon it, and to 
 the publishers for their permission also; Rev. Charles 
 Ripley Gillett, D.D., L.H.D., Librarian of the 
 Union Theological Seminary, New York City, and 
 Judge Henry W. Bookstaver, of the same city, for 
 the loan of books; and Rev, Nathaniel Weiss, the 
 deeply learned Secretary of the French Protestant 
 Society in Paris, for the gift of several Zwingli 
 pamphlets. He would also make his general ac- 
 knowledgments to those who have expressed interest 
 in his work, and assure them that the shortcomings 
 of this volume are not due to any shirking of work 
 nor curtailing of expenditure of time, money, and 
 thought to find out the facts. The author trusts 
 that this attempt to present the life and work of 
 Zwingli will do something to rescue him from the 
 neglect into which he has fallen, and bring him into 
 greater prominence. 
 
 Samuel Macauley Jackson. 
 
 New York City, 
 
 December 15, 1900. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preface v 
 
 Some Indispensable Aids to the Study of 
 
 ZwiNGLi , xvii 
 
 Introductory Chapter by J. M. Vincent: An 
 
 Historical Survey 3 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 Childhood and Youth, 1484-1506 ... 49 
 Excursus on Zwinglt's Parents, Uncles, Broth- 
 ers, and Sisters ...... 60 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 At Glarus. 1506-1516 68 
 
 Excursus on Zwinglt's Correspondence in Gen- 
 eral, afid on that of the Glarean Period in 
 Particular . . . . . . • 9' 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 At Einsiedeln. 1516-1518 .... 94 
 
 Excursus on ZwinglVs Papal Pension . .114 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 Opening Year in Zurich. 1519 . . . 117 
 Excursus : I. On ZwingW s Autographic Paul- 
 inus, i. e., Self-made Transcript of the Paul- 
 ine Epistles 135 
 
xiv Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 //. On ZwinglV s Preaching against the Pen- 
 sioners and Pensions . . . . .136 
 
 ///. On the Allusions to Luther in the Zwingli 
 Correspotidence of i^ig . . . .139 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Preparing for the Reformation. 1520-1521 . 144 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Reformation Begins. 1522 . . . 158 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Reformation Defended (the First Dis- 
 putation). 1523 179 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Reformation Established (the Second 
 
 Disputation). 1523-1525 .... 199 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Gerold Meyer von Knonau, Hutten, and 
 
 Erasmus. 1523 211 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Reformation in Zurich Completed (Mass 
 
 Abolished), 1524 222 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 Public Marriage and Letters of 1524 . . 231 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Inner Course of the Zurich Reforma- 
 tion. 1522-1530 238 
 
Contents ■ xv 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 The Final Stage of the Zwinglian Reform- 
 ation. 1524-1529 266 
 
 chapter XIV. 
 
 The First Cappel War and the Colloquy of 
 
 Marburg. 1529 299 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 ZwiNGLi's Political Activity in his Closing 
 
 Years. 1529-1531 .... 323 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 The Last Year of Zwingli's Life. 1531 . 336 
 
 Supplementary Chapter by F. H. Foster : 
 Zwingli's Theology, Philosophy, and 
 Ethics 365 
 
 Appendix, i. On the Selection of Foods . 404 
 2. Zwingli's Confession of Faith, 452 
 
 Index 485 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 HULDREICH zwiNGLi . . . Frontispiece 
 
 From a painting 
 SCHOOL SIGN 2fi 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 ZWINGLI'S BIRTHPLACE, WILDHAUS . . . -SO 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 VIEW OF WESEN, WHERE ZWINGLl's BOYHOOD WAS 
 
 SPENT 54 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 VIEW OF THE RHINE AT BASEL . . . .58 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 WILDHAUS, LOOKING SOUTH, SHOWING VIEW OF 
 
 CHURFIRSTEN 64 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 VIEW OF RAPPERSWYL IN ZWINGLl's DAY . . 68 
 
 From an old print. 
 
 GENERAL VIEW OF GLARUS 76 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 THE CHURCH AT GLARUS WHEREIN ZWINGLI 
 
 PREACHED ........ 88 
 
 From an old print. 
 
 VIRGIN AND CHILD IN CHAPEL AT EINSIEDELN . I04 
 
 From Ringholz's Eutsiedeln. 
 EINSIEDELN, IIO 
 
 From a contemporary drawing, 
 xvii 
 
xviii Illustrations 
 
 PAGE 
 
 EINSIEDELN CHAPEL OF THE VIRGIN AS IN ZWING- 
 
 Ll's DAY . . . . . . . .116 
 
 From Ringholz's Einsiedeln. 
 
 ZWINGLI'S COMMUNION CUP AT GLARUS . . . I20 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 FAC-SIMILE OF TWO PAGES IN ZWINGLl's AUTO- 
 GRAPHIC PAULINUS 136 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 OLD ZURICH 162 
 
 From an old print. 
 
 THE GREAT COUNCIL'S HALL AT ZURICH, WHERE 
 THE RELIGIOUS DISPUTATIONS OF JAN. 29 AND 
 OCT. 26, 1523, WERE HELD .... 186 
 
 From an old print. 
 
 THE GREAT MINSTER, ZURICH. .... 202 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 THE TAMINA GORGE IN WHICH BAD PFAEFERS IS 
 
 LOCATED 216 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 ZURICH FROM THE QUAY BRIDGE 
 
 From a photograph 
 
 BERN CATHEDRAL . 
 
 From a photograph 
 
 . 260 
 . 280 
 
 PRIEST CONVERTED AT THE PREACHING OF ZWINGLI 
 
 IN BERN ........ 286 
 
 From a picture. 
 
 FAC-SIMILE OF A LETTER BY ZWINGLI, SEPT. 3, 1528, 304 
 
 MARBURG CASTLE . ...... 3I2 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 MARBURG CASTLE, INTERIOR. THE APARTMENT IN 
 
 WHICH THE COLLOQUY WAS HELD . . . 322 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
Illustrations xix 
 
 PAGE 
 
 BASEL CATHEDRAL 334 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 ZWINGLI DEPARTING FOR THE BATTLE OF CAPPEL 354 
 From a picture. 
 
 PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF CAPPEL, OCT. II, 153I . 356 
 
 From the plan made by Prof. Egli. 
 
 ZWINGLl's DAUGHTER REGULA AND HIS GRAND- 
 DAUGHTER 360 
 
 From a picture. 
 
 ZWINGLl's HELMET, SWORD, AND SO-CALLED BATTLE- 
 AXE 380 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 ZWINGLl's MEMORIAL ON THE SITE OF HIS DEATH, 404 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 THE ZWINGLI STATUE IN ZURICH, UNVEILED IN 
 
 1885 452 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 ST. Peter's, easel, in which zwingli once held a 
 
 BENEFICE 47° 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 MAP OF GERMAN SWITZERLAND . End of Voluvie 
 
 Specially drawn for this work. 
 
SOME INDISPENSABLE AIDS TO THE STUDY 
 OF ZWINGLI 
 
 FOR A FULL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ZWINGLI 
 
 FiNSLER, Georg. Zunngli-Bibliographie. Verzeichniss der 
 gedruckteu Schriften von und iiber Ulrich Zwingli. 
 Zurich : Orell Fiissli, 1897. 
 
 FOR ZWINGLl's WORKS 
 
 HuLDREiCH ZwiNGLi's Werke. Erste vollstdndige Aus- 
 gabe diirch Melchior Schuler und Joh. Schulthess. 
 Zurich : Friedrich Schulthess, 1828-61. 8 vols, in 
 11 parts, with Supplement, 8vo. 
 
 The German writings : vol. i. (1522- March, 1524), 1828, pp. 
 viii., 668 ; vol. ii., ist part (1526- January, 1527), 1830, iv., 506 ; 
 vol. ii., 2nd part (1522- July, 1526), 1822, viii., 531 ; vol. ii., 3rd 
 part (1526-1531), 1841, iv., III. The Latin writings : vol. iii. 
 (1521-1526), 1832, viii., 677 ; vol. iv. (1526 sqq^, 1841, iv., 307 ; 
 vol. v., 1835, iv., 7S8 ; vol. vi., ist part, 1836, 766; vol. vi., 
 2nd part, 1838, 340; vol. vii., 1830, viii., 580; vol. viii., 1842, 
 iv., 715. Supplement by Georg 'Schulthess u. Caspar Mar- 
 thaler, 1861 (both German and Latin), iv., 74. 
 
 Vols, v., vi., parts I and 2, contain Zwingli's commentaries, 
 which are on Genesis, Exodus, Psalms, Isaiah, Jeremiah, 
 Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, Our Lord's Passion, Resurrection, 
 and Ascension, Romans, i and 2 Corinthians, Philippians, 
 Colossians, i and 2 Thessalonians, James, Hebrews, and i 
 John, all in Latin ; vols. vii. and viii. contain the correspond- 
 ence. 
 
 A new edition of the Complete Works is in preparation. It 
 is greatly needed, although that now extant is worthy of the 
 highest praise. It superseded the two previous editions, the 
 first by Rudolf Gualther, Zwingli's son-in-law, Zurich : Fro- 
 schauer, 1545, 4 vols., 4to ; the second is a reprint, Zurich : 
 Froschauer, 15S1, 4 vols., 4I0. 
 
xxii Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 FOR ZWINGLl's THEOLOGY 
 
 M. Huldreich ZwingH's sdmmtliche Schriften im Auszuge. 
 Zurich : Gessner, 1819. 2 vols., 8vo (pp. xxv., 555, 
 640). 
 
 Topically arranged by thorough Zwingli students. Very con- 
 venient to find out exactly what Zwingli said upon any theme, 
 which the ample index enables one to do. The contents are 
 entirely in a modern German translation of the original Latin 
 and old Zurich German. A reprint with references to the 
 Schuler and Schulthess edition of Zwingli mentioned above 
 would be a worthy undertaking. 
 
 Baur, August. Zwinglis Theologie. Ihr Werden und 
 ihr System. Halle : Max Niemeyer, 1885-89. 2 
 vols., 8vo (pp. viii., 543 ; ix., 864). 
 The classic work on Zvvingli's theology. 
 
 FOR ZWINGLl's BIOGRAPHY 
 
 Archil) fiir die schweizerischen Reformationsgeschichte. 
 Herausgegeben auf Veranstaltung des schweizer- 
 ischen Piusvereins durch die Direction : Graf 
 Theodor Scherer-Boccard, Friedrich Fiala, Peter 
 Bannwart. Freiburg im Br. : Herder, 1868-75. 3 
 vols., 8vo (pp. Ixxvi., 856 ; vi., 557 ; vi., 693). 
 
 These volumes tell the story from the Roman Catholic side. 
 
 BuLLiNGER, Heinrich. Reformatiousgeschichte nach dem 
 Autographoft. Herausgegeben auf Veranstaltung der 
 vaterlandisch - historischen Gesellschaft in Zurich 
 von J. J. Hottinger und H. H. Vogeli. Frauenfeld : 
 Ch. Beyel, 1838-40. 3 vols., 8vo (pp. xix., 446 ; 
 viii., 404; viii., 371). 
 
 Bullinger was Zwingli's successor ; an honest man and a dili- 
 gent collector of authentic material. He wrote in the Zurich 
 Swiss German, which has to be learnt by those familiar only 
 with the modern High German. 
 
Aids to the Study of Zwingli xxiil 
 
 Christoffel, Raget. Huldreich Zun?ig/i. Leben und 
 ausgewdhlte Schriften. Elberfeld : R. L. Friderichs, 
 1857. 8vo (pp. xiv., 414 ; writings, 351). 
 
 The same translated by John Cochran : Zwingli ; or. The Rise 
 of the Reformation in Switzerland, A life of the Reformer, 
 •with some notices of his time and contemporaries, by R. Christof- 
 fel, Pastor of the Reformed Church, Wintersingen, Switzer- 
 land. Edinburgh : T. & T. Clark, 1858. 8vo (pp. vii., 461). 
 
 The translation omits entirely the selected writings of Zwing- 
 li, but otherwise is eminently satisfactory. The book itself is 
 topically arranged, and is entirely reliable, but Christoffel 
 gives no references, and so only one familiar with the writings 
 of Zwingli knows whence his numerous and judicious quotations 
 come. Christoffel made the transfusions of Zwingli's treatises 
 into modern High German, referred to below, and in the notes 
 in this book. 
 
 Egli, Emil. Actensammlung zur Geschichte der Ziircher 
 Reformation in den J^ahren 151Q-1533. Mit Unter- 
 stiitzung der Behorden von Canton und Stadt Zurich. 
 Zurich : J, Schabelitz, 1879. 8vo (pp. viii., 947). 
 
 It is a pity that this book is so scarce. It should be reprinted. 
 It collects innumerable items of great interest to the Zwingli 
 student in the very language of the time, and presents a picture 
 of Zurich life of all kinds by contemporaries. Its composition 
 was a gigantic labour, only possible to youth, enthusiasm, and 
 indefatigable, intelligent industry. 
 
 MoERiKOFER, JoHANN CASPAR. UlricJt ZwingH nach 
 den urkundlichen Quellen. Leipzig : S. Herzel, 
 1867-69. Two parts, 8vo (pp. viii., 351 ; vi., 525). 
 
 The author knew his subject thoroughly. His matter is ar- 
 ranged in short chapters, his references are mostly to manuscript 
 sources, and singularly few are directly to Zwingli's writings. 
 
 MvcoNius, Oswald. Vita Huldrici Zwinglii. 
 
 This is the original life, very interesting but a mere sketch. 
 The best edition is in the Vitce quatuor Rcformatorum [Luther 
 by Melanchthon, Melanchthon by Camerarius, Zwingli by Myco- 
 nius, and Calvin by Beza], edited by Neander, Berlin, 1841, pp. 14. 
 
xxiv Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Staehelin, Rudolf. Huldreich Zwingli. Sein Leben 
 und IVirke/i, ?iach den Qiiellen dargestellt. Basel : 
 Benno Schwabe, 1895-97. 2 vols., 8vo (pp. viii., 
 
 535 ; 540). 
 
 The author, who died in 1900, was for many years Professor 
 of Theology in the University of Basel and lectured upon Zwing- 
 li. The book has the calm strength of easy mastery of its 
 materials. Only one thing detracts in the smallest degree from 
 its usefulness to students of Zwingli, — the author frequently puts 
 several references to the writings of Zwingli together at the bot- 
 tom of the page in such a way that they are hard to separate. 
 If these references could be assigned to the places where they 
 properly belong, then Staehelin's book would be in all respects 
 beyond criticism. As it is, it will probably retain the first place 
 among lives of Zwingli for years to come — at least until theappear- 
 ance of that new edition of Zwingli's Works so eagerly awaited. 
 
 Strickler, Johann. Actensammlung zur Schweizer- 
 ischen Reformationsgeschichte in den J ahren 1^21- 
 1332 im Anschluss an die gleichzeitigen eidgenossischcti 
 Abschiede. Zurich : Meyer u. Zeller, 1878-84. 5 
 vols., 8vo. 
 
 Vol. i. (1521-1528), pp. vii., 724; vol. ii. (1529-1530), 819; 
 vol. iii. (1531, Jan. -Oct. 11), 647 ; vol. iv. (1531, Oct. II,- Dec, 
 1532), 736; vol. V. (1521-1532), 172, with bibliographical 
 appendix, Br. 
 
 Here are presented the raw materials of history in the shape of 
 documents of all descriptions, chronologically arranged, as in 
 Egli. The labour of compiling these volumes must have been 
 immense. 
 
 VoGELiN, J. K., Gerold Meyer von Knonau, and 
 others. Historisch-geographischer Atlas der Schweiz 
 in /J Bldttern. Zurich : F. Schulthess, 1868. 2nd 
 ed., 1870. Folio. 
 
 Vogelin, Salomon. Das alte Zurich. Zurich : Orell, 
 
 Fues & Co., 1828. New ed., much enlarged, 1878- 
 
 90. 2 vols., 8vo (pp. xvii., 671 ; viii., 788). 
 
 Invaluable, but so peculiarly arranged that consultation is 
 difficult. 
 
Aids to the Study of Zwingli xxv 
 
 FOR THE LATEST ZWINGLI RESEARCHES 
 
 Zwingliana. Mittheilungen zur Geschichte Zwinglis und 
 der Reformation. Herausgegeben von der Vereinigung 
 fiir das Zwinglimuseutn in Zurich. Zurich, 1897 sqq. 
 Two parts a year, edited by that tireless Zwingli student and 
 scholar, Professor Emil Egli. Every Zwingli student should 
 subscribe for it. 
 
 ZWINGLI TRANSLATIONS 
 
 Zeiigemdsse Ausivahl aus Huldreich Zwingli's practischen 
 Schriften. Aus detn Alt-Deutschen und Lateifiischen in's 
 Schrifideutsche iibersetzt und tnit den nothwendigsten 
 geschichtlichen Erlduterungen verse/ien, von R. Chris- 
 toffel, V.D.M. Zurich : Meyer u. Zeller, 1843-1846. 
 12 parts. 
 
 TITLE OF THE SELECTION 
 
 1. Das Wort Gottes 
 
 2. Christliche Einleitung 
 
 3. Der Hirt 
 
 4. Das Predigtamt 
 
 5. Die Taufe 
 
 6. Das Abendmahl 
 
 7. Eine gottliche Ermahnung an die ehrsamen 
 
 Eidgenossen zu Schwyz, das sie sich vor 
 fremden Herren hiiten 
 
 8. Eine ernstliche Ermahnung an die Eidgenos- 
 
 sen, das sie sich nicht durch die List ihrer 
 Feinde in Schaden bringen lassen 
 
 9. Auslegen und Begrundung der Schlussreden 
 
 oder Artikel 
 
 10. Die gottliche und die menschliche Gerechtig- 
 
 keit 
 
 11. Wer Ursache gebe zum Aufruhr, wer die 
 
 wahren Anfriihrer seien, und wie man zu 
 christlicher Einigkeit und Frieden gelangen 
 moge 
 
 12. Eine kurze Unterweisung wie man die Jugend 
 
 in guten Sitten und Christlicher Zucht 
 erziehen und Lehren solle 
 
 PLACE IN THE 
 
 COMPLETE 
 
 
 WORKS 
 
 I. 
 
 I. 
 
 I. 
 II. 
 II. 
 II. 
 
 53-82 
 542-565 
 632-668 
 I, 304-336 
 I, 230-303 
 I, 427-468 
 
 II. 2, 287-2C 
 
 II. 
 
 2, 315-326 
 
 I. 
 
 170-424 
 
 I. 
 
 426-45S 
 
 II. 
 
 I, 376-425 
 
 IV. 
 
 14^158 
 
xxvl Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Translations of more or less complete selections into modern 
 high German are given by R. Christoffel in the Appendix to 
 his biography as mentioned above, and by C. Sigwart in the Ap- 
 pendix to his sketch of Zwingli (in Die vier Reformatoren, Stutt- 
 gart, 1862), pp. 336-406 ; of especial interest is the first Bernese 
 sermon in 1528, pp. 381-405 ; the second Bernese sermon is 
 translated by R. Nesselmann {JBuch der Predigten, Elbing, 
 1858), pp. 689-692. 
 
 In old English translations appeared of Zwingli's "Confession 
 of Faith," two translations (Zurich, March, 1543, and by 
 Thomas Cotsforde, Geneva, 1555); of his " Pastor," London, 
 1550 ; of his " Certain Precepts," [which is the same as " The 
 Christian Education of Youth" and " Eine kurze Unterweisung," 
 mentioned on previous pages] London, 1548 ; and " Short 
 Pathway to the Right and True Understanding of the Holy and 
 Sacred Scriptures," \i.e.., Zwingli's sermon on the Word of God,] 
 Worcester, 1550, translated by John Veron. 
 
 The modern English translations are mentioned in the 
 Preface to this biography and in the notes. 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 
 
 SWITZERLAND AT THE BEGINNING OF 
 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 By JOHN MARTIN VINCENT, Ph.D., 
 
 Associate Professor in Johns Hopkins University, 
 Baltimore, Maryland 
 
SWITZERLAND AT THE BEGINNING 
 OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 AT the close of the fifteenth century the travel- 
 ler in Switzerland would have found the pre- 
 vailing races and languages firmly established in 
 the places which they occupy to-day, but the people 
 were not bound together by the same ties of govern- 
 ment. Germans in the north and east, French in 
 the west and south had long grown fast to the rocky 
 soil, but they were grouped in small independent 
 States, and lived under most diverse political condi- 
 tions. For a long time there had existed a Swiss 
 Confederation, but this did not include a consider- 
 able number of the present members. Yet it must 
 be said that most of the territory now known as 
 Switzerland was in some manner attached to it by 
 friendly alliances and by ties of common interest, 
 so that in relation to outside nations they all stood 
 together. The distinguishing feature of the Con- 
 federation was, however, the feebleness of its unity 
 within and the absolute independence of the separate 
 States in matters of law and government. This fact 
 had much to do with the history of the Reformation 
 in Switzerland. So also had the previous history 
 of some of the prominent States and cities. 
 
 3 
 
4 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 The Swiss Confederation began in a union of 
 three small German cantons in the centre of the 
 country, all of them touching upon the Lake of 
 Lucerne. At the outset this was a league of pastoral 
 republics, whose wild and mountainous territory was 
 not over thirty-five miles square. To this nucleus, 
 however, were soon added neighbouring districts 
 and cities, till, in the year 1353, they became the 
 " League of Eight." For a century and a quarter 
 this was the extent of the Confederation. Uri, 
 Schwyz, Unterwalden, Zug, Glarus, Lucerne, Zu- 
 rich, and Bern were the members of the Union 
 during the heroic struggle for freedom from the 
 German Empire. Although they enjoyed the 
 friendly assistance of others, this was also the ex- 
 tent of the Confederation in the " glorious period " 
 of the Burgundian wars, when Charles the Bold was 
 defeated in 1476, and when, for a time, these 
 mountaineers became the arbiters of Europe. Just 
 at the opening of the sixteenth century the number 
 of confederated cantons was increased to thirteen 
 by the addition of Basel, Schaffhausen, and Appen- 
 zell, while States like Geneva, Neuchatel, and the 
 Grisons remained in the position of friendly allies. 
 
 Part of this Confederation consisted of rural 
 democracies engaged in pastoral or agricultural 
 pursuits and governing themselves with most com- 
 plete democracy. The other members were flourish- 
 ing city States, like Bern, Lucerne, Zurich, and 
 Basel, whose municipal population followed com- 
 merce and industry with varying intensity, and 
 whose governments were more or less aristocratic. 
 
An Historical Survey 5 
 
 The original mountain States enjoyed the proud 
 distinction of having founded Swiss freedom, but 
 by this time the leadership in State policy as well as 
 in general civilisation lay with the cities. Among 
 these Zurich and Bern were pre-eminent in political 
 influence. 
 
 Toward the cities the rural cantons exhibited a 
 jealousy which had for a long time prevented any 
 additions to the Confederation and afterward caused 
 trouble in federal politics. It was feared that the 
 cities would endeavour to absorb the powers of the 
 rural States, or, by their votes in the Diet, enact 
 measures oppressive to the country people. This 
 suspicion was not without some foundation, for the 
 governments of the cities had been in the habit of 
 treating the rural population of their own territories 
 with less consideration. They often discriminated 
 against the industry and productions of the people 
 outside the walls of the towns and gave the city 
 dwellers superior rights. 
 
 On the other hand, the city States were greater 
 in population, wealth, and intelligence, but the 
 great city of Bern had no more votes in the Con- 
 federation than the tiny democracy of Uri. Friction 
 naturally followed, and occasionally there were open 
 hostilities, followed by armed conflict. At times 
 there were recriminations by means of duties on 
 goods and by shutting off routes of transportation. 
 On both sides great selfishness had been displayed, 
 but the small cantons had been, on the whole, more 
 obstinate, for they had, at times, nearly sacrificed 
 the Confederation to maintain their local interests. 
 
6 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Hence we may expect to find great contrasts be- 
 tween the actions of the various parts of Switzer- 
 land when new doctrines of religion upheave the 
 established order of thinking. 
 
 The great arena of political action was the federal 
 congress, called the Diet, which met at stated in- 
 tervals in the various large cities alternately. This 
 Diet was an assembly of delegates from the various 
 cantons, who came together to deliberate and to 
 pass resolutions on matters of common interest. 
 The passing of resolutions and recommendations 
 was in reality the limit of their legislative power, for 
 the delegations could not vote finally without the 
 consent of their home governments. No act could 
 be passed without the unanimous consent of all the 
 cantons, and when a law was enacted there was no 
 central government to enforce it. The execution of 
 the laws was left to the cantonal governments, and 
 there was no one to punish infraction except the 
 offenders themselves. Consequently federal laws 
 were obeyed in those States which saw fit to enforce 
 them. 
 
 Federal government, therefore, was a system of 
 treaties and agreements chiefly touching foreign 
 relations. The welfare of the citizen lay in the 
 hands of his canton. To that he owed his alle- 
 giance and patriotic devotion, and from that he ob- 
 tained protection in the enjoyment of his liberties. 
 The history of the reformation in the Church revolves 
 about the fact that each State determined for itself 
 the form of worship in its own territory. In spite 
 of this independent sovereignty, however, the 
 
An Historical Survey 7 
 
 political destiny of the nation lay, in considerable 
 measure, in the hands of the Diet, for agreements 
 with foreign Powers were made by that assembly. 
 
 Mercenary Service 
 
 At the beginning of the sixteenth century the 
 Swiss were much courted by foreign governments 
 desiring mercenary soldiers, and foreign ambassadors 
 were constantly appearing before the authorities 
 with weighty requests. A meeting of the Diet in 
 1 5 12 at the city of Baden may serve as an example. 
 The minutes for August ii. inform us that on that 
 day in the hall of assembly the deputy of the Duke 
 of Lorraine read a message respecting the passage of 
 soldiers through that province. A representative 
 of the Pope presented to the Confederation a sword, 
 a hat, and two banners, together with privileges 
 contained in a Bull, as honourable rewards for faith- 
 ful services. An ambassy from the King of Spain 
 requested that the Confederation should join in the 
 league which had been formed between the Pope, 
 the King of Spain, and the Republic of Venice. 
 An ambassy from the Duke of Savoy hoped that 
 former agreements with him would be maintained. 
 Imperial ambassadors desired the confederates to 
 join in a campaign in Burgundy. A motion was 
 offered on the relations of the Confederation to the 
 Duchy of Milan. An ambassy from the Republic 
 of Venice desired to negotiate a treaty with the 
 Swiss, and received answer that the conflict between 
 the Emperor and the Venetians must be smoothed 
 over before the Diet could consider the matter. On 
 
8 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 the following day further hearings were given to 
 these Powers, and proposals were entertained which 
 involved cessions of territory and large pecuniary 
 rewards for military services. 
 
 Thus we may see that the Swiss at the turning of 
 the century were not an obscure people, busied only 
 with their own affairs. They were for the moment 
 a European Power, whose good-will and services 
 were sedulously courted. The soldiers of Switzer- 
 land fought in the armies of all the great States, 
 sometimes on one side and sometimes on another, 
 and were even found in opposing camps. The 
 effects of this upon politics and morality were far 
 reaching, for the Swiss at this time were not fight- 
 ing for independence, nor in self-defence, but for 
 the mercenary rewards of the employing Powers. 
 
 The Diet was not the only authority brought in 
 contact with foreign monarchs. Its meeting was 
 a convenient place' to negotiate with all Switzer- 
 land at once, but it was necessary to deal with the 
 cantonal governments also. Every little capital or 
 legislature was approached by foreign emissaries on 
 the subject of military aid. Enlistment was carried 
 on by the States themselves, and contracts were 
 made with foreign governments for the services of 
 the companies required. Induced by the high pay 
 and opportunities for plunder, the hardy mountain- 
 eers eagerly ventured into any war. The demoral- 
 ising effects of this system appeared not alone among 
 the soldiery and in private life. Official corruption 
 was universal, and was taken so much as a matter of 
 course that it brought no disgrace to public men. 
 
An Historical Survey 9 
 
 In order to gain favour with these statesmen, 
 foreign monarchs vied with each other in granting 
 subsidies, pensions, and special bribes. Persons in 
 authority even accepted gifts from two or more 
 Powers at the same time, and voted for the side 
 which appeared the more profitable. Patriotism 
 sank to a very low ebb, and statesmanship was 
 busier with its rewards than with its duties. Money 
 flowed into the country through numerous channels. 
 There was the bounty to the State itself for its 
 contingent, then the pensions to the statesmen for 
 granting the same, followed by the pay of the 
 soldiers themselves, and such plunder as they might 
 have captured or ransomed while away. When the 
 size and number of the mercenary contingents are 
 taken into consideration, it will be seen that a large 
 proportion of the population was in greater or less 
 degree dependent on the foreign subsidies. The 
 effect of this was not slow in coming. 
 
 Even before the beginning of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury the lawmakers, both cantonal and federal, had 
 been conscious of the evil, and had been endeavour- 
 ing to check enlistment in foreign service. The 
 Diet repeatedly passed resolutions on the subject, 
 but these were for the most part feeble attempts to 
 prevent irregular and unofficial enlistments. For 
 example, in 1479, ^^ was resolved that every canton 
 should require its soldiers to take oath not to go 
 privately into foreign war. Some thought that 
 offenders should be punished with death. The ter- 
 ritorial governors were ordered to capture and im- 
 prison all soldiers who had been fighting under the 
 
lo Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 German Emperor, and to hold them till they should 
 pay five pounds fine and should take oath not to 
 enlist without permission of the authorities. In 
 1488, the German Emperor, on his side, requested 
 the confederates not to allow their soldiers to enlist 
 in France without permission. The Governor of 
 Baden was ordered to punish soldiers returning from 
 France with ten pounds fine or imprisonment. In 
 1492, another ordinance against unauthorised enlist- 
 ment recommended a fine with imprisonment on 
 bread and water.* 
 
 From time to time complaints were brought 
 against the cantonal governments because they did 
 not suppress *' running away to war," and, on the 
 other hand, cantons asked aid of the confederates to 
 suppress the evil. Yet the anxiety seems to have 
 been caused more by the irregularities than by the 
 mercenary system itself. In 1498, a petition was re- 
 ceived from Swiss soldiers serving against France in 
 the armies in Burgundy requesting that no con- 
 tingents from the Confederation be allowed to fight 
 against them. The same Diet received an ambassy 
 from the Emperor of Germany with a mission to 
 disentangle other complications arising from simul- 
 taneous enlistment in the service of that country. 
 
 The root of the evil was discovered in due time, 
 
 ' The acts of the Diet are to be found in the AmtUche Sarntnlung 
 der Eidgenossischen Abschicde, 1245-1798, in 8 vols., 4to, published 
 by the Swiss Federal Government. These documents are not ex- 
 actly minutes of the Diet, but instructions given to the delegates at 
 the adjournment of each meeting as to what they should refer to 
 their home governments. Citations may be traced by the dates. 
 
An Historical Survey ii 
 
 but it was difficult to work any reform, for the law- 
 makers themselves were entangled. The acceptance 
 of pensions from foreign governments was common 
 among the statesmen of all countries at this time. 
 Public sentiment did not appear to frown on the 
 practice unless in flagrant cases of disloyalty. Hence 
 it is not surpiising that the evil consequences 
 were not immediately condemned in Switzerland. 
 Furthermore, the military profession was a welcome 
 career to the hard-worked peasantry of every can- 
 ton, and offered rich and rapid rewards in place of 
 the slow returns of ordinary labour. 
 
 The time came, however, when good citizens, 
 observing the moral effect of these things, en- 
 deavoured not only to regulate enlistment but to 
 suppress the pension system entirely. Resolutions, 
 offered from time to time, condemned the practice 
 and urged the States to prohibit the entrance of 
 pension money into their borders. A notable ex- 
 ample of this was an agreement brought forward in 
 the Diet of July, 1503. The cantons were asked 
 to enforce a law to this effect : 
 
 "That no one in the Confederation, whether he be 
 townsman, countryman, or subject peasant, clerical or 
 layman, noble or unnoble, rich or poor, of whatever 
 rank or condition, shall from this day on receive from 
 emperors, kings, princes, lords, or cities, spiritual or 
 temporal powers, or from anyone whomsoever, any pen- 
 sion, service money, provision, allowance, salary, or 
 gifts, whether this come to himself or through his wife, 
 children, servants, or others, whereby it come to his use, 
 either secretly or openly." 
 
12 Huldreich Zvvingli 
 
 Any person who shall be convicted of disobedience 
 to this order shall be 
 
 "forever removed from the honours and offices which he 
 may have, and shall not be employed in honourable af- 
 fairs, as in courts of justice, councils, embassies, and such 
 matters, but from that hour on he shall be arrested by 
 the proper authorities and punished in person and goods 
 as they may think best." 
 
 Although this resolution was accepted by all the 
 cantons, it was not an easy matter to enforce, for 
 the enlistment itself was not stopped. According 
 to the same act, recruiting must be official, and only 
 irregular running away to war was to be punished.. 
 The pensions went on as before, and in a few years 
 the law was abrogated by a resolution to allow the 
 cantons to do as they pleased. 
 
 In the Italian campaigns of the first two decades 
 of the sixteenth century the Swiss suffered severe 
 losses in men, but the effect of this was to bring 
 more money into the country, for soldiers were 
 harder to obtain. In consequence of the treaties 
 'entered into between 1516 and 1521 Switzerland 
 was deluged with coin. From France there were 
 annual subsidies of 3000 livres to each of the can- 
 tons, and to the Confederation as a whole a sum of 
 700,000 crowns was offered in one payment as in- 
 demnity for the wars of 15 13 and 15 15. At the 
 same time the Duke of Milan agreed to pay 150,000 
 ducats at once and 40,000 ducats annually. Besides 
 these sums there were subsidies from Austria and 
 from the Pope. Although these promises were not 
 
An Historical Survey 13 
 
 always punctually fulfilled, nevertheless a constant 
 stream of foreign gold poured into the valleys of 
 Helvetia,' 
 
 The effect of the military service was brutalising. 
 The foreign gold so easily obtained brought with it 
 corruption of morals. The chronicler Anshelm of 
 Bern, writing about the year 1500, complains bit- 
 terly of the changes seen in the manners and customs 
 of the people. To be sure, he excites himself over 
 many unessential matters of dress, but they all in- 
 dicate to him a passion for extravagance and luxury 
 leading to moral debasement. Such were shaggy 
 hats with many ostrich plumes for men, -cloth from 
 London and Lombardy, long coats with many folds, 
 silk jackets even for peasants, parti-coloured stock- 
 ings, slashed shoes with rings on the toes, silver 
 pipes, and silk sashes. To his mind all these go 
 with gambling, disorderly shouting, extravagant 
 dances, overmuch eating, and the consumption of 
 foreign wines, confections, and spices. Rich men 
 built themselves great houses with high glass wind- 
 ows full of painted coats of arms. Women, like- 
 wise, must have costly dresses and ornaments, 
 
 " and as these expensive manners have increased, so in 
 the same measure have increased the lust for honours 
 and goods, trickery and unfaithfulness, unbelief, haughti- 
 ness, pride, debauchery, scorn, and with them all arts for 
 gaining money, especially those things which serve the 
 
 ' The sums above mentioned have a present silver value of about 
 $1,871,600, but the purchase power was many times greater at the 
 beginning of the sixteenth century. 
 
14 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 tongue [palate] and trades which are serviceable to 
 luxurious pride." ' 
 
 Opinions of Foreigners 
 
 The opinions of certain foreign observers of the 
 time are not flattering. For instance, Balcus, an 
 ambassador from Milan, wrote between the years 
 1500 and 1504 a description of the Confederation, 
 in which the annoyances of a foreigner are mingled 
 with valuable impressions of the people.^ Coming 
 from the bright skies of Italy and from the higher 
 civilisation of the southern cities, it is not to be ex- 
 pected that the Italians would be altogether pleased 
 with their mountain neighbours. 
 
 Says Balcus: 
 
 "Although the Swiss are altogether unhewn barbarians, 
 yet they live among themselves according to certain 
 laws which they consider so holy that no one dare to 
 break or overstep them, because it is a crime to have 
 broken them even in the slightest. Our civil law, how- 
 ever, our good manners and honourable customs, and, 
 what is worse, their own laws and ordinances respecting 
 other nations, they do not themselves observe at all, be- 
 cause they are without fidelity, uprightness, and hu- 
 manity ; but they seize rudely everything before them, 
 building upon obstinacy, not upon wisdom." 
 
 " When they start out to war they swear a solemn oath 
 that every man who sees one of his comrades desert, or 
 
 ' Anshelm, Berner-Chronik (Anno, 1503). Oeclisli, QucUenbuck, 
 ii., 464. 
 
 ^ Balcus, Descriptio Helvetice, edited by Beruouilli for Quellen ztif 
 Sehweizergeschichtc, vi., 78- Oechsli, Quellenbuch, ii., 470, 
 
An Historical Survey 15 
 
 act the coward in battle, will cut him down on the spot, 
 for they believe that the courage and persistency of 
 warriors is greater when they, out of fear of death, do 
 not fear death." 
 
 " In peace, however, and when one citizen brings 
 complaints against another citizen, they bind themselves 
 also by an oath, for, if they have any business with one 
 another and fall into strife, as it often happens, and 
 seize their weapons or begin to curse each other, if then 
 another party comes forward, places himself in their 
 midst, and begs them to lay down the weapons and to 
 talk over the matter in peace, and commands them to be 
 peaceful, and if one of the contending parties will not 
 hearken, the man who offers himself as a peacemaker is 
 bound by oath to kill him, and that without punishment." 
 
 " They begin a battle after they have formed their 
 phalanx according to the old methods of war, and stead- 
 fast and fearless, they are almost indifferent to life and 
 death. In court they judge not according to the written 
 laws but according to common custom, and believe that 
 nothing is more favourable to justice than a quick judg- 
 ment, wherefore they overthrow the procedures and 
 sentences of court. To curse God and heavenly things 
 is regarded by them as a crime worthy of death, and if 
 any one of them is prosecuted they do not allow any 
 pity to prevent him from being punished according to 
 the law." 
 
 " Although accustomed to robbery yet the people have 
 an extravagant generosity to the poor. The scholars in 
 the study of Latin, if there are any such, beg their living 
 with singing. Their stately but remarkably extravagant 
 daily meals they spin out to great length, so that they 
 spend two to three hours at table eating their many 
 dishes and barbarous spices with much noise and con- 
 
1 6 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 versation. They show ill-will against those who despise 
 this kind of table pleasure." 
 
 " When princely ambassadors arrive, the heads of the 
 city, or certain ones from the council, visit them imme- 
 diately to give them greeting. At breakfast or supper 
 there is a continual crowd around them, including 
 not only the invited or important persons in office, but 
 with these many insignificant people. All these the 
 ambassadors must receive in a friendly way and feed 
 them richly, otherwise they will be followed with per- 
 petual hate and ill-will. In among these will creep also 
 clowns and jugglers and whoever understands amusing 
 arts, and one must receive this kind of people, admire 
 their wit, and before going away must leave them some 
 kind of a present or reward for their art. Furthermore 
 ihe council is accustomed to send to every ambassador, 
 daily, several measures of wine at the hours for breakfast 
 and supper. The persons who bring these things are 
 rewarded by the receiver of the gift with a small gold- 
 piece, and at his departure with at least one more gold- 
 piece. Whereupon the whole expense is charged to 
 public good and advantage." 
 
 " Custom allows that women, who on account of the 
 beauty of their faces and the attraction of their persons 
 are uncommonly lovable, may be embraced and kissed 
 anywhere and by anybody without distinction.' ^ The 
 cultivation of the intellect is rare and the noble virtues 
 receive no honour. This low-born people, this lot of 
 peasants, born in mountains and woods and brought up 
 in a narrow hole, have begun to play the lord in Europe, 
 and think nothing of enlarging the borders of their own 
 dominion if anyone allows them the opportunity to do 
 
 ' Erasmus says this was true in England at the time (Letter to 
 Anderlin, Epis., Ixv., quoted by Froude, Lift: and Letters , p. 45). 
 
An Historical Survey 17 
 
 so. Moreover, there is no doubt that wars, peace, the 
 victories and the misfortunes of famous kings, depend 
 upon them. This little band of cowherds and shepherds, 
 who pass the day in the drawing and the thickening of 
 milk ; who are, so to speak, without law and ignorant of 
 things human and divine ; will prescribe laws for all 
 others and sit in judgment on the affairs of princes, as 
 though the appeal and the highest judgment belonged 
 to them. For assumption and violent passion, the dis- 
 eases which are so near to madness, they surpass all 
 other mortal beings, but among themselves they agree 
 so well together that as a reward and fruit of their 
 unity they enjoy an undisturbed and continuous free- 
 dom, to which indeed the quarrels of others have given 
 assistance." 
 
 Johannes Trithemius, a learned German abbot, 
 writing of the wars of the Swabian League, included 
 the following description of the Swiss * : 
 
 " Whether the Confederates have had a just or an unjust 
 cause for war is not for me to decide, since I do not 
 hold the place of a judge. But this I say, this I write 
 and hand on in writing to the future world, which 
 everybody knows to-day who has lived with us in Ger- 
 many, and which all say, who know the manner of the 
 Swiss, that they are a people proud by nature, enemies 
 of princes, riotous, and for a long time have been con- 
 trary and disobedient to their overlords ; filled with 
 contempt for others and full of assumption for them- 
 selves ; deceitful in war and lovers of treason ; in peace 
 never steadfast ; nor do they inquire about the justice 
 
 ' Annaliiun Hirsaugiensium, ii., 572 (Edit. 1690) ; Oechsli, QueU 
 lenbuck, i., 2S2. 
 
i8 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 of what is due from them by law, especially when it 
 affects the independence which they have the effrontery 
 to assume. I say nevertheless that they are not only bold 
 in war but also shrewd, and they are mutually helpful in 
 time of need, and no one leaves another in danger, nor 
 do the rich despise the poor." 
 
 In 1504, Jacob Wimpheling, one of the literary 
 lights of the period, presented to the Elector of 
 Mainz a remarkable address in the form of a prayer 
 for the conversion of the Swiss. He takes advant- 
 age of his position before the Throne to bring in a 
 scathing indictment of that people. Among other 
 things he says : 
 
 " In the capture of prisoners there is more humanity 
 to be found among Turks and Bohemians than among 
 the Swiss." 
 
 " Their laws and ordinances when summed up are 
 three : We will not ; we will ; you must." 
 
 " Pope Pius 11. in agreement with us, complains greatly 
 of this. He says that they are a proud people by 
 nature who will not act according to justice, unless this 
 justice is serviceable to them, and they hold nothing for 
 right except when it agrees with their fantastic ideas. 
 And how can they truly understand right and justice, 
 when their lives are spent, not in the study of the philo- 
 sophers nor of the laws of the Emperor, but in arms 
 and warfare ? " ' 
 
 The German Humanist, Pirckheimer, in his con- 
 temporary history of a war in which the Swiss had 
 been engaged, characterises the military prowess of 
 
 ■ Oechsli, Quclknbiich, i., 2S2. 
 
An Historical Survey 19 
 
 that people.' After a description of the Burgundian 
 campaign he continues as follows: 
 
 ** In the meanwhile the Swiss rested from the alarms 
 of war, for no power was so great after the suppression 
 of the Burgundians that it would have dared to challenge 
 them. They permitted forces to be sent now to Maxi- 
 milian, now to the French, not only because they wished 
 to exercise their youth in warlike discipline, but also 
 because they feared, or rather, hated both, and the suc- 
 cess of either party roused their anger. In truth, all 
 Germans have received from the Swiss the weapons 
 and the military tactics which they now use, for they 
 threw away the shield which they had formerly been 
 accustomed to use, like all other nations. They learned 
 through experience that the shield could not in any 
 way withstand the power of the phalanx and of the 
 lance. Therefore, up to my time, all those who carried 
 spears, halberds, and swords, were called Swiss, even if 
 they were born in the middle of Germany, until finally, 
 on account of hatred of the Swiss, the name ' Lands- 
 knecht,' that is, soldiers from the home country, came 
 up and began to be famous." 
 
 Macchiavelli ' makes frequent references to the 
 military reputation of the Swiss and to the resulting 
 political independence. He is more or less indiffer- 
 ent to the moral effects of these facts. 
 
 " From experience one observes armed republics mak- 
 ing the greatest progress, but mercenary armies bring on 
 
 ' Pirckheimer, Hist, belli Suitensis, p. li ; Oechsli, Quellenbtuh^ 
 i., 285. 
 
 * The Prince^ chap. xii. 
 
20 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 nothing but evil ; and it is more difificult for a republic 
 to fall into the power of one of its citizens, when it is 
 armed with its own weapons than when it is armed with 
 foreign weapons. Rome and Sparta remained many 
 centuries armed and free. The Swiss are the most thor- 
 oughly armed and the freest of nations." 
 
 He also speaks of the Swiss as " the teachers of the 
 modern art of war," whose formations and tactics 
 
 every nation has imitated." 
 
 Guicciardini, in h.\s History of Italy, ^ is obliged to 
 touch upon its relations with Switzerland. He gives 
 a calm review of the institutions of the country, but 
 the effects of the mercenary service on moral charac- 
 ter are plainly discernible. 
 
 " The Swiss are of the same kind as those who are called 
 Helvetians by the ancients, and a race which dwells in 
 mountains higher than the Jura. . . . They are 
 divided into thirteen peoples (they call them cantons), 
 each one of which rules itself with its own magistrates, 
 laws, and ordinances. They order every year or oftener, as 
 occasion arises, a discussion of their common affairs, as- 
 sembling at this or that place, as the delegates of the 
 cantons decide. They call these assemblies, according 
 to German usage. Federal Diets, at which they decide 
 upon war, peace, or treaties, or consider the requests of 
 those who demand soldiers or volunteers, and all other 
 things which concern their common interests. When 
 the cantons grant mercenaries by law, they themselves 
 choose a captain to whom the army, with the flag, is en- 
 trusted in the name of the State. This terrible and 
 
 ' Guicciardini, La Ilistoiia W Italia, Book X., cap. iii., anno 1511, 
 
An Historical Survey 21 
 
 unlearned people have made a great name for unity and 
 skill in arms, with which, by their natural bravery and 
 the discipline of their tactics, they have not only power- 
 fully defended their own country, but also outside of 
 their native land they have exercised the arts of war 
 with the greatest reputation. But this would have been 
 immeasurably greater if they had used it for their own 
 authority, not for pay and the extension of the dominion 
 of others, or if they had had before their eyes nobler 
 aims than the lust for money. From love of this they 
 lost the opportunity to make all Italy fruitful, for, since 
 they came from home only as hired soldiers, they have 
 carried away for their State no fruits of their victories. 
 . . . At home the important people are not ashamed 
 to take presents and pensions from foreign princes, as 
 inducements to take their side and favour them in-the 
 councils. As by this means they have mixed their private 
 interests with public affairs, and have become purchasable 
 and bribe-takers, so disunion has crept in among them. 
 After the practice had once begun that those things 
 which had been agreed to by the majority of the cantons 
 at the Diet, were not followed by all the States, they 
 finally came a few years ago into open war with each 
 other, from which followed the greatest injury to the 
 reputation which they had everywhere enjoyed." 
 
 The comments of these more or less unsympa- 
 thetic foreigners are confirmed by the observations 
 of native writers, like the Humanist, Bonifacius 
 Amerbach of Basel: " If there ever was a time, 
 the word of the poet is now true^ ' this is, indeed, the 
 acre of sold.' " * 
 
 • Letter to Zasius, 1520. Burckhardt, B. Amerbach ttnd die 
 Reformation, p. 138. 
 
22 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Sumptuary Laws 
 
 As we have noted in other connections, magis- 
 trates and authorities were to some extent aware 
 of the evils of the time and endeavoured to stop 
 the progress of corruption. It would be unfair to 
 measure their efforts by standards of the nineteenth 
 century, but we can see that the lawmakers only 
 trimmed the twigs of the tree so long as they failed 
 to prohibit foreign pensions. They tried to stop 
 the descent of moral character by laws against lux- 
 ury and new fashions. Their intentions were excel- 
 lent, but their efforts apparently unavailing. It is 
 a wide-spread belief that " blue laws " were an in- 
 vention of the Puritans, but in reality they began 
 in antiquity and continued through the Middle Ages 
 into modern times. Sumptuary ordinances were 
 repeatedly enacted in the cities of Switzerland be- 
 fore the Reformation, and a few may be cited here 
 to show how they attempted to regulate private 
 conduct in those days. 
 
 In Basel, in 1441-42, it was forbidden to play dice 
 in the guilds, or club-houses. Betting must on no 
 account exceed four or five pence. After the nine 
 o'clock bell the house master and servants should 
 stop all playing and send the guests home, in order 
 that profane swearing and cursing might be pre- 
 vented. Wedding feasts, which often took place at 
 the guild-house, were limited to one day and to a 
 fixed expenditure. 
 
 Likewise at Zurich, in the ordinances of 1488, we 
 read that " No citizen shall in future extend his 
 
An Historical Survey 23 
 
 wedding feast over more than one day." If he is a 
 member of an aristocratic guild, and consequently 
 able to bear the expense, he may invite the ladies 
 of the guild, otherwise no one except the relatives 
 may come. It seems to have been the custom to 
 give presents to the guests. A maximum of five 
 shillings is fixed for this for each person, while bride 
 and groom receive no gifts whatever. Extravagance 
 at christenings is to be stopped by fixing the limit 
 of gifts, and other festivals in like manner. 
 
 The effect of the influx of foreign money and 
 foreign fashions seems to have been felt in 1488. 
 The Zurich ordinance on the subject reads as follows: 
 
 " In view of the marked disorder which has begun in 
 our city among the common people on account of the 
 costly clothing which their wives and daughters wear, 
 and in order to prevent this, we have ordained that here- 
 after no woman or girl shall in any wise wear silver- or 
 gold-plated pins, rings, or buckles, nor any silk garment 
 or trimming on coats, shoes, neckwear, etc., except the 
 women of the guilds of the Ruden and Schneckefi. 
 Further, no woman of the community shall have a 
 mounted girdle, except those whose husbands possess 
 1000 gulden or over, and they may have one such girdle 
 and no more to the value of about 12 gulden. These 
 persons may also have silk borders and trimmings on 
 their bodices with modesty, but without hooks and 
 buckles, as above said. If anyone acts contrary to this, 
 such forbidden girdles shall be confiscated to the city^ 
 and whoever already has such girdles, whether few or 
 many, shall se/1 the same, or allow their husbands to sell 
 them for his business and necessities. As to buckles, 
 
24 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 rings, and silk, everyone who disobeys this ordinance 
 shall pay two marks of silver for each offence."' 
 
 Such were the paternal efforts of the lawmakers 
 of the end of that century. Their enactments are 
 amusing to read and were ineffectual at the time, 
 but they show the direction of popular tendencies. 
 This ordinance of Zurich was, indeed, the work of 
 a dictator, Hans Waldman, who was afterwards de- 
 posed and executed, but it illustrates none the less 
 the reform methods of the age. It was not the scat- 
 tered preachers and chroniclers alone who uttered 
 their Jeremiads on the state of society, but councils 
 and legislatures attempted in their clumsy fashion to 
 stem the drift toward extravagance and immorality. 
 
 Even as late as 15 19 dancing was forbidden by 
 order of the council. " Let it be announced in the 
 pulpits of the city and written notice sent into the 
 country that since dancing has been forbidden, it is 
 also forbidden to musicians or anyone else to pro- 
 vide dances in courts or other places, whether it be 
 at public weddings or church festivals." A pro- 
 hibition of 1500 reads: " In order that God the 
 Lord may protect the harvests which are in the 
 field, and may give us good weather, let no person 
 dance.'" 
 
 Morals of the Clergy 
 
 The condition of the clergy just previous to the 
 Reformation is a subject which eludes the investiga- 
 
 ' Reprinted in Oechsli, i., 209. See Vincent, " European Blue 
 Laws," Report Am. Hist. Assoc, 1S97, pp. 357-372 ; c/. p. 361 s<^^. 
 9 Egli, Akten., No. 82, 
 
An Historical Survey 25 
 
 tor who desires the exact truth in statistical form. 
 Most of our information on this point comes from 
 writers who eventually joined the reform move- 
 ment, and, writing in the heat of the events, there 
 may have been a tendency to paint in darker colours 
 than necessary. We may see, however, that the 
 priest was a child of his generation. Conduct which 
 would not be tolerated at the present time was re- 
 garded with indifference at the close of the fifteenth 
 century. Yet even then there was complaint of 
 ignorance and immorality among the clergy, and we 
 are compelled to admit that there were many in- 
 dividual cases of immoral practices, if we do not go 
 so far as to indict the Church as a whole. 
 
 Authentic instances are on record of monks given 
 over to debauchery. The waste of monastic prop- 
 erty was a common complaint, and the city of Zurich 
 had assumed the control or supervision of all endow- 
 ments of this kind within its territory. But one 
 cannot assume that the clergy as a whole were lost 
 to all sense of moral decency, nor do we need such 
 facts to account for the Reformation. 
 
 The attention of good men was early called to 
 abuses which needed reform. For instance, Chris- 
 topher, Bishop of Basel, in 1503 addressed the synod 
 of his diocese on the subject of the immorality of 
 the clergy, and published a body of regulations 
 which were to be enforced with new vigour. His 
 language is decidedly unequivocal. 
 
 " Since we have learned with the greatest chagrin that 
 the greater part of the priests of our city and diocese 
 
26 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 when they are called to conduct the funeral services of 
 nobles and other persons, give themselves up to gaming 
 and drunkenness, so that many of them at times sit the 
 whole night at play ; others exhaust themselves with 
 swilling and drunkenness and sleep the whole night 
 through on the benches, and by other extraordinary 
 excesses bring scandal, disgrace, and derision upon the 
 clerical profession : Therefore, we command that all 
 clergymen who are so invited, and all others, shall not give 
 themselves up to dicing and card-playing, nor to other 
 irregular and disgraceful actions at any time whatever, 
 and especially in taverns and rooms belonging to the 
 laity," etc. 
 
 A tendency to imitate the world in clothing led 
 to ordinances which forbade the wearing of coloured 
 silks, flowing sleeves, slashed mantles, or jewelry ; 
 nor should they wear swords, knives, or other weap- 
 ons, unless travelling. The public worship should 
 be conducted with fitting decorum. 
 
 " The clergy shall see to it that during the worship in 
 the church they do not walk up and down with laymen 
 or other clergymen, as we have known it often to happen 
 in certain collegiate churches of our bishopric, nor shall 
 they go out upon the market in choir dress during wor- 
 ship to buy eggs, cheese, or anything else." 
 
 Regarding superstitious practices, Bishop Christo- 
 pher speaks with words which are as true for all time 
 as for his day : 
 
 "Since experience teaches that certain pilgrimages 
 and the frequent coming together of the people before 
 
An Historical Survey 27 
 
 certain pictures, or even at profane places hidden in 
 mountains and woods, is not so much in consequence of 
 true appearances as of false dreams, or of the imagina- 
 tion of a sick phantasy, and the blinding of the senses, 
 and that, in accordance with their idle and ignorant be- 
 ginning, a vain and ridiculous result has come from 
 them : Therefore we forbid that in future the simple 
 folk shall be deceived through their credulity, or be de- 
 ceived by invented or superstitious miracle stories, etc." 
 
 Other sound admonitions are included in this 
 pastoral letter, but only those which acknowledge 
 the presence of gross evils, or immoral tendencies, 
 are here quoted.' Bishop Hugo of Constance, in a 
 similar pastoral letter of the year 15 17, is grieved 
 to find that many of the clergy are not only given to 
 drinking and gambling, but many are openly living 
 with concubines. He orders them to remove all 
 such suspected women from their houses and to set 
 a better example to the laity.' 
 
 A curious commentary on popular beliefs is the 
 report of the Governor of Baden to the Federal Diet 
 of 1494. He states in a most matter-of-fact way that 
 he has burnt a witch, who left a husband and some 
 property. He desires instructions as to the disposal 
 of these goods. The Diet, as if it were a mere 
 matter of routine, directs him to hold her property 
 for the Confederation and give the man what be- 
 longs to him. 
 
 ' Oechsli, ii., 473. 
 
 " Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden zur Beleuchtung 
 der Kirchen-Geschichte, Bd. i., 779, Zurich, 1759. 
 ' Eidg. Abschiede, iii., i, 451. 
 
2B Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Bullinger, immediate successor of Zwingli, and the 
 historian of the Swiss Reformation, wrote as follows 
 concerning the clergy previous to the year 15 19: 
 
 " At one time during these years when all the deacons 
 of the Confederation were assembled together there were 
 found not over three who were well read in the Bible. 
 The others acknowledged that none of them had read 
 even the New Testament, whereby we may understand 
 how it was with the other clergy, with whom the case 
 was still worse. For, among the clergy there was almost 
 no studying, but their exercise was in gaming, in feed- 
 ing, and in the practice of all luxuries. The more ear- 
 nest were accused of hypocrisy. Those who. studied 
 somewhat devoted themselves to scholastic theology and 
 canon law. The greater part preached out of sermon 
 books, learning by heart sermons written by monks 
 and printed, repeating them to the people without 
 judgment. ... 
 
 " In the churches the mass had become a market and 
 a place for bargaining, in fact, all sacraments and all 
 things which one holds holy became venal and corrupt. 
 The singing in parishes and monasteries was for the 
 most part superstitious, and the monasteries had fallen 
 into all sorts of scandals and idolatries, where no one of 
 them observed so much as the first of its own rules, not 
 to speak of God's Word. Every day new altars, endow- 
 ments, and endless numbers of idolatrous pilgrimages 
 were established, to the great pleasure of the clergy, 
 who threw into their bottomless sack all that the common 
 man as well as the noble possessed. Whereupon there 
 was great complaint on all sides." ' 
 
 * Bullinger, Kcformationsgcschichte, i., 3. 
 
An Historical Survey 29 
 
 BulHnger's description of the condition of the laity 
 is so well confirmed by contemporary authorities 
 previously quoted that one is obliged to give credit 
 to this account of the state of the Church. 
 
 Positions in the Church were regarded as property, 
 and very naturally, too, since the appointee was 
 obliged to buy the right of preferment. Pastorates 
 and canonries could be obtained from the papal 
 court on the payment of a specified portion of the 
 revenues of the place. Positions were rated ac- 
 cording to a regular tariff, and matters went so far 
 that candidates bought the right to succeed to a 
 charge before it was vacant, and these rights became 
 an object of speculation in the hands of dealers. 
 Such persons were called courtesans, because they 
 lived by favours received from the court of Rome. 
 The class included both foreigners sent thither to 
 occupy livings and native Swiss who were recipients 
 of papal appointments. 
 
 An unconscious revelation of the condition of 
 affairs is found in the defence of one of these 
 courtesans against the charges of the Federal Diet. 
 Heinrich Goldli, a Swiss citizen, v/as a member of 
 the papal guard, and was accused of dishonesty in 
 his dealings in livings. He refutes the charge by 
 showing that he had a legal title in every one of his 
 transactions. A few of his own statements will show 
 how these things were regarded. 
 
 " It is true I have in time past taken up livings and 
 have requested them of the Pope. I serve the Pope for 
 no other cause, nor have I any other reward or wage 
 
30 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 from the Pope, neither I nor others of his Holiness' serv- 
 ants, except such livings as happen to fall vacant in 
 the Pope's month, which his Holiness presents to us, 
 every one in his own country. ... I hope that al- 
 though I have made contracts or agreements regarding 
 livings Vt^hich I have lawfully received from his Holiness 
 the Pope for my services over against an evil day, I 
 have had the power and right to do so, so that I may act 
 as I please with mine own and may gain mine own 
 benefit and advantage." 
 
 No one ought to charge him with fraudulent 
 dealing, for 
 
 " I have never in my life surrendered anything from 
 which I have had profit without I have given written 
 evidence and laid myself under written obligation, so 
 that in case it should be disputed by anybody, and I 
 failed to protect him with my title and at my own ex- 
 pense, in the holding of the living, I should be in duty 
 bound to pay back all costs and damages, as well as all 
 that I have received from him." 
 
 " In regard to the third article, that I have sold livings 
 in the same way that horses are sold at Zurzach, I have 
 never in all my life sold a living or bought it in this way, 
 for that is simony, and whoever buys and sells livings 
 ought to be deprived of them — but I have, when I have 
 delivered over a living, by permission of his Holiness, 
 demanded and taken the costs to which I have been put, 
 and also have caused a yearly pension to be allowed me 
 out of the living, a thing which is permitted me by the 
 Pope, and concerning which I have my bulls, letters, and 
 seals, for this is a common custom among the clergy." 
 
 In reply to the threat of the Diet that he should 
 
An Historical Survey 31 
 
 be forbidden to hold any more livings in Switzer- 
 land, Goldli hopes that his legal rights will be re- 
 spected, that certain appointments will be left for 
 him to live on, and mentions specifically several re- 
 servations which have recently cost him large sums, 
 and for which he expects damages and remuneration. 
 
 " Furthermore, the Pope has given me the reservation 
 of the provostship of Zurzach, so that when the present 
 provost, Peter Attenhofer, shall die, this provostship 
 shall fall to me. I have also for this the letter and seal, 
 and have paid the annates, as the first fruits are called, 
 to the camera apostolica." ' 
 
 Goldli declared later that the purchase of this ex- 
 pectation had cost him 350 ducats. 
 
 This appeal for justice gives unconsciously the 
 state of opinion and practice in the appointment of 
 the clergy. The authorities were aroused by the 
 extent of the transactions of one man, but public 
 sentiment does not seem to have been greatly 
 offended in general at the purchase of preferment 
 in the Church. Zwingli himself paid over a hundred 
 gulden to this Goldli before he would let him have 
 the living at Glarus, which Goldli claimed in virtue 
 of his papal letter of investiture. 
 
 Switzerland and the Papacy 
 
 The relations of the Church in Switzerland to the 
 papacy deserve special attention, for the conditions 
 differed much from the state of things in Germany. 
 For a long time the popes had held the Swiss in 
 
 • Oechsli, Quillenbitch, ii., 504. 
 
32 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 high esteem. This was due in general to the doc- 
 trinal faithfuhiess of the mountaineers, and in par- 
 ticular to the devotion with which the Swiss had 
 recently supported the political and military policy 
 of the papacy. When Julius II. entered into the 
 contest with the other Powers for the possession of 
 Northern Italy he found need for mercenary troops, 
 and applied to the Swiss for aid. Through the per- 
 suasions of an energetic Swiss Bishop, Matthias 
 Schinner of Sitten, the confederates came to the 
 help of the Pope with a contingent of men. They 
 were under the impression that it was to be a holy 
 war for the preservation of the Church. When 
 they were undeceived in regard to the objects of 
 the campaign the Swiss were with difficulty per- 
 suaded to go into the war, but finally marched into 
 Italy in 1510 and 15 12 and performed wonders of 
 valour. The Pope not only paid for these services, 
 but, as a token of his pleasure, presented the con- 
 federates with a golden sword and a richly em- 
 broidered ducal cap, as symbols of their military 
 and political sovereignty, and granted them the title 
 of " Protectors of the Freedom of the Church." 
 
 The Swiss came out of these wars with eyes 
 opened to the worldly ambitions of the popes, and 
 their successes were followed by all that train of 
 evils described above under the subject of mercenary 
 service. They gave less heed to the requests of the 
 papacy, and when Leo X. in 15 iS asked for twelve 
 thousand men for a crusade against the Turks, the 
 confederates granted only ten thousand, and said if 
 more were needed they would send back two 
 
An Historical Survey 33 
 
 thousand priests to fill up the quota. Although, in 
 fact, these troops were not sent out, as no crusade 
 took place, the reply shows the independent attitude 
 of the Swiss. 
 
 In ecclesiastical government Switzerland enjoyed 
 an unusual measure of freedom. The people were 
 accustomed to manage their own affairs and resented 
 interference from the clergy in secular matters. 
 Ever since the fourteenth century they had been 
 gradually limiting the field of ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
 tion, and the clergy were for the most part subject 
 to the ordinary tribunals. This freedom was not 
 reached without protest, and the struggle was still 
 going on. Disputes with the Church authorities oc- 
 curred from time to time, particularly in Zurich and 
 Bern. In the latter State the government was in fre- 
 quent strife with its bishop, and usually got the bet- 
 ter of him. At the same time this independence was 
 accompanied with strong respect for the doctrinal 
 authority of the Church and much religious fervour, 
 as may be seen in the many new foundations in 
 honour of the saints, and the abundant pilgrimages. 
 This stands out in curious relief with the loose moral 
 conduct complained of at the end of the century, 
 but the two things are not incompatible. 
 
 In the foregoing circumstances we may see reasons 
 why Switzerland had never felt the heavy hand of 
 the Inquisition and why the popes were not severe 
 with that people at the beginning of the reform 
 movement. The papacy was very desirous of keep- 
 ing on good terms with the Swiss because they were 
 valuable military and political allies. 
 
34 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Education 
 
 In depicting the darker side of Swiss society one 
 should not leave the impression that the tendencies 
 of the time were all evil. Reformation was, indeed, 
 imperatively demanded in political and social life, 
 but there were at the same time evidences of intel- 
 lectual growth which may not be overlooked. 
 
 Educational advantages in Switzerland were not 
 as great as in the surrounding countries, but the 
 spirit of the new learning had already taken root. 
 In former times men who were ambitious to. pursue 
 wider studies were obliged to go abroad to Paris, 
 Leipzig, Vienna, and other foreign universities, and 
 the Federal Government lightened this task by ob- 
 taining advantageous treaty rights for students. In 
 1460 the University of Basel was opened, founded 
 by the munificence of the learned Pope Pius II., 
 and the Rhine city soon became a centre of en- 
 lightenment for an area much larger than Switzer- 
 land. This did not prevent scholars from going 
 abroad, but at the same time representative men 
 from all parts of the Confederation were to be found 
 on the list of Basel students, and they met here 
 distinguished lecturers of both native and foreign 
 origin. 
 
 Among the Swiss who rose to prominence in the 
 world of scholarship may be mentioned Thomas 
 Wittenbach, who began to teach at Basel, in 
 1505, as professor of philology and theology. He 
 exerted a great influence upon Zwingli. Heinrich 
 Loriti of Glarus, known to European scholars as 
 
An Historical Survey 35 
 
 " Glareanus," was one of the greatest lights in 
 humanistic studies. After 15 13 the great Erasmus 
 made his home in Basel, not for the purpose of teach- 
 ing, but in order to supervise the printing of his 
 works. He became the centre of a brilliant company 
 of men devoted to the new learning and to the criti- 
 cism of existing religious institutions. Few of these 
 scholars went over to the reform movement when it 
 came to an absolute break from the Mother Church 
 but they were tireless in exhibiting the ignorance 
 and abuses found in it. 
 
 Nor were their voices confined to a small circle of 
 hearers, for Basel had become one of the great pub- 
 lishing centres of Europe. Printing made its ap- 
 pearance here not long after its discovery, and was 
 so far advanced in 147 1 that a strike of typesetters 
 occurred.' At the beginning of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury the press of Froben was issuing editions of the 
 classics and of the works of the Humanists which 
 have themselves become classic in the history of 
 typography. Printing was introduced into various 
 Swiss towns in the last quarter of the fourteenth 
 century, but nowhere attained the celebrity of Basel. 
 In Zurich the press could not have been very im- 
 portant, since the oldest known printing dates from 
 the year 1504. The first substantial publication 
 began under Froschauer in 1521, with translations 
 of Erasmus,jnto the vernacular, and with the issue 
 of the writings of Zwingli. This form of the dif- 
 fusion of knowledge was, however, appreciated by 
 
 '"Court Records of Basel," published in Easier Taschenbuck, 
 1863, p. 250, and Oechsli, Quellenbuch, ii., 417. 
 
36 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 the educated classes of Switzerland, and as wide use 
 of it was made as the processes of the time would 
 allow. 
 
 High schools preparatory to the University were 
 found in a few places previous to the Reformation. 
 At Bern the Humanist who was known as " Johan- 
 nes a Lapide," returning from a career of teaching 
 in Basel and Paris, opened a school for study of the 
 humanities in the light of the new learning. In 
 this same school taught also Heinrich Wolflin, or 
 " Lupulus," an enthusiastic student of classical 
 antiquity, who had travelled in Italy and Greece, 
 and who was himself a poet of no mean ability. 
 Oswald Myconius at Basel was a teacher of this 
 enlightened order who later transferred his activity 
 to Zurich. 
 
 Of primary education not much can be said. 
 Schools were sometimes conducted by the religious 
 houses and cathedral foundations, but a large part 
 of elementary teaching was left to individual enter- 
 prise. The lack of text-books made instruction very 
 difficult, but in this respect all countries were alike. 
 Although municipal authorities exercised a super- 
 vision over education, public schools had not come 
 into existence. Since teachers depended on their fees 
 for their pay, the rural districts and the smaller towns 
 naturally suffered, and illiteracy was widely preval- 
 ent. That private teachers took pupils of all ages 
 for pay may be seen from a schoolmaster's sign 
 which was painted by Holbein in 15 16, and which 
 hangs to-day in the Museum of Basel. Freely 
 translated, it reads: 
 
, tZ -p^ j3 >=> J- P3 ^*^ 
 
 CS Q C= —^ <=> ^ x=- 
 » p Pes c>^ £ |g 
 
 <— I _ '— ^ J-— — C ,— . ' •—! 
 
 n =;h i := = ;a^ 
 ■E E ^ £-p^ fe 
 
 r H p fa) 
 
 i -S" 5 
 
 5 S c2 ^ o)-S^ t- 
 
 J=3 
 
 C3 •—• 
 
 
 <=a •*- ^ 9 
 
 = S - ^ 
 »-4 ^ ^ =: 
 
 3;a(j§ ^ & p 3 5 
 
 •^ JS jrs 
 
 
 t f^. ^ t-. U—t ^ 
 
■^\B R A n 
 
 OF Ti' 
 
 l/NIVERSfTY 
 
 \ OF 
 
An Historical Survey 37 
 
 " If there is anyone here who desires to learn to write 
 and read German in the shortest possible time that any- 
 body can conceive of, so that anyone who does not know 
 even a letter beforehand can soon understand, so that 
 he can learn to write down and read his accounts for 
 himself, and whoever is so stupid that he cannot learn, 
 I will teach for nothing and take no reward, whoever 
 they may be, citizen or workingman, women or misses : 
 — whoever desires this, come in here and he will be 
 taught for a reasonable price, the boys and girls by the 
 quarter according to the usual custom." 
 
 The pictures which accompany this invitation 
 show a schoolroom in which the master and his wife 
 are teaching small children, with the birch rod ever 
 in hand. On the other side of the sign adults are 
 apparently learning German " in the shortest pos- 
 sible time." 
 
 A consideration of this period leads to the con- 
 clusion that, while brilliant lights were appearing in 
 the literary world, and a great interest was awaken- 
 ing in the better classes for classical learning and 
 the Scriptures, the facilities for educating the people 
 were very inadequate. There was room for the im- 
 provements which were introduced by the Swiss 
 Reformers. Yet the educational movement began 
 before the religious revival and was a cause of the 
 Reformation rather than a result. Myconius, the 
 schoolmaster, and Utinger, the studious canon of 
 the Great Minster, were influential Humanists in 
 Zurich, and helped to bring about the call of Zwingli 
 to that city. 
 
 The fine arts flourished in Switzerland, though 
 
38 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 not to the same degree as in Italy or France. The 
 Renaissance produced several notable artists, of 
 whom Holbein is the greatest. It was the decorat- 
 ive arts, however, which attracted the most atten- 
 tion, for these served the luxury which followed 
 new-gained wealth. From this period date many 
 fine specimens of stained glass, carved furniture, 
 ornamental pottery, and tile-work which do honour 
 to the makers and their patrons. Both public and 
 private buildings show evidences of taste in decora- 
 tion as well as desire for display. 
 
 The Cities 
 
 A study of the reform movement in Switzerland 
 shows that the chief centres of agitation were the 
 cities. Furthermore, the governments of the cities 
 had a deciding voice in the acceptance of changes 
 in the organisation of the Church,- and even in 
 changes in doctrine. Hence a word is in place as 
 to the nature of this civic life and the character of 
 the authorities which had such important questions 
 to decide. 
 
 At the beginning of the sixteenth century Switzer- 
 land contained numerous flourishing towns, but for 
 size and activity they must be measured by the 
 standards of that age. From our point of view city 
 life was contained in very small space. This is due 
 not only to the fact that the population was smaller, 
 but also because of the fortification which was im- 
 perative in the Middle Ages. The drawings and 
 engravings of the period represent the towns 
 
An Historical Survey 39 
 
 surrounded with walls and moats. These were still 
 necessary according to the existing methods of 
 warfare, for the larger systems of defence of our day 
 had not yet begun, and any town might consider 
 itself liable to attack at some time. Even if certain 
 places were no longer considered strategic points of 
 importance, nevertheless, their ramparts remained 
 to form a kind of boundary of municipal life. In 
 many of them the walls are standing in part or in 
 whole to-day. At Lucerne one side of the city is 
 still flanked by picturesque towers and battlements, 
 and in many other cities ponderous gateways and 
 fragments of fortifications deep in the interior of the 
 town show the lines of its ancient defence and the 
 former limits of its corporate existence. 
 
 These various necessities, as well as the popular 
 taste of that time, obliged people to live in what 
 we should now consider contracted quarters. The 
 streets were narrow and winding. The houses 
 were often large, but their rooms were small and 
 low. The better classes enjoyed a high degree of 
 domestic decoration, but the citizens as a whole ap- 
 peared to be satisfied with a small measure of light 
 and air. The sanitary condition of houses and 
 streets still lacked enlightened attention, although 
 cities were generally careful to provide good water 
 which the people might get for themselves from the 
 public fountains. Public works were to a consider- 
 able degree bounded by the necessity of maintaining 
 the fortifications, even if there had been a demand 
 for greater improvements. Hence the civic life was 
 circumscribed, and one is sometimes tempted to say 
 
40 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 that the intellectual horizon of the population did 
 not extend much beyond the four walls of their city. 
 
 This, however, would be an unfair estimate, and 
 a confusion of intelligence with civic pride. These 
 stone-bound towns manifested the highest degree 
 of local patriotism, and were deeply intent on build- 
 ing up their own material welfare. If this appears 
 at times to be selfish, it is only a part of that in- 
 dividualism which we have already seen in the inde- 
 pendence of the States of Switzerland. The cities 
 were the centres of these States and their policies. 
 
 Bern, Basel, and eventually Geneva became cen- 
 tres of the reform movement, but in connection 
 with Zwingli the city of Zurich is the more import- 
 ant to consider. The characteristics of the popula- 
 tion, their occupations, and their governments were 
 different in each of these places and all had their 
 influence on the change, but Zurich gave the deter- 
 mining impulses at the start. 
 
 Zurich 
 
 The situation of Zurich was favourable to the 
 development of new ideas. Seated at the head of 
 a lake which was on one of the international routes 
 of travel, it had been, all through the Middle Ages, 
 a point which came in contact with the world at 
 large. Its central location in Switzerland brought 
 it early into the growing Confederation, and from 
 the first it was an influential power in its councils. 
 It came to be a frequent meeting-place of the Fed- 
 eral Diet, and as it was also an agreeable city to live 
 
An Historical Survey 41 
 
 in, it became the habitual residence of many ambas- 
 sadors of foreign Powers. They located there in 
 order to be accessible to the authorities of Zurich 
 and to be within easy reach of the Confederation as 
 a whole. 
 
 This imparted to the life in Zurich a certain viva- 
 city which was not found in many other places. The 
 presence of the foreign legations with their retinues 
 of servants gave a stimulus to the trade of the city 
 and to the life of its inhabitants. The taverns and 
 public houses were very numerous. The guild- 
 houses were fine specimens of the architecture of 
 that period, as one may still see in a measure at the 
 present day. There was contact with the outer 
 world, and, consequently, a breadth of ideas which 
 would have been found to so high a degree in no 
 other Swiss town, unless it were Basel. From these 
 facts we may explain two important phenomena 
 in the history of Switzerland. We may see why 
 Zurich became the pioneer in religious innovation 
 and in political neutrality toward foreign Powers. 
 
 Since Zwingli brought about reform in the Church 
 by means of the civil authorities, the form of govern- 
 ment in Zurich should be briefly recapitulated. The 
 city was a municipal republic, but, although all citi- 
 zens were given theoretically a voice in its manage- 
 ment, it was by no means a democracy, like the rural 
 cantons. There were two general classes of people : 
 noble and non-noble ; of which the latter were 
 naturally the more numerous. All male citizens 
 were, however, classified into guilds according to 
 their occupations. The aristocracy, including both 
 
42 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 nobility and rich men of affairs, had a special guild 
 of their own, and the trades were grouped in twelve 
 others. 
 
 The government of the city was vested in a 
 burgomaster and two councils — the Great and the 
 Small. The smaller council contained fifty mem- 
 bers, but only one half of them served at a time. 
 In fact there were two burgomasters elected every 
 year, each serving six months at a time, but the 
 vacating burgomaster sat in the councils till the 
 close of the year. The members of the Small Coun- 
 cil were all delegates from the guilds except six 
 councilmen at large and the two burgomasters who 
 acted 6'x officio. This may be called the ordinary 
 working administrative council of the city, the 
 twenty-five who acted at any one time not being an 
 excessive number for executive business.' 
 
 The Great Council was the real legislature of 
 Zurich,, since all matters of larger importance were 
 left to its decision. The constitution of this body 
 had been fixed in the revolution of 1489 and re- 
 mained the same, not only through Zwingli's time, 
 but down to the year 1798. It was also called the 
 Council of Two Hundred, but the exact number was 
 
 ' The records of Zurich contain the names of the members of this 
 council from the twelfth century onward. So if desired one might 
 find exactly what men were in office in Zwingli's time, and who 
 helped to bring in the Reformation. In the library of the Johns 
 Hopkins University is a large folio MS. written about the year 1578, 
 and entitled " Vom altesten Regiment der Stadt Zurich, so viel man 
 wissen mag." This is a copy of the official register and gives, along 
 with many historical documents, the names of mayors and council- 
 men " as far back as anyone knows." 
 
An Historical Survey 43 
 
 212. It contained the two parts of the Small Coun- 
 cil, eighteen delegates from the " Constaffel," or 
 guild of the aristocracy, and twelve from each of 
 the twelve other guilds. The two burgomasters 
 made up the number. 
 
 This Council was the highest source of authority 
 in the State, and was empowered to make laws or 
 even change the constitution without consulting the 
 people. As we have seen, there was no general 
 election of members, but rather a representation of 
 groups, which appears at first sight to be either 
 aristocratic or exclusive. But it should be remem- 
 bered that the great majority of the men of Zurich 
 were small tradesmen or artisans, and that all of 
 them were included in one or another of the guilds. 
 The leadership in these societies may have fallen 
 at times into the hands of a few men, but, on the 
 whole, this legislature was a fairly representative 
 body. Zurich was a small city, and a council of 
 two hundred members chosen out of a body of 
 voters probably not much exceeding one thousand 
 would give a fair chance for an expression of the 
 popular will. 
 
 These facts are important to observe when changes 
 in the forms of worship take place in Zurich. It 
 was the Great Council which authorised the various 
 reforms. When Zwingli held his famous disputa- 
 tion in 1523, it was in the City Hall and in the 
 presence of the Two Hundred, and they, having 
 been convinced that he was right, passed ordinances 
 to put the new ideas into effect. 
 
 The situation is even better understood when one 
 
44 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 examines into the functions of the Council in detail. 
 Innumerable questions came before it, not only 
 respecting the government of the city, but also in 
 connection with feudal possessions in the canton. 
 These latter involved not only the secular adminis- 
 tration, but in nineteen country parishes the right 
 to appoint the parish priest.* The Council, there- 
 fore, was accustomed to handle ecclesiastical matters 
 in a manner more intimate than merely supervisory. 
 
 For many years the government had been requir- 
 ing strict accounts from the monasteries and con- 
 vents of the whole territory, and in many cases had 
 appointed managers to oversee their properties. 
 The Council was also accustomed to regulate the 
 private conduct of ministers by punishing evil-doers 
 among them, and occasionally went so far as to 
 order a priest to perform religious functions which 
 he had denied. Zurich was particularly set on re- 
 stricting the jurisdiction of the clergy, and repeated 
 cases just in this period show that the government 
 did not hesitate to challenge the so-called immunities 
 of the Church." 
 
 These facts account for the method pursued by 
 Zwingli, and make the reform movement quite 
 different from that of Luther in one respect. The 
 latter also depended on the civil authorities, but he 
 appealed to the princes of Germany, who were little 
 
 ' Wunderli, Waldman, p. 157 ; Appendix," View of Zurich in 1520." 
 
 * " Egli, Zlircherische Kirchenpolitik von Waldman bis Zwingli," 
 
 yahrb. fiir Schweize7-geschichte, Bd. xxi. ; Remley, "The Relation 
 
 of State and Church in Zurich, 15 19-1523," Leipzig Dissertation, 
 
 1895. 
 
An Historical Survey 45 
 
 monarchs in their several provinces. Here it was 
 the people or their representatives who authorised 
 the Reformation. As much might be said of the 
 cities, or of the rural cantons which remained stead- 
 fast in the Roman faith — in all cases the people 
 had much to say in the decision. 
 
 At this time Zurich contained between $000 and 
 7000 inhabitants within its walls, and controlled 
 thirty-five dependent districts outside. Out of the 
 combined population the State could muster about 
 10,000 men for war. In 1470 there were about 950 
 households on the tax list of the city proper,' and 
 about 52,000 inhabitants in the whole canton. 
 These figures are large only in comparison with 
 other States of Switzerland. Contemporaries con- 
 sidered Zurich the most important of them all. 
 
 Within the city a large amount of property was in 
 the hands of ecclesiastics. Besides the cathedral 
 chapter of thirty-four canons there were three parish 
 churches and some twelve chapels. The Benedictine 
 convent, Fraumiinster Abbey, had been a retreat for 
 decayed gentlewomen, but was no longer rich nor 
 influential. There were also three convents of 
 mendicant orders and three monasteries for the same 
 class for men. 
 
 Of these bodies the cathedral chapter stood in 
 better relations with the government and the citizens. 
 Some of the canons were scholarly men, others de- 
 sired at least to be considered such, and the rest of 
 
 ' Wunderii, Hans Waldman, p. 147, Appendix with statistical 
 tables ; Bonstetten, Descriptio Helvetica, in Quellcn zur Schw. 
 Gesck., xiii., 254, etc. 
 
46 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 them were influential in one way or another, although 
 not regarded as models of piety. The Augustinians 
 and Capucines were also on good terms with the 
 people, but the Preaching Friars were disliked. They 
 had accumulated a large amount of real estate and 
 houses, and were consequently hated as capitalists 
 and hard taskmasters.' 
 
 Besides these intramural establishments there were 
 numerous monasteries and chapters scattered about 
 the territory of Zurich,^ all of which would be 
 affected by any change in the established order of 
 worship. Church-building was not neglected, for 
 some important restorations date from this epoch. 
 The picturesque Wasscrkirclie was built up new at 
 great expense, and the tall, pointed spires which 
 formerly stood on the cathedral were added during 
 the same period. Some of the best village churches 
 of the canton were built about the close of the 
 fifteenth century. Much money was given for re- 
 ligious foundations, masses, and benevolences, and 
 much time was spent in local pilgrimages. Shrines 
 on the Zurichberg, in Leimbach, Altstetten, Kiiss- 
 nacht, and other places in the vicinity had constant 
 visitors. The abbey of Einsiedeln was resorted to 
 by hundreds of citizens and strangers at special 
 seasons, so that the ceremonies of religion were 
 
 ^ In 1467 the clergy all told owned 103 houses in the city, and in 
 1470 the clerical real estate in the canton was assessed at 82,900 
 gulden out of a total of 506,500 gulden. 
 
 '^ In 1470 there are 14 on the tax list. In 1520 the number of 
 foundations is the same. The number of parishes was 103, with 
 about 150 pastors and numerous chaplains (Wunderli, Waldman, 
 p. 158). 
 
An Historical Survey 47 
 
 constantly in view. Yet the social condition of 
 Zurich was bad. Idleness, luxury, and contentions 
 increased in spite of laws and magistrates. 
 
 In looking over the two or three decades which 
 introduce the sixteenth century it is seen to be a 
 period of great vitality. Energy, life, movement, 
 have seized the people. They are conscious that 
 some things are wrong and remedies have begun to 
 be applied, but this energy itself has been led into 
 the wrong path. The arts of war appealed to the 
 manly instinct but brought corruption in their train. 
 The triumphs of intellect and the conquests of the 
 new learning had at first great difficulty in making 
 headway, because the Swiss were for the time pre- 
 occupied with things military and in the enjoyment 
 of ill-gotten gains. Into this path they had been 
 enticed, not only by the powers of this world, but 
 by the apostolic representative of the kingdom of 
 light. No single State of Switzerland was at first 
 powerful enough to hinder this decline, and the 
 feeble Federal Government met it only with resolu- 
 tions, which stood a moment unobeyed and were 
 then repealed. It was logical, therefore, that the 
 movement which bears the name of Zwingli should 
 begin with an attack upon political corruption and 
 appeal to the patriotic sentiment of the free-born 
 Swiss citizen. 
 
 It remained for one man and one city to start 
 the reaction in earnest. The result was the Refor- 
 mation. 
 
( 
 
 ^ OF T> - 
 
 UNIVER ■ 
 
 Of 
 
 HULDREICH ZWINGLI 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 
 1 484- 1 506 
 
 HULDREICH ZWINGLI, the Reformer of 
 German Switzerland, was born on Thursday, 
 January i, 1484, in a house which still stands in 
 well-nigh perfect preservation. It is in the hamlet 
 called Lysighaus, t. e., Elizabeth house, ten min- 
 utes' walk from the parish church of Wildhaus, or, 
 as it was then called, Wildenhaus, a village in the 
 Toggenburg Valley, in Switzerland, at its highest 
 point, 3600 feet above sea-level, and about forty 
 miles east by south of Zurich. It is perhaps twenty- 
 five feet deep by thirty feet wide, and, like many 
 other Swiss peasant houses, has a peaked roof and 
 overhanging eaves. It is two stories high, has a 
 hall running through the ground floor, and the large 
 room on the right as you enter is shown as that in 
 which the great event occurred.' 
 
 ' Incidental proof of the year of Zwingli's birth is afforded by his 
 remark in a letter written on September 17, 1531 : "I am forty- 
 eight" (viii., 644). It is here mentioned once for all that the refer- 
 ences thus given are always by volume and page to the edition of 
 4 49 
 
50 Huldreich Zwingll [1484- 
 
 ZwingH was not born in poverty, as his future 
 fellow Reformer Luther had been seven weeks be- 
 fore, at Eisleben, twenty-five miles west of Halle, 
 in Saxony; nor of common people, nor was he 
 raised in the school of adversity. On the contrary, 
 the family were in comfortable circumstances, and 
 were prominent in their community. The carved 
 rafters in their living-room bear silent testimony to 
 this fact, as the poorer people did not have them. 
 But we are not left to that sort of evidence. 
 Zwingli's father was, as his father's father had been, 
 the Aiiunann, i. e., chief magistrate, or bailiff, of 
 the village, and his father's brother was the village 
 priest ; while his mother's brother Johann became 
 abbot of the Benedictine monastery of Fischingen ; 
 and a near relative was abbot of the Benedictine 
 monastery of Old St. John's, only two miles west 
 from Wildhaus.' Further proof that Zwingli's par- 
 ents were well-to-do or could command money is the 
 fact that Zwingli received about as good an educa- 
 tion as the times afforded, and yet there is no evi- 
 dence that his father or other relatives had to pinch 
 themselves to bring this about. 
 
 Zwingli's father was a farmer and raiser of flocks 
 and herds. Three of Zwingli's younger brothers and 
 
 Zwingli's complete works in German and Latin, by Schuler and 
 Schulthess, Zurich, 1828-42, 8 vols., Supplement, 1861. But inas- 
 much as volume ii. is in 3 parts, and volume vi. is in 2 parts, it 
 is needful also to remark that the references to those volumes are 
 to volume, part, and page, e. g., ii., 2, 3, means vol. ii., part 2, 
 page 3 ; and so in similar cases. 
 
 ' See the excursus on Zwingli's parents, uncles, brothers, and 
 sisters at the end of this chapter. 
 

 ^- •^■l«l 
 
i5o6] Childhood and Youth 51 
 
 two of his older followed his father in these pursuits, 
 but Zwingli himself left home too young to have had 
 any practical acquaintance with the life, except per- 
 haps for a few months. The allusions he makes to his 
 childhood are interesting, and it were good if they 
 were more numerous. Thus he says: " We recog- 
 nise the profound compassion of God in that He 
 was willing to have His Son, in the tenderness of 
 His youth, suffer poverty for our sakes, so that we, 
 instructed by our parents from our earliest years, 
 might bear even with joyfulness our evil things and 
 deprivation itself," ' Again he says: " My grand- 
 mother has often told me a story about the way 
 Peter and the Lord conducted themselves toward 
 one another. It seems that they used to sleep in 
 the same bed. But Peter was on the outside, and 
 every morning the woman of the house would 
 waken him by pulling his hair," ' Again: " When 
 I was a child, if any one said a word against our 
 Fatherland, I bristled up instantly."^ Again: 
 
 From boyhood I have shown so great and eager 
 and sincere a love for an honourable Confederacy 
 that I trained myself diligently in every art and dis- 
 cipline for this end." * 
 
 Little Zwingli was taught to observe nature, and 
 how well he learned the lesson may be concluded 
 from the following passage in one of the latest of 
 his treatises, that on Divine Providence: 
 
 " Do not the creatures of the race of rodents trumpet 
 forth the wisdom and providence of the Godhead ? The 
 
 ' I.. 98. ^ I., 524. 2 II., 2, 300. " VII., 237. 
 
52 Huldreich Zwingli [1484- 
 
 hedgehog with its spines most cleverly carries a large 
 quantity of fruit to its dwelling-place, by rolling over the 
 fruit and planting its spines in it. Alpine rats, or mar- 
 mots, which we now call the mountain rats, station one 
 of their number upon an elevation, that, as they run 
 about intent upon their work, no sudden danger may 
 fall upon them without his timely cry of warning, while 
 meantime the rest of the band carry off the softest hay 
 from all around. And when they need waggons they 
 turn themselves into waggons by turns, one lying upon 
 his back and holding fast with all his feet the hay loaded 
 upon his belly and chest, while another seizes by the tail 
 his comrade thus transformed into a chariot, and drags 
 him with the plunder to their dwelling-place to enable 
 them to sleep through the inclemency of the harsh winter 
 season. The squirrel, dragging a broad bit of wood to 
 the shore by its mouth, uses it as a boat to cross the 
 water, hoisting its bushy tail, and being thus driven by 
 the favouring breeze needs no other sail. What word, 
 what speech, pray, can proclaim the divine wisdom as 
 well as these creatures which are among almost the 
 humblest of living things ? And do not things without 
 sensation bear witness that the power and goodness and 
 vivifying force of the Godhead are ever with them ? The 
 earth, that nourishes all things, forgets the wounds in- 
 flicted by hoe and plough, and refuses not to furnish rich 
 provision; the dew and rain so rouse and fill and re- 
 plenish all streams, which by their increase stay the harm 
 of thirst, that by their wondrous growth they bear witness 
 to the presence of the divine power and life. The mount- 
 ains, dull, clumsy, lifeless mass that they are, hold fast 
 and strengthen the earth as bones do the flesh; they bar 
 the way to passage or make it difficult; though heavier 
 than the surface of the earth, they swim upon it and 
 
i5o6] Childhood and Youth 53 
 
 sink not in; do they not proclaim the invincible power 
 of the Godhead, and the solidity and vastness of His 
 grandeur ? " ' 
 
 The admiration of Swiss scenery is eommonly said 
 to date from Rousseau. At all events, Zwingli has 
 left no record of the fact that the scenery about 
 his early home is of the best description." As he 
 stood on his father's doorstep he could see the seven 
 jagged peaks of the Churfirsten across the narrow 
 valley, and if he turned to go to the high-road, 
 which then ran higher up on the mountain-side than 
 it does now, he came almost under the shadow of 
 the Sentis; and both these ranges are snow-capped 
 even in summer. But though not taught to ap- 
 preciate such attractions any more than other Swiss 
 children, and impressed more by the mountains' 
 cold than their beauty, he received in all other 
 respects a good home training. The fact that he 
 and two of his younger brothers became scholars, 
 and his brother James a monk, while he entered the 
 priesthood, indicates the strong trend of the family 
 ambition toward culture and piety. 
 
 It was natural that when his father determined to 
 make a priest out of Huldreich he should have given 
 him over to his brother for education. If this 
 brother had been like most priests — rooted in 
 
 ' IV., 92, 93. 
 
 ' Myconius, Zwingli's personal friend and earliest biographer, 
 fancifully says : " For my part, I have more than once thought, in 
 my simple mindedness, that he [Zwingli] drew some of his heaven- 
 liness directly from the heavens near which he lived." — Vita Zuinglii, 
 ed. Neander, Berlin, 1841, p. 3. This biography is hereafter quoted 
 merely as Myconius, giving the page of this edition. 
 
54 Huldreich Zwingli [14^4- 
 
 conservatism — he would have had him taught by the 
 old-style teachers. But in the providence of God 
 he was a friend of the movement away from scho- 
 lasticism, which was gathering fresh force every day. 
 Zwingli might have been as good a Toggenburger, 
 as loyal a Swiss, and as holy a man, as he became, 
 even if he had been trained on the old lines, but not 
 the broad-minded patriot, theologian, and Reformer 
 if he had been. It is therefore not too much to say 
 that we owe the Zwingli of history to the fact that his 
 father's brother was a friend of the New Learning. 
 In 1487, Bartholomew Zwingli removed from 
 Wildhaus to Wesen, a town on the western end of 
 the now little visited but grand and striking Lake 
 of Walenstadt. It was only a matter of a dozen 
 miles to the soutli-west of Wildhaus, but the brist- 
 ling Churfirsten came between.' Wesen was the 
 market-town of the district, and Bartholomew had 
 scarcely been inducted into his rectory before he 
 was promoted to be dekan, or superintendent, which 
 made him a person of considerable importance and 
 influence." In the rectory at Wesen Zwingli lived 
 
 ' There is a rough path leading from Wildhaus over the Kiiser- 
 ruck, 7435 feet above sea-level, in six hours to Walenstadt on the 
 east end of the Lake of Walenstadt. Doubtless it was by this path 
 that Bartholomew and, later, Zwingli himself came to Walenstadt, 
 whence a ten-mile row would bring them to Wesen. Cf. Baedeker, 
 ed. 1897, p. 46. 
 
 * E. Egli has published several documents of rare interest relative 
 to Bartholomew Zwingli. The first is his formal acceptance of the 
 call to Wesen, dated January 29, 1487, see Z^cingliana (Zurich, 
 1899), pp. 32 sqq. for the text and Analecta Reformatoria (Zurich, 
 1899), i., pp. I, 2 for the annotations ; the second, his resignation 
 from Wildhaus, dated May 18, 1487, see AiiaUxta, pp. 3, 4. 
 
i5o6] Childhood and Youth 55 
 
 with his uncle, and in the parish school under his 
 uncle's direction he made his first acquaintance with 
 learning. But as it was soon evident that he had 
 the making of a scholar in him his uncle sent him in 
 1494 to Basel, or rather to Klein Jkisel, which is that 
 part of the city on the east bank of the Rhine, to 
 the school of St. Theodore's Church,' kept by that 
 gentle and wise master, Gregory Buenzli, in whom 
 Zwingli found a fatherly friend.' 
 
 The curriculum of a school like Buenzli's was 
 Latin, ^ dialectic, and music. The scarcity of text- 
 books, for frequently there was only one for the 
 class, often compelled the teachers to resort to dic- 
 tation. Zwingli was a brilliant pupil, and in spite 
 of all obstacles in four years outgrew Buenzli's in- 
 struction, and was sent home for a fresh start. One 
 of his noticeable qualities was his readiness in de- 
 bate, which excited the jealousy of some of his older 
 
 ' The church still stands on Wettstein Place, near the river. 
 
 * Master and pupil afterwards carried on an intimate correspond- 
 ence, but only three letters of it ren-'c^m. Two are from Buenzli 
 (vii., Ill and 567), dated Feb-^ary 3, 1520, and December i, 
 1526, respectively ; the first of which shows that Buenzli, who in 
 1507 (Egli, Analecta,\., 2) succeeded Bartholomew Zwingli as pastor 
 at Wesen, was still there in 1520, the latter having died in 1513 ; 
 the second, that Buenzli was in 1526 failing mentally. The one 
 from Zwingli (vii., 257), dated December 30, 1522, alludes to the 
 length and i<"iimacy of their friendship and shows quite characteris- 
 tic interest in promoting the affairs of one of Buenzli's friends. 
 Zwingli acknowledges Buenzli's activity in the cause of the Reform- 
 ation in his " Instructions for Walenstadt," dated December 13, 
 1530 (ii., 3, 86). 
 
 ^ In 1526 (vii., 535), Zwingli speaks of learning Latin from Cato's 
 "Morals" (a favourite reading-book in schools), by means of an 
 interlinear translation. 
 
56 Huldreich Zwingli [1484- 
 
 companions.' Probably on the advice of his uncle 
 Bartholomew, he was sent to Bern, which involved 
 a journey of one hundred miles westward. There 
 he entered the school of Heinrich Woelflin, or, as 
 he called himself, following the humanistic fashion 
 of the time and Latinising his name, Lupulus, who 
 was the first one in Switzerland to adopt in their 
 entirety the educational ideas of the Renascence. 
 But he was there only from 1498 to 1500, and as no 
 letter to or from Lupulus is extant in the Zwingli 
 correspondence, it is probable that his second 
 teacher did not attract him like the first.* The 
 occasion of his leaving him was, however, no dis- 
 satisfaction with his instruction, but his taking up 
 his abode in the Dominican monastery. What in- 
 duced him to do so was apparently the training the 
 monks promised him in music, for music was a pas- 
 sion with Zwingli, and he was already an accom- 
 plished player on various instruments. What 
 attracted the monks was his intellectual powers in 
 general. But God did not intend that Zwingli 
 should be a monk, as Luther was, and as Zwingli's 
 brother James was later, and the means He used 
 was the opposition of his father, — and may we not 
 say especially of his uncle ? — and Zwingli was taken 
 out of the way of temptation and sent to the Uni- 
 versity of Vienna. There he was for another two 
 years, and " included in his studies all that philo- 
 
 * So Myconius, p. 4. 
 
 * Yet Lupulus accepted the Reformation, probably under Haller's 
 influence, and played a prominent part in the Reformed Church of 
 Bern. He died in 1534. 
 
i5o6] Childhood and Youth 57 
 
 sophy embraces"'; and so he very likely came 
 under the influence of Conrad Celtes, who was the 
 most prominent classical teacher in the university. 
 In 1502 he matriculated at Basel.'' 
 
 Zwingli had up to this time been merely a student, 
 but he was now old enough to earn his own support. 
 Accordingly, when after a visit to Wildhaus he went 
 once more to Basel there to study in the university, 
 he sought an opportunity to teach, and he is found as 
 a teacher of the classics in the school attached to St. 
 Martin's church.' In the university he studied the 
 
 ' Myconius, p. 4. 
 
 * His name stands thus on the summer semester matricula of 
 1500 in Vienna University : 
 
 Udalricus Zwingling de Lichtensteig 2g den. 
 
 In the summer semester matricula of 1502 in Basel his name appears 
 fourth in a list of thirteen entered under the rectorship of Johannes 
 Wenz, which began May i, thus: 
 
 Udalricus Zwingling de Lichtensteig vi. sol. 
 
 These entries are printed in Egli's Analecta Reformatoria, i., pp. 
 8-10. It is noteworthy how Zwingli's name was then spelled. He 
 seems to have varied the spelling himself. In 1526 a literary oppo- 
 nent twitted him for changing his name from Zwingli to Zwinglius 
 (vii., 551). Zinlius is the form used by Grebel, see Die vadia- 
 nische Brief sammlting, ed. Arbenz, e. g., iii., 50. The abbrevia- 
 tions at the ends of the lines quoted above give the amount of the 
 matriculation fees : 29 den. means 29 denaries or pence ; vi. sol. 
 means 6 sous. Lichtensteig or Liechtensteig was the nearest market- 
 town to Wildhaus, and so given as the better known place to hail 
 from. 
 
 ^ The church still stands, but the school has vanished. It is near 
 the market-place. The excellence of his instruction was testified to 
 long afterwards by one of his grateful pupils who became a prominent 
 man and who wrote to him in 15 19 (vii., 85). Myconius says p. 4. 
 Zwingli was head-master of St. Martin's school, but considering his 
 age at the time this is improbable. 
 
58 Huldreich Zwingli [1484- 
 
 ordinary curriculum in the arts course, and this in- 
 cluded theology, which was taught in the scholastic 
 manner, and so, judging from his later remarks 
 upon the way theology was presented, he was more 
 disgusted than edified.' Still he made thorough 
 work. In 1504 he took his B.A., and in 1506 his 
 M.A.' 
 
 In the latter year, 1506, he received a call to be 
 rector at Glarus, and as this is only a few miles south 
 of Wesen and was included in the superintendency 
 of Wesen, it is plain that his uncle Bartholomew 
 was a main factor in the call. After what self- 
 debates we know not, but probably after something 
 of a struggle, Zwingli, who had been by choice a stu- 
 dent and teacher of the classics, turned his back upon 
 such pursuits to take up the busy life of a pastor, to 
 whom teaching could not be the sole occupation. 
 
 But before he arrived at such a momentous change 
 he had had his thoughts upon theology powerfully 
 affected by contact with Thomas Wyttenbach, who 
 after having been teacher at Tuebingen, on Novem- 
 ber 26, 1505, began to lecture at Basel upon the 
 " Sentences " of Peter Lombard, this systematic 
 introduction to the Fathers being the text-book in 
 every mediaeval university. Wyttenbach was a man 
 with a message, and found in Zwingli a receptive 
 hearer, who accepted certain of his ideas which were 
 called heretical, and ever after defended them. In 
 1523 he thus bears testimony to his indebtedness to 
 Wyttenbach : 
 
 ' See Myconius, p. 5. 
 
 ' Egli {Analecta Keformatoria, i., p. Ii) gives the text of these 
 promotions, 
 
Z N 
 
 io 
 
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i5o6] Childhood and Youth 59 
 
 " In the beginning of this year (for I came to Zurich 
 on St. John the Evangelist's Day [15 19]) none of us had 
 ever heard of Luther, except that he had i)ublished some- 
 thing upon indulgences — a subject on which I did not 
 require much enlightenment because I had already been 
 taught what a cheat and delusion indulgences were by 
 my master and beloved faithful teacher, Doctor Thomas 
 Wyttenbach, of Biel, who had held at Basel some time 
 before in my absence a disputation on the subject." * 
 
 In 1527, he again speaks of Thomas Wyttenbach, 
 " most learned and holiest of men," as teaching 
 him that " the death of Christ was the sole price 
 of the remission of sins," and " therefore that faith 
 is the key which unlocks to the soul the treasury 
 of [such] remission."* Another of Wyttenbach's 
 ideas, which Zwingli emphasised later, was the su- 
 preme authority of Holy Scripture. So although 
 their connection was of the briefest description, not 
 lasting more than a few months, still Wyttenbach 
 made a permanent impression, and may well be 
 reckoned among the influences which ultimately led 
 him to break away entirely with Mother Church.' 
 
 ' I., 254, in his exposition of the "Articles" of the Zurich dis- 
 putation of January, 1523. 
 
 ^ III., 544, in his reply to Luther. 
 
 'Wyttenbach was born at Biel, or Bienne, sixty miles west by 
 south of Zurich, in 1472, and died there in 1526. In 1496 he was 
 matriculated at Tuebingen, made M.A. there in 1500. In Basel he 
 lectured from 1505 to 1507, when he became people's priest in Biel 
 and was to the rest of his days identified with that place. He 
 showed his independence and his defiance of ecclesiastical authority 
 by marrying in 1524, and from that time on his troubles were 
 incessant. He was deprived of his position, and just when he had 
 increased need of money he found himself without any, and till the 
 
6o Huldreich Zwingli [1484- 
 
 Three men who afterwards were destined to play 
 prominent parts in the Swiss Reformation were 
 fellow students with Zwingli under Wyttenbach, 
 viz., Capito, Jud, and Pellican, and likewise owed 
 to him their direction to the study of the Bible and 
 emancipation from the bondage of Scholasticism. 
 Jud, in fact, gave up medicine for theology in 
 consequence. 
 
 Excursus oil Zwingli' s Parents, Uncles, Brothers, 
 and Sisters. 
 
 The last mention of Zwingli's father, whose first name also was 
 Huldreich, is in his brother James's letter, dated in 1513, and given 
 below. How much longer he lived is unknown. His mother, whose 
 name was Margaret Meili, is not mentioned in any precedent or sub- 
 sequent letter to or from Zwingli, or elsewhere, but he once speaks 
 of his grandmother in the passage (i., 524) quoted above, cf. p. 51. 
 His father's brother, Bartholomew, died at Wesen in 1513, as already 
 stated. His mother's brother, Johann, became abbot of Fischingen, 
 twenty miles east by north of Zurich, in 15 10, and so continued till 
 his death in 1523. Abbot Christian of Old St. John's was a relative, 
 but on which side is unknown. He was on very intimate terms with 
 the family, as the Zwingli correspondence shows, and had the satis- 
 faction of receiving James Zwingli as a monk ; see the letters of 
 
 end of his days was miserably poor. But though in dire need he 
 pleaded the case of spiritual freedom and kept up a gallant fight. 
 His exertions won over many to the Reformation, and while he lay 
 dying his heart was gladdened by the thought that his beloved native 
 city was about -to be numbered with the other Reformed cities of 
 Switzerland. He and Zwingli were frequent correspondents, yet 
 only one letter has been preserved, viz., a long one by Zwingli 
 on the Eucharist, dated June 15, 1523 (vii., 297-300). It is 
 addressed "to his dear preceptor and brother in Christ at Biel." 
 Zwingli sends him a greeting as " his dear preceptor" in a letter to 
 Haller, December 29, 1521 (vii., 187). 
 
i5"('l Childhood and Youth 6i 
 
 James and Andrew below, and, passim, in the Zwingli correspond- 
 ence. On January 14, 1520, he wrote a very deferential letter to 
 Zwingli (vii., 109), asking his aid in securing additional revenue 
 for the monastery. In 1528, he was driven from his monastery by a 
 mob, but was later restored. In 1555, his monastery was annexed to 
 the abbey of St. Gall, which was founded by the Benedictines. 
 
 The names and order of the birth of the brothers and sisters of 
 the Zwingli family were : Heini (also called Hainy or Henry), 
 Klaus (or Nicholas), Huldreich (also called Ulrich), Hans, Wolf- 
 gang, Bartholomaus, Jacob (or James), Anna, Andrew, and an un- 
 named daughter. Of Heini there has been preserved one letter 
 (viii., 430, 431), dated from Old St. John's, March 9, 1530. It 
 promises Zwingli the earliest obtainable information from trust- 
 worthy friends on the Rhine concerning any action which affected 
 him. The letter has as joint author a certain Hans Rudlig, and so 
 it is in their joint names. The probability is that Heini could not 
 write any more easily (if at all) than the brothers named above, 
 except James and Andrew. So Blasius Farer, on December 9, 1524, 
 wrote to Zwingli from Stein, "by the command" of his brothers 
 (vii., 372). As is the case with other letters in the Zwingli cor- 
 respondence, these letters from Heini and Farer are in both German 
 and Latin, the German being doubtless the original. Of Klaus we 
 know that he had a servant who died of the plague, see Andrew's 
 letter, p. 65. Huldreich is the subject of this biography. Of Hans, 
 Wolfgang, and Bartholomaus we know nothing personal. From 
 the fact that in 1523 he addresses his surviving brothers collectively 
 in the dedication of his sermon on the Virgin Mary (i., 84-87), 
 it is known that they were living in Wildhaus together and pursuing 
 the calling of farmers, shepherds, and goatherds, just as their fathers 
 had done ; and that much to his disgust some of them had entered 
 the mercenary military service. It is likely that they accepted the 
 Reformation. 
 
 Zwingli sent James to Vadian's care with this letter of introduc- 
 tion, dated Glarus, October 4, 15 12 (vii., 7), and accompanied it with 
 an historical sketch of the 1512 Italian campaign of the Glarus con- 
 tingent in the papal army. (Seep. 71.) " The bearer of this is my 
 own brother, a boy of good promise ; when I thought over to whom 
 to send him to be initiated into the sacred mysteries of philosophy, 
 you always occurred to me. Therefore, I beseech you by the sweet- 
 ness of our friendship that you polish, smooth, and finish him with 
 
62 Huldreich Zwingli [1484- 
 
 plane, axe, and rake. I am sure you will find him most obedient. 
 But if he dare to be disobedient, shut him up without compassion 
 until his petulance effervesces. He has 50 gold pieces for the two 
 years, so that he will need to be economical." 
 
 That James considered his allowance altogether too small is shown 
 by this letter, the only one of his preserved (vii., 7) : 
 
 " Brother James Zwingli ' to Huldreich Zwingli, philosopher and 
 rector at Glarus. Greeting : Would that the All swaying and su- 
 premely Good God would so bring it about that you might estimate 
 my studies as highly as I do your liberality and brothjerly kindness ! 
 And I do not despair of this ; for I can be advanced so much by 
 your example and exhortations (not to leave room for which would 
 be degeneracy), also by Master Joachim Vadianus, whose pupil I 
 now am ; I am nourished by the flowers and rivulets of all the sci- 
 ences, from which it would be a crime for those ignorant of philo- 
 sophy to withdraw. Therefore, let me not be defiled by this wrong 
 or that ; doubt not that I will strive with perennial energy. Yet 
 one anxiety is left ; I cannot live for two years upon the 50 gold 
 pieces allowed me. I do not complain of this, by Mars, because I 
 am given to high living. By Hercules ' I live pretty roughly. I 
 live upon the food carried away from the dinner table ; I am com- 
 pelled to drink water which can be made by no benediction to lose 
 its original bad taste. In accordance with the warning of Joachim, 
 let 50 gold pieces be added to the 15 I received, and this you would 
 assent to if you knew the circumstances. When I reached Vienna, 
 only II remained, so expensive was the journey, and of them I spent 
 7 for books and then bought a bed. Assuredly money slipped so 
 quickly out of my hands that there is hardly a penny left. Then 
 there are 19 florins to be paid the procurator for food and 5 yearly 
 to Joachim, so that unless I can look for 30 gold pieces a year study 
 cannot be carried on. Therefore, my brother, on your side take 
 things in good part, and make your ears gracious to my appeal, and 
 I will on my part always respect your wishes. 
 
 "Concerning my studies I cannot write more, as I have hardly 
 tasted them. I gain very little from the reading of Pliny as I lack a 
 copy. I hear with the greatest attention lectures on Lactantius's 
 Dc Opificio and the rest from [John] Camertes [jirofessor of theo- 
 logy], the most learned man in Vienna at this time. I hear the 
 
 ' The word " f rater " in the inscription of this letter means brother 
 ip the iponastic sense. 
 
1506] Childhood and Youth 63 
 
 Letters of Cicero by our Joachim and the text of the Sentences [of 
 Peter Lombard] from a certain Father, a bachelor of letters. I 
 study, unwillingly though, the Dialectics, and I hear this, that, and 
 the other, which it is not necessary to speak of. Though it will be 
 seen how far I shall profit by any particular course when I have put 
 the finishing touch to it. So much for this. 
 
 "As to the money, do your part that what is coming to me may 
 be handed to Francis Zili, citizen of St. Gall, grandfather of Valen- 
 tine Tschudi, so that it may reach me by March 23d. I have written 
 the same thing to the abbot [probably that of St. John's], and by 
 command of my instructor I have asked father for a good new coat. 
 So see to it they get their letters as soon as possible, so that all may 
 be done at an early date. Have them read through this one's letter 
 to the dekan [of Wesen, Bartholomew Zwingli, James's uncle] as 
 soon as possible. I and the writer of this \i. e., Valentine] are in 
 one boat. Urge Valentine's relatives to be liberal, for though they 
 are rich they are very frugal. 
 
 " If there is any news let me have it. Not far from us a doubtful 
 conflict has been fought between the Hungarians and the Turks, and 
 this terrifies the Austrians. Do not be angry at this unpolished let- 
 ter. Farewell ! The good fortune of Metellus and the years of 
 Nestor be yours. Greet our respected John, Dr. Gregory [pastor] 
 of Swandon, my comrade Fridolin, and my sister [of Glarus]. 
 
 "Vienna, at the house of Saint Jerome, January 23, 1513." 
 
 When James went to Vienna he was already a monk, (see above), 
 and so his matriculation entry in the winter semester of 1512 reads : 
 Fr[ater] Jacobus Zwinglin professus ad s. Joannem prope 
 
 Apezell 4 grossos. 
 
 This fact about James Zwingli was first published by Egli, Analecta, 
 i., 12. Valentine Tschudi's name comes on the next line of the 
 matricula. James died a monk in the Scotch monastery in Vienna in 
 the year 1517.' Zwingli, writing to Vadian, June 13, 1517 (vii., 24), 
 says : " God Almighty knows how much grief has been cast upon me 
 by the sudden death of my brother, to whom you showed every 
 attention that your kindest of kind hearts could suggest." John 
 James a Liliis introduces himself to Zwingli in a letter from Paris, 
 
 ' Whose abbot was Eenedictus Chelidonius, who wrote the Latin 
 verses which accompany Diirer's cartoons of the Passion of Christ, 
 the Apocalypse and the life of the Virgin Mary. 
 
64 Huldreich Zwingli [1484- 
 
 October 21, 1518 (vii., 49), as an intimate friend of Zwingli's deceased 
 brother James. 
 
 Anna married Leonard Tremp, a master tailor in Bern, who 
 eventually became a leading citizen and was an ardent promoter of 
 the Reformation there. Four letters from him to Zwingli have been 
 preserved, all in German with a Latin translation : vii., 483, in 
 which he warns Zwingli against going to the Baden conference lest 
 he be murdered on the way ; viii., 23, in which he speaks of various 
 cantonal matters ; viii., 195, which seems to be imperfect ; viii., 276, 
 in w^hich alone does he mention his wife, confesses his personal fault 
 in regard to the treaty between Geneva and Bern, which Zwingli had 
 strongly deprecated; and one letter to him and Zwingli, vii., 524. 
 These letters show the intimate footing he stood on with Zwingli. 
 So in the letter from Haller to Zwingli, dated January 28, 1522 
 (vii., 189), Tremp and his wife are thus mentioned : " Tremp, most 
 affectionate of your friends, and his most worthy wife are well and 
 hope that you are also in the best of health." And Zwingli sends 
 remembrances to Tremp when writing to Bern, e. g., vii., 319. It 
 was from Tremp's house that Megander and Haller wrote to Zwingli 
 on March 2, 1531 (viii., 583). 
 
 In regard to Andretv, who was apparently the youngest of the 
 family, there is a little more known. He was an inmate of Zwingli's 
 house in Zurich when the plague broke out in midsummer of 15 19. 
 Zwingli was then at Pfaefers, but on his return to Zurich sent 
 Andrew for safety's sake to his brothers at Wildhaus, where he and 
 his brothers were well when on January 14, 1520 (vii., 109, no), the 
 abbot of Old St. John's wrote to Zwingli. Then Zwingli took sick 
 himself. Not knowing the reason for his silence, Andrew wrote the 
 first of the two letters given below, all that remain of their corre- 
 spondence. As soon as he could, Zwingli transferred him to his 
 (Zwingli's) unmarried sister's care at Glarus, and sent him to school 
 there (see Andrew's second letter). When it seemed safe to do so, 
 Zwingli recalled him to Zurich, but, alas ! the lad took the plague 
 and died on November 18, 1520. Zwingli thus announced to his 
 bosom friend, Myconius (vii., 155), the death of this dear brother: 
 
 " Zwingli to Myconius. Greeting. I am doubtful whether the 
 evils which befall me (if they are evils), ought to be communicated 
 to you, who are a man of most sympathetic disposition. For I fear 
 that if I do not warn you beforehand you will fall into unrestrained 
 grief, so regardful are you of me. And yet I beseech that you will 
 
Wi^ 
 
Childhood and Youth 65 
 
 endure itiy misfortunes with a calm mind, even as I myself endure 
 them. Because now I endure with equanimity what formerly threw 
 me into spasms of grief and mourning more than feminine, when I 
 was suddenly and unexpectedly overwhelmed with sorrow. Still I 
 recovered myself, so that now once more I stand firm. Thanks be 
 to God ! And so do you take it calmly when I tell you of the death 
 of my brother Andrew, a youth of great promise and excellent parts, 
 whom the plague slew on St. Elizabeth day [November 19], envious 
 (I think) of our blood and renown. Had he lived a year longer he 
 would have come to you [at Lucern] to be instructed by you and 
 your son in Greek, But so far am I from remonstrating with God 
 that I am ready to offer myself. Enough of this. 
 
 " I am awaiting your letter and those manifold songs recommended 
 by Zimmerman, for which our people here are looking daily. 
 
 " Farewell, and love me in my bereavement as you are accustomed 
 to do. Except for my loss the plague grows no worse, for I do not 
 know that within a month or so more than four or five have died. 
 I send my good wishes for your wife and children, Zimmerman, the 
 Provisor, and all. 
 
 " Zurich, November 25, 1520. 
 
 " P. S. I am not at home, driven out rather by the persuasions of 
 my friends, than by my own fears of death, and I shall soon return. 
 So you will not wonder that this letter is not sealed in my usual 
 fashion. Francis Zinck greets you." 
 
 As Zinck was papal chaplain at Einsiedeln it is likely that ZwingH 
 was there when he wrote this letter. 
 
 The two letters of Andrew Zwingli (vii., 88, 89), already men- 
 tioned, are as follows : 
 
 I. "Andrew Zwingli to Huldreich Zwingli. Greeting. I wish 
 you would inform me, my dear brother, how you are ; for we do not 
 know whether you are well, since you have written nothing. You 
 said when I came away that the abbot [of Old St. John's] should 
 soon receive a letter from you ; but I see that he has not. What the 
 delay is I do not see. But the abbot seems to me (it is only my in- 
 ference) to take it hard that you do not write to him more frequently, 
 and that you passed by him when you had been at Pfaefers, You 
 should know that the pestilence is raging here, for seven or eight 
 have died. We are all safe thus far by the will of God, But our 
 brother Nicholas's servant has died, but not in his house. The 
 abbot and our brothers tell me to send you their greetings ; the 
 S 
 
66 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 abbot adds that you are to write to him when your business will 
 allow you. I beg and beseech that you will ever have me com- 
 mended to you. 
 
 "Farewell, and take this in good part. Greet for me your col- 
 leagues and your family. 
 
 "Yours, 
 
 "Andrew Zwingli. 
 
 " 'Thursday before the Feast of St. Gall [/. e., October 13], 1519." 
 II. " Andrew Zwingli to Huldreich Zwingli. Greeting. Acer- 
 tain incredible tide of joy swept over me, dear brother, on reading 
 your letter, from which I perceive that you are convalescing daily. 
 What more pleasing news could I have than that you are well ! For 
 you have deserved so well of me that I cannot render an equivalent. 
 Nevertheless, I shall always be prepared to serve you to the best of 
 my ability with hands and feet. And he shall not see Andrew alive 
 who sees him forgetful of you ! 
 
 " You write also that I must add some Greek to the Latin, so that 
 I may not forget what I have learned with so much pains. Still I 
 think you know that there is no one here who cares a straw for 
 Greek, except the school-master, and business so distracts him that 
 he has no leisure. You advise me not to go to beasts of this sort. 
 I so approve of the advice you give me in so brotherly a manner that 
 I will no more approach those equine beasts. I will certainly do so 
 and grow wise through painful experience, according to the proverb : 
 ' A burnt child dreads the fire.' 
 
 "As to the books of which you write, you may understand that I 
 received all, both Elmer's and mine, and he himself gave me the 
 money. You know that I am now well, and that I desire you to 
 inform me how you are. Farewell. The school-master and Hiru- 
 doeus, Elmer, and my sister tell me to send you greetings. Farewell 
 again and again, bear with me kindly and ever put me among those 
 who are most fond of you. 
 " Glarus [November ?], 1519. 
 
 "You will greet in my name your assistants and your family. 
 Also salute in my behalf most diligently my teacher Myconius, and 
 Luchsinger. 
 
 " Yours, 
 
 "Andrew Zwingli." 
 
 The unnamed sister of Zwingli was married in Zurich in 1524 to 
 Zwingli's friend, John James Ammann (vii., 341). The marriage 
 
Childhood and Youth 67 
 
 could not have lasted long, for Zwingli, writing on March I2, 1529 
 (viii., 270), speaks of Huldreich Stoll as his sister's husband and 
 apparently alludes to the same sister. She died at Glarus in 1579 
 and left descendants. She is mentioned in the letters of James and 
 Andrew given above. 
 
 Blasius Farer, writing on October 23, 1525 (vii., 422), to Zwingli 
 from Stein, eleven miles east of Wildhaus, the place already men- 
 tioned on p. 61, alludes to the fact that Cunhart Clauser, the public 
 clerk of Thur, had married one of Zwingli's relatives. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 AT GLARUS 
 1506-1516 
 
 SEVEN and a half miles south of Wesen and 
 forty-three miles south-east of Zurich, upon a 
 little plain guarded by lofty mountains, lies Glarus; 
 and thither Zwingli, in the fall of 1506, went as par- 
 ish priest.' It was an important charge, for three 
 considerable villages — Netstall, two miles north, 
 Ennenda, one mile south, and Mitloedi, two and a 
 half miles south — as well as the town of Glarus were 
 comprehended in this parish — in fact nearly one 
 third of the canton. 
 
 But as Zwingli was a layman when he received 
 the call, he had to be ordained, and may have gone 
 to Constance for this purpose. Certain it is he 
 
 ' His predecessor was Johannes Stucki. Heinrich Goldli, a young 
 Zuricher of a prominent family, but already a pluralist, indeed a 
 speculator in church livings, laid claim to the place on the strength 
 of a letter of investiture from the Pope, Julius II., whose "courte- 
 san," i. e., hanger-on, Goldli was. Zwingli was compelled to buy 
 him off at an expense of more than a hundred gulden, twenty of 
 which were made up to him by his congregation when he left them. 
 Cf. vii., 237, and allusion in ii., I, 2. Goldli was not, however, en- 
 tirely silenced until he received a papal pension in 1512. Cf. Hottin- 
 ger-Wirz, Hclvetische Kircheiigeschichte, iii., 299 ; Schuler, ZwinglVs 
 Bildntigsgeschichte, p. 302. For additional evidence of Goldli's 
 grasping and rascally character, see vii., 183 ; and also Professor 
 Vincent's chapter, pp. 29-31. 
 
 63 
 

I506-I6] At Glariis 69 
 
 preached his first sermon at Rappersvvyl, in the 
 church at the back of the old castle on the promon- 
 tory jutting out into the Lake of Zurich and twenty- 
 seven miles from that city. And on Michaelmas 
 day, which that year (1506) came on Tuesday, 
 September 29th, he read his first mass in the parish 
 church at Wildhaus. He then went to Glarus.' 
 
 ' None of these churches thus associated with his early life now 
 exists. The church at Rapperswyl was burnt in 1881. If that now on 
 its site is the same size as the old church it must have been quite 
 large, as the view in this volume shows. At Wildhaus there are 
 now two churches. That on the present high-road is the Reformed 
 and is modern, but is probably on the site of the parish church in 
 Zwingli's time ; the one directly back of it is also comparatively new 
 and belongs to the Roman Catholics. The church wherein he offici- 
 ated at Glarus was burnt in the conflagration which well-nigh de- 
 stroyed the town on Friday, May 10, 1861, and upon its site is a 
 building containing the Law Courts, the Public Library, and a small 
 museum. The principal church of the place is some little distance 
 from it, and is used by the Roman Catholics and the Reformed 
 together. But as it was built subsequent to the fire and is used by 
 the same union congregation, it may be considered as keeping up the 
 connection with Zwingli, for Zwingli was not followed into the 
 Reformed faith by all his congregation, and his successor ministered 
 to both communions in the same church ! The only relic of Zwingli 
 preserved at Glarus is a very interesting one, viz., the silver chalice 
 used by him in celebrating the Eucharist. It is in the keeping of 
 the Roman Catholic priest, who, however, courteously shows it to 
 Protestant pilgrims. The Reverend Professor William J. Hinke of 
 Ursinus College, in the Reformed Church Record for November 25, 
 i8g7, thus describes it : " It is like a flat bowl in shape, four inches 
 wide, while the whole cup is but five inches high. The foot of the 
 cup is adorned by four seals, containing pictures of the four evangel- 
 ists, together with their symbolical representations. The stem of the 
 cup has projecting knobs with rosettes adorning the ends. On the 
 base is scratched ' Calixi Uly Zwingli, 1516.' " On August 23, 1897, 
 Professor Hinke made the photograph which is reproduced in this 
 volume. 
 
70 Huldreich Zwingli [1506- 
 
 To the Glarean period of Zwingli's life belong the 
 earliest of his compositions which have been pre- 
 served, and which were circulated in manuscript 
 during his lifetime, but not published until after 
 his death. They consist of two rhymed productions 
 in the vernacular, dating from 1510; and an account 
 of the doings of the Glarean contingent in Italy in 
 15 12. The so-called poems are not much better 
 than doggerel in rhymed couplets. The first, en- 
 titled "The Labyrinth," is the story of Theseus, 
 Ariadne, and the Minotaur. Applying the classical 
 myth he makes the thread reason; the Minotaur 
 shame or sins and vices; Ariadne the reward of 
 virtue. On his way to the Minotaur Theseus passes 
 several pictures of animals on the sides of the laby- 
 rinth which at first startle him. These animals are 
 allegorically explained as enemies of the Swiss. So 
 the poem is an allegory of Switzerland in the midst 
 of its foes, the pensionaries, i. c, those who in the 
 pay of foreign Powers hired out their countrymen 
 for foreign military service. 
 
 The second so-called poem is still more decidedly 
 allegorical, but has much less interest and general 
 merit. It is entitled " The Ox and the other Beasts." 
 It is a tame picture of the Swiss (the ox), surrounded 
 by cats (pensionaries), and attended by a faithful 
 dog (the national feeling), alternately the victim of 
 the wiles or the attacks of the lion (France) and the 
 fox (Venice). The shepherd (the Pope) endeav- 
 ours to deliver it from its foes. The application 
 is throughout obviously to the practice which had 
 grown up of distributing pensions among prominent 
 
i5i6] At Glarus 71 
 
 Swiss in order to secure their countrymen for mili- 
 tary service in foreign countries,' 
 
 The third composition is much more interesting 
 and important. It was written in Latin inside of 
 three hours — much of Zwingli's work was done 
 hastily." It relates the doings of the mercenaries 
 who went from Glarus into Italy in 15 12, and is the 
 sole specimen we have of Zwingli as an historian. 
 It is proof that if he had devoted himself to history 
 he would have excelled.^ < 
 
 Accepting the historical sketch just alluded to as 
 based on personal observation, Zwingli went three 
 times to Italy as chaplain of the Glarus contin- 
 gent, in 1512, in 1513, and again in 1515, and 
 
 ' The two poems are printed in ii., 2, 243-268, with prefaces and 
 translations into modern high German. Zwingli himself translated 
 the second poem into Latin and his translation is also given. His 
 dear friend, Loriti, the distinguished Humanist, did not consider this 
 rendering altogether a success (vii., 4). 
 
 * IV., 167-172. In its hasty composition it resembles his first pub- 
 lication, " A Godly Exhortation," etc., which was thought out, as the 
 preface informs us, written, and printed inside of three days (ii. , 2, 287). 
 
 ^ James Zwingli brought it to Vadian, along with his letter of 
 introduction already given above, p. 61. It is debated whether 
 Zwingli wrote this account from his own personal knowledge or 
 from the reports of the returned soldiers, many of whom would be 
 parishioners of his. The account does not pretend to be at first 
 hand, and there are expressions which seem to betray ignorance 
 such as would not be likely in so bright a man as Zwingli if he had 
 been in Italy at the time. On the other hand it is every way prob- 
 able that he went with those of his parishioners who formed part of 
 the papal army of that year, as he unquestionably did in 1513 and 
 15 15, and as was indeed his duty to do as a Swiss pastor, and the 
 errors can be explained on the ground of haste or of that curious 
 f?fality to blunder which characterises some writers, even historians. 
 
72 Huldreich Zwingli [1506- 
 
 these journeys had considerable influence upon his 
 life. In ways quite different from the journey 
 which Luther made to Italy they contributed to 
 his emancipation from the allegiance to the Roman 
 Church which characterised his early life. Dur- 
 ing his first experience as army chaplain occurred 
 the battles of Ravenna and Pavia, in the second 
 the victory of Novara, thirty miles west of Milan, 
 one of the most remarkable battles of history, 
 wherein seven thousand Swiss overcame twenty-one 
 thousand French troops, well supplied with cavalry 
 and artillery, while the Swiss were without either. 
 The zeal which Zwingli displayed in the papal in- 
 terest on both these campaigns was so manifest, 
 while at the same time his independence was equally 
 manifest, that the Pope, hearing of his perform- 
 ances, thought to bind the young Swiss to his ser- 
 vice by making him papal pension agent for the 
 canton of Glarus,' and further by the grant of an 
 annual pension of fifty gulden' " for the purchase 
 of books," as it was euphemistically styled. This 
 papal pension was destined to bring Zwingli into 
 trouble. 
 
 Zwingli's position in the papal favour may have 
 been the reason why he was selected to head the 
 following petition for certain favours from the Pope, 
 if indeed he did not write the petition, and also the 
 reason why they were secured : 
 
 'J. J. Hottinger, Helvcttsche Kirchengeschichte, ii., 578. 
 '"' !•. 354- 1 he amount was considerable for those days. See the 
 excursus on the papal pension, pp. 114 sqq. 
 
i5i6] At Glarus 73 
 
 A Petition to the Pope for a Confessor and Certaiti 
 
 Privileges for the Priest Master Zwingli and 
 
 Eleven Cotnpanions. 
 
 [1512-1513 ?] 
 
 Most Blessed Father: For the better provision for the 
 safety of the souls of your devoted petitioners, Master 
 Huldreich Zwingli, presbyter, [and] Heinrich Haessi, 
 Anton Murer, Huldreich Tschudi [and] Judoc Tschudi 
 of Glarus, Wolfgang Zymmermann, Johann Speich, 
 Marcus Mad, Huldreich Landolt, Margareta Zilin, 
 Rudolf Brunner, and Melchior Murer, of the laity of the 
 Diocese of Constance, husbands and wives, and of their 
 children of either sex, the aforesaid petitioners humbly 
 beseech Your Holiness to grant as a mark of special 
 favour to them that such suitable confessor of the secular 
 or any regular order as any of them shall consider 
 eligible, shall have power to absolve them from all ec- 
 clesiastical judgments, censures, and penalties, of ex- 
 communication, suspension, interdict, or of other nature, 
 imposed by law or by man upon any occasion or for any 
 cause, from transgressions as to any vows, oaths, or 
 mandates of the Church, and as to fasts, from guilt of 
 mental or accidental homicide, from neglect of penances 
 imposed or of divine offices, and from all their sins, 
 however grave, which they have repented of in their 
 hearts and confessed with their lips, even such as ought 
 properly to be referred to the Apostolic See, when re- 
 served, once in life and at the moment of death, save 
 only those contained in the Bull on the Lord's Supper 
 \_Bidla in Ccena Domim\ when not reserved to the 
 Apostolic See, as often as shall be necessary, and to im- 
 pose penance unto salvation, also to commute to other 
 
74 Huldreich Zwingli [1506- 
 
 works of piety all vows save only those of Religion and 
 Chastity or of pilgrimage to Jerusalem, to the resting- 
 place of Peter and Paul at the City [of Rome], and of St. 
 James in Compostella [Santiago de Compostella is in 
 extreme North-western Spain], and to release from all 
 oaths without prejudice to other parties, also once in life 
 and at the moment of death to bestow with apostolic 
 authority remission of all their sins with plenary absolu- 
 tion. Moreover, that it be lawful for any presbyter or 
 noble or graduate among the petitioners to have a port- 
 able altar, with due reverence and honour, at which even 
 before daylight, though about dawn, to cause to be cele- 
 brated by their own or other suitable priest in presence 
 of themselves or of any one of them, their families, and 
 household, or themselves to celebrate, masses and other 
 divine offices, and to attend divine service and receive 
 the Eucharist and other sacraments of the Church, in 
 places appropriate thereto and worthy, even though they 
 be not consecrated and in ordinary course under the in- 
 terdict of the Church, provided they have not given cause 
 for such interdict; except, however, upon Easter or to the 
 prejudice of the rector [of the parish]. That the bodies 
 of those of the petitioners who pass away at the time of 
 such interdict may be delivered to ecclesiastical burial 
 therein without funeral pomp. Also, that by devoutly 
 visiting upon separate days in Lent or other days of the 
 Stations of the City in any one year one or two churches 
 or two or three altars which any one of them shall have 
 selected as suitable in the parts where the separate peti- 
 tioners happen to be residing for the time, they may ob- 
 tain as many and such indulgences as they would obtain 
 if they visited in person annually the separate churches 
 of the City, which because of such Stations are usually 
 visited by the faithful of Christ. Besides, that in Lent 
 
i5i6] At Glarus 75 
 
 and on other forbidden days they may upon the advice 
 of a physician eat and partake of eggs, meat, or butter, 
 cheese, and other milk products, without scruple of con- 
 science, at any time. Furthermore, that You will deign 
 by special favour and indulgence to grant permission and 
 authority for the women or any one of them with three 
 or four respectable women to be entitled and empowered 
 to enter four times a year with permission of those in 
 charge any convents of nuns of any order, including that 
 of St. Clara, and to eat and converse with the nuns, pro- 
 vided they do not stay all night, any regular enactments 
 or ordinances promulgated by the Apostolic Chancery to 
 the contrary notwithstanding, and that it please You on 
 this occasion specially to invalidate these and all other 
 opposing regulations whatsoever with the customary 
 clauses. 
 
 As to [power to remit sins] "reserved" once in life and at the 
 moment of death with said exceptions.' 
 
 As to [power to remit] those not reserved to the Apostolic See as 
 often as shall be necessary. 
 
 As to commutation of vows, with said exceptions, and release 
 from others. 
 
 As to remission with plenary absolution once in life and at the 
 moment of death. 
 
 As to a portable altar, with the clause " before day " and places 
 under interdict, as above. 
 
 That they may attend divine service and receive the sacraments 
 and be buried at times of interdict as set forth. 
 
 As to the indulgences for the Stations of the City through visiting 
 churches or altars as above. 
 
 As to the eating of meat, eggs, butter, and other milk products, 
 at forbidden times as aforesaid. 
 
 As to permission to enter convents of nuns for women, as above. 
 
 ' These and the following items evidently are notes upon the 
 petition made by the papal notary and show point by point that the 
 requests were granted. 
 
76 Huldreich Zwingli [1506- 
 
 With invalidation of the aforesaid regulations of the Chancery for 
 this occasion at least. 
 
 That the present indulgence shall last and not be reckoned as re- 
 called during the life of the separate petitioners. 
 
 That full credence be accorded these presents everywhere when 
 signed by a notary public and provided with the seal of some digni- 
 tary of the Church thereto appointed. 
 
 That the signing of this petition is sufficient in itself without the 
 despatching of other document. 
 
 That the provisions may be competent to the separate petitioners 
 without mention of the others. 
 
 Granted as petitioned in presence of our Lord the 
 Pope, L[eonard de la Rovere], Cardinal Bishop of Agen. 
 
 G. [C. ?] DE RUBEIS, 
 
 [On the back] Phi[lippus?] de Senis, Correct[or],' 
 
 When Zwingli went to Italy in 15 15 he found that 
 the agents of other princes had made the Glareans 
 disaffected towards the Pope and ready to take serv- 
 ice under the French. This seemed to him to be 
 disgraceful. It was one thing to help the Pope and 
 quite a different thing for mere money to fight 
 against the Head of the Church. So at Monza, 
 nine miles north-north-east of Milan, while preach- 
 ing on the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin, Sat- 
 urday, September 8th, he took occasion to rebuke 
 those plotters against the Pope. But the French 
 bribe was in so many cases successful that quite a 
 serious defection was caused in the Swiss ranks, 
 with the result that the papal troops were badly 
 beaten in the battle of Marignano, ten miles south- 
 
 ' Latin text, with annotations, in E. Egli's Analecta Reformatoria, 
 i., 13-16. It had previously been given less accurately in Archiv 
 fiir die sckweizcrische ReforinationsgcschichtL\ iii., 600, 601. 
 
1516] At Glarus 11 
 
 east of Milan, upon September 14th and 15th, and 
 their reputation as the Ever Victorious gone for 
 ever. 
 
 The correspondence between Zwingli and his 
 friends during the Glarean period is the earliest 
 preserved and has special interest as showing the 
 kind of company he kept in his opening years and 
 how he was gradually developing into the Reformer. 
 It sets him forth as very tenderly solicitous for his 
 younger brothers, as ready to serve his friends and 
 so as having friends ready to serve him, as the faith- 
 ful teacher of several promising youths, and as a ris- 
 ing Humanist. He possessed a library of remarkable 
 size, the envious admiration of his friends, devoting 
 to its increase the papal pension he received. He 
 was deeply interested in the literary events of the 
 day and, like other friends of the New Learning, 
 watched eagerly the printing - press to see what 
 treasures it would bring forth. His friends and 
 pupils praise him to the skies as a paragon of learn- 
 ing and sum of all the virtues. But this style of 
 talk was the fashion among the Humanists and often 
 meant only that the person addressed and his corre- 
 spondent belonged to the same literary aristocracy. 
 Zwingli took this adulation quietly and on occasion 
 returned it. Thus he addressed the really great 
 Erasmus in terms of the grossest flattery, a way all 
 the latter's friends had. From this letter the fact 
 is derived that so profoundly did he reverence 
 Erasmus that he never went to sleep at night with- 
 out reading a little in his works. 
 
 The letters exchanged between Erasmus and 
 
78 Huldreich Zwingli [^506- 
 
 Zwingli in this period, which have been preserved, 
 are here given ' : 
 
 The first letter is from Zwingli to Erasmus: 
 
 " To Erasmus of Rotterdam, great philosopher and 
 theologian, Huldreich Zwingli sends greeting: When I 
 am about to write to you, Dr. Erasmus, best of men, I am 
 on the one hand frightened by the lustre of your learn- 
 ing, which demands a world larger than the one we see; 
 and on the other hand I am invited by that well-known 
 gentleness of yours which you manifested towards me, 
 when in the early spring I came to Basel to see you, for 
 it was an unusual proof of kindness that you did not 
 despise a man who is a mere infant, an unknown smat- 
 terer. But you have granted this to the Swiss blood 
 (which I perceive is not so greatly displeasing to you); 
 you have granted it to Henry Glarean, whom I see you 
 have taken into intimacy with yourself. 
 
 " You may have wondered greatly that I did not remain 
 at home, since [when I got to Basel] I did not even seek 
 the solution of some most difficult questions (as your 
 own vain talkers are wont to do from you). But when 
 you discover by reflection that what I looked for in you 
 was that far-famed efficiency of yours, you will cease 
 to wonder. For, by Hercules, I admire boldly and even 
 shamelessly this which you have in perfection, together 
 with a friendliness of manner and pleasantness of life. 
 So that when I read your writings I seem to hear you 
 speaking and to see you, with that finely proportioned 
 little body of yours, gesticulating with elegance. For 
 without boasting you are so much beloved by me that I 
 cannot sleep without first holding converse with you. 
 
 ' VII., 10, 12. The order is reversed for the reasons given on p. 8l. 
 
15 16] At Glarus 79 
 
 " But why am I wearying your most learned ears with 
 these uncouth sounds ? For I am not ignorant that 
 jackdaws should eat from the ground. Well, that you 
 may know how far it was from being the fact that I was 
 sorry for the journey that I made to see you (as did those 
 Spaniards and Frenchmen, who, as the divine Jerome 
 says, once went to Rome to see Livy), I think that I have 
 made a great name for myself and make my boast in no- 
 thing else than this, that I have seen Erasmus — the man 
 who has deserved most highly of letters and the secret 
 things of Sacred Scripture, and who so burns with love 
 to God and men that he thinks that whatever is done for 
 the cause of good letters is done for himself. All good 
 men ought to pray that God will preserve him in safety 
 to the end that sacred literature freed by him from bar- 
 barism and sophistry may increase to a more perfect age 
 and that the tender shoots bereaved of their great father 
 may not be left without protection and care. 
 
 " But now, to bring this tragedy to a close, I in return 
 for all those kindnesses which you have shown me have 
 given you what -^schines gave to Socrates, — though not 
 an equal value, — myself.' But you do not receive this 
 gift which is not worthy of you! I will add, more than 
 the Corinthians did when scorned by Alexander — that I 
 not only will give it to no other but never have done 
 so. If you do not accept it even thus, it will be sufficient 
 to have been repelled by you. For nothing will more 
 contribute to the correction of one's life than to have 
 
 ' Allusion to the speech of the Athenian philosopher of that name, 
 son of a sausage seller, of whom Socrates is said to have remarked 
 that the sausage seller's son alone knew how to honour him. Zwingli 
 doubtless derived his allusion from Seneca, De beneficiis, I., viii. In 
 1522 Zwingli invited Erasmus to settle in Zurich. See Erasmus's 
 reply, vii., 221. 
 
So Huldreich Zwingli [1506- 
 
 displeased such men. So whether you are willing or 
 unwilling, you will, I hope, restore me in improved con- 
 dition to myself. Finally, when you have used your pos- 
 session in whatsoever manner is pleasing to you, farewell. 
 " Glarus, April 29, 15 15." 
 
 The reply of Erasmus was this : 
 
 " Erasmus of Rotterdam to Huldreich Zwingli at 
 Glarus, a philosopher and theologian most learned, a 
 friend beloved as a brother: Greeting. 
 
 " The fact that you are so well disposed towards me 
 has been a very great delight to me, as is your letter, 
 equally sprightly and learned. If I respond in short 
 measure to this last, you must not lay it up against me. 
 For by these labours, which seem to me as though they 
 would never be finished, I am often compelled to be less 
 kind than I would be to those to whom I least wish to 
 be so; but to myself 1 am by far the most unkind, drain- 
 ing the resources of my intellect which not even a quint- 
 essence may restore. That the results of my lucubrations 
 are approved by you, so approved a man, greatly rejoices 
 me, and they are on this account less displeasing 
 to me. 
 
 " I congratulate the Swiss, whose genius I particularly 
 admire, upon the fact that you and men like you will 
 embellish and ennoble them by your most excellent pur- 
 suits and customs, with Glareanus as leader and standard- 
 bearer, who is not less pleasing to me on account of his 
 marked and varied erudition than on account of his sin- 
 gular purity and integrity of life — a man, too, entirely 
 devoted to yourself. 
 
 " It is my intention to revisit Brabant immediately after 
 the Feast of Pentecost; at least so things are tending. 
 
I5I6] At Glarus Si 
 
 But I do not willingly tear myself away from these 
 regions. 
 
 " Be careful, my Huldreich, to use the pen now and 
 then, which is the best master of speech. I see that 
 Minerva is favourable if the training is maintained. I 
 have written this at dinner, at the request of Glareanus,' 
 to whom I can deny nothing, no, not even if he should 
 tell me to dance stark naked! Farewell. From Basel." 
 
 Allusions in letters and in later years in discourses 
 fix in this Glarean period several important events. 
 First, Zwingli's study of Greek. The first intima- 
 tion that he was thinking of beginning this study 
 is in 1510^; but he does not seem to have made 
 
 ' Henry Loriti was a native of Glarus, hence his pen-name. This 
 undated letter is put in the spring of the year 15 14 in the Schuler 
 and Schulthess edition of the Zwingli correspondence (vii., 10), on 
 the ground that after Pentecost Erasmus made a visit to Brabant. 
 The fact that Erasmus commonly did not date his letters has made 
 the exact chronology of his life the despair of his biographers. See 
 Emerton's Erasmus in this series, fassitn. Staehelin (i., 80) puts 
 it in May, 1515, on these grounds : (i) that the way Zwingli begins 
 his letter of April 29, 1515, is not consonant with the reception of 
 so friendly an epistle ; hence that letter must have been written 
 before the Erasmus letter. (2) Zwingli's letter does not imply any 
 epistolary contact between them. (3) As Glareanus did not come 
 to Basel till the spring of 15 14, he would hardly in that year have 
 cemented so firm a friendship as Erasmus testifies to. As friendship 
 depends upon common tastes, and where these exist is a plant of 
 very rapid growth, this third ground does not seem very strong. 
 Erasmus and Glareanus had much in common. It is noteworthy 
 that both Erasmus and Glareanus were too much dissatisfied later on 
 with the course of the Reformation to follow Luther and Zwingli 
 into the restored Christian Church. 
 
 * Glarean writes to him in that year : " The Introduction [to 
 
 Greek], with its author, you will learn about rather at Basel than at 
 
 Cologne (vii., 2)." 
 6 
 
82 Huldreich Zwingli [1506- 
 
 a real start till 15 13, when, writing to Vadian on 
 February 23/ he says: " I am applying my igno- 
 rant self to the study of Greek and Latin. I do 
 not know who has stirred me up to the study of 
 Greek unless it is God ; I do not do it on account 
 of glory, for which I do not look, but solely for the 
 sake of Sacred Literature." In 1523, in his ex- 
 position of the Articles of the first disputation of 
 that year, he says: " Ten years ago I began the 
 study of Greek in order that I might learn the 
 teaching of Christ from the original sources." " His 
 progress seems to have been reasonably rapid, espe- 
 cially in view of the fact that he had apparently 
 no teacher.' However, a little knowledge of Greek 
 
 'VII., 9. 
 
 "^ I., 254. Greek study in Western Europe was then in its infancy. 
 Teachers were scarce and text-books were scarcer still. The only 
 Greek grammar in use in the West was that by Emanuel Chrysoloras 
 (b. at Constantinople 1355 ; d. at Constance 1415), which was known 
 as the Erotertiata, the Greek title meaning "the interrogatives," 
 and was first printed in Venice in 1484, and frequently afterwards 
 in different places. Zwingli calls it the " Introduction " {Isagogeii) 
 of Chrysoloras ; and as Glareanus (vii. 2) speaks of an " Isagogen " 
 which he had undertaken to translate, but had to lay aside from ill 
 health, it is likely that he refers to the same book. Zwingli asked 
 Vadianus what he (Zwingli) should take up after he had finished it 
 (vii., 9). Glarean, writing from Basel on October 24, 1516, says: 
 " I do not know whether you have a Greek dictionary or not. If 
 you need one write to me and I will see that it is sent you at once " 
 (vii., 18). The lexicon Zwingli used was that of Suidas (Milan, 
 1499), and on the first page of his copy he wrote in Greek : " TLlnl 
 Tov ZvyyXiov Hcxl tov Hvpiov /ii?fSaju(^i xcxTaWa^aj si fitf 
 ^arepov cxTtoBavovToi." Cf. Usteri, //ii(ia Z7('i>!g/ii {'' Stud'ien 
 u. Kritiken," 1885, 621). The book was in the Zwingli exhibition 
 at Zurich, Jan. 4-13, 18S4. See catalogue of the same, p. 9. 
 
 ^ At least Myconius, writing to him on October 28, 1518, says : " I 
 
I5I6J At Glarus 83 
 
 made one in those days a paragon of learning, while 
 if one joined to it a smattering of Hebrew such an 
 accumulation was almost superhuman, and, indeed, 
 it was sometimes hinted, betrayed Satanic influence! 
 Second, his emancipation under the influence of 
 his growing knowledge from the traditional the- 
 ology. He was able to make the most of his ad- 
 vantages. Thus, in his preface to his commentary 
 on Isaiah,' he writes: 
 
 " The Lord has granted that from boyhood I should 
 come by reading to a knowledge of things divine and 
 human. ... In this round of studies I have worked 
 so joyously and heartily that I have profited whoever the 
 master may have been, yet never was so wedded to any 
 that I was not willing to receive the teachings of others 
 if they produced anything weightier or clearer than my 
 master for the time being." 
 
 His earliest teachers in systematic divinitj' were 
 the Basel scholastics. He thus describes his 
 emancipation : 
 
 " In my younger days I was as much devoted to worldly 
 knowledge as any of my age, and when seven or eight 
 years ago I gave myself up to the study of the Bible I 
 was completely under the power of the jarring philoso- 
 phy and theology. But led by the Scriptures and the 
 Word of God I was forced to the conclusion : you must 
 leave them all alone and learn the meaning of the Word 
 
 ask you to show me your plan for studying [Greek] without a 
 teacher" (vii., 51, 52). And in his life of Zwingli he states that he 
 (Zwingli) learned Greek from "lexicons and translations" (p. 5)- 
 • v., 547 sq. 
 
84 Huldreich Zwingli [1506- 
 
 out of the Word itself. So I asked God to give me His 
 light and then the Scriptures began to be much more in- 
 telligible when I read them themselves alone than when 
 I read much commentary and exposition of them. Do 
 you not see that was a sign that God was leading me ? 
 For I never could have come to such a conclusion by 
 my own small understanding." ' 
 
 Two men had a large part in this emancipation. 
 One was Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, who was 
 born in Mirandola in 1463, and died in Florence 
 in 1494. He had in the winter of \4S6-Sy pro- 
 posed to maintain against all comers nine hun- 
 dred theses of a miscellaneous character, though 
 predominantly religious and theological, but the 
 Pope (Innocent VIII.) prohibited the discussion, 
 and thirteen of the theses were selected for con- 
 demnation.^ This brousfht him into disfavour till in 
 
 ' I., 79. Cf. Myconius, p. 5. 
 
 ^ The thirteen obnoxious theses were as follows, as given by J. M. 
 Rigg in his preface to his translation of Sir Thomas More's Giovanni 
 Pico della Mirandola (London, 1890), pp. viii, ix : 
 
 1. That Christ did not truly and in real presence, but only quoad 
 effectum [in effect], descend into hell. 
 
 2. That a mortal sin of finite duration is not deserving of eternal, 
 but only of temporal punishment. 
 
 3. That neither the cross of Christ, nor any image, ought to be 
 adored in the way of worship. 
 
 4. That God cannot assume a nature of any kind whatsoever, but 
 only a rational nature. 
 
 5. That no science affords a better assurance of the divinity of 
 Christ than magical and cabalistic science. 
 
 6. That assuming the truth of the ordinary doctrine that God can 
 take upon himself the nature of any creature whatsoever, it is pos- 
 sible for the body of Christ to be present on the altar without the 
 
I5I6] At Glarus 85 
 
 1493 Innocent's successor, Alexander VI., acquitted 
 him. Zvvingli had, while a teacher in Basel, approved 
 of at least some of these theses, although which ones 
 is unknown, and had been called in consequence in 
 certain quarters a heretic,' and was in 1510 still in- 
 terested in Pico.' Resemblances have been traced 
 between Pico and Zwingli on such points as the 
 Eucharist, providence, and predestination.' 
 
 conversion of the substance of the bread or the annihilation of 
 " paneity " [the state of being bread]. 
 
 7. That it is more rational to believe that Origen is saved than that 
 he is damned. 
 
 8. That as no one's opinions are just such as he wills them to be, 
 so no one's beliefs are just such as he wills them to be. 
 
 g. That the inseparability of substance and accident may be main- 
 tained consistently with the doctrine of transubstantiation. 
 
 10. That the words "hoc est corpus meum" ["this is my body"] 
 pronounced during the consecration of the bread are to be taken 
 " materialiter " {i. e., as denoting an actual fact) and not "signifi- 
 cative" (i. e., as a mere recital). 
 
 11. That the miracles of Christ are a most certain proof of his 
 divinity, by reason not of the works themselves, but of his manner 
 of doing them. 
 
 12. That it is more improper to say of God that he is intelligence, 
 or intellect, than of an angel that it is a rational soul. 
 
 13. That the soul knows nothing in act and distinctly but itself. 
 
 ' Cf. Myconius, pp. 5,6; Bullinger, Keformationsgeschichte, i., 7. 
 
 ' In that year, Glareanus, writing to Zwingli, alludes manifestly 
 to some remark of the latter upon Pico (vii., 2). Several of Pico's 
 books are now in the collection of Zwingli's books in Zurich. See 
 catalogue of the Zwingli exhibition of 1884, p. 9. 
 
 * C. Sigwart {Ulrick Ziuhigli : der Character seiner Theologie mit 
 besonderer Rucksicht auf Picus von Mirandida, Stuttgart, 1855) 
 made this comparison, but later modified his views. In regard to 
 the Eucharist, Melanchthon states explicitly that Zwingli confessed 
 to him that Erasmus first suggested his theory {Corpus Reforma- 
 torum, iv., 970). 
 
86 Huldreich Zwingli [1506- 
 
 But Zwingli's chief emancipator was Erasmus.' 
 In 1523, he thus declares his indebtedness to him: 
 
 " I will not, dearest brethren in Christ Jesus, with- 
 hold from you how I came to the opinion and firm 
 belief that we require no other mediator than Christ ; 
 also that between God and us no one can mediate ex- 
 cept Christ alone. Eight or nine years ago I read a 
 consolatory poem on the Lord Jesus," written by the 
 profoundly learned Erasmus of Rotterdam, in which 
 with many very beautiful words Jesus complaijis that 
 men did not seek all good^-in ^im, so that He might be to 
 them a fountain of all good, a Saviour.,-, comfort aijd 
 treasure of the soul. So I reflected. Well, if it is really 
 so, why then should we seek help of any creature ? And 
 although I found other hymns or songs by the same 
 Erasmus on St. Anna, St. Michael, and others, in which 
 he calls upon the saints of whom he wrote as interces- 
 sors, still this fact could not deprive me of the know- 
 ledge that Christ was the only treasure of our poor souls; 
 but I began to examine the biblical and patristic writings 
 
 ' The position of Erasmus among the young Humanists of the early 
 part of the sixteenth century had many points of similarity to that of 
 Matthew Arnold's among the college men of the United States thirty 
 and perhaps twenty years ago. Like Arnold he was read by the 
 whole set and sworn to with all a young man's ardour. His scepti- 
 cism, his cynicism, his wit, his learning, his versatility were appre- 
 ciated, but by no means implicitly approved by those who read him. 
 There was a fascination about him even to those who knew how de- 
 fective his character was. Those who came ultimately to quite dif- 
 ferent conclusions were grateful to Erasmus for having exposed the 
 hoUowness of monkery and the falsity of the mediccval claim of fin- 
 ality for the scholastic method. 
 
 * " Expostulatio Jesu cum homine suapte culpa pereunte," Erasmi 
 Opera omnia, Leiden ed., v., cols. 1319, 1320. 
 
rsrfil At Glarus 87 
 
 to find out if I could learn from them concerning the 
 intercession of saints. To be brief, I have not found it 
 at all in the Bible; in some of the Fathers I have found 
 it, in others not." ' 
 
 It was Erasmus after all who set him against 
 the scholastic theology and in favour of the Bible, 
 taught him to value the classics and to take sensible 
 views in general. He therefore turned to the Script- 
 ures and so diligently studied them that his know- 
 ledge would have been considered remarkable in any 
 age. His writings abound with apt quotations from 
 all parts of the Bible and of such a character that 
 they show a mind saturated with it. 
 
 It was during this Glarean period that he made 
 two discoveries which were destined to have a de- 
 cided effect upon all his thinking. The first related 
 to the cardinal doctrine of the Lord's Supper. He 
 thus tells the story: 
 
 " It was while pastor at Glarus that I came across at 
 Mollis [four miles north of Glarus] an Obsequial, /. ^., a 
 book for baptismal, burial, and benediction services, 
 which although old was in respect to the writing com- 
 plete, and unaltered; and therein stood a Latin rubric, 
 that immediately after the infant had been baptised, 
 ' then shall to the child be administered the sacra- 
 ment of the Eucharist, including the chalice containing 
 the blood.' . . . How long this practice was ob- 
 served in the canton of Glarus I have not been able to 
 find out, but surely it is not two hundred years since 
 
 ' I., 298. 
 
88 Huldreich Zwingli [1506- 
 
 that in Mollis the Lord's Supper was administered in 
 both kinds." ' 
 
 The second was made while campaigning in Italy, 
 viz.: that the mass-books did not agree exactly; 
 especially he noted the variations of the Ambrosian 
 liturgy, as he found it in an old service-book in the 
 neighbourhood of Milan. He collected such books 
 and compared them. The variations were slight, 
 but sufficient to disprove the claim of the Church of 
 Rome that her liturgy was the same in all times 
 without variation.'' 
 
 His life in Glarus must have been a busy one. 
 His parish was large, and yet he increased his 
 labours by teaching the classics. He was a hard 
 student himself and incited an enthusiasm for learn- 
 ing in his pupils. In regard to the duties of his 
 office he says: " Young as I was, the priestly ofifice 
 filled me with more fear than joy. Because I knew 
 and still know that the blood of the sheep who 
 perish through my unfaithfulness will be required 
 at my hands, so have I ever used my office to pro- 
 mote peace." ' Being convinced that the preacher 
 needed every help available, he read widely in the 
 classics, studied eloquence,* and for purposes of 
 
 ' I., 246. ' III., 87 sq., 92. For Luther's similar discovery 
 
 in Milan, see Kostlin, i. io6. 
 
 ^ I-, 353* This was said in 1523 in allusion to the Glarean period. 
 
 * It is conjectured that Zwingli studied the treatise by the Basel 
 preacher, Johannes Ulricus Surgant, entitled Maiiuale curaiorum 
 preJicandi prebens inoditm: tain latino atijiie vulgari sermone practice 
 ilhitninatKtn : cum certis aliis ad curam aniinatoriiin pcrtincnti- 
 bus : omnibus curatis tarn conducibilis atqite salubris, the first edition 
 of which had appeared at Basel in 1503, and which took high rank 
 
t3^* 
 
I5I6] At Glarus 89 
 
 pulpit illustration,' memorised Valerius Maximus, 
 the Latin author who has so industriously collected 
 anecdotes. Unfortunately no specimen or descrip- 
 tion of his preachinp" during this period has been 
 preserved, except the very vague remark of his 
 friend and earliest biographer that he ** preached 
 gospel grace without alluding at all, or, if so, very 
 cautiously, to the abuses of the Church of Rome," ' 
 and the equally vague remarks of one who had 
 heard him only once, but whose object in writing is 
 to contrast him with his successor, of whom he 
 gives a very bad account.' But that he had won 
 considerable reputation as a preacher is evinced 
 by his being subsequently engaged to preach at 
 Einsiedeln, the most famous place of pilgrimage in 
 German-speaking lands, and especially at the feast 
 of the "Angel Dedication," when it was particular- 
 ly complimentary to be asked, as only renowned 
 preachers were invited.* 
 
 Part of his growing reputation was due to his 
 
 as a manual on homiletics. It was indeed the kind of book Zwingli 
 would use, but there is no proof that he did, as it is nowhere men- 
 tioned by him or in any letter of his correspondents. See E. Chris- 
 ten, Zwingli avant la re'forme de Zttrich (Geneva, 1899), p. 38. 
 
 ' The monks were in the habit of enlivening their sermons with 
 more or less moral tales. And so in this respect Zwingli followed 
 the fashion of his age. Even when addressing the unlearned, he 
 interlarded his discourses with classical references and allusions. 
 But the rich biblical setting he gave them showed that he was no 
 mere pedant. 
 
 ' Myconius, p. 6, who had just spoken of his studies and pulpit 
 preparations, p. 5. 
 
 ^ VII., 165 sqq. 
 
 * See next chapter. 
 
90 Huldreich Zwingli [1506- 
 
 stand in respect to the mercenary traffic, that curse 
 and shame of his country, which he early deter- 
 mined "utterly to root out." ' At first he had made 
 an exception, as has been already remarked, of the 
 papal service, but he soon came to see that papal 
 gold was just as corrupting as secular, and further 
 that the Pope as a warrior was not a whit different 
 from other princes, indeed, was as faithless as any- 
 one else. So he condemned the traffic in toto. It 
 had originated in consequence of the great fame 
 the Swiss had made as soldiers when fighting for 
 their country against Charles the Bold, Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, especially by the victories of Granson and 
 of Morat in 1476. It was then customary to hire 
 troops wherever they could be gotten, so the reput- 
 ation of the Swiss made them eagerly sought after. 
 This meant that foreign princes bid against each 
 other for the opportunity of hiring them and were 
 willing to pay leading Swiss to act as agents in this 
 business. Such agents were called pensionaries. 
 Thus prominent families were interested in the 
 traffic, and Zwingli's opposition brought him the ill- 
 will of these persons. But his opposition was made 
 on moral grounds; the degeneracy caused by contact 
 with foreign lands, and the deterioration in character 
 involved in fighting merely for money excited his 
 rage and disgust, and having been with the mer- 
 cenaries he could speak from personal knowledge. 
 Then, too, Glarus was during the sitting of the Diet 
 a centre of this disgraceful business. " Every day 
 we receive," he testifies, " messengers from the 
 ' Myconius, p. 5. 
 
i5i6] At Glarus 91 
 
 Pope or the Emperor, the Milanese, the Venetians, 
 the Savoyards, and the French, and send others to 
 them." ' It will be readily understood that his per- 
 petual preaching against the pecuniary interests 
 of leading and influential Glareans excited counter 
 demonstrations. Men always resent what affects 
 their pockets, and so when these leaders and the 
 many persons of lower rank who were more or less 
 dependent on the trafific had heard the young priest 
 hold them up time and time again as " un-Swiss," 
 as dealers in the souls of men, and in other uncom- 
 plimentary terms, they determined to get rid of 
 him. The rank and file of his congregation were 
 devoted to him, and no act of theirs would have 
 severed their relation, but the machinations of the 
 pensionaries and their beneficiaries made his life a 
 burden, and so in the spring of 1516 he announced 
 his intention to remove to Einsiedeln.' 
 
 Excursus on the Zwingli Correspondence in General, 
 and on that of the Glarean Period in Particular. 
 
 Most of the letters printed in the two volumes in the Schuler and 
 Schulthess edition (vii. and viii.) devoted to the Zwingli correspond- 
 ence are addressed to him, many of his letters having perished. As 
 he had no amanuensis, at least not prior to 1524 (vii., 328), he must 
 have written his letters with his own hand, which, as he had an ex- 
 tensive correspondence, was, as Myconius tells us, a laborious task 
 
 ' See his letter to Vadian, February 23, 1513 (vii., 9). 
 
 * See his letter from Einsiedeln, June 13, 1517 (vii., 24). Cf. a 
 letter to him from a friend in Glarus (vii., 161 sqq.), alluded to above, 
 written on January 23, 1 521, which states that it was Zwingli's 
 criticism of the pensionaries which compelled his departure, and in 
 closing alludes to the sorrow the news of his brother's death had 
 caused in Glarus. 
 
92 Huldreich Zwingli [1506- 
 
 p. 8). Apparently he kept no copy of his letters, but he some- 
 times made a translation into Latin of those he wrote or received 
 in German. So many letters in the volumes given are in two lan- 
 guages. Staehelin published in 18S7 five new letters from Zwingli, 
 and more may be forthcoming. A. L. Herminyard has incorporated 
 in his monumental Coi-respoiidance dcs Ji^fortnateurs dans les Pays 
 de langue Fran^aise (vols. i. and ii., 2d ed., Paris, 1878) three let- 
 ters of Zwingli and seventeen to him, but they include none hitherto 
 unknown, and one, No. 82, is only a French translation of the 
 closing part of Zwingli's dedicatory letter addressed to Francis I. 
 in sending that King his " Commentary on True and False Re- 
 ligion." But Herminyard's careful annotations are very welcome. 
 
 Of the thirteen letters from the Glarean period, and there are none 
 earlier, only three are Zwingli's. The interest which attaches to the 
 youth of distinguished men makes it proper here to analyse these 
 thirteen letters in order that the associations and occupations of 
 young Zwingli may be discovered as far as may be. 
 
 I. From Glarean, Cologne, July 13, 1510 (vii., i, 2). It relates to 
 personal and literary matters, and incidentally shows how eagerly 
 the products of that still new invention, the printing-press, were 
 awaited by scholars. 
 
 II. From Vadian, Vienna, April 9, 1511 (vii., 3). It relates to a 
 common friend of great promise, Argobast Strub of Glarus, whose 
 memorial volume Vadian transmits. 
 
 III. From Glarean, Cologne, April 18, 1511 (vii., 4, 5). It ac- 
 knowledges receipt of Zwingli's translation into Latin of the verses 
 on " The Ox and the other Beasts," and criticises it rather severely, 
 though gently as became their friendship. See p. 71, n. 
 
 IV. From Glarean, Cologne, 1511 (vii., 5). It shows that Zwingli 
 was helping him secure a place in Basel, whence he had just returned, 
 and in connection with 
 
 V. From Johann Heinrich Wentz, Basel, 1511 (vii., 6), relates to a 
 mysterious episode in Zwingli's early life. It appears that Zwingli 
 probably while teaching in Basel had received a benefice in St. Peter's 
 church, but he had so much neglected its probably purely formal duties, 
 whatever they were, that the papal Nuncio (I'ucci) had drawn up the 
 notice of excommunication, but at the earnest solicitation of Wentz, 
 who was rector of the Basler University when Zwingli matriculated 
 and who had a great affection for him, the Nuncio had held it back 
 for a while. Wentz implores Zwingli to treat the matter seriously 
 
^5i6] At Glarus 93 
 
 and do what was necessary to avoid the disgrace of being excom- 
 municated. Nothing more is known of the affair. Wentz died Janu- 
 ary 25, 1518. See vii., 33. Staehelin thinks (i., 54) that iv. and v. 
 should change places. There probably is in Pucci's letter of Sept. 
 I, 1518, offering Zwingli a papal acolyte chaplaincy (see next 
 chapter), allusion to this with other ecclesiastical disabilities still 
 existing from which he desired to absolve Zwingli, when he writes: 
 " In case you are involved in any way in any ecclesiastical judgments, 
 censures, or penalties of excommunication, suspension, interdict, 
 or of other nature, imposed, by law or by man upon any occasion 
 or for any cause, we absolve you." 
 
 VI. From Zwingli to Vadian, Glarus, October 4, 1512 (vii., 7). 
 Already given in full, pp. 61, 62. 
 
 VII. From James Zwingli, Vienna, February 20, 1513 (vii., 7, 8). 
 Already given in full, pp. 62, 63. 
 
 VIII. From Zwingli to Vadian, Glarus, February 23, 1513 (vii., 
 8, 9). Already quoted, p. 82. 
 
 IX. From Johann Dingnauer, Kilchberg, on the Lake of Zurich, 
 December 6, 1514 (vii., 9, 10). It gives him an invitation to come 
 and see him and incidentally alludes to Erasmus's high opinion of 
 Zwingli. Zwingli recommended Dingnauer to Winterthur, sixteen 
 miles north-east of Zurich, as pastor (vii., 30). 
 
 X. From Erasmus, Basel, 15 14, more likely 15 15 (vii., 10). Al- 
 ready given in full, pp. 80, 81. 
 
 XI. From Peter Falk, January 23, 1515 (vii., 11, 12). Falk was 
 a prominent citizen of Freiburg in Switzerland, twenty miles south- 
 west from Bern. He offered Zwingli the free use for two years 
 of a house in Pavia, iialy, and of a farm at Casale, thirty-five 
 miles west of Pavia, with the services of a farmer to look after it ! 
 
 XII. From Zwingli to Erasmus, Glarus, April 29, 1515 (vii., 12, 
 13). Already given in full, pp. 78-80. 
 
 XIII. From Valentine Tschudi, Basel, July 31, 1515 (vii., 13, 14). 
 Tschudi was one of Zwingli's pupils at Glarus, and his successor 
 there in 1522 (see p. 120). He expresses his gratitude and speaks of 
 his present studies under Glarean. He died in 1555. See Schuler, 
 ZwingWs Bildungsgeschichte, pp. 319, 320. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 AT EINSIEDELN 
 1516-1518 
 
 ZWINGLI in writing to Vadianus from Ein- 
 siedeln on June 13, 1517, thus explains his 
 leaving Glarus: 
 
 " I have changed my residence, not at the stimulus of 
 desire or of avarice, but because of the wiles of the 
 French; and now I am at Einsiedeln. . . . What 
 disaster that French faction has at last wrought me the 
 wind of rumour has doubtless wafted to you. In the 
 things done I too have had a part, but I have borne or 
 have learned to bear many misfortunes." ' 
 
 It was on Monday, April 14, 15 16, that Theobold, 
 or as he was also called, Diebold, von Hohen- 
 geroldseck, administrator of the monastery at Ein- 
 siedeln, met Zwingli in the castle at Pfaeffikon, on 
 the southern shore of the Lake of Zurich, twenty 
 miles from that city, but only about five miles north 
 of Einsiedeln, to discuss his going to Einsiedeln 
 as people's priest. The interview being mutually 
 satisfactory, the papers were witnessed by his uncle, 
 Johann Meili, abbot 'of Fischingen, and his former 
 teacher, Gregory Buenzli, pastor at Wesen, and 
 
 'VII., 24. 
 
 94 
 
[1516-1518] At Einsiedeln 95 
 
 sealed by the administrator and by Zwingli. He 
 was promised a salary of twenty florin a year, pay- 
 able quarterly, and also an income from gifts, 
 masses, and confessional fees of the abbey church.' 
 
 ' See the contract in Hottinger, Hist, eccl., viii., 24-26 ; better 
 and with explanatory notes in Egli, Analecta Reformatoria, i., i6- 
 19, which translated reads thus : 
 
 Contract of Zwingli with the Administrator of the Convent of 
 Einsiedeln. 
 
 " In the name of the Lord, Amen. Whereas the Reverend Father 
 and Lord in Christ, Domine Theobold von Hohengeroldseck, Admin- 
 istrator of the monastery of Einsiedeln, upon whom devolves the 
 care of the pastoral office, which is greatest of all, cannot by himself 
 attend to so many things, and lest the blood of those under him be 
 required at his hands, also because these hands are kept busy with 
 greater duties, he has provided for himself one to whom he can with- 
 out anxiety assign a part of his burdens, appointing as his substitute 
 in the curacy the worshipful gentleman, Domine Huldreich Zwingli, 
 Master of Arts. Inclined thereto by the petition and the character 
 of the aforesaid worshipful gentleman, he willingly designates him 
 vicar or people's priest of the aforesaid monastery of Einsiedeln, 
 observing the customary stipulations and articles of agreement, not 
 because any lack of confidence exists on either side, but for the 
 greater security, in view of the instability of man. 
 
 " In accordance therewith it has been duly covenanted in the pre- 
 sence of the honourable gentlemen named below and at the place and 
 time indicated : 
 
 " First, that he shall obey the Lord Abbot or his Administrator in 
 all things lawful and right ; shall watch over the advancement and 
 interest of the monastery, and guard it from loss and injury in 
 every way in his power, and shall preside over those placed under 
 his pastoral care as becomes a good and upright pastor, and minister 
 unto them with all diligence. 
 
 " Secondly, it has been covenanted that the aforesaid Master Huld- 
 reich with his assistant ' shall dine at the regular table in the refec- 
 tory of the monastery, while the Lord Administrator shall receive 
 
 ' Zwingli's assistant was Master Lukas. See vii., 29, 167, 184, 226. 
 
96 Huldreich ZwingJi [1516- 
 
 He did not, however, take up his residence at 
 Einsiedeln until October of that year, 1516,' and he 
 remained pastor of Glarus till he went to Zurich. 
 He so signs himself on October 30, 15 17, when 
 writing to the chief magistrate of Winterthur'; his 
 name so appears upon the official records, and he 
 drew the parish income and out of it paid his 
 " vicar " or substitute. His people were anxious 
 to retain him and promised to rebuild his house if 
 
 the tithes, the revenues from the Martyrologium,' and a part of the 
 confession money, leaving to Master Huldreich the offerings and 
 burial fees, and he, the Lord Administrator, to wit, shall give the 
 same twenty florins a year, sixteen batzen to the florin, payable 
 quarterly. 
 
 " Thirdly, the Lord Administrator promises that when any bene- 
 fice which belongs to his jurisdiction becomes vacant, he will make 
 provision for the aforesaid Master Huldreich from the same, pro- 
 vided that he shall first relinquish the right to his own benefice at 
 Glarus. 
 
 " Given in presence of the following witnesses, to wit : 
 
 " The Reverend Father and Lord in Christ, Domine John, Abbot 
 of Fischingen ; the worshipful gentleman, Domine Master Gregory 
 [Buenzli], people's priest at Wesen ; the worshipful Domine Master 
 Melchior Stoker, people's priest at Freienbach [on Lake Zurich, six- 
 teen miles south-west of the city]; and the worshipful Domine Master 
 Zinck of Castle Pfeffingen [Pfaeffikon]. 
 
 " In witness whereof the Seal of the Convent of the aforesaid 
 Monastery has been afifixed, and the Lord Administrator and Master 
 Huldreich have affixed their seals this fourteenth day of April, in the 
 year one thousand five hundred and sixteen." 
 
 ' This comes out in his correspondence, which incidentally shows 
 that he was in Glarus most of August and September {cf. vii., 15, 
 17). But Glareanus, writing from Basel in October, 1516 (vii., 18), 
 implies that Zwingli was already removed to Einsiedeln. 
 
 *VII., 30. 
 
 • In the back of this book the names of benefactors of the monastery were 
 inscribed. 
 
i5i8] At Einsiedeln 97 
 
 he would stay. They were proud of his reputation 
 for scholarship, of his large library, of his musical 
 skill, of the friends he had made, and of his de- 
 voted pupils, and of his rise from obscurity to pro- 
 minence among the Swiss. They knew what an 
 excellent preacher he was, how faithful a pastor, 
 how firm a friend, how enthusiastic a patriot, how 
 generous, how jovial, how self-sacrificing, in short, 
 what a fine man he was. But his enemies, though 
 far less numerous than his friends, were equally de- 
 termined and compelled his departure. 
 
 The feeling of dismay with which his pupils heard 
 that he had left Glarus is expressed by one of them 
 who wrote: " What could possibly have happened 
 more saddening for our Glarus than to be bereft of 
 so great a man! " ' He, on his side, returned love 
 for love. Writing to a friend in October, 1522, he 
 thus speaks of his pleasant relations with Glarus: 
 
 " I lived in such a peaceful and friendly manner with 
 my lords in Glarus that we never had the smallest diffi- 
 culty, and went away in such favour that they allowed 
 me for two years to receive the income of the living, in 
 the hope that I would come back; and indeed I should 
 if I had not been called to Zurich; and moreover on my 
 resignation they made me a present of twenty gulden 
 towards recouping me for the cost of the lawsuit. For 
 the living cost me much more than one hundred 
 gulden." " 
 
 To this congregation he dedicated his first consider- 
 
 'VII., 17. 
 
 * The letter is given in German and Latin, but in both forms is 
 unfinished. See vii., 237, and page 68 of this volunae. 
 
9^ Huldreich Zwingli [1516- 
 
 able writing in behalf of the Reformation, " The Ex- 
 position of the Articles," Zurich, 1523, in this fashion : 
 " To the honourable, prudent, wise Chief Magis- 
 trate, Council, and Congregation of the Canton 
 Glarus, from of old time Christians and Confeder- 
 ates." ' He further says, " I have dedicated this 
 treatise to you, once my dear flock, now gracious 
 lords and dear brethren in Christ, in order that I 
 might attest my gratitude for the trust and honour 
 you have shown me," " and signs himself, " Ever 
 your obedient servant." ' 
 
 But the change which he made, however it was 
 caused, and however he and others regarded it, was 
 one of the providential preparations for the part he 
 was destined to play in history. 
 
 Einsiedeln lies on a plain which extends south- 
 wards from near the Lake of Zurich. It is distant 
 only twenty miles from Zurich,* in a south-east- 
 erly direction, but much off the beaten track of 
 travel, requiring a special journey. It was in two 
 other respects a great contrast to Glarus. It was 
 a small place and it lacked the striking mountain 
 scenery surrounding Glarus. But it was then as 
 to-day the most famous place of pilgrimage in 
 Switzerland and all Southern Germany, in conse- 
 quence of the divinely dedicated shrine of the 
 Virgin Mary, where miracles were and are believed 
 to be wrought. Plenary indulgence also rewards 
 the worshippers there. Over the entrance of the 
 
 ' I.. 170. 3 1., 174. 
 
 ' I., 172. * Zwingli calls it a six hours' journey (vii., 59). 
 
i5i8] At Einsiedeln 99 
 
 monastery appeared the legend : " Here is full remis- 
 sion of all sins both from the guilt and punishment." 
 The pilgrims came in large numbers and, as they 
 were of all grades, there was a fine opportunity for a 
 man of Zwingli's temperament and disposition to 
 make wide and desirable acquaintance. This was 
 precisely what happened. And so his fame spread 
 as it might not otherwise have done. 
 
 The story of Einsiedeln ' is worth repeating. The 
 name comes from '' emsiedler,'' a hermit; hence 
 the Latin name for the place is '^Er emit arum Coeno- 
 biiim.'' Meinrad was the hermit from whom it de- 
 rived its origin. He was a native of Rottenburg, 
 twenty-five miles south-west of Stuttgart, but was 
 educated in the famous Benedictine abbey school 
 on the island of Reichenau in the Untersee, three 
 and one half miles north-west of Constance, and after 
 a brief experience as a secular priest became a monk 
 in that monastery. At some later date he was sent 
 to teach at the abbey's branch school at Oberbol- 
 lingen, on the Lake of Zurich, near its eastern end 
 and twenty miles from Zurich. Across the lake 
 were mountains and dense forests, and as he day by 
 day gazed towards them he was seized with the de- 
 sire to bury himself in those solitudes and so cut 
 himself off from contact with men. Accordingly he 
 crossed the lake in the year 829 and made his way 
 to the pass of the Etzel, a small mountain a couple 
 of miles south of the Lake of Zurich and some 
 
 ' The information here given about Einsiedeln comes mainly from 
 the scholarly book of Odilo Ringholz, Wallfahrtsgeschichte unserer 
 lieben Frau von Einsiedeln^ Freiburg im Breisgau, 1896. 
 
loo Huldreich Zwingli [1516- 
 
 twenty miles south-east of Zurich, and lived on the 
 spot for some seven years. He had the same ex- 
 perience which distressed many other hermits — his 
 solitude was invaded — so he removed to another 
 spot in the " Gloomy Forest," as the forest was 
 called, to the plain where Einsiedeln is built, about 
 four miles south of his first abode. There beside 
 a spring he put up his hut and a little place for 
 prayer. On Tuesday, January 21, 861, he was vis- 
 ited by two men who, probably under the misap- 
 prehension that he had hidden treasure, murdered 
 him. Forty years later there were a number of 
 hermits living where the martyr had fallen. Thirty 
 years more and the huts had been abandoned for a 
 regular conventual building. In 948 the chapel of 
 Meinrad was enclosed in a church. Conrad, Bishop 
 of Constance, in whose diocese Einsiedeln was till 
 the beginning of this century, came down to de- 
 dicate this enclosing church to the Virgin Mary and 
 the holy martyr Mauritius, and at the same time 
 St. Meinrad's chapel to the Virgin Mary. But at 
 midnight preceding the day set for the dedication, 
 (Thursday, Sept. 14, 948) while the Bishop and 
 some of the monks were praying in the church, they 
 heard angelic voices singing in the chapel the de- 
 dicatory service. Consequently he refused the next 
 day to undertake the duty for which he had come, 
 as far as the chapel was concerned, declaring that 
 it had already been consecrated and in a sublime 
 manner. But, over-persuaded, he proceeded to 
 read the service. Scarcely had he begun, when a 
 voice was heard by all, saying, " Stop, brother. 
 
I5I81 At Einsiedeln loi 
 
 God has already dedicated the chapel." The 
 speaker was the Angel of the Covenant, the Lord 
 Jesus Christ, so the dedication is known as the 
 Angelic Dedication; in German " Ejigehueihe," 
 meaning by " angel " the Lord Jesus Christ.' 
 
 The fact of the Angelic Dedication is attested 
 in the alleged Bull of Leo VIIL, which is dated 
 Nov. II, 964, or only eighteen years after the al- 
 leged event ; but unfortunately there is some doubt 
 about the Bull's genuineness.' The Bull, whether 
 genuine or not, promises plenary indulgence to those 
 who visit the chapel, and so has played an import- 
 ant part in attracting visitors. 
 
 The legend respecting the Angelic Dedication can 
 be traced in writing to the first half of the fourteenth 
 century.' According to this writing God the Son 
 came down from heaven attended by the Virgin 
 Mary, angels, and saints, and the angels and saints 
 took part in the dedicatory services. Pilgrimages 
 to the chapel date surely from the middle of the 
 tenth century. The number of pilgrims fell off in 
 the opening years of the Reformation but rose 
 again. It is claimed that now one hundred and 
 fifty thousand visit the shrine annually, mostly 
 from Switzerland and South Germany. The chapel 
 in consequence of its supposed miraculous dedica- 
 tion was considered particularly sacred to the 
 Virgin Mary." Over it, so as to enclose it, was 
 
 ' So Ringholz derives the term, pp. 31 1, 312. 
 " Ringholz, p. 312. ^ Ringholz, p. 350. 
 
 * " More gracious than elsewhere is here the help of the Godhead ; 
 And more on her altars the presence of Mary works wonders." 
 Glarean, Descriptio de situ Helvetia. 
 
I02 Huldreich Zwingli [1516- 
 
 built a church, and around the church other ecclesi- 
 astical buildings. Into its famous monastery down 
 to the Reformation only the higher nobility found 
 entrance, as the dean, Albrecht von Bonstetten, 
 writes in 1494: " This church and monastery should 
 be a place of refuge to princes, counts, barons, and 
 heads of societies, according to the documents and 
 immemorial usage." ' It is not to be wondered 
 at that the members of a monastery thus recruited 
 showed small interest in spiritual affairs. Fewer and 
 fewer would assume the responsibility of member- 
 ship in the chapter. So at the beginning of the 
 sixteenth century only two such members are met 
 with, the princely abbot Conrad III. of Hohenrech- 
 berg and the administrator, Diebold von Geroldseck. 
 It was to the latter that Zwingli applied for the 
 position of minister at Einsiedeln.' 
 
 The chapel of Meinrad has always been of course 
 the central point of the pilgrim's attention. This 
 chapel, when Zwingli saw it, was not in the shape 
 in which it was when the alleged Angelic Dedication 
 
 ' Ringholz, p. 19. 
 
 ' It is every way likely that Zwingli directly or indirectly applied 
 to Diebold, as Ringholz asserts (p. 19). The two were acquainted, 
 and Zwingli had already made a sufficient reputation as a preacher 
 to be welcomed there. In 1527 Diebold left Einsiedeln, having 
 come over to the Reformation. He lived henceforth in Zurich, 
 and went forth with Zwingli to the fatal field of Cappel, and there 
 died at his side. 
 
 Abbot Conrad staid, however, in the Roman Catholic Church, 
 but resigned his office in 1526 on account of old age. Though the 
 Reformation did not entirely disrupt the monastery, it was a stagger- 
 ing blow, from which, however, it recovered, and Einsiedeln is to- 
 day a purely Roman Catholic centre. 
 
i5i8] At Einsiedeln 103 
 
 took place, for that chapel had been accidentally 
 burnt in 1465, and a new one built the next year, 
 using the old walls which had survived the fire. In 
 16 1 7 it was covered with marble and otherwise 
 decorated. In 1798 the French destroyed it and 
 scattered its materials through the village, but they 
 were regathered, and the present graceful structure 
 erected on the site of the former chapel. Over the 
 old altar of the chapel from time immemorial there 
 has stood a figure of the Virgin and Child. It is 
 now, and has long been, covered with gorgeous 
 vestments. When these are removed it is revealed 
 that the figure is of wood ; the Virgin wears a simple 
 single garment extending to the feet and bound 
 around the waist with a narrow girdle ; while the 
 child is entirely nude. The child is carried on the 
 left arm and hand. His right hand is raised in 
 blessing; his left presses gently to his bosom a little 
 bird which lightly pecks his finger — a representation 
 of the miracle of making the sparrows out of clay 
 told of the infant Jesus in the Apocryphal gospels.' 
 The face and hands of the Virgin and the entire 
 body of the child are now painted black, but origin- 
 ally they were flesh-coloured. It is not known 
 when or where the figure originated. It is first men- 
 tioned in the year 13 15.' 
 
 ' Pseudo-Matthew, chap, xxvii. ; Gospel of Thomas, first Greek 
 form, 2 ; second Greek form, 3 ; Latin form, chap. iv. ; Infancy of 
 the Saviour, 36. 
 
 ' Ringholz, p. 35. Ringholz does not seem to be willing to repeat 
 the old stories of its miraculous origin, but he has full faith in its 
 wonder-working equalities. One sees in the church to-day crutches 
 
I04 Huldreich Zwingli [1516- 
 
 The Angelic Dedication of the chapel said to 
 have taken place in the year 948 was originally com- 
 memorated every year ; but from the middle of 
 the fifteenth century only every seven years by a 
 fourteen days' festival; from the beginning of the 
 sixteenth century only when the 14th of September 
 fell on Sunday, and fourteen days thereafter. This 
 is the present custom. Such is called the major 
 celebration. But every year on September 14th there 
 is a celebration lasting a single day, whatever may 
 be the day of the week. The year Zwingli went to 
 Einsiedeln, viz., 15 16, the 14th of September fell 
 on Sunday, and so there was that year the major 
 celebration, and he went to Einsiedeln to celebrate 
 it. Such a celebration did not occur during 15 17 or 
 1 5 1 8. On each of the two or sometimes on the three 
 Sundays of the great festival there are two sermons, 
 and these would fall to Zwingli to deliver as preacher 
 of the abbey. Before the Reformation the selection 
 of preacher was simply on the idea of having the 
 best available talent, but since then choice has been 
 generally limited to the preaching orders. The 
 subject of the sermons is assigned by the abbot, 
 who in 1522 appointed the Gospel of Luke. Dis- 
 putations on theological and philosophical things 
 
 and other appliances which have been left by those who were cured 
 at the shrine. Pope Julius, in his Bull, " Pastoris ^terni," testifies 
 to such cures (Ringholz, p. 343). In Zwingli's day they had no 
 questioners. But in this sceptical age more is required than simply 
 the exhibition of casts or surgical inventions to secure belief in the 
 tales of cure, and those seen in the church on August 20, 1897, were 
 rather old, as if there had not been any cases of cure there recently. 
 
VIRGIN AND CHILD IN CHAPEL AT EINSIEDELN. 
 
i5i8] At Einsicdeln 105 
 
 were a feature of these festivals. On every Sunday 
 of the year and on all festival days of the Church 
 there was preaching and, as Einsiedeln was always 
 full of strangers, the preachers were sure of an 
 audience and to have reports of their sermons car- 
 ried far away. 
 
 The town of Einsiedeln now numbers some nine 
 thousand inhabitants, mostly engaged in minister- 
 ing to the needs of pilgrims. It doubtless pre- 
 sented the same general appearance in Zwingli's 
 day that it does at present. Going thither to 
 escape the petty but persistent persecution of the 
 French party he found himself congenially situ- 
 ated. The library of the monastery was already 
 large, and he had means put at his disposal to in- 
 crease it.' Both the abbot and the administrator 
 were friendly to the New Learning — the latter was 
 indeed a man of some scholarship ' ; and there were 
 constantly coming thither scholars and prominent 
 persons from all parts. His duties as preacher did 
 not claim all his time, and as he had the true stu- 
 dent's insatiable thirst for knowledge, he made the 
 most of his opportunities, and laid in a considerable 
 increment to those stores of learning he had already 
 collected. It was in this Einsiedeln period that he 
 always dated his arrival at evangelical truth. He 
 was at all events, then, confirmed in that rejection 
 of the scholastic method and theology which were 
 
 ' See the letter of Glareanus, who acted as his literary agent, of 
 October 24, 15 16 (vii., 17). Zwingli alludes to his facilities for 
 study. 
 
 » VII., 59. 
 
io6 Huldreich Zwingli [1516- 
 
 in vogue, and had turned to the Bible as the suffi- 
 cient revelation of the will of God, and used the 
 Fathers as helpful but fallible interpreters of the 
 Word. 
 
 In August, 1 5 18, the Franciscan monk, Bern- 
 hardin Samson, or as he signed himself in his let- 
 ters of indulgence, Sanson, made his appearance in 
 Switzerland as the papally commissioned seller of 
 indulgences to the Swiss. As he entered the canton 
 Schwyz in which Einsiedeln is located, it is probable 
 that he came to Einsiedeln. But Hugo von Lan- 
 denburg, the Bishop of Constance, and John Faber, 
 or Fabri, his vicar-general, were both much opposed 
 to the traffic in indulgences and incited Zwingli to 
 preach against it, and Samson left the canton. An 
 indulgence, properly speaking, is a remission of the 
 temporal consequences of sins. The saints are in 
 Catholic theology supposed to have performed good 
 works far in excess of those needed for their sal- 
 vation. These good works constitute a treasury 
 upon which the Pope can draw at will, and such 
 drafts are honoured in the shape of lessening or al- 
 together obliterating the punishment in purgatory. 
 But though it was entirely contrary to their alleged 
 instructions, and certainly to the official teaching, 
 it is the fact that the sellers of indulgence often so 
 represented the matter that the purchasers of the 
 article supposed that they were buying exemption 
 from the punishment of those sins which the Church 
 theology declared were damning, and also buying 
 permission to commit sins! The sale of indulgences 
 was immensely increased by this misconception, 
 
I5I8J At Einsiedeln lo^ 
 
 and the Pope for whose benefit ostensibly the traffic 
 was carried on profited thereby. To Zwingli the 
 business appeared amusing. He had no apprecia- 
 tion apparently of the enormity of the conduct of 
 the Pope in selling what he should have rejoiced to 
 give his subjects — viz., the lessening or extinction 
 of purgatorial pains in themselves and others. In 
 writing Beatus Rhenanus he gave a laughable de- 
 scription of Samson and showed how he used all the 
 arts of the auctioneer in the disposal of his wares.' 
 
 ' This letter has been lost. Our knowledge of it and its contents 
 comes from Rhenanus, who, in his reply, dated Basel, December 6, 
 15 18 (vii., 57 sq.), strikes a deeper note, shows a more earnest spirit, 
 and bears welcome testimony to the quality of Zwingli's preaching. 
 He thus speaks : "I have laughed a great deal at the peddler of in- 
 dulgences [Samson], whom you depicted so vividly in your letter. 
 They give letters to the leaders in a war for those who shall perish 
 in battle. How petty and unworthy of the representatives of the 
 Pope these things are ! What will they not think up so that Italy 
 may get our money ! And yet I do not consider this is a laughing 
 matter, but rather one for tears. For nothing grieves me more than 
 to see a Christian people laden with ceremonies that do not reach 
 the heart of the matter or that are rather empty nothings. And I 
 see no cause for it except that the priests, deceived by those mule- 
 driving sophistical theologians, teach heathen and Jewish doctrines. 
 I am now speaking of the rank and file of the priesthood. For it 
 does not escape me that you and those like you bring forth to the 
 people the pure philosophy of Christ, straight from the fountain, 
 uncorrupted by interpretation of Scotist [follower of Duns Scotus, 
 1260-1308] or Gabrielist [follower of Gabriel Biel, 1425-1495], but 
 expounded by Augustine, Ambrose, Cyprian, Jerome, faithfully and 
 correctly. But those people standing in a position where whatever 
 is said the people at large think is true, bleat out nonsense about the 
 power of the Pope, remission, purgatory, counterfeit miracles by the 
 saints, restitution contracts, vows, pains of the damned, Antichrist. 
 But you in preaching to your congregation show the whole doctrine 
 
io8 Huldreich Zwingli [1516- 
 
 Zwingli in 1523 thus describes his preaching at 
 Einsiedeln : 
 
 " I began to preach the gospel of Christ in the year 
 15 16 before anyone in ray locality had so much as heard 
 the name of Luther; for I never left the pulpit without 
 taking the words of the gospel as used in the mass serv- 
 ice of the day and expounding them by means of the 
 Scriptures; although at first I relied much upon the 
 Fathers as expositors and explainers." * 
 
 of Christ briefly displayed as in a picture ; how Christ was sent 
 down to the earth by God to teach us the will of the Father, to show 
 us that this world, i. e., riches, honour, authority, pleasures, and all 
 that kind of thing, are to be contemned so that the heavenly country 
 can be sought with the whole heart, to teach us peace and concord 
 and the attractive community of all possession (for Christianity is 
 nothing else) — even as Plato dreamed of in his Republic, for he is to 
 be numbered among the great prophets ; to take away from us fool- 
 ish affections of earthly affairs concerning country, parents, relatives, 
 health, and other possessions, to declare that poverty and disadvant- 
 ages in this life are not real evils." Very likely this letter is not to 
 be taken as a full description either of monastic preaching or of 
 Zwingli's. But it presents doubtless the contrast between them ; 
 how the monks discoursed on Church teaching in reliance upon the 
 scholastics where Zwingli relied upon the great Fathers, handled 
 themes of vital importance, and based his doctrine upon the Bible 
 itself. Another witness to the biblical quality of his preaching at 
 that time is Caspar Hedio, subsequently the Reformer of Strassburg, 
 who wrote from Basel to Zwingli on November 6, 1519 (vii., 89), in 
 the following very complimentary terms respecting a sermon he heard 
 him preach at Einsiedeln at Pentecost, apparently of that year, 15 19, 
 from Luke, v., 17-26, the story of the paralytic: "I was greatly 
 charmed by an address of yours, so elegant, learned, and weighty, 
 fluent, discerning, and evangelical, such a one as plainly recalled the 
 energy of the old theologians. . . . That address, I say, so 
 inflamed me that I began at once to feel a deep affection for Zwingli, 
 to respect and admire him." ' I., 253. 
 
i5i8] At Einsiedeln 109 
 
 This sort of preaching was so great a contrast to 
 that ordinarily heard, that it must have occasioned 
 remark. That it was popular was shown in his sub- 
 sequent call to Zurich. Yet the sticklers for or- 
 thodoxy must have scented heresy in his implied 
 contempt or low valuation of the scholastic and 
 monastic topics for sermons, and perhaps it was his 
 protection that he had so warm a friend in the ad- 
 ministrator, and that the abbot was such a perfect 
 indifferentist in matters of religious controversy.' 
 The papal chaplain of the monastery, Zink,' was 
 also a friend of the New Learning, and defended 
 Zwingli's practices. 
 
 Einsiedeln was frequently visited by ecclesiastical 
 dignitaries, and as they were off duty they were the 
 more inclined to discuss matters informally and 
 candidly. Zwingli thus alludes in 1525 to his inter- 
 course with some of them : 
 
 " I will call upon the witness of living persons. Be- 
 fore the dissension [/. .?., the Reformation] arose I have 
 spoken with prominent cardinals, bishops, and prelates, 
 and discussed with them errors in doctrine and warned 
 them that they must proceed to do away with abuses if 
 they would not themselves perish in the great upheaval. 
 To the Lord Cardinal of Sitten [Matthew Schinner] I 
 testified eight years ago [/. ^., in 15 17] at Einsiedeln, 
 and afterward at Zurich often, and in the clearest lan- 
 guage, that the papacy had a false foundation, and sup- 
 ported the same from Scripture." * 
 
 • See the story in Bullinger, i. , 9, 
 
 • Also spelled Zinck, Zingg. 
 »II.. I. 7. 
 
no Huldreich Zwingli [1516- 
 
 Bullinger also tells how Zwingli at Einsiedeln ex- 
 horted Hugo, Bishop of Constance, to give free 
 course to the preaching of the pure and clear word 
 of God and to remove gross abuses and supersti- 
 tions, and that he made similar remarks to Cardinal 
 Schinner, the papal Legate in Switzerland.' Of 
 course, he knew that neither of these persons had 
 any authority to do anything of the kind.^ Of more 
 immediate advantage to him was the instruction in 
 Greek which he received from the famous Italian 
 scholar, Paul Bombasius, the secretary of Cardinal 
 Schinner.' 
 
 However much Zwingli might speak of the abuses 
 of the Church, the idea of separating from her on 
 account of them never entered his head. In fact 
 in so talking he was like many others who had been 
 talking and talking for nigh a hundred years. Little 
 did Rome care for such talk And Rome considered 
 that so long as this young Swiss preacher took the 
 papal pension, however reluctantly, he would not 
 do much against her. Still, as he was plainly a man 
 
 ' BulHnger, i., lo. 
 
 "^ This fact did not prevent him subsequently from addressing a 
 formal petition to the Bishop on the same subjects. See p. i66. 
 
 ^ There is a letter from Bombasius to Zwingli, dated March 2, 
 1518 (vii., 35), which is evidence of acquaintance between them. On 
 April 27, 1518 (vii., 42), Valentine Tschudi, writing from Paris, con- 
 gratulates Zwingli upon securing so learned and skilful a teacher in 
 Greek. But he does not give his name. It is, however, a common 
 conjecture that he meant Bombasius, and as Zwingli was by this 
 time quite well advanced in Greek it is not unlikely that Bombasius 
 and he read some Greek together, and in this sense Bombasius might 
 be said to be his teacher. 
 

 EINSIEDELN, FROM A CONTEMPORARY DRAWING. 
 
i5i8] At Einsiedeln tit 
 
 worth getting more closely bound to the papal chair, 
 a rising man and already a power, the papal Nuncio, 
 Antony Pucci, writing from Zurich on September i, 
 15 18, announced to him that the Pope, in recogni- 
 tion of his ability and learning, had made him an 
 acolyte chaplain, which was to be sure not a very 
 exalted honour, and at the same time had granted 
 his request to be released from certain ecclesiastical 
 censures." What answer Zwingli made to this letter 
 
 ' The letter is as follows : 
 
 ^^Appointment of Master Huldreich Zivingli as Papal Acolyte 
 Chaplain, September i, JJ18. 
 
 "Antonio Pucci, Subdean of the church of Florence, Priest of the 
 Apostolic Chamber, Delegate with power of Legate de latere to the 
 Swiss of the ancient Great League of Upper Germany, to our Hul- 
 dreich Zwingli, beloved in Christ, Rector of the parish church of the 
 village of Glarus in the diocese of Constance, Acolyte Chaplain of 
 our Most Holy Lord, the Pope, and the Apostolic See, eternal salva- 
 tion in the Lord. Shining in virtues and merits, and commended by 
 our observation and the reports of your laudable reputation, you 
 have won such favour in the sight of our Lord, the Pope, and the 
 Apostolic See that, watching with fatherly interest over your charac- 
 ter as a man of letters, we are graciously pleased to raise you to a 
 title of especial honour, according to the powers granted to us by 
 our aforesaid Lord, the Pope. That, therefore, you may efTectively 
 see to what the affectionate regard of our heart prompts us, we 
 desire, in view of your aforesaid merits as a Master of Arts, to 
 bestow praise upon you and adorn you with a title and prerogative 
 of special honour, and, in case you are involved in any way in any 
 ecclesiastical judgments, censures, or penalties, of excommunication, 
 suspension, interdict, or of other nature, imposed by law or by man 
 upon any occasion or for any cause, we absolve you from these, so 
 far at least as these presents are concerned, and we decree you ab- 
 solved, and, inclined thereto by your petition to that effect, and in 
 virtue of the apostolic authority which we enjoy, granted to us by 
 our Most Holy Father and Lord in Christ, Leo X., by divine provi- 
 dence Pope, we hereby receive you as Acolyte Chaplain of our Lord, 
 
112 Huldreich Zwingli [1516- 
 
 is unknown. But he must have been glad to be re- 
 lieved of the censures, whatever they were. 
 
 the Pope, and the Apostolic See, and graciously enroll you in the 
 number and society of the other Acolyte Chaplains of our Lord, 
 the Pope, and of this See, granting you all the same the right to use, 
 hold, and enjoy fully and freely each and every privilege, preroga- 
 tive, honour, exemption, favour, freedom, immunity, and indulg- 
 ence which other Acolyte Chaplains of our Lord, the Pope, and of 
 this See, use, hold, and enjoy, or shall in any way have the right to 
 use, hold, and enjoy hereafter, apostolic enactments and ordinances 
 and all other obstacles whatever to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 So press on, therefore, from good to better in zeal for virtue, that in 
 the sight of our Lord, the Pope, and in our sight, you shall ever 
 establish yourself as worthier of greater rewards, and that our Lord, 
 the Pope, himself, and ourselves may rightly be the more urgently 
 impelled to showing you richer favour and honour. In witness 
 whereof we have ordered and caused these presents to be made and 
 our seal to be attached in token of confirmation. Given at Zurich 
 in the diocese of Constance the first day of September in the year of 
 our Lord's incarnation, one thousand five hundred and eighteen, and 
 of the pontificate of our aforesaid Lord, the Pope, the sixth. 
 
 *' Free by order of the Reverend Lord Delegate. 
 
 " G. VON Falk {?). M. Bretini. M. Bretini, Acting Secretary. 
 
 "Jo. NUCHELEN." 
 
 A seal encased in metal depends from the document, arms and a 
 head, encircled by the words: " -)- Antoni Pucci Sedis Aplice 
 Proton " (" Antonio Pucci, Protonotary of the Apostolic See "). 
 
 (On the back in another hand): "Appointment as Acolyte for 
 Master Huldreich Zwingli." 
 
 On August 24, 1 518, Pucci sent him the letter announcing his ap- 
 pointment (vii., 48, 49), but the above is the formal appointment, 
 translated from Egli, Analecta Reformatoria, i, 19-21. 
 
 On March 2, 1518, or months before Pucci's letter, Bombasius in 
 the letter already alluded to (vii., 35) says: " Concerning your acolyte 
 chaplaincy I will do what you have requested in writing as soon as 
 our abbreviator has leisure." The abbreviator is the papal secretary 
 who would have the making out of appointments. So this remark 
 of Bombasius looks very much like an allusion to Zwingli's appli- 
 cation for the position of acolyte chaplain. 
 
1518] At Einsiedeln 113 
 
 Zvvingli had never looked upon his position at 
 Einsiedehi as more than temporary. And if the 
 times had been propitious he would gladly have re- 
 turned to Glarus, as has been already said. For 
 one thing his salary was much smaller at Einsiedeln 
 than it had been at Glarus. In 15 17 he learned 
 that a call would be extended to him from Winter- 
 thur, an important town sixteen miles north-east 
 from Zurich. Desiring to accept it, he consulted 
 his " superiors " at Glarus, as he was still their 
 pastor. But for some reason they refused to relieve 
 him. So he wrote to Winterthur to prevent them 
 from calling him, but on the very day he wrote, the 
 call from them was sent and the two letters must 
 have crossed.' 
 
 The Zwingli correspondence of the period calls 
 for no special remark except as it relates to the call 
 to Zurich. It has the same general characteristics 
 
 ' This fact would not be found out if the dates given the letters 
 were not translated into the ordinary figures. Many, perhaps most 
 of the letters in the Zwingli correspondence are dated either in class- 
 ical fashion by ides, kalends, and the like, or by reference to saints' 
 days. Thus Zwingli's letter in question is dated " Friday after SS. 
 Simon and Jude"(vii., 30, or 32), and the Winterthur letter is dated 
 " Friday before All Saints' day " (vii., 32). But by reference to the 
 Roman Church calendar it is discovered that the first date is October 
 30th, and as All Saints' Day is on November ist, which that year 
 came on Sunday, the Friday before was October 30th ; so both letters 
 were written on the same day. The determination of the day of the 
 week upon which any event occurred, of which we know its year, 
 month, and day, can be learned without a particle of trouble by means 
 of the very ingenious " Perfect Calendar " prepared by Henry Fitch, 
 and published by the Funk & Wagnalls Company, New York. Some- 
 times this information is important, and it is always interesting. 
 
114 Huldreich Zwingli [1516- 
 
 as that of the former period. It is that of a Human- 
 ist with broad sympathies. Zwingli was probably 
 pretty closely held at Einsiedeln, yet it appears that 
 he made a visit to Baden, fourteen miles north of 
 Zurich, during 15 17.' 
 
 Excursus on Zzvingli s Papal Pension. 
 
 Bullinger says (i., 8) that the Pope (Julius II.) gave Zwingli a pen- 
 sion, " for the purchase of books." But this was a sort of euphemism, 
 and was understood on both sides as binding him to some extent to 
 the papal chair, for the Pope was not in the habit of giving pensions 
 to men like Zwingli out of charity or admiration. Yet since Zwingli 
 was then a loyal papalist he could with perfect propriety and in all 
 good conscience accept it. The year of its first bestowal was prob- 
 ably 1512-13. But when he came out as a severe critic of the papacy, 
 as he did in 1517, then his acceptance was not proper, as he himself 
 allows in the passages to be quoted. But he continued to take the 
 papal pension till 1520, when it had become a public scandal and 
 source of trouble, as his enemies were constantly throwing it in his 
 teeth. Why he took it was his poverty, which has been often pleaded 
 in excuse for similar action. Chronologically, the first bit of writing 
 which can be quoted in which he alludes to his fault in continuing to 
 receive the pension is the dedication to the sermon on the Virgin 
 Mary, which he published in 1522. He says : " My connection 
 with the Pope of Rome is now a thing of several years back. At the 
 time it began it seemed to me a proper thing to take his money and 
 to defend his opinions, but when I realised my sin I parted company 
 with him entirely" (i., 86). Next and more explicit was his confes- 
 sion in the " Exposition of the Articles" of the Zurich Disputation of 
 January, 1523: "I had for three years previous [to 1520] been 
 preaching the Gospel with earnestness'^ ; on which account I received 
 
 ' See vii. , 29. On the portion of Zwingli's life prior to his going 
 to Zurich there is a Bachelor of Theology thesis by Ernest Christen, 
 Zwingli avant la R^ forme de Zurich (Geneva, 1899), which is in- 
 tended to be the first part of a complete life of Zwingli. It has 
 been of service in these pages. 
 
 ' Elsewhere he claims to have preached the Gospel since his Ein- 
 siedeln days(i., 253 ; see above, pp. 36, 37). 
 
1518] At Einsiedeln 115 
 
 from the papal cardinals, bishops, and legates, with whom the city 
 has abounded, many friendly and earnest counsels, with threats, or 
 with promises of greater gifts and of benefices. These, however, 
 have had no effect upon me. On the other hand, in 1517 I declined 
 to receive the pension of fifty gulden, which they gave me yearly 
 (yes, they wanted to make it one hundred gulden, but I would not 
 hear to it), but they would not stop it until in 1520 I renounced 
 it in writing. (I confess here my sin before God and all the world, 
 that before 15 16 I hung mightily upon the Pope and considered it 
 becoming in me to receive money from the papal treasury. But 
 when the Roman representatives warned me not to preach anything 
 against the Pope, I told them in express and clear words that they 
 had better not believe that I would on account of their money sup- 
 press a syllable of the truth.) After I had renounced the pension 
 they saw that I would have nothing more to do with them, so they 
 procured and betrayed (to the Senate), through a spiritual father, a 
 Dominican monk, the manuscript containing in one letter my renun- 
 ciation and receipt of payment, with a view of driving me out of 
 Zurich. But the scheme failed, because the Honourable Senate 
 knew well that I had not exalted the Pope in my discourses ; so that 
 the money had not affected anything in that direction ; also that I in 
 no way advanced their plans and had twice declined their pension ; 
 also that no one could from the past teaching accuse me of breaking 
 my oath or impairing my honour. On these grounds the Senate de- 
 clared me innocent " (i., 354). Confirmation of these statements of 
 Zwingli is given in this letter of Francis Zink, the papal chaplain at 
 Einsiedeln : " A little time ago when I heard that you [the Senate of 
 Zurich, to which body he is writing] were about to take up the matter 
 of the people's priest, Huldreich Zwingli, I met him twice in order 
 to give my testimony. But now that I am sick and cannot come in 
 person before your honourable body, I write to tell exactly all about 
 it. . . . Huldreich Zwingli received for some years, while at 
 Glarus, at Einsiedeln, and finally at Zurich, a yearly allowance from 
 the Pope ; but the sole reason why he has done so is his poverty and 
 need, especially while with you at Zurich. And assuredly he would 
 have lacked provision for his family if this support had been taken 
 from him. . . . Nevertheless, this was so great a cross to him 
 that he desired to resign his position with you, having it in mind to 
 come back to Einsiedeln. . . . Moreover, it is perfectly evident 
 that he has never been moved a finger's breadth from the Gospel by 
 
ii6 Huldreich Zwingli [1516-1518] 
 
 the favour of the Pope, emperor, or noble, but always proclaims the 
 truth and preaches it faithfully among the people. For if he had 
 permitted himself to be turned aside to serve the interests of the 
 papacy in greater measure he might have received one hundred florins 
 a year, not to speak of benefices at Basel or Chur, but none of these 
 enticed him. I was present when the Legate Pucci was frankly told 
 by him that he would not for money advance the papal interests, but 
 would preach and teach the truth to the people in the way which 
 seemed best to him. Under the circumstances he left it entirely to 
 the Legate whether he should grant the pension or not. Hearing 
 this the Legate smoothed him down, saying that even if he [ZwingliJ 
 was not inclined to befriend the Pope, still he [the Legate] would 
 befriend him : for he had not made the offer to turn him aside from 
 his purpose [to preach the truth], but had had in view his need and 
 how he might live in greater comfort and purchase books, etc. . . . 
 I wished, therefore, to make this clear to you, not that I might 
 absolve Master Huldreich Zwingli as if he had not received subsi- 
 dies, but that you might know how he received them, and at what 
 instance it was brought about, that you might see it from the right 
 standpoint." (This letter of Zink's is quoted in the note to vii., 179.) 
 Zwingli was brought before the Senate to explain his inconsistency 
 in taking the Pope's money while attacking him, but this letter of 
 Zink's cleared him and he was not forced to resign. As Zwingli had 
 no adequate support from his people's priest's office he felt the loss 
 of the pension, but in the next year, 1521, he was made a canon in 
 the cathedral and that made up for the lack of it and more (See 
 vii., 182 j^,, and p. 151). 
 
EINSIEDELN, CHAPEL OF THE VIRGIN AS IN ZWINQLI'S DAY. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 OPENING YEAR IN ZURICH ' 
 1519 
 
 ON Thursday, October 28, 15 18, Oswald My- 
 conius, then teaching the classics at Zurich, 
 wrote Zwingli that the place of people's priest at 
 the Great Minster of Zurich was vacant, and that 
 he ardently longed to see Zwingli in it. He takes 
 it that Zwingli knows all about the vacancy, and 
 desires merely to learn whether he would accept it 
 if it were offered to him.' The position was an in- 
 fluential but poorly paid one. To it was attached 
 the duty of preaching in the cathedral. There were 
 in Zurich at this time three parishes, each with a 
 people's priest'; that of the Gross Miinster (Great 
 Minster) was the most important, as it took in the 
 part of the city on the left bank of the Limmat, the 
 swift stream which empties into the Lake of Zurich ; 
 those of the Frau Miinster (Minster of Our Lady) 
 and of St. Peter were both on the right bank of the 
 Limmat. Zwingli was asked about the first of 
 these. The vacancy had occurred in consequence 
 of promotions in the chapter of the cathedral/ and 
 
 'VII., 52. 
 
 ' The three constituted according to Zwingli (iii., 9) the board of 
 bishops in Zurich. The office at the Gross Miinster dated from 
 1177 (see S. Voegelin, Das alte Zurich, 2d ed., Zurich, 1878, i., 
 260.) 'VII., 52, note. 
 
 117 
 
ii8 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 could scarcely have escaped Zwingli's attention, as 
 he was looking about for a desirable settlement. 
 After a short delay Zwingli replied to Myconius that 
 on the next Wednesday, which was apparently No- 
 vember 17th, he would be in Zurich, and would 
 discuss the matter further.' He made the visit 
 doubtless, and consented to be a candidate.* 
 
 On December 2d, Zwingli wrote Myconius again, 
 and showed that the appearance of a Swabian as a 
 rival candidate had excited his jealous ire. He de- 
 scribes the Swabian in abusive and contemptuous 
 language. Yet that he counted on getting the posi- 
 tion is revealed by his remark that he was determ- 
 ined to begin his preaching in the cathedral with an 
 exposition of the Gospel of Matthew as a whole, — 
 " a book," he says, " which is unknown to the Ger- 
 mans," — in distinction to speaking upon those por- 
 tions of it which might be in the gospel for the day. 
 He sends greetings to prominent' people, among 
 them Cardinal Sander, dean of Warsaw, and exhorts 
 Myconius to continue in his efforts on his behalf.^ 
 On December 3d, Myconius writes him that his 
 friends in Zurich were many, but that he was ad- 
 
 ' The letter (vii., 52), is dated " Divcie Virginis" which was appar- 
 ently the Feast of the Patronage of the Blessed Virgin Mary, which 
 is celebrated on the second Sunday in November, which came that 
 year on the 14th, so Wednesday following would be the 17th. 
 
 ^ Zwingli's letter to Winterthur (vii., 29) shows that congregations 
 in Catholic Switzerland in the sixteenth century desiring pastors 
 heard candidates, just as American congregations commonly do 
 to-day ! But there is no record that he ever preached as a candidate 
 at Zurich. 
 
 ^VII.. 53. 
 
1519] Opening Year in Zurich 119 
 
 versely criticised because he was so fond of music,' 
 and because he was so given to worldly pleasures. 
 Myconius had not found it difificult to silence these 
 objections. But another was more serious, viz., the 
 story that he had been guilty of a foul wrong to the 
 daughter of a prominent citizen of Einsiedeln, and 
 Myconius implores Zwingli to give the lying tale 
 prompt and emphatic denial.' Whether he wrote to 
 Myconius on the subject is unknown, but he did write 
 to Canon Utinger, who was apparently the leading 
 man of the advocates of Zwingli in the cathedral 
 chapter, and with this chapter the choice rested. 
 The letter ' in its tone shows that Zwingli was at 
 the time far from being a saint, that he was lead- 
 ing an unchaste life without any appreciation of its 
 guilt, and that he was only anxious that his chances 
 of election should not be injured by the report. As 
 for the report itself, he exposes its entire falsity. 
 His disclaimer was at once accepted as satisfactory, 
 and when the election was held, on Saturday, De- 
 cember I ith, he was the choice of the chapter by a 
 vote of 17 to 7.* 
 
 On Sunday, December 19th, at Glarus, he laid 
 down his office as pastor there, and at the same time 
 
 'Zwingli was afterwards called in Roman Catholic circles "the 
 guitar player and evangelist upon the flute " — so Bullinger reports 
 (i., 31). 
 
 'VII.. 54. 
 
 ^VII., 54-57, dated December 4, 1518. 
 
 * The date of the election is known from Cardinal Sander's letter, 
 dated December 7th (vii., 5S), which informs him that the canons who 
 favoured him w'ere in the majority both in numbers and influence, 
 and that the election would be held on the nth. 
 
I20 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 nominated as his successor his former pupil, Valen- 
 tine Tschudi.' His place at Einsiedeln was given 
 to another friend, on his recommendation — Leo 
 Jud, to whom he wrote thus concerning the charge: 
 " The people over whom you are to be placed are 
 single-minded and willingly hear Christ preached 
 unto them, even by me as forerunner; the provision 
 is ample, and the administrator [Diebold von Ger- 
 oldseck] is a man of fair learning, himself most eager 
 for It, and, above all, a lover of the learned." ' 
 
 The chief ruler and the council of the canton of 
 Schwyz, in which Einsiedeln is located, politely 
 expressed regret at his leaving the canton, but 
 congratulated him upon his promotion, and then 
 improved the opportunity to solicit his influence for 
 a proteg^ of theirs!^ All the preliminaries being 
 arranged, Zwingli came to Zurich upon St. John the 
 Evangelist's day, which was that year on Monday, 
 December 27th, and took up his temporary abode 
 at the Hermit Hotel, which was at the southern an- 
 gle of the city wall. He was well and honourably 
 
 ' " In the year 15 18, on Sunday before St. Thomas's day [which 
 that year came on Tuesday, December 2ist], Master Huldreich 
 Zwingli appeared in person before the authorities of the parish [of 
 Glarus] and returned to them his benefice and asked them collectively 
 to call Valentine Tschudi. Then out of honour and gratitude to 
 [Zwingli] they called Valentine Tschudi " (J. H. Tschudi's "Chron- 
 icle of Glarus," quoted in note to vii., 63 ; cf. 65). But Tschudi did 
 not assume the position until October 12, 1522 (vii., 211, note). 
 Consequently the very uncomplimentary language in which Zwingli's 
 successor at Glarus is described (vii., l6l sqq., see p, 89) does not 
 apply to Tschudi. 
 
 « VII., 59 (December 17, 1518). 
 
 *VII., 60 (December 21, 1518). 
 
IIIIUBWIIIIiWilll " 
 ZWINQLI'S COMMUNION CUP AT GLARUS. 
 
^ B R A K y* 
 
 ^ OF THE 
 
1519] Opening Year in Zurich 121 
 
 received, although there were many in Zurich not 
 altogether favourable to him.' The news of his 
 election naturally occasioned many congratulations 
 from his friends and correspondents." 
 
 One of the articles Zwingli brought with him from 
 Einsiedeln was of his own manufacture, namely, a 
 copy of the Pauline Epistles, called a " Paulinus," 
 made from a copy of the first published Greek New 
 Testament, that of Erasmus, printed by Froben in 
 Basel, and published in 1516. He made the tran- 
 script probably from the copy purchased for the 
 library at Einsiedeln, at his suggestion.^ On the 
 last page of this transcript are several lines in Greek, 
 of which the English translation is this : 
 
 " These Epistles were written at [Einsiedeln] the 
 Hermitage of the Blessed Mother of God, by Huldreich 
 Zwingli of the Swiss Toggenburg in [the year] one thou- 
 sand five hundred seven and ten after the Incarnation in 
 the month Skirophorion [/. e., the 12th Attic month, cor- 
 responding to the last part of June and the first part of 
 July] happily ended." * 
 
 On the margin of this transcript he wrote annota- 
 tions from Erasmus, Origen, Chrysostom, Ambrose, 
 
 ' BuUinger, i., ii. So Christoffel, Eng. trans., p. 35 ; cf. Voege- 
 lin, Das alte Zurich, i., 560; cf. ii., 387. It is supposed that he 
 came down the lake by boat and landed near the spot just back of 
 the Wasserkirche, where his statue now stands. 
 
 5 Cf. vii., 62, 66, 72. 
 
 ^ This is at least probable, for his friend Glareanus in Basel acted 
 as his literary agent, and speaks (vii., 17) of the monastery buying 
 the works of Jerome, 
 
 •* The Greek text and a translation appear in Dr. Schaff's Church 
 History, vii., 31. 
 
122 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 and Jerome. His object in making it was to have 
 the Pauline Epistles in convenient form for carrying 
 around and for memorisation, and he actually com- 
 mitted them to memory.' 
 
 On Saturday, January i, 15 19, he presented him- 
 self to the assembled canons, and was formally in- 
 ducted into his office as people's priest. Much 
 stress was laid upon his duty to preserve and in- 
 crease the revenues of the cathedral.^ In reply 
 Zwingli thanked them for electing him, requested 
 their prayers and the prayers of the congregation, 
 and then announced that he would begin the next 
 day the continuous exposition of the Gospel of 
 Matthew, not according to the Fathers, but accord- 
 ing to the Scriptures themselves. This announce- 
 ment made a decided sensation, as it was a marked 
 deviation from the practice of following the peri- 
 copes and interpreting them patristically, and awak- 
 ened some adverse criticism.^ 
 
 Of stalwart frame, above middle height, of a ruddy 
 countenance and pleasing expression, he made a 
 good impression upon spectators,* and when he spoke 
 he soon showed that he was an orator who could 
 enchain the attention.* All Zurich, and indeed 
 
 ' So Myconius, p. 5. See Excursus I. at end of chapter. 
 
 * Schuler, Zwingli^ s Bildungsgeschichte, p. 227 sq. 
 
 ' His example was followed elsewhere (vii., 120, 132). 
 ■• Kessler, Sabbata, ed. Goetzinger, i., i6g. 
 
 * The idea that. Zwingli had a weak voice came apparently from 
 this passage in a letter from his intimate friend, Myconius, dated 
 Pentecost, 1520: "They continue to vomit forth against Zwingli, 
 not indeed poorly interpreting the truth, but wholly perverting it. 
 Such news as this perhaps you hear from Loriti, for he was present 
 .at the banquet where such things were said ; or from Grebel, to 
 
1519] Opening Year in Zurich 12;^ 
 
 all Switzerland, rang with his praise. And not 
 only town people but the country folk also listened 
 to him with delight. For the benefit of the latter 
 he preached every Friday, which was market-day, 
 in the market-place, and took the Psalms for con- 
 tinuous exposition. On Sundays in the cathedral 
 he expounded during his first four years, and in this 
 order, Matthew, Acts, I, Timothy, Galatians, II. 
 Timothy, I, and II. Peter, and Hebrews.' 
 
 From his correspondence and allusions in his 
 works a correct knowledge may be derived as to his 
 topics in the opening years of his residence in Zurich. 
 He treated practical themes suggested naturally by 
 the Scripture under consideration. Unbelief and 
 superstition, repentance and reformation, crimes 
 and vices, luxury and extravagance, were animad- 
 verted on. He was emphatically the patriot in the 
 pulpit, and preached to the times — against pension- 
 aries and mercenaries, against the war spirit and the 
 
 whom also they were blabbed out. At some future time you will 
 be said to have a voice which is so indistinct that what you say is 
 scarcely heard three steps away. But I see that this is a lie, since 
 you are heard by all Switzerland. Perhaps the wine of Zurich has 
 so opened the organ of the throat by its sharpness, that now you 
 are referred to as a stentor in voice " (vii., 135). If Zwingli's voice 
 was originally weak he had probably strengthened it, but it is much 
 more probable that he had a powerful voice, and so Myconius's re- 
 mark was a joke. At all events a correspondent in 1524 speaks of 
 it as "sonorous" (vii., 328), and in his little book on Christian 
 Education Zwingli shows that he understood elocution (iv. , 153, 
 Eng. trans, by Reichenbach, pp. 74, 75). His gestures were com- 
 mended by the dean of Lucerne, as well as his boldness in speaking 
 (vii., 226). 
 
 ' Bullinger, i., 31. This order is also given by Zwingli in his ser- 
 mon on the " Choice of Foods," Appendix to this volume. 
 
124 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 lying spirit, against the oppression of the poor and 
 the making of widows and orphans, against the de- 
 struction of Swiss freedom and Swiss honour.' Such 
 preaching had probably little that was spiritual and 
 experimental, because his private life was not of the 
 sort to make spiritual insight a possibility, — it is only 
 the pure in heart that see God, — but it was lively 
 and helpful, and made a sensation. Many did not 
 like it, but the majority rallied around the brave 
 and honest man." 
 
 Soon after his coming to Zurich, the indulgence 
 seller, Bernhardin Samson, already mentioned in 
 connection with Einsiedeln,^ approached the city. 
 He had been doing good business elsewhere. In 
 Basel, Lupulus, Zwingli's old teacher, had acted as 
 his interpreter, and there he had reaped quite a 
 harvest. It was currently reported that he was 
 taking a great deal of money with him to the Pope. 
 But he was coming to Zurich in no pleasant frame 
 of mind. At Bremgarten, ten miles west of Zurich, 
 the dckan, Henry Bullinger, the father of the suc- 
 cessor of Zwingli, had forbidden him the church for 
 his business, and in a rage he had turned away 
 toward Zurich to lay his complaint before the Diet 
 then sitting in that city. He must have been aware 
 that Zwingli, who had opposed his methods at Ein- 
 siedeln, was then there, and that his opposition to 
 him had the backing, if not the incitement, of the 
 
 ' See Excursus II. at end of chapter. 
 
 * Bullinger has given (i., 12, 13) a description of his preaching, 
 from which the above is in part taken. 
 
 8 P. 106. 
 
I5I9] Opening Year in Zurich 125 
 
 Bishop of Constance, and of his vicar-general.' Still, 
 Samson trusted to the Pope's commission and his 
 own arts to carry him through. Zwingli preached 
 against him, and had the local hierarchy's support. 
 This fact strengthened the magistracy, and so when 
 Samson had come to the very entrance to Zurich, 
 and had put up at the Ox Hotel," he was requested 
 by the authorities to retire. This, however, he did 
 not do, but, on the contrary, he appeared before the 
 Diet and demanded a hearing. He offered to be at 
 the expense of a special messenger to Rome to bring 
 back word as to the authenticity of his commission. 
 The Diet allowed him to remain in the country till 
 an answer could be received from Rome, but com- 
 missioned Felix Grebel, who was going to Rome, to 
 act as their representative and lay their complaints 
 on the subject before the Pope, Leo X. 
 
 In reply, the Pope, through his secretary, wrote 
 on May i, 15 19: 
 
 " Since His Holiness has lately learned from your let- 
 ter that Brother Bernhardin [Samson] in preaching con- 
 cerning indulgences has fallen into certain errors which 
 cause His Holiness^feat astonishment, so I am instructed 
 to* announce to you in His name that if the brother is 
 burdensome to you on account of his preaching you 
 
 ' Regius, under date of March 2, 15 19, had just informed Zwingli 
 that the vicar-general's " stomach is turned at certain pardons and 
 indulgences that a well-known Minorite is peddling all over Switzer- 
 land" (vii., 69), 
 
 " This inn dated from 1465. C/. Voegelin, Das alte Zurich, i., 
 611; ii., 397. It was on the south side of Sihlstrasse, near the 
 Rennwegthor, the north-west gate of the city. 
 
126 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 would send him, if you choose, back to Italy. Still His 
 Holiness would prefer that you allow him to stay the full 
 time of his commission among you. However, His Holi- 
 ness will do everything for you which advances your sal- 
 vation. Therefore I beg you, mighty lords, that if you 
 had rather that Brother Bernhardin return to Italy than 
 remain with you, send him off without ceremony. If he 
 has erred in his utterances he must give an account of 
 himself to his lord and be punished as he deserves." ' 
 
 At the same time the Pope wrote, through his 
 secretary, this letter to Samson: 
 
 " The noble lords of the Thirteen Swiss cantons have 
 complained to the Supreme Pontiff regarding your Pater- 
 nity that in the promulgation of the indulgences you have 
 fallen into certain errors, which it would take too much 
 space to insert here. Whereat His Holiness, being greatly 
 astonished, ordered me verbally to admonish you in His 
 name to adapt yourself in all things to the wishes of the 
 aforesaid lords of the Swiss; if they decree to have you 
 remain till the expiration of the time named in your com- 
 mission stay so long, but if to return offer no opposition. 
 Nay, the will of our Most Holy Lord is that what con- 
 duces to the spiritual advantage of these lords, beloved 
 sons of His Holiness, you do as much as possible. Your 
 Paternity may show the present letter to the mighty lords 
 of the Swiss. 
 
 " From the Convent Ara Coeli [Rome], May i, 1519." * 
 
 The upshot of the matter was that Samson left 
 
 ' Hottinger, Hist. Eccl. Nov. T., vii., 179-180, 
 ' Quoted in note to vii., 79. 
 
1519] Opening Year in Zurich 127 
 
 Switzerland that summer for good, and to the gen- 
 eral satisfaction, and vanishes from history.' 
 
 As his correspondence for the year 15 19 plainly 
 shows, Zwingli and his friends were deeply interested 
 in the news and rumours, hopes and fears, plans and 
 plots, which agitated all Europe between January 
 12, 1 5 19, when the Emperor Maximilian died, and 
 June 28th, when the electors chose Charles V. as 
 his successor.* Zwingli was opposed to the Swiss 
 as a nation taking any part in the bargains, and, 
 alas, bribery, preliminary to the choice. He is 
 reported to have said : 
 
 " Charles is a young prince, Spain is a grasping, rest- 
 less, proud, dissolute people. Why should the Germans 
 so inconsiderately put such a prince over them as their 
 head ? It was perfectly evident such a prince would rule 
 the Germans to their injury, and under the cover of zeal 
 for the faith, abuse their confidence and rob them of the 
 Word of God."* 
 
 ' Fabri or (Faber), the vicar-general, expresses himself as pleased at 
 the news (vii., 79). Zwingli, in 1523 (i., 97), blames himself and 
 other priests for their deception in the matter of indulgences. 
 
 * E. g., vii., 65, 70, 71, 73, 76, and Supplement, .17-19. 
 
 ' Bullinger, i., 27. Edward Fueter, in his doctor of philosophy 
 inaugural dissertation, Der Anteil der Eidgenos sense haft an der 
 Wahl Karls V. (Basel, 1899), on pp. 73-75, questions the accuracy 
 of Bullinger's memory upon this point, and appeals to Zwingli's 
 letters to Beatus Rhenanus as given in the Supplement to Zwingli's 
 works. The first of the two passages alluded to was written on 
 March 21, 1519, and is quoted on next page. The second is this : 
 Writing on March 25th, he says : "The Swiss have nothing less in 
 mind than that the Frenchman should assume imperial rank, or at 
 least they pretend to have that purpose. For we are as thickly 
 covered over with acts of wickedness as the leopard is with spots, 
 
128 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 But the Swiss formally threw their influence in 
 favour of Charles, April 3, 15 19.* 
 
 Zwingli was witness of the shifty policy of the 
 Pope (Leo X.) during the negotiations which pre- 
 ceded the imperial election,'' He was also aware of 
 the machinations of the same Pope against Luther. 
 Writing to Rhenanus on March 21, 15 19, he thus 
 expresses himself on both points, and promises to 
 do his part in opposing such designs: 
 
 " It pained me that the man-pleaser, or, if you prefer, 
 the cuckoo [/. <?., the Pope], is entertaining designs against 
 the rising theology, like the Frenchman's [the French 
 
 and you will not easily recognise who speaks from his heart and 
 who from his head. Nevertheless, a part of the good are thus far in 
 better mind" (Supplement, i8). But these passages do not contra- 
 dict Bullinger's statement, 
 
 'VII., 75, note. In 1530, writing to Conradson, Zwingli says: 
 " What has Germany to do with Rome ? Why, not even the Roman 
 priests receive him [the Emperor] into their city and their homes ! 
 Ponder this rhyme, 
 
 " ' Popedom and Ccesardom 
 
 Are both of them from Rome.* 
 
 It was not enough that by the more than treasonable wiles of the 
 pontiff the Christian world had been circumvented for so many ages, 
 during which nevertheless the rulers either did not assent to or at 
 least did not favour [the thing] ; they had to take unto themselves 
 the evil of elevating an unskilled man, a superstitious Spanish youth, 
 to the loftiest pinnacle. This one is not able to understand German 
 because of his ignorance, nor to respond to their [the Germans'] 
 demands [in their own language] " (Supplement, p. 39). That 
 Charles was not quite so ignorant of German appears from his read- 
 ing aloud at the Diet of Augsburg a speech in German. 
 
 ' See them impartially and fully set forth by Creighton, History 
 of the Papacy, vi., 110-117. 
 
1519] Opening Year in Zurich 129 
 
 King's] against Germany. . . . May Christ so order 
 it that I may be able — at least to some extent — to dis- 
 close the shamefulness of this wanton clothed in purple, 
 that by this means Israel may see the light which has 
 come into the world, and that Christ is dishonoured by 
 her.'" 
 
 A remarkable instance of the readiness of at least 
 one Roman Catholic prelate to protect Zwingli 
 against printed attacks is given in a letter from Basel, 
 dated November 21, 1519," from which it appears 
 that a certain monk had preached against Zwingli, 
 as he had a perfect right to do, and had gone to 
 Basel to have his polemical sermons printed. But 
 Zwingli, through another friend, asked his friend, 
 Cardinal Schinner, who was in Basel, to have an 
 embargo put upon the volume, and the Cardinal so 
 managed things that the monk could not secure a 
 printer in Basel! Another friend of Zwingli's 
 (Capito), living in Strassburg, undertook to exclude 
 the same monk from the presses of that city.' But 
 this was a dangerous game for the friends of progress 
 to play. 
 
 In this year, 15 19, there comes into the corre- 
 spondence of Zwingli a new and auspicious name — 
 Luther. As the best indication of the way Luther's 
 fame was spreading, and how keenly Zwingli enjoyed 
 his writings, — of which he had no knowledge, at all 
 events by personal reading, until he had passed the 
 exposition of the Lord's Prayer in his sermons on 
 
 ' Supplement, p. i8. 
 
 «VII., 96. 
 
 2 Zwingli reported this intelligence to Myconius, vii., 98. 
 
130 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 Matthew,' — the incidental remarks and allusions 
 in the correspondence of the year may be cited." 
 They seem to contradict Myconius's statement that 
 Zwingli purposely refrained from reading Luther's 
 writings.^ Zwingli was jealous of the claim of chron- 
 ological antecedence made for Luther, This was 
 a weakness of a very venial order. The fact is that 
 neither Luther nor Zwingli was more than a cen- 
 tre of the reformatory movement which had been 
 gathering force before they were born. Leaders do 
 not create the movements they head. The fame of 
 Luther has so eclipsed Zwingli's that the latter's 
 claim of precedence in time is one of the unnoticed 
 things in history. They came to a knowledge of 
 the same essential truths simultaneously, and should 
 have rejoiced in the fact. Instead, Zwingli was 
 anxious to assure everybody that he had discovered 
 the Gospel before Luther was heard of in Switzer- 
 land, as if it were some invention on which he 
 sought a patent! Erasmus was another one who 
 repeatedly remarked that he had not read Luther, 
 but then this conduct was in order to make life 
 easier for himself with his friends among the Catho- 
 lic princes and ecclesiastics. He also had his claim, 
 and it was that Luther, and, a fortiori, Zwingli, only 
 taught what he had told them ! * 
 
 From the Zwingli correspondence of 15 19 it is 
 learned that opposition to his preaching had led to 
 such violence that he was in some personal danger * ; 
 
 ' I., 254, •* Cf. Emerton's Erasmus, e. g„ 29S sqq. 
 
 ' See Excursus at end of this chapter. 
 
 »P. 7. * VII., 74; Supplement, 21. 
 
I5I9] Opening Year in Zurich 131 
 
 and also that he had intimate relations with Cardinal 
 Schinner.' 
 
 In the same year, 15 19, the plague appeared 
 in Switzerland.' As it had not yet come to 
 Zurich, Zwingli went on a holiday that summer to 
 Pfaefers,^ about sixty miles south-east of Zurich. 
 In the village was a large Benedictine monastery, 
 in which he probably stopped. There Zwingli was 
 when the news reached him that the plague had 
 broken out in Zurich. As it was the duty of the 
 people's priest to be on service in the city during 
 plague time, he hastened back,* and did his duty 
 faithfully. The plague was very severe, for 2500 
 died of it out of an aggregate population in the 
 three parishes of only I7,cx)0. It broke out on St. 
 Lawrence's day (Wednesday, August 10, 15 19), 
 reached its height September 12th, and subsided in 
 Christmas week,' yet lingered for a year after that. 
 Zwingli fell a victim toward the end of September,' 
 ^E.g., vii., 75, 96, 98. 
 
 ' Allusions to its being in Basel occur in vii., 83. 
 
 'Allusion to this visit occurs in vii., 119. The famous medicinal 
 spring is in a deep gorge under the village. The monastery where 
 he probably stopped is now a lunatic asylum. He went thither in 
 the latter part of July, as an undated letter (vii., 84) alludes to his 
 absence from the city and to a money payment due on St. Verena's 
 day (July 22d). 
 
 ■* He took the most direct route, which was probably down the 
 Lake of Zurich, and not the more comfortable one, perhaps, by way 
 of Old St. John's (vii., 88). This accounts for the complaint, in the 
 passage just cited, of the abbot of Old St. John's that Zwingli had 
 not visited him on his return. 
 
 *So Bullinger, i., 28. 
 
 * VH., 87, note. On September 22d, a friend, writing from Wesen, 
 speaks of him as up to that time having escaped (vii., 87). Bullinger 
 
132 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 and was very sick. By November he was able to 
 write again,' But his recovery was slow. On No- 
 vember 30th, he complains that the disease had left 
 his memory weakened, his spirits reduced, so that 
 his mind wandered when preaching, and after 
 preaching he felt thoroughly exhausted.' On De- 
 cember 31st, he reported himself as well again, and 
 that the last ulcer caused by the malady had healed. ° 
 But his rejoicing was premature, as on March 27, 
 1520, he complains that he had eaten and drunk 
 many drugs to get rid of his fever, and still his head 
 was weak, although he was daily growing better." 
 After his recovery, as a memorial of this serious ill- 
 ness, he composed this poem, which has some literary 
 merit, and at all events shows that his look into 
 eternity had sobered his spirit : 
 
 A CHRISTIAN SONG WRITTEN BY HULDRYCH ZWINGLI 
 WHEN HE WAS ATTACKED BY THE PESTILENCE." 
 
 /. At the Beginning of the Illness. 
 
 Help. Lord God, help So let it be ! 
 
 In this trouble ! Do what Thou wilt ; 
 
 says (i., 28) he fell sick "in August," but this is a mistake. He was 
 sick when Andrew wrote on October 13th (vii., 88, cf. pp. 65, 66 of 
 this volume). 
 
 ' Andrew's letter (vii., 88, see p. 66 of this volume) acknowledging 
 one from Zwingli is unfortunately not dated, but is probably cor- 
 rectly put by the editors before November 6, 15 19. 
 
 2 VII., 99. 3vii_ 104. ^ VII., 124. 
 
 'II., 2, 270-272 ; pp. 269-270 discuss the origin of the poem and 
 its form ; pp. 272-274 reprint a poetical paraphrase in modern Ger- 
 man, which departs widely from the original ; the poetical version 
 given in the English translation in Merle D'Aubigne's History of the 
 Reformation (ed. Edinburgh : Oliver & Boyd, 1853, ii., 466 sqq.). 
 
 \ 
 
1519] Opening Year in Zurich 133 
 
 I think, Death is at the door. 
 
 Stand before ' me, Christ ; 
 
 For Thou hast overcome him ! 
 
 To Thee I cry : 
 
 If it is Thy will. 
 
 Take out the dart. 
 
 Which wounds me ! 
 
 Nor lets me have an hour's 
 
 Rest or repose ! 
 
 Will'st Thou however 
 
 That Death take me 
 
 In the midst of my days. 
 
 Me nothing lacks.' 
 
 Thy vessel am I ; 
 
 To make or break altogether. 
 
 For, if Thou takest away 
 
 My spirit 
 
 From this earth. 
 
 Thou dost it, that it ^ may not 
 
 grow worse. 
 Nor spot 
 The pious lives and ways ot 
 
 others. 
 
 II. In the Midst of his Illness. 
 
 Console me. Lord God, console 
 
 me ! 
 The illness increases. 
 Pain and fear seize 
 My soul and body. 
 Come to me then. 
 With Thy grace, O my only 
 
 consolation ! 
 If* will surely save 
 Everyone, who 
 His heart's desire 
 And hope sets 
 On Thee, and who besides 
 
 My tongue is dumb, 
 
 It cannot speak a word. 
 
 My senses are all blighted. 
 
 Therefore is it time 
 
 That Thou my fight 
 
 Conductest hereafter ; 
 
 Since I am not 
 
 So strong, that I 
 
 Can bravely 
 
 Make resistance 
 
 To the Devil's wiles and treach- 
 
 erous hand. 
 Still will my spirit 
 
 and the better one in Schaff's History of the Christian Church (vii., 
 44-46, with the original text), represent the original form to some 
 extent, but they do not give all the lines and are paraphrastic. In 
 order to enable the reader to have the entire poem and the exact 
 meaning of the author, it is here given in literal prose translation, 
 line by line, as far as the idiom admits. 
 
 ' In the sense of " protect." 
 
 ^ The words may also mean equally well, " nothing shall be too 
 much for me." 
 
 2 " It," i. e., my spirit. 
 
 * *' It," i. <?., Thy grace. 
 
134 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 Despises all gain and loss. Constantly abide by Thee, how- 
 
 Now all is up. ever he rages. 
 
 ///. During Co?ivalescefice. 
 
 Sound, Lord God, sound ! Sometime endure 
 
 I think, I am Perhaps with greater anguish, 
 
 Already coming back.' Than would now have 
 
 Yes, if it please Thee, Happened, ** Lord ! 
 
 That no spark of sin Since I came 
 
 Rule me longer on earth, So near* ; 
 
 Then my lips must So will I still 
 
 Thy praise and teaching The spite and boasting 
 
 Bespeak more Of this world 
 
 Than ever before. Bear joyfully for the sake of the 
 
 However it may go, reward 
 
 In simplicity and with no danger. By Thy help. 
 
 Although I must Without which nothing can be 
 
 The punishment of death perfect. 
 
 So in useful labours, but also with many painful 
 hours, much anxiety, an almost deadly sickness fol- 
 lowed by a slow recovery, the first year of Zwingli's 
 residence in Zurich passed away. His mode of life 
 is thus described, and the description is true of his 
 remaining years: he rose early, and studied, stand- 
 ing up, till 10 o'clock ; after dinner, which commonly 
 at that time in Zurich came on at 1 1 A.M., until 2 
 P.M., he was free to all who came; from 2 P.M. till 
 supper-time he studied ; after supper he walked out 
 a little; then returned to study or to write letters, 
 which latter occupation sometimes kept him up till 
 
 '/. e., to health, to myself. 
 '/.<?., if I had died this time. 
 '/. e.t to death's door. 
 
1519J Opening Year in Zurich 135 
 
 midnight." He read much in the classics: Aristotle, 
 Plato, Thucydides, Demosthenes, and Hesiod, Lu- 
 cian, Theocritus, and Aristophanes, Homer, and 
 especially Pindar, are to be mentioned as the Greek 
 authors he was most familiar with ; while his Latin 
 favourites were Horace, Sallust, and Seneca. He 
 had begun the study of Hebrew at Einsiedeln, but 
 soon dropped it. Now he took it up again under 
 Andreas Boeschenstein.* As at Glarus, he had 
 pupils in his house. He also gave instruction in 
 Greek in the cathedral school.^ 
 
 EXCURSUS 
 
 /. 0?i Zivingli s Autographic Pmilinus, i. e., Self- 
 made Transcript of the Pauline Epistles. 
 
 That the text of this autographic copy is the first Erasmus is ac- 
 knowledged. This had appeared ill the spring of 15 16. The Greek 
 text itself is dated merely with the year 1516 ; the colophon, February, 
 1516; the last page of the Annotations of Erasmus, which is part 
 of the book, the Kalends of March, 1516 ; the preface of Froben, the 
 printer and publisher, " Basileas sexto Caleiidas Martias Anno 
 MDXVI," i. e., Monday, February 25, 15 16. There is no evidence 
 that Zwingli ever possessed personally a copy of this first edition of the 
 Greek Testament. That which is called his Bible of the Glarean and 
 Einsiedeln periods is a Latin Bible, and his first Greek Bible is the 
 Aldine edition of 15 18. See the catalogue of the Zwingli exhibi- 
 tion of January, 1884, pp. 7, 8. In the lines cited on page 121, 
 Zwingli gives the date of his Paulinus as 15 17 ; while in his Arnica 
 Exegesis, which appeared in 1527, he says (iii., 543): "God is 
 
 ' So Myconius, pp. 7, 8 ; BuUinger, i., 30 ; and pp. 91, 92 of this 
 volume. 
 
 * He confessed in 1526 that his Hebrew learning was inconsider- 
 able (vii., 534). 
 
 ' Zwingli gives an insight into his busy life in his letter to Rhe- 
 nanus of June 17, 1520 (Supplement, 25-27). 
 
13^ Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 my witness that I owe my knowledge of the essence and contents 
 of the Gospel to the reading of the writings of John and of Au- 
 gustine, and with special attention, the Epistles of Paul, a copy 
 of which I made with my own hands eleven years ago." Myconius, 
 Zwingli's first biographer, explicitly puts the copy in the Glarean 
 period, for when writing of it he says: " He copied Paul's Epistles 
 and committed them to memory" (loc. cit,, p. 5). So does Bul- 
 linger, who however relied much upon Myconius, for, speaking of 
 the Glarean period, he says : "Among other performances he copied 
 the Epistles of Paul in Greek and committed them to memory. 
 And when the first Annotations of Erasmus of Rotterdam appeared 
 he copied some of the notable ones into his written Pauliniis, as he 
 did also annotations from Origen, Chrysostom, Ambrose, Jerome " 
 {loc. cit., i., 8). The explanation of Zwingli's apparent uncertainty 
 whether the Paulinus was made in 15 16 or 1517 is probably that the 
 copy used was that in the library at Einsiedeln, and the copying was 
 begun during his visits there before he finally left Glarus, i. e., be- 
 tween April and October, 1516, but finished the next year, and the 
 marginalia later. The copy he made of the Epistles is in the city 
 library in Zurich, being presented to the city in 1634 by his great- 
 granddaughter, Anna Zwingli. See preface to this volume, and 
 the photographs direct from its pages. 
 
 //. O71 Zwingli s Preaching against the Petisioners 
 and Pensions. 
 
 Bullinger (i., 51), as quoted in Zwingli's Works (ii., 2, 350), thus 
 wrote of Zwingli's preaching in 1521 against the pensioners and the 
 pensions: "Zwingli preached at this time very earnestly against 
 taking money, saying that it would break up and disturb the pious 
 Confederation. He spoke also against unions with princes and 
 lords. If they were made, each honest man should regard them. 
 What had been promised should also be kept. Therefore, no one 
 should enter into any unions ; and if God helps a people out of 
 unions, they should avoid entering into them again ; for they cost 
 much blood. And I wish, said he, Zwingli, that they had made a 
 hole in the union with the Pope, and had given his messenger some- 
 thing to carry home on his back. He said also that one would be 
 aroused about a voracious wolf, but they do not offer protection from 
 

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 II., 20 eauToi- TO III., 17 <caTapvS<raio .,,„^.. 
 
 , f'T'/o^aig MARGINAL NOTES. 
 

 
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 FACSIMILE OF 0*L. II., 20 ' 
 
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 'ISTLES, MADE BY HIS OWN HAND, SHOWING Hf3 f 
 
1519] Opening Year in Zurich 137 
 
 the wolves which destroy men. They may well wear red hats and 
 mantles; for if one should shake them, ducats and crowns would fall 
 out ; if one should wring them, there would run from them his 
 son's, brother's, father's, and good friends' blood." 
 
 The editors of Zwingli's Works then go on (ii., 2, 350) to say, and 
 in order to present a concluding specimen of Zwingli's preaching 
 against pensioners and pensions, the passage is here given: " When 
 the news was spread abroad of the defeat at Pavia, on the 24th of 
 January, 1525, when of ten thousand Swiss five thousand remained 
 upon the battle-field, and the other fleeing five thousand were plun- 
 dered, as they deserved, by the country-people, and driven home in 
 disgrace, bringing nothing with them but rags and sickness, great 
 grief was caused, and complaints arose throughout the Confederation, 
 and people cursed aloud the union with France, the pensions, and 
 the war money. Then, as Bullinger reports, ' Zwingli stood in the 
 pulpit on Sunday, the 6th of March [1525], and preached about the 
 old condition of the Confederation, telling how simple and pious 
 the people of former days had been, who had received from God great 
 victories and special mercies. Now, the people have changed ; there- 
 fore, God is punishing us so severely. And it cannot be helped, un- 
 less we return again to our former piety, innocence, and simplicity. 
 Otherwise, we shall gradually fall like the leaves, and finally be 
 entirely destroyed, yes, ruined. God will not endure arrogance. 
 He showed how there were in the Confederation two kinds of 
 nobility, who did much more injury than the old nobility had ever 
 done in times past. For these were in the midst of us, and were of us. 
 The first nobility are the pensioners, whom he called pear-roasters, 
 because they sat at home behind the stove, and did not come out, and 
 still they got at the treasures of all the lords. They said to the lords 
 great things about the children of honest people, with whom they de- 
 sired to bring about this and that, of which they, however, said 
 nothing either to the fathers or the children, and still less noticed 
 them. And such do much greater injury among us than any foreign 
 lords. The other nobility are the captains, who walk around in 
 such rich silks, silver, gold, and precious stones, with rings and 
 chains, so that it is a disgrace to the sun and moon, not to mention 
 God and man. One is golden aVjove, and silver below ; another is 
 gold below, and velvet or damask above ; and the clothing so slit 
 and cut open, that it is a disgrace that one should allow them to 
 strut around so publicly before people's eyes. You know well, 
 
1519] opening Year in Zurich 137 
 
 the wolves which destroy men. They may well wear red hats and 
 mantles; for if one should shake them, ducats and crowns would fall 
 out ; if one should wring them, there would run from them his 
 son's, brother's, father's, and good friends' blood." 
 
 The editors of Zwingli's IVorks then go on (ii., 2, 350) to say, and 
 in order to present a concluding specimen of Zwingli's preaching 
 against pensioners and pensions, tlie passage is here given : " When 
 the news was spread abroad of the defeat at Pavia, on the 24th of 
 January, 1525, when of ten thousand Swiss five thousand remained 
 upon the battle-field, and the other fleeing five thousand were plun- 
 dered, as they deserved, by the country-people, and driven home in 
 disgrace, bringing nothing with them but rags and sickness, great 
 grief was caused, and complaints arose throughout the Confederation, 
 and people cursed aloud the union with France, the pensions, and 
 the war money. Then, as Bullinger reports, ' Zwingli stood in the 
 pulpit on Sunday, the 6th of March [1525], and preached about the 
 old condition of the Confederation, telling how simple and pious 
 the people of former days had been, who had received from God great 
 victories and special mercies. Now, the people have changed ; there- 
 fore, God is punishing us so severely. And it cannot be helped, un- 
 less we return again to our former piety, innocence, and simplicity. 
 Otherwise, we shall gradually fall like the leaves, and finally be 
 entirely destroyed, yes, ruined. God will not endure arrogance. 
 He showed how there were in the Confederation two kinds of 
 nobility, who did much more injury than the old nobility had ever 
 done in times past. For these were in the midst of us, and were of us. 
 The first nobility are the pensioners, whom he called pear-roasters, 
 because they sat at home behind the stove, and did not come out, and 
 still they got at the treasures of all the lords. They said to the lords 
 great things about the children of honest people, with whom they de- 
 sired to bring about this and that, of which they, however, said 
 nothing either to the fathers or the children, and still less noticed 
 them. And such do much greater injury among us than any foreign 
 lords. The other nobility are the captains, who walk around in 
 such rich silks, silver, gold, and precious stones, with rings and 
 chains, so that it is a disgrace to the sun and moon, not to mention 
 God and man. One is golden above, and silver below ; another is 
 gold below, and velvet or damask above ; and the clothing so slit 
 and cut open, that it is a disgrace that one should allow them to 
 strut around so publicly before people's eyes. You know well, 
 
13S Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 honest people, although it was claimed against me that I had aW 
 tacked these people and called them blood-suckers and leeches, that 
 I did not do it. But still, I must now say and publicly tell you 
 what these captains are like. And it is the same to me, whether any 
 people regret it or not. For the figure is in itself not as bad as those 
 are of whom I speak. They are like butchers who drive cattle to 
 Constance ; they drive the cattle out, take the money for them, and 
 come home without the cattle ; then they go out again, and do like- 
 wise repeatedly. Thus, also, the pensioners and captains do. They 
 have always succeeded (except once) in coming home from the 
 battles and the cannon — I do not know where they stationed them- 
 selves — and bring their money-belts full of money, and have driven 
 away the children of honest people. And immediately they begin 
 again and collect another herd. These they also drive out ; and thus 
 they become rich. Now consider, whether one can blame these blood- 
 merchants severely enough ; see, also, how these are a much less 
 endurable nobility than the former. Ye know that I staked my neck 
 on it in the beginning, that the union with the king would bring the 
 Confederation into great difficulties. Thus, I say now again that 
 things are not over, and that they will become worse, — yes, must be- 
 come worse — I stake my life and limb upon this, — unless things 
 change. For the pensioners sit everywhere in the regiments, do not 
 wish to give up the pensions, and therefore do not wish to forbid 
 war. And the captains lead astray as many sheep' as they wish, and 
 still people take their hats off to them. If a wolf takes away a sheep 
 or a goose, one is up and aroused. These lead astray many proud 
 men, and no one does anything about it. For everything is over- 
 looked in this matter. Of course no one must go away to war, ex- 
 cept him who so desires, and still no authority in the union, no 
 father dares forbid his children to go away to war. Is that a divine 
 union, and an advantage for the Confederation ? I tell you, if people 
 do not help to do away with such things, God's vengeance will follow 
 manifold ; for God does not allow such arrogance and deception of 
 the poor, common man to go unavenged. God says, do away with the 
 bad in the midst of you. Therefore, if one desires to repent, one must 
 do this promptly and straightway. Still, if one repents, and shows a 
 certain regret for his misdeed, let people take his possessions and 
 property which he has thus gained, and divide it among the widows 
 
 ' The German by misprint has " schiff " instead of " schaf. 
 
1519] Opening Year in Zurich 139 
 
 and orphans to whom he is responsible. For one must at once de- 
 stroy tills mammon of riches, brought together by pensions and cap- 
 tains' money, like mole-hills in the meadows. And if people do not, 
 one should take staff in hand, and so punish the mowers in the 
 meadows, that they shall be an example to the others. Finally, 
 he urged the people to earnest prayer, that God would grant us a cor- 
 rect understanding, so that the right should please us, and we should 
 do that which pleases God.' " 
 
 ///. On the Alliisio7is to Luther in the Zzvingli 
 Correspondence of I5ig. 
 
 Luther's name is first mentioned in the Zwingli correspondence in 
 the letter of Nesen, the friend and travelling companion of Melanch- 
 thon, from I.ouvain, April, 1518 (vii., 36-40). 
 
 The following writings of Luther are alluded to in the Zwingli 
 correspondence of 1519 (vii., 61-104). 
 
 1. A letter from Luther to Bernardus and Conradus Adelmann, 
 canons of Augsburg. 
 
 2. " Ein Kurtze form das Paternoster zu verstan vnd zu bette flir die 
 iungen kinder im Christen glauben durch Doctor Martinum Luther : 
 Augustiner ordens zu Vitteberg. Gedruckt zii Basel durch Ada 
 Petri. Als man zalt. M. D. xix." 
 
 Reprinted in the Weimar edition of Luther's works, vi., 9-19. 
 
 3. " Eyn deutsch Theologia. das ist Eyn edles Buchleyn, von rec- 
 tem vorstand, was Adam vnd Christus sey, vnd wie Adam yn vns ster- 
 ben, vnd Christus ersteen sail." 
 
 No mention of the Petri reprint, which is apparently referred to here 
 in the Zwingli correspondence, is made in the Weimar edition of Lu- 
 ther, which is usually strong in bibliography. But then that edition (i. , 
 378. 379) only presents the preface, which to be sure is the only part 
 of the book which Luther wrote. Best edition of the complete work 
 by J. K. F. Knaake, Weimar (H. Boehlau), 1883. In English trans- 
 lation by Miss Susanna Winkworth, Theologia Germanica, London, 
 1854, and later editions. 
 
 4. " Disputatio et excusatio F. Martini Luther aduersus crimina- 
 tiones D. Johannis Eccii." 
 
 Original edition, Wittenberg, 1519 ; Weimar edition, ii., 158-161. 
 
 5. "Die Sieben puszpsalm mit deutscher auszlegung nach dem 
 
HO Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 schrifftlichen synne tzu Christi vnd gottis gnaden, neben seyn selben. 
 ware erkentniss. grundlich gerichtet." 
 
 Original edition, Wittenberg, 1517 ; Weimar edition, i., 158-220. 
 
 6. " Resolvtio Lvtheriana svper propositione sva decima tertia, de 
 potestate papae. " 
 
 Original edition, Wittenberg, 1519 ; Basel edition, 1519 ; Weimar 
 edition, ii., 183-240. 
 
 7. " Disputatio excellentium. D. doctoru lohannis Eccij & Andrea 
 Carolostadij q cepta est. Lipsie XXVII. lunij. AN. M.D. xix. Dis- 
 putatio secunda. D. Doctoru lohanis Eccij & Andree Carolostadij 
 q cepit XV, lulij. Disputatio. Eiusdem D. lohannis Eccij & D. 
 Martini Lutheri Augustiniani q cepit IIII. lulij." 
 
 The original author and date are uncertain ; but very likely the 
 author was Luther and the date December, 1519. The Weimar edi- 
 tion (ii. 254-383) reprints merely the debate between Luther and Eck. 
 
 8. Ein Sermon von dem elichen standt Doctoris Martini Luther 
 Augustiner zu Wittenburgh geprediget im Tausend funf hundert vu 
 neuntzehenden Jar. 
 
 Original edition, Leipzig, 1519 ; Weimar edition, ii. 166-171. 
 
 Allusions to Luther in the Zwingli correspondence in chronological 
 order : 
 
 February 22, 1519. Zwingli to Rhenanus : "Thanks for writing 
 so carefully about M. Luther. But the Abbot of St. John's has very 
 opportunely sent me the letter of a certain tutor at Wittenberg, in 
 which the writer felicitates him upon reading the writings of Luther, 
 a man who really recalls the image of Christ. He adds that as soon 
 as Luther got release from the Cardinal of St. Sixtus [Cardinal 
 Cajetan] at Augsburg [October 20, 15 18] he returned straight to 
 Wittenberg [arrived October 31st], where he now preaches Christ 
 constantly, to the great admiration of all, prepared even to be 
 crucified for him. . . . Luther is approved by all the learned at 
 Zurich" (Suppl., 15, 16). 
 
 March 19. From Rhenanus, Basel : " I have copied for your ben- 
 efit the letter Martin Luther sent to the Adelmanns of Augsburg. 
 The manly and firm bearing of the man will delight you "(vii., 71). 
 
 March 21. Zwingli to Rhenanus : "I read eagerly your words 
 and Luther's" (Suppl., 17). 
 
 March 25. Same to same: "[Sander] did not read the copy of 
 Luther's letter, but he had heard a few things from me, such, for 
 instance, as that the words of Luther and Eck taken down hurriedly 
 
1519] Opening Year in Zurich 141 
 
 by shorthand writers [at the Leipzig Disputation, June 27 sqq., 
 15 19] will be revised and submitted to the judgment of the Christian 
 world, etc." (Suppl., 18). 
 
 May 7. From Rhenanus, Basel: "You soon shall have the 
 Theses of Martin Luther's which he is to defend at Leipzig against 
 errors old and new, together with a letter in which he portrays Eck 
 better than any artist could " (vii., 74). 
 
 May 24. Same to same, Basel : " Adam Petri, the printer — I 
 think you know him — is about to print some new treatises of Luther's 
 German, a plain and characteristically Lutheran commentary on the 
 Lord's Prayer [cf. i. , 254], and also a German Theology [the famous 
 Theologia Gfr?nanica so admired by Luther], compared with which 
 the subtle theology of Scotus appears gross and dull ; and other books 
 of this sort. If you publicly commend these to the people, that is, 
 persuade them to buy them, the work upon which you are engaged 
 will succeed in accordance with your most ardent desires. ... I 
 send you as a gift the Theses of Luther against Eck and the [com- 
 mentary on the Lord's] Prayer in German" (vii., 77). [Zwingli 
 commended these from the pulpit, Myconius says (p. 7), with- 
 out reading them. But this is apparently contradicted by what 
 follows.] 
 
 June 7. Zwingli to Rhenanus : " I do not fear that Luther's com- 
 mentary on the Lord's Prayer will be displeasing to me, nor the pop- 
 ular " Theology," which you say is being finished, and spread among 
 the people in parts every day. I shall buy a considerable quantity, 
 especially if he deals somewhat with the adoration of saints in the 
 commentary" (SuppL, 21. 22). 
 
 June 25. Same to same : " When the writings of Luther have 
 come from the press, please send them by the first messenger or 
 carrier who can bring a considerable number" (Suppl., 23). 
 
 July 2. From Rhenanus, Basel: "If this Lucius, who brings 
 you this letter, seems to you to have enough prudence and acumen, 
 I should like to have him carry the tracts of Luther, particularly 
 the commentary on the Lord's Prayer — the edition for laymen 
 — to sell them from town to town, and throughout the country, 
 even from house to house, for this will forward our plans in a wonder- 
 ful degree, and will be an assistance to him. And I do not see why 
 he should not be under great obligation to you, if by your exhortation 
 particularly he shall have been changed from a tramp to a book- 
 agent I And then the wider he is known the more easily he will 
 
142 Huldreich Zwingli [1519 
 
 find buyers. Who will hesitate to give him a sesterce [t. <?., 4J^ 
 cents] for an excellent book when he would in any event have made 
 him a present of a trifle ? But care must be taken that he have no 
 other kind of books to sell, especially at the present time. For he 
 will sell the more books of Luther's if he has no other, for the pur- 
 chaser will be, so to speak, coerced into buying them, as would not 
 be the case if he had a variety. If, however, you do not deem him 
 a suitable person look about for some other one to whom you can 
 give letters to your friends, both clerical and lay. In the meantime 
 I have become owner of Luther's commentary in German on the 
 Seven Penitential Psalms, which is both devotional and learned " 
 (vii., 81). [Rhenanus was very zealous in distributing Luther's 
 works, and as appears from his letter was quite modern in his 
 methods. If living to-day he would be sought for to run a sub- 
 scription-book department !] 
 
 July 2. Zwingli to Rhenanus : " William [a Falconibus] 
 dropped this at dinner when Luther had been mentioned ; the 
 provost of the monastery of St. Peter's in Basel [Ludovicus Berus] 
 has sent Luther's works to Rome as soon as they were printed " 
 (Suppl., 24), 
 
 July 2. From Simon Stumph, Basel : " Have the copies of M. 
 Luther on the Lord's Prayer distributed everywhere, both in country 
 and in city, among the unlearned people as well as among the 
 priests. For I trust that all the people of Zurich will buy it on your 
 advice ; and I think it would be well if someone were engaged to 
 do nothing else than to carry it around from place to place, so 
 matters necessary for salvation should become known among all 
 people" (vii., 82). 
 
 July 17. From James Ammann, Basel : "I understand that you 
 have Luther's " Pater Noster," as they call it ; otherwise I should 
 have sent it by this messenger. I think that Luther has nothing else 
 out which you have not seen except a short sermon in German on the 
 married state. As soon as it is printed at Strassburg I shall send it 
 to you. I have seen a copy of it at Beatus' [Rhenanus] " (vii., 83). 
 
 September 23. From Nepos (proof-reader for the printer Froben), 
 Basel : "A little work by Luther on the power of the pope is in our 
 hands, and as soon as it is printed it shall come to you " (vii., 86, 87). 
 
 November 13. Zasius, the eminent jurist of Freiburg, one 
 of the great men among the Church laity, sent a long letter all 
 about Luther, in which these sentences occur : " There are in 
 
1519] Opening Year in Zurich 143 
 
 [Luther] many qualities which you may praise and defend, on the 
 other hand some which excite a little opposition. He has rightly 
 taught that all our good deeds are to be referred to God and nothing 
 is to be attributed to our own will except wickedness. . . . But 
 in this matter of indulgences . . . Luther, more bold than 
 felicitous, hastened to cut the Gordian knot. . . . What Luther 
 has sown abroad about penitence and faith I regard as most salutary. 
 Nevertheless, there run through the teachings of Luther 
 blemishes which affect me painfully. . . . Finally Luther has 
 brought out in his latest little book some things which he regards as 
 proved, as that the pope is not by divine right universal bishop. 
 How much this displeases me I cannot express. . , . Oh, that 
 there were some upright one who would influence Luthernot to be 
 so violent but to have regard for the modesty which he everywhere 
 praises, that he mingle not dross with his gold " (vii., 92 sqq.). 
 
 December 17. From Johann Faber, Constance: "You shall 
 know at an early date what I think in the matter of Carlstadt and 
 Luther. When I have completed this piece of work I will take care 
 that you see it as soon as possible " (vii., loi). [Zwingli did not 
 want to receive it ; cf., vii., 116.] 
 
 December 28. From Myconius, Lucerne : " There has come into 
 my hands through a Dominican monk an epitome of the discussion 
 of Luther with Eck. I should have sent this to you if I had been 
 sure that you did not have it. This is written by Luther himself, so 
 that I have as much confidence in its accuracy as if I had been 
 present and heard all " (vii., 102). 
 
 December 31. Zwingli to Myconius : " I have that epitome 
 [relating to the Leipzig Disputation ; see above] of Luther, have read 
 it, approved of it, and hope that Eck in following that elusive little 
 wind of glory will throw away his labour " (vii., 104). 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 PREPARING FOR THE REFORMATION 
 152O-1521 
 
 IT IS greatly to be regretted that so many of 
 Zwingli's letters have perished. Several of those 
 received by him contain directions for their immedi- 
 ate destruction after reading, and perhaps he may 
 have made such a request himself in some cases; but 
 it is improbable that the carrying out of such direc- 
 tions wholly accounts for the deplorable loss. The 
 printed correspondence of 1520 and 1521, just the 
 years when it would be particularly desirable to 
 know Zwingli's own views and plans, consists almost 
 entirely of answers to letters from him, mostly lost, 
 or of letters asking him to write, or reproaching him 
 for not writing. Still the preserved letters from and 
 to him are valuable. They show that he was the 
 cynosure of a brilliant circle of young men who 
 praise to the skies, yet with apparent honesty, his 
 learning, kindness, devotion to "preaching Christ," 
 and his disinterested readiness to use his influence 
 to advance the fortunes of his friends. His own 
 letters — alas ! only fifteen for these two years — occa- 
 sionally touch a deeper note and bring out more of 
 the music of the Spirit than in former years. But 
 they do not show that his serious illness had made a 
 turning-point in his life, as has often been imagined. 
 
 144 
 
i52ij Preparing for the Reformation 145 
 
 The new life of Zwingli dates rather from the death 
 of his brother Andrew, a youth of rare promise and 
 tenderly beloved/ November i8, 1520. 
 
 Several letters are to Myconius, full of brotherly 
 sympathy with that simple-minded man in his trials 
 for the sake of the Gospel, and helpful to him in his 
 study of the Scriptures. Writing to Vadianus, 
 Zwingli speaks thus of Hus's book " On the 
 Church " : " So far as I have been able to take a 
 taste of a page here and there it seems to me to be 
 not unlearned, but the work of a man who is some- 
 what ahead of his age in erudition. " " Luther comes 
 in for frequent mention. In Germany, Switzerland, 
 and France he was evidently making a great sensa- 
 tion. His debate with Eck at Leipzig, his excom- 
 munication, his appearance at Worms, his friendly 
 capture, are all alluded to in the correspondence.^ 
 
 Zwingli made a visit to Basel early in 1520, and 
 again about a year afterwards, when he met Erasmus 
 there again.* 
 
 The letters also show how haphazard epistolary 
 intercourse between individuals was in those days, 
 being dependent upon couriers, or special mes- 
 
 ' See pp. 64 sqq. 
 
 *VII., 138. Rather patronising. Hus's book is now known to 
 be a translation from Wyclif. See Loserth, English translation, 
 Wiclif atid Hits (London, 1884), pp. 181 sqq. 
 
 ^ Thus Martin Butzer writes from Worms on May 22, 1521 (vii., 
 174), Luther having been taken to the Wartburg on May 2, 1521 : 
 "You know, I suppose, that Luther has been captured, but unless I 
 am very much mistaken not by his foes. The matter is admirably 
 concealed, as is very proper." 
 
 •»VIL, iq2, 195, 196. Cf. this book, p. 78. 
 
146 Huldreich Zwingli [1520^ 
 
 sengers, or passing friends; and how in disturbed 
 times communication well-nigh ceased. They also 
 show that Zwingli was rapidly becoming a force to 
 be reckoned with, for although his preaching of a 
 common-sense Gospel was awakening opposition, it 
 was winning friends every day. The opposition 
 came chiefly from the inmates of the three monas- 
 teries in the city, — the Dominican, the Franciscan, 
 and the Augustinian, — for the monks were naturally 
 the determined foes to all change in theology and 
 fanatically attached to what they believed to be in- 
 spired and necessary ceremonies. They had a certain 
 measure of support, as the conservative party always 
 has, and as they could wield the ecclesiastical ma- 
 chinery of the Church they were formidable, and 
 the friends of Zwingli were alarmed for his safety. 
 Zwingli gives this calm view of his situation in a 
 letter to Myconius, dated December 31, 15 19: 
 
 " As to that base herd of Anti-christs accusing me first 
 of imprudence and then of impudence, you ought to hear 
 that quietly, for now I begin not to be [the only] heretic 
 though they meanwhile are boldly, not to say lyingly, 
 asserting it. For I am not alone: at Zurich there are more 
 than two thousand rational souls, who, now feeding on 
 spiritual milk, will soon take solid food, while those others 
 are miserably starving. As to their assertion that my doc- 
 trine (it is Christ's not mine) is of the Devil, that is all 
 right. For in this assertion I recognise the doctrine of 
 Christ and myself as its true herald. So the Pharisees 
 declared that Christ had a Devil, and that they were in 
 the right." ' 
 
 •VII., 104. 
 
I52I] Preparing for the Reformation 147 
 
 And that he really was on the winning side appears 
 from the order of the Council of the city, early in 
 1520, that all preachers in the canton should preach 
 only what they could prove from the Word of God, 
 and leave alone the doctrines and ordinances not so 
 provable.' This order still more excited the monks, 
 for it showed they could not count upon the civil 
 power in Zurich. 
 
 In another earnest letter to Myconius, dated July 
 24, 1520,' Zwingli speaks of the hopes and fears of 
 the Gospel. At one time there seemed every like- 
 lihood that the Gospel would flourish, so many good 
 men and learned men were labouring to bring this 
 about, but opposition arose. He was inclined per- 
 sonally to make light of these attacks. " We shall 
 never lack those who persecute Christ in us, even 
 though they proudly attack us in the name of 
 Christ." The opposition was given an opportunity 
 to show the genuineness of their zeal. " Is this 
 not the fire that proves the character of each man's 
 work, whether he goes into battle for the honour of 
 this world or of Christ ? . . . I believe that the 
 Church, as it was brought forth in blood, so can be 
 restored by blood and in no other way." Luther 
 was the protagonist of the fight he and other friends 
 of light and learning and Bible truth were waging.' 
 Of Luther Zwingli says: " I fear very little for the 
 life of Luther, not at all for his courage, even if the 
 
 ' Bullinger, i., 32. 
 »VII., 142^^.7. 
 
 ^ Luther's condemnation by the theologians of Louvain, Cologne, 
 and Paris comes in for mention in this correspondence (vii., 12 1, I2g). 
 
148 Huldreich Zwingli [1520- 
 
 bolt of that Jupiter [the Bull of excommunication 
 by the Pope] be launched against him." Then 
 follow these specially interesting sentences, showing 
 Zwingli's friendly footing with the hierarchy in Swit- 
 zerland, and his own cheerful courage : 
 
 " Within a few days I will go to the papal Legate 
 [Pucci], and if he shall open a conversation on the sub- 
 ject as he did before, I will urge him to warn the Pope 
 not to issue an excommunication [against Luther], which 
 I think would be greatly against him [the Pope]. For if 
 it be issued I believe the Germans will equally despise 
 the Pope and the excommunication.' But do you be of 
 good cheer, for our day will not lack those who will teach 
 Christ faithfully, and who will give up their lives for Him 
 willingly, even though among men their names shall not 
 be in good repute after this life. ... So far as I am 
 concerned I look for all evil from all of them: I mean 
 both ecclesiastics and laymen. I beseech Christ for this 
 one thing only, that He will enable me to endure all 
 things courageously, and that He break me as a potter's 
 vessel or make me strong, as it pleases Him. If I be 
 excommunicated "^ I shall think of the learned and holy 
 
 ' Unknown to Zwingli the Bull of excommunication had been 
 issued by the Pope, Leo X., on June 15, 1520. It did not reach 
 Switzerland until July, and Zwingli, through his influence with 
 William a Falconibus, secretary to the papal Legate, Anthony Pucci, 
 and with the Bishop of Constance, delayed the official deliverance 
 in Zurich until October. It was October before it reached Witten- 
 berg. On October 15th it was only a rumour in Mainz (vii., 148), 
 but on December 2ist the writings of Luther were burned there 
 (vii., 157). A complete English translation of this Bull was made 
 by Rev. Dr. H. E. Jacobs and appears in his life of Luther in this 
 series, pp. 413-435. 
 
 ^ So this was his apprehension in consequence of his well-known sup- 
 port of doctrines precisely similar to Luther's and so classed as Lutheran. 
 
I52I] Preparing for the Reformation 149 
 
 Hilary, who was exiled from France to Africa,' and of 
 Lucius, who though driven from his seat at Rome re- 
 turned again with great honour.^ Not that I compare 
 myself with them: for as they were better than I so they 
 suffered what was a greater ignominy. And yet if it 
 were good to glory I would rejoice to suffer insult for the 
 name of Christ. But let him that thinketh he standeth 
 take heed lest he fall. Lately I have read scarcely any- 
 thing of Luther's; but what I have seen of his hitherto 
 does not seem to me to stray from gospel teaching. 
 You know — if you remember — that what I have always 
 spoken of in terms of the highest commendation in him 
 is that he supports his position with authoritative wit- 
 nesses." ' 
 
 In the conclusion of this interesting letter he tells 
 his friend of his intention to resume the study of 
 Hebrew, — which he had begun at Einsiedeln, — and 
 so he had ordered from Basel the Rudiments of 
 Capnio, as he styles him who is better known now as 
 Reuchlin, the famous Humanist.* But he had made 
 
 ' Bishop of Poitiers, 353-368 ; banished to Phrygia, 356; returned 
 364. 
 
 ' Bishop of Rome, 253-254, banished almost immediately upon 
 his election, but soon returned. 
 
 ^ Zwingli is here, as always, the critic, not the follower, of Luther, 
 and as he came to the same positions simultaneously or perhaps 
 previously, at all events independently, it was wrong ever to dub 
 him with the name of Luther, and he resented it. See his remarks 
 in his exposition of the Articles of 1523, i., 253 sqq. 
 
 * De rudiiiicntis Hehraicis was printed at Reuchlin's expense by 
 Thomas Anselm at Pforzheim, sixteen miles north-east of Carlsruhe, 
 in 1506, and the entire edition was sold to Amerbach at the rate of 
 three copies for one gulden. It was, however, a very slow seller. See 
 G. H. Putnam, Books and their Makers in the Middle Ages (N. Y., 
 1897), ii., 172. 
 
150 Huldreich Zwingli [1520- 
 
 a similar start in 15 19,' and this time again he prob- 
 ably did not make much progress, for on March 25, 
 1522, he writes to Rhenanus: " Tell Pellican that I 
 have begun Hebrew. Ye gods, how distasteful and 
 melancholy a study! But I shall persist until I get 
 something out of it." " Another interesting letter, 
 in which he expresses his profound Christian faith, 
 and shows that he had in the school of sorrow over 
 his brother, and of anxiety over personal affairs, 
 learned the lesson of faith and dependence on God, 
 is that to Haller.' 
 
 The relations between the Pope and the Swiss was 
 a very live topic in Zwingli's day. The Cardinal of 
 Sitten, Ennius, Pucci, and high members of the 
 papal party endeavoured to secure mercenaries from 
 Zurich. Zwingli preached against the business,^ but 
 at first he was not heeded. At last the pitiful treat- 
 ment the Zurich contingent received convinced 
 Zurich that the Pope was not a more desirable mas- 
 ter than any other prince, and that his battles were 
 not a whit holier, and so in 1522 Zurich withdrew 
 from the mercenary business altogether, and en- 
 deavoured to dissuade the other cantons from con- 
 tinuing in it. 
 
 The margins of Zwingli's books are covered with 
 annotations. These have been deciphered as far as 
 
 ' See p. 135. 
 
 * VII., 194. The helps to this study were then very meagre, more 
 so than for Greek. ^ 
 
 3 VII., 185. , 
 
 * See the summary of his sermons from BuUinger in Zwingh's 
 lVo7-ks, ii., 2, 350-352, already translated in this volume, j^p. 136-139, 
 
i52i] Preparing for the Reformation 151 
 
 possible, and the claim is made, on the strength of 
 these decipherments, that after 15 19 he adopted 
 Lutheran views upon sin and grace.' 
 
 In the early part of 1521, Zwingli was sick with a 
 fever." That summer he went to Urdorf, seven and 
 a half miles west from Zurich, then a popular resort.* 
 
 He was neither a member of the chapter of the 
 cathedral nor a citizen of the Republic of Zurich 
 until, on April 29, 1521, he succeeded Dr. Heinrich 
 Engelhard as canon of the Great Minster, which 
 position carried citizenship with it. Thereby he 
 increased his income by seventy gulden, and this 
 made up for the loss of the papal pension of fifty 
 gulden, which he had renounced in 1520.* He re- 
 ceived the hearty congratulations of his friends on 
 his advancement. The action ^ was a proof of rare 
 friendship on Engelhard's part. 
 
 ' This tedious and difficult labour was performed by Usteri with 
 great patience and skill. See Usteri, " Initia Zwinglii," in Theolo- 
 gische Studien und Kritiken (Gotha, 1885, 4th part, pp. 607-672; 
 1886, 1st part, pp. 95-159 ; also separately reprinted). 
 
 " Suppl., p. 30. 
 
 3 VII., 181. 
 
 ■• See pp. 114 sqq, 
 
 ^VII., 175, 182. The following is the text of the appointment, 
 translated from the original Latin as given in Egli, Analecta Refot^- 
 malaria, i., 22-24 : 
 
 " Appointment 0/ the People's Priest Master Huldreich Zwingli 
 to be Canon at the Grossmuenster in Zurich, April 2q, 1^21. 
 " In the name of the Lord, Amen. 
 
 " In the one thousand five hundred and twenty-first year from 
 the birth of the same Lord, and the ninth indiction, upon Monday, 
 the twenty-ninth of April, at eight o'clock in the morning or there- 
 abouts, in the ninth year of the pontificate of our Most Holy Father 
 and Lord in Christ, Leo X., by divine providence Pope, in the 
 
152 Huldreich Zwingli [1520- 
 
 So far he had not published anything. He had, 
 however, written two political pamphlets in 15 19, 
 one on the avarice of the Pope and the cardinals, 
 and the other a dialogue on the plague,' which had 
 the approval of the learned except that it was 
 
 chapter chamber of the church of the Holy Martyrs Felix and 
 Regula at Zurich, diocese of Constance and province of Mainz, 
 personally appeared before me as notary public, in presence of the 
 witnesses named below, my eminent, noble, worshipful, and wise 
 lords, the provost and capitulary canons of the said provostship of 
 Zurich in chapter assembled and convened, holding session and 
 forming the party of the first part, and the worshipful gentleman 
 Domine Huldreich Zwingli, Master of Arts, occupying the post of 
 people's priest in the said church and provostship, party of the 
 second part. Said Domine Master Zwingli made humble petition 
 to the said honourable provost and chapter that they would deign 
 faithfully before God to bestow upon him the post of canon and pre- 
 bendary in their church, lying vacant at present in the hands of said 
 honourable provost and chapter of the provostship of Zurich (through 
 the voluntary resignation of the eminent gentleman. Master Heinrich 
 Engelhard, Doctor of Decrees, canon and prebendary of the abbey 
 of Zurich and legal possessor of the post of canon and prebendary 
 aforesaid in our church). Said honourable provost and chapter there- 
 fore have, after mature deliberation, in the name of God, bestowed 
 and conferred upon said Master Huldreich Zwingli, with all possible 
 binding force and process of law, said post of canon and prebendary, 
 vacant as aforesaid through voluntary resignation, together with full 
 canonical rights and all rights and privileges thereto pertaining, and 
 have admitted him into the post of canon and prebendary aforesaid, 
 and received and accepted him as brotlier and fellow-canon, and said 
 honourable Master Huldreich Zwingli, having solemnly sworn upon 
 the Holy Gospel, with his hand upon the Sacred Scriptures, to ob- 
 serve the statute beginning ' These are the articles, etc.', read aloud 
 to him phrase by phrase by me as notary, as also the other statutes 
 and usages of said church of the provostship of Zurich, said honour- 
 able provost, whose function it is recognised to be to induct the 
 canons into their office, presently gave and assigned to said Master 
 ' VII.. 104. 
 
I52I] Preparing for the Reformation 153 
 
 thought to be too bitter; and in 1521 he speaks of 
 preparing for the press some sermons on faith and 
 on saint worship.' In a letter to Mycojiius dated 
 May 17, 1 52 1, he thus tells of his connection with 
 a publication : 
 
 Uuldreich Zwingli a place in the chapter, and then the worshipful and 
 wise Master George Heggentzi, custodian and senior canon of the 
 aforesaid provostship, in the name of said honourable provost, led the 
 same Master Zwingli into the choir, and gave and assigned to him a 
 seat in the same with full canonical rights, thus sending, putting, and 
 introducing the same Master Huldreich into material, real, and 
 actual possession, as it were, of said post of canon and prebendary, 
 and completely furnishing Master Huldreich Zwingli thus inducted 
 with all requisite information in regard to all the fruits and revenues, 
 returns, rights, and income of the post of canon and prebendary, ob- 
 serving the due and usual ceremonies and cautions, in respect to all 
 of which as aforesaid the said honourable Master Huldreich Zwingli 
 begged me, the undersigned notary public, to prepare for him all 
 the necessary public documents in presence of the honourable gentle- 
 men, Masters Caspar Mantz and Johann Murer, presbyters and 
 chaplains of said church of the provostship of Zurich, especially 
 invited and requested to attend the proceedings. 
 
 "I, Johann Widmer, presbyter of the diocese of Constance, 
 chaplain of the church of the Holy Martyrs Felix and Regula in the 
 provostship of Zurich, notary public by authority of the Holy Em- 
 pire, and sworn clerk of my eminent, noble, wise, and worshipful 
 canonical lords, the provost and chapter of the said provostship, 
 having been present with the before named witnesses at the petition, 
 appointment, admission, reception, acceptance, oath-taking, induct- 
 ing, installation, and all and each of the aforesaid proceedings, and 
 having seen and heard them done and accomplished as aforesaid, 
 have, tlierefore, prepared this present public document, and written 
 it with my own hand, and signed and sealed it with my regular and 
 proper seal and name in witness, confirmation, and testimony of all 
 above written, as requested, bidden, and specially summoned to do." 
 
 ' VII., 187 ; cf. 189. They were never published. The latter 
 topic he debated with Lambert in 1522. See p 170, 
 
154 Huldreich Zwingli [1520- 
 
 " The argumentative poem on The Mill (which appears 
 on the first sheet of paper enclosed) was put into shape 
 and sent to me by a certain Rhaetian,' a layman who is 
 very learned in the Scriptures, for one unacquainted with 
 Latin. He is Martin Saenger. I indeed having examined 
 the argument thought that what he had rather infelici- 
 tously applied to Luther was more properly applied to 
 Christ and God. But since I had not leisure sufficient 
 to put measures together, I turned the poem itself over 
 to Johann Fuessli, that somewhat deaf master metal- 
 founder, who lives in the village of Rennweg." He is the 
 man (that you may know exactly who he is) who used to 
 stand on my left as I preached from the pulpit; and you 
 will notice that he has used some of my own words which 
 he has caught up and imitated (as often happens) be- 
 cause of his frequent listening to my discourses. He 
 made all the measures in words indeed which some 
 wanted to quote to carry their point that the work was 
 mine, until I admonished the man that he should suffer 
 the thing to be known as his own work, for there was 
 no peril to fear from our people. Still I did this — I 
 showed him many places in Scripture which he diligently 
 studied, and he prepared the framework in my company. 
 I was greatly pleased at the simplicity and clearness of 
 his discourse, nay, he brought it about that his speech 
 should be really Swiss, so that it was thrown off with 
 
 The seal of the notary was a shield divided diagonally from left to 
 right, upon a short tree, the lower field black, the upper yellow, with 
 a black lion rampant facing towards the left. Under this in two 
 lines, between ruled lines; " Johannis Widmer presbiteri de Thurego 
 auctoritate imperiali notarii publici " ([seal] "of John Widmer, 
 presbyter of Zurich, notary public by imperial authority)". 
 
 ' An inhabitant of the Swiss canton Grisons. 
 
 " This was the name given to a hamlet by Bubikon, twenty-one 
 miles south-east of Zurich on the north shore of the Lake of Zurich. 
 
i52ii Preparing for the Reformation 155 
 
 great swiftness but needing correction. I fixed the form 
 of it with him and the first measure, and I made the title 
 — but besides this I did nothing." 
 
 The piece was finally published anonymously.' 
 
 In the latter half of 1520, at all events, as the 
 contents show, before the coronation of Charles V., 
 which took place on October 22nd, there appeared 
 anonymously, and without date or place of publica- 
 tion, a Latin pamphlet entitled, ' * Advice of one who 
 desires with his whole heart that due consideration 
 be paid both to the dignity of the pope and to the 
 peaceful development of the Christian religion." ' It 
 has an extraordinary Appendix, being nothing less 
 than " A defence of Martin Luther by Christ our 
 Lord, addressed to the city of Rome." Although at 
 first sight it seems highly improbable that Zwingli 
 had anything to do with the pamphlet, as it is not at 
 all in his style, yet all doubt vanishes before the fact 
 that the draft of it in Zwingli's handwriting is to 
 be seen to-day in the Zurich cantonal archives. It 
 treats Luther in a kindly, condescending way, and 
 advises that an impartial commission go through his 
 books and also examine him orally, and then pass 
 final judgment upon him. As an alternative plan a 
 General Council might be called. The " Defence " 
 is a terrible arraignment of the Roman bishop in 
 
 ' It is reprinted in Oscar Schade's Satiren und PasquilU aus der 
 Reformalionszeit, 2nd edition, Hanover, 1863, i., 19-26. 
 
 * III., 1-6 ; cf. allusion to it in his address to the German princes 
 (iii., 78). See the discussion of its authorship by G. Finsler in 
 Zwingliana, 1899, No. 2, pp. I13-115. 
 
15^ Huldreich Zwingli [1520- 
 
 proof that Luther spoke only the truth about the 
 Church. 
 
 Perhaps the subject which may be said to be that 
 which first introduced the Reformation into Zurich 
 was that of tithes. Zwingli declared that they were 
 not of divine authority, and that their payment 
 should be voluntary. But as tithes were an import- 
 ant part of the ecclesiastical revenue, he was striking 
 a serious blow at the further maintenance of the 
 cathedral. No wonder that his brother clergy were 
 alarmed. They knew all too well that voluntary 
 payments of tithes or of any other moneys were sure 
 to be small. It requires long education before wor- 
 shippers will voluntarily support religion. Writing 
 to Myconius on February i6, 1520, Zwingli thus 
 alludes to the stir his teaching had caused: 
 
 " Our provost has poured forth some venomous stuff 
 which he has committed to permanent form so that it 
 might be retained. He wrote a letter to me in which he 
 said that tithes were of divine right. I had controverted 
 this publicly, in Latin, however, not in German. Like- 
 wise he informs me that the truth is not to be spoken 
 at all times, doubtless thinking that nothing evil ought 
 to be said against the priests. He pleads from the 
 market-place that I should not furnish arms to laymen 
 to use against the clergy." ' 
 
 The next step in the advance towards the Re- 
 formation in Zurich was the simplification of the 
 
 ' VII., 116 sq. On March 17, 1520, Iledio, in Basel, promises to 
 send him a tract by Gabriel on tithes (vii., 121, 132). Probably 
 Gabriel Biel is meant. 
 
I52I] Preparing for the Rerormation 157 
 
 breviary as used in the cathedral. This went into 
 effect on June 27, 15-20. Those of the clergy that 
 adhered to the regular church forms and the con- 
 servative people generally Avere disturbed, and the 
 Little Council, which was a very conservative body, 
 alarmed at the radicalism which was fomented by 
 Zwingli, passed a vaguely worded resolution against 
 "novelties and human inventions" in preaching, 
 which was aimed at him. A little later he again 
 manifested his independent and reforming spirit by 
 criticising the department of outdoor relief in the 
 city, and proposing on September 8, 1520, that the 
 public alms should hereafter be given only to those 
 who had been investigated, and could show actual 
 need. One test of the " worthiness " of the appli- 
 cants for relief was their ability to repeat the Lord's 
 Prayer, the Ave Maria, and the Ten Command- 
 ments! ' 
 
 • Egli, Actensamtnlung, No. 132, pp. 25-31. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE REFORMATION BEGINS 
 1522 
 
 THE year 1522 is that in which the Reformation 
 began in Zurich. 
 The course of ZwingH's development to preach 
 such an intellectual creed as that of Protestantism 
 can be traced He came of a very intelligent family 
 on both sides, and was so uncommonly bright as a 
 child that the propriety of educating him was mani- 
 fest. In the providence of God that education was 
 from the start at the direction of his father's brother, 
 who had progressive ideas ; and as the same uncle 
 kept him from the baleful influences of monasticism, 
 he came to early manhood a cultured Humanist and 
 not a monk or a hidebound scholastic or a fanatical 
 ignoramus. His first charge was such an important 
 one that he at once had to exert himself, while his 
 scholarly ambition incited him to diligent use of 
 every opportunity to increase his learning. As a 
 very important factor he learned Greek, and this 
 enabled him to go to the sources of much informa- 
 tion which in a more or less imperfect form had 
 been brought to his attention in Latin translation. 
 Being a Humanist, he naturally sought the company 
 of Humanists, and so his contempt for mediaeval 
 
 158 
 
1522] The Reformation Begins 159 
 
 teaching was increased, and under the instruction 
 of the great prince among Humanists, Erasmus, he 
 came to common-sense views in theology and know- 
 ledge of monastic arrogance and ignorance. Being 
 also an ardent Swiss, he deprecated whatever tended 
 to deteriorate the Swiss character, chief of which 
 bad influences was the mercenary trafific, and being 
 a bold man and believing that the pulpit was just 
 the place to discuss public questions, especially such 
 as had a moral bearing, he preached against the 
 practice. This stirred up so much opposition in 
 Glarus, which was quite a centre of the business of 
 hiring mercenaries, that he was compelled to seek 
 another place. Impressed on a visit with the ad- 
 vantages in the way of study and acquaintance of 
 Einsiedeln, he applied for a position there, and was 
 successful. There an ample library was at his serv- 
 ice ; there he revelled in literary and distinguished 
 society, and there he came in touch with leaders of 
 many lands, so that the misfortunes which drove 
 him to seek refuge there were really fortunes of 
 inestimable worth. 
 
 A broad-minded, highly educated, independent, 
 thoughtful, determined man, and withal turned in 
 the direction of ecclesiastical freedom, he came to 
 Zurich. There he played from the beginning an 
 important part, with increased independence. The 
 Scriptures became of more and more account and the 
 Fathers and the Schoolmen of less. It was but a 
 step from the placing of the latter among fallible 
 teachers to take the position that only what the 
 Scriptures demanded should be demanded. But 
 
i6o Huldreich Zwingli [1522 
 
 where had the Scriptures demanded the payment of 
 tithes, and where fasting in Lent ? Where did Lent 
 come in, anyway ? So with many other ceremonies 
 and observances of the Church. And these doubts 
 and questions he brought to the attention of his 
 congregation. His conduct in doing so was the 
 subject of passionate complaint by Canon Konrad 
 Hofmann, in December, 1521, to the chapter of the 
 Grossmiinster.' 
 
 Ash Wednesday, the first day of Lent, came in 
 the year 1522 on the 5th of March. It was later 
 noised through the city that some of his congrega- 
 tion had made appHcation of his teaching respecting 
 fasting during the forty days in the direction of open 
 violation of the enjoined fast. They declared that 
 if it was not required by Scripture, they would not 
 fast. Such conduct quickly brought them in con- 
 tact with the civil authority, which was the servant 
 of the Church.* Best known of these bold innov- 
 ators was Christopher Froschauer, Zurich's great 
 printer, who ate meat with his workmen on the plea 
 that an unusually heavy press of work compelled 
 them to take nourishing food ! ' 
 
 Zwingli did not himself offend, but he assumed 
 
 ' See Egli, Actensamtnhing, No. 213. 
 
 ' Disputes about the matter led to street fighting, cf. Egli, Acten- 
 sammlung. No. 232, trials of the offenders, ibid., 233. 
 
 ^ Defence of Froschauer before the City Council, Egli, AcUn- 
 sammlung. No. 234. On April 27th a friend informed Zwingli that 
 some priests at Basel ate a sucking pig on Palm Sunday (vii., 196). 
 The incident made quite a stir, and perhaps this rather impudent 
 exhibition of independence did more harm than good. So thought 
 Loriti, cf. vii., 197. 
 
1522] The Reformation Begins i6i 
 
 full responsibility for this conduct of his parishion- 
 ers, who had before the Council quoted him as their 
 authority. On March 23d of that year, 1522, 
 which was the third Sunday in Lent,' he preached 
 a sermon which he published on Wednesday, April 
 i6th, upon " Selection or Liberty respecting Foods; 
 on Offence and Scandal ; whether there is any Au- 
 thority for forbidding Meat at certain Times."* 
 
 The Council debated the matter of fasting, and 
 finally passed a compromise measure to the effect 
 that while it is true that the New Testament makes 
 no distinction among foods, yet for the sake of 
 peace, so dear to Christ, the fasting ordinance should 
 be obeyed until abrogated or modified by authority, 
 and the people's priests as pastors of the three par- 
 ishes of the city, namely, the Grossmiinster, the 
 Fraumiinster, and St. Peter's, should dissuade the 
 people from all violation of the ordinance.^ 
 
 When the bruit of this revolt against ecclesiastical 
 authority and of the temporising order of the Coun- 
 cil reached the Bishop of Constance, he saw that it 
 was high time to do something to restrain the wan- 
 dering city. So he sent a commission to investi- 
 gate. Zwingli gives in a letter to Erasmus Fabricius * 
 a very graphic account of the subsequent proceed- 
 ings, which is here summarised : On Monday, April 
 7th (1522), the commission, consisting of Mel- 
 chior Wattli, D.D., the suffragan bishop; Johann 
 
 ' See his statement, Appendix to this volume, p. 438. 
 
 * Given in full in the Appendix to this volume, pp. 404 sqq. 
 
 ^Egli, Actensamvilung, No. 235. 
 
 MIL, S-16. 
 
i62 Huldreich Zwingli [1522 
 
 Wanner, the cathedral preacher of Constance, and 
 favourable to Reformation ideas ; and Nicholas 
 Brendlin, D.D., appeared in Zurich. Early the 
 next day they assembled the clergy, and the suf- 
 fragan laid the episcopal commands upon them not 
 to depart from the old order. He did not mention 
 the name of Zwingli in his address, but so plainly 
 meant him all along as the cause of all the trouble 
 in Zurich that Zwingli felt justified in replying on 
 the spot, more particularly as he perceived " from 
 their sighs and their pale and silent faces that some 
 of the weaker priests who had recently been won for 
 Christ had been troubled by the tirade." The 
 commission then appeared before the Little Coun- 
 cil, and the suffragan delivered the same address, 
 again omitting purposely all mention of Zwingli by 
 name. As Zwingli did not belong to the Little 
 Council, he could not be present at their meetings 
 without invitation, and none was given him then. 
 
 At the conclusion of the suffragan's address the 
 Little Council voted to call a meeting the next morn- 
 ing of the Great Council, consisting of two hundred 
 members, to take action on the bishop's complaint, 
 but in the resolution it was expressly ordered that 
 the three people's priests should be excluded. This 
 latter action Zwingli was anxious to have recon- 
 sidered and rescinded. To this end he brought all 
 his influence to bear with the members of the body, 
 but in vain. He also tried to win over the com- 
 mission itself. But, equally unsuccessful here, he 
 betook himself to prayer, and lo ! the next morning 
 when the Great Council met, Wednesday, April 
 

 jife;^^-. 
 
 wliich ZiiingU 
 B. Frau-Muiistcr (Mi 
 
 which Engelhard 
 
 t Minsler), the cathedral of 
 1 people's priest, 
 er of Our Lady), the cathe- 
 iite side of the Limmat, of 
 tvas chief. 
 
 . Peter's church, of which Leo Jud \ 
 
 
 The Water church, at present the city library-. 
 Octtenlinch Nunnery, later Orphanage and churt 
 Corn Exchange. 
 
1522] The Reformation Begins 163 
 
 9th, the people in true democratic fashion demanded 
 that their people's priests should be admitted, and 
 the Great Council outvoted the Little Council in 
 their favour, and so Zwingii's heart's desire was 
 f^iven to him, and he heard what was said against 
 him before the Council. The suffragan a third time 
 made his speech. This time Zwingli took notes. 
 These were some of the points the suffragan made: 
 Certain persons (unnamed) were teaching new ob- 
 noxious and seditious doctrines; to wit, that no 
 human prescriptions and no ceremonials ought to be 
 regarded, although they were a guide to virtue; 
 also that Lent ought not to be kept. Consequently 
 some had eaten flesh in Lent. Such conduct was 
 evidently not permitted by the Gospels, the Fathers, 
 nor the Councils. The antiquity of the custom of 
 fasting during Lent was a plain proof that it was in- 
 spired by the Holy Ghost. The Council must re- 
 main with and in the Church, for outside of it was 
 no salvation. The objectionable doctrines could 
 not be defended, as they rested on no foundation. 
 It was the duty of the people's priests to teach the 
 old truths. Moreover, it was obligatory on Christ- 
 ians to avoid giving offence. Nor should anyone 
 trust his cum reason, but all should hear the Church. 
 As the commission had been charged to avoid de- 
 bate, especially with Zwingli, after the suffragan 
 had made his speech they essayed to leave. But 
 the Swiss sense of fairness prevailed, and they were 
 compelled to stay while Zwingli made his defence, 
 which he did at considerable length, taking up the 
 suffragan's speech point by point. Still even he did 
 
1522] The Reformation Begins 163 
 
 9th, the people in true democratic fashion demanded 
 that their people's priests should be admitted, and 
 the Great Council outvoted the Little Council in 
 their favour, and so Zwingli's heart's desire was 
 given to him, and he heard what was said against 
 him before the Council. The suffragan a third time 
 made his speech. This time Zvvingli took notes. 
 These were some of the points the suffragan made: 
 Certain persons (unnamed) were teaching new ob- 
 noxious and seditious doctrines; to wit, that no 
 human prescriptions and no ceremonials ought to be 
 regarded, although they were a guide to virtue; 
 also that Lent ought not to be kept. Consequently 
 some had eaten flesh in Lent. Such conduct was 
 evidently not permitted by the Gospels, the Fathers, 
 nor the Councils. The antiquity of the custom of 
 fasting during Lent was a plain proof that it was in- 
 spired by the Holy Ghost, The Council must re- 
 main with and in the Church, for outside of it was 
 no salvation. The objectionable doctrines could 
 not be defended, as they rested on no foundation. 
 It was the duty of the people's priests to teach the 
 old truths. Moreover, it was obligatory on Christ- 
 ians to avoid giving offence. Nor should anyone 
 trust his own reason, but all should hear the Church. 
 As the commission had been charged to avoid de- 
 bate, especially with Zvvingli, after the suffragan 
 had made his speech they essayed to leave. But 
 the Swiss sense of fairness prevailed, and they were 
 compelled to stay while Zwingli made his defence, 
 which he did at considerable length, taking up the 
 suffragan's speech point by point. Still even he did 
 
164 Huldreich Zvvingli [1522 
 
 not advise breaking abruptly with the Church, but, 
 like Luther at that time, told the people to bide the 
 time of the coming reformation. 
 
 The Council by vote reaffirmed its former injunc- 
 tion on the people's priests, but coupled it with a 
 request of the Bishop of Constance to assemble his 
 clergy and come with them to some agreement as 
 to what might be preached in his diocese.' 
 
 The bishop must have been dissatisfied with the 
 results of his commission, and so a little later he 
 sent letters to his clergy to the cathedral chapter 
 (May 22, 1522) and to the Zurich City Council 
 (Saturday, May 24, 1522), urging these bodies to 
 suppress heresy. Still Zwingli's name was not 
 mentioned. 
 
 On Sunday, April 27th, the Swiss mercenaries 
 were defeated at La Bicocca, near Milan, in Italy, 
 and the news gave so much point to Zwingli's oppos- 
 ition to the foreign service that when the Council 
 learned that the cantonal assembly was about to 
 meet at Schwyz, they asked him to do his best to 
 discourage the pensionaries who were sure to be 
 present and try to persuade the canton to let them 
 have more troops. So Zwingli rushed through the 
 press a hastily written pamphlet, which bears the 
 title, " An earnest exhortation addressed to the 
 Confederates not to suffer themselves to come into 
 dishonour through the wiles of their foes."" The 
 
 ' Bullinger, i., "jO S(j. Egli, Actensammlung, No. 236. Zwingli 
 retells the story of the commission in a letter to Myconius, undated, 
 but certainly in June. See vii., 202 sq. 
 
 ^ II., 2, 286-298. It is dated May 16, 1522, which was the day 
 
1522] The Reformation Begins 165 
 
 pamphlet glows with the' brightest fires of patriot- 
 ism and Christian zeal. In the most moving man- 
 ner he pleads with his fellow-countrymen not to 
 allow the pensionaries to persuade them that any 
 good could come from a traffic which has been 
 fraught with so many evils to the Swiss. He shows 
 on Scriptural and historical grounds how a good 
 conscience gives strength to a small people in the 
 midst of its foes. Incidentally it presents an 
 effective plea for peace. The first effect of the 
 pamphlet was to capture the assembly, and the 
 pensionaries were defeated. But in August of that 
 year they induced the Diet to reverse its action, 
 and Zurich for thus attempting to interfere in the 
 Diet had henceforth no more determined foe than 
 Schwyz.' 
 
 On July 1st the Bishop of Constance induced the 
 Swiss annual Diet at Baden to pass a mandate pro- 
 hibiting the preaching of the Reformation doctrines.' 
 
 On July 2, 1522, there was signed at Einsiedeln a 
 very earnest " Petition of certain preachers of Swit- 
 zerland to the Most Reverend Lord Hugo, Bishop 
 of Constance, that he will not suffer himself to be 
 persuaded to make any proclamation to the injury 
 of the Gospel, nor longer endure the scandal of 
 
 when the intelligence of tlie approaching assembly reached Zurich. 
 There is in it no hint that the suggestion to write it came from out- 
 side ; that, however, is the probable conjecture of the modern editors 
 of Zwingli's works. 
 
 ' Haller, on July 8, 1522 (vii., 207), writing from Bern told 
 Zwingli that his pamphlet had a bad name in Bern and that its 
 dedication to the Swiss exclusively was resented by the pensionaries. 
 
 * Bullinger, i., 79. 
 
1 66 Huldreich Zwingli [1522 
 
 harlotry, but allow the priests to marry wives, or at 
 least to wink at their marriages," ' and on July 13, 
 1522, a similar but not identical petition, entitled 
 A friendly request and exhortation of certain 
 priests of the Confederacy that the preaching of the 
 Gospel be not stopped, and that no one be offended 
 if the priests, in order to avoid scandal, contract 
 marriages." "^ The first was in Latin and had eleven 
 signatures, of which Zwingli's was the last, and was 
 addressed to the bishop ; the second was in German, 
 as printed in Zwingli's works bears no signatures 
 (that it had signatures is, however, stated in its last 
 paragraph), and was addressed to the government of 
 the Confederacy. The two documents are so much 
 alike and so much in Zwingli's style that probably he 
 was the sole author of them both.^ Both documents 
 assume that the party addressed is favourable to the 
 preaching of the Gospel, and so inclined to listen to 
 the petitioners' plea for the removal of all hindrances 
 to its free course. But in both petitions these words 
 about preaching the Gospel are preliminary to what 
 is the true object of these petitions, viz., to obtain 
 from the bishop permission to marry, and to dis- 
 suade the government from opposing the permitted 
 clerical marriages, if the bishop allowed them. In 
 
 ' III., 17-25. 
 
 M., 30-51. 
 
 ^ Thus on July 7, 1522, Xylotectus, writing from Bern, tells him a 
 story for use in the '■ little book" lie is writing on clerical marriages, 
 in evident allusion to the German petition, and he suggests that a 
 copy be sent to a preacher against such marriages (vii., 206), cf. 
 vii., 208, quoted below. So, also, another correspondent calls him 
 the author of the petition to the bishop (vii., 245). 
 
1522] The Reformation Be 
 
 both the doctrine is taught that chastity in a man 
 cannot be preserved unless he have the supernatural 
 gift our Lord is supposed by the petitioners to 
 allude to in Matthew xix., 10-12! They very 
 honestly, and with expressions of shame and peni- 
 tence, confess that they have violated the law of 
 chastity very often, but they plead in extenuation of 
 these offences that God had not seen fit to give them 
 the gift of continence. But as it seems to them that 
 the fact that they live unchastely is prejudicial 
 to the Gospel, and is the occasion of much trouble 
 and reproach to them, they desire permission of the 
 bishop to marry, and also protection for married 
 priests from the State. There is not a scintilla of 
 evidence that the priests who signed these petitions 
 were a whit worse than the other priests about them. 
 What they wanted was permission to contract law- 
 ful marriages. Zwingli at the time he drew up these 
 petitions was living in " clerical " marriage, a union 
 unsanctioned by the Church, but one so connived 
 at and also condoned by public sentiment that the 
 woman he was living with was called his wife.' 
 
 ' See Chap. XI. for more upon this point. As the practices of these 
 Swiss clergy so candidly revealed by these petitions were those of men 
 who were at the time in good and regular standing in the Church, they 
 must be considered as specimens of the results of their training, 
 and so the less the advocates of the Roman Catholic Church have to 
 say on the subject the better for them. It is part of the unhappy 
 bondage of that Church that its members are debarred from criticising 
 it freely, but are, on the other hand, obliged to defend its practices, 
 even in denying marriage to its clergy. Roman Catholic writers like 
 Janssen {Geschichte dcs Deutschen Volkes, iii., 8g, 90, note ; An 
 meine Kritiker, 127-145, and Ein zweites Wort, 46-48) have made the 
 
1 68 Huldreich Zwingli [1522 
 
 Of course, these petitions led to no action by 
 those addressed, nor could the signers have expected 
 to do more than to educate public sentiment so 
 that their own contemplated marriages might be less 
 opposed.' By coming out so boldly and confessing 
 so humbly, they attested the possession of great 
 courage. Both petitions were printed in Zurich 
 together and sent by Zwingli to the Bishop of Con- 
 stance.^ Zwingli's correspondence shows how active 
 he was in distributing them, apparently in part for 
 signature, and how he viewed signing them. On 
 July 19th he writes to Myconius: 
 
 " I send you these petitions which you know all about, 
 but they come a week later than I could have wished. 
 Still it could not be managed in any other way. Do you 
 circulate them as shall be desirable, for so Jodocus 
 
 most out of Zwingli's confession. Yes, he was unchaste. But what 
 does that show ? He was brought up in the same Church with those 
 who criticise him. They accept his testimony regarding himself and 
 his companions. Now let them accept this further testimony of his 
 which is vouched for by Canon Hofmann in 1521 {cf. Egli, Actcn- 
 sainmlung. No. 213, p. 62): "Among a hundred or a thousand 
 spiritual persons, priests, monks, nuns, Brothers and Sisters, and 
 such like, who promise chastity and have promised to be chaste, 
 scarcely a single one can be found who is not habitually unchaste." 
 He put the permission of clerical unchastity by the payment of money 
 among the Articles on which he was prepared to speak in the First 
 Disputation (January, 1523), and on which he expatiated in print 
 (art. 49, i., 156, commentary, i., 378, 379). Or was Zwingli truthful 
 respecting himself but untruthful respecting others? Let Zwingli 
 stand condemned, but let his fellow-priests equally guilty stand in 
 the pillory with him ! 
 
 • Cf. what Myconius says, p. 169. 
 
 ' Cf. i., 31. 
 
1522] The Reformation Begins 169 
 
 Kilchmeier ' and 1 have decided. I am not able to 
 write to Xylotectus [/. e., Joannes Zimmermann] now 
 because I am so busy. Tell him, however, that he 
 has given no offence by withholding his name": on the 
 contrary this is in accordance with the judgment of us 
 all. For we prefer that the affair be carried on quietly 
 and that it should be done gradually rather than all at 
 once, especially since there are some who fight against it 
 so fiercely. For the sake of Christ even one's own wife 
 will have to be abandoned, but Heaven forbid! It is 
 better that Xylotectus in the character of Gamaliel 
 should be able to say to the Senate: ' Separate from those 
 men,' etc., rather than that he should be driven from the 
 city. I have come to feel hopeful, although there is little 
 room for persuasion among our people for rage is broad.' 
 
 ' Kilchmeier's name to the petition brought him into trouble (vii., 
 245). He had married and to save his wife's persecution he sent her 
 to Zurich to be under Zvvingli's care (vii., 248, 249). 
 
 * He requested this, vii., 203. It may be remembered that a Wolf- 
 gang Zymmermann, as the name was spelled, was a signer of the 
 petition given on p. 73 of this volume. He may have been a relative. 
 
 ^ VII., 208, 209. Myconius on July 22nd (vii., 209, 210) acknow- 
 ledged the receipt of the petitions and promised to distribute them, 
 and also ordered extra copies for Xylotectus. Under date of July 
 28th (vii., 210, 211) he thus speaks of the reception the petitions 
 met with in Lucerne : " The good, who are few in number, commend 
 your little book ; others neither praise nor vituperate. I hear, how- 
 ever, more blame than praise. They say that you have undertaken 
 to do a thing which you will not be able to carry through. Others, 
 that you must think the bishop stupid since you refer to him a 
 thing which neither he nor the pope is able to permit, but only a 
 Council. Others mutter — but these are all priests. What the com- 
 mon people think I do not know. This I do know, all to a man are 
 insane, not against you particularly, but against the Gospel. The 
 rage of war fills everybody." The references to these petitions in his 
 correspondence of 1522 are comparatively numerous. Cf, vii., 212, 
 213, 242, 245. 
 
170 Huldfeich Zwingli [1522 
 
 On July 17th, Zwingli had a debate with Francis 
 Lambert of Avignon, a Franciscan monk of twen- 
 ty years' standing, and prominent in the order. 
 The subject was the Intercession of the Saints. 
 Lambert had already imbibed Reformation ideas 
 and was under the suspicion of his brethren, but 
 had not yet left his order. In the debate Zwingli 
 took the extreme Protestant position, and Lambert 
 made but a feeble opposition. At the conclusion 
 he expressed himself as Zwingli's convert. The in- 
 cident is interesting as showing that Zwingli had 
 broken with the Old Church on a point of great 
 practical importance.' 
 
 Zwingli thus expressed himself when writing on 
 July 30th to Rhenanus upon his debate with Lam- 
 bert, and upon his subsequent victory over the monks 
 in Zurich: 
 
 " You should know that a certain Franciscan from 
 France, whose name indeed was Franz, was here not 
 many days since and had much conversation with me 
 concerning the Scriptural basis for the doctrine of the 
 adoration of the saints and their intercession for us. He 
 was not able to convince me with the assistance of a 
 
 ' Francis Lambert was born in Avignon in i486, and entered the 
 Franciscan order there when fifteen years old. In 1522 he left his 
 monastery by permission, ostensibly to carry letters to the general of 
 the order. He went from Avignon to Lyons, thence to Geneva, 
 thence to Bern, and on the recommendation of Haller came into 
 friendly relations with Zwingli (vii., 206 207). Long previous to 
 the debate Zwingli had preached on the topic and had meditated 
 publishing his sermons, but he never did so. Cf. Haller's letter of 
 January 28, 1522 (vii , i8g), in which he said tliat he was daily 
 expecting to read Zwingli's sermon on the worship of the saints. 
 
1522] The Reformation Begins 171 
 
 single passage of Scripture that the saints do pray for us, 
 as he had with a great deal of assurance boasted he 
 should do. At last he went on to Basel,' where he re- 
 counted the affair in an entirely different way from the 
 reality — in fact he lied about it. So it seemed good to 
 me to let you know about these things that you might 
 not be ignorant of that Cumsean lion, if perchance he 
 should ever turn your way. 
 
 " There followed within six days another strife with 
 our brethren the preachers of the [different orders in 
 Zurich, especially with the Augustinians]. Finally the 
 burgomaster and the Council appointed for them three 
 commissioners on whom this was enjoined — that Aquinas 
 and the rest of the doctors of that class being put aside 
 they should base their arguments alone upon those 
 sacred writings which are contained in the Bible. This 
 troubled those beasts so much that one brother, the 
 father reader of the order of Preachers [/. ^,, the Do- 
 minicans] cut loose from us, and we wept — as one weeps 
 when a cross-grained and rich stepmother has departed 
 this life. Meanwhile there are those who threaten, but 
 God will turn the evil upon His enemies. 
 
 " I suppose you have read the petition which some of 
 us have addressed to the Bishop of Constance. . . . 
 
 ' From Basel Lambert went to Eisenach. Early in 1523 in Witten- 
 berg he was received by Luther and there he stayed for a year. In 
 1524 he is found in Metz and Strassburg. In 1526 he was invited 
 into Hesse by the Landgrave, Philip, and there he laboured so 
 effectively for the Reformation as to win the epithet " The Reformer 
 of Hesse." In theology he was a Zwinglian. In 1527 he became 
 professor of theology in the newly founded University of Marburg, 
 and died of the plague in that place on April 18, 1530. See his 
 biography by F. W. Hassencamp, in vol. ix. of Leben tind ausge- 
 wdhlte Schriften der Viiter ziiid Begriindcr dcr reformirten Kircke, 
 Elberfeld, i86i ; and by Louis Rufiet, Paris, 1873. 
 
172 Huldreich Zwingli [1522 
 
 But I must return to Schuerer upstairs, where he is hav- 
 ing some beer with several gentlemen and jokes will be 
 in order." ' 
 
 Another step which showed advance in spiritual 
 freedom in Zurich was permission to the secular 
 clergy to preach in the nunneries* ; where previously 
 only Dominican monks had preached ; and a still 
 more decided one was the unanimous resolution of 
 the Zurich clergy, on August 15th, not to preach 
 anything which was not in the Bible. ^ 
 
 On August 22, 1522, Zwingli signed the preface 
 to the first considerable writing he ever issued, his 
 defence against the bishop's charges. It was en- 
 titled ArcheteleSy* " the beginning and the end," 
 because he meant to do the thing once for all. He 
 had no desire to keep up a running fight, but rather 
 by one blow to win his spiritual freedom. It is 
 written in Latin, which, of course, curtailed its use- 
 fulness. In an unsparing manner he exposes the 
 unbiblical and anti-biblical nature of the exclusive 
 claims and post-New Testament doctrines and prac- 
 tices of the Western Church. He sent a copy to 
 Erasmus, who wrote this characteristic acknowledg- 
 ment ^: 
 
 " I have read some pages of your a.^o\ogy [^Archeteles]. 
 I beseech you for the sake of the glory of the Gospel, 
 which I know you would favour and which we all who 
 bear the name of Christ ought to favour, if you should 
 
 ' Suppl., 31, 32. 
 
 ' BuUinger, i., 77. Cf. pp. 173, 176 of this vol. •* III., 26-76. 
 
 3 I., 30. 'VII., 222, 223 (September 8, 1522). 
 
1522] The Reformation Begins 173 
 
 issue anything hereafter, treat so serious a matter seri- 
 ously, and bear in mind evangelical modesty and patience. 
 Consult your learned friends before you issue anything. 
 I fear that that apology will cause you great peril and 
 will injure the Gospel. Even in the few pages that I 
 have read there are many things I wanted to warn you 
 about. I do not doubt that your prudence will take this 
 in good part, for I have written late at night with a mind 
 that is most solicitous for you. Farewell." 
 
 Zwingli availed himself of the permission to preach 
 in the nunneries, and afterwards issued two sermons 
 thus originally delivered.' The first, dated Septem- 
 ber 6, 1522, is upon the Bible, and has for its thesis 
 that only the Holy Spirit is requisite to make the 
 Word intelligible; no Church, no Council, much 
 more no Pope is needed.^ 
 
 The second sermon was on " The Perpetual Vir- 
 ginity of Mary the Mother of Jesus Christ our 
 Saviour,"' which thesis Zwingli maintained, and 
 thus adds his name to the honoured roll of Protest- 
 ants who believe that Mary not only never had a 
 second child, but remained an uncorrupted maid. 
 He dedicated the sermon to his brothers who lived 
 at Wildhaus, and published it September 17, 1522. 
 
 ' Allusions to these sermons occur in his correspondence of this 
 year. Other allusions in correspondence, vii., 243, 246. 
 
 '^ " On the Perspicuity and Certainty, or Infallibility, of the Word 
 of God" (i., 52-S2). Stapfer praises it (vii., 234). In Schrift- 
 detitsch by R. Christoffel, Zurich, 1S43. The original hearers were 
 Augustinian nuns of the Oetenbach convent in Zurich. A second 
 edition of the sermon appeared in 1524, but judging from the preface 
 to it Zwingli made small impression on the nuns. 
 
 » I., 83-104. 
 
174 Huldreich Zwingli [1522 
 
 He denies the doctrine of Mary's intercession, but 
 holds her up for imitation in purity, innocence, 
 and faith.' Under date of November ii, 1522, 
 from Bern, Sebastian Meyer acknowlrd^ed the re- 
 ceipt of his sermon on the " Choice of Foods," his 
 petition relative to the marriage of the clergy, and 
 his Archetcles, and sent him a copy of the Bishop of 
 Constance's pastoral letter, along with a comment- 
 ary upon it, and requested Zwingli to edit it for the 
 press. This request he probably acceded to. At 
 all events, it appeared, but as there was considerable 
 danger incurred by such publication, the place of 
 publication was given as Hohenstein.'^ 
 
 The revolt against episcopal authority and ecclesi- 
 astical usages spread not only through the canton of 
 Zurich, but into the neighbouring cantons. To be 
 sure, the new doctrines were called " Lutheran," ^ 
 but then, they were accepted. 
 
 In September, 1522, Zwingli went down to Ein- 
 siedeln to preach during the Angelic Dedication.* 
 He embraced the opportunity to preach the doctrines 
 of faith in Christ and of the supremacy of the Scrip- 
 tures as the only infallible source of religious know- 
 ledge, which he had arrived at independently of 
 Luther, and thus secure a dissemination of such 
 doctrines all over Switzerland and Germany.' 
 
 On January 9, 1522, Adrian VL, the Dutch 
 
 ' Allusions to it in his correspondence of this year, vii., 244, 246. 
 
 * VII., 242 sqq. 
 
 * VII., 217, 226, 231. 
 
 * See pp. 99 sqq. 
 
 ' Bullinger (i., 81) conjectures that he preached on the topics of his 
 published sermons of the year, but this is mere guessing. 
 
1522] The Reformation Begins 175 
 
 Pope, entered on his office. Known to him was the 
 independent stand taken by Zurich, but shrewdly 
 and kindly, for Adrian was a good man, he wrote 
 to the Zurich authorities a pleasant letter, in which 
 he expressed no blame, but on the contrary promised 
 to pay the debt the papal treasury owed Zurich, 
 when in funds. Well were it if it had been, for the 
 money was not forthcoming, and the fact embittered 
 the people against the papacy. 
 
 On November 11, 1522, Sebastian Meyer reports 
 from Bern that Zwingli had been forbidden to preach 
 by the Zurich Senate.' This was the shape in which 
 the action of Zwingli in sacrificing his people's 
 priestship on November 9th reached Bern. The 
 resignation was made publicly from the pulpit on 
 the ground that he could no longer discharge some 
 of the duties connected with the office, as they were 
 against his conscience.* The Senate allowed him to 
 resign and someone else was chosen, at the same 
 time it requested him to continue to preach. As it 
 acted entirely without consultation with the bishop, 
 it was a more pronounced act of independence than 
 any yet ventured on. But- more was to come; for 
 next the Senate forbade pensions and mercenaries,* 
 and refused to give up to the bishop two pastors of 
 evangelical opinions.* It introduced regulations for 
 the better instruction of the children in religion. 
 
 • VII., 244. 
 " * Egli, A. S. {i. e., Actetisaiufnlung, this contraction will be for 
 convenience used hereafter), No. 290. 
 
 ' Ibid., 259, 293. 
 
 *Egli, A. S., No. 270. 
 
17^ Huldreich Zwingli [1522 
 
 At the same time the Senate punished those who 
 treated with ridicule the old order, and even Fro- 
 schauer for putting on sale some satires on the hier- 
 archy which he had brought from the Frankfort Fair.' 
 When some nuns, who pleaded that their vows were 
 contrary to the Word, requested permission to leave 
 the convent, the Senate ordered that they should 
 stay till next spring and await the contemplated re- 
 form. It took the convents out of the exclusive 
 confessional control of the Dominicans and allowed 
 the nuns to choose for their confessors whom they 
 would." 
 
 A friend, writing from Ravensburg, in Wurtem- 
 berg, twenty-two miles east-north-east of Constance, 
 had informed Zwingli, under date of November 2, 
 1522,' that at the Imperial Diet at Nuremberg that 
 year it was declared that the Pope had four plans in 
 hand : " peace between Caesar and Pompey [z. e., be- 
 tween the Emperor and the King of France] ; the 
 annihilation of the cause of Luther ; the reform of the 
 Church; and a war against the Turks," This was 
 the occasion of Zwingli's Latin pamphlet, hastily 
 written as usual,* entitled: " A suggestion of the 
 
 ' Egli, A. s.. No. 284. 
 
 ' Egli, A. S., No. 291, 298, 301. 
 
 » VII., 241. 
 
 * Zwingli, writing to Myconius on August 26, 1522, thus candidly 
 describes his literary methods : " I am rough and impatient of the 
 time necessary for condensing and polishing. You know that my 
 mind is felicitous in nothing except invention, if indeed that is not 
 the greatest infelicity which is either not willing or not able to 
 adorn and polish and so render worthy of immortality what one has 
 done in the way of invention. Yet when I imagine I have studied 
 
1522] The Reformation Begins 177 
 
 advisability of reflecting upon the proposal made 
 by Pope Adrian to the princes of Germany at 
 Nuremberg; written by one who has deeply at 
 heart the welfare of the Republic of Christ in gen- 
 eral and of Germany in particular." ' It is charac- 
 terised by Zwingli's qualities of clear-mindedness, 
 candour, modesty, and Christian zeal. It contains 
 several skilful quotations of Scripture. It expresses 
 great scepticism as to the reality of the alleged papal 
 schemes except the crushing of Luther; and against 
 that it utters an emphatic protest. No reformation 
 could come from Rome. 
 
 On December 4, 1522, Jodocus Kilchmeier sends 
 for confirmation of the report that Zwingli had nar- 
 rowly escaped death at the hands of two monks." 
 
 On the Saturday before St. Thomas's day, which 
 is December 21st, and which in this year, 1522, fell 
 upon Sunday, Zwingli preached an earnest sermon 
 against pensions, which had the immediate effect 
 that all those of the cathedral clergy who had pen- 
 sions from the Pope or other potentate renounced 
 them before the burgomaster." The bruit of the 
 religious revolt in Germany reached Zurich, and ex- 
 cited the liveliest interest. The writings of Luther 
 were in great demand, and Zwingli did his best to 
 
 enough, a disgust at my own performance presently seizes me, and I 
 feel such a loathing for what I have thus far written that reviewing 
 it is likely to produce nausea." (VII., 218, 219.) Cf. his remarks 
 to Vadian upon the extreme haste with which he rushed his books 
 through the press. (VII., 333). 
 
 • III., 77-82. 
 
 »VII., 249. 
 
 ' BuUinger, i., 83. 
 
178 Huldreich Zwingli [1522] 
 
 circulate them. Thus there was gradually built up 
 a strong party in favour of reform. In it were to 
 be reckoned many members of the City Council. 
 Under the circumstances great pressure was brought 
 to bear upon the Council to take some more decided 
 position upon the subject of eccle. iastical reform. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE REFORMATION DEFENDED 
 
 1523 
 
 ON December 10, 1522, Oecolampadius of Basel 
 wrote to Zwingli a very friendly letter in 
 which he expressed an even extravagant admiration 
 of Zwingli, based entirely upon report, as he had 
 never met him,' This was the beginning of a fre- 
 quent and intimate correspondence, for the two 
 became true yoke-fellows in the cause of the Reform- 
 ation. Though living in different cities their rela- 
 tion bears a resemblance to that between Luther 
 and Melanchthon — in that Oecolampadius was 
 Zwingli's wise counsellor and efficient coadjutor, 
 yet distinctly of secondary importance. The first 
 letter of Zwingli's preserved, of the year 1523, is to 
 Oecolampadius." It is dated January 14th. He 
 disclaims the latter's praise, and with equal warmth 
 commends his correspondent's learning, piety, and 
 zeal. To him he announces the " contest " which 
 the Council had decreed, and rumour had it that 
 John Faber, vicar-general of Constance, would be 
 present. Then sarcastically he adds: " May God 
 bring it about that he be not held back, so that 
 
 'VII., 251, 252. 
 »VII., 261. 
 
 139 
 
I So Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 Rome and Constance may not be defrauded of their 
 accustomed triumphs . . . such as up to the 
 present they have been able to carry off." 
 
 The " contest " is known in history as the first 
 of the two religious disputations, which openly 
 placed Zurich on the side of the Reformation, the 
 second being held in October of the same year, 1523. 
 The invitation to the first disputation was as follows: 
 
 " We, the Burgomaster, Council and the Great Coun- 
 cil, as the Two Hundred of the city of Zurich are called, 
 send to all and every people's priest, pastor, curate, 
 and preacher having parish and dwelling in our cities, 
 country, dominion, upper and lower jurisdiction and 
 territory, our salutation, favourable and gracious dis- 
 position, and would have you to wit: Since now for along 
 time much dissension and disagreement have existed 
 among those preaching the Gospel to the common peo- 
 ple, some believing that they have truly and completely 
 delivered the gospel message, others reproving them as 
 if they had not done it skilfully and properly. Conse- 
 quently the latter call the former errorists, traitors, and 
 even heretics, although they, desiring to do the best 
 thing, and for the sake of the honour of God, peace and 
 Christian unity, offer to give to everyone desiring it ac- 
 count and proof of their doctrines out of Holy Script- 
 ures. So this is our command, will, and desire: That ye 
 pastors, curates, preachers, as a body and individually, 
 if any especial priests desire to speak about this, having 
 benefices in our city of Zurich, or otherwheres in our 
 territory, or if any desire to reprove the other side, 
 or otherwise to instruct them, appear before us on the 
 day after Emperor Charles's day, that is the nine and 
 twentieth day of the month of January, at early Council 
 
1523] The Reformation Defended i8i 
 
 time, in our city of Zurich and particularly in our Coun- 
 cil House, and that those contending should do so, using 
 the truly Divine Word in the German tongue and 
 speech. There we with all diligence, with some scholars, 
 if it seems good to us, will give attention, and, according 
 to what shall prove itself to be consonant with Holy 
 Scripture and truth, we shall send each and every one of 
 you home with the command to continue or to abstain; 
 so that from henceforth each one may not preach from 
 the pulpit what seems to him good, without foundation 
 in the true Holy Scripture. We shall also announce the 
 same to our gracious lord [the Bishop] of Constance, so 
 that his Grace or his representative, if he so desire, may 
 also be present. But if anyone be contrarious and 
 bring not in proof from the true, Holy Scripture with 
 him we shall proceed further according to our know- 
 ledge, in a way from which we would gladly be relieved. 
 We are also of good hope in Almighty God that those 
 earnestly seeking the light of truth He will so graciously 
 illuminate with the same, that we may walk in the light 
 as children of the light. 
 
 " Given and officially stamped with our secret seal, 
 Saturday after the Circumcision of Christ [January 3] 
 and after His birth in the three and twentieth year of the 
 lesser reckoning." ' 
 
 Before the time came, Pope Adrian VI. addressed 
 to Zwingli the following letter: 
 
 " Adrian, Pope, the sixth [of the name], to his dear 
 son salutations and the Apostolical benediction: We 
 send the venerable brother Ennius, Bishop of Verulam, 
 our domestic prelate and Nuncio of the Apostolic See, a 
 
 ' I., 115, 116 ; Egli, .^. .S-., No. 318. 
 
i82 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 man distinguished for prudence and fidelity, to that un- 
 conquerable nation most completely linked unto us and 
 to the Holy See, in order that he may treat with it re- 
 specting things of the highest importance to us and the 
 Holy See, and to the entire Christian commonwealth. 
 Although he is enjoined to conduct our affairs with your 
 nation openly and in public, yet because we have a cer- 
 tain knowledge of your distinguished merits and es- 
 pecially love and prize your loyalty, and also place 
 particular confidence in your honesty, we have commis- 
 sioned this Bishop, our Nuncio, to hand over to you in 
 private our letter, and declare our best intentions to- 
 ward you. We exhort your devotion in the Lord, and 
 that you have all confidence in Him, and with the same 
 disposition, in which we are inclined to remember your 
 honour and profit, to bestir yourself also in our affairs 
 and in those of the Apostolic See. For which you will 
 earn no small thanks from us. 
 
 " Given at Rome at St. Peter's, under the ring of the 
 Fisherman, January 23, 1523, of our pontificate the first 
 year." ' 
 
 Oecolampadius, in his letters to Zwingli of Janu- 
 ary 17, 1523, and January 21st, expresses displeasure 
 at the approaching disputation, on general grounds, 
 and gently warns him against losing his temper and 
 carrying on a dispute instead of a discussion." 
 
 Glareanus wanted to come, however, but was un- 
 able to." 
 
 ' VII., 266, 267. Zwingli informed Wyttenbach (June 23, 1523, 
 vii., 300) that he told the bearer of the letter to his face that the 
 Pope was Antichrist. 
 
 « VII., 2C2, 265. 
 
 "VII., 264. It appears from this letter that Zwingli had erron- 
 eously written that the debate would be on January 20. 
 
1523] The Reformation Defended 183 
 
 In preparation for the event, and to give direction 
 to the speeches, Zwingli published on January 19th 
 sixty-seven Articles in German which really sum 
 up his teaching.' Some of the Articles literally trans- 
 lated are these: i. All who say that the Gospel is 
 nothing without the confirmation of the Church err 
 and reflect on God. 11. Therefore we see that the 
 spiritual (so-called) ordinances relative to show, 
 riches, orders, titles, and laws are a cause of all 
 folly, as they do not agree with the Head [Christ]. 
 17 (Of the Pope). That Christ is the only eternal 
 high-priest, therefore it follows that those who have 
 given themselves out as high-priests resist, yea, re- 
 ject the honour and authority of Christ. 18 (Of the 
 Mass). That Christ, who has once offered Himself, 
 is to all eternity the perpetual and redeeming sacri- 
 fice for the sins of all believers ; therefore it follows 
 that the Mass is not a sacrifice, only the commemo- 
 ration of the sacrifice and the assurance of the 
 redemption which Christ has shown us. 19 (Interces- 
 sion of the Saints). That Christ is the sole mediator 
 between God and us. 20. That God will give us 
 all things in His name. Consequently it follows 
 that we do not need any other mediator than He 
 outside of this life. 21. That when we pray for one 
 another we do so in a way to show that all things 
 will be given us through Christ alone. 24 (Food 
 
 ' These Articles are given in full in the original Swiss-German, in 
 i., 153-157 ; by Schaff, in his Creeds of Christewf.oin, iii., 197-207, 
 in a modern German translation side by side witU a free Latin trans- 
 lation ; he gives a free English translation of twent)'-six of the 
 Articles in his History ofJJie Christian Church, vii., 52, 53. 
 
1 84 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 Prohibition). That every Christian is not bound to 
 do what God has not commanded, so he may at any 
 time eat any sort of food ; therefore it follows that 
 the cheese and butter dispensations ' are Roman 
 impositions. 28 (Marriage of the Clergy). That all 
 which God allows or has not forbidden is right; 
 therefore it follows that marriage is proper for all. 
 30 (Vows of Chastity). That those who take vows of 
 chastity foolishly or childishly assume too much ; 
 therefore it follows that those who take such vows 
 do wrong to pious people.^ 34 (Of the Hierarchy). 
 The so-called spiritual power has no ground for its 
 pomp in the teachings of Christ. 35 (Secular Power 
 from God). But the secular has authority and con- 
 firmation in the teaching and example of Christ. 
 
 36. All that the so-called spiritual order claims to 
 belong to it of right and for the protection of the 
 right belongs to the secular arm when it is Christian. 
 
 37. To it all Christians without exception owe obedi- 
 ence ; (38) so far as it does not order what is contrary 
 to God. 49 (Of Scandal). I do not know of any 
 greater scandal than that the priests should not be 
 allowed wives, but should be allowed concubines by 
 paying money for the privilege. Out upon the 
 shameful business! 57 (Of Purgatory). The true 
 Holy Scriptures know nothing of a purgatory after 
 this life. 58. The judgment passed upon the dead 
 is known only to God. 59. And the less God has 
 let us know about it, so much the less should we 
 
 ' Issued by the ecclesiastical authorities allowing these articles to 
 be eaten during Lent by those receiving them. 
 ^ By implying that only celibates are chaste. 
 
1523] The Reformation Defended 185 
 
 assume to know. 60. If anyone concerned for the 
 dead calls on God to show them mercy, I do not 
 consider that so objectionable; but to set a time for 
 the punishment (seven years for a mortal sin), and 
 for the sake of gaining your end lie about it, is not 
 human,' it is devilish. 66. All spiritual superiors 
 should immediately humble themselves and exalt 
 alone the cross of Christ, not the money-chest, or 
 they will perish, for I say to you : the axe is at the 
 tree. 6j, If anyone wants to talk with me about 
 taxes, tithes, unbaptised children, confirmation, I 
 am perfectly willing to answer his questions. 
 
 On January 26th Glareanus wrote to him from 
 Basel that when a Doctor Gebweiler, who had once 
 been elected rector of the university there, was asked 
 if the university intended to send a representative to 
 the Zurich disputation, he replied: " Only knaves 
 are going to Zurich, and Zwingli is a knave too, and 
 preaches heresy." Glareanus also informed him 
 that neither Fabri ^ nor Eck was ready in the German 
 language; they did better in Latin.' 
 
 On the eventful day, Thursday, January 29, 1523, 
 above six hundred persons assembled in the morning 
 in the Town Hall. As representative of the bishop 
 were the episcopal major-domo, Fritz von Anwyl, the 
 vicar-general, Fabri (or Faber), and Doctor Heyer- 
 hansen (Vergenhans). With them were Doctor 
 Martin Blansch of Tuebingen, and other scholars and 
 prominent persons outside the diocese. The entire 
 
 ' /. e., is not a simple, human weakness. 
 * Both forms Fabri and Faber were in use. 
 3 VII., 267, 268. 
 
1 86 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 clergy of the canton were present, besides large 
 numbers of the laity of all ranks. The Diet of the 
 Confederation had been asked while in session at 
 Baden to send a deputation, but had paid no atten- 
 tion to the request. 
 
 The burgomaster presided, and stated the object 
 of the meeting in these words: 
 
 " Very learned, venerable, noble, steadfast, honour- 
 able, wise, ecclesiastical lords and friends: In my lords' 
 city of Zurich and in its territories there has risen for 
 some time discord and strife on account of the sermons 
 and doctrine given to the people from the pulpit by 
 our preacher here in Zurich, Master Ulrich Zwingli. 
 Wherefore he has been reproached and spoken against 
 by some as a false guide, by others as a heretic. So it 
 has come about that not alone in our city of Zurich 
 but in the country under the authority of my lords such 
 discord among the priests, also among the laity, in- 
 creases, and daily come complaints to my lords about it, 
 until it seems that there is no end to such angry words 
 and quarrelling. On this account Master Ulrich Zwingli 
 has offered often from the public pulpit to give before 
 everybody the rationale and ground of his preaching and 
 doctrine delivered here in Zurich in an open disputation 
 before numerous clergy and laity. The honourable 
 Council has granted this request of Master Ulrich with a 
 view to stop the great unrest and disputing, has allowed 
 him to hold a public disputation in the German language 
 before the Great Council of Zurich, as the Two Hundred 
 are called, to which the honourable wise Council has in- 
 vited all the peoi)le's i)riests and curates of the canton; 
 also solicited the venerable lord and prince, etc., Bishop 
 of Constance; on which his Grace has kindly sent the 
 
. \B R A Ry' 
 or THE 
 
 'HIVERSfT 
 
1523] The Reformation Defended 1S7 
 
 deputation here present, for which the honourable Coun- 
 cil of Zurich expresses especial great thanks. Therefore, 
 if anyone now present has any displeasure or doubts over 
 the preaching and doctrines which Master Ulrich here has 
 given from the pulpit, or knows to speak about the mat- 
 ter, as that such preaching and doctrine were and must be 
 not correct but seditious or heretical, let him here before 
 my lords convict the oft-mentioned Master Ulrich of un- 
 truthfulness, and in this presence here confute his error 
 by Holy Scripture freely, boldly, and without fear of 
 punishment, so that my lords may be spared hereafter 
 daily complaints, whence originate discord and disunity. 
 For my lords are tired of such complaints, which tend to 
 increase constantly from the clergy and laity alike." 
 
 The meeting was then declared open for discussion. 
 But it was quickly evident that on the episcopal side 
 there was no desire for the disputation. The major- 
 domo of the Bishop promptly disclaimed all inten- 
 tion of debating anything. The delegation was there 
 merely to find out why there was so much difference 
 of opinion on religion in the canton, and on proper 
 complaint to do their best to heal the differences. 
 This disclaimer must have thrown a damper on the 
 assembly, but Zwingli, not to be entirely balked, 
 held forth at some length upon the impropriety of 
 calling him a heretic, and announced that he was 
 there to defend his doctrine against all comers, 
 and had frequently offered to do so previously, even 
 in Constance itself, provided he had a safe conduct. 
 After this opening Johann Fabri, the vicar-general 
 of Constance, and a friend of Zwingli, entered the 
 lists, and almost the entire morning was consumed 
 
1 88 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 between them. Fabri was much more courteous 
 and polished in his addresses than ZwingH, who had 
 a good deal of the rough and ready about him. 
 Fabri began by claiming to be a friend of the Gospel 
 preaching, indeed to be a Gospel preacher himself, 
 but he contended that the time to discuss their re- 
 ligious differences was at the general council which 
 the Diet of Nuremberg had just decided to call a 
 year hence. Further, the real judges of such dis- 
 putes were the universities, as Paris, Cologne, or 
 Louvain. " Why not Erfurt or Wittenberg? " 
 Zwingli suggested. At this all laughed. " No," 
 said Fabri, " Luther is too near there, and then all 
 evils come from the North." Zwingli in reply made 
 three points: i. The question before them was 
 simply whether God's law demanded the observance 
 of certain customs, not how old they were or who 
 required them. 2. For purposes of deciding such 
 questions no general council was necessary, the as- 
 sembly then met was competent. Nor would the 
 Bible be the arbiter in any such council. 3. The 
 universities need not be appealed to. The Word 
 of God was the infallible and impartial judge. And 
 besides there were good scholars in the Word and 
 
 /canon law there present. 
 After Zwingli's speech there was a pause. Then 
 the burgomaster urged, and then Zwingli urged all 
 those who had anything to say against the doctrine 
 taught by him to say it and disprove his teachings out 
 of the Scriptures. A priest, after another awkward 
 pause, spoke upon the arrest of Urban Wyss, pastor 
 of Fislisbach, a village of Baden, on the border of 
 
1523] The Reformation Defended 189 
 
 Switzerland, by the Bishop of Constance because he 
 had disobeyed the Bishop's mandate relative to the 
 maintenance of the Old Church teaching, and asked 
 what those should do who like himself wished to 
 preach the pure Gospel. This gave occasion to a 
 genuine discussion in which Fabri and Zwingli bore 
 the chief parts. The former was the defender of the 
 Old Church and declared that from the Scriptures he 
 had at Constance convinced Wyss of his errors, and 
 that Wyss had renounced them and would therefore 
 be soon released. He and Zwingli discussed many of 
 the points in dispute, such as the intercession of the 
 saints, clerical celibacy, and the authority of the 
 Church ; but though urged by Zwingli and others 
 Fabri refused to give at length the Scripture proofs 
 he had so successfully used, as he claimed, with the 
 alleged heretic. But very few participated in the 
 debate, for the audience, while friendly to the Re- 
 formed party, was there to hear, not to participate. 
 Dinner-time, which was ii A.M., having come, and 
 the audience being tired of sitting, was about to be 
 dismissed when up sprang a canon, one of those in- 
 dividuals who like to call attention to themselves 
 in such assemblies, and tried to induce Zwingli to 
 discuss some matters which properly belonged to 
 the chapter meetings. He was with difificulty sup- 
 pressed, and then the audience dispersed to their 
 abodes. 
 
 In the afternoon they came together again. The 
 burgomaster then read a paper which the Council 
 had just drawn up in the recess. It was an emphatic 
 approval of Zwingli's doctrines, and a request that 
 
I90 Huldreich Zvvingli [1523 
 
 all preachers in the canton should present them. It 
 ran thus: 
 
 " Whereas, ye now in the name of the Lord and upon 
 the command of the burgomaster, Council, and Great 
 Council of the city of Zurich, and for the reasons com- 
 prehended in the letters already sent you, as obedient 
 persons have appeared, etc., and whereas again a year 
 has elapsed since an honourable embassy of our gracious 
 lord of Constance appeared here in the city of Zurich 
 before the burgomaster, the Little and the Great Coun- 
 cil, on account of such things as you have heard to-day, 
 and when all things had now been discussed in various 
 fashions it was reported: that our gracious lord of Con- 
 stance was about to call together the learned in his bish- 
 opric, along with the preachers in the adjoining bishoprics 
 and prelacies, to advise, assist, and with them to confer, 
 so that a unanimous decision might be reached and 
 everyone would know how to conduct himself; but since 
 up to this time, perhaps for noteworthy reasons, nothing 
 special has been done in the matter by our gracious lord 
 of Constance, and since the dissension among the clergy 
 and the laity continually increases, therefore once more 
 the burgomaster, Council, and Great Council of the city 
 of Zurich in the name of God, for the sake of peace and 
 Christian unity, have fixed this day, and, countenanced 
 by the honourable delegation of our gracious lord of 
 Constance (for which they give their gracious, exalted, 
 and diligent thanks), have also for this purpose by means 
 of open letters, as stated above, written, called, and sent 
 for all people's priests, preachers, curates, collectively 
 and singly, out of all their counties into this city, in 
 order that in the examination they might confront with 
 each other those mutually accusing each other of being 
 heretics. 
 
15^3] The Reformation Defended 191 
 
 " And whereas Master Ulrich Zwingli, canon and 
 preacher in the Great Minster in the city of Zurich, has 
 formerly been much calumniated and accused on ac- 
 count of his doctrine, yet no one has raised himself 
 against him consequent upon his declaring and explain- 
 ing his Articles, or has disproved them on the ground of 
 Holy Scripture; whereas he has several times challenged 
 those who have accused him of being a heretic to step 
 forward and no man has proved any sort of heresy in his 
 doctrine; therefore the aforesaid burgomaster, Council, 
 and Great Council of the city of Zurich, in order to put 
 an end to disturbance and dissension, have upon due 
 deliberation and consultation decided, resolved, and it 
 is their earnest opinion, that Master Zwingli continue 
 and keep on as before to proclaim the Holy Gospel and 
 the pure Holy Scripture with the Holy Spirit, in accord- 
 ance with his capabilities, so long and as frequently 
 as he will until something better is made known to him. 
 
 " Furthermore, all your people's priests, curates, and 
 preachers in your cities and canton and dependencies, 
 shall undertake and preach nothing but what can be 
 proved by the Holy Gospel and the pure Holy Script- 
 ures: furthermore, they shall in no wise for the future 
 slander, call each other heretic, or insult in such manner. 
 
 " Whoever, however, appears contrarious and not suf- 
 ficiently obedient, the same will be put under such re- 
 straint, that they must see and discover that they have 
 committed wrong. 
 
 " Given on Thursday after Charles's day, in the 
 city of Zurich, upon the 29th day of January in the year 
 MDXXni." 
 
 Zwingli's strong point was in asking for Scripture 
 proof that he was wrong ; yet Fabri offered to refute 
 
192 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 him orally or in writing and on biblical grounds. 
 Zwingli expressed great eagerness to have him 
 do it. 
 
 The deliverance was a great victory for Zwingli, 
 and he gave public thanks to God for it. 
 
 Fabri then announced that he had just got a copy 
 of Zwingli's printed Articles, and that he particu- 
 larly objected to Zwingli's denial of the propriety of 
 Church ceremonies, i. e., the things and the doings 
 which exalt the Church worship, and that he would 
 prove their propriety. " Good," said Zwingli, " we 
 shall be glad to hear you." Fabri had made a 
 rather poor show in the morning, but now he was 
 primed, and the debate with Zwingli was much 
 livelier and better in hand. He made a home thrust 
 when he slyly asked Zwingli if the Council were not 
 the judge between them. Zwingli, however, was 
 not to be caught making any such concession, al- 
 though that was the position the Council itself had 
 taken. So at the risk of giving offence, he boldly 
 maintained that Holy Scripture was the judge. 
 Fabri's thrust did not penetrate his armour. 
 
 At length the long debate was over, and as the 
 crowd separated the burgomaster was heard to say : 
 " That sword which pierced the pastor of Fislisbach, 
 now a prisoner at Constance, has got stuck in its 
 scabbard"; while the abbot of Cappel remarked: 
 " Where were those who wanted to burn us, and 
 had the wood piled at the stake ? Why did they 
 not show themselves ? " ' 
 
 ' The above account of tlie disputation is based directly upon the 
 account given by Erhard Ilegenwald and printed at Zurich. The 
 
1523] The Reformation Defended 193 
 
 On February 4, 1523, Glareanus wrote to Zvvingli 
 congratulating him upon the success of the disputa- 
 tion and giving him the sequel of the railing of Doc- 
 tor Gebweiler; how it had brought him into investi- 
 gation by the acting bishop and into disfavour with 
 the City Council, which, however, had previously 
 
 preface is dated March 3, 1523. It states that the occasion of the 
 pubHcation is the appearance of false accounts of the disputation ; 
 that he was present and wrote out the speech in his inn immediately 
 after the disputation, and inquired of others whenever things were 
 not clear to his own mind. It is possible, perhaps rather probable, 
 that Zwingli " edited " it. But there is no proof that he did, or that 
 he altered the reports of his speeches for the better. For collocations 
 and other editions see Finsler's Zwiugli-Bihliographie (Zurich, 1897), 
 PP- 77. 78. My copy is the original. It is represented in the 
 Schuler and Schulthess edition of Zwingli's works, i., 114-153. Five 
 editions of the original were printed and widely distributed, and it 
 was reprinted at Leipzig and Augsburg. Fabri considered that it 
 put him in a bad light, although Hegenvvald strove to be impartial. 
 So he must needs get out his own account of the disputation, which 
 he styles " Trustworthy information as to what took place in Zurich 
 on January 23d." In his preface he remairks that the Bishop's depu- 
 tation had not gone to Zurich to debate at all, but he had publicly 
 offered during the disputation to debate in writing with Zwingli on 
 condition that the papers were submitted to a judge for decision. 
 Hegenwald had suppressed this offer ; and had so reported the 
 speeches, that while those by Zwingli were improved, those by the 
 opposite side were made to sound childish. Fabri's book appeared 
 March 10. It stirred the ire of seven young Zurichers, who brought 
 out on September ist a travesty of Fabri's volume, entitled " Das 
 gyren rupffen. Halt inn wie Johans Schmid Vicarge ze Costentz mit 
 dem biichle darinn er verheisst ein ware bericht wie es vff den. 29. 
 tag Jenners. M.D. XXIII. ze Zurich gangen sye sich iibersehe hat. 
 Ist voll schimpffs vund ernstes" — (" The Vulture Plucked. It con- 
 tains what John Schmidt, vicar-general of Constance, has omitted to 
 state in his book wherein he promises to give a true account of what 
 took place upon January 29, 1523, at Zurich. It is full of things 
 gay and grave,") a title which sufficiently indicates the book. BuUin- 
 13 
 
194 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 acted against him. He repeats the commonplace 
 slander of Zwingli's relations with an honest wife.' 
 
 From the letter of Glareanus dated February 14, 
 1523, it appears that Zwingli had complained to the 
 Council regarding Gebweiler's slanders, and the 
 Council had asked the Basel Council to take action. 
 The upshot was that Gebweiler apologised, and so 
 the affair ended.' This backing from his political 
 superiors was of the greatest value and protection 
 to Zwingli, and also was evidence of his shrewdness 
 in caUing upon the Council to decide whether he 
 were a heretic. Having declared him innocent, 
 they were bound to see him through. 
 
 Fabri, indeed, boasted of victory, but Zwingli 
 resented his action,' and had really more substantial 
 results to show. Henceforth he moved much more 
 securely, as he knew that the City Council and most 
 of the clergy and laity of the city and canton were 
 at all events not inclined to oppose him. 
 
 In accordance with the new regulations respecting 
 the cloisters,* Leo Jud on March 7th succeeded the 
 Dominicans as preacher in the aristocratic nunnery 
 
 ger tells the story and gives the names of the authors (i., io8). Fabri 
 complained of it to the Zurich Council, November 16, 1523, and em- 
 phatically denied that he merited so gross and personal an attack. 
 He asks the Council to inform him whether the book appeared with 
 their knowledge, and who were the authors. Wliat the answer of the 
 Council was is unknown. See letter in Strickler, Actensammlting, i , 
 No. 703. The contemporary Roman Catholic historian, Johannes 
 Salat, gives in his chronicle an account of the disputation, plainly 
 taken from Hegenwald, but somewhat coloured. See his Chronicle 
 in Archiv fur die Schweizerische Reformations Geschichte, i., 42-53. 
 
 ' VII., 270, 271. ** VII., 273 sq. 
 
 » VII., 276, 277. * See p. 172. 
 
1523] The Reformation Defended 195 
 
 of Oetenbach ' ; and many of the nuns re-entered 
 the world, taking with them the property they had 
 brought into it. In the summer some nuns were 
 bold enough to marry. These radical changes were 
 not effected without opposition.* 
 
 On February 24th, Zwingli wrote a letter to Ur- 
 ban Wyss, the alleged heretic already mentioned, 
 imprisoned by the order of the Bishop of Con- 
 stance, urging him to stand firm in the Gospel, 
 but not expressing much confidence that he would.' 
 In February, Zwingli was hanged in effigy at Lu- 
 zern, but he took the insult as a favour.* Ash 
 Wednesday came that year on February i8th. No 
 change from the usual food prohibition was made, 
 except that the Council accepted the plea of neces- 
 sity.' After Lent, on Tuesday, April 28th, occurred 
 a memorable event — the first real clerical marriage 
 in Zurich. So-called clerical marriages which were 
 only uncomplained of, but none the less reprehen- 
 sible, concubinages were and had long been common 
 — in such a relation Zwingli himself lived for two 
 years — but for a priest or religious to marry was un- 
 heard of. William R5ubli was the first to do the 
 deed. His example was followed on Wednesday, 
 June 24th, by the chaplain of the Great Minster, 
 Zwingli's church, and indeed in that cathedral and 
 with an ex-nun of Oetenbach. Zwingli's dear friend, 
 Leo Jud, who early in the year became people's 
 
 ' In the present city of Zurich. The building is now an orphan- 
 age. The other nunnery of Selnau is now also in the city limits 
 and used as a prison. 
 
 * BuUinger, i., no; cf. vii., 279. 
 
 »VlI., 277. <VII., 278. »Egli, A. S., No. 339. 
 
196 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 priest of St. Peter's, married on September 19th. 
 Such marriages were henceforth common.' Some 
 time in March Zwingli received two touching letters 
 from monks in the Carthusian Monastery of Ittingen, 
 twenty-five miles north-east of Zurich, near Frauen- 
 feld, asking his advice and consolation." 
 
 On July loth, the Bishop of Constance issued a 
 long letter in Latin to the clergy of his diocese upon 
 the religious troubles. It shows considerable Script- 
 ure knowledge, and is dignified and proper.^ At 
 the close the notorious difficulty in those days of 
 sending notifications to scattered individuals led to 
 the request to have copies of the imperial edict on 
 the subject, which accompanied the Bishop's letter, 
 made and distributed. But the Council sent both 
 communications back unopened!* 
 
 As was to be expected, Zwingli prepared an 
 elaborate commentary on the Articles he had drawn 
 up for use in the disputation. He began immedi- 
 ately after it was over, and on February 19th states 
 that he was working on it " night and day; do you 
 therefore pray to our common Christ that He may 
 never suffer me to slip. For it Avill be a sort of 
 farrago of the opinions which are to-day under de- 
 bate. I will write in German, for the Articles have 
 appeared in that tongue." ' His friends awaited it 
 
 ' Bullinger gives (i., io8 sq.) quite a list of these clerical Benedicts. 
 The connection between a priest leaving the Roman Church and his 
 marriage is generally close. 
 
 2 VII., 282-285. 
 
 * Strickler, Actensammlung, i., 219-222. 
 
 <EgIi. A. S., No. 386. 
 
 » VII., 275. 
 
1523] The Reformation Defended 197 
 
 eagerly.' June came and found him amid many 
 distractions still toiling at his task.' At length on 
 Tuesday, July 14th, he signed the dedication — to 
 his old congregation at Glarus — and so finished his 
 volume which bears the title : " Exposition and Proof 
 of the Conclusions or Articles." ^ It was written for 
 the people, and admirably served its purpose. It 
 is clear in language, though discursive in style, and 
 goes over the ground covered in the Articles. It 
 is full of personal allusions.' It contains Zwingli's 
 first printed assertion of his relation to Luther. He 
 repudiates the term " Lutheran " as applied to him 
 and his teaching, and asserts his entire independence 
 of Luther, although they agree on many points.* 
 He confesses his great debt to Erasmus.^ 
 
 With this volume Zwingli made good his claim 
 to a knowledge of the Reformation principles and 
 to be the Reformation leader of the Swiss and South 
 Germans, who henceforth rallied around him and 
 not around the Saxon Reformer. For good or ill 
 from thence on Zwingli, the Reformer of German 
 Switzerland, took his stand on an equal level beside 
 the Hero of the Reformation. No sooner had he 
 finished his " Exposition " but he brought out a 
 tractate of less dimensions indeed, but of equal prac- 
 tical value. It was designed to head off the very 
 excesses in the direction of false liberty which later 
 were attributed to the Anabaptist movement and 
 
 ' VII., 288, 294. 
 «VII., 300. 
 
 ' I., 169-424 ; also in modern German by Christoffel and separately 
 published, Zurich, 1844. 
 
 ■•I., 256, and elsewhere. *I., 298. 
 
198 Huldreich Zwingli [1523] 
 
 led to its bloody suppression. The tractate ap- 
 peared on July 30th, and was in form an expanded 
 sermon on " Divine and Human Righteousness," ' 
 which he had preached on St. John Baptist's day 
 (June 24th). The gist of it is thus stated in the 
 preface : 
 
 " The Gospel of Christ is not hostile to rulers, nor does 
 it occasion any disturbance to temporal affairs, rather it 
 confirms the authority of rulers, instructs them in the 
 right performance of their duties and how to be in har- 
 mony with the people, if they act in a Christian manner 
 according to the divine precepts." ' 
 
 ' I., 425-458. Translated into modern German by Christoffel, 
 Zurich, 1845. 
 'I..428. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE REFORMATION ESTABLISHED 
 1523-1525 
 
 DURING the two years from the uprising of 
 1523 to the corresponding period of 1525, the 
 Reformation from theory and prophecy became 
 fact. The successive steps may therefore most 
 conveniently be here stated in comparatively few 
 words. 
 
 It will be remembered that up to this time there 
 was no real change in the religious life of the people. 
 Lent was kept as usual, the sacrifice of the mass 
 was offered, confessions were heard, and absolution 
 given, the images in the churches still stood. The* 
 scriptural authority of all these things was openly 
 denied, it is true, but they existed all the same. 
 Some of the priests had married, but as some of 
 them had had so-called wives before, this change 
 was not so noticeable. Some nuns marrried. The 
 marriage of those who had solemnly vowed to lead 
 strictly celibate lives caused great scandal among 
 many who were otherwise friendly to the Reforma- 
 tion. Many monks and nuns left the convents, 
 probably in many cases to their sorrow, as they 
 found "the world " less congenial than the convent, 
 even though the round of prayers and duties was 
 often irksome. 
 
 199 
 
200 Huldreich Zwingli [1523- 
 
 Zwingli had, however, prepared the ground for a 
 fresh growth of religious customs, and it came up as 
 rich as he could desire, and his preaching early effected 
 very radical changes which affected the purses as 
 well as the faith of the people, as was shown when on 
 September 29, 1523, the Council ordered that hence- 
 forth no fees should be collected in the Great Min- 
 ster for baptisms, dispensations of the Eucharist, or 
 for interments without gravestones; that the use of 
 candles at burials was not obligatory ; that all the 
 clergy of the Minster should preach the Word of 
 God; that the unnecessary number of persons sup- 
 ported by the Minster should be reduced gradually 
 by not filling the places of those who died ; that the 
 Bible should be daily publicly read for an hour each 
 in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, and at the same time 
 explained ; that a thorough education be given to 
 all candidates to the ministry, and that the children 
 be also specially cared for; and that for educational 
 purposes suitable buildings be provided ; that holders 
 of benefices should as far as possible discharge parish 
 duties; that there should not be two kinds of priests 
 in the cathedral — canons and chaplains — but only 
 one kind ; that the cathedral surplus should be dis- 
 tributed to the poor under the care of a committee 
 of which Zwingli was one.' 
 
 Caution was Zwingli's characteristic. He would 
 move no faster than public sentiment approved. 
 Yet he did his best to form such sentiment. He 
 prepared the way for the change and then quietly 
 let thing's come to a crisis. So it was with the 
 
 ' Bullinger, i.. 115-119 ; cf. Egli, A. S., Nos. 368, 372, 425, 426. 
 
1525] The Reformation Established 201 
 
 radical matter of using the vernacular for the Church 
 services; Zwingli advocated it, but Leo Jud, in the 
 baptism of a child in the Great Minster, August lo, 
 1523, first introduced it, and then when Zwingli 
 found it was popular, he proceeded to reform the 
 liturgy and unfold his novel teaching respecting it. 
 In his treatise on " The Canon of the Mass," ' — 
 dated IV. Cal. Septemb. (/. e., August 29) 1523 
 — the canon is that part of the mass liturgy in 
 which the words of the institution appear, and is 
 therefore doctrinally the storm centre of discussion 
 respecting it — he enunciates the doctrine now so 
 commonly associated with his name that the Euch- 
 arist is not a mystery but a ministry, the atmosphere 
 is not awe but love, the result is not infusion of 
 grace but of enthusiasm ; we remember Christ, and 
 the thought of His presence stirs us to fresh exertion 
 in His service. He proposed a substitute for the 
 Latin prayers which still more strikingly would set 
 forth these teacl^jngs. Yet, characteristically he 
 made no innovatidp himself at once. His books, 
 however, laid down principles which logically fol- 
 lowed out would oblige a complete break with the 
 Old Church. Yet, so slow was he to make changes 
 that on October 9, 1523, he actually defended him- 
 self against the charge that he retained the Old 
 Church ceremonies — the use of the cross, vestments, 
 choir-singing, etc., — because he liked them!' 
 
 The people sometimes, as in the case of the vio- 
 
 ' III., 83-116, written in io^r days, August 25 to 29, and dedi- 
 cated to his patron, Geroldseck. 
 
 * In his " Apology " for liis tract on the Mass Canon, dated Octo- 
 ber 9, 1523; iii., ii7<(|2o. 
 
202 Huldreich Zwingli [1523- 
 
 lators of Lent in 1522, outran his prudence and put 
 into practice the Hne of conduct he advocated be- 
 fore he was ready that they should. But he was 
 now fully embarked upon the sea of troubles incident 
 to radical reform, and was prepared for whatever 
 came. He could count upon little sympathy out- 
 side of Zurich/ but within it he was strong. Zwingli 
 had taught that the images of the Virgin Mary and 
 of the saints found in all churches were idols, and 
 should be removed, yet he took no steps to remove 
 those in the Great Minster. Bolder spirits under- 
 took to carry out his ideas elsewhere. The friends 
 of the old order resisted, denounced the action as 
 sacrilege, and secured the imprisonment of the 
 offenders. Zwingli, as in the case of the earlier 
 violators of Lent, acknowledged the logic of the 
 situation, although deprecating the violence which 
 the iconoclasts sometimes used, and visited the 
 offenders in prison, whom he addressed not as 
 criminals but as over-zealous and thoughtlessly un-. 
 ruly. Still the situation demanded action by the' 
 city and cantonal authorities. These appointed a/ 
 committee consisting of four members of the Little 
 Council and four of the Great Council to study with 
 the three priests in charge of the three parishes 
 (Zwingli, Engelhard, and Jud) the Scripture pass- 
 ages bearing on the religious use of images, and to 
 report to the Great Council. Meanwhile the icono- 
 clasts remained in prison.' 
 
 ' The Swiss Diet at Baden on September 30, 1523, passed a law 
 threatening all adherents of the Reformed faith with punishment. 
 ' So Zwingli writes in a letter of October 9, 1523 (vii., 311, 312). 
 
THE G.-i^AT MINSTER, ZURICH. 
 
1525] The Reformation Hstablished 203 
 
 Subsequently the Council on Monday before St. 
 Gall's day {i. c, October 12th) summoned' all the 
 clergy of the canton to discuss in a public debate on 
 Monday, October 26, 1523, what should be done 
 about the Church images and also the mass. Urgent 
 invitations to be represented were sent to the bishops 
 of Constance, Basel, and Chur, to the University 
 of Basel, and to each canton." The answers were 
 characteristic, Constance declared (October i6th) 
 that he would be answerable to both his rulers (Pope 
 and Emperor) if he took part in the proposed dis- 
 putation ; urged the Council to give the idea up, 
 and leave all such questions for answer at the com- 
 ing General Council. Basel declared that he was 
 too old and weak to make the journey; that only 
 the whole Church should undertake such changes, 
 and also they should avoid schism. Chur sent no 
 reply at all. The cantons, except Schaffhausen 
 and St. Gall, declined to send deputations. Bern 
 and Solothurn replied in friendly fashion, but said 
 the matter should be discussed by the Confederacy 
 as a whole ; the abbot of St. Gall politely declined 
 to come ; Lucerne reproached Zurich for her persist- 
 ency in error; Upper Unterwalden was bitter and 
 abusive.^ 
 
 Notwithstanding this rather discouraging result, 
 Zurich persisted and the debate was held.* The^ 
 Council laid down the same general conditions as iiv 
 
 ' Bullinger gives the text of the summons, i., 128 sq, 
 ' I., 543. 
 
 3 1., 460. 
 
 ^ See the account in i., 464-540, as reprinted from Ludwig Het- 
 zer's, issued December 8, 1523. 
 
204 Huldreich Zwingli [1523- 
 
 January: the language used should be the vernacu- 
 lar; the final authority should be the Word of God. 
 Schaffhausen was represented by Sebastian Hof- 
 meister; St. Gall by Vadian and Schappeler. The 
 burgomaster presided, and 350 ecclesiastics of the 
 canton and 550 other persons were counted as at- 
 tendants. The proceedings lasted three days. The 
 first day was given to a debate upon the proposition : 
 the Church images are forbidden by God and Holy 
 Scripture, and therefore Christians should neither 
 make, set up, nor reverence them, but they should 
 be removed.* It was resolved to remove them 
 wherever it could be done without disturbance or 
 wounding tender consciences.' 
 
 Those in prison for the offence of removing them 
 were recommended to mercy, and the burgomaster 
 promised to spare them." 
 
 The second and third days were taken up in dis- 
 cussing this proposition : the mass is no sacrifice, and 
 hitherto has been celebrated with many abuses, 
 quite different from its original institution by 
 Christ. The debate being now on a burning ques- 
 tion was livelier. Zwingli shrewdly avoided a plain 
 statement as to the exact nature of the elements, 
 for the time had not come for his radical stand, but 
 he showed wherein a representation differed from a 
 repetition of Christ's sacrifice. He confessed that 
 transubstantiation and its defenders, especially the 
 
 ' Bullinger, i., 131. The burgomaster interrupted the debate in 
 the morning at 11 A.M. to announce that it was time to go to dinner, 
 and the next session would begin at i P.M. 
 
 ^ //'/(/., 132, 133. 
 
1525] The Reformation Established 205 
 
 monks, had too frequently been attacked by abuse 
 • rather than by argument, but stoutly declared that 
 the monks were hypocrites, and monasticism was of 
 the devil.' The debate on the third day began at 
 noon, and was in continuation of the preceding. But 
 although so much time was consumed, no decision 
 was arrived at, except to let the Council handle it. 
 It was perhaps noticed that the debate on the third 
 day did not begin till noon. The explanation is that 
 Zwingli preached that morning. So many country 
 preachers could not separate without having a ser- 
 mon from the leading city preacher. Many months 
 later he expanded the discourse by urgent request, 
 and published it March 26, 1524.'' It is called " The 
 Shepherd." In it he contrasts the good and the 
 false shepherds. He set plainly before them the pros- 
 pect that fidelity would lead to martyrdom. Such 
 was the fate he expected for himself, as appears 
 from his letters.' 
 
 Zwingli on November 11, 1523, thus informed 
 Vadianus * what happened after the disputation : 
 The Council selected four from its own ranks and 
 four from the citizens, " as they call them," that 
 they might consult with the abbot of Cappel (eleven 
 
 ' I., 502. The thoughtful and perhaps hungry burgomaster inter-- 
 rupted the debate as usual at ii a.m. to remind the assembly that 
 it was time to go to dinner ! I., 519. 
 
 *I., 631-668. It was translated into modern German by Chris- 
 toffel, Zurich,. 1843, and by B. Riggenbach, Basel, 18S4, and was 
 translated into English under the title, " The Image of Both Pastors," 
 London, 1550. 
 
 2 Cf., e. g., vii., 319 sqq. 
 
 * Who had been one of the three presidents at the recent disputa- 
 tion (BuUinger, i., 130). 
 
2o6 Huldreich Zwingli [1523- 
 
 miles south of Zurich), the provost of Embrach (ten 
 miles north by east), the comtur of Kiissnacht 
 (five miles south by east on Lake Zurich), and the 
 chief priests of the three parishes of Zurich, — 
 Zwingli, Engelhard, and Jud, — 
 
 " so as to discover a plan by which to move forward the 
 work of Christ. It was agreed that a brief introduction 
 to the Council's order should be written by me, by means 
 of which those bishops [ruling pastors] who had hitherto 
 either been ignorant of Christ, or had been turned away 
 from Him, should be induced to begin to preach Him. 
 This was read on November 9th, and pleased the Coun- 
 cil and is now being printed. It was also resolved that 
 the abbot of Cappel should preach Christ under the au- 
 thority of the city across the Alps [Basel ?], the comtur 
 [or head of the monastery] at Kiissnacht around the 
 lake [of Zurich] and in the province of Grueningen 
 [twelve miles south-east and about four miles back of 
 east bank of lake], and I in those provinces which look 
 toward Schaffhausen and Thurgau [the cantons on the 
 east and north of Zurich], so that the sheep of Christ 
 might not by anyone's negligence be deprived of hear- 
 ing the word of salvation. They will shortly determine 
 what will be done about the images, as soon as the 
 people have been instructed ; and the same with regard 
 to the mass. In the meantime we are to go on in our 
 wonted manner, except that it is permitted to any to re- 
 move their private images, as long as no one is injured. 
 The prisoners are to be treated according to the high- 
 est law — what that means you do not need to be told.' 
 But this is reasonable, for it does not escape you what 
 
 ' The ringleaders and the pastor of Hongg, three miles north-west 
 of Zurich, whose sermon had incited the iconoclasts, were banished. 
 
1525] The Reformation Established 207 
 
 sort of men we have to fear at this time, not so much 
 for the thing itself as for the glory of Christ. For there 
 are those who revolt against the Gospel of Christ unless 
 you yield a little to their infirmities. For the sake of 
 these I think that Lawrence Hochrutiner [a leader in a 
 cross-breaking expedition] has been treated a little too 
 firmly, not to say harshly; a good man, by Hercules, 
 but punished very severely because he has said too much. 
 So he is compelled to go away from here, and does not 
 find any place in the whole world except your city where 
 he can settle. . . . Whatever service you do him 
 you will do to Zwingli." * 
 
 The " brief introduction " alluded to bears the 
 title: "A short Christian introduction which the 
 honourable Council of the city of Zurich has sent 
 to the pastors and preachers living in its cities, lands, 
 and wherever its authority extends, so that they 
 may in unison henceforth announce and preach the 
 true Gospel to their dependents." * It was prepared 
 by Zwingli in fourteen days, so it was a hasty work 
 as usual, and read before the Council on November 
 9, and printed November 17, 1523. Preceding it is 
 the mandate of the Zurich authorities which com- 
 mends the " Introduction " on the ground of its 
 scriptural character, and repeats the requests to be 
 corrected out of the Scriptures, if they have in any 
 respect not advocated correct opinions.' The treat- 
 ise is throughout doctrinal, but far from abstruse. 
 It begins with a brief handling of sin, then of the 
 law. At greater length it treats of the Gospel, as 
 God's way of deliverance from the law; next upon 
 
 > VII., 313, 314. « I., 541-565. ' I., 542 sg. 
 
2o8 Huldreich Zwingli [1523- 
 
 the deliverance itself, the " removal of the law." 
 Next, but more briefly, upon images. Zwingli 
 says, in concluding the section: 
 
 " It is clear that the images and other representations 
 which we have in the houses of worship have caused the 
 risk of idolatry. Therefore they should not be allowed 
 to remain there, nor in your chambers, nor in the mar- 
 ket-place, nor anywhere else where one does them 
 honour. Chiefly they are not to be tolerated in the 
 churches, for all that is in them should be worthy of our 
 respect. If anyone desires to put historical representa- 
 tions on the outside of the churches, that may be allowed, 
 so long as they do not incite to their worship. But when 
 one begins to bow before these images and to worship 
 them, then they are not to be tolerated anywhere in the 
 wide world; for that is the beginning of idolatry, nay, is 
 idolatry itself." * 
 
 The closing section, which is also comparatively 
 brief, is upon the mass ; and mainly an explicit 
 denial that the mass is a sacrifice. It teaches us 
 that Christ has left us a definite, visible sign of His 
 flesh and blood, and calls the eating and drinking 
 His remembrance. The old use of the Eucharist 
 was an abuse which should be abolished : yet 
 so cautiously that no disturbance arise therefrom. 
 The effect of the second disputation of this action 
 by the Council, the visit of the delegates to the 
 parishes, and of Zwingli's tractate was exactly as 
 he would have it. Priests everywhere in the canton 
 declined to read mass, and the presence of the 
 
 ' I., 561 sq. 
 
1525] The Reformation Established 209 
 
 images in the churches was more and more con- 
 sidered an offence. There was, however, a party 
 which honestly deplored these departures from the 
 old order, and Zwingli himself advised deliberation. 
 The division in the chapter of the Great Minster as 
 to the mass led to the reference of the matter to the 
 Council on December loth, and it in turn referred it 
 to the three people's priests. Zwingli wrote the 
 opinion " ' entirely on the side of the proposed 
 changes, and plainly announced that on the coming 
 Christmas day, Friday, December 25, 1523, the 
 Lord's Supper would be administered under both 
 forms, and daily thereafter there would be a brief 
 Bible exposition in place of the daily mass. The 
 Council, however, decided to allow both the old and 
 new forms of the Eucharist in the city, and practi- 
 cally only the old elsewhere in the canton, and to 
 postpone any revised liturgy,* On December 19th, 
 the Council replied directly to the chapter of the 
 Great Minster, inviting them and all the city clergy 
 to a disputation upon the matters in dispute in 
 the Town Hall on Holy Innocents' day, Monday, 
 December 28th, before the city magistracy; and 
 meanwhile the Council ordered that the folding 
 doors which covered certain pictures in the cathe- 
 dral should be closed and kept closed, and that no 
 church banners, crucifixes, or pictures should be 
 carried about. The conference only resulted in the 
 call for another, between the representatives of the 
 Old Church party and the three people's priests, on 
 
 • I., 566-568. 
 
 ^Egli, A. S., No. 460. 
 
2IO Huldreich Zwingli [1523] 
 
 January 19 and 20, 1524.' Meanwhile the bishops 
 of Constance, Basel, and Chur, the University of 
 Basel, and the confederate authorities were to be 
 asked for their opinions on Zwingli's " Introduc- 
 tion." 
 
 ' I., 568 ; BuUinger, i., 139 sq. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 GEROLD MEYER VON KNONAU, HUTTEN, AND 
 ERASMUS 
 
 1523 
 
 THE relations between ZwingH and the woman 
 he afterwards married were probably partly 
 brought about by the fact that her son Ceroid was 
 one of his pupils in the Latin school attached to the 
 Great Minster. In the spring of 1521, Ceroid, 
 along with other youths who had enjoyed Zwingli's 
 instruction, was sent to Basel where he was put at 
 first under James Nepos ' ; afterwards under Clare- 
 anus. From Basel he wrote to Zwingli in Septem- 
 ber, perhaps, enthusiastically praising the city and 
 its learned men, and showing that he was enjoying 
 himself in other than literary pursuits." The tone 
 of the letter is slightly patronising, as was expected 
 of a young patrician addressing an ordinary man, 
 even one whom he styles his " master, respected 
 and beloved for many reasons," but at the same 
 time boyishly frank and affectionate. Considered 
 as the production of a boy only eleven years old, it 
 is remarkable. Zwingli seems to have reciprocated 
 Ceroid 's affection; at all events, on August I, 1523, 
 »VII., 169. 
 
 2 VII., 181 sq. 
 
 ail 
 
212 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 when Gerold, then thirteen years old, returned from 
 a stay at the baths in Baden, about twelve miles 
 north-west of Zurich, Zwingli took the trouble to 
 put into shape a little collection of " precepts " upon 
 education which he had begun years before, and gave 
 it to him as a " bath-present," it being customary 
 then so to greet with presents persons coming from 
 the baths. The collection was afterwards printed.' 
 It is dedicated to Gerold in a very fatherly tone. 
 " The first precepts contain how the tender mind 
 of an ingenuous youth may be instructed in those 
 things which relate to God ; the second how in 
 those which relate to himself; the third, how in 
 those which have regard to others." " 
 
 Judging from the dedication to him, Gerold was 
 
 ' IV., 14S-158. Its popularity is attested by the appearance of 
 numerous editions of it. It was written originally in Latin, and 
 printed at Basel, 1523 ; reprinted in Augsburg, 1524, along with 
 Melanchthon's Elenienta Fuerilia, and the same year by Froschauer 
 in Zurich ; again in Basel, in 1541, in a collection of twenty-one 
 pedagogical papers, but without Zwingli's name, merely, as " Writ- 
 ten by a Christian Theologian." In 1524 a translation in Upper 
 Rhine German appeared, probably at Basel (reprinted by K. 
 Fulda, Erfurt, 1844). This seems to have stirred up Zwingli to 
 make a translation of his little book into the dialect of Zurich, and 
 this was printed by Froschauer in Zurich, 1526 ; reprinted by August 
 Israel in Part IV. of his collection of rare pedagogical tracts of the 
 sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Zchopau, 1879 ; and by E. Egli, 
 with the original Latin on the opposite page, Zurich, 1884. An 
 English translation of the treatise from the Latin was made by " Rich- 
 arde Argentyne, Doctour in Physck, imprinted at Ipsewich [London] 
 by Anthony Scoloker, dwellyng in S. Nycholas Paryshe Anno 1548." 
 A new translation on the basis of Israel's edition of the German 
 was prepared by Professor Alcide Reichenbach of Ursinus College, 
 and published, Collegeville, Pa., 1899. 
 
 ' IV.. 149. 
 
I523J Knonau, Hutten, and Erasmus 213 
 
 a sober-minded and precocious youth who would 
 appreciate and profit by Zwingli's good advice.' 
 
 The year 1523 was destined to see the end of the 
 friendship between ZwingH and Erasmus. It is not 
 probable that Erasmus ever had any affection for 
 Zwingli, but they had much in common. They 
 were both devoted students of the Greek and Latin 
 classics and had many common friends among the 
 Humanists. Religiously they both had come to the 
 truth through culture and reflection, and were 
 strangers to any violent conversion. They both 
 were sociable and lovers of fun; both looked 
 leniently upon the follies and pleasant vices of man- 
 kind, while themselves in maturer years chaste and 
 pious. To young Zwingli there was no scholar like 
 Erasmus. He was ready to make a long journey 
 to sit reverently at his feet.'' Erasmus considered 
 his pupil agreeable and promising, and occasionally 
 wrote him a letter ^ ; but when Zwingli carried out 
 to their logical conclusions the teachings of Eras- 
 mus, and proposed to abolish the evils of the Roman 
 Church, as manifested in Zurich, Erasmus became 
 alarmed, claimed that the time was not yet ripe 
 for action, and would dissuade Zwingli from doing 
 anything.' The interest of the old scholar was 
 changing into indifference when an event occurred 
 which broke up their friendship abruptly and ab- 
 solutely, namely, Zwingli's treatment of Ulrich von 
 
 ' Cf. pp. 232 sqq. for additional information as to Ceroid. 
 
 ^ 1'. 79. 
 * Pp. 80 sqq. 
 
 ••VII., 251. As Strauss truthfully says : " Humanism was large- 
 minded, but faint-hearted" {^Ulrich von Hiitton, Eng. trans., p. 346). 
 
214 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 Hutten, a man Erasmus hated. Hutten was the 
 most picturesque character to espouse the cause of 
 the Reformation, He was a scion of a noble family in 
 Hesse-Cassel, accomplished, learned, extremely witty 
 and humorous, a fearless fighter for intellectual and 
 religious liberty, and one who deserved well of the 
 cause of the Reformation, which he embraced with 
 characteristic ardour though dissipated and licen- 
 tious. He enjoyed till near the end of his life the 
 friendship of Erasmus, but forfeited it by his vehe- 
 ment attack upon him as too cowardly to declare 
 himself openly a Lutheran, while really so. The at- 
 tack was in revenge for Erasmus's conduct in not call- 
 ing upon him during his stay of two months in Basel. 
 As is seen from the sentences quoted in the note 
 below, Hutten appeared at the house of Glareanus. 
 Erasmus was, however, wary how he allied himself 
 with one under the ban, hopelessly in debt, and also 
 whose shameful disease made him physically loath- 
 some. This attack turned Erasmus into the im- 
 placable foe of Hutten, and of all who defended or 
 aided Hutten. Zwingli, as a Humanist, was of 
 course familiar with Hutten's career, and occa- 
 sional mention of him occurs in his correspondence.' 
 
 ' Hutten's name is first mentioned in the Zwingli correspondence 
 in a letter from William Nesen, dated April, 151S, wherein his 
 phrase "the citadel of impudence" is quoted (vii., 40), and it is 
 said, " The latest production of Hutten is greatly praised by the 
 learned" (vii., 41). Next Myconius, on February 20, 1520, men- 
 tions him along with Erasmus, Luther, and Valla, and other Human- 
 ists (vii., 115). Valentine Curio, a Basel bookseller, in May, 1520, 
 calls Zwingli's attention to certain dialogues of Hutten's with a view 
 to his buying them (vii., 134). Myconius, on August 21, 1520, men- 
 
1523] Knonau, Hutten, and Erasmus 215 
 
 It appears that after leaving Basel (January 19, 
 1523) Hutten went to Mulhausen, in the present 
 Elsass, eighteen miles north by west of Basel, and 
 
 tions the issue of Hutten's literary attack on the Duke of Wiirtem- 
 berg (vii., 146), Hedio, on October 15, 1520, writing from Mainz, 
 says : " Hutten [who had just been expelled from Mainz for attack- 
 ing the Roman Church] lies in hiding, for whom prison has been 
 prepared by the Romans, who have issued secret instructions either 
 to arrest him and take him in chains to Rome or else slay him. 
 Nevertheless, he will remain hidden, as the monks perceive to whom 
 this promise has been entrusted : for they are the furies of the Pope" 
 (vii., 148). In 1522, from Basel, on November 28th, Glareanus thus 
 writes of him : " Hutten is with us, not an agreeable guest, as I 
 think, to the very learned man [Erasmus]. I have eaten with him 
 twice, and he will be here some time. But the protection promised 
 by the magistracy, though I do not know that he will need it, yet he 
 wished to have it. Not yet over his sickness and in Germany hardly 
 able to rest anywhere in safety, he seeks here a little breathing space " 
 (vii., 247). " I wish you were present some days at my house. You 
 would see Erasmus, Hutten, CEcolampadius " (vii., 248). So Johan- 
 nes Xylotectus, writing from Lucern on December 11, 1522, says: 
 " I have seen a letter sent to a certain patrician here from a Baseler 
 in the upper walks of life, in which the statement is made that Hut- 
 ten has just now arrived at Basel, along with him [CEcolampadius], 
 who was on intimate terms with Franz von Sickingen " (vii., 252). 
 Henry Eppendorf, writing from Basel sometime in December, 
 1522, says : "Your book presented by Christopher [Froschauer, the 
 printer of Zurich] to my library, and in which you most wisely coun- 
 sel the German princes against the deceit of the Roman pontiff, I 
 have perused most eagerly, and have let Ulrich von Hutten, that 
 unique defender of religion and liberty in Germany, read it also " 
 (vii., 259). Otho Brunfels, a friend of Hutten's, under date of Feb- 
 ruary 13, 1523, from Nuremberg, writes : " Our Hutten is in bad 
 shape and we others are indiscriminately overthrown" (vii., 273). 
 OLcolampadius, writing from Basel on June 16, 1523, says : " I ask 
 you to forward this parcel to that beloved knight, Ulrich von Hut- 
 ten" (vii., 301), and on July 8, " Greet for me, I pray you, my lord 
 Hutten, and tell him that letters have lately come to me for him" 
 (vii., 301). 
 
2i6 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 lay hidden there for some months in the Augustinian 
 monastery. But so pugnacious and reckless an op- 
 ponent of the Roman Church could not keep quiet. 
 From Miilhausen he issued his " Expostulation" 
 with Erasmus. This revealed his presence to the 
 Old Church party and they threatened his life. The 
 City Council prudently advised him to withdraw, 
 and about the middle of July he left one night and 
 fled to Zurich, which in a straight line was sixty 
 miles south-east. There Zwingli with characteristic 
 kindness befriended him,' and for the benefit of his 
 health sent him to Pfaefers, with a letter of recom- 
 mendation to the abbot, who was a friend of the 
 Reformation. The healing springs in the gorge 
 beneath the village were then and are to-day famous. 
 But Hutten could not be cured and so turned back 
 towards Zurich.' Zwingli then sent him to the 
 
 ' Blarer writes from Constance on July 27, 1523 : " Commend me 
 to Hutten, who I hear is with you. That ' Expostulation ' of his 
 with Erasmus, just published, shows us pleasantly and intimately if 
 anything ever did that German mind of his, so that it is a great grief 
 to us that the health of that truly Christian man is so little firm, 
 whereas it ought to be adamantine" (vii., 305). 
 
 * On his way, probably, from Einsiedeln, where he rested, he sent 
 Zwingli this letter, the only one of his to Zwingli which has been 
 preserved ; it has no date, but must have been written in July or 
 August, 1523 : "I derived no benefit from the baths of Pfaefers, 
 because they are not hot enough. It seems that the labour and 
 peril to which I have gone have been of no avail for the recovery of 
 my health " [This is an allusion to the fact that at times invalids 
 had to climb down hanging ladders into the gloomy gorge wherein 
 the springs are, or to be let down by ropes. Cf. Strauss's Hutten, 
 Eng. trans., p. 352]. It cannot be told with what kindness and lib- 
 erality the abbot [of Pfaefers ; tlie monastery where Hutten stopped 
 was in the village of Pfaefers, on a high hill, and directly over the 
 
THE TAMINA GORGE IN WHICH BAD PFAFERS IS LOCATED. 
 
1523] Knonau, Hutten, and Erasmus 217 
 
 island of Ufnau, opposite Rappersvvyl, towards the 
 extreme eastern end of the Lake of Zurich, some 
 twenty-two miles from Zurich, where the pastor, 
 Hans Schnei^g, a canon of Einsiedeln, was also a 
 skilful physician. 
 
 On August loth, Erasmus wrote to the City 
 Council of Zurich to be on their guard against 
 the insolence of Hutten, and because it might work 
 great harm to the city, he advised them to put a 
 curb on the dangerous man. When Hutten heard 
 of this letter he asked the Council to communi- 
 cate its contents to him, that he might answer it, 
 and claimed that he had from boyhood led a life 
 of virtue and piety, which was untrue! On Au- 
 gust 31st, Erasmus wrote directly to Zwingli*; and 
 never again except in the form of a dedication." 
 
 deep gorge just mentioned] treated me. On this account you will give 
 him my thanks when you write him. In me he favoured you and 
 the comtur [Schmidt of Kiissnacht]. When I left, he begged me 
 earnestly to spend some weeks with him. He also furnished me 
 horses and provisions for the journey [from the monastery to Zurich, 
 which might take for so sick a man as Hutten at least a couple of 
 days]. He advised me to visit the baths again sometime ; for the 
 cause of their doing me no good now, was the rain which fell all 
 these days and mingled itself with the baths. Cold water was never 
 wanting, either falling from the sky, or lately flowing from the rocks 
 in torrents so as to threaten my little bath-house. Thus much about 
 the baths, where I have been told Nicholas Prugner has come from 
 Miilhausen, besides letters for me. Write and tell me how matters 
 are, and if there are letters for me, have them forwarded. Also 
 inform me what provision you have made for my entertainment : for 
 I would have moved thither to-day if I had not been uncertain where 
 I was to go. I do not doubt but that you will not have failed me in 
 the matter. Whatever it is, inform me, and farewell" (vii., 302), 
 'VII., 307-310. 2 VII., 310. 
 
2i8 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 In carefully chosen words he defended himself 
 against the common report that he was a trimmer, 
 and coming at last to the point he thus delivered 
 himself: 
 
 " Hutten's * Expostulation ' has not been withdrawn, 
 at least not until it had been widely spread abroad and 
 many copies of it had gone into circulation. I do in- 
 deed not grudge him the favour of your citizens. I 
 wonder none the less on what account they bestow their 
 favour on him. As to a Lutheran ? But no one has 
 more thwarted the cause of the Gospel. For good let- 
 ters ? But no one has so hurt that cause. That little 
 book of his, written without cause against a friend, will 
 call forth much hostility to the German name. What is 
 more barbarous than to make so many false charges 
 against a friend who wishes well to him, and has de- 
 served well of him ? I know that he was influenced 
 from an outside source, and that this has been pushed 
 by some in order to extort money from my friends. 
 Concerning his other deeds I will say nothing; they are 
 sufficiently notorious, but even pirates cherish true 
 friendship. I replied to him. More properly I did not 
 reply, but repelled an impudent calumny. The cause of 
 the Gospel and of good letters influences me more than 
 the injury to myself. I do not value the friendship of 
 those who delight in such a disposition. Everybody is 
 sure that this raging of his has you for instigator, how- 
 ever you evade the issue. He can bring much evil to 
 your city, but no good. And further, Qicolampadius 
 declared that he had enlarged his evil-spoken book. 
 Still I see the real fact; he will go on raging, not so 
 much to my injury as to that of good letters. But if he 
 does not stop gnashing his teeth on a fragile bit, he will 
 
1523] Knonau, Hutten, and Erasmus 219 
 
 strike something solid. You will use your influence to 
 restrain the man, if you see that it is for the interests of 
 polite literature and of the Gospel and of the German 
 name — for nowadays the people call everybody a German 
 who uses the German language. . . . What our 
 Hilarius said, that Hutten's book could be printed be- 
 cause you allowed it, he said of his own volition, not at 
 my command. Farewell." 
 
 On August 15th, Hutten's second attack on Eras- 
 mus, which was not calculated to make matters bet- 
 ter, appeared, and in two weeks thereafter (August 
 31st) Hutten died. He was just past his thirty-fifth 
 birthday. He was buried on Ufnau, but the place 
 is now unknown.' 
 
 But for befriending Hutten, or rather for sharing 
 the views of Hutten, as expressed in his attacks, 
 
 ' Zwingli thus wrote about Hutten's affairs, October ii, 1523: 
 " Hutten had some debts here also, and all his goods were not 
 enough to pay them. Therefore, he left nothing of any value. Jle 
 had no books, and no furniture except a pen. Of his effects I saw 
 nothing after his death except some letters which he had received 
 from his friends, or sent to them, and which he had sewed together. 
 A short time ago there was a man here who brought a letter to him 
 who is dead, which I sent to Henry Eppendorf. From him I learn 
 that there was some hope for the creditors of Hutten. WTierefore 
 if you can meet Eppendorf, tell him to give his aid and counsel in 
 this matter. I have no advice to give beyond this. He owed me 
 three gold-pieces and the comtur at Kussnacht twenty. But let 
 me not forget to say the courier said : That there remained from the 
 wreck of Hutten's affairs two hundred gold-pieces which Eppendorf 
 would perhaps receive. I then wrote to Eppendorf on behalf of the 
 comtur, but so far have received no reply. I ask, therefore, that 
 if you should receive any hope, you will indicate that his dues also 
 should be paid. I do not worry about what is due me ; if anything 
 comes to me, I will receive it ; if not well and good " (vii., 313). 
 
220 Huldreich Zwingli [1523 
 
 Erasmus had only scorn. Still he did not at once 
 break with Zwingli, but dedicated to him his 
 " Sponge to wipe off the aspersions of Hutten," 
 his reply to Hutten's first attack, in a courteous 
 epistle,' and then ceased to write to him. Zwingli 
 deplored this estrangement,^ but it was inevitable. 
 And the break with Erasmus was accompanied with 
 the loss of the friendship of Glareanus,^ who was the 
 shadow of Erasmus and shared his religious views. 
 This fact comes out in the letter Zwingli, on May 
 28, 1525, wrote to Vadianus: 
 
 " When Erasmus of Rotterdam received my com- 
 mentary ["On the true and false religion"] he exclaimed, 
 as a friend of his reports: ' My good Zwingli, what do 
 you write that I have not first written ? ' I tell you this 
 that you may see how far self-esteem can carry us. Would 
 that Erasmus had treated my arguments with his pen! 
 The world would then have been persuaded, so that I 
 should not labour under such a burden of enmity. I 
 always preferred to stay in the background; but the 
 Lord did not wish it, and His will be done. Would that 
 the name of Erasmus had been attached to my book! 
 Then shamefacedness would not have held me in its 
 bonds, nor the fear of vainglory. I thus speak before 
 the Lord: After my writings have been read by all, I 
 would wish that my name should fall into oblivion. 
 Glareanus rages against me, and takes all measures not 
 
 ' VII., 310, 311. 
 
 ^ See his kind remarks about Erasmus, viii., 174, 175. 
 
 ° It is noteworthy that not a single letter to Glareanus appears in 
 the Zwingli correspondence. After the rupture Glareanus may have 
 destroyed them. The last letter of Glareanus preserved is dated 
 February 14, 1523 (vii. 270, 271), and is very friendly. 
 
1523] Knonau, Hutten, and Erasmus 221 
 
 only against me, but also against Qi^colampadius. See 
 how the thoughts of the heart are revealed, when Mary, 
 /. e., those who are Christ's mother, sister, and brother, 
 are stricken with the sword of persecution. Who would 
 have thought that there was in the former [Erasmus] so 
 great a desire for glory, and in the latter [Glareanus] so 
 much of malignity and venom! The most learned men 
 everywhere congratulate the Swiss; and a Swiss [Glare- 
 anus] chafes because of Zvvingli." ' 
 
 ' As indicating the way in whicli Erasmus was later spoken of by 
 (Ecolampadius, see his letter of January 15, 1530, to Zwingli, viii., 
 395. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 THE REFORMATION IN ZURICH COMPLETED 
 1524 
 
 THE year 1524 marked the completion of the 
 break with the Old Church as far as Zurich 
 was concerned. The changes were made deliber- 
 ately and under orders from the City Council. 
 They occasioned no revolt, although they were of 
 the most radical description. It was made to ap- 
 pear that the changes came in consequence of the 
 city authorities* conviction of their scripturalness, 
 and not because Zwingli had insisted upon them. 
 Nor was a step taken without the approval before- 
 hand of the thoughtful classes. Zwingli and his 
 fellow Reformers argued before the people the pro- 
 priety of the changes about to be made. Then 
 when a sufficient time had elapsed a public debate, 
 was held in the presence of the City Council, and^i 
 then the Council ordered the changes. The conse-^ 
 quence was the changes were made once for all, 
 were fully comprehended, and gladly assented to. 
 By this course Zwingli proved his title to be called 
 } the Prudent Reformer. Granted that it was the 
 clear-sightedness of the prayerful scholar rather than 
 spiritual elevation which gave him the knowledge of 
 the objectionable doctrines and practices of the Old 
 
 222 
 
1524] The Reformation Completed 223 
 
 Church, he showed true courage in opposing and 
 removing them ; granted that he was totally lacking 
 in Luther's flaming zeal, he accomplished a much 
 more complete break with Rome ; granted that he 
 was no profound thinker like Calvin, he was much 
 more easily comprehended and probably quite as 
 correct. And in personal qualities he was superior 
 to Luther and Calvin. Men loved Zwingli, and fol- 
 lowed him because they loved him. They knew 
 that he spoke the truth in the breadth of a loving 
 heart ; that he broke with Rome because he loved 
 the truth more than life, and loathed the whole mis- 
 erable business of mediaeval hair-splitting theology, 
 lying pardons, swindling sacraments, the incubus 
 of a Church which was primarily a huge money- 
 making concern, ruled by a Pope no spiritual man 
 had any respect for and served by a clergy who as 
 a class were low-bred and low-lived, preached by 
 monks whose private histories were unsavoury, and 
 sanctified, forsooth, by nuns who were virgin only 
 in name. His heart made him protest. It could 
 no longer be borne; the Church was pressing the 
 life out of the poor people and sending them by 
 millions to the bar of God without any knowledge 
 of God's Word, or any preparation for His service. 
 Pursuant to the order of the Council, on Tuesday 
 and Wednesday, January 19 and 20, 1524, Canon 
 Hofmann, chief representative of the Old Party 
 among the priesthood, met the three people's 
 priests, and six theologians and six councillors, in 
 private sessions, and attempted to defend the old 
 usages. But the commission decided that he had 
 
, and 
 lurchy 
 e re-| 
 
 224 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 
 
 not made out his points from Scripture, and so the 
 Council voted that the canons must give outward 
 assent to the Council's orders or leave the city.' 
 
 With this last desperate attempt the Old Party 
 closed their efforts, and there was no further formal 
 opposition in Zurich to the Reformation. One by 
 one, as the people were fully able to stand it, and 
 understand it, those practices of the Old Chi 
 which Zwingli considered objectionable were 
 moved. The saints' days passed unobserved ; the 
 procession to Einsiedeln which had taken place an- 
 nually on Monday after Pentecost (that year May 
 i6th), and which was made much of, was perman- 
 ently abolished, by order of Council, the preced- 
 ing Saturday ' ; the reliques were by similar order, 
 June 15th, taken from the churches and reverently 
 buried; the organs were removed and the ringing 
 of the church bells during a tempest, even the toll- 
 ing for funerals, stopped. Masses for the dead, 
 processions of clergy, payment for confession, bless- 
 ing of palms, holy water, candles, and extreme 
 unction, all became things of the past.' The re- 
 moval of the pictures, statues, images, and other or- 
 naments from the churches was accomplished in the 
 city between Saturday, July 2d, and Sunday, July 
 17th. Similar scenes took place all over the can- 
 ton. The next step, and one which like the others 
 was carefully weighed, was the abolition of the con- 
 vents and monasteries in the city and canton of 
 
 > Bullinger, i., 139-142 ; Egli, A. S., Nos. 483, 486, 489. 
 «Egli, A. S., No. 527. 
 ^Jbid., Nos. 544, 546, 547. 
 
1524] The Reformation Completed 225 
 
 Zurich.' This was determined upon on December 
 3, 1524. All the monks were gathered into the 
 Franciscan monastery, and the Dominicans and 
 Augustinians were not allowed to return to their 
 old homes. Most of them decided to leave the mon- 
 astery and make their living as best they might. 
 The nuns of the Oetenbach and Selnau convents 
 had already been united in the former building." 
 The convent attached to the Frau Miinster, through 
 its abbess, on December 5th, surrendered itself to 
 the city, and that attached to the Great Minster 
 on December 20th. The revenue of the latter was 
 appropriated at Zwingli's suggestion to a classical 
 school of high grade, and generally speaking that 
 which came to the city from such sources to good 
 purposes, as relief of the poor or sick.' 
 
 So when 1524 closed, about the only reminder of 
 the old order was the mass, which was allowed a 
 little longer existence. But it was evident that its 
 days were numbered. The heart and soul of these 
 changes was Zwingli> and their completion filled him 
 with joy and thanksgiving. While they were going 
 on, he was incessantly occupied out of his study, so 
 that the literary labours of the year are compara- 
 tively small. First comes his expanded sermon on 
 
 ' Bullinger, i., 228-230. 
 
 * The Dominican monastery was later made a hospital, and its 
 church the fourth parish church ; the Augustinian a kitchen for the 
 preparation of food for the poor, and the Franciscan the place where 
 it was dispensed ; the nunnery of Selnau a house of correction, that 
 of Oetenbach an orphanage. 
 
 *The "opinion" of Zwingli the Council followed (ii., 2, 327 sj.). 
 
226 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 
 
 " The Shepherd," which has been already alluded 
 to'; next his remarks, or marginal notes, upo^'the 
 address of the bishops of Constance, Basel, and 
 Lausanne to the Swiss Diet at Lucerne, April i, 
 1524'; next his earnest and eloquent plea, ad- 
 dressed to the Swiss Diet, not to continue the mer- 
 cenary traffic' His text was the dreadful news of 
 the decimation of the Swiss mercenaries by war and 
 famine in Italy which had just reached Switzerland. 
 But there was too much money in the business for 
 it to be given up. He issued the address in May 
 anonymously, concealing even the place of publica- 
 tion, in order to allay suspicion. His plea found 
 few hearers. On June 25th he defended himself* 
 against the curious slander that he derived his 
 knowledge of the Scriptures from a certain Jew of 
 Winterthur, named Moses, as if that could make 
 any difference. He got the Jew to deny the charge 
 in very emphatic language. He confesses, how- 
 ever, to a knowledge of Hebrew and that he had 
 debated with this Jew on the Messianic prophecies. 
 In the same tract he refutes another slander, viz., 
 that he had in a sermon denied the divinity and 
 atonement of Christ. 
 
 On the reception of the good news that the county 
 of the Toggenburg, in which he was born, had ac- 
 cepted the Reformation, he wrote the Council of 
 the county a congratulatory epistle, which was after- 
 wards separately published in two editions.* 
 
 ' P. 205. ' II., 2, 307-311. 
 
 *II., 2, 315-321 ; in modern German by Christoffel, Zurich, 1843. 
 *II., 2, 322-326. *VII., 352-356. 
 
1524] The Reformation Completed 227 
 
 The only lengthy work of the year was his so- 
 call#d Antibolon, the preface to which was dated 
 August i8th; an attack upon Jerome Emser, " de- 
 fender of the canon of the mass," ' i. e., that part 
 of the mass which contains the fixed rule according 
 to which it is administered : in it the transubstantia- 
 tion formula occurs. Emser had published at Dres- 
 den in the preceding year a tract with that title.* 
 Zwingli, just as Luther and Melanchthon, both of 
 whom wrote against Emser, has the bad taste to 
 pun upon his name, which means" goat." Zwingli 
 treats Emser as insultingly as he alleges Emser 
 treated him. The tract is only to a small degree 
 taken up with the mass, but in greater part with the 
 Church,^ Intercession of Saints, Merit, and Purga- 
 tory. On November i6th he issued an epistle on 
 the Lord's Supper,* in which he shows plainly that he 
 was settling upon those views which he afterwards 
 more distinctly enunciated and was already com- 
 pletely emancipated from the spell of the mass; and 
 on December i6th he replied at length to his Strass- 
 burg sympathisers, who submitted to him certain 
 knotty questions,^ viz., what should be their attitude 
 
 ' III., 121-144. The word antiboblon is late legal Greek for a 
 formal reply. See Sophocles' Lexicon, sub voce. Zwingli may have 
 intended to use it, or else he made a slip in gender. 
 
 ' Cano7iis Alissa contra Huldricun Zrvinglium Defensio, 1523. 
 The editors of Zwingli's works could not find a copy (iii., 121). 
 That in my library is a small quarto of sixty-two unnumbered 
 pages, and written in the form of a dialogue. 
 
 ** A valuable summary of his opinion on this subject, pp. 134 sqq. 
 
 *III., 591-603. 
 
 MIL, 615-626. 
 
228 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 
 
 toward an unbelieving magistracy ? whether the 
 magistracy had the right to remove those who 
 neither preached nor practised the Gospel ? whether 
 the marriage with the wife of a paternal uncle was 
 allowable ? what was his opinion on baptism and 
 the Eucharist ? To the first question he replied : 
 obediepce and proper respect; to the second, yes; 
 to the third, no. In conclusion he gives his views 
 upon the two sacraments, first on baptism. He 
 defends the baptism of infants. In regard to the 
 Eucharist, he perceives that Carlstadt had stirred 
 them up, and cautiously expresses himself on his 
 side as far as the denial of the corporal presence 
 was concerned. 
 
 The longest and most earnest, as well as the last 
 paper of the year, was called forth by the confusion 
 and excesses incident to the religious upheaval. It 
 appeared, appropriately, upon Innocents' Day (De- 
 cember 28th),' and refutes the charge that the 
 Reformation can properly be charged with these 
 occurrences; specifically with the Peasant War; 
 rather the oppressive ecclesiastical and civil rulers 
 were to blame for furnishing their occasion. It 
 was addressed to the church at Miilhausen, near 
 Basel, which had just gone over to the Reformation 
 and so had just been exposed to the same threats 
 as Zurich. 
 
 One more step remained to be taken and the 
 church in Zurich would be completely emancipated 
 from the Old Church, and that was to abolish entirely 
 
 ■ II., I, 376-425, Modern German translation by Christoffel, 
 Zurich, 1846. 
 
1525] The Reformation Completed 229 
 
 the mass. Cautiously, but without retrogression, 
 Zvvingli had for years steadily moved towards 
 this goal. In 1524 he had won from the Council 
 permission for the priests to dispense the bread and 
 wine under both forms if they would. This, how- 
 ever, still maintained the connection with the old 
 forms. Judging that the time had come, and know- 
 ing that the friends of the ecclesiastical overturning 
 were in decided majority in the Council of the Two 
 Hundred, Zwingli and several other leaders ap- 
 peared before the Council on Tuesday, April 11, 
 1525, — Tuesday of Holy Week, — and demanded the 
 abolition of the mass and the substitution therefor of 
 the Lord's Supper as described by the evangelists 
 and the Apostle Paul. Opposition being made to 
 the proposition, the Council delegated its debate 
 with Zwingli to four of themselves, and their report 
 being on Zwingli's side, the Council ordered that 
 the mass be abolished forthwith.' Consequently, 
 on Thursday, April 13, 1525, the first evangelical 
 communion service took place in the Great Minster, 
 and according to Zwingli's carefully thought out 
 arrangement, which he had published April 6th. 
 A table covered with a clean linen cloth was set be- 
 tween the choir and the nave in the Great Minster. 
 Upon it were the bread upon wooden platters and 
 the wine in wooden beakers. The men and the 
 women in the congregation were upon opposite sides 
 of the middle aisle. Zwingli preached a sermon and 
 offered prayer. The deacon read Paul's account of 
 the institution of the sacrament in I. Cor., xi., 20 sqq. 
 
 ' II., 2, 232. 
 
230 Huldreich Zwingli [1525] 
 
 Then Zwingli and his assistants and the congrega- 
 tion performed a liturgy, entirely without musical 
 accompaniment in singing, but translated into the 
 Swiss dialect from the Latin mass service, with the 
 introduction of appropriate Scripture and the en- 
 tire elimination of the transubstantiation teaching." 
 The elements were passed by the deacons through 
 the congregation. This Eucharist service was re- 
 peated upon the two following days.^ 
 
 The impression made upon many by this service, so 
 radically different from the Latin one to which they 
 were accustomed, was at first painful, but as a class 
 the Zurichers accepted it and saw without protest 
 the removal of the altar, now meaningless, since 
 there was no sacrifice, and of the organ, now use- 
 less, since there was no longer to be music in the 
 churches.' 
 
 ' The liturgy is given, ii., 2, 235-242. 
 
 « Cf. Bullinger, i., 264. 
 
 ^ For description of the services in the churches and further 
 references to the religious life in Zurich see closing part of 
 Chapter XIII. Zwingli prepared the way for each step and did 
 his best to spread the knowledge of his course by his writings 
 of 1525. He took especial pains to let his eucharistic teaching be 
 known. In 1523 he published, all in Latin, "An Attempt {Epichiresis) 
 on the Mass-canon" (iii., 83-116) ; in 1524 he replied to Eraser's reply 
 on the Mass-canon (iii., 121-144) ; in March, 1525, he brought out 
 his very long " Commentary on the True and False Religion" (iii., 
 147-325), dedicated, strangely enough, to Francis I., King of France, 
 in which he goes over all the topics of practical theology (see list, 
 p. 153 sq.), and of which he issued separately the section on the 
 Eucharist in a German version ; on August 17, 1525, he published 
 his "Crown of the Eucharist" (iii., 327-356). He issued also on 
 the subject minor tractates in German, and probably wrote many 
 private letters. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 PUBLIC MARRIAGE AND LETTERS OF 1 524 
 1524 
 
 THE great event in Zwingli's life in 1524 was his 
 public marriage. His bride was Anna Rein- 
 hard, widow of Hans Meyer von Knonau, a scion of 
 the principal patrician house of Zurich, who, how- 
 ever, owing to circumstances, brought him very 
 little money. The event gave great satisfaction to 
 Zwingli's many friends, who for a long time had 
 been troubled at his singular course, for he had 
 since the early part of 1522 considered and treated 
 Anna Reinhard as his wife, but for some reason had 
 never publicly acknowledged her as such. 
 
 Here is a fitting place to tell with some detail the 
 story of Anna Reinhard.' 
 
 Her ancestors came from St. Gall, but her grand- 
 father received citizenship in Zurich in 1432, and 
 there she was born in 1484. Her father became 
 proprietor of the inn Zum Weissen Rossli, on the 
 Sonnenquai, on the east bank of the Limmat, just 
 
 ' For the facts, along with much romance and irrelevant matter, 
 see Salomon Hess, Anna Reinhard, 2d ed., Zurich, 1820; Zwing- 
 liana, 1900, No. 2, pp. 161-163. It is noteworthy that Myconius, 
 in his life of Zwingli, does not say a word about Zwingli's mar- 
 riage. 
 
 231 
 
232 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 
 
 under the Great Minster, in 1487.' She was a girl 
 of ravishing beauty and won the attentions of the 
 young patrician Hans Meyer von Knonau, who was 
 six years older than she, being born in 1478, and 
 his father's only son. To the disgust of his father 
 he married her in 1504, and in consequence his 
 father dispossessed him. This treatment did not 
 injure Hans in the estimation of his fellow-towns- 
 men, for in 1 5 10 he became a member of the Great 
 Council, in 151 1 a city judge, and carried the Zurich 
 banner in the battle of Novara in 15 13, in which 
 Zwingli was. He also retained the good-will of his 
 cousin the Bishop of Constance. Three children 
 were the result of his marriage: Margaretha, born 
 1505, twice married, 1527 to Anton Wirz, who was 
 killed in the battle of Cappel, October 11, 1531; 
 later to Hans Escher; died 1549; Agatha, born 
 1507, married, 1528, Hans Balthasar Keller, a dis- 
 tinguished man, who died in 1554; and Ceroid, 
 born October 25, 1509; married at 16 to Kiingolt 
 Dietschi, a daughter of a city councillor, a girl of the 
 same age ; became a member of the Two Hundred 
 and supported Zwingli; shared Zwingli's tastes and 
 once played a principal part in a performance of a 
 comedy of Aristophanes in the original Greek; died 
 on the battle-field of Cappel, at Zwingli's side, Octo- 
 ber II, 1531. Hans died in Zurich on November 26, 
 1 5 17. A few years before (perhaps in 15 13) little 
 Gerold had been adopted by his grandfather as 
 heir and taken to live in his house, where he con- 
 
 ' Voegelin, Das Alte Zurich, 2d ed,, i., 239. 
 
1524] Public Marriage and Letters 233 
 
 tinued to live after the grandfather's death in 1518 
 until his step-grandmother's death in 1520, when he 
 went back to his mother. But as in 15 12 the grand- 
 father had sold his estate of Knonau to the city of 
 Zurich, Ceroid inherited less real property than 
 he otherwise should. After her husband's death 
 Anna Reinhard continued to live with her two 
 daughters in the " Hofli " house near the Great 
 Minster. So when Zwingli came to Zurich in I5i9> 
 he found the beautiful Anna, a widow of a little 
 more than a year's standing, living in his parish, 
 and quite near his house, which was in the church 
 courtyard, while her son, a promising lad, was in 
 the school attached to his church, and shortly after 
 became one of his pupils. To one of Zwingli's ardent 
 temperament it may have been a case of love at first 
 sight. How soon intimacy sprang up between them 
 is unknown, but there was nothing in Zwingli's 
 practices or in public opinion to hold him back from 
 paying attentions to his beautiful parishioner and 
 neighbour. In 1522 Zwingli moved to a house op- 
 posite to the cathedral on the east side, on the corner 
 of the present streets, Gasse and Neustadt Gasse.' 
 
 His relations with Anna Reinhard was the talk of 
 the town, and rumours of it spread pretty far. On or 
 about April 27, 1522, his friend Glareanus writes 
 jokingly : " They say that I have married here [in 
 Basel] and that you have done the same thing [in 
 Zurich]. I believe this is a lie in both cases. They add 
 also that you have married a widow and I a woman of 
 
 'A tablet on the house thus reads: "The house to the pillar. 
 Official residence of Ulrich Zwingli, 1522-1524." 
 
234 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 
 
 the town. ' ' ' As no letter from Zwingli to Glareanus 
 has been preserved, it is impossible to find out now 
 what answer Zwingli made, but Glareanus's letter is 
 evidence that Zwingli had not taken him into his 
 confidence and that rumour for once was veracious. 
 Another friend states in his letter to Zwingli on 
 November 28, 1 522, that it was said that he (Zwingli) 
 had publicly married the burgomaster's daughter.^ 
 Rumour in this case had only an inkling of the 
 truth. Zwingli in his reply, dated December 20, 
 1522, while denying a certain slander on him, says 
 not a word about his " marriage."^ Nor does he 
 allude to it when denying the charge of promiscuous 
 immorality which the cantonal clerk of Schwyz re- 
 tails to him under date October 19, 1522.'' Nor does 
 he mention Anna Reinhard in any preserved letter. 
 That he had any wife would be unknown were it 
 not that on July 22, 1522, Myconius writes, " best 
 wishes for your wife " "; on September 23d, " re- 
 member me to your son," " and about December 
 19th, " farewell to you and your wife." ' 
 
 As appears from the above, Zwingli and Anna 
 Reinhard considered themselves as married to one 
 another, and this so-called "clerical marriage" in- 
 volved no social stigma.' Still, when priest after 
 priest in Switzerland and Germany publicly made the 
 woman he was living with or some other woman his 
 
 'VIT., 197. -^VII., 247. 3VII., 255. 
 
 *VII., 235. Zwingli's reply (vii., 237) is, however, incomplete 
 and undated in present shape. 
 
 ^VII., 2IO. "VII., 226. ■'VII., 253. 
 
 * For another concealed marriage among Zwingli's friends, see 
 vii., 233. 
 
T524] Public Marriage and Letters 235 
 
 wife, the wonder grew among Zwingli's friends that 
 he did not do the same. The only defence possible 
 is that there were social and legal obstacles in the 
 way because Anna Reinhard was by marriage allied 
 to the Zurich patricians. 
 
 The public marriage took place in the presence of 
 many witnesses' on Saturday, April 2d,'' but not 
 till July 26th did the City Council permit Zwingli's 
 wife to leave her children and go to live in his house. 
 The marriage was followed by troubles about the 
 money matters of the Knonau children, who took up 
 their residence in their late grandfather's house, 
 " Meyerhof." But these appear to have been amica- 
 bly settled.' 
 
 The impression that Zwingli had married an 
 heiress had no foundation. His wife brought him 
 very little money. His married life seems to have 
 been happy and unsullied. 
 
 The Zwingli correspondence of 1524* has little 
 general interest, and from that year is more and 
 more taken up with petty matters, politics, baptismal 
 and eucharistic statements, and with controversy. 
 The letters of Zwingli himself are, however, always 
 the best in the collection and most worthy of 
 attention. 
 
 ' So Bernhard Weis, quoted by Hess, p. 93 (in FuessH. Beytraege, 
 iv. , 322 sq.^. 
 
 ' After this date there are frequent greetings to his wife in his 
 correspondence. 
 
 * Cf. Hess, pp. 286 sqq. 
 
 *It may be thus analysed. On January i, 1524 (vii., 323, 324), 
 he wrote a very pleasant letter to Erasmus Ritter, pastor or "bishop" 
 of SchafThausen, which was the beginning of their correspondence ; 
 
236 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 
 
 When the news of Zwingli's public marriage 
 reached Butzer in Strassburg, he wrote (April 14, 
 1524)': 
 
 " When I read in the letter to Capito that you had given 
 a public announcement of your marriage, I was almost 
 beside myself in my great satisfaction. For it was the 
 one thing I desired for you. Not that I had been able to 
 attribute to you so great a lack of faith as to think that 
 you feared that Christ would not use you as a married 
 man fruitfully in the business of His Word, and that He 
 had employed you to evil results as a celibate — you who 
 •were daily saying such things as Antichrist would be 
 able to endure much more easily than the acknowledg- 
 ment of your marriage. I never believed you were un- 
 married after the time when you indicated to the Bishop 
 of Constance in that tract " that you desired this gift. 
 But as I considered the fact that you were considered a 
 fornicator by some, and by others held to have little 
 faith in Christ, I could not understand why you con- 
 cealed it so long and that the fact was not declared 
 
 on February 23d (vii., 324-326), a very sharp letter to Dr. Brend- 
 lin, who was one of the episcopal delegation to Zurich in the 
 spring of 1522, and a bitter foe to the Reformation, which he en- 
 closed in a letter to Vadianus dated February 24th (vii., 327, 32S). 
 On April 30th a Roman Catholic correspondent informs him of the 
 popular impression that he (Zwingli) was to be burned (vii., 329) ! 
 On March 28th, in writing to Vadianus, Zwingli (vii., 333, 334) com- 
 plains that the pressure upon him compelled him to push out rather 
 "than publish his works — hence their repetitions and omissions. On 
 April nth he reins up his colleague, Conrad Hofmann, for having 
 calumniated him (vii., 334). On May i6th he wrote a gossipy letter 
 to Vadianus from Leo Jud's house (vii., 341, 342). On June 3d he 
 
 'VII., 335. "Seep. 166. 
 
I524J Public Marriage and Letters 237 
 
 openly and with candour and diligence. I could not 
 doubt that you were led into this course by considera- 
 tions which could not be i)ut aside by a conscientious man. 
 However that may be, I triumph in the fact that now you 
 have come up in all things to the apostolic definition." ' 
 
 wrote .1 very long and friendly letter to Butzer, mostly upon the use 
 of images.' His letter of June i6th (vii., 343-345) to John Frosch, 
 who afterwards was a keen Lutheran, accompanies one from Ur- 
 banus Regius to Frosch, which bears testimony to Zwingli's extra- 
 ordinary fitness to lead the reform (vii., 345-347). On July 4th he 
 wrote again to Vadianus (vii., 347, 34S), all about a marriage which 
 Vadianus wished arranged. On July 25th Zwingli addressed in 
 German his old lords of Toggenburg in behalf of the Gospel (vii., 
 348-356). On August 6th another long letter, this time to the 
 burgomaster of Strassburg (viii., 651, 652). In that month he began 
 a savage and insulting letter to Eck (vii., 356, 357), but probably 
 never finished it, as the copy in his works is incomplete. On Octo- 
 ber gth, to CEcolampadius, he wrote a few lines (vii., 360, 361). On 
 October 20th he wrote another very long letter (vii., 361-367), which 
 is in reality a treatise upon the errors intentional, or ignorant, of a 
 certain preacher at Bremgarten, contained in an oration against the 
 Gospel delivered at Baden. On October 24th, in writing to Pirk- 
 heimer (viii., 653), he derived the word mass from missa, the offer- 
 ing of a victim. 
 
 'Allusion to I. Timothy, iii., 2, as if, forsooth, it meant that it 
 ■was obligatory upon a " bishop " to have a wife ! 
 
 '•* See letter in R. Staehelin, Brie/e aus der Reformatioiuzeit (Basel, 1887), pp. 
 15-19. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE INNER COURSE OF THE ZURICH REFORMA- 
 TION 
 
 1525-1530 
 
 AS in Germany so in Zurich, no sooner had the 
 Reformation been established than the mem- 
 bers of the reformed Church had to fight internal 
 foes, as the Baptists were considered ; and the atten- 
 tion of their leaders was taken up with controver- 
 sies as to the proper treatment to give the peasants. 
 The agitation on both these points came to Switz- 
 erland from Germany, and was explicable on the 
 ground that it was the natural result of the awaken- 
 ing of the spirit of free speech, criticism of social 
 conditions, and independent research in the Holy 
 Word. But alas! the sixteenth century was no 
 time for the radicals in these directions. Religious 
 toleration was the furthest it could go. Religious 
 liberty was a thing unknown. The day of political 
 equality had not yet dawned. The troubles with 
 the peasants in the canton of Zurich might have 
 been more serious if the Peasant War in Germany 
 had not ended in the crushing defeat of their fellow 
 complainers. Still in Zurich as in Germany they 
 
 a38 
 
[1525-1530] The Inner Course 239 
 
 drew up a long list of complaints. These they pre- 
 sented to the Council, who in turn asked Zwingli 
 to advise them. His advice was on the whole 
 favourable to the peasants, as he advocated the 
 abolition of the " small tithe," i. c, the tax on 
 vegetables, fruit, and edible roots, which was a 
 great annoyance, and of bodily service in general.' 
 
 Tithes, however, he considered as binding, not on 
 scriptural grounds, but on legal grounds, and de- 
 clared that if they were not paid they would have 
 to be made up otherwise by new and heavier taxes. 
 In order to settle the matter the Council adopted 
 the usual plan and held a public debate on June 22, 
 1525, in which Zwingli had the leading part. At 
 its conclusion the Council ordered the payment of 
 tithes and taxes, that the peasants be quiet and 
 obedient to their lords, and that the preachers 
 whose erroneous Bible teaching had fomented the 
 disturbances be careful to counsel peace. 
 
 The Council then announced that they would go 
 over the matter carefully with Zwingli and decide 
 on the basis of Scripture what disposition should be 
 made of the peasants' grievances. No further dis- 
 turbances occurred among the peasants, but a dis- 
 putation upon the subject of tithes was held in 
 Zurich in the beginning of August. Zwingli re- 
 peated his arguments, but for once the Council held 
 that he was mistaken and appealed to alleged bib- 
 lical grounds for maintaining the tithes.' 
 
 ' II-, 2, 374-377- 
 
 * For general references see ii., 2, 364-373; Bullinger, i., 280 
 sqq. ; Egli, A, S., 756. 
 
240 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 Zwingli's troubles because of the peasants were, 
 however, not a circumstance to those caused by the 
 Baptist party in Zurich. 
 
 The first members of the party were radicals, who 
 put into practice theories of conduct which they 
 knew Zwingli favoured, but was slow to adopt for 
 himself. Thus they were those who in 1522 ate 
 flesh in Lent; and those who pulled down the pic- 
 tures and statues in the churches, before public 
 opinion was exactly ripe for such action; they en- 
 tered heartily into the reconstruction of the Church, 
 but aspired to reconstruct the State as well and give 
 it over to the saints, by which they meant them- 
 selves. Zwingli could not fail to perceive how 
 closely they kept to his lines in doing these things, 
 but he was naturally so cautious that their haste 
 annoyed him and was by him condemned.' He in- 
 sisted that if they were not in such a hurry they 
 would accomplish their ends with more ease and 
 certainty. 
 
 Being at first exclusively very plain people, and 
 meeting in a private house, these radicals were un- 
 molested by the authorities. Zwingli was at first 
 often present at their meetings; indeed, they met to 
 discuss his sermons. In the summer of 1522 they 
 were joined by Felix Manz and Conrad Grebel, sons 
 
 ' Cf. his remarks in iii., 57, 5S : " Hundreds of times I have said 
 openly, ' I beseech you by Jesus Christ, by our common faith, not 
 to make any change rashly, but to show to all men by your endur- 
 ance, if in no other way, that you are Christians, in that on account 
 of the weak you bear things that by Christ's law you do not need to 
 bear.' " 
 
i53oj The Inner Course 241 
 
 of distinguished citizens. Manz was the son of a 
 canon, an excellent Hebrew scholar, and Zwingli's 
 assistant, and it was at the time in his mother's 
 house that they met. Grebel was the son of Jacob 
 Grebel, one of the City Councillors, He was con- 
 verted under Zwingli from a licentious life, and for 
 a time followed Zwingli's advice, but, convinced 
 that Zwingli was wrong upon the question of bap- 
 tism and of duty towards magistrates, joined the 
 radicals and soon became their chosen representa- 
 tive. The appearance of two such men among 
 them gave them greatly increased importance, but 
 led also to the commencement of persecution by 
 the authorities, so that they met more secretly. 
 
 Their number in the city of Zurich, on September 
 5, 1524, was only twenty; outside, however, they 
 had adherents among clergy and laity.' 
 
 It was in the Second Disputation, in October, 
 26-28, 1523, that they first emerged as a dis- 
 tinct entity. They demanded action immediate 
 and decisive, not only respecting the removal of the 
 pictures and images from the churches, but also re- 
 specting the administration of the Lord's Supper, — 
 viz., that the practices in the original Supper as de- 
 scribed in the New Testament should be followed, — • 
 and denounced the mass as of the devil.^ 
 
 Zwingli laid little stress upon any literal imitation 
 
 ' See letter of Grebel's to Thomas Munzer, quoted ii., i, 374. 
 
 *See the report of the speeches of Conrad Grebel in the disputa- 
 tion (i., 528, 532 sqq. especially). From which it appears that it 
 was on the third and last day of the disputation that the radical 
 party first found voice. 
 
^4^ Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 of the Bible ordinances, which in this case would 
 oblige logically the wearing of the same clothing as 
 Christ and His apostles and the mutual feet-washing. 
 His reply to the radicals was in good temper, but 
 plainly showed that he could not be counted upon 
 to support their claims, and that a breach between 
 them and him had begun. 
 
 During the summer of 1524 he had two secret 
 conferences with them.' 
 
 They had already come to the conclusion that 
 infant baptism was unscriptural. This is plain from 
 the letter written jointly by several of them on 
 September 5, 1524, to Thomas Miinzer, the Ger- 
 man Protestant radical church-innovator, who had 
 already made this assertion, but who inconsistently 
 had not abandoned the practice of infant baptism. 
 They call infant baptism " a silly, blasphemous out- 
 rage, contrary to all Scripture." ' In November 
 that other iconoclast, Andrew Carlstadt, who had 
 also publicly maintained the same opinion, came to 
 Zurich. The knowledge that two such able men 
 were on their side doubtless greatly encouraged 
 them. With the adoption of this view as an article 
 of faith the radical becomes the Baptist party. 
 
 Zwingli, like CEcolampadius and Capito, had at 
 first no particular fault to find with this view upon 
 baptism. Who the proper subjects were was a de- 
 batable question. Thus in his " Exposition " of the 
 Articles defended in the First Disputation in 1523, 
 Zwingli says : 
 
 >II., I, 261. 
 
 ' Quoted in C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte der Milnsterrischen Auf- 
 ruhrs (Leipzig, 1855-60, 2 vols.) ii., 240 sqq. 
 
I530] The Inner Course 243 
 
 " Although I know, as the Fathers show, that infants 
 have been baptised occasionally from the earliest times, 
 still it was not so universal a custom as it is now, but the 
 common practice was as soon as they arrived at the age 
 of reason to form them into classes for instruction in the 
 Word of Salvation (hence they were called catechumens, 
 /'. ^., persons under instruction). And after a firm faith 
 had been implanted in their hearts and they had con- 
 fessed the same with their mouth, then they were bap- 
 tised. I could wish that this custom of giving instruction 
 were revived to-day, viz., since the children are bap- 
 tised so young their religious instruction might begin as 
 soon as they come to sufficient understanding. Other- 
 wise they suffer a great and ruinous disadvantage if they 
 are not as well religiously instructed after baptism as the 
 children of the ancients were before baptism, as sermons 
 to them still preserved prove."' 
 
 By order of the City Council a public disputation 
 was held on January 17 and 18, 1525, between the 
 three people's priests (Zwingli, Jud, and Engelhard) 
 and the Baptists. In consequence of the latter's " de- 
 feat," the Council, on January i8th, passed the fol- 
 lowing order commanding those who had refused to 
 have their infant children baptised to present them 
 for this purpose within a week on pain of banishment : 
 
 'I., 239, 240. Such speeches not unnaturally encouraged the 
 Baptists to believe that Zwingli was really on their side. Accord- 
 ingly when they appeared before the Zurich City Council, they 
 claimed that he and the other Reformed pastors knew well that 
 infant baptism was wrong, but they would not confess it. So Hub- 
 maier deposed in 1525: "In 1523, on Philip and James' Day 
 [Friday, May i], I have with you [Zwingli] conferred in Graben 
 Street upon the Scriptures relating to Baptism ; then and there you 
 said I was right in saying that children should not be baptised before 
 
244 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 " Whereas an error has arisen respecting baptism, as 
 if young children should not be baptised until they come 
 to years of discretion, and know what the faith is; and 
 whereas some have accordingly neglected to have their 
 children baptised, our burgomaster. Council, and Great 
 Council — so the Two Hundred of the city of Zurich are 
 called — have held a disputation upon this matter to learn 
 what Holy Scripture has to say about it, and having 
 learned from it that notwithstanding this error the child- 
 ren should be baptised as soon as they are born; so 
 must all those who have hitherto allowed their children 
 to be unbaptised have them baptised inside the next 
 week. Whoever will not do this must with wife and 
 child, goods and chattels leave our city, jurisdiction, and 
 domain, or await what will be done to him. Each one 
 will accordingly know how to conduct himself. Done 
 Wednesday before Sebastian's Day, MDXXV." * 
 
 On January 2ist the Council forbade the private 
 meetings of the Baptists and banished the foreigners 
 among their members.* 
 
 they were instructed in the faith ; this had been the custom pre- 
 viously, therefore such [persons under instruction] were called cate- 
 chumens ; you promised to bring this out in your ' Exposition ' of the 
 Articles, as you did in the XVIIIth Article, on Confirmation. Any- 
 one who reads it will find therein your opinion clearly expressed. 
 Sebastian Ruckensperger of St. Gall, then prior of [the Benedictine] 
 Sion at Klingnan [twenty miles north-west of Zurich] was present. 
 So you have also confessed in your book upon the unruly spirits, 
 that those who baptised infants could quote no clear word in Script- 
 ure ordering them to baptise them. From this learn, friend 
 Zwingli, how your conversation, writing, and preaching agree." — 
 Flisslin, Beytrage, i., n. 54, pp. 252, 253. 
 
 ' Ftisslin, Beytrdge, i., 189, 20I ; Egli, A. S., No. 622, 
 «Egli, A. S., N0.624. 
 
I530] The Inner Course 245 
 
 Up to this time the Baptists merely protested 
 against infant baptism, but had not ventured upon 
 baptising adults who had already been baptised in 
 unconscious infancy. Now, in the village of Zolli- 
 con, on the north shore of the Lake, and six miles 
 from tlie city, whither persecution drove them, they 
 proceeded for the first time to take the logical step. 
 
 Conrad Grebel seems to have been the leader in 
 this. He rightfully argued from their accepted 
 premise: baptism should follow a confession of 
 faith, that only those who uncierstood what the rite 
 meant should be baptised ; and baptised the former 
 monk George Blaurock, who, in turn, baptised fif- 
 teen others. This baptism was by pouring, not by 
 immersion. The idea found quick acceptance and 
 soon all their adherents were baptised. They all 
 agreed that the " baptism " they had received in 
 infancy was invalid. Yet because the entire Christ- 
 ian Church in all centuries up to that time, and with 
 the exception of Baptists ever since, has proclaimed 
 that infant baptism was valid the party got the 
 name of Anabaptists, i. e., those who baptise again 
 those previously baptised. One of the Baptists, 
 Rudolph Thomann of Zollicon, examined by the 
 Council of Zurich on February 7, 1525, thus de- 
 scribed the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's 
 Supper as observed in the Zollicon gatherings: 
 
 " He had eaten the Lord's Supper with the old as- 
 sistant (Brotli ?), and him from Witikon (R6ubli),and had 
 invited them into his house. . . . There many had 
 assembled so that the apartment was full; there was 
 
246 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 much speaking and long readings. Then stood up Hans 
 Bruggbach of Zumicon, weeping and crying out that he 
 was a great sinner and asking all present to pray God for 
 him. Whereupon Blaurock asked him if he desired the 
 grace of God and he said ' Yes.' Manz then arose and 
 said, * Who will hinder me from baptising him ? * Blau- 
 rock answered, ' No one.' So Manz took a dipper of 
 water and baptised him in the name of God the Father, 
 God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost. Whereupon 
 Jacob Hottinger arose and desired baptism; and Felix 
 Manz baptised him also. . . . Seeing the loaf on 
 the table, Blaurock said: ' Whoever believes that God 
 has redeemed him with His death and rosy-coloured 
 blood, comes and eats with me from this loaf and drinks 
 with me from this wine.' Then each one present ate 
 and drank as invited." ' 
 
 ^►Frequent debates with the Baptists were held in Zu- 
 rich, and one especially on March 20, 1525, and three 
 days thereafter." But they only widened the breach, 
 and the punishment of banishment which the Council 
 inflicted for rebaptism did not lessen the numbers 
 of the Baptists. Yet from the Council's point of 
 view the punishment was defensible as the Baptists 
 were enemies of the standing order. Among those 
 openly to adhere to the Baptists was the famous 
 theologian Balthasar Hubmaier. He quickly be- 
 came their leading man, and it was with him that 
 Zwingli was engaged in hot debate — all the more 
 painful because Hubmaier had been a bosom friend.' 
 
 'Egli, A. S., No. 636. 
 ' So Zwingli says (iii., 363). 
 
 * Hubmaier had been prominent in the Second Zurich Disputation 
 and took the radical side for the most part. 
 
I530] The Inner Course 247 
 
 The fight was now on and it was bitterly waged. 
 But no space can be given to it. Both sides went 
 over the now well-worn arguments and were as far 
 apart as ever. The action of the Zurich authorities 
 was determined by practical considerations. They 
 could not tolerate a body of schismatics who de- 
 nounced Zwingli and themselves. If there were to 
 be any abuse let Zwingli and them have it all to 
 themselves. 
 
 So Grebel, Manz, and Blaurock were banished. 
 Consistently believing in their favourite panacea, the 
 Council ordered a third public disputation, which 
 took place on November 6, 1525. As before, Zwingli 
 was the spokesman of the Reformed. Grebel, Manz, 
 and Blaurock were temporarily recalled from their 
 banishment to debate with him. As they naturally 
 declared themselves unconquered, they were threat- 
 ened with the severest punishment. Hubmaier was 
 not present. 
 
 Most of the Baptist leaders met violent deaths. 
 After many adventures unhappy Felix Manz was, 
 in punishment of his objectionable Baptist propa- 
 ganda, drowned in the Lake of Zurich January 7, 
 1527; and George Blaurock was cruelly beaten and 
 then banished under threat of death if he returned.' 
 
 He did return, however, and secretly baptised. 
 He lived until 1529, when he was burned for his 
 alleged heresy in Innsbruck. Conrad Grebel died 
 of the plague at Maienfeld in 1526. Hubmaier was 
 burnt at the stake in Vienna, March 10, 1528. 
 
 The fortitude of the Baptist martyrs made a great 
 
 ' Egli, A. S., Nos 1 109, mo. 
 
248 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 impression, and the party continued to flourish for 
 a while in spite of the efforts of the magistracy. 
 Zwingli and his associates ' wrote book after book 
 against them, and honestly favoured their extinction 
 as enemies to Church and State. 
 
 In Zwingli's correspondence there are many more 
 or less extended references to the Baptists, some of 
 the most characteristic of which are here given, 
 especially those relating to Balthasar Hubmaier. 
 
 To CEcolampadius, October 9, 1524 (vii., 360): 
 
 " The challenge of Balthasar [Hubmaier] lately issued, 
 either send to me in print or have a copy made for me, 
 whichever way this bookseller will act as messenger." 
 
 ' The following is the list of Zwingli's books on this subject, but 
 Qilcolampadius and others were equally diligent, (i) " Baptism, 
 Re-baptism, and Infant Baptism," May 27, 1525 (ii., i, 230-303 ; 
 language, Germap ; in modern German by R. Christoffel, Zurich, 
 1843) ; (2) " On the office of preacher, wherein is shown that the 
 self-commissioned disturbers of the peace are not apostles as they 
 consider themselves, work against God's Word when they obtrude 
 themselves upon the sermons of the faithful pastors and preachers of 
 the Gospel, without necessity or permission of the whole congrega- 
 tion and of the pastor," June 30, 1525 (ii., i, 304-336, German); 
 
 (3) "Dr. Balthasar [Hubmaier's] booklet upon Baptism honestly 
 and thoroughly answered," 1525, exact date unknown, but after 
 July II, the date of Hubmaier's book (ii., i, 343-369, German); 
 
 (4) "Refutation of the tricks of the Catabaptists," July 31, 1527 
 (iii., 358-437, Latin) ; (5) "Questions upon the Sacrament of Bap- 
 tism," drawn up by Schwenckfeld in 1530, after November iSth, 
 when Brunner asked Butzer whether he should send them to Zwingli, 
 who in this treatise reprints Schwenckfehl's (juestions and then 
 briefly answers them (iii., questions 563-571, answers 571-588, 
 Latin). 
 
I530] The Inner Course 249 
 
 To Capito, January i, 1526 (Staehelin, Brief e aus 
 dcr Reformationzeit, p. 20) : 
 
 " Balthasar of Waldshut has fallen into prison here — a 
 man not merely irreverent and unlearned, but even 
 empty. Learn the sum of the matter. When he came 
 to Zurich our Council fearing lest he should cause a 
 commotion ordered him to be taken into custody. Since, 
 however, he had once in freakishness of disposition and 
 fatuity, blurted out in Waldshut against our Council, of 
 which place he, by the gods, was a guardian [/. ^., he was 
 pastor there], until the stupid fellow disunited and de- 
 stroyed everything, it was determined that I should dis- 
 cuss with him in a friendly manner the baptising of infants 
 and Catabaptists, as he earnestly begged first from prison 
 and afterwards from custody. I met the fellow and 
 rendered him mute as a fish. The next day he recited 
 a recantation in the presence of certain Councillors ap- 
 pointed for the purpose [which recantation when re- 
 peated to the Two Hundred it was ordered should be 
 publicly made. Therefore having started to write it in 
 the city, he gave it to the Council with his own hand, 
 with all its silliness, as he promised. At length he de- 
 nied that he had changed his opinion, although he had 
 dont^so before a Swiss tribunal, which with us is a capital 
 offence, affirming that his signature had been extorted 
 from him by terror, which was most untrue]. ' 
 
 " The Council was so unwilling that force should be 
 used on him that when the Emperor or Ferdinand twice 
 asked that the fellow be given to him it refused the request. 
 Indeed he was not taken prisoner that he might suffer 
 the penalty of his boldness in the baptismal matter, but 
 
 ' The part in the brackets has not been all deciphered, and so 
 the translation is so far forth somewhat conjectural. 
 
250 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 to prevent his causing in secret some confusion, a thing 
 he delighted to do. Then he angered the Council; for 
 there were present most upright Councillors who had wit- 
 nessed his most explicit and unconstrained withdrawal, 
 and had refused to hand him over to the cruelty of the 
 Emperor, helping themselves with my aid. The next 
 day he was thrust back into prison and tortured. It is 
 clear that the man had become a sport for demons, so 
 he recanted not frankly as he had promised, nay he said 
 that he entertained no other opinions than those taught 
 by me, execrated the error and obstinacy of the Cata- 
 baptists, repeated this three times when stretched on the 
 rack, and bewailed his misery and the wrath of God 
 which in this affair was so unkind. Behold what 
 wantonness! Than these men there is nothing more 
 foolhardy, deceptive, infamous — for I cannot tell you 
 what they devise in Abtzell — and shameless. To-morrow 
 or next day the case will come up." * 
 
 Zwingli's reference to Abtzell, modern Appenzell, 
 one of the Swiss cantons, as a hotbed of Baptists 
 brought him into trouble, as the following letter to 
 the people of Abtzell, February 12, 1526 (vii., 473) 
 shows : 
 
 " Grace and peace from God to you, respected, hon- 
 oured, wise, clement, gracious and beloved Masters: 
 An exceedingly unfortunate affair has happened to me, 
 in that I have been publicly accused before your wor- 
 ships of having reviled you in unseemly words and, be 
 it said with all respect, of having called you heretics, my 
 
 ' The novelty of this letter is its revelation of Hubmaier's torture. 
 It supplements what is given in the letters beginning vii., 450, 452, 
 534. 
 
1530] The Inner Course 251 
 
 gracious rulers of the State. I am so far from api)lying 
 this name to you, that I should as soon think of calling 
 heaven hell. For all my life I have thought and spoken 
 of you in terms of praise and honour, gentlemen of Abt- 
 zeU, as I do to-day, and, as God favours me, shall do to 
 the end of my days. But it happened not long ago when 
 I was preaching against the Catabaptists that I used these 
 words: ' The Catabaptists are now doing so much mis- 
 chief to the upright citizens of Abtzell and are showing 
 so great insolence, that nothing could be more infamous.' 
 You see, gentle sirs, with what modesty I grieved on 
 your account, because the turbulent Catabaptists caused 
 you so much trouble. Indeed I suspect that the Cata- 
 baptists are the very people who have set this sermon 
 against me in circulation among you, for they do many 
 of those things which do not become true Christians, 
 Therefore, gentle and wise sirs, I beg most earnestly 
 that you will have me exculpated before the whole com- 
 munity, and, if occasion arise, that you will have this 
 letter read in public assembly. Sirs, I assure you in the 
 name of God our Saviour, in these perilous times you 
 have never been out of my thoughts and my solicitous 
 anxiety; and if in any way I shall be able to serve you 
 I will spare no pains to do so. In addition to the fact 
 that I never use such terms even against my enemies, let 
 me say that it never entered my mind to apply such in- 
 sulting epithets to you, pious and wise sirs. Sufficient 
 of this. May God preserve you in safety, and may He 
 put a curb on these unbridled falsehoods which are be- 
 ing scattered everywhere, which is an evidence of some 
 great peril — and may He hold your worships and the 
 whole state in the true faith of Christ! Take this letter 
 of mine in good part, for I could not suffer that so base 
 a falsehood against me should lie uncontradicted." 
 
252 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 To Vadian, March 7, 1526 (vii., 477): 
 
 " It has been decreed this day by the Council of Two 
 Hundred ' that the leaders of the Catabaptists shall be 
 cast into the Tower,^ in which they formerly lay, and be 
 allured by a bread and water diet until they either give 
 up the ghost or surrender. It is also added that they 
 who after this are immersed shall be submerged perma- 
 nently: this decision is now published. Your father-in- 
 law [Jacob Grebel, father of Conrad], the Senator, in vain 
 implored mercy [for Conrad, who was one of the prison- 
 ers]. The incorrigible audacity of these men at first 
 greatly grieved me, now it as greatly displeases me. I 
 would rather that the newly rising Christianity should 
 not be ushered in with a racket of this sort, but I am 
 not God whom it thus pleases to make provision against 
 evils that are to come, as He did when in olden time He 
 slew with a sudden and fearful death Ananias who lied 
 to Peter, so that He might cast out from us all daring to 
 deceive, though there is nothing of which we are naturally 
 such masters." 
 
 To Peter Gynoraeus, August 31, 1526 (vii., 534): 
 
 " That Balthasar [Hubmaier] of whom I wrote a few 
 things in an epistle has acted as follows among us: He 
 escaped secretly from the town of Waldshut and came to 
 
 •Egli, A. S., 934. 
 
 ^ The new tower in Zurich, called the Witches' Tower. It rose 
 above the city wall on the Great Minster side of the Limmat, be- 
 tween the two gates, Neumarkt and Niederdorf, which in the present 
 city is in the neighbourhood of the Predigerkirche ; see Voegelin, 
 Das alte Zurich, i., 426-428. The incarceration of the Baptists 
 there caused it to be called the " Heretics' Tower." 
 
I530] The Inner Course 
 
 ■^56 
 
 the home of a widow at Zurich. When the Council 
 learned it they supposed that he was hatching out some 
 monstrosity, as do the rest of the Catabaptists, and that 
 for this purpose he had crept secretly into the city. So 
 they gave orders that he be arrested and kept under 
 guard in the court house. After the third or fourth day 
 (I do not know exactly which), they suddenly ordered 
 Engelhard, Leo, Myconius, Sebastian [Hofmeister], 
 Megander [Grossmann], myself and others to be present. 
 When we had come certain of the Council who had been 
 appointed for the purpose told us that Balthasar had sent 
 letters to them in which he promised that he would van- 
 quish Zwingli on the subject of baptism by his own 
 writings. We proceeded to business. Then the blind 
 fellow adduced what I had written about teaching cate- 
 chumens some years ago in the book on the Sixty-seven 
 Articles. For he did not know that it was our custom 
 that the boys also as in former times be taught the rudi- 
 ments of the faith. This he referred to baptism, rather 
 indiscreetly; as if I had said that it was my counsel that 
 the custom of not baptising infants be brought back 
 again, when I had spoken of imbuing children in the 
 elements of faith. When he saw that he had erred in 
 this matter he was charming. AVe proceeded after much 
 debate, in which he was unwilling to recognise that 
 perpetual covenant. We came to Acts ii., from which I 
 proved that the children of Christians were in the be- 
 ginning reckoned as of the Church. When he had made 
 many answers I was trying to bring him to a clear and 
 definite reply to the question whether those children 
 were in the Church or not. But I made every effort in 
 vain. Then I confess frankly when I came to I. Cor., ii. 
 ' All our fathers were baptised unto Moses, etc.,' and 
 was coming to the point of compelling him to acknowl- 
 
254 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 edge that children were included even though they were 
 not expressly mentioned, and when he was unwilling to 
 saj'^ whether or not they were — I confess that I went for 
 the man rather vigorously. But yet only to the effect, 
 that by his catabaptism he had drawn many wretched 
 citizens into a revolt in which they had perished. But 
 when he had endured this for a considerable time the 
 man was confuted and overcome. He then took a new 
 tack and demanded that he be granted an interview with 
 Leo, Myconius, and Sebastian [Hofmeister] alone, in 
 order that he might confer with them. The arrogant 
 fellow hoped he would draw them over to his side by 
 his soft-spoken ways. When he saw that this course did 
 not succeed he made the demand a second time, and 
 after many crafty tricks, he came to the point of saying 
 that he would recant. The Council did not compel this, 
 except in case he were unwilling to depart from the city. 
 For it had made no severer provision against those who 
 do not wish to desert the cause of catabaptism than that 
 they should leave the city. Meanwhile the legates of 
 the Emperor came with a demand for the man to carry 
 him to punishment. He was denied them on the basis 
 of the law which provides that no citizen shall be put on 
 his defence on any other charge than that for which he 
 had been arrested. Such was the sin of the Council 
 against that man, they defended him from the demand 
 of Caesar just as though he were a citizen! And this 
 aided, that he was in prison before he was in ' free 
 guard.' However this may be, he was free when we 
 came together and for some time after was guarded at 
 the court house. Then a form of recantation was 
 drawn up, not in accordance with any formula of the 
 Council or of anyone, but by his own hand. And 
 when he had read this in the church to which the name 
 
t53o] The Inner Course 255 
 
 Abbey is given,' and the address which I delivered to 
 the people had been finished, he straightway denied the 
 recantation in the presence of the whole assembly. 
 
 " He did this supposing that he had an opportunity of 
 speaking, and then adduced much against the baptism 
 of infants and in favour of catabaptism. Hence there 
 was a persistent rumour (but I think it is speculation) 
 that he was secretly prompted to do this so that some 
 commotion might result; for they hoped that I would go 
 away when my speech was delivered. He was cast anew 
 into prison and was held there for a month longer. Then 
 he finally declared that he was entirely ignorant of saying 
 anything to vitiate his recantation; and if he said any- 
 thing else than what he had promised he must have been 
 possessed by a demon. He put together a new recanta- 
 tion. I went around to my friends with the request that 
 they would obtain a merciful judgment from the Council. 
 This was granted. When he offered to make a final 
 statement it was decreed through pity that he should 
 make an express disavowal and then should depart im- 
 mediately from the territory. I then personally besought 
 Engelhard, Leo, and Megander [Grossmann], my fellow- 
 bishops, that they should intercede in company with me 
 before the Council ; for if he were driven out immediately 
 after his disavowal, grave peril would threaten him both 
 from our Swiss and from Caesar. The Council listened 
 to our request, and after the recantation, which he pre- 
 tended he made heartily, whereas there could have been 
 nothing less hearty, a space of time was given him to 
 stay until there should be found an opportunity of send- 
 ing him first in safety. And this came about through a 
 
 ' The Minster of Our Lady (Fraumiinster) on the opposite bank of 
 the Limmat to the Great Minster. Hofmeister was people's priest 
 there then. 
 
256 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 certain member of the Council who is most faithful in 
 the cause of Christ, and he was secretly sent away so 
 that the citizens did not know of his departure. See, 
 my Peter, with how great generosity we treated the fellow 
 and with what treachery he responded. For as soon as 
 he reached Constance he so calumniated me before the 
 ministers of the Word and boasted of his victory that I 
 do not know but he turned some of them against me. 
 So unprepared are some for the detection of hypocrisy. 
 We kept everything secret. When he went away he so 
 worked on those good men's feelings that they gave him 
 ten gold pieces. And yet either he or his wife had 
 more gold than they had silver. Thus do they abuse 
 our simple-mindedness who advance their own interests 
 under the guise of piety. But that the man should so 
 revile me is not to be wondered at, for he saw from the 
 beginning that I abhorred him and his practices. I give 
 the man credit for cleverness and studious moderation; 
 but still I see in him (I trust I am mistaken) nothing 
 more than an immoderate thirst for money and notoriety. 
 Accordingly I am quite indifferent to what he may whis- 
 per about me into the ears of others. It is certain at any 
 rate that he will act according to the saying in the 
 comedy: ' It has not succeeded here, let us go else- 
 where.' May the Omnipotent extinguish by celestial 
 dew this desire for glory which glows in the hearts of 
 some ! " 
 
 ZwingH's first book on Baptism ' was written in 
 German for popular use and dedicated to the city 
 of St. Gall. In the dedicatory introduction he 
 
 'II., I, 230-303. See list, p. 248. 
 
I530] The Inner Course 257 
 
 alludes to the origin of the Baptist party, to their 
 principal tenets and to their treatment. The treatise 
 is divided into four parts: i. Baptism in general; 
 2. The initia or institution of Baptism ; 3. Re- 
 baptism ; 4. Infant Baptism. 
 
 The discussion is prolix, but biblical and earnest. 
 Much of it is directed at the Baptists. He con- 
 fesses at the beginning that no amount of argument 
 which he could bring to bear had any effect upon 
 the Baptists,' except to make them more obstinate 
 and contemptuous, which is not to be wondered at 
 seeing it was accompanied by threats of punishment 
 if they did not recant. 
 
 Towards the close he thus puts together the pro- 
 positions he had attempted to prove. I. Baptism 
 in general — i. The soul is cleansed by the grace of 
 God and not by any external thing whatsoever. 2. 
 Hence it follows that baptism cannot wash away 
 sin. 3. But if it cannot while yet it is divinely in- 
 stituted then it must be a sign of obedience, and 
 nothing else. H. Infant Baptism — 4. The children 
 of Christians are not less the children of God than 
 their parents are, or than the children in Old Testa- 
 ment times were : but if they belong to God who 
 will refuse them water baptism ? 5. Circumcision 
 in the Old Testament was the same sign as bap- 
 tism in the New ; so as the former was applied to 
 children of the one so should baptism be to those 
 of the latter. III. Rebaptism — 6. Rebaptism is 
 neither taught anywhere in the Word of God, nor 
 
 ' II., I, 231 sqq. 
 
258 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 can an example or proof of it be found therein ; 
 therefore those who practise rebaptism crucify 
 Christ afresh either out of self-righteousness or in 
 order to do something novel. After these propo- 
 sitions he gives the form of baptism used in the 
 Zurich churches. 
 
 Two years later Zwingli wrote a Latin treatise on 
 Baptism, primarily for the use of the pastors whose 
 parishes had been invaded by the Baptists, but also 
 in parts it is a direct reply to the Baptists them- 
 selves. It is important as giving his maturer thought 
 and still more for its quotations, but its temper is 
 bad and its style contemptuous. It betrays its 
 animus in its title '/ Refutation of the Tricks of the 
 Catabaptists." ' The baptism of these dissenters, 
 Zwingli says,* is pseudo baptism. Hence he calls 
 them Catabaptists {i.e., drowners). The term itself 
 was considered an unanswerable argument. 
 
 It is very noteworthy that in neither of these 
 lengthy treatises nor in the quotations from Bap- 
 tist writings in the second, is the question of 
 
 ' Printed by Christopher Froschauer, Zurich, 1527, 8vo, pp. 191 ; 
 reprinted in volume with letter by QLcolampadius and Zwingli, 
 edited by Bibliander (Basel), 8vo, 1548 (ii., 8ib-ii3b), and in re- 
 print of latter by Grynaeus (Basel), 1592, i2mo, pp. 371-520. In 
 Zwingli's Works, iii., 35S-437. 
 
 *III., 392. The word is traced to Gregory Nazianzen's Oration 
 on Baptism, delivered in 381. In 536 a Constantinopolitan 
 synod called the baptistery of heretics a Katabaptisterion, i. e., 
 the place where persons were so dipped that they were drowned. 
 Equally opprobrious is the term Anabaptist applied to the Bap- 
 tist party, i. e., those who baptised again in years of discretion 
 those previously baptised in infancy. But the Baptists denied 
 
I530] The Inner Course 259 
 
 immersion or sprinkling even so much as touched 
 upon. The primitive Baptists attacked infant bap- 
 tism. They considered it of minor consequence 
 whether the water in baptism was a drop or a 
 deluge. 
 
 The book appeared Wednesday, July 31, 1527, 
 just about the time that Zurich had invited Bern, 
 Schaffhausen, Chur, and St. Gall to send delegates 
 to a disputation on the Baptists to be held on Fri- 
 day, August 2d, and in the letter had informed them 
 that as the result of a disputation held among them- 
 selves it was determined to punish those administer- 
 ing immersion with submersion, /. c, drowning, and 
 other less offending members of the Baptist party 
 with scourging or other punishments, according to 
 their guilt ; that still the heresy was on the increase ; 
 and that it was not merely religiously but morally 
 subversive. A monitory letter was sent to Con- 
 stance and Augsburg also that they should beware 
 of Denk, who was visiting " Catabaptists " within 
 and without their walls.' 
 
 On September 9, 1527, Zurich, Bern, and St. 
 Gall published an edict, in which for the first time 
 the alleged errors and crimes of the Baptist party 
 are set forth ' ; viz. : 
 
 that they did this ; rather they affirmed that the use of water in the 
 name of the Trinity over a babe was no baptism at all, and hence 
 that they did not rebaptise anyone. They administered true bap- 
 tism for the first time to those who after confession of faith desired 
 the rite. 
 
 ' HI., 357. 
 
 * The edict is given in full in German in Simler's Sammlung 
 
26o Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 " They seduce men from the congregations of the ortho- 
 dox teachers and assail the public preachers with abuse; 
 they babble in corners, woods, and fields; contract spirit- 
 ual marriages, thereby giving occasion for adulteries; 
 even command crime in the name of the Lord, e.g., the 
 parricide at St. Gall; glory in divine revelations and 
 miracles; teach that the Devil will be saved, and that in 
 their church one could indulge lust without crime; had 
 other signs of a league aside from catabaptism ; would 
 not carry swords ; pronounced principal and interest 
 wicked ; would have all external goods common and 
 deposited in the midst of them, so that no one could 
 use them as his own peculiar right ; forbade Christians 
 to accept the magistracy or to execute an oath. In 
 order that this growth, dangerous to Christianity, wicked, 
 harmful, turbulent, seditious, may be eradicated, we 
 have thus decreed: if any one is suspected of catabap- 
 tism he is to be warned by the magistracy to leave off, 
 under penalty of the designated punishment. Indi- 
 viduals as the civil contract obliges should inform upon 
 those favourable to catabaptism. Whoever shall not fit 
 his conduct to this dissuasion is liable to punishment 
 according to the opinion of the magistracy and the circum- 
 stances of the case ; teachers, baptising preachers, itiner- 
 ants and leaders of conventicles, or those previously 
 released from prison and who have sworn to desist from 
 such things, are to be drowned. Foreigners, their faith 
 being pledged, are to be driven out, if they return are to 
 be drowned. No one is allowed to secede from the 
 Church and absent himself from the Holy Supper. Men 
 led into the error by fraud may receive a mitigation of 
 
 alter und neuer Urkunden zur Beleuehfttitg dcr Kircheugcschichte 
 vornemlick des ScJnueizcr-Landes (i., 2, 449-458), The summary in 
 Zwingli's Works (iii., 357-358) is here used. 
 
I530] The Inner Course 261 
 
 their punishment in proportion to their property and 
 standing. Whoever flees from one jurisdiction to an- 
 other shall be banished or given up on demand." 
 
 It was then in view of this legislation that Zwingli 
 produced his " Refutation," and it was intended to 
 be final. It is in the form of verbal quotation from 
 witness accepted by the Baptists with a reply. 
 
 In Part I. he thus quotes a treatise, written prob- 
 ably by Conrad Grebel, which was much admired 
 and read among the Zurich Baptists, and in which 
 Zwingli is set forth as supporting more or less 
 heartily all their tenets. Zwingli pleaded that he 
 was misunderstood, misquoted, and intentionally 
 slandered, and his ruffed spirits are the only justifi- 
 cation of the treatment he gave the Baptists. But 
 his refutation is prolix, abusive, and weak. He 
 accuses the Baptists of hypocrisy and immorality 
 and quotes instances. As Zwingli was an honest 
 man and had exceptional sources of information, 
 what he says cannot be pooh-poohed.' Rather is 
 it likely that the persecutions of the Baptists had 
 increased the tendency to fanaticism and insubordi- 
 nation among the ignorant membership so recently 
 emancipated from Roman Catholic superstition, and 
 so liberty was occasionally turned into licence and 
 the confidence of some women in the supposed holi- 
 ness of these Baptist saints, who claimed to be the 
 proper rulers of mankind, was abused. But that 
 the sect was corrupt or hypocritical is a charge 
 
 ' See the direct charges posited on personal knowledge (iii., 382 
 
262 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 which refutes itself. And even if it were true, the 
 modern Baptists are not responsible for the doings 
 of their religious forbears. 
 
 In Part II. Zwingli treats in the same fashion, 
 quoting verbally and refuting, the Confession of 
 Faith drawn up by the Bernese Baptists. The 
 Confession was not published, but was widely 
 circulated in manuscript among the Baptists. It 
 bore the title " Articles which we have drawn up 
 and to which we agree, viz.. Baptism ; Excommu- 
 nication ; Breaking of Bread ; Avoidance of abom- 
 inable pastors in the Church ; the Sword ; the 
 Oath." 
 
 Zwingli treats the Confession with great scorn 
 and attempts its refutation in a bad spirit. He 
 addresses himself directly to the Baptists, in most 
 cases. And yet the Confession is witness to the 
 fact that the excesses and occasional immoralities 
 of the sect were dire contradictions to its pure and 
 lofty principles. Blind to this, Zwingli repeats 
 again the injurious remarks on the morals of the 
 Baptists because he believed they were abundantly 
 justified and he was dealing with a party which he 
 regarded as a danger to Church and State. Take 
 especially the quoted teaching of the Confession re- 
 specting the Sword, i. c, civil authority, and against 
 the use of the oath. In this connection he tells in 
 a jeering manner the shameful story of the infamous 
 treatment accorded poor Blaurock in this para- 
 graph ' : 
 
 • III., 412, 413. 
 
I530] The Inner Course 263 
 
 " (8) They rightly admonish us that Christ taught that 
 our speech should be Yea, Yea, and Nay, Nay; yet they 
 do not seem to me to understand it clearly, or if they do 
 understand it to obey it. For though in many places 
 they should often have said Yea, it has never been Yea. 
 When those leaders were banished, against whom we 
 wrote as best we could, and asked for an oath they 
 would not reply except to the effect that through the 
 faith which they had in God they knew they would never 
 return, and yet they soon returned. ' The Father,' each 
 said, ' led me back through His will.' I know very well 
 that it was the father — of lies who led them back; but 
 they pretend to know it was the Heavenly Father. Here 
 is something worth telling: When that George (whom 
 they all call a second Paul) of the House of Jacob 
 [Blaurock], was cudgelled with rods among us even to 
 the infernal gate and was asked by an ofificer of the 
 Council to take oath and lift up his hands [in affirma- 
 tion], he at first refused, as he had often done before 
 and had persisted in doing. Indeed he had always said 
 that he would rather die than take an oath. The officer 
 of the Council then ordered him forthwith to lift his 
 hands and make oath at once, 'or do you, policemen,' he 
 said, ' lead him to prison.' But now persuaded by rods 
 this George of the House of Jacob raised his hand to 
 heaven and followed the magistrate in the recitation of 
 the oath. So here you have the question confronting 
 you, Catabaptists, whether that Paul of yours did or did 
 not transgress the law. The law forbids to swear about 
 the least thing: he swore, so he transgressed the law. 
 Hence this knot is knit: You would be separated from 
 the world, from lies, from those who walk not according 
 to the resurrection of Christ but in dead works ? How 
 then is it that you have not excommunicated that Apos- 
 
264 Huldreich Zwingli [1525- 
 
 tate ? Your Yea is not Yea with you nor your Nay, Nay, 
 but the contrary ; your Yea is Nay and your Nay, Yea. 
 You follow neither Christ nor your own constitution." ' 
 
 Part III, is subdivided: (a) The two covenants. 
 That which God made with Israel included infants. 
 Circumcision was the external sign of this covenant. 
 Christians are the heirs of Israel ; with them He has 
 made a new covenant, in which the children are in- 
 cluded, of which baptism is the external sign, (b) 
 Election, which Zwingli says is above baptism, cir- 
 cumcision, faith and preaching, (c) That the Apos- 
 tles baptised infants. 
 
 These three parts are followed by a brief but most 
 interesting appendix, in which he taxes the Baptists 
 with teaching (i) the sleep of the soul ; (2) the salva- 
 tion of the devil and of all the wicked ; (3) the right 
 of Christians universally to exercise the ofifice of 
 preacher; (4) the right occasionally to deny Scrip- 
 ture and follow the inner revelation of the Spirit. 
 These errors he curtly refutes. 
 
 After this Zwingli wrote nothing of great length 
 against the Baptists. His last published utterance 
 was in reply to the questions of Caspar Schwenck- 
 feld." In it he developed further his idea of the re- 
 lation of election to baptism, which was apparently 
 this: by election God secured the salvation of some. 
 Children of Christians belong by birth to the visible 
 Church, but this Church includes both the elect and 
 
 ' Can anything be more contemptible than this gloating over a 
 poor tortured wretch ? 
 « In Latin, iii., 563-5S8, 
 
I530] The Inner Course 265 
 
 the rejected. As no one can determine which is 
 which, it would be an injustice to refuse any such 
 child baptism, which is the outward sign of election. 
 But baptism is only a sign of grace and does not 
 confer it. 
 
 In consequence of the cruel treatment they re- 
 ceived, the Baptists after a time ceased to exist in 
 the canton of Zurich except in very small and scat- 
 tered gatherings. Zwingli's attacks upon them were 
 greatly admired by his fellow religionists in and 
 outside of Zurich. They found no fault with his 
 harsh and cruel jibes, his exaggerated tales and 
 coarse anecdotes. They did not mind his prolixity. 
 As for his arguments, they considered them un- 
 answerable. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE FINAL STAGE OF THE ZWINGLIAN REFORMA- 
 TION 
 
 1 524-1 529 
 
 THE years of Zwingli's life from 1524 to 1529 
 may properly receive comparatively brief men- 
 tion. They were very busy, interesting, and even 
 exciting for him, but not so important as the former 
 years. The work of breaking with the Old Church 
 had been completed: only the adjustment of the 
 churches of the canton of Zurich to the new state 
 of things, the defence of their faith and polity 
 against all comers — restless peasants, more deter- 
 mined Baptists, Lutherans, and adherents of the 
 Old Church — remained. But the students of sys- 
 tematic theology, of ecclesiastical polity, and of 
 liturgies may consider these closing years of Zwingli's 
 life his more fruitful years. The ordinary reader 
 desires to know what was actually done during this 
 period and may be told in a few pages, the peasant 
 and Baptist troubles having been separately treated 
 in the preceding chapter. The successive topics 
 which claimed Zwingli's attention are brought out 
 in his correspondence. 
 
 On January 14, 1525,' he felt called upon to write 
 a very eloquent epistle to the Dreibund, the magis- 
 
 * VII., 380-383 ; Latin trans., 378-380. 
 266 
 
[1524-1529] The Final Stagfe 
 
 tracy of Rh?ctia, the modern canton of the Grisons, 
 in which the Reformation had begun to make head- 
 way, urging these gentlemen to protect those who 
 professed it, and also defending himself and fellow 
 Zurichers against the charge of sedition. He- ap- 
 peals to them to state if it is not true that the 
 Church of Rome is hopelessly corrupt and grasping. 
 
 The next day the City Councils issued an import- 
 ant order respecting the public relief of. the poor 
 and sick. Some of the regulations are singular; as, 
 for instance, requiring church-going on the part of 
 beneficiaries and, more objectionably, to wear a dis- 
 tinctive badge, thereby publishing their condition. 
 It was not to be expected that the Zurich City 
 Fathers in the sixteenth century should make any 
 approach to scientific charity, with its exact registra- 
 tion and rigid investigation of the applicants, and 
 which demands that there shall not be any public 
 outdoor relief. The Zurich Councillors, however, 
 honestly endeavoured to distinguish between the 
 applicants, sorting out first the genuine Zurichers 
 from the strangers, and then among the Zurichers 
 giving alms as far as possible only to those who 
 through no fault were in need.' 
 
 Another important piece of internal regulation, 
 viz., relative to marriage and divorce, inspired and 
 formulated by Zwingli," was passed by the Councils 
 on May 10, 1525.' Briefly, marriages were usually 
 
 'See the ordinance in Egli, A. S., 619; in modern German in 
 Morikofer, i., 252-255. 
 * II., 2, 356-359. 
 •Egli, A, S., 711 ; in modern German in Morikofer, i., 260-262. 
 
268 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 to be public, in churches, and with the consent of 
 parents or guardians. Even though the discovery 
 should soon be made that the parties were unfitted 
 for living together, still they are to live together for 
 a year, and then they may be divorced. Divorces 
 may be granted for other causes. Adultery is a 
 crime to be severely punished by the authorities. 
 So also seduction and like offences when marriage 
 cannot be arranged. Those who commit adultery 
 hoping thereby to secure a divorce and so be free to 
 contract another marriage, or to live unchastely, 
 were to be excommunicated and for ever banished. 
 By thus claiming for Zurich the adjudication of the 
 matrimonial cases the break with the past was still 
 further emphasised, as formerly all such cases came 
 to the episcopal court in Constance. 
 
 On June 30, 1525, he published his book on the 
 office of the preacher, with a dedication to his fellow 
 Toggenburgers.' It was really directed against the 
 Baptists, who claimed that all the Lord's people were 
 prophets. 
 
 In September, 1525, Zwingli's windows were 
 broken by two drunken fellows; but the offence 
 was magnified until it seemed as if Zwingli's life 
 were in danger, because underneath the drunken 
 conduct was deep hatred of Zwingli's teaching. 
 But that so trivial an offence should have caused 
 such a stir is a plain indication that Zwingli lived a 
 very quiet and secure life.' 
 
 On October 28th, Zwingli, under the pen-name of 
 
 ' II., I, 304-336 ; in modern German by Christoffel, Zurich, 1843. 
 ''VII., 409-412. 
 
1529] The Final Stage 269 
 
 " A certain Frenchman," addressed a long letter to 
 " A citizen of Basel," in criticism of Erasmus's view 
 on the Eucharist.' In March, 1525, Zwingli pub- 
 lished his " Commentary on the True and False 
 Religion,"' which goes over in a series of chapters 
 all the points of evangelical theology. He wrote 
 it, he says in three and one half months, in Latin, 
 for general circulation, especially in France, thus 
 redeeming his promise to French friends : and so 
 he dedicated it to King Francis I. It resembles 
 the exposition of the sixt3^-seven theses already 
 mentioned. The part on the Lord's Supper was 
 separately issued in a German translation. It was 
 of this book that Erasmus made his famous patro- 
 nising remark: " Oh, good Zwingli, what have you 
 written which I did not write myself long before! " ' 
 On April 14, 1525, Zwingli was chosen rector of 
 the Carolinum, the Great Minster school; conse- 
 quently he moved into the ofificial residence of the 
 rector, and lived there until death.* He used his 
 
 ' VII., 427-432. CEcolampadius, to whom very lively it was sent, 
 praises it (vii., 432). 
 
 ^ III., 147-325. Herminyard reprints a part of the dedication in a 
 French translation, in his Correspondance des Refortnateurs (2d ed,, 
 Geneva, 1878), i., pp. 350, 351. 
 
 3 VII., 399. 
 
 ^This is the house which contains the present Zwingli room, upon 
 the second story, shown to travellers. It is on the Kirch Gasse, on 
 the left hand as one goes up the street from the Great Minster, and 
 near the corner of the cathedral close. On it is the inscription: 
 " Zwingli's official residence. From this house he went forth on 
 October 11, 1531, with the Zurich troops to Cappel, where he died 
 for his faith." The room in it called his study and the adjoining 
 
270 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 new position to improve the schools and took part 
 himself in the biblical instruction, which he had 
 made part of the curriculum. That he was still 
 fond of humanistic studies and had not forgotten 
 his Greek amid all his absorbing labours, he demon- 
 strated by issuing on February 24, 1526, in Basel, 
 an edition of the poems of Pindar.' 
 
 In 1526 a public disputation was held between 
 the representatives of the Bishop of Constance and 
 of the Reformed upon matters of faith. The place 
 chosen was Baden, a famous watering-place, only 
 twelve miles north-west of Zurich, but in the hands 
 of the bitterest partisans of the Roman Church. 
 Under the semblance of fairness and impartiality 
 the object of the disputation was really to condemn 
 Zwingli and Zurich for their opposition to the 
 Roman Church, and considering the character of 
 the crowd who would there assemble, it was more 
 than doubtful if Zwingli would have escaped per- 
 sonal violence if he had ventured thither." As it 
 was, though urged, he declined to go. 
 
 The disputation at Baden was the Old Church's 
 reply to the Zurich disputations of 1523, The con- 
 ditions were exactly reversed. The friends of the 
 Reformation packed the former, the opponents of 
 it the latter. The immediate occasion of it was 
 
 room called his bedroom may be, as claimed, the same as they were 
 in his day, but the rest of the house, as is the case with the other 
 Zwingli houses, has been reconstructed. 
 
 ' His Latin preface and epilogue are given in iv., 159-166. 
 
 ' So his brother-in-law, Tremp, warned him from Bern not to 
 venture thither, as he had heard alarming reports (vii., 483), 
 
1529] The Final Stage 271 
 
 John Eck's offer from Ingolstadt to the Swiss Diet 
 at Baden, on August 13, 1524, to refute ZwingH's 
 heresies in a public disputation.' The challenge 
 was communicated to Zwingli, and he replied to 
 this on August 31st, in the insulting language he 
 thought proper to use towards his Roman Catholic 
 opponents, offering to debate with Eck in Zurich.' 
 Eck replied very dignifiedly that he would meet 
 Zwingli at Baden or Luzern, provided he had proper 
 safe conduct. He shows much better spirit than 
 Zwingli.' The letter having been sent to the Zurich 
 authorities, Zwingli replied that he would dispute in 
 Zurich, and his reply appeared in print.* And on 
 the same day, November 6, 1524, the Great Council 
 invited Eck to Zurich and sent him a safe conduct.^ 
 But he declined to come, simply because the place 
 for the proposed disputation was to be decided by 
 the cantonal assembly and he would meet Zwingli 
 there. On November i8th he replied at length to 
 Zwingli's latest attack. 
 
 In 1525 the project of the disputation was revived. 
 The Bishop of Constance chose Baden as the place. 
 Zwingli declared his willingness, if necessary, to 
 go to Schaffhausen or St. Gall, but the city Great 
 Council refused him permission to go out of Zurich. 
 The Diet at Luzern, on January 15, 1526, deter- 
 mined on Baden as the place and May 16, 1526, as 
 the time. Zwingli's correspondence of 1526 shows 
 clearly the course of events. After the disputation 
 
 ' II., 2, 399, 400, ' II., 2, 400-403. ^ II., 2, 403-405. 
 
 * II., 2, 411-414. ' BuUinger, i., 334 sqq. 
 
272 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 was determined upon there was uncertainty in re- 
 gard to the place. Bern favoured Basel. Other 
 cantons wanted Luzern. CEcolampadius naturally 
 preferred Bern. Zwingli did not want to go out of 
 Zurich.' Perhaps his physical condition had some- 
 thing to do with it. CEcolampadius, on March 7, 
 1526, alluded to his having ulcers." Zwingli him- 
 self, writing to Vadianus on Friday, March 30th,' 
 tells of an alarming attack of illness which had oc- 
 curred that day. On April 16, 1526, Zwingli wrote 
 a long letter * to the City Council of Bern giving 
 his reasons why he would not go to Baden for the 
 disputation, although anxious to debate in such a 
 presence. The nine reasons amount to this — that 
 the safe conduct and protection which Bern pro- 
 mised were really valueless under the circumstances 
 because at Baden the Five Forest Cantons, Uri, 
 Schwyz, Unterwalden, Luzern, and Zug, devoted 
 to the old teaching, would outvote the other three 
 cantons of Zurich, Bern, and Basel, devoted to the 
 new. He then proceeds to give his reasons for de- 
 clining to go to any place where the Five Cantons 
 had control, i. Those cantons had condemned him 
 unheard as a heretic and burnt his books. 2. They 
 still persist in doing so. 3. They have avowedly 
 gotten up the disputation for the purpose of silencing 
 him. 4. As they have ordered him arrested, con- 
 trary to federal law, what value would their safe 
 conduct have ? 5. They are bound by mutual 
 
 » VII., 476. « VII., 479. 'VII., 484. 
 
 ■* VII., 493-496 ; also in the original German, pp. 496-499. 
 
1529] The Final Stage 273 
 
 vows to uproot the faith he professed. 6. Their 
 negotiations for the disputation were with Eck and 
 Faber exclusively, not with him, he not being in any 
 way consulted. 7. While Eck's and Faber's writings 
 are freely circulated in the Five Cantons, his were 
 suppressed. 8. He had two years before plainly 
 told Eck and company that under no consideration 
 would he go to Baden or Luzern. 
 
 Very naturally the Five Cantons insisted upon 
 Baden. 
 
 On April 21, 1526, Zwingli addressed " A friendly 
 letter to the confederates of the Twelve Cantons 
 and their allies, upon the disputation which is pro- 
 jected at Baden on the i6th of May." ' He read it 
 before the Council and then sent it in in printed 
 form. It gives his reasons for declining to go to 
 Baden. The next day in writing to Vadianus he 
 says: 
 
 " Even if I agreed to Baden, the people of Zurich 
 would not consent. A great part of the Council were 
 not very well pleased because I offered to go to Bern or 
 St. Gall. It would seem wise for you to agree to reply 
 to the opposing cantons somewhat as follows: That you 
 had been at the disputations at Zurich, that there they 
 are sufficiently learned and had no need of further dis- 
 putations, etc., unless other places were selected." "^ 
 
 Probably shortly after he had despatched this 
 letter he received an open one from Faber, ^ his for- 
 mer friend, dated Tuebingen, April i6th, in which 
 
 »II., 2, 424-429. 2 VII., £;oo. ^ij^ 2, 429-436. 
 
 18 
 
2 74 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 he was vigorously handled as a heretic. Zwingli 
 took it up almost clause by clause for refutation, on 
 April 30th, and again on May 15th.' The nine 
 cantons renewed their request for his presence but 
 the Council refused it at the Diet at Baden held on 
 May loth, and to which they sent a delegation. 
 Zwingli wrote at the same time. Thus the matter 
 was discussed back and forth. But without altering 
 the determination on either side and the disputa- 
 tion finally opened at Baden, on Monday, May 21st, 
 in the absence of Zwingli.' 
 
 On the Old Church side the principal champion 
 was John Eck, who really was a skilful and learned 
 disputant, and who had, as he and the Old Church 
 party believed, won such a notable victory over 
 Luther at Leipzig in 1518; on the side of the 
 Zwinglian party CEcolampadius, of Basel, Haller, 
 of Bern, and Oechsli, of Schaffhausen, carried on 
 the debate. Zwingli was kept constantly informed 
 of the proceedings and constantly aided his repre- 
 
 ' II., 2, 436-453, 467-484. In his letter to Vadianus on May nth 
 (vii., 503), he says : " Faber has written against my former epistle 
 in which I set forth my refusal to go to Baden. There I find the 
 man far funnier than before. ... If the Disputation at Baden 
 does anything that opposes the Word of God, the people are not will- 
 ing to receive in regard to it either propositions or commands. They 
 will cherish the treaties honourably. If violence be offered to Zurich 
 or any of the cantons, they will furnish aid to the wronged. In the 
 government of the provinces they will follow this rule, not to sit 
 when Zurich is not represented. . . . The Council refuses me 
 to the Disputation at Baden. I have written a frank but kindly 
 letter to the Diet" {cf. ii., 2, 455-459). 
 
 * The papers connected with this Diet at Baden are collected (ii,, 
 2, 398-520). They are all in German. 
 
1529] The Final Stage 275 
 
 sentatives by suggestions and every other way he 
 could.' 
 
 The debate lasted four weeks, or till June i8th. 
 Both sides, as usual, claimed the victory. The acts 
 were published in full at Luzern on May i8, 1527* 
 which probably was not too long a delay, although 
 made a cause of complaint and construed as a con- 
 fession of defeat by the Zwingli party." 
 
 On July 2, 1526,^ Zwingli wrote a long and earn- 
 est letter, which is almost a treatise, to Nuremberg 
 because his and Qicolampadius's writings had been 
 prohibited there, and therein took occasion to ex- 
 press himself very plainly upon his theology of the 
 Eucharist, mainly in reply to Pirkheimer. * 
 
 ' The Zwingli correspondence enables us to get a vivid picture of 
 the debate. It shows that down to May 2ist, (licolampadius tried to 
 have the place changed and that he recognised the peril Zwingli would 
 have been in by going to Baden, notwithstanding the emphatic and 
 reiterated promise of safe conduct. But then, as he says, he was in 
 peril too. The fact is, Zwingli's absence was deplored by his friends. 
 Myconius, writing years afterward, says : " Zwingli laboured more in 
 running about, cogitating, watching, counselling, warning, writing 
 both letters and books which he sent to Baden, than he would have 
 done had he taken part in the Disputation or been in the midst of his 
 foes, particularly against a chief so unskilled in the truth. Still 
 I have for my part desired nothing more earnestly than that he had 
 been permitted to take part personally" (p. lo). 
 
 ^ An incomplete report was published in July of the year before 
 (vii., 524). CEcolampadius sent Zwingli on October 18, 1526, a 
 summary of the contents of the official report, which had been 
 carefully edited to put the Reformed at a disadvantage (vii., 553). 
 Zwingli tohl the Strassburgers in December, 1526 (vii., 578) that 
 signature G of it had been seized when on its way from Murner to 
 the Suffragan Bishop of Constance. 
 
 3 VIII., 656-662. 
 
 ■* On July 17th a friend told him that his and CEcolampadius's writ- 
 ings would not be sold at Nuremberg under heavy penalty (vii., 526). 
 
276 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 In the latter part of the year Zwingli watched the 
 politics of his neighbours with keen interest, but 
 with the advancement of the Gospel interests ever 
 in view. On August 31, 1526/ he wrote a very- 
 gossipy letter full of information, telling how Eck 
 used at Baden the Complutensian Polyglot, which 
 had the Latin version side by side with the Hebrew 
 and the Greek, and so by apparently reading un- 
 aided from the Hebrew and Greek got a reputation 
 for learning he did not deserve; and how poor Bal- 
 thasar Hubmaier, in his examination before the 
 Council, quoted Zwingli's remarks about catechu- 
 mens, as showing his former preference to have bap- 
 tism follow instruction °; how he recanted and then 
 withdrew his recantation; and how generously 
 Zwingli treated him, and how basely Hubmaier re- 
 viled him when escaped from the city. He closes 
 with some slighting remarks upon Luther: " I think 
 you are too solicitous in the matter of that man who 
 is said to be writing against me in German and Latin 
 on the Eucharist. In nothing do I promise myself 
 a more certain victory." 
 
 On September 17, 1526,' he complained of being 
 sick. On October 29th, ^ he confesses to personal 
 acquaintance with the gravel. On November 29th, ^ 
 he tells of the execution of Jacob Grebel, the father 
 of Conrad, for treason, and of his wrong-doing 
 towards his son's wife; that his (Zwingli's) book 
 against Dr. Jacob Strauss would be out before 
 Christmas, and that he had not yet begun his reply 
 
 'VII., 534-538. 2 See p. 246. =* VII., 538. 
 
 * VII., 556. 5 VII., 565. 
 
1529] The Final Stage 277 
 
 to Luther, but would have it ready for the Frank- 
 fort Fair,' In a letter which was " written at Zu- 
 rich in the hour which precedes the eclipse (since 
 we are measuring all by the moon), 1526," conse- 
 quently on Tuesday, December iSth," he mentions 
 that the Acts of the Disputation at Baden were 
 passing through the press and would have a very 
 partisan preface ; that he had prepared a catechism 
 for boys'; that he had finished his reply to Dr. 
 Jacob Strauss upon the Lord's Supper, but it was 
 not yet in type,* and says again that the expostula- 
 tion with Luther upon the same subject would be 
 ready for the Frankfort F'air.* 
 
 Zwingli in January, 1527, wrote to the Bernese 
 delegates at Baden to secure an authentic copy of 
 the report of the Baden disputation of the previous 
 summer and also proposed another disputation at 
 Zurich, Bern, Basel, or St. Gall. On January nth, 
 he issued his reply to Dr. Jacob Strauss upon the 
 
 ' So in letter of Dec. iSth. 
 
 * VII., 578-579. For the information that this was the date of the 
 eclipse and that it was total at Zurich I am indebted to Professor 
 Harold Jacoby, of Columbia University, New York City. 
 
 ^ This was not printed till 1544. 
 
 * It appeared on January 11, T527. 
 
 ^ It appeared February 28, 1527. See p. 298. The Frankfort 
 Fair was the great book mart. Zwingli, like Luther, made nothing 
 from his publications. In which respect he resembled most modern 
 authors, only he expected nothing ! He once wrote to Vadianus 
 (May 28, 1525, vii., 398) : " There was a man lately who said that I 
 sold copies to the printers at a high price. That man lied against 
 the Holy Spirit. It must not be permitted therefore that this can be 
 said with truth. I ask nothing than that they commend me to the 
 Lord Jesus Christ." 
 
278 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 Lord's Supper,' and on the same day wrote to Philip, 
 Marquis of Baden, in Germany,^ in whose territory 
 Strauss lived, commending his book against Strauss 
 to the Marquis's attention. On January 25th, he 
 announces the coming conference between Zurich, 
 Bern, Basel, Schaffhausen, and St, Gall.' On Feb- 
 ruary 1 2th, in speaking of his books written and in 
 preparation, he says that his Archeteles was full of 
 printing errors; but he had no more copies to give 
 away ; that he would send the printer his " Exegesis " 
 for Luther in twelve days, " This is friendly in tone, 
 except that I have dealt a little sharply with the 
 Swabian scribes. " * On February 28th, he published 
 his" Friendly Exegesis," and accompanied it with 
 an open letter to Luther,' which Luther pronounced 
 " fierce." On March 30th, he issued a " Friendly 
 defence and deprecation of the sermon of the excel- 
 lent Martin Luther preached in Wittenberg against 
 the Fanatics, and to defend the reality of the Body 
 and Blood of Christ in the Sacrament." ^ This was 
 really an attack upon Luther, and two days later he 
 follows it up with another letter' full of insinuations 
 and exceedingly riling, and stirred Luther up as no 
 other attack had done, as Luther's correspondence 
 abundantly shows.* 
 
 The fact was that Zwingli and Luther could by 
 no possibility be friends. Each was a pope in his 
 way, only Luther ruled a nation and Zwingli a city. 
 
 ' II., I, 469-506. ' III., 459-462. 
 
 2 VIII., 2. «II., 2, 1-15. 
 
 3 VIII., 20-22. 'VIII., 39-41. 
 
 * VIII., 28. 8 See the extracts given (viii., 41). 
 
1529] The Final Stage 279 
 
 Each was absolutely sure of himself and that he had 
 found out the truth. Each had no belief in the 
 honesty or capacity of those who differed from him. 
 Zwingli was jealous of Luther because he was so 
 much more famous, and in his letters to him at- 
 tempts to patronise him. Luther considered Zwingli 
 a heretic. He compared him with Arius! Mani- 
 festly the best thing for both parties was to attempt 
 no contact. Instead of doing so they carried on 
 directly and indirectly a protracted and abusive con- 
 troversy, disgraceful to both of them. What they 
 both needed was good breeding. Their unhappy con- 
 troversy was discreditable to both of them.' Its practi- 
 cal effect was to divide and so weaken Protestantism. 
 On April 30th, he alludes to the many persons 
 who had made Zurich a place of refuge." On May 
 22d, he affirms the validity of Roman Catholic 
 baptism : 
 
 " For even though there be things diabolic in papal bap- 
 tism yet they cannot nullify the Lord's words, ' I baptise 
 thee in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the 
 Holy Ghost ' ; so that it should not be true baptism; un- 
 less we are prepared to say, that the devil or the Roman 
 Pontiff is stronger than the Lord." ' 
 
 ' Zwingli's final conclusions on the matter appear in his Confession 
 of Faith in the Appendix to this volume. Beginning on August 29, 
 1523, when he issued his Epichiresis (iii.; 83-116) upon the canon of 
 the mass down to August 31, 1527, when he replied to Luther's 
 " Confession" (ii., 2, 94-223), he published sixteen pieces, mostly of 
 some length, upon the Lord's Supper. His correspondence for the 
 latter years of his life is also full of allusions to the matter. 
 
 n'llL, 57. 3 VIII., 71. 
 
2 So Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 On October nth, he mentions that thirteen hun- 
 dred florins used to be taken in yearly in the Great 
 Minster for sacerdotal offices and celebration of the 
 mass for the dead.' 
 
 In the latter part of 1527 Zwingli's thoughts took 
 a new turn. The Reformation had made great 
 headway in Bern, and the Bernese City Council, in 
 imitation of that of Zurich, resolved on Sunday, 
 November 17th, to hold a disputation in which the 
 Word of God alone could be appealed to as sole 
 authority for teachings respecting religion. The 
 bishops of Constance, Basel, Lausanne, and Wallis 
 and delegates from all the cantons were invited. 
 The Zurich Council agreed to accept the invitation, 
 December 7th.* Zwingli asked formal permission 
 for himself and other scholars to go,^ and the Coun- 
 cil's formal affirmative answer was passed December 
 nth. On December 15th, Zwingli was able to 
 announce to CEcolampadius that all the prelimin- 
 aries were then arranged.* On December 27, 1527, 
 he sent a dignified letter to the Ulm City Council 
 proposing to meet John Eck, who had slandered 
 his dear friend, their pastor, Conrad Som, also 
 CEcolampadius, and himself, in Ulm, Memmingen, 
 Constance, or Lindau.^ 
 
 By invitation of the Zurich Council delegates from 
 Schaffhausen, St. Gall, and Constance to the Bern 
 disputation assembled in Zurich on January ist, 
 and so when the start was made the next day, which 
 was Tuesday, there was quite an imposing array of 
 
 'VIII., 102. m., 3, 16-17; c/. Egli, J. S., 1330. 
 
 3 VIII., 119. 4 VIII., 125. => VIII., 131. 
 
BERN CATHEDRAL. 
 
1529] The Final Stage 281 
 
 ecclesiastics and other citizens, nearly one hundred 
 in all ; yet lest evil befall them it was accompanied 
 by three hundred armed men to the borders of Bern. 
 After that there was no danger. They entered 
 Bern on January 4th. Zwingli and the burgomaster 
 of Zurich, Diethelm Roeust, put up at the hospice, 
 which was directly opposite to the gate of the city. 
 Zwingli's brother-in-law, Leonhard Tremp, was mas- 
 ter of the hospice and a City Councillor.' Zwingli 
 was easily the most distinguished man in the dis- 
 putation, but the Roman Catholic theologians were 
 conspicuous by their absence. They had of course 
 no more desire than Zwingli had to talk to deaf ears 
 or to expose themselves to insult and possible physi- 
 cal violence. It was the fashion of the day to ridi- 
 cule intellectual opponents and attribute everything 
 bad to them, nor has the fashion passed away. 
 
 The " Acts of the Disputation " were published 
 by Christopher Froschauer — the Zurich printer who 
 published Zwingli's writings — on April 23, 1528.' 
 It opens with the Bernese magistrates' call to the 
 disputation, covering six pages and dated " Sun- 
 day, the 17th day of the Winter month " (which in 
 the Swiss calendar is November), 1527. The date 
 set for the beginning of the disputation was the 
 first Sunday of the new year, which came on Janu- 
 ary 5th. Then come the ten theses for debate pre- 
 pared, with Zwingli's assistance, by the local Re- 
 formers Kolb and Haller, viz.^: 
 
 »VIII., 123. 
 
 ^ It is an i8mo, 34 signatures of 16 pages each, or 544 in all. It is 
 reprinted ii., I, 63-200, Cf. Zwingli's letter of March 7th., quoted 
 on page 306. *'II., I, 7C1, 77. 
 
282 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 " I. The Holy Christian Church, whose sole Head is 
 Christ, is born of the Word of God, is animated by it, 
 and hears not the voice of a stranger, II. The Church 
 of Christ makes no addition to the law and ordinance of 
 the Word of God. Consequently all human deliverances, 
 as the Church ordinances are called, are not binding 
 upon us except so far as they are grounded on and or- 
 dained by the Word of God. III. Christ is our sole 
 wisdom, righteousness, Saviour, and Redeemer for all 
 the sin of the world. Consequently to confess another 
 service of the saints and satisfaction for sin is to deny 
 Christ. IV. That the Body and Blood of Christ are 
 substantially and corporally received in the bread of 
 the Eucharist cannot be proved from the Bible. V. The 
 mass now in use wherein Christ is offered to God, the 
 Father, for the sins of the living and dead is contrary to 
 Scripture; to make a sacrifice to the Almighty out of the 
 sufferings of the immortal Christ is a blasphemy and on 
 account of the misuse of it an abomination in the sight 
 of God. VI. As Christ died for us only, so He should 
 be appealed to as the only mediator and intercessor be- 
 tween God the Father and us believers, consequently 
 all other mediators and intercessors besides now appealed 
 to are to be repudiated by us on the ground of Scripture. 
 VII. That after this time no purgatory will be found 
 taught in the Scriptures. Consequently all services for 
 the dead as vigils, requiems, soul-graces, sevens, spiritual 
 consolations, anniversaries, ampullae, candles, and such 
 like are vain. VIII. Making pictures for worship is 
 contrary to the Word of God in the New and Old Testa- 
 ments. Consequently wherever they are so placed as to 
 be in danger of worship they should be removed. IX. 
 Holy marriage is in the Scripture forbidden to no class, 
 but harlotry and unchastity all classes are commanded 
 
1529] The Final Stage 283 
 
 to avoid. X. Since an openly immoral woman is under 
 a heavy ban according to the Scripture, it follows that 
 harlotry and unchastity on account of the scandal of it 
 are in no class more shameful than in the priesthood." 
 
 Next comes the brief preface stating that the 
 Acts had been copied carefully from the four orig- 
 inal books of the notaries; the arrangements for the 
 Disputation and the Acts themselves. The first 
 formal session was on Monday afternoon, January 
 6th, in the church of the Barefoot monks, /. e., the 
 Franciscans, before a large audience. The presi- 
 dents were Joachim von Watt (Vadianus), of St. 
 Gall, Nicholas Briefer, provost of St. Peter's at 
 Basel, and Conrad Schmid, comtur of Kuessnacht, 
 in the canton of Zurich ; and the first session was 
 consumed in getting ready for the disputation which 
 began Tuesday morning, and was opened by an ad- 
 dress by Vadianus. Francis Kolb then read the 
 first thesis and proceeded to defend it, and so the 
 disputation commenced. The daily sessions began 
 at 7 A.M. and i P.M. The Old Church was not 
 represented by anyone of much prominence, and 
 there was scarcely any more general debate than in 
 the Zurich disputations. Zwingli spoke first on 
 Wednesday, and at first took only a modest part. 
 The disputation was closed on Sunday, January 
 26th, and of course the City Council declared the 
 Reformed the winners, and having already gone 
 a long way in that direction before the disputa- 
 tion began, completed the introduction of the 
 Reformation into the city of Bern by abolishing 
 
284 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 the mass and Church images on Monday, January 
 27th.' 
 
 Shortly after his arrival in Bern, Zwingli heard 
 that his wife had, on January 6th, borne him a son, 
 whom he afterwards called Huldreich. So he sent 
 her this letter," written doubtless in German, unfor- 
 tunately the only one of his to his wife which has 
 been preserved ; in which he gives several commis- 
 sions and says enough to rouse his wife's jealousy : 
 
 " Grace and peace from God. My dear wife, I thank 
 God that He has granted you so joyful a delivery. He 
 will grant us to bring the child up according to His will. 
 Send to my cousin one or two coifs of the same quality 
 and style as those you wear yourself. She dresses as a 
 woman of her station should, but not like a Beguine,' is 
 a married woman of forty, in all style and quality* such 
 a one as Master Jorgen's wife has described. She has 
 been beyond measure kind to me and to us all. 
 
 " May God take care of you! Remember me to god- 
 mother wife of the administrator; to Ulmann Trinckler 
 and the wife of magistrate Effinger^; and to all whom 
 you love. Pray God for me and us all. Given at Bern, 
 
 'VIII., 138. 
 
 'VIII., 134. But more correctly deciphered in TIicol. Zeitschrift 
 aus der Sckweiz, i., igi. 
 
 ^ Zwingli made a rhyme here, " sy kumpt zi»i??iilich doch nit begyn- 
 Hch." The Beguines were a secular order of pious women whose 
 vows resembled a nun's, but were not irrevocable. 
 
 ■* Zwingli used the same words to describe his cousin and the coif, 
 only he reverses their order. 
 
 ' The first named was the sponsor of Zwingli's eldest son Wilhelm ; 
 Anna Keller, wife of the administrator of the Oetenbach nunnery ; 
 the last two the sponsors of Huldreich, the child just born, Ulmann 
 Trinckler and Elizabeth Effinger. 
 
1529] The Final Stage 285 
 
 eleventh day of January. Remember me to all your 
 children; especially Margaretha,' whom comfort in my 
 name. 
 
 " HULDREICH ZWINGLI, 
 
 " Your husband. 
 " Send me as soon as possible my housecoat." 
 
 Zwingli preached a couple of times in Bern, on 
 January -iQth and 30th. ^ 
 
 In connection with the first sermon Bullinger tells 
 this story : 
 
 " When Zwingli was about to preach a priest was at 
 an altar and put on his vestments to say a mass. But 
 when Zwingli began to preach he stood still with the 
 mass articles before him until the sermon was over. 
 But Zwingli said in this sermon many powerful things 
 against the mass; which so stirred the priest all attired 
 as he was, that at the end of the sermon he drew off his 
 pointed dress indignantly, threw it upon the altar, and 
 said so that all bystanders easily heard it: 'If the mass 
 takes that shape, then I '11 not to-day or at any time in 
 the future hold mass.' " ^ 
 
 Zwingli and his friends started for home on Janu- 
 ary 31st,. and arriv^ed there safely the next day, again 
 under military escort. On March 7th, he wrote 
 thus of the disputation": 
 
 ' Margaretha was his wife's eldest daughter, born in 1505. See 
 p. 232. 
 
 ** II., I, 203-229; translated into modern German; the first by 
 Sigwart, Die vier Keforniatorcn, pp. 381-406 ; the second by Kessel- 
 mann, Buck der Predigten, pp. 6S9-692. 
 
 ^ Bullinger, i., 436. 
 
 <VIII., 146. 
 
286 Huldreich Z\vin*>li [1524- 
 
 o 
 
 " Althamer is spreading around his tremendous false- 
 hoods — that free speech was not permitted and that he 
 debated against his will because of the challenge of 
 Francis Kolb. Yet we all know that to them and espe- 
 cially to him was accorded the greatest freedom, and that 
 he cheerfully and willingly suffered himself to be selected 
 by his party to perform the duty of the speaker on the plat- 
 form. But what remains to the vanquished except grief ? 
 The proceedings of the disputation are being -diligently 
 and carefully printed: thirty-four pages are at this time 
 completed and perhaps twenty or more are to come.' The 
 secretary from Thun, Eberhard von Rumlary, who was 
 one of the scribes, is superintending, etc." 
 
 On April 8th, he published his plan for the first 
 synod, which was held at Zurich on Tuesday, April 
 2ist, for the purpose of enforcing uniformity of doc- 
 trine and correctness in living on the Zurich city 
 and cantonal clergy." Zwingli acted as censor, but 
 the call was in the name of the City Council, and 
 the examination was held before a delegation from 
 it. A similar gathering under the same auspices 
 and for the same purposes was held of the canons 
 and remaining orders of clergy on May 19th.' 
 
 On May 4th, he alludes to the operation of what 
 he calls the " Munerarian law " (/. e., law of gift): 
 
 " As far as the appearance goes, who does not say that 
 the enactment some time ago of the Munerarian law at 
 
 ' What this means I do not know. The book has 544 pages in 
 34 signatures ; perhaps he reckons another way. 
 ^ See ii., 3, 19-21 ; also Egli, A. S., 1391. 
 »Egli, A. S., 1414. 
 
PRIEST CONVERTED AT THE PREACHING OF ZWINGLI IN BERN, 
 JAN. 19, 1528. 
 

 UPhi 
 
1529] The Final Stage 287 
 
 Zurich (for I see that those Lutherans and Catabaptists 
 are not without a purpose slandering Zurich) and now at 
 Bern, is a good thing ? Silver, gold, gems both silken 
 and sumptuous clothing, are either laid aside or sold 
 and distributed to the poor; evil speaking, perjury, 
 carousing, and gambling are done away with; adultery, 
 fornication, and brothels are forbidden; the wantonness 
 of dancing both in the day and at night is controlled, 
 nay that at night is interdicted; the pope, who was 
 guarding the bridge and the way to the lower world, and 
 his followers, the impious doctors, are put under re- 
 straint; the mass is done away with and the images that 
 stand forth to draw worship are removed; seductive cere- 
 monial is abolished; and what is finest and best of all, 
 the truth is preached, with boldness yet holiness, with 
 brilliancy yet reverence, faithfully but not wantonly. 
 And all this, not so much at the command of the apostles 
 and the elders as at the demand of the people." ' 
 
 On August 24th, he issued in Zurich a reprint of 
 Hans Caspar Schwenckfeld's treatise on the Lord's 
 Supper, with a preface,'' in which he called attention 
 to the similarity between his doctrine and Schwenck- 
 feld's. This action of Zwingli's involved Schwenck- 
 feld in persecution through Fabri's incitation, and 
 he was compelled to leave his home in Silesia and 
 betake himself to Strassburg. 
 
 On August 30th, Zwingli published his reply ^ to 
 Luther's Confession, relative to the Lord's Supper. 
 He said on July 17th : 
 
 " I shall begin to read Luther's book to-morrow; but 
 you need not be distrustful of the shortness of the time. 
 
 «VIII., 181. nif., 3, 22, 23. 'II., 2, 94-223. 
 
288 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 It [Zwingli's reply] shall be exposed for sale at the 
 Frankfort Fair. Meanwhile the other brethren have 
 read it, and have talked over with me as I took my walk 
 the arguments which are most senseless, and also those 
 which appear to the author most strong; so that I shall 
 not favour a reply to many of the points, but ever 
 oppose it." * 
 
 On July 2 1st, he wrote: 
 
 " I am now engaged on the refutation of Luther's 
 book, which refutation you will see about September ist. 
 I am indeed wholly averse to this kind of fighting; but 
 what do they think is to be done by him who is attacked 
 with edge and point ? Do not all believe that in repell- 
 ing an enemy he is to be kept away, and if this is to be 
 accomplished in no other way, he is to be cut down ? 
 And must we not oppose engines to those battering-rams 
 which cause not theology but faith and truth to be over- 
 thrown, friendship to perish, and whatever is sacred and 
 in moderation to be held in contempt among mortals ? 
 That book of Luther's, what else is it than an example 
 of denying what you said a little while ago ? or a fog 
 through which you cannot see rightly the mystery of 
 Christ ? . . . I shall put forth nothing wild against 
 Luther — a thing he himself ought not to have done. 
 Since he has done it I shall remember piety and Christian 
 decorum," ' 
 
 Writing on August 30th he said further of it: 
 
 " In his book he [Luther] slays, uncautious man that 
 he is, divine and human wisdom which it would have 
 
 'VIII., 192. «VIII., 203. 
 
1529] The Final Stage 289 
 
 been easy to revive among the devout. Since the 
 heretics, that is his followers, are witli the impious them- 
 selves so deaf to all truth that they not only refuse the 
 ear but even close the approaches. I was for some time 
 in doubt, considering on the one side the vast labour 
 that was also vain so far as they were concerned who 
 especially ought to receive benefit from it, and on the 
 other that charity that ' endureth all things ' and the 
 conscience of those who while they are frank are still se- 
 ducible by the trivial word of these men who under an 
 appearance of snowy whiteness contrive deeds blacker 
 than an Ethiopian. But charity and truth conquered, 
 and I replied after the manner you see. Luther has re- 
 called us to the positions of [Duns] Scotus and Thomas 
 [Aquinas], not indeed that we trust in them or see that 
 he has used with skill those poor weapons, but that we 
 may deprive him of every kind of offensive equipment. 
 For now I see that those followers of Urbanus [Rhegius] 
 who declare that they have been illumined and informed 
 by the anathema rather than the book of this man are 
 really tricksters. I '11 be hanged if he [Urbanus Rhegius, 
 who had changed from the Zwinglian to the Lutheran 
 view of the Eucharist] does not exceed Fabri in folly, 
 Eck in impurity, Cochlaus in boldness, and so on, I 
 have therefore inveighed against him the more freely. 
 The judgment shall be yours and all good men's. For 
 so shall we persevere unmoved in our position ; whatever 
 machinations of this sort may conjure up, we shall await 
 undauntedly and repel and render harmless, " ' 
 
 On December 9th, he announced that his com- 
 mentary on Isaiah was in the press,'' 
 
 ' Staehelin, Briefe aus der Reformationszeit, p. 21, 
 * VIII., 244. The preface to the Isaiah was signed July 15, 1529. 
 19 
 
290 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 Here some matters of a general character must be 
 alluded to. The most radical change which Zwingli 
 made in the Church service at Zurich was to do away 
 with both instrumental and vocal music. This ac- 
 tion was the more strange since Zwingli himself was 
 a very accomplished musician, being able to play 
 upon different instruments and also to sing well; 
 yet in the course of the year 1525 he suspended the 
 choir-singing and on December 9, 1527, had the or- 
 gan of the Great Minster broken up ' and insisted that 
 similar action should be taken by the other churches 
 in the city* and canton. His motive was twofold; 
 first, because all this music was inseparably con- 
 nected with the Roman Church worship and he 
 desired to remove as far as possible the Reformed 
 congregations from all association with the past; 
 and second, because the words of the music were 
 in Latin and therefore unintelligible to the people 
 and he desired to have every part of the Reformed 
 worship in the vernacular. 
 
 The public worship in Zurich after 1525 consisted 
 in prayers,^ public confession of sins,* recitation 
 of the Lord's Prayer and the Apostles' Creed, and 
 preaching. The ministers wore their ordinary dress 
 in the pulpit, but this dress, characterised by a black 
 cloak and white ruff, was worn by others only on 
 
 ' Bullinger gives the exact date, i., 418. 
 
 ^ The churches in Zurich reintroduced music in 1598. 
 
 * Zwingli defended liberty in this regard: " Any church will use 
 such prayers as it pleases, provided they be framed according to the 
 form of the Word of God " (iii., 85, c/. 109, and ii., 2, 233). 
 
 * The prayer and the confession written by Zwingli are given, ii., 
 2, 228, 229. 
 
1529] The Final Stage 291 
 
 gala occasions, and when it passed out of fashion it 
 became the distinctive ministerial dress. When the 
 sacraments of the Lord's Supper and baptism were 
 administered the entire liturgy was in the vernacular 
 and stripped of everything reminding of the pomp 
 and splendour of the Old Church. Even the burials 
 were without any pomp. The body was carried out 
 of the house to the burying-ground, the only words 
 spoken were when the mourners were publicly 
 thanked by the master of the guild to which the 
 head of the house belonged for their expression of 
 sympathy, and then the company went into the 
 church for silent prayer, not for the dead, but for 
 the bereaved. On the following Sunday the name 
 of the deceased was announced to the congregation, 
 accompanied by a reminder of their own mortality.* 
 The Church services were held on Sundays from 
 seven to eight o'clock in the morning and between 
 three and four in the afternoon. In the Great 
 Minster there was a service for children and servants 
 from eleven to twelve o'clock. During the week 
 there was also a preaching service in the morning at 
 five and at eight, which took the place of the early 
 masses.^ On Friday, which was the market day, 
 Zwingli preached especially for the country people. 
 At the end of 1525 certain ministers were set apart 
 for visitation of the sick, inasmuch as this was no 
 part of the duties of the people's priest.' Of the 
 
 ' The form used in Zurich is given, ii., 2, 227, 228. 
 ' The attendance falling off, the magistrates passed an order requir- 
 ing church-going! (Egli, A. S., 1780). 
 3Egli, ^. S., 866. 
 
292 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 holy days were retained Christmas, Good Friday, 
 and Easter; also St. Stephen's, All Saints', Candle- 
 mas, St. John the Baptist's, Mary Magdalene's, and 
 more strangely the Annunciation and Ascension of 
 the Virgin Mary, together with the day of the city 
 patron saints, Felix and Regula. On these days, as 
 on Sunday, public business and all work were for- 
 bidden, except necessary work, as harvesting. At 
 the end of the year 1526 Zwingli authorised the issue 
 of a calendar for the year 1527, in which the names 
 of the church saints were supplanted by biblical 
 saints, each with a Scripture reference.' The assign- 
 ment to dates was purely arbitrary. The author of 
 this book was an alleged Dr. Johannes Copp, but 
 as this man is otherwise utterly unknown, the con- 
 jecture lies near that the real author was Zwingli him- 
 self. All the gold and silver ornaments and other 
 costly treasures of the churches, including the vest- 
 ments and the splendidly bound service-books, were 
 not only removed from the churches but melted down, 
 sold, or destroyed," and even the grave stones, unless 
 the relatives of the deceased took them away, were by 
 order of the City Council used for building purposes.^ 
 Although Zwingli was doubtless the author of all 
 these changes in Church ordinances, yet the nominal 
 authors were the city authorities and all these 
 changes were made in their name. They were not 
 
 ' Reprinted by Dr. Ernst Goetzinger, Zwei Kalender von yahre 
 1^2'/, Schaffhausen, 1865. 
 
 * Bullinger, i., 383, sq. ; Ceroid Edlibach, Chronik (ed. Usteri, 
 Zurich, 1847), 275 ; Zwingli, ii., 2, 443 j-i/j^. 
 
 'Egli, A. S., 865. 
 
1529] The Final Stage 293 
 
 carried out without more or less opposition, espe- 
 cially in the country districts, where the people 
 were more inclined to stand by the old order. On 
 April 4, 1526, the Council of the city of Zurich 
 passed an order relative to the support to be hence- 
 forth given to the clergy by setting apart certain 
 sources of revenue to this end. This meant in some 
 cases a considerable curtailment of income, especially 
 on the part of the canons of the different cathedrals. 
 Those priests who remained faithful to the old order 
 were not, however, deprived of their stipends, but 
 as they died or retired their places were filled, if at 
 all, with those of the Reformed Church. 
 
 Zwingli showed his ambition for an educated 
 clergy by establishing a theological seminary as 
 soon as funds were available, which was in the sum- 
 mer of 1525. A call was given to a teacher of Greek 
 and Hebrew, and Zwingli himself took part in the 
 work. The text-book was the Bible. Instruction 
 began at eight o'clock in the morning. One teacher 
 read the Hebrew text and translated it into Latin 
 with a brief interpretation. Then Zwingli trans- 
 lated the same text from the Greek of the Septuagint 
 into Latin. Leo Jud then commented in German 
 upon what had been read, and explained in Latin. 
 This theological seminary was attended not only by 
 regular students but by the clergy of the city, and 
 Leo Jud's lectures by the people generally. In- 
 struction from the Greek New Testament was given 
 in the afternoon at three o'clock by Myconius. 
 That Zwingli set up for himself a high standard is 
 shown by his writings, and he was able to impress 
 
294 Huldreich Zwingli [1524- 
 
 this standard upon others. He called his institute 
 " The Prophecy." ' 
 
 On the 1 2th of December Zwingli presided over a 
 synod at Frauenfeld," in the canton of Thurgau, some 
 twenty-two miles north-east of Zurich, at which were 
 assembled not only the preachers of Thurgau but of 
 St. Gall, Appenzell, and the Rhine valley, along with 
 representatives of the congregations. In all there 
 were some five hundred clergymen. The principal 
 business of the synod apparently was to bring the 
 clergy into line. Consequently those ministers who 
 had been inclined to accept Anabaptism were either 
 compelled to confess conversion to the orthodox 
 view or else they were deposed on the ground of 
 ignorance or deprived of their stipends. Other im- 
 portant business of the synod related to the refor- 
 mation of the monasteries and the secularisation of 
 their property. Zwingli on his way back went 
 through Constance, preached there on the 19th of 
 December, as he did later on at Stein and Diessen- 
 hofen, two towns on the Rhine fifteen and twenty 
 miles respectively west of Constance. On the 17th of 
 May, 1530, another synod was held at Frauenfeld 
 in which Zwingli again took a personal part and 
 through his friends in Constance he exerted an in- 
 fluence eastward upon the territory bordering on 
 Thurgau, so that this whole section of the country 
 heard the preaching of the Gospel. 
 
 It must be confessed that in the different sections 
 of Switzerland into which the Reformation entered 
 
 ' Johannes Kessler, Sahhata (ed. Goetzinger, St. Gall, 1870), i., 
 372 ; Bullinger, i., 2qos</.; Zwingli, iv., 205 ; Egli, A. S., 866. 
 * VIII., 401 ; Kessler, Sabbata, ii., 233 sqq. 
 
1529] The Final Stage 295 
 
 the means adopted to secure its triumph were by 
 no means always merely appeals to reason and con- 
 science, Zwingli had the idea that whenever the ma- 
 jority wished to accept the new teachings they were 
 justified in compelling the minority to accept them 
 or to leave. This was the course he pursued in regard 
 to the Baptists and this was also the course in regard 
 to the monasteries and nunneries and to the estab- 
 lishment of the revised form of the Lord's Supper and 
 in other ways. So the soul liberty which he claimed 
 for himself and for his followers he was not willing 
 to grant to others. Wherever he or his followers 
 met with opposition there they used force. Par- 
 ticularly was this the case in regard to the cloisters. 
 The case of the nuns of St. Katherinenthal is one in 
 point. Their building was on the Rhine, five miles 
 east of Schaffhausen. It is now a hospital for in- 
 curables. These nuns had opposed the Reforma- 
 tion, but were supposed to have been convinced by 
 the arguments of Zwingli. They were brought under 
 the preaching of those sent by the Swiss authorities, 
 and because they still refused to accept the Refor- 
 mation they were driven out of their cloister with 
 violence, the pictures and statues of which were 
 destroyed by a mob from the neighbouring town of 
 Diessenhofen, a mile back on the Rhine, their re- 
 ligious dress was torn from their backs and burnt 
 before their eyes, and they were themselves roughly 
 handled.* The monks in the Cistercian abbey of 
 
 ' See the pitiful story told by the sufferers, with annotations, 
 Archiv fur die schweizerische Reformationsgeschichte (Freiburg in 
 5r., 1875), iii., 101-115. 
 
296 Huldreich Zwingli [1524 
 
 Wettingen on the Limmat, thirteen miles north- 
 west of Zurich, were also visited by a mob and the 
 pictures and the statuary of their chapel likewise 
 destroyed. They were compelled to remove them 
 with their own hands and in the presence of the 
 abbot of Cappel and of a delegation from Zurich and 
 Bern to cut off one another's hair and pull off their 
 hoods. Their building, surrounded b)'' extensive 
 gardens, was afterwards turned into a school- 
 house. It is now a seminary for teachers. Justifica- 
 tion of this rough treatment of these monks and 
 nuns, or rather the explanation offered, was the fact 
 that the opposition to the Reformation came chiefly 
 from them, and also it is probable that the people 
 in this way revenged themselves for long years of 
 oppression and neglect. But this was playing with 
 edged tools, and naturally intensified the opposition 
 to the Reformation on the part of the Five Forest 
 Cantons. 
 
 Zwingli in 1 529 stood at the height of his influence. 
 His followers, who up to 1526 had been limited to 
 the inhabitants of the canton of Zurich, were now 
 found in all parts of German Switzerland even to 
 some extent in the Five Forest Cantons, and also in 
 Strassburg, Hessia, and the Swabian cities — in 
 short, through a considerable part of Northern 
 Switzerland and Southern Germany. In all these 
 parts he was looked upon as the religious leader 
 and was praised and trusted as no other man of his 
 day in this section of Europe. The burden and re- 
 sponsibility for the management of all the churches 
 which had accepted his theology naturally fell 
 
1529] The Final Stage 297 
 
 upon him. The congregations thus established were 
 subjected to the control of the local authorities. 
 They held their own independent church courts, but 
 in the common opposition to the Anabaptists (or 
 rather Baptists), to the Catholic Church, and to the 
 Lutherans they found a bond of union, and so they 
 gradually assumed a uniformity of doctrinal expres- 
 sion and of internal Church management. Just as 
 in the early time it was the presence of heresy 
 which brought the orthodox Christian churches to- 
 gether and led to the formation of the Catholic 
 Church, so it was the presence of Anabaptism, the 
 mass, and Lutheranism which caused the rise of the 
 Reformed Church in German Switzerland and South- 
 ern Germany. The intercourse between various 
 places by means of delegations, which was a feature 
 of their national life, was used to promote religious 
 as well as political ends, for the civil delegations 
 were frequently accompanied by ecclesiastic delega- 
 tions and the matters brought up for discussion at 
 such meetings were quite as likely to be religious as 
 political or commercial. For instance, how to treat 
 the Anabaptists, how to treat the Lutherans, 
 whether they should apply property of the cloisters 
 to educational purposes, and whether they should 
 have identical forms of creeds and litany, these 
 were matters earnestly presented. Zwingli does not 
 seem to have been inclined to suppress the indi- 
 viduality of the several congregations, for when the 
 synod was held at Basel on February 15, 1531, and 
 the question was asked whether the allied congrega- 
 tions should not have the same litany, the answer was 
 
298 Huldreich Zwingli [1524-1529] 
 
 given that although such a uniformity was desirable 
 it was not necessary and should not be made obli- 
 gatory. At the same time the synod held that it 
 was very desirable to have regular interchange of 
 views and opinions between the churches in the 
 Christian Burgher Rights. Zwingli laid particular 
 stress upon the organisation of the synod. That of 
 Zurich was naturally made the model. These 
 synods were democratic bodies and exerted power- 
 ful influence upon the congregations which they 
 represented in doctrinal and ethical matters. But 
 in most of the cities and cantons the Church affairs 
 were regulated by the magistrates. Whenever he 
 could Zwingli seems to have put himself in evidence 
 as much as possible, even to the extent of being 
 himself the presiding officer of the synod, and when 
 any conflict arose between it and the magistrates 
 he generally took the side of the magistrates. 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 THE FIRST CAPPEL WAR AND THE COLLOQUY OF 
 
 MARBURG 
 
 1529 
 
 THE year 1529 is for ever memorable because in 
 it the religious party in Germany and Switzer- 
 land, which had revolted from the Old Church, first 
 received their cognomen of " Protestants." This 
 excellent descriptive epithet, which all branches of 
 the Reformed Church, save one, are proud to bear, 
 arose naturally from the action of John, the Elector 
 of Saxony; the Margrave of Brandenburg; Philip, 
 the Landgrave of Hesse ; Philip, Ernest, and Fran- 
 cis, the Dukes of Brunswick and Luneburg; Wolf- 
 gang, the Prince of Anhalt ; and of the imperial 
 cities of Strassburg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Constance, 
 Lindau, Memmingen, Kempten, Nordlingen, Heil- 
 bronn, Reutlingen, Issna, St. Gall, Weissenburg, 
 and Windsheim, in protesting at the Diet of Spires, 
 on April 19, 1529, against its action in ordering the 
 reinstatement of the mass in those portions of the 
 empire where it had been overthrown, and the ex- 
 tirpation of the alleged Zwinglian and Anabaptist 
 heresies." ' It is a sad fact that the proposed 
 
 'See summary in Gieseler, Eccles. Hist., Eng. trans., Am. ed., 
 iv., 130-132, footnotes. The Zwinglians were called by Lutherans 
 and Roman Catholics " Sacramentarians." 
 
 299 
 
300 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 suppression of Zwingli's theory as to the meaning 
 of the Eucharist was heard of by the Lutherans 
 with more or less open satisfaction.' But the Land- 
 grave of Hesse found an ally in Melanchthon in mak- 
 ing a protest against this action on the ground that 
 there had been no discussion of the matter before 
 the Diet, and so it was an outrage to condemn it 
 unheard." Zwingli alludes to this magnanimous 
 performance of the Landgrave in his letter in reply 
 to the Landgrave's from Spires on May 13th, in 
 which he hails with delight the proposal for a con- 
 ference between the Lutherans and Zwinglians and 
 declares he would attend whether the Zurich Council 
 gave him permission or not.^ 
 
 But before the Colloquy could be held the troubles 
 between the Five Forest Cantons (Uri, Schwyz, 
 Unterwalden, Luzern, and Zug), whose inhabitants 
 were honest and ardent adherents of the Old Church, 
 and the Reformed cantons led to open war. The 
 former had, in 1528, leagued themselves together to 
 oppose the Zwinglians, and the next year allied 
 themselves with Ferdinand of Austria. 
 
 ' See judgment of Luther and Melanchthon in Walch's edition of 
 Luther's Works (xvi., 364). 
 
 * See Melanchthon's letter to Camerarius on May 17th in Corpus 
 Reformatorum, i., 1067 sq. 
 
 '^ Philip's letter was in German and dated by Schuler and Schult- 
 hess (viii., 288), " auf 9. Mai Speier am Donstag nach Jubilate 1529." 
 But Jubilate is the third Sunday after Easter, which that year came 
 on March 28th, consequently the third Sunday would be on April 
 iSth and Thursday thereafter would be April 22d, not May gth. 
 Besides, Zwingli's reply is dated May 7th (viii., 663). One of 
 Zwingli's correspondents, John Haner, claimed the credit of suggest- 
 ing originally the conference. 
 
1529] The First Cappel War 301 
 
 Matters were thus brought to a crisis, for it was 
 the avowed intention of the Five Cantons and their 
 allies to root out the Zwinglian teaching and teach- 
 ers. Zwingli, therefore, favoured armed opposition 
 by the cities of the cantons which had accepted his 
 teaching before their enemies were too much en- 
 trenched. To Bern, hesitating about engaging in 
 the fraternal strife, he wrote sometime in June, 
 1529, just before starting for Cappel: 
 
 " Be firm and do not fear war. For that peace which 
 some are so urgently pressing upon us is not peace but 
 war. And the war for which I am so insistent is peace, 
 not war; for I do not thirst for the blood of anyone, nor 
 will I drink it even in case of tumult. This is the end 
 I have in view — the enervation of the oligarchy. Unless 
 this takes place neither the truth of the Gospel nor its 
 ministers will be safe among us. I have in mind nothing 
 cruel, but what I do is friendly and paternal. I desire 
 to save some who are perishing through ignorance. I 
 am labouring to preserve liberty. Fear nothing; for we 
 shall so manage all things with the goodness and the 
 alliance of God that you shall not be ashamed nor dis- 
 pleased because of us." ' 
 
 He also disclosed to friends on the very morning 
 the start was made his plan of campaign.' 
 
 War was indeed inevitable. The condemnation 
 of a Zwinglian and a Zuricher to death for his faith's 
 sake in Schwyz ^ only hastened matters. On June 
 
 >VIII., 294. 
 
 * This is probably similar to that preserved and printed, ii., 3, 
 
 37-39- 
 
 ^Bullinger, ii., 148. 
 
302 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 8, 1529, Zurich declared war on the Five Cantons' 
 and joined by her allies, especially by Bern, marched 
 thirty thousand strong to Cappel, a border town ten 
 miles directly south of Zurich. Zwingli accom- 
 panied the troops, nominally as chaplain, as his 
 office obligated him to do. He went on horseback, 
 carrying " on his shoulder a beautiful halberd." It 
 was his plan to strike a quick and crushing blow 
 upon the disorganised Five Cantons, and then ex- 
 tort from them the abrogation of the Austrian alli- 
 ance, the renunciation of foreign pensions, and full 
 liberty to preach the Reformed doctrines within their 
 borders. It was to see that these things were in- 
 sisted on that he accompanied the host. But as 
 they were directly opposite to the Five Cantons' 
 ideas and could only be obtained by bloodshed, he 
 was held by them to be their deadliest foe ; and the 
 Zurich authorities, knowing that he was considered 
 by them as the cause of the whole trouble, had en- 
 deavoured to keep him in Zurich and even appointed 
 another to be chaplain. 
 
 But the first Cappel war was over as soon as it 
 was begun. On June loth the allies received a 
 moving appeal from the chief magistrate of Glarus 
 to await a proposition from the Five Cantons. 
 Zwingli perceived the folly of treating with them 
 
 ' Her reasons were apparently drawn up by Zwingli and were cir- 
 culated in printed form. The document is reprinted by BuUinger 
 (ii., 164-167). Seven reasons were given, but they were reducible to 
 two, the alliance the cantons had made with Austria for the express 
 purpose of destroying the Reformed Church, and the execution of 
 Jacob Keyser (also called Schlosser) by the canton of Schwyz for his 
 faith's sake. 
 
1529] The First Cappel War 303 
 
 and patching up a peace which secured none of the 
 objects of the threatened war. He said to the 
 bearer of the appeal: " You will have to give an 
 account to God for this. While the enemy is weak 
 and without arms, he speaks fair: you believe him 
 and make peace. But when he is fully armed, he 
 will not spare us, and then no peace will he make 
 with us." The man replied : " I trust in God that all 
 will turn out well. Let us act always for the best." ' 
 
 On June nth, Zwingli wrote from the field to 
 the Small and Great Councils of Zurich a long let- 
 ter,' in which he gave his idea of the necessary 
 conditions for a lasting peace : I. The Forest Cantons 
 must allow the Word of God to be freely preached 
 among them. II. Pensions were to be for ever fore- 
 sworn. III. Distribution of such pensions was to be 
 punished corporally and by fine. IV. The Forest 
 Cantons were to pay indemnity to Zurich and Bern. 
 
 In the camp the chief talk was apparently against 
 the pensioners, who were considered principal fo- 
 menters of trouble, as they had done so much to 
 degenerate their fellow countrymen. Their sup- 
 pression was also dear to Zwingli, as much so, per- 
 haps, as religious liberty. Peace could the easier 
 be arranged as there was on neither side, certainly 
 not among the common soldiers, any desire to fight, 
 — in fact, the outposts fraternised/ and besides 
 
 ' Bullinger, ii., 170. 
 
 'VIII., 296 sqq. 
 
 ^ Cf. the famous story of the Forest Cantoners offering milk to the 
 Zurichers' bread and both eating them together (Bullinger, ii., 182, 
 183). Similar events occurred during the Civil War in the United 
 States, and probably in many other wars. 
 
304 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 hunger played an urgent part in inducing the 
 Catholics to come to terms.' 
 
 While the negotiations were going on the camp 
 of the Reformed was under strict discipline and 
 daily religious services were held, Zwingli discov- 
 ered that the pensioners were secretly working 
 against him and naturally they had plenty of allies. 
 Even Bern was indifferent in the matter.' He then 
 composed this hymn ': 
 
 I. II. 
 
 Lord, guide the car [of War] Thyself ! God, elevate Thy Name 
 
 Otherwise crooked To the punishment 
 
 All our course becomes. Of the wicked goats ! 
 
 That would be joy Thy sheep 
 
 To our enemies, Again awake, 
 
 Who Thee Who Thee 
 
 Despise so wickedly. Love so ardently ! 
 
 III. 
 
 Help, so that all bitterness 
 
 May be far removed, 
 
 And old fidelity 
 
 May come back 
 
 And grow anew ; 
 
 That we 
 
 Ever may sing Thy praises ! 
 
 On June 24, 1530, the treaty was signed, and 
 Zwingli on that day expressed himself as satisfied 
 
 'VIII., 305. " Our enemies are suffering from hunger. . . 
 They are tired of the war since they have nothing to eat." 
 
 ** See his letter to Blaurer, June 21, 1529 (viii., 308); cf. that to 
 Bern, in which he alludes to camp disputes on July 24 (viii., 325). 
 
 *II., 2, 275, 276, and the music, 527. Bullinger gives it (ii., 182) 
 and states that it was immediately and widely popular. It was sung 
 at the Swiss celebrations of the four hundredth anniversary of 
 
FACSIMILe O 
 
 ). I should have 
 
 ,j^ Luther, since I have 
 
 r, if I had not been 
 
 ^^ong ago delivered to 
 
 J somewhat different. 
 
 A urge, not of their 
 
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 ^r<^<-'*''W'»-»^»-*^that they should be 
 
 • St ween Zurich and 
 
 D the matter, chiefly 
 
 f^ # ro without difficulty. 
 
 U. .**♦. ^»f /^^^ offe-?5-fS' them to 
 
 to them we are will- 
 
LE OF A LETTER \ 
 
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 Of ^ 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 Grace and Peace from God. I should have 
 already sent you our replies to Luther, since I have 
 gotten hold of a letter carrier, if I had not been 
 suspicious that they had been long ago delivered to 
 you. My present business is somewhat different. 
 Private citizens of MUlhausen urge, not of their 
 individual authority, but rather by command of 
 those particularly concerned, that they should be 
 received into the alliance between Zurich and 
 Bern. But this has been done in the dark, that 
 is, cautiously and secretly. We, the Town clerk 
 and I, have not yet brought up the matter, chiefly 
 fur the reason that we are awaiting your petition ; 
 and we hope that it will go thro without difficulty. 
 Meanwhile we are making good offe'fe'^ them to 
 the effect, that if it seems good to them v-'e axe will- 
 ing to refer it to the next Diet of the three cities 
 and with the greatest fidelity to do anything which 
 they believe will be to their advantage. I was un- 
 willing that you should remain ignorant of these 
 matters. For the Mulhausers have learned that 
 you have under consideration joining this alliance 
 yourself, and they have heard it not from traitors but 
 from faithful ones who know that the alliances of 
 your cities, I mean St. Gall and MQlhausen, are 
 almost identical. We will follow out what you 
 consider for your best interests. Farewell. 
 
 Zurich, September 3, 1528. 
 
 The Glareans remain faithful to the Word. 
 Yours, 
 
 To the honorable, wise, etc. 
 Mr. von Watt, Burgomaster 
 of St. Gall. 
 
 
1529] The First Cappel War 305 
 
 and thankful." The treaty contained eighteen Arti- 
 cles, of which these were the chief: i. Neither side 
 was to persecute anyone for his faith's sake. The 
 majority in each canton was to decide whether the 
 Old Faith was to be retained or not. 2. The alliance 
 with Austria was to be dissolved and the papers 
 pertaining to it " pierced and slit." 3. The six 
 cities of Zurich, Bern, Basel, St. Gall, Miilhausen, 
 and Biel, all Reformed, renounced definitely for 
 themselves and their dependencies all pensions and 
 foreign subsidies of every description, but merely 
 recommended a similar course to the Five Forest 
 Cantons. 7. Schwyz was to support the children 
 of Jacob Keyser (or Schlosser), whom she had 
 burned for his faith's sake. 10. Abusive speech on 
 both sides was to cease. 13. The Forest Cantons 
 were to reimburse Zurich and Bern for the cost of 
 the war inside of fourteen days from the date of the 
 treaty ; on penalty for failure to do so the six cities 
 would refuse to sell them food." Zwingli thus ex- 
 pressed himself on June 29th, in writing to a friend 
 at Ulm: 
 
 " We have brought home a peace-treaty which is I 
 
 Zwingli's birth in 1884, and at the unveiling of the Zwingli statue in 
 Zurich, Monday, August 24, 1885. The poetical versions given in 
 the English translations of Hottinger by T. C. Porter (p. 301), Chris- 
 toffel by J. Cochran (p. 430), Merle d'Aubigne by H. White (iv., 
 p. 488), the last reprinted by ScYiaH {//ist. Chr. Church, vii., p. 173), 
 with the alteration of one line, are so exceedingly free as to misrepre- 
 sent the original in thought and metre. 
 
 ' See viii., 309. 
 
 '^ The text of the treaty is given in Bullinger, ii., 185-191. The 
 war costs were reckoned as " 2500»Sonnenkronen " (ii., 3, 43). 
 
1529] The First Cappel War 305 
 
 and thankful." The treaty contained eighteen Arti- 
 cles, of which these were the chief: i. Neither side 
 was to persecute anyone for his faith's sake. The 
 majority in each canton was to decide whether the 
 Old Faith was to be retained or not. 2. The alliance 
 with Austria was to be dissolved and the papers 
 pertaining to it " pierced and slit." 3. The six 
 cities of Zurich, Bern, Basel, St. Gall, Miilhausen, 
 and Biel, all Reformed, renounced definitely for 
 themselves and their dependencies all pensions and 
 foreign subsidies of every description, but merely 
 recommended a similar course to the Five Forest 
 Cantons. 7. Schwyz was to support the children 
 of Jacob Keyser (or Schlosser), whom she had 
 burned for his faith's sake. 10. Abusive speech on 
 both sides was to cease. 13. The Forest Cantons 
 were to reimburse Zurich and Bern for the cost of 
 the war inside of fourteen days from the date of the 
 treaty ; on penalty for failure to do so the six cities 
 would refuse to sell them food.^ Zwingli thus ex- 
 pressed himself on June 29th, in writing to a friend 
 at Ulm: 
 
 " We have brought home a peace-treaty which is I 
 
 Zwingli's birth in 1884, and at the unveiling of the Zwingli statue in 
 Zurich, Monday, August 24, 1885. The poetical versions given in 
 the English translations of Hottinger by T. C. Porter (p. 301), Chris- 
 toffel by J. Cochran (p. 430), Merle d'Aubigne by H. White (iv., 
 p. 488), the last reprinted by Scha.fi {//isi. Chr. Church, vii., p. 173), 
 with the alteration of one line, are so exceedingly free as to misrepre- 
 sent the original in thought and metre. 
 
 ' See viii., 309. 
 
 ■■* The text of the treaty is given in Bullinger, ii., 185-191. The 
 war costs were reckoned as " 250o»Sonnenkronen " (ii., 3, 43). 
 
3o6 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 trust most honourable for us, although we have not shed 
 a drop of blood. Our opponents on the other hand 
 have brought home a very wet pelt [/. e., a great damper 
 has been put upon them]. Because in the first place the 
 Articles of alliance with Ferdinand were by the Ammann 
 of Glarus about ii a.m. on June 29th before our own 
 eyes, in our camp, cut to pieces with a hanger and en- 
 tirely destroyed. That I saw with my own eyes. 
 In our whole campaign there was no dissension at all, 
 and no one wounded on either side. Among the op- 
 ponents was all fear and dissension, that God had pro- 
 vided, also hunger." ' 
 
 The treaty u^as highly approved by the Reformed 
 in the six cities, but considered humiliating by the 
 Forest Cantons. Zwingli was particularly anxious 
 to secure the free preaching of the Gospel in the 
 Forest Cantons, and claimed that the treaty secured 
 it, but the Forest Cantons denied this. The dele- 
 gation Zurich sent to urge the matter reported that 
 not the leaders only but the people generally were 
 more determined than ever to keep out the evan- 
 gelical preachers. So nothing could be accom- 
 plished, and it was evident that in one chief Article 
 the treaty failed ; indeed, that the Forest Cantons 
 were only biding their time to make another appeal 
 to the sword. ^ 
 
 Zwingli took advantage of the lull in Swiss affairs 
 to resume the negotiations for a colloquy between 
 
 'VIII., 311, from the German, which is plainly the original. 
 The Latin translation appears on opposite page. 
 
 * On August 10th, when he wrote to the Landgrave, he considered 
 war a possibility (viii., 663). • 
 
1529] The Colloquy of Marburg 307 
 
 himself and followers and Luther and his followers, 
 as urged by Philip, Landgrave of Hesse.' On 
 " Thursday after SS. Peter and Paul's day " (/. c, 
 July 1st), 1529, the latter sent from Friedewald, 
 thirty miles southeast of Cassel, a very cordial letter 
 to Zvvingli informing him that he had made arrange- 
 ments already for the conference and had received 
 the promise of Luther and Melanchthon to attend," 
 The place would be Marburg, in his domains, and 
 the time set for their arrival was St. Michael's Day, 
 September 29th (which that year fell on Wednes- 
 day), and the conference would begin the next day. 
 He also advised that he pick up CEcolampadius in 
 Basel on the way, as he had also been invited, and 
 that they come to Marburg via Strassburg and 
 through the Duchy of Zweibriicken, as friendly ter- 
 ritories, to Katzenellenbogen, twenty miles south- 
 east of Coblenz and in Hessia. Thence they would 
 have a military escort to Marburg. The other 
 route open to them was via Frankfort on the Rhine, 
 but this was more perilous. Finally, he apologised 
 for putting the date of the conference so late, on 
 the ground that he had heard a war had broken out." 
 
 ' The town records of Zurich show that on July 19, 1529, Zwingli 
 had had a man put in prison for accusing him of stealing twenty 
 gulden and a pair of spurs. On July 22d he accepted his apology 
 that the words were spoken while the offender was drunk, and the 
 man was released on a fine of two marks silver and costs (Strick- 
 ler, Actcnsatntnlung, ii., pp. 264, 265). 
 
 ' Carlstadt was not invited, as he complained to CEcolampadius, 
 viii., 394. 
 
 *V1II., 312. The war Philip alludes to is known as the first 
 Cappel war already described. 
 
3o8 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 On July 1 2th, QEcolampadius, ignorant that he 
 had already consented, asked Zwingli to join him 
 in the Marburg conference.' 
 
 On July 14, 1529, Zwingli wrote again to Philip 
 of Hesse in reply to his letter to the Zurich Council 
 and accompanied it with the Council's letters to 
 Philip and himself. He stated that the Council of 
 Zurich preferred Strassburg as the place of meeting, 
 because it was only twenty-one miles from Zurich, 
 and reached without going through hostile territory. 
 At the same time if the place could not be changed 
 he was ready to go to Marburg and CEcolampadius 
 would go likewise." 
 
 To this the Prince replied on " Tuesday after St. 
 James's Day" {i. e., July 27th), to the effect that 
 the place had been carefully considered and was the 
 most convenient for all the parties and could not be 
 changed; that on the journey thither the Swiss 
 theologians would have no personal danger except 
 when going over the fourteen miles between Basel 
 and Strassburg, and even this short stretch was not 
 very unsafe. ° On July 30th QEcolampadius ex- 
 pressed to Zwingli his own apprehensions for their 
 safety and his doubts as to the outcome of the Col- 
 loquy.* On August 1st, he wrote that on Zwingli's 
 advice he had tried to get the Strassburgers to inter- 
 cede to have the place changed from Marburg, but 
 nothing had been accomplished.' It is evident from 
 this letter that Zwingli's physical courage was not 
 
 ' VIII., 319, 320. 
 
 « VIII., 320. * VIII., 331. 
 
 »Vni.,329. » VIII., 333. 
 
1529] The Colloquy of Marburg 309 
 
 great. ITchad failed the Reformed cause at Baden. 
 He was likely to do so at Marburg. Gi^colampa- 
 dius cheers him up by the promised presence of 
 Christ on the journey. Capito in Strassburg lays 
 before him the ridicule Luther would pour upon 
 him if he failed to come, the great desirability on 
 every account of his coming, the comparative safety 
 of the journey, and the elaborate arrangements 
 made for it going and coming.' Butzer, also in 
 Strassburg, talks in similar strain." On August 10, 
 1529, Zwingli gave the definite promise to come to 
 the conference at Marburg, unless war should break 
 out again, even though permission to do so might 
 be refused by the Council.' 
 
 The Landgrave wrote him in reply on the " Sab- 
 bath after the Assumption of Mary" {i. e., Satur- 
 day, August 2 1st), that he urgently called him, as 
 he had good hopes that if he came the controversy 
 as to the Eucharist would be settled." Down to 
 August i8th, CEcolampadius did not know exactly 
 when they were to set forth'; but when he wrote 
 again on September ist, he knew and had arranged 
 that Zwingli's arrival in Basel should be kept a se- 
 cret. When he came it would be decided whether 
 they should go thence to Strassburg by boat on the 
 Rhine or on horseback. " 
 
 Zwingli was so sure of a refusal from the Council 
 
 ' See his letter of August 4th (viii., 336). See also Sturm's letter 
 (viii., 337). 
 
 2 VIII., 340. 
 
 3 VIII., 663, 664. • B VIII., 352. 
 ••VIII., 351. « VIII., 354. 
 
3IO Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 to his petition to be allowed to go that he never ap- 
 plied, but quietly left Zurich about lo P.M. on Fri- 
 day, September 3d, put up at the hotel "To the Ox," 
 in the suburb called Sihl, just before the Rennweg 
 gate, the north-west gate of the city, and there 
 passed the night.' He did not even tell his wife that 
 he was going farther than Basel. Before daybreak 
 the next morning he wrote a letter to the Great and 
 Small Councils of Zurich, explaining and apologis- 
 ing for his leaving the city without permission, by 
 the importance of the coming Colloquy and the ur- 
 gency of the Prince of Hesse. He informed the 
 Councils that he had been refused permission by 
 the Small Council, and anticipated the same result 
 if he addressed them." The distance to Marburg 
 was sixty German miles (or two hundred and forty 
 English miles). Basel would not only send CEco- 
 lampadius, but a delegate from among the Council- 
 lors. " If Zurich follows this example let the person 
 sent be Ulrich Funk, because he is young enough 
 to stand the long, arduous journey and besides can 
 understand Latin, which will be the probable lan- 
 guage of the Colloquy, for I very much fear that 
 they [the Prince and the Lutherans] will not under- 
 stand our language. I have taken Rudolf Collin 
 with me." " 
 
 ' Bernhard Weis in Fuessli, Beytraege, iv., 117 sqq. It was there 
 that Samson stopped (p. 125 of this volume). 
 
 ''■ His secret departure gave rise to the idea that the devil had 
 carried him off ! (Bullinger, ii., 224). 
 
 ^ VIII., 355. The letter was doubtless written in German. It is 
 dated " Geben Samitag frlih von Tag I. Ilerbslmonat zu Zurich, 
 1529 " (/. £'., Saturday morning before the first day of September at 
 
1529] The Colloquy of Marburg 311 
 
 On Sunday, September 5th, at 9 r.M., he wrote to 
 the Zurich Council that he had arrived in Basel that 
 day ' ; would go by boat to Strassburg the next day, 
 but would not leave there till the i8th. " Have Mas- 
 ter Stoll say to my wife whatever ought to be said to 
 a woman, for when I left I told her only that I was 
 
 Zurich, 1529). Now since the first day of September that year was 
 Wednesday, it follows that the Saturday before was August 28th. 
 Yet Christoffel (p. 302, Eng. trans., p. 339), Morikofer (ii., p. 229), 
 and Staehelin (ii., p. 392) all say the start was made September ist. 
 The explanation is that they either have not freshly investigated the 
 matter, but taken the statements of their predecessors, or else have 
 followed the ambiguous Latin translation which reads: " Dedi 
 Sabbati die mane ante lucem i Septembris Turici a. 1529," which 
 may mean " Given on Saturday morning before daybreak first Sep- 
 tember at Zurich in the year 1529," but as Saturday was August 
 28th, it here means, " Given on the Saturday morning before 
 the 1st of September," etc. But Bullinger says (ii., 224) that the 
 start was made on September 3d, which would be Friday, so the 
 (late of the letter was Saturday, September 4th, which agrees pre- 
 cisely with the statement in Zwingli's letter from Basel (viii., 362) 
 that he arrived there Sunday, September 5th. So I believe the former 
 letter was wrongly dated or deciphered, "post" or " nach " being 
 used for "ante" or "vor." Strickler dates the letter correctly, 
 September 4th (ii., A. S., 790), as does August Baur (ii., 623). The 
 allusion to the probable inability of the Lutherans to understand the 
 patois of Zwingli is interesting, and is particularly appreciated by 
 those who have tried to converse with modern Zurich peasants. 
 But the written Zurich dialect was just as bad, for Zwingli wrote to 
 the Landgrave on May 7, 1529, " that I address you in Latin I do 
 it for this reason only because I fear that our Swiss tongue is strange 
 to you" (viii., 663). So, also, to the same on July 14th he wrote : 
 " I fear that if we meet I shall not be understood in my tongue. So 
 I do not know whether it would not be better if we used Latin " 
 (viii., 324). 
 
 ' The distance between Zurich and Basel is only fifty-six miles 
 by rail, and is now made inside of three hours ; but was then 
 made on horseback, and might well take nearly two days. 
 
3i2 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 going to Basel on business. . . . Do not suspect 
 that I have left Zurich to seek another settlement." ' 
 On the next day at the same hour he wrote to the 
 Council from Strassburg, telling of his safe arrival 
 in thirteen hours in a ship provided by the Baselers, 
 and would remain eleven days. " I wish you would 
 please tell my dear wife that I have arrived at Strass- 
 burg." ^ While there he preached. On September 
 17th he and his companion Ulrich Funk wrote to 
 the Council that they should start the next day, 
 which was Saturday, under the protection of the 
 escort.' Next they are heard from on September 
 22d, at Meisenheim, which is eighty miles due north 
 from Strassburg. They say: 
 
 " After Master Huldreich had written in our name how 
 and when we set forth from Strassburg, the authorities of 
 Strassburg sent us with an escort of soldiers to their 
 castle called Kochersberg, thence to the castle of Herr- 
 stein [eighty-five miles north of Strassburg and five miles 
 north-west of Meisenheim], and treated us in so honour- 
 able and friendly a fashion that we were at no expense 
 for entertainment. They also sent the distinguished 
 Jacob Sturm with two preachers and an escort of five 
 soldiers with us to the Landgrave, and when we had 
 come to the castle of Herrstein some knights of Duke 
 Ludwig of Zweibriicken met us and conducted us in 
 faithful and friendly ways through by-paths and woods, 
 over mountains and through valleys, safely and secretly 
 to Zweibriicken and thence to the castles Lichtenberg 
 and Meisenheim.* There we were received in a manner 
 
 'VIII., 361. 2 VIII., 362. » VIII., 366. 
 
 * The distance from Herrstein is only five miles in a straight course 
 south-east. 
 
••r 
 
1529] The Colloquy of Marburg 313 
 
 no less friendly and were at no expense for entertain- 
 ment, and found at our disposal all and more than all 
 that had been promised us. Now with the help of God 
 we exi)ect to ride to-day [Wednesday, September 22d] 
 from Meisenheim to St. Goar,* or the castle Rheinfels 
 which is there, between which points forty cavalry of the 
 Landgrave of Hesse will receive us, and thence over the 
 Rhine to Marburg,^ where what we have come for will 
 be transacted." ' 
 
 Zv^ingli had left Zurich on September 4th, in com- 
 pany with the Greek professor Rudolf Collin, as has 
 been said ; when they reached Marburg on Septem- 
 ber 27th, he was accompanied by QEcoIampadius of 
 Basel, Butzer and Hedio of Strassburg, and by rep- 
 resentatives of Zurich, Basel, and Strassburg. The 
 Landgrave entertained them and Luther and his 
 company in his castle. It was the first time the lead- 
 ers of the Lutherans and the Reformed had met one 
 another and much was expected. Zwingli wished 
 Latin to be used exclusively and the debate to be 
 open ; but Luther carried his contention for German, 
 no shorthand reports of the speeches,* and a limited 
 
 ' Thirty miles almost due north on the Rhine. 
 
 ' Sixty-five miles north-east. 
 
 'VIII., 368. 
 
 ■•Consequently we have at best only reports written from notes 
 made after the debate. Brenz also declares " there was no shorthand 
 clerk present to take down the matter and none of the hearers was 
 given opportunity to note down anything" (iv., 201). These reports 
 are collected in iv., 173-204 ; and for the Swiss side see also Bullin- 
 ger's account (ii., 223-239); reprinted in part in Zwingli's Works 
 (ii., 3, 45-56). and additional matter (pp. 57, 58). The account 
 by Collin (iv., 173-184), Zwingli's travelling companion, who was 
 present at all the open sessions, is here followed. 
 
3H Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 audience — the Prince of Hesse, his counsellors, 
 several nobles and magnates, in all not more than 
 sixty and perhaps not that many at any one session. 
 Zwingli read from the Greek Testament; Luther 
 used his own German translation. Once when 
 Zwingli read a passage in Greek, Luther requested 
 that the readings be from the Latin or German.' 
 The parties to the Colloquy were, on the Zwinglian 
 side, Huldreich Zwingli from Zurich, Johann CEco- 
 lampadius from Basel, Martin Butzer and Caspar 
 Hedio from Strassburg; on the other side Martin 
 Luther, Philip Melanchthon, Justus Jonas, and Cas- 
 par Cruciger, all from Wittenberg; Friedrich Mycon- 
 ius from Gotha, Johann Brenz from Hall; Andreas 
 Osiander from Nuremberg, and Stephen Agricola 
 from Augsburg. With a view to shortening the de- 
 bate the Landgrave had arranged that Zwingli and 
 Melanchthon, CEcolampadius and Luther should 
 meet on Thursday, September 30th, the day preced- 
 ing that set for the Colloquy, each pair apart in pri- 
 vate. The result was much mutual enlightenment as 
 to their views, for it appeared that the Lutherans had 
 really erroneous ideas as to the Zwingli position on 
 minor points. In these private debates the Zwingli- 
 ans were apparently on the defensive, as the Luther- 
 ans held them in more or less disguised contempt. 
 But in these private talks probably, and certainly in 
 the public debate, there was outward courtesy.* 
 When on the next day, Friday, October ist, the pub- 
 lic debate began, it was found that Luther had writ- 
 ten before him upon the table in chalk the words: 
 
 ' IV., 179, 'So Breuz (iv., 201). 
 
1529] The Colloquy of Marburg 3^5 
 
 " This is My Body," in order not to allow himself, 
 says Collin, to be drawn in the discussion with 
 Zwingli and CEcolampadius away from these words. 
 Luther opened the debate by stating that the debate 
 should cover all points of Christian doctrine, as 
 Zwingli had made errors on other points than that 
 of the Eucharist, upon which latter subject he 
 bluntly declared that he was sure he was right and 
 always would be opposed to the Zwinglian view 
 that the words he had written, " This is My Body," 
 were to be taken other than literally. To which 
 Zwingli replied that the conference should be re- 
 stricted to the single subject to discuss which it was 
 called, and so the matter was arranged. Neither 
 side had the smallest intention to yield to the other 
 upon a single point, and both sides expressed the 
 greatest contempt for the opposite side's arguments. 
 The debate at first took the form of a colloquy be- 
 tween Luther and CEcolampadius. Then Zwingli 
 joined in and accused Luther of judging the case 
 before he heard it in that he declared that he was 
 not going to withdraw from his opinion. This 
 sounded well, but Zwingli was open to precisely the 
 same charge. Both Luther and Zwingli were in- 
 vulnerable to all arguments. After Zwingli and 
 Luther had debated for a while, CEcolampadius 
 spoke again, and Luther rejoined. So the debate 
 went on for two days, mercifully interrupted by 
 meals and sleep.' 
 
 The principal points were the construction to be 
 
 ' IV., 179. " Dinner intervened and cut short the struggle," says 
 Collin. 
 
3i6 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 put upon Christ's words used at the table on the 
 night in which He was betrayed, " This is My 
 Body "; and the relevancy of John vi. to the doc- 
 trine of the Lord's Supper, the patristic teaching on 
 the subject, and the nature of the Body which could 
 be found in the sacrament. 
 
 At the conclusion of the public debate the Swiss 
 asked that 
 
 " Luther would take them for brethren. This Dr. Mar- 
 tin would not at all agree to. He even addressed them 
 very seriously, saying that he was exceedingly surprised 
 that they should regard him as a brother if they seriously 
 believed their own doctrine true. But that [they con- 
 sidered him a brother] was an indication that they them- 
 selves did not think that there was much involved in the 
 matter." 
 
 This speech, reported by the faithful pen of 
 Melanchthon,' shows how much stress Luther laid 
 upon his interpretation of the meaning of the Lord's 
 Supper. Luther thus put the matter in his letter 
 to Jacobus, the provost at Bremen : 
 
 "As to the statement the Sacramentarians' are casting 
 abroad to the effect that I was beaten at Marburg, they 
 are acting after their own kind. For they are not only 
 liars but the very incarnation of lying, deceit, and hypo- 
 crisy, as Carlstadt and Zwingli show by their very deeds 
 and words. But you see that in the Articles formulated 
 at Marburg they took back the pestiferous teaching that 
 they had been promulgating in their ])ublished books in 
 
 IV., 189. ' The opprobrious epithet for the Zwinglians. 
 
1529J The Colloquy of Marburg 317 
 
 regard to baptism, the use of the sacraments, the external 
 word, and the rest. We took back nothing. . . . 
 They professed witli many words that they wished to 
 agree with us so far as to say that the body of Christ is 
 truly present in the Supper, but spiritually, with the sole 
 view that we deign to call them brethren, and so feign 
 harmony. This Zwingli begged with tears in his eyes 
 before the Landgrave and all of them, saying, ' There 
 are no people on earth with whom I would rather be in 
 harmony than with the Wittenbergers.' They strove 
 with the utmost eagerness and vigour to seem in har- 
 mony with us, and could never endure the expression I 
 used, 'You have a different spirit from ours.' They 
 burst into flame every time they heard it." * 
 
 CEcolampadius in his account of the Colloquy is 
 very much milder than Luther and milder than 
 Zwingli. He believed that " there was no victory 
 on either side since there was no fighting or con- 
 tending." ' Brenz is very explicit in regard to the 
 split which was so plainly manifested between 
 the speakers, and which surprised and grieved the 
 Landgrave. He says: 
 
 " xA-fterwards, when the meeting had been disbanded, 
 the Prince tried every possible way to secure agreement 
 between us, speaking to each one of us by himself with- 
 out witnesses, and begging, warning, exhorting, demand- 
 ing that we have regard to the Republic of Christ and 
 put strife away. [Failing to secure the absolute submis- 
 sion of the Zwinglians] we decided with one voice that 
 they were outside the Communion of the Christian 
 Church, and could not be recognised by us as brethren 
 
 'IV., 190. nv.. 191. 
 
3^8 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 and members of the Church. This our opponents 
 thought very hard indeed. . . . But when the Prince 
 also thought it hard we modified our decision so far as 
 to be willing to recognise our opponents of the Zwingli 
 and CEcolampadius following as friends, but not as 
 brethren and members of the Church of Christ."' 
 
 Justus Jonas, another Lutheran who was present, 
 characterised the Zwinglian disputants thus: 
 
 " Zwingli has something countrified about him, and at 
 the same time arrogant ; CEcolampadius has a wonderful 
 kindness of disposition and tolerance ; Hedio is as 
 courteous as he is liberal-minded ; Butzer has the crafti- 
 ness of the fox, a distorted imitation of acuteness and 
 wisdom. They are all learned beyond a doubt, and the 
 Papalists are no opponents in comparison with them, 
 but Zwingli seems to have gone into letters under the 
 wrath of the Muses and against the will of Minerva." " 
 
 But it was not entirely in vain that the disputants 
 met. They had been in such mutual ignorance of 
 each other's real views upon other topics than the 
 Eucharist, and of the arguments by which they sus- 
 tained them, that it was much to make them mutually 
 acquainted, on these points. They discovered with 
 surprise and perhaps with gratitude that they agreed 
 upon nearly everything. So, greatly to the Land- 
 grave's satisfaction, they drew up Articles upon 
 their points of agreement and all signed them on 
 October 3d.' They also came a little closer to- 
 
 "IV., 203. UV., 204. 
 
 'See the Articles with Zwingli's notes (iv., 181-184). 
 
1529] The Colloquy of Marburg 319 
 
 gether. CEcolampadius and Melanchthon, both 
 mild-mannered men, probably could be cordial to 
 one another, but between Luther and Zwingli there 
 could be no cordiality.' 
 
 How much longer they might have stayed at Mar- 
 burg is uncertain, but the outbreak in the town of the 
 deadly pestilence called the " English Sweat'" quite 
 naturally hastened their departure. So on Tues- 
 day, October 5th, they left. The Zwingli party 
 went to Strassburg directly under the escort of 
 Count Wilhelm von Fiirstenburg and arrived there 
 safely on October 15th; and on Tuesday, October 
 19th, Zwingli was once more in Zurich. 
 
 The next day he wrote this letter to Vadianus,' 
 in which he claims the victory, but writes in much 
 milder language than Luther: 
 
 " Grace and peace from the Lord. I will now write 
 briefly what you desire to know. After we had been 
 brought under the safest conduct to Marburg, and Luther 
 with his party had come, the Prince Landgrave deter- 
 mined that CEcolampadius and Luther, Melanchthon 
 and Zwingli, should meet two by two in private to see 
 whether they could not find some ground of agreement 
 upon which they could found peace. Hereupon Luther 
 
 ' Writing to Zwingli on February i, 1530, the Landgrave renews 
 his acceptance of the Zwinglian position throughout {cf. viii., 405). 
 So there was at least one convert to the Zwinglian side made or con- 
 firmed by the Colloquy. 
 
 ^ This disease originated in England in 1485, and manifested itself 
 in 1506, 15 1 7, and now for the fourth time. It was characterized 
 by a rapid course and high mortality. See Hecker's Epide7nics of 
 the Middle Ages, passim, 
 
 •VIII., 369. 370. 
 
320 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 received Q^colampadius in such a way that the latter 
 came to me complaining secretly that he had met another 
 Eck — but this is to be told to the trusty alone. 
 
 " But as for Melanchthon he was so slippery and so 
 transformed himself after the manner of Proteus that he 
 compelled me to seize a pen, to arm my hand and dry it 
 as with salt and so hold him more firmly as he glided 
 around in all sorts of escapes and subterfuges. From 
 this I send you a few examples out of the hundreds of 
 thousands of things said, yet under the condition that 
 you are not to communicate them to any except the 
 trusty, /. e., those who will not make a text for trouble 
 out of them, for Philip [Melanchthon] himself has a copy 
 of them. It was written by me while he was looking on 
 and reading all, and sometimes dictating his own words. 
 But I do not wish to give rise to a new quarrel. Philip 
 and I were engaged in conversation for six hours,' 
 Luther and QLcolampadius for three. On the next day, 
 in the presence of the Landgrave and twenty-four wit- 
 nesses, Luther and Melanchthon and CEcolampadius and 
 Zwingli went into the arena and fought there and in 
 three other sessions. For there were four in all in which 
 we contended successfully. For we presented to Luther 
 as needing explanation the fact that he had propounded 
 those thrice foolish statements : that Christ suffered in 
 
 ' The topics were the Trinity, Original Sin, the relation of the 
 Holy Spirit to the written Word of God, and the Eucharist. It 
 turned out that Melanchthon and the Lutherans generally held the 
 Zwinglians in so great contempt that they had not taken the trouble 
 to study their books and find out what they believed ; while the 
 Zwinglians were so jealous of the Lutherans that they could not listen 
 to them. Consequently to their common shame the two parties were 
 ignorant of one another and credulous of every story to their oppo- 
 nents' discredit. 
 
1529J The Colloquy of Marburg 321 
 
 His divine nature ; that the Body of Christ is everywhere ; 
 and that the flesh could not profit of itself otherwise than 
 as he now asserted. But the fine fellow made no reply, 
 except that in the matter of the flesh not profiting he 
 said : * You know, Zwingli, that as time progressed and 
 their judgment grew, all the Fathers treated the passages 
 of Scripture in ways different from the earlier exposi- 
 tions.' Then he said : ' The Body of Christ is eaten cor- 
 poreally in our body, but in the meantime I will reserve 
 this to myself whether the Body is eaten by the soul.' 
 And yet a little before he had said : ' The Body of Christ 
 is eaten with the mouth corporeally, the soul does not 
 eat Him corporeally.' He also said : * The Body of 
 Christ is produced by these words, " This is My Body," 
 no matter how wicked the man. who pronounces these 
 words.' He conceded that the Body of Christ is finite. 
 He admitted that the Eucharist can be called the sign of 
 the Body of Christ. These and other innumerable vacil- 
 lating, absurd, and foolish utterances of his, which he 
 babbled forth like pebbles on a beach, we so argued on 
 that now the Prince himself is on our side, although for 
 the sake of certain princes he pretended not to be. Al- 
 most all the Court of Hesse have deserted Luther. He 
 himself grants that our books could be read without 
 harm. Hereafter he will suffer the parties who agree 
 with us to retain their positions. Prince John of Saxony 
 was not present, but the Prince of Wittenberg was. 
 
 " We parted with the understanding which you will see 
 in print. Truth was so clearly superior that, if ever any 
 one was overcome, Luther, the impudent and obstinate,' 
 
 ' hnpudens et contumax. Gicolampadius, on February 12, 1530, 
 urged Zwingli to write a book to match Luther's on the Marburg 
 Colloquy, in which he claimed the victory (viii., 410). Zwingli 
 complains of Luther's boast (viii., 669). 
 
o-^ 
 
 Huldreich Zwingli [1529 
 
 was beaten, and before a wise and just judge, although 
 meantime he was unconquered. We have effected this 
 good, that after we shall agree in the other dogmas of 
 the Christian religion, the Pope's party cannot entertain 
 the hope that Luther will be theirs. While I write this 
 I am wearied with my journey*; when you come to us 
 you shall have a full report. For I think we have also 
 gained something else ; things that will prove a safeguard 
 for religion and against the monarchy of C^sar. These 
 also shall be set forth to you when the time shall demand 
 it. Meanwhile, farewell, and greet all friends. 
 " Yours, 
 
 " Huldreich Zwingli. 
 "Zurich, October 20, 1529." 
 
 On November 2d, Zwingli wrote a letter of thanks 
 to the Landgrave, beginning it thus: 
 
 " I give you my hearty thanks for your kindly offer if 
 I wish to better my condition, and I thank you also for 
 the zeal you have shown in providing for our return 
 home. But the time was much too short for CEcolam- 
 padius and all of us, not merely in the matter of the 
 conference, but also on other accounts. We were hin- 
 dered by the power of certain preachers for instance." ' 
 
 This shows that the Landgrave tried to take 
 Zwingli away from Zurich and also, as the preceding 
 letter does, that other business was discussed be- 
 tween them than purely religious affairs/ 
 
 ' He had arrived in Zurich the day before. 
 
 2 VIII., 664. 
 
 * This point will be brought out more fully in the next chapter. 
 
I ? 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 ZWINGLI'S POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN HIS CLOSING 
 YEARS 
 
 1529-I53I 
 
 ZWINGLI'S correspondence during 1529, 1530, 
 and 1 53 1 shows how much absorbed he was 
 in the schemes for advancing evangelical religion by 
 means of a political alliance. In the beginning 
 Zurich stood alone, but, on December 25, 1527, 
 made an alliance with Constance, which was known 
 as the " Christian Burgher Rights " ; by September, 
 1529, Bern, St. Gall, Biel, Miilhausen, Basel, and 
 Schaffhausen had also joined. But Zwingli was 
 ambitious to extend this alliance. While on his 
 way to Marburg he obtained some important in- 
 formation at Strassburg, which he despatched to 
 the Zurich authorities, relating to the intentions 
 of Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, the Emperor, 
 and the Pope, all of whom plotted the destruction 
 of the Zwinglians and then of the Lutherans.' In 
 his letter to Vadianus on his return home he said : 
 I think we have gained . . . things which 
 will prove a safeguard for religion and against the 
 
 ' VIII., 363, 365. He sent it also to Constance, pp, 428-430. 
 323 
 
324 Huldreich Zwingli [1529- 
 
 monarchy of Caesar [the Emperor]." ' This remark 
 and his letter to Philip of Hesse " of November 
 2rKi, plainly show, as has been elsewhere said/ 
 that other things than theology, and things, 
 too, in which Zwingli had keener interest, were 
 discussed at Marburg/ Philip and the Duke of 
 Wurtemberg desired to join the Christian Burgher 
 Rights and also to bring in the Protestant princes 
 and cities of North Germany. Zwingli hoped to 
 have in the league all the South German Protestant 
 cities. He even considered it possible to lure 
 Venice into it, as he had learned that that city was 
 favourable to the Protestant movement^; and also 
 France. * As the alliance grew he more and more 
 keenly anticipated the time when the Protestants 
 of South Germany and Switzerland would be so 
 numerous and strong that no such insulting propos- 
 ition would dare be made about "Sacramentarians " 
 as was made at Spires in 1529, nor would any in- 
 tentionally insulting epithet be given to them. The 
 solemn determination of the Emperor to put down 
 heresy in Germany, and the increasing insolence and 
 persecuting spirit on the part of the Forest Cantons 
 
 'VIII.. 370. 2 VIII., 664. 
 ^ See p. 342. 
 
 * So Bullinger, ii., 236. QLcolampadius was not in the secret 
 apparently (viii., 375). 
 
 * Luther also {Brief e, ed. de Wette, iii., 289). 
 
 ® Butzer, or perhaps Jacob Sturm, on December 15, 1529 (viii., 
 383), speaks of the report brought by the German Count von Hoh- 
 enlohe, that the Pope, the Emperor, the King of France, and the 
 Duke of Guise were leagued together against the Gospel in Germany 
 and Switzerland. 
 
I53I] Zwingli's Political Activity 325 
 
 made the alliance seem all the more desirable, and 
 explain and excuse Zwingli's energetic efforts to 
 effect it. How closely he united politics and re- 
 ligion is strikingly shown in his preface to his trans- 
 lation of Isaiah,' in which he mingles a discussion 
 of the best form of government — monarchy, aristo- 
 cracy, and democracy, deciding for the second — 
 with strictly religious themes. 
 
 Zwingli's political activity made an unfavourable 
 impression upon Luther — who was prejudiced any- 
 way — and upon many others who shared his opinion 
 that such resort to worldly politics betrayed mistrust 
 of spiritual forces. The Lutheran princes rejected 
 at Schmalkald, on December 3, 1529, the alliance 
 with the Zwinglians proposed by the Landgrave, a 
 refusal which damped the ardour of the South Ger- 
 man cities. Ulm determined to hold off from any 
 alliance with the Swiss." Zwingli's hopes to get 
 Venice ' and France into the alliance were equally 
 vain. In view of his vehement denunciations of the 
 alliance between the Swiss and the foreign princes 
 it was apparently very inconsistent in him to seek 
 such alliance, and an alliance, too, with bigoted 
 Roman Catholic Powers, one of which (France) 
 had herself oppressed Protestantism ; but the just- 
 ification to his mind was the supposed peril to 
 
 • v., 483-489. 
 
 ' Vadian, Deutsche Sckriften, iii., 263 ; Escher, Die Glaubenspar- 
 teien in der Eidgenossenschaft und ihre Beziehungen zum Auzland 
 (Frauenfeld, 1882), p. 126. 
 
 * Cf. his letter to the Zurich magistrates from Strassburg, Septem- 
 ber 17, 1529 (viii. , 365 sqq.)^ and that to Philip of Hesse (viii., 665). 
 
326 Huldreich Zwingli [1529- 
 
 Protestantism proceeding from the union of Pope 
 and Emperor. The city of Zurich, acting as the 
 spokesman for all the cities in the Christian 
 Burgher Rights in these special efforts, was repre- 
 sented by Rudolf Collin,' who had been present at 
 Zwingli's political discussion with the Landgrave, 
 and knew, therefore, the whole matter, and was 
 Zwingli's choice as delegate to Venice and France. 
 He left Zurich December i ith, and after a somewhat 
 dangerous journey came into the Doge of Venice's 
 presence on December 25th. The mission was in 
 vain, for Venice had just concluded an alliance with 
 the Emperor. Collin was back in Zurich on Janu- 
 ary 19th, and made a report to the Zurich Senate." 
 It is every way probable that Francis I., King of 
 France, and not Zwingli, made the first overtures 
 toward an alliance, for it is notorious that though 
 Francis I. persecuted the Reformed in France, he 
 was willing to make alliances with the Reformed 
 States because he thought thereby to hurt his foe, 
 the Emperor. That such a union was projected by 
 the French King was perfectly well known.' On 
 
 ' See biographical sketch by Konrad Furrer, Halle, 1862 (reprint 
 from Zeitschrift fiir Wissenschaftliche Theologie), pp. 48 sqq. 
 
 '^ See Zwingli's planning for the Venetian alliance (ii., 3, 67-68). 
 On December 27, 1529, he learned from Peter Tschudi (viii., 386 sqq.^ 
 at Coire that the Venetians had made an alliance with the Emperor, 
 so Collin's report did not surprise him. Capito speaks of Collin's 
 reception (viii., 445). It appears from a letter of Duke Ulrich of 
 Wurtemberg that even after this rebuff Zwingli still had hopes 
 (viii., 411). 
 
 ^ Cf. a letter to Zwingli, dated January 18, 1530, wherein two 
 Swiss in the service of the King of f>ance offer their services to 
 bring about a conference between the representative of the King and 
 
I53I] Zw ingli's Political Activity 327 
 
 February i6th, Lambert Maigret, the French Am- 
 bassador, wrote to Zwingli from Baden, fourteen 
 miles north by west of Zurich, acknowledging the 
 receipt of Zwingli's letter upon the subject, and 
 asking for the draught of the proposed alliance with 
 France, as he had done before, but Zwingli re- 
 fused on February i8th to communicate details 
 of his plans because, among other reasons, he 
 was not quite sure of the sincerity of the King's 
 intentions.' Maigret again on February 2ist re- 
 peated his request to see the plan," and Zwingli at 
 last acquiesced and sent him by Collin a draught of 
 a treaty for the French King to sign,' which was ac- 
 knowledged, on February 27th, by him and his col- 
 league, D'Angerant, at Freiburg, seventy miles 
 south-west of Zurich/ Maigret cautiously declared 
 that he could do nothing while the King's sons were 
 in captivity, nor did he dare to send a letter to the 
 King on the matter lest his messenger be seized. 
 And so the negotiations ended. Yet from allusions 
 in his later letters it is evident that Zwingli did not 
 give up all hope of eventually bringing the French 
 King- into some sort of an alliance.* 
 
 of the Zurich allies (viii., 397). The Landgrave of Hesse took great 
 interest in this mission {cf. his letter of February i, 1530, viii., 404 
 sqq^. As these negotiations were delicate, the Landgrave and the 
 Duke of Wurtemberg in writing to Zwingli employed arbitrary signs 
 in their letters to designate certain persons, mostly sovereigns, and 
 also the correspondents themselves. Cf. letter to Zwingli of Feb- 
 ruary 14, 1530 (viii., 411). 
 
 ' VIIL, 414. ^ VIII., 416-418. It is undated and unsigned. 
 
 '^ VIII. ,415. 4 VIII., 421-42. 
 
 ^ On April 5, 1530, he wrote : "So far as I now see, the French 
 affair hancrs fire till the hostages of the Kintr are either returned or 
 
328 Huldreich Zwingli [1529- 
 
 Zwingli hoped to include Ulm in the alh'ance, but 
 failed through treachery, as he complains.' He was 
 suspicious that the French delegates were in secret 
 communication with the Five Forest Cantons and 
 so counselled against a treaty with those cantons.^ 
 The alliance which Zwingli and Zurich on the one 
 hand and the Landgrave of Hesse on the other were 
 eager to have Bern and the other Swiss Reformed 
 cities make with the Landgrave of Hesse was so 
 
 all hope of recovering them has vanished" (viii., 443). On July 22, 
 1530, he wrote : " The King of France is feeling great joy, and has 
 himself written that his sons [who had been in Charles V.'s hands 
 since 1526] have been returned" (viii., 483). On January 23, 1531, 
 he wrote, relative to the proposal to include the French King in the 
 Schmalkald League (see next chapter), this extraordinary acquies- 
 cence in the latter's hiring the Swiss to fight his battles, which is 
 entirely contrary to Zwingli's previous utterances and conduct in the 
 matter of pensions : "I am of the opinion that public money or 
 allowances which are given for the preservation of peace are for no 
 reason to be abolished, for it is as lawful to receive them as it is 
 tribute or customs ; and then the King — or any other ruler, say the 
 Austrian tyrant, will on that account be less likely to be opposed to 
 us. And particularly the King [of France] will on this account op- 
 pose us the less, who is assuredly not to be despised. For however 
 he has corrupted our republics by bribery, nay, destroyed them, yet 
 it is clear that he alone thus far is the only one who with the Swiss 
 has opposed the erection of a monarchy or its degeneration, when 
 once erected, into a tyranny. There is a limit to these things. To 
 private subsidies I am altogether opposed, public I am not willing to 
 beg, but will receive when offered. Even Solomon received immense 
 gifts from the Queen of Sheba" (viii., 572). On March 14, 1531, the 
 French delegates, Maigret and Daugertin, addressed him in behalf 
 of their King and tried to get his assent to an alliance (viii., 603 S(/.). 
 
 ' VIII., 422, 429. Ulm, however, was won for the Reformation 
 (viii., 607 s(/.). 
 
 «VIII., 432. 
 
I53I] Zwingli's Political Activity 329 
 
 vigorously opposed by Bern that it could not be 
 effected.' So the only outlying city to come into 
 the alliance was Strassburg/ and this event was 
 celebrated on January 27, 1530, by a joyful feast 
 given in Zurich to the Strassburg commissioners. 
 But the friendly relations between Zwingli and the 
 Landgrave continued all the same. Zwingli kept a 
 close watch upon the Emperor and availed himself 
 of all sources of knowledge as to his movements, 
 which he viewed with great suspicion^; for he be- 
 lieved that if the Emperor were able to suppress the 
 Reformation in Germany he would next try to do 
 the same thing in Switzerland. 
 
 All knew that much would depend upon the Diet 
 to be held at Augsburg on June 30, 1530. Both 
 parties among the Protestants in the Empire made 
 great preparation to effect their ends in it, but only 
 showed thereby their radical differences, while their 
 rulers, except the Landgrave of Hesse, inclined 
 more or less to make terms with the Emperor for 
 political ends.^ The Roman Catholics confidently 
 awaited results. Zwingli, on March 26th, offered to 
 attend the Diet under the protection of the Land- 
 grave.* But perhaps the Landgrave could not pro- 
 tect him, and so as no one else would, when the time 
 
 > VIII., 404, 405 ; cf. 411, 412. ^ VIII., 383 ; cf. 393. 
 
 ' Cf. viii., 422 sq. 
 
 ^ The situation is plainly laid bare in a letter of Capito to Zwingli 
 written on April 22, 1530 (viii., 445 sq.). Butzer shows the general 
 confidence among the Reformed in the Landgrave (viii., 449). So 
 also Capito (viii., 454), 
 
 5 VIII., 438. 
 
330 Huldreich Zwingli [1529- 
 
 came he did not go.' CEcolampadius proposed on 
 May 22, 1530, that the three cantons of Zurich, 
 Bern, and Basel should unite in a delegate to Augs- 
 burg, who could speak in French, and in connection 
 with the delegates from Strassburg, lay before the 
 Emperor the case of the Reformed.' 
 
 Although Zwingli was absent his interest in the 
 Diet was intense and his many friends who were 
 present kept him informed of what went on.' The 
 expressions his friends used, such as, the "ragings of 
 the Lutherans " ; " the deceits of the not too frank 
 Melanchthon " ; ^ Luther "plays the buffoon,"* 
 showed that the Reformed were quite the equals of 
 the Lutherans in suspicion and abuse, and gave no 
 promise that the Diet would not emphasise their 
 unhappy differences. On the other hand, the un- 
 fortunate Carlstadt is spoken of very respectfully 
 and even affectionately by the Swiss ; probably he 
 was, as Zwingli says, " a very different man from 
 what Luther made him out to be." ^ 
 
 ' Unfortunately his letters, which doubtless threw light upon his 
 motives or those of the Zurich authorities in the matter, have been 
 lost. In view of Zwingli's absence we shall confine ourselves to 
 merely the points of contact between him and the Diet. 
 
 ^ VIII., 456. The request for a French speaker is noteworthy in 
 view of the fact that Charles V. opened the Diet in German speech 
 (viii., 469). But this was probably read by him, for it is notorious 
 that he had at least only an imperfect acquaintance with the German 
 (Suppl., p. 38 sq.). 
 
 '^ Cf. viii., 483. The letters of Sturm from Augsburg, May 31 and 
 June 28, 1530, are particularly graphic (viii., 458, 459, 465 .f^.). C/. 
 also the letters of Butzer in Egli's Analecla Keforfnatoria, i., 44-60, 
 
 * Both Butzer and CEcolampadius, respectively (viii,, 460). 
 
 'CEcolampadius (viii., 471). 
 
 «VIII., 461 ; cf. pp. 456-458, 599, 
 
i53i] Zwingli's Political Activity 331 
 
 With mutual dislike between the Lutherans and 
 the Zwinglians, it is not to be wondered at that it 
 was impossible for the Protestants to present a 
 united front to the common foe, the imperial party 
 and their ecclesiastical allies. The Swiss were so 
 obnoxious to the latter, both as republicans and as 
 aids to the French, that it required courage to show 
 themselves in the Diet, and no prince defended 
 them except the Landgrave of Hesse, and he only 
 secretly.* Zwingli was so hated, as being at the bot- 
 tom of the opposition both religious and political to 
 imperialistic schemes of all kinds, that it would have 
 been useless hardihood for him to have ventured 
 there without protection. Indeed to be a friend of 
 his was sufficient to bring a person into danger, as 
 Capito and Butzer found, who attended the Diet as 
 delegates from Strassburg. So at first they hid 
 themselves, but afterwards emerged.* 
 
 The confession of faith which the Lutherans 
 presented to the Emperor was accepted by Philip 
 of Hesse.' Knowing full well that he could not 
 accept any Lutheran confession of faith, Zwingli 
 prepared inside of three days a brief statement of 
 
 •VIII., 467; cf. p. 473, 
 
 "^ Butzer started for Augsburg, Sunday, June igth ; Capito the 
 next day. The distance is about 145 miles in a straight line, run- 
 ning east by a little south from Strassburg. Capito, and probably 
 Butzer also, certainly rode upon the highway which ran through 
 Esslingen, almost due east, near Stuttgart. Butzer arrived at Augs- 
 burg on Friday, June 23rd, which was the day before that of the 
 Nativity of St. John the Baptist ; Capito on Sunday, June 26th (viii., 
 472, 484)- 
 
 ^ This action did not prevent Zwingli from writing him a most 
 respectful and admiring letter on June 22nd (viii., 482 sq^. 
 
332 Huldreich Zwingli [1529- 
 
 his belief, had it printed in Zurich, signed the pre- 
 face on J uly 3rd, the same day sent it by messenger to 
 Augsburg, and curiously enough there he relied upon 
 a Roman Catholic, the Bishop Designate of Con- 
 stance, to see that the Emperor got it, which he did 
 on July 8th.' The Lutherans received it with scorn. 
 But then as the Reformed belittled everything the 
 Lutherans did, it was only tit for tat. Eck made it 
 the occasion of a bitter attack on Zwingli, who replied 
 on August 27, 1530." The Emperor, of course, was 
 totally unaffected by it, probably never read a line 
 of it. But in and out of the Diet it was closely read.' 
 Though the Diet was not dissolved till November 
 19th, the Landgrave left Augsburg on August 
 6th. His intention to do so was known to Zwingli, 
 for on August 3rd he endeavoured to dissuade him 
 from doing so, but the letter must have arrived 
 after he had gone.^ In this month Zwingli again 
 urged Bern to admit the Landgrave into the Christ- 
 ian Burgher Rights.* Zwingli considered the 
 threats of the pontifical party as not likely to be 
 carried out, owing to the significant fact that the in- 
 habitants of the German cities, where nominally they 
 were in command, were really disaffected and would 
 prove traitors. They relied upon the divided state 
 
 ' The Confession is given in iv., 3-18 ; the English translation by 
 Rev. Prof. Dr. H. E. Jacobs, Book of Concord, ii., 158-179, is 
 reprinted in the Appendix to this volume. Zwingli was probably 
 aware that the South German cities of Strassburg, Constance, Mem- 
 mingen, and Lindau were about to present a Confession of their own, 
 which they did on July nth. 
 
 2 IV., 19-41 ; cf. viii., 490. ''VIII., 487. 
 
 3 VIII., 486, 487. « VIII., 4S8. 
 
I53I] Zwingli's Political Activity 333 
 
 of Protestantism. The way to oppose their strata- 
 gems, which so alarmed the Protestants,' was in his 
 judgment this: 
 
 " The truth must be acknowledged with the greatest 
 boldness, and whatever is due to the Emperor must be 
 promised, provided only that he leaves us full liberty of 
 our faith ; unless, indeed, from the Word of God he shall 
 have shown us something else, or by fair, free, and open 
 comparison shall have gained some other victory. If he 
 shall refuse to do this, you will reply that you are grieved 
 that the Emperor has been so deceived by false prophets 
 as to believe that he has a power over your souls and 
 your faith which no devout emperor has ever assumed, 
 or if one has assumed it, no one has ever conceded. 
 And that therefore you will undergo everything rather 
 than move from your position, unless the Word of God 
 move you. Upon this, believe me, the papal party will 
 withdraw. For they know that if they impel the Emperor 
 to the use of force they will speedily go to destruction ; 
 for all their possessions are open to pillage, and when 
 these perish the victory is not gained. This knot is to 
 be loosed by means of firmness. If you reply that what 
 I say is true, but that united counsel cannot be reached, 
 I reply that it is possible, only you must always act with 
 prudence, love, and wisdom. When the Roman empire, 
 or any empire, has once begun to suppress a sincere 
 religion, and we neglectfully permit it, we shall be no 
 less guilty of denying or contemning it than the oppress- 
 ors themselves."* 
 
 T*l 
 
 he Strassburg theologians, Capito and Butzer, 
 
 •VIII., 494, 496, 504. «VIII., 493. 
 
334 Huldreich Zwingli [1529- 
 
 tried faithfully to hit upon some formula relating to 
 the Eucharist which might be acceptable to Luther- 
 ans and Reformed alike, and both visited Zwingli, 
 the former on Septemper 4th, and the latter in 
 October. Zwingli agreed to a formula,' but such 
 compromises could avail nothing. 
 
 The Landgrave requested Zwingli, on January 25, 
 1530, to write out for him the sermon upon Pro- 
 vidence which he had preached at Marburg,* and 
 Zwingli complied.' On " Monday after Dionysius' 
 Day," i. e., on October 10, 1530, the Landgrave 
 wrote urging him to hasten his admittance into the 
 Christian Burgher Rights, and informing him that 
 he had heard that the Gospel was making great 
 headway in England, and that it would help the 
 truth if some pious and learned man could be sent 
 there to report.* 
 
 On November i6th there was held in Basel a Diet 
 of the Evangelical cities and the compromise formula 
 of Butzer's upon the Lord's Supper, viz., that the 
 Body and Blood of Christ are really in the Lord's 
 Supper to the spirit, not to the body, was agreed 
 upon. But Zwingli, who was absent, refused to 
 accept the formula, and proposed! " We confess 
 that the Body of Christ is present in the Sacred 
 Supper not as body nor in the nature of body, but 
 sacramentally to the mind that is upright, pure, and 
 
 > VIII., 506. 2 VIII., 40^ 
 
 'IV., 79-142. The work is dated August 20, 1530. It is to be 
 
 hoped that Zwingli did not inflict on the Landgrave in his origin<il 
 
 sermon all the matter he sent him. 
 *VIII., 534. 
 
Zwingli's Political Activity 335 
 
 reverent toward God." ' He would not depart from 
 what he conceived to be the truth for Luther or 
 anybody else. Zwingli, CEcolampadius, Megander, 
 and Capito also united in a statement of their posi- 
 tion, defending the above formula." So Butzer's 
 great scheme of uniting the Protestant host went 
 shipwreck. 
 
 'VIII., 549. The letter is dated November 20th, and is signed 
 by Heinrich Engelhard, Leo Jud, and Zwingli, the last being named 
 as the author. 
 
 * VIII., 552. 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 
 THE LAST YEAR OF ZWINGLl'S LIFE 
 153I 
 
 ZWINGLI was now the accepted head of the 
 Reformed Church. He stood over against 
 Luther as a great Protestant leader. His contem- 
 poraries consulted him or insulted him according as 
 their sympathies were with him or against him. In 
 South Germany and German Switzerland he had his 
 hand upon every religious enterprise. So Zwingli's 
 position towards the Schmalkald League was of 
 general importance.* This League was the direct 
 result of the decision of the Diet of Augsburg, No- 
 vember 19, 1530, to give the Protestants until April 
 15, 1 53 1, to submit to the Church, otherwise they 
 would be proceeded against with arms. 
 
 This was considered by the Protestants as intended 
 to force them to make a fight for their rights, and 
 accordingly the Lutheran princes, the Landgrave 
 of Hesse, and others met on December 22, 1530, at 
 Schmalkalden, a town in the present Prussian pro- 
 
 ' Zwingli writes of the meeting at Sclimalkaklen on January 3 
 1531, but expresses an unfavourable opinion upon it (viii., 570). 
 
 336 
 
I53I] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 337 
 
 vince of Hesse-Nassau, twenty miles south-west of 
 Gotha, and resolved to make formal protest against 
 the decree of the Diet and against the crowning of 
 Ferdinand of Austria as German King, and to stand 
 by one another in case any of them was attacked, 
 just as they had met in the previous year (November 
 25, 1529) in the same place to protest against the 
 decree of the Diet of Spires. As neither of these 
 protests was listened to, on March 29, 1531, the 
 Protestants joined themselves into a League.' 
 
 In this combination the prime mover was Zwing- 
 li's advocate, the Landgrave of Hesse, and as com- 
 ponent parts were South German cities in which 
 Zwingli's doctrines had been accepted. It was, 
 therefore, expected that the Swiss cities would 
 
 ' The following princes and cities entered into this League : John 
 the Elector of Saxony ; Philip, Ernest, and Francis, Dukes of Bruns- 
 wick-Luneburg ; Philip, Landgrave of Hesse ; Wolfgang, Prince of 
 Anhalt ; Gebhard and Albert, Counts of Mansfeld ; the cities of 
 Strassburg, Ulm, Constance, Reutlingen, Memmingen, Lindau, 
 Biberach, Isny, Liibeck, Magdeburg, and Bremen. The purposes 
 of the League were thus stated : 
 
 " Whereas, it was altogether likely that those who had the pure 
 Word of God preached in their territory and thereby had abolished 
 many abuses, were to be prevented by force from continuing this 
 service so pleasing to God ; and, ivhereas, it was the duty of every 
 Christian government not only to have the Word of God preached to its 
 subjects, but also as far as possible to prevent their being compelled 
 to fall away from it, they [the princes and the cities named above], 
 solely for the sake of their own defence and deliverance, which both 
 by human and divine right was permitted to every one, had agreed 
 that whenever any one of them was attacked on account of the Word 
 of God and the doctrine of the Gospel, or anything connected there- 
 with, all of the others would immediately come to his assistance as 
 best they could and help to deliver him." 
 
Z3^ Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 accept the invitation of the Elector of Saxony, com- 
 ing thus endorsed by so many of their friends, and 
 enter into this League. But once more the doctrine 
 of the Lord's Supper was an obstacle to union. The 
 Elector went so far as to accept the Tetrapolitan 
 creed on this point.' So it was hoped by those who 
 wished the Swiss cities to join the League, that 
 Zwingli would let its eucharistic teaching pass with- 
 out protest." But Zwingli was not so inclined, any 
 more than Luther was.^ He said: 
 
 " The business of the truth is not to be deserted, even 
 to the sacrifice of our lives. For we live not for this age 
 of ours, nor for the princes, but for the Lord. To admit 
 for the sake of the princes any thing that will diminish 
 or vitiate the truth is silly, not to say impious. To have 
 held fast to the purpose of the Lord is to conquer all 
 adversaries." * 
 
 If the union had not been conditioned upon assent 
 to the Tetrapolitan statement on the Eucharist it 
 might have been effected. But this was the rock 
 upon which it split. A conference of the Swiss Re- 
 formed cities was held at Basel on February 13, 1531, 
 to decide upon their action respecting the League. 
 
 ' This was the compromise stated on p. 334. The four cities were 
 Strassburg, Constance, Memmingen, and Lindau. See Schaff, 
 Creeds, i., 526-529. 
 
 * See Capito's letter of January 22, 1531 (viii., 570-572), and the 
 Landgrave's of January 25, 1531. The latter took a business view 
 of the situation, that it was a strife over words and not over facts 
 (viii., 575). 
 
 * See Butzer's letter of February 6th (viii., 576 sqq^. 
 
 <viii., 579. 
 
I53I] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 339 
 
 Zvvingli was not present, but was represented by Leo 
 Jud. His opinion that it would be a sacrifice of the 
 truth to accept Butzer's ambiguous statement was 
 adopted by the conference, and so the Swiss Pro- 
 testant cities did not join the League. Zwingli had 
 naturally been enthusiastic for such union. It 
 seemed the fruition of his long-cherished hopes. 
 But he would not surrender his interpretation of the 
 facts concerning the Lord's Supper for any consid- 
 eration, and Zurich sustained him. Bern inclined 
 to it, alarmed as she was by the Duke of Savoy's 
 attack on Geneva, which she thought inspired by 
 the Emperor and therefore ominous of her own 
 fate, but she followed Zurich's lead. 
 
 On March nth, Zwingli issued his translation of 
 Jeremiah with annotations, and dedicated it to the 
 city of Strassburg, in further recognition of its en- 
 tering into the Christian Burgher Rights.' 
 
 An interesting proof of the extent of Zwingli's 
 reputation is a letter written to him from Ghent by 
 John Cousard, who signs himself in Greek, " Bishop 
 of the Brethren of the Common Life," lamenting 
 that Zwingli wrote so much in German, and asking 
 him to have his writings in that language translated 
 into Latin!* Zwingli replied to it on August 31, 
 1 53 1,' and makes these remarks upon the Apocry- 
 pha:* 
 
 ' VI., i., 1-201. Butzer was especially pleased with his dedication 
 (viii., 592). 
 
 " The letter is dated March 17, 1530, but Zwingli's editors follow 
 Simler in thinking it rather 1531, and so transfer it to that latter 
 year (viii., 587-590)- 
 
 » VIII. ,639. * VIII., 639. 
 
340 Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 "There are certain considerations which you adduce 
 from the Apocryphal Books. These, I concede, contain 
 some things that are worth reading ; yet they never 
 attain to that measure of authority that the Canonical 
 Books have. They are more diluted and feebler, so that 
 they appear rather as imitations of the former Scriptures 
 than written in the peculiar fervour of the fresh spirit." 
 
 Zwingli's eagerness to enlarge the Christian 
 Burgher Rights appeared in his letter to Vadian 
 of April 5th: 
 
 " The princes who are on the side of the Gospel are too 
 far away, but the cities of the Christian Alliance are close 
 together and consequently admirably situated for giving 
 mutual aid and counsel, when occasion demands, to 
 whomsoever they should take into friendship. This is 
 what I am trying to accomplish not only this year but 
 continually ; but I accomplish little, for some persons 
 are more inert than is right." * 
 
 A more immediate danger than invasion by the 
 Emperor — which as a matter of fact never took 
 place, since in the providence of God he was di- 
 verted, by the necessity of dealing with the Turks, 
 from administering that stern discipline to the recal- 
 citrant Protestant states which he contemplated at 
 Augsburg — was civil war among the German Can- 
 tons of Switzerland. The first Cappel war had 
 settled nothing. The Five Cantons paid on Octo- 
 ber 21, 1530, the war cost, as they were obligated by 
 the treaty to do, but they never lessened an iota 
 
 'VIII., 593. 
 
I53I] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 341 
 
 their demand to be free to regulate their internal 
 affairs as they pleased, not only in secular but in re- 
 ligious affairs. They complained bitterly in the 
 Diet at Baden on January 7, 1 531, of the ill-treat- 
 ment they had received, especially from Zurich, 
 which had confiscated the lands of the abbey of St. 
 Gall ; and all the time they were planning renewal 
 of the alliance with Austria. No one perceived 
 more clearly than Zwingli that war was inevitable, 
 much as he deprecated it. On January 23, 1531, he 
 wrote: " We do not wish to go to war with the 
 Five Cantons, but to restore the lost ones to our- 
 selves, and to themselves, believe me." ' On Feb- 
 ruary 13, 1531, under his advice and in his words, 
 Zurich at the council of the Evangelical Cantons 
 urged her associates to consider whether the time 
 were not favourable to an attack upon the Five Can- 
 tons, in view of the inability of the Emperor to come 
 to their assistance. But the other Evangelical Can- 
 tons were not ready for war. On March 7th, Zwingli 
 wrote: " The madness and audacity of the Five 
 Cantons not even the lower regions could endure." ' 
 
 Another Federal Diet was held on March 19th, 
 and Zurich produced her list of complaints against 
 the Five Cantons specifying the instances wherein 
 the Evangelicals had been persecuted. The Forest 
 deputies listened with undisguised indifference, for 
 they had their counterbalancing grievances. While 
 these unprofitable recriminations were going on, 
 deputies from the Orisons appeared appealing for 
 help against the condottiere Giovanni Giacomo de' 
 
 'VIII., 572. « VIII., 586. 
 
342 Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 Medici,' whose three ruined castles of Rocca di 
 Musso look down upon the traveller to-day sailing 
 on Lake Como, as he approaches Dongo, near the 
 head of the lake on the western bank. There, 
 from 1525 to 1 53 1, he resided and thence held sway 
 over the entire lake. It appeared that this free- 
 booter had fallen upon a Grisons deputation (Mar- 
 tin Paul and son) returning home from Milan 
 and murdered them at Reisigen.'' Simultaneously 
 he had captured Morbegno (east of Como), the key 
 to the Valtellina, the broad valley of the Adda, 
 which was a subject land of the Grisons ; and the Gri- 
 sonsese could not dislodge him, hence they appealed 
 to the confederates for help.^ The Tyrant of Musso, 
 as he was called, probably acted entirely of his own 
 motion in these proceedings. He had done similar 
 things before against Grisonsese and Grisons terri- 
 tory. But in the excited state of the Evangelicals, 
 especially in Zurich under Zwingli, it is not to be 
 wondered at that the idea found currency, that be- 
 cause the Grisons had accepted the Reformation 
 Musso had been incited to act as he had done by the 
 Emperor and been furnished troops by him; in 
 fact, that this action was the beginning of the long- 
 dreaded imperial invasion of Switzerland to suppress 
 
 ^ He pretended to belong to the famous family of that name, but 
 he was really a Medeghino. He was a Milanese and nominal Cas- 
 tellan of Musso as subject of the Duke of Milan, but in reality he 
 was entirely independent. 
 
 * BuUinger, ii., 355. 
 
 ^ Butzer, on March 24th, had heard of the troubles, for he writes 
 from Strassburg : "May God assist the Rhneti " (Grisonsese) (viii., 
 592). 
 
I53I] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 343 
 
 the Reformation ! Consequently the appeal of the 
 Grisonsese produced a cleavage in the Diet. The 
 Evangelicals listened to it and responded with pro- 
 mises of help. The Forest Cantons declined, and 
 their refusal was construed as showing that they 
 had some sort of secret understanding with the Em- 
 peror. That they rejoiced over the misfortune of 
 the Reformed probably was true, but their refusal 
 was natural in view of the refusal of the Grisons to 
 aid them in 1529 and of the confessional differences 
 which were so much emphasised. It was, however, 
 another of the unhappy differences which issued 
 quickly in civil war. 
 
 The Protestant Cantons sent eleven thousand 
 men to the aid of the Grisonsese. The Musso 
 troops were driven out of their territory ; the lord 
 of Musso was besieged in his castle. Then the 
 Duke of Milan (Francesco Sforza II.) in May took 
 up the war as his own and all but two thousand of the 
 Swiss retired. On September 29, 1531, the Duke's 
 legate, Panizzone, asked Zurich for powder.' The 
 castle was in the next year taken and demolished. 
 
 Zwingli, in writing to Vadian on April 5, 1531," 
 thus expresses himself upon the matter: 
 
 " How much circumspection is now needed we see who 
 have hitherto been blinder than moles, when great armies 
 are sent into the passes of the Alps, principally because 
 the Emperor with all his councils or parliaments defends 
 not a robber or a parricide, but a violator of the law of 
 nations. For even if this man had been his own brother 
 
 > VIII., 646. » VIII., 593. 
 
344 Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 he ought to have given him up after so infamous and 
 unheard-of a crime. Will posterity ever believe that the 
 Ambassador was not merely intercepted but seized, with 
 his son and the horses they were riding, and tortured 
 and mangled as by the hand of a butcher? And so this 
 is what I ask of you ; for I see that some of whom this 
 same thing has been asked are moving too slowly. In 
 any way you can, assemble the faithful of Lindau, and 
 through them those of Isny and Memmingen also. I 
 mean those who are on the side of the Gospel and in the 
 government, and are such that they may be trusted with 
 what you have to say to them. Assemble them that they 
 may look after the interests of the Gospel." ' 
 
 Zwingli was clearly of the opinion that one of two 
 ways should be adopted to bring the Forest Can- 
 
 ' The pastor at Tallicon gave him on April I2th an account of the 
 military expedition (viii., 594), and Comander another on April 27th 
 (viii., 598), from which latter letter it appears that the Forest Can- 
 tons afterwards joined in the attack on Musso. Comander, on May 
 31st, says : " The robber Musso had a breathing spell when we 
 retired, and he is enrolling soldiers anew " (viii., 607). On June 4th 
 Zwingli says : " Our men have returned from a siege of Musso, ex- 
 cept 2000. It is reported that to-day, June 4th, the people of Musso 
 made a rally resulting in a considerable slaughter on both sides, i. e., 
 proportionally. For the rest there were few in the citadel and those 
 in our own guard were fewer. They arose in a certain canton and 
 scattered the army of the Duke. Ours is safe, with the exception 
 of the loss reported. It appears that the Duke of Milan is, or at 
 least his followers are, acting deceitfully. The Grisonsese are send- 
 ing heavy reinforcements " (viii., 607). On June 22nd, he heard very 
 circumstantially about the progress of the war, especially in com- 
 mendation of Stejihen Zellar (viii., 613), who, on July 4th, him- 
 self wrote, imploring Zwingli to refute the calumnies which had been 
 circulated about him (viii., 616). On July 5th he heard again (viii., 
 622). From these letters it appears that the Crisonsese, for whose 
 benefit Zurich meddled in the war, had acted badly. 
 
I53I] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 345 
 
 tons to terms, either to invade them in such over- 
 whelming force as would defeat them out of hand, 
 or else to dissolve the Confederacy ' and make a 
 new alliance which should leave them out. 
 
 In view of the dangers evidently impending, 
 Zwingli welcomed any aid the Protestant Swiss 
 could get, and so continued or renewed correspond- 
 ence with Lambert Maigret and Daugertin, the 
 legates of the French King in Switzerland, and with 
 Panizzone, the legate of the Duke of Milan." On 
 May 14th, the former wrote to him a very friendly 
 letter,' stating that the French King had sent a 
 nobleman to the delegates urging them to do all 
 they could to establish a lasting peace among the 
 Swiss and laying great stress upon its desirability, 
 indeed, its necessity. They were urgent, in view of 
 the convention which was to be held in Zurich on 
 May 15th, to decide upon Zurich's course. 
 
 The convention was held, and the decision was 
 that the only way to force the Forest Cantons to 
 abolish pensions and give free course to the preach- 
 ing of the Gospel was for the Protestant Cantons to 
 declare an embargo against them in the matter of 
 wheat, wine, salt, iron, and steel. All these art- 
 icles the Protestant Cantons were to refuse to sell to 
 the Forest Cantons, so long as the latter remained 
 recalcitrant. This was the counsel of Bern as the 
 
 ' Bullinger, ii., 368. 
 
 '^ Cf. letter from the Duke, dated Milan, September 17, 1531 (viii., 
 645). For the relations between Zwingli and Sforza, see the letters 
 in Historischcr Jahrbuch der italienschen ScAzveiz, xv. (1893). 
 
 3 VIII.. 603. 
 
34^ Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 alternative of war which Zurich favoured, and It 
 was strenuously opposed by Zwingli and Zurich.' 
 Zwingli, in his sermon the Sunday following (May 
 2 1st), took occasion to comment upon the action of 
 the convention, which he read, and set forth how 
 unjust it was to involve the innocent with the 
 guilty.' 
 
 But,, though contrary to Zurich's judgment, as 
 the convention had declared for the embargo, it was 
 administered by her to the letter, and produced the 
 foretold results of hatred and dread, and another 
 result not foretold, viz. : Zwingli was considered the 
 author of all the trouble, both by the Forest Canton 
 people and by those Zurichers who were either fav- 
 ourable to pensions or directly affected commercially 
 by the embargo. Zwingli took this much to heart, 
 and perceiving that even the City Council had in it 
 those who so cruelly misjudged him, he appeared 
 before that body on July 26th and asked permission 
 to lay down his office. On July 28th he alludes to 
 the heavy load of preaching and teaching he had 
 been so long carrying.' This permission the Coun- 
 cil refused and prevailed upon him on July 29th to 
 withdraw his request.* His action seemed to have 
 had a tonic effect upon the Council, which hence- 
 forth stood firm for the gospel." 
 
 Meanwhile ambassadors from the French King, 
 Milan, and Nuremberg, were urging upon the 
 Evangelicals and the Forest Cantons the necessity 
 
 ' Bullinger, ii., 383. 
 
 " Ibid., 388. * Bullinger, iii., 45. 
 
 » VIII., 626-627. 'VIII., 634. 
 
i53i] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 347 
 
 of keeping the peace. On June 4th, Zwingli wrote 
 to his friends at Ulm : 
 
 " The ambassadors of the French King are with us for 
 the purpose of making peace among the Swiss. The 
 Five Cantons are unwiUing to admit the preaching of the 
 Word, a thing which the ambassadors have demanded of 
 them. For when the Litter first arrived, they asked the 
 Council to show them the way in which peace could be 
 had. Whereupon the Council replied that if they hoped 
 that the Five Cantons would suffer the Word of God to be 
 preached and would keep this condition of peace — not 
 to persecute our faith, either among their people or ours, 
 we would suffer the matter of peace and friendship to be 
 considered. To these half-confidential inquiries of the 
 ambassadors they made the reply I have given above — 
 that they would not suffer the preaching of the Word of 
 God as we understand it, etc., but that in other matters 
 they would do all in accordance with the provisions of 
 the treaty and the conditions." ' 
 
 On July 25th, he was informed that the French 
 King was seeking to unite the people of Coire to 
 himself.' On August i6th, Capito, writing from 
 Strassburg, urges him to do his utmost either for 
 settled peace or open war with the Forest Cantons.* 
 
 Joined to the direct action of the ambassadors 
 were the efforts of the delegates of the cantons, who 
 met six successive times that year at Bremgarten, 
 some ten miles west of Zurich, to hit upon some 
 compromise which might be generally acceptable/ 
 
 'VIII., 607. '^ VIII., 626. ^YIU.,623. 
 
 * Concord at times seemed near. C/. viii., 6il, 623. 
 
34^ Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 One night, while these negotiations were going on, 
 apparently on the night of St. Lawrence's Day (Au- 
 gust loth), Zwingli secretly came to Bremgarten 
 and conferred, at the house of Bullinger, with the 
 Bernese delegates,' and urged upon them the neces- 
 sity of striking a telling blow at the Foresters, lest 
 by the dilly-dallying tactics the enemy became too 
 strong for them to overcome. But as the Evangel- 
 icals insisted upon the Forest Cantons giving free 
 course to their preachers, and the Forest Cantons 
 wanted first of all the removal of the embargo, the 
 negotiations were fruitless. On August 20th, CEco- 
 lampadius despaired of keeping peace, and wrote': 
 
 About concord with the Five Cantons, some have 
 hope; I hope I am mistaken, but I fear that unless 
 one party humiliates itself or is humiliated, there is 
 practically no chance of it." On September 25th, 
 Butzer informed Zwingli that if peace could be pre- 
 served the Christian Burgher Rights would be 
 enlarged by several towns he could mention, and 
 added: " I prefer this to victory over the Forest 
 Cantons unless the latter were a bloodless one." ^ 
 
 Calumnies on both sides fanned the flames of 
 mutual distrust among the Evangelicals and Cath- 
 olics. One of these calumnies, and a particularly 
 gross one against himself, Zwingli vehemently de- 
 nounced in a letter,^ which, however, he did not 
 send, to an unnamed and personally unknown man 
 in Wallis (Valais), the south-west canton of Switzer- 
 land, bordering on Savoy. 
 
 ' Bullinger, iii., 48. ^ Vm., 646. 
 
 «VIII., 634. " VIII., 610, 611. 
 
I53I] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 349 
 
 A letter written " Wednesday after Ulrich's 
 Day," /. c, July 5th, tells of the determination of 
 Schwyz to get food at all hazards, by force of arms 
 if necessary. Food was scarce all over Switzerland 
 that year, which made the embargo all the severer 
 for the Forest Cantons.' 
 
 But Zwingli had some other things to contemplate 
 than the approaching civil war. His good friend 
 CEcolampadius wrote him on July 20th, from Basel, 
 that the book of Michael Servetus upon the " Errors 
 Respecting the Trinity," was being circulated there, 
 that he considered it thoroughly blasphemous, al- 
 though some of the Strassburgers praised it ! He 
 offered to send him a copy if he had not seen it." 
 
 On July 3 ist,- CEcolampadius informed him: 
 
 " We have remodelled the theological lectures after the 
 pattern of your church. A Hebrew professor lectures 
 on the Old Testament and a Greek on the New, I my- 
 self am to add a theological exposition in Latin on 
 both to their more purely grammatical ones. Paul will 
 conclude with a discourse in the vernacular."^ 
 
 On August 13th, the same writes a most interest- 
 ing letter upon the attempt of Henry VHI. to 
 obtain a divorce from Catherine.^ The King had 
 
 ' Cf. viii., 622. 
 
 'VIII., 625. The printer was Secerius of Hagenaii in Elsass ; 
 the publisher was Conrad Kocnig of Jena, Basel, and Strassburg, 
 who was agent for Luther's works (Putnam, Books and their Makers 
 in the Middle Ages, ii., 231). For analysis of and comments on 
 Servetus's book, see Schafi, /list. Christ. Ch., vii., 715-720. 
 
 3 VIII. ,629. -^ VIII., 631 j^. 
 
350 Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 sought through Grynaeus the advice of CEcolam- 
 padius, who in turn consulted Zwingli. QEco- 
 lampadius considered that there was no ground for 
 divorce. Zwingli's letter in reply is lost; its pur- 
 port is known from the reply of CEcolampadius' ; 
 he was adverse, as also was Grynaeus." Capito and 
 Butzer would permit Henry to have two wives!' 
 
 Butzer on September 13th informed him of 
 the results of the meeting at Schmalkalden and 
 of other matters in the gossipy style of Capito." 
 Two characteristically fervid letters from the im- 
 petuous but spiritual and energetic Farel reached 
 Zwingli that year.* They must have cheered his 
 soul greatly. 
 
 As the year wore on it was increasingly plain that 
 war was inevitable, and Nature seemed to Zwingli to 
 prophesy disaster. Zurich was again visited by the 
 plague, though not in severe form. Like others of 
 his time, Zwingli believed in signs and portents 
 and had a lingering faith in astrology. So he was 
 greatly disturbed at an extraordinary communica- 
 tion from Schenkenberg, near Brugg, in Aargau, 
 some seventeen miles north by west of Zurich, writ- 
 ten by the magistrate of the village and dated July 
 29, 1 53 1, to the efTect that on July 24th blood had 
 been seen issuing in a stream from the earth!* 
 
 'VIII., 634. 
 
 ''VIII., 635 ; cf. for Butzer, viii., 644. 
 ^ Melanchthon also, Co7-pns J\ffor»iatorum, ii., 520. 
 ^VIII., 643. 
 
 * VIII., 647, 648. They are the last letters in the Zwingli Cor- 
 respondence. 
 «VIII., 628. 
 
I53I] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 351 
 
 Other equally circumstantial reports of uncommon 
 physical phenomena were : that at Zug, some fifteen 
 miles south of Zurich, on Lake Zug, a shield had 
 been seen in the air; on the river Reuss, which runs 
 into Lake Zug, shots were heard at night; on the 
 Bruenig Pass, some twenty-five miles south of Lu- 
 zern, flags flew in the heavens, and on the Lake of 
 Luzern phantom ships sailed filled with ghosts in 
 warriors' garb. At Goostow, in the county of Gron- 
 ingen, belonging to Zurich, a poor peasant woman, 
 Beatrice of Marckelssheim, bore a child that had 
 two heads with faces, three legs, and three arms, 
 but only one body. Two of the arms hung from 
 the sides as usual, but the third came out of the 
 back between the shoulders, and had on the end 
 two hands clasped. Two of the legs were also 
 normal, but the third hung from behind for all 
 the world like a tail! One of the heads died in 
 the birth, the other lived a short time after it.' But 
 still more alarming was the comet, of which ZwingH 
 writes, on August i6th: ** Some have seen a comet 
 here in Zurich for three nights. I for one only, 
 i. e., August 15th; what we shall see to-day, the 
 i6th, I don't know."* Bullinger thus relates the 
 incident: 
 
 " Upon [St.] Lawrence [day, Thursday, August lo, 
 153 1], appeared at sunset a right fearful comet whose 
 long and broad tail stretched to mid heaven. The colour 
 was pale yellow. And when Zwingli was asked what it 
 meant by George Muller, abbot at Wittengen, as stand- 
 
 • Bullinger, iii., 47. * VIII., 634. 
 
352 Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 ing in the churchyard of the Great Minster, near the 
 Wettinger House, they contemplated it together, he re- 
 plied : ' Dear George, it will cost me and many an honest 
 man his life, and truth and Church will yet suffer ; still 
 Christ will not desert us.' " ' 
 
 <As really nothing had been done to avert the 
 war, every day, of course, brought it nearer. So on 
 September 9th the Zurich Council adopted a plan 
 of campaign, and appointed Rudolph Lavater, a 
 good friend of ZwingH's and of the Reformation, 
 leader of the forces. But the Council, like the citi- 
 zens generally, were not eager to fight. Many 
 hoped that something would arise to prevent hos- 
 tilities; many secretly sympathised with the Forest 
 Cantons, some because they still adhered to the Old 
 Faith, and some because they considered the Forest- 
 ers unjustly handled, or because of business inter- 
 ests. Zwingli had only the gloomiest forebodings, 
 and he uttered them in his sermons.^ In his last 
 letter to CEcolampadius he expressed himself as 
 seeing the sword drawn and prepared to do the 
 duty of a faithful watcher upon the walls. But 
 he had no expectation of victory. 
 
 On October 4th, the Forest Cantons assembled 
 their forces at Zug; unopposed they moved them 
 to the very borders of the Zurich canton ; and still 
 the Zurich Council made no move.' 
 
 ' Bullinger, iii., 46. 
 
 «C/. Ibid., 52. 
 
 ^ For the fight at Cappel the classical monograph is Die Schlacht 
 von Cappel, iSJi- Mil zzvei Planen und einem Anhange ungcdruck- 
 ter Qiiellen. Von Emil Egli. Zurich : Friedrich Schultliess, 1S73. 
 This author was vicar in Cappel, 1870-71, and so had the best oppor- 
 
I53I] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 353 
 
 On Monday, October 9th, the Forest Cantons' 
 troops crossed the border. The news reached Zu- 
 rich, only twelve miles away, almost due north, that 
 evening. The Council was hastily called, the wager 
 of battle accepted, George Goldli appointed leader 
 of the advance guard, and orders given to make the 
 start the next morning. Accordingly, at noon on 
 Tuesday, October loth, a little band left the city 
 for Cappel, ten miles south. As it moved along it 
 received accessions from the villages it passed, so 
 that when it reached Cappel that evening it num- 
 bered twelve hundred men. The artillery arrived 
 in the night. The general call to arms and the ap- 
 peal for help from their allies were made by the 
 Zurich Council that afternoon. It was early on 
 Wednesday, October iith, before the main army of 
 fifteen hundred men, if it could be called an army, 
 was under way. Zwingli, according to Swiss cus- 
 tom, as chief pastor, bore the banner, on horseback. 
 He wore a helmet, a shirt of mail, and a side sword, 
 such as every prominent man in that time carried, 
 and from his saddle hung a hand-gun — the weapon 
 out of which the pistol was evolved.' As he rode 
 along he heard mutterings, " He ought to ride 
 
 tunity to study the battle-field and the battle, which he did with all 
 necessary assistance. He became tutor in the University of Zurich in 
 18S0 ; professor extraordinary, 1S89 ; and a little later full professor 
 of Church History. He edits Zwingliana, the organ of Zwingli 
 studies (Zurich, 1897 sqq.). I have followed his account with readings 
 from Bullinger, the best contemporary witness, and from Staehelin. 
 ' See the exhaustive and authoritative study of Zwingli's weapons 
 by H. Zeller-Weidmuller in Zwingliana, Zurich, 1899, No. 2, 
 pp. 105-108. They are now, except the shirt, which has perished, 
 
354 Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 first, for he brought it all on!" His horse had 
 shied when he first attempted to mount, and this 
 seemed to him and to the onlookers a bad sign. 
 He never expected to see his friends again in this 
 life. 
 
 All about him was confusion. He had urged that 
 the start should not be made till the full comple- 
 ment of four thousand troops was secured, but 
 instead it was made with fifteen hundred. There 
 were not enough horses to pull the cannon. There 
 was no discipline. The host was more a rabble 
 than an army. Lavater was the leader of this the 
 main body. 
 
 When it came up it found the advance guard 
 under Goldli, which had been at Cappel since Tues- 
 day night, already in the presence of their foes. 
 Goldli had been strictly charged by the Council not 
 to take the offensive, but to await the arrival of the 
 reinforcements. On Wednesday morning, probably 
 perceiving that the enemy were about to attack him, 
 he picked out a place to give battle. The ground all 
 about Cappel was rolling, but the high ground he 
 chose had a ditch filled with water behind it, much 
 wood around it, and swampy land on the north, 
 east, and south ! ' There the few troops he had 
 stood while the enemy advanced upon them. 
 
 The battle began at midday. The Foresters were 
 well ordered and well led, yet the first onslaught 
 
 preserved in the New Landesmuseum in Zurich. The sword 
 measures 1.08 metres in length ; the hand-gun, 86 centimetres — 
 approximately 40 and 34 inches respectively. 
 ' See the plan of the battle. 
 
ZWINGLI DEPARTING FOR THE BATTLE OF CAPPEL, OCT. 11, 1531. 
 
I53I] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 355 
 
 was repelled by the Zurich artillery. Then the 
 enemy shifted their ground and approached from 
 the side. As they were toilsomely crossing the 
 swamp, dragging their cannon, the Zurichers might 
 have struck a fatal blow, but Goldli refused to give 
 the order, and so the Foresters by 3 P.M. arrived 
 safely at an elevation backed by a piece of the woods 
 on the east of the Zurichers, which was vantage 
 ground. This was the state of things when Lavater 
 arrived that afternoon on the hill Albis, whence he 
 could survey the entire field. It required but a 
 glance to assure him that the situation was de- 
 sperate, and, tired as the troops were after their 
 march, he yet determined to go to the assistance of 
 his countrymen. So Zwingli advised: 
 
 " If we wait here till the rest come up in their leisurely- 
 fashion, then I apprehend it will be too late to help our 
 countrymen. We must not stand here and see our friends 
 suffer defeat. I go to them and am prepared either to 
 die with and among them or to succour them, as God 
 pleases." * 
 
 Battle was resumed late in the afternoon of that 
 day, Wednesday, October 1 1, 1531, and the Zurichers 
 were attacked on east and south at the same time. 
 Both sides hurled opprobrious epithets against one 
 another. " Worshippers of idols i " " Godless pa- 
 pists !" cried the one; " Sacrilegious scamps !" 
 
 Damned heretics ! " cried those on the other side. 
 
 Supported by their artillery, the Zurichers at first 
 held their own. Lavater encouraged them by his 
 
 ' BuUinger, iii., 123. 
 
35^ Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 presence in the front rank and his pious speech. 
 Zwingli stood by him, although he took no part in 
 the fighting, and was heard to say: " Brave fellows, 
 take heart and fear nothing. We suffer, if we must, 
 in a good cause. Commend yourselves to God, 
 who is able to care for us and ours. God's will be 
 done! " ' 
 
 But it was an unequal fight, — eight thousand 
 Foresters, desperate, united, well armed, against two 
 thousand seven hundred Zurichers, disordered and 
 ill prepared, and the majority of them wearied with 
 their long march. The Zurichers fought heroically, 
 and sold their lives dear, but after a time the fight 
 became a rout, and the road to Zurich was filled 
 with fugitives. 
 
 And Zwingli was among the slain ! Wounded 
 twice in the legs by a spear and his helmet shivered, 
 as it even now bears witness, by a stone, he had 
 fallen down. One of the Foresters, out plundering 
 the dead and wounded, found him lying on his 
 back, his hands folded as in prayer, and his eyes 
 directed to heaven. In kindly fashion he offered to 
 call a priest to hear his dying confession. Unable 
 to speak, Zwingli shook his head. The Forester 
 then said: " If you cannot speak or make confes- 
 sion, pray in your heart to the Mother of God, and 
 call upon the saints, that God in His grace may ac- 
 cept you." Zwingli again shook his head, and 
 continued to look heavenwards. This action marked 
 him as a Protestant. Other Foresters had mean- 
 while come up. Among them was a captain from 
 
 ' Bullinger, iii., 127. 
 
Ck r^'ii <^.) 
 
 
 Zurichers. 
 
 Scale \ t : c^r>000. 
 
 en Foresters. 
 
 PLAN OF BATTLE OF CAPPEL. 
 
 FROM "DIE SCHLACHT VON CAPPEL," BY EMIL EGLI. ZURICH: FREDRICK SCHULTHESS. 
 
i53i] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 357 
 
 Untcrwald. He joined the others in revih'ng the then 
 unrecognised man for his Reformed faith, and, call- 
 ing him a heretic, who did not deserve to live, drew 
 his sword and gave Zwingli his release from life.* 
 
 So in the midst of his dead friends and living foes 
 lay the body of the man who had brought the Re- 
 formation into German Switzerland. Zwingli was 
 unknown by face to the men who saw him die. But 
 later he was recognised, and then, alas! his body 
 was treated disgracefully, for his name was to each 
 Forester synonymous with all that in religion and 
 politics he had been taught to hate. 
 
 The news spread through the host that Zwingli, 
 the arch heretic, the author of all the misery which 
 had come upon the Forest Cantons, had been killed. 
 The next morning, Thursday, October I2th, his 
 body was gazed upon by an enormous throng, who 
 reviled him, — except one man, Hans Schonbrunner, 
 an old priest living at Zug, but formerly a canon of 
 the Great Minster, and colleague of Zwingli, who to 
 his immortal honour had the courage to say, ad- 
 
 ' Cf, Bullinger, iii., 136. According to tradition Zwingli died be- 
 neath a pear tree which stood on the east side of the present road 
 upon a little mound. Its successor stands there to-day. On the 
 alleged place of his dead body is a rough stone, fifteen feet high, 
 set up in 1837. On the front is this inscription, in Latin; " Here 
 Ulrich Zwingli, who was with Martin Luther in the Sixteenth Cent- 
 ury after the birth of Christ, the founder of the emancipated Christ- 
 ian Church, died in the sure hope of immortality on the lith of 
 October, 1531, bravely fighting, even against his brethren, for truth 
 and country." On the back is this German inscription : " 'You can 
 kill the body, but you cannot kill the soul.' So said on this spot 
 Ulrich Zwingli, as he lay dying on October ii, 1531, the hero's 
 death for truth and for the freedom of the Christian Church." 
 
35^ Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 dressing Zwingli's corpse: "Whatever your re- 
 ligious belief was, I know that you have been a 
 good Confederate. May God forgive your sins! " * — 
 but this declaration had no effect upon the rest. 
 The punishment of a traitor to his country was 
 meted out to his dead body, for it was quartered 
 by the hangman, and then, as the punishment of a 
 heretic was according to imperial law, its sections 
 were mixed with dung and burnt.* 
 
 The battle of Cappel was for the Zurichers 
 a Flodden Field, ^ for probably every prominent 
 Zurich family was called to mourn its dead. Among 
 the five hundred slain — eloquent though silent 
 witnesses to the brave resistance they had made 
 and the desperate attempt at any cost to repel the 
 foe — were seven members of the Small and nine- 
 teen of the Great Council, and almost all the prin- 
 cipal captains; while as interested spectators at the 
 struggle and victims of it were seven clergymen of 
 the city and eighteen of the canton outside; and 
 the roster of the slain included Zwingli, the greatest 
 of them all, and his brother-in-law, stepson, and son- 
 in-law! 
 
 The Foresters captured a great quantity of arms, 
 
 ' BuUinger, iii., 167. 
 
 ' Egli, p. 44. His heart was discovered intact and brought to 
 Zurich ! So Myconius relates, in Myconius, p. 14. 
 
 ^ The famous battle of Flodden Field was fought between James 
 IV., the King of Scotland, and the Earl of Surrey on September g, 
 1513. The result was the complete defeat of the Scotch. It was the 
 feature that among the slain were the Scotch King and so many of 
 the nobility that scarcely a noble Scotch family but had one dead 
 upon that fateful field, which particularly makes the defeat of the 
 Zurichers at Cappel a parallel. 
 
I53I] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 359 
 
 in fact nearly all the Zurichers had brought to the 
 field, and their own loss was small. But know- 
 ing full well that the allies of Zurich and the 
 reserves would be too much for them if they vent- 
 ured farther into Zurich territory, the Foresters 
 remained on the field of Cappel -three days to revel 
 and feast, and then withdrew to Zug. Thither the 
 allies came up as was expected, but the Foresters on 
 October 24th attacked them successfully. Magnan- 
 imous counsels prevailed, and instead of following 
 up their advantage the Foresters remembered that 
 the allies were fellow Swiss and concluded with 
 them the Second Peace of Cappel (November 20th). 
 Naturally this second peace was no repetition of the 
 first. Now the men of the Old Faith dictated the 
 terms to the Evangelicals. Zwingli's dream of pro- 
 pagating the Gospel in the Forest Cantons was not 
 realised. Each side stayed in the faith it had 
 adopted and engaged not to molest the other. 
 Neither side was to make the religious faith of the 
 other a matter of reproach. The Christian Burgher 
 Rights were dissolved, and all the special provisions 
 of the First Treaty of Cappel were abrogated. Zu- 
 rich had to return her share in the war cost that 
 the Foresters had paid the allies, and to redeem in 
 money such prisoners as had not been exchanged. 
 
 But the greatest loss by the Evangelical German 
 Swiss was, after all, not in money or territory, but 
 in hope. They had expected to impress their ideas 
 upon all Switzerland. After the defeat of October 
 nth they lost hope of doing so. Still, what they 
 had gained was substantially held, and German 
 
360 Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 Switzerland in general has remained to this day 
 Reformed. 
 
 Anna Reinhard, the widow of the Reformer, 
 found in Heinrich BulHnger, the successor of 
 Zwingli, a protector and friend. He took her and 
 her children into his own family and cared for her 
 until her death in December, 1538, after a few weeks' 
 illness. He also educated Zwingli's children. 
 
 William, Zwingli's eldest son, born in 1526, after 
 studying in Zurich went to Strassburg to complete 
 his education, but there died of the plague in 1541. 
 Ulrich, born January 6, 1528, who is said to have 
 been the image of his father, studied at Basel, be- 
 came a clergyman, diakoniis in the Great Minster in 
 Zurich in his nineteenth year, professor of Hebrew 
 in 1556, of theology in 1557; he married Bullinger's 
 daughter Anna. She died of the plague in 1565. 
 Regula, the eldest daughter, born in 1525, who is 
 said to have been the image of her mother, married 
 on August 3, 1 541, when in her seventeenth year, 
 Bullinger's foster-son, Rudolf Gualther, a brilliant 
 man, born in Zurich, November 9, 15 19; studied at 
 Basel, Strassburg, Lausanne, and Marburg, and in 
 1542 became pastor of St. Peter's in Zurich, and so 
 remained the rest of his life. In 1547 he brought 
 out the first edition of Zwingli's works, himself 
 translating into Latin all the hitherto untranslated 
 German treatises. He succeeded Bullinger in the 
 office of chief city pastor in 1575. After Regula 
 died of the plague (November 14, 1565), he married 
 Anna, daughter of Thomas Blarer, formerly burgo- 
 master of Constance. Gualther died December 25, 
 
^lljl^iiiiiir^ 
 
 ZWINQLI'S DAUGHTER REQULA IN 1549, AT THE AGE OF 25, AND HIS 
 GRANDDAUGHTER, AT THE AGE OF 7. 
 
I53I] Last Year of Zwingli's Life 361 
 
 1586. With Zwingli's son Ulrich the male line of 
 the Reformer died out. Those at present tracing 
 their ancestry to the Reformer's family do so to a 
 brother in Wildhaus. Zwingli had still a fourth 
 child, a daughter Anna, born in 1530, who died in 
 infancy.' 
 
 Over the dead Zwingli adherents of the old 
 faith and Lutherans poured their vitriol of hatred 
 and ignorance.'' Even in Zurich there were many 
 to curse him as responsible for their sorrows. His 
 friends, however, there and in the canton generally 
 were in the majority, and they justified his actions 
 and defended his memory. Outside of the canton 
 of Zurich, in Bern, Basel, and Southern Germany, 
 he had many adherents who held him dear and 
 were greatly stirred by his death. But even these 
 friends did not continue his work. None of them 
 pushed the Reformation further on his lines, and in 
 theology, whether they had not fully understood 
 him, or had been forced into acquiescence, but not 
 into real acceptance, by his steady glance, at all 
 events, with few exceptions, they rapidly removed 
 from his positions, especially regarding the sacra- 
 ments. To-day he is, even in Switzerland, a faint 
 memory, and thousands of Protestants outside of 
 Switzerland do not even know his name. The at- 
 
 ' For these details as to the family see Solomon Hess, Anna Rein- 
 hard, Gattin iind IVittwe von Ulrich Zwingli Reformator. 2nd ed. 
 Zurich, 1820. See his index. 
 
 ' See the judgments upon his death by his contemporaries in A. 
 Erichson, Zwingli's Tod und desscn Beurtheilung durch Zeitgenossen, 
 Strassburg, 1883. The words of triumph and cursing uttered by 
 Lutherans and others were shameful and almost inhuman. 
 
362 Huldreich Zwingli [1531 
 
 tention he has received from students is compara- 
 tively small. There are, however, signs of revival 
 of interest in the able and lovable stalwart Swiss, 
 sincere Christian, and uncompromising foe to sham 
 in religion. The explanation of this neglect lies 
 at hand. Five years after Zwingli died there began 
 at Geneva the memorable career of John Calvin. 
 To him and not to Zwingli, the Reformed Church 
 now looks in reverence. From him and not from the 
 earlier founder that Church now dates its existence. 
 No one can fail to acknowledge that Calvin was the 
 greater man, but Zwingli was also highly endowed, 
 an equally devoted servant of truth, and a more at- 
 tractive personality. All honour to Calvin, the hero 
 of the Faith, but all honour, too, to Zwingli, the Re- 
 former of German Switzerland. 
 
SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER 
 
 ZWINGLI'S THEOLOGY, PHILOSOPHY 
 AND ETHICS 
 
 By frank HUGH FOSTER, Ph.D., D.D., 
 
 Professor of Theology, Pacific Theological Seminary, 
 Oakland, California 
 
 363 
 
ZWINGLI'S THEOLOGY, PHILOSO- 
 PHY, AND ETHICS 
 
 By Frank Hugh Foster, Ph.D., D.D., Professor of Theology, 
 Pacific Theological Seminary, Oakland, California 
 
 1'^HE Protestant Reformation rendered two sepa- 
 rate and great services in the realm of thought 
 to its age and to the world. One of these was in 
 the protest which it delivered against the Roman 
 doctrinal system; and the other was in its positive 
 contribution to the enrichment and development of 
 Christian theology. The Roman idea of human 
 merit and its relation to salvation had led to a con- 
 ception of grace, of the operation of the sacraments, 
 of the atonement and the divine forgiveness, to a sys- 
 tem of morals, and to methods of discipline, which 
 the adherents of the Protestant faith declared must 
 be swept away, with all their practical consequences 
 in the conception and the conduct of life, and in 
 their stead new conceptions must be introduced. 
 But the system of thought was even then defective. 
 It was not up to the level of Christian experience. 
 It had to be enlarged and perfected. A new doc- 
 trine, justification by faith, had to be adjusted to 
 the old, and to be supplemented by a group of 
 
 365 
 
366 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 other new doctrines which should first bring the sys- 
 tem into some degree of completeness. This work 
 Protestantism also undertook, and under its able 
 leaders in Wittenberg it gave to the Christian world 
 the first system of Christian dogmatics which could 
 claim to have treated the doctrines of grace with 
 anything like the necessary fulness, and to have 
 welded them into a consistent whole with the herit- 
 age which had come down from the ancient and un- 
 corrupted Church. 
 
 To obtain a complete view of Zwingli's theology, 
 both of these elements in the general work of Pro- 
 testantism must be brought into the consideration, 
 for they are both represented in his labours. With 
 the rest of the Reformers he was led to those gen- 
 eral positions in respect to the sole mediatorship of 
 Jesus Christ, salvation by faith in Him, the helpless- 
 ness of man as a sinner, and the authority of the 
 Christian congregation in distinction from the pa- 
 pacy, which constituted the more direct recoil from 
 Rome. In all these doctrines Zwingli showed 
 marked independence of view, vigour, and original- 
 ity, but in none of them did he render any service 
 that could be called especially his own, or bring out 
 anything which belongs properly to his contributions 
 to the system of developed Protestant doctrine. 
 For our present purpose our theme, therefore, ad- 
 mits of a limitation. We do not need to pass in 
 review every doctrine which Zwingli held, not even 
 every one which he wrought out independently, and 
 which in another environment would have to be 
 reckoned to his most marked service. He was as 
 
Zwingli's Theology 367 
 
 clear as Luther upon the doctrine of justification 
 by faith, and entirely independent in his method 
 of approach to it and in his manner of holding it. 
 But as historians we must ascribe that doctrine to 
 Luther and not to Zvvingli. Luther alone gave it 
 to the world and made it the rallying cry of the 
 mighty movement. But Zwingli had his own pe-j 
 culiar field, and to this we must give more especial 
 attention. 
 
 A word needs to be said as to the underlying 
 philosophy of Zwingli before we enter upon the 
 direct consideration of that which is more distinct- 
 ively theological. He brought with him to the 
 construction of his theology, from the formative and 
 educational period of his life, two great currents of 
 influence, the one having its origin in the enthusiasm 
 for liberal culture nourished by the period of the 
 Renaissance, and the other springing from the fount- 
 ain of the New Testament Scriptures. The latter 
 made his theology biblical and Protestant ; the former 
 gave to it its liberal tone. Many individual ideas 
 may be traced to a classic origin which might be de- 
 nominated not improperly philosophical. Zwingli 
 was not without something which may be styled a 
 philosophy of a very great type. But it cannot be 
 said that his system was dominated by the philo- 
 sophy of the ancient or even of the mediseval schools. 
 He followed a distinct trend of thought upon the 
 themes embraced within the scope of philosophy, 
 but it is a trend developed in the Christian Church 
 and distinctly belonging to theology. It has its 
 roots in the Hebrew religion. It was held by those 
 
368 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 writers in the Old Testament who attributed all 
 agency, even that producing evil, to God. Among 
 Christian theologians, the first to express it with so 
 great emphasis as to associate his own name with 
 it was Augustine. Augustinianism has been a 
 synonym for stress laid upon the sovereignty of 
 God. It was Augustine's favourite thought that 
 " everything good was either God or from God." 
 The same tendency had its representatives in the 
 Middle Ages, and among them was Thomas Aquinas. 
 It reappeared in the Reformation in Luther's doc- 
 trine of predestination and of the bondage of the 
 will, in which, for a purely religious reason, Luther 
 affirms in the strongest way the absolute and sole 
 causality of God. In the year 1520, long before the 
 controversy with Erasmus had given occasion to a 
 flow of feeling which may seem to have been un- 
 favourable to impartial thought, he wrote: " I 
 would that the word ' free-will ' had never been in- 
 vented ; neither is it in the Scripture, and might 
 better be called self-will, which is of no use." ' 
 Later he derives the sole causality of God from His 
 omnipotence, and rejoices in it as in the ground of the 
 Christian's confidence in God, since God thus fore- 
 knows everything, and hence proposes and performs 
 everything, He can therefore never be defeated. 
 " By this thunderbolt," he says, " is cast down and 
 ground to powder the freedom of the will."* 
 Luther's doctrine was far more the result of his 
 general point of view and of his impressions as to 
 
 ' IVerke, Erlangen edition, xxiv., 146. 
 ^ De Servo Arbitrio, cap. xvii. 
 
Zwingli's Theology 369 
 
 the necessary foundation of the doctrines of grace, 
 than of any philosophical opinions he held. The 
 same is true of Calvin, whose position is too well 
 known to require even a mention here. Zwingli 
 shared the same atmosphere with these other Re- 
 formers, was moved by the same great spiritual 
 opposition to Rome, which had practically, if not 
 confessedly, taken the opposing view, and hence it 
 was natural that he should revert to Augustinianism, 
 as they did. And thus we find him, for the most 
 part from purely theological interests, upon the side 
 of that philosophical doctrine which exalts the 
 sovereignty of God. 
 
 It would, therefore, be of little value if we sought 
 to trace the system of Zwingli to any distinct philo- 
 sophical root. What biblical elements there are in it 
 will best appear if we simply follow in the natural line 
 of exposition as his system is presented in his prin- 
 cipal dogmatic writings. Of these there is an inter- 
 esting series brought out by the special exigencies 
 of Zwingli's public life. We need consider only his 
 
 Sixty-Seven Articles," with the " Explanation " 
 of the same,' the " Christian Introduction " " (all of 
 the year 1523), the " Commentary on True and 
 False Religion " ' (1525), the confession of faith pre- 
 sented to the Diet of Augsburg (1530) and entitled 
 Ratio Fidei,* the treatise upon " Divine Provid- 
 ence " (1530),^ and his last important production, 
 published posthumously, the " Explanation of the 
 
 1 Zwingli, IVerke, ed. Schuler u. Schulthess, i., 169-424. 
 "^ Jliid., i., 541-565. * Ibid., iv., 1-18. 
 
 ^ Ibid., iii., 145-325. ''Ibid., iv., 79-144. 
 
 24 
 
370 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Christian Faith" (1531).' The earlier of these are 
 of great historical interest, and the last is not without 
 dogmatic importance; but the central member of 
 the group, the elaborate and comprehensive " Com- 
 mentary," written after his views had attained 
 maturity and consistency, must ever remain the 
 chief source of information as to his theological 
 system, and will be the best starting-point in our 
 exposition. 
 
 This work opens with a definition of religion as 
 the system which comprises the whole of Christian 
 piety, viz., its faith, life, rites, laws, and sacraments. 
 As such, it is fundamentally a relation existing be- 
 tween God and man, and hence, to understand it, 
 the terms between which it exists must be under- 
 stood first. Hence the treatise begins with the doc- 
 trine of God. We thus meet the first and most 
 important peculiarity of the Zwinglian system, the 
 prominence given to the doctrine of God, at the 
 outset of our study. It is now to be noted that it 
 flows naturally out of his conception of religion, 
 and that he could scarcely begin at any other great 
 doctrine, having once defined religion as he does. 
 The Lutheran theology was anthropological in its 
 starting-point, and was determined largely by this 
 element, in spite of the emphasis laid upon the 
 divine causality by Luther, because its absorption 
 in the spiritual experience which gave it its birth 
 kept the eye fixed upon man rather than upon God. 
 
 Zwingli opens the discussion of the doctrine of 
 God by considering His knowability. Although it 
 
 ' Zwingli, IVerke, ed. Schuler u. Schulthess, iv., 42-78. 
 
Zwingli's Theology 371 
 
 may be above human understanding to know tvliat 
 God is, it is not above it to know tJiat He is. Hence, 
 the knowledge of God's existence is obtained from 
 the h'ght of nature; and nature is itself defined, in 
 accordance with the tendency to* exalt God which 
 we are now noting, as "the continual and perpet- 
 ual operation of God and His disposition of all 
 things." ' Thus the heathen have known the exist- 
 ence of God and some even His unity, though these 
 have been few. But believers advance far beyond 
 this. They are such as not only know that there is 
 one only omnipotent and true God, but have more 
 than a mere knowledge, since they trust in Him 
 alone. They thus know in some measure what He 
 is, but not from the unaided operation of their own 
 faculties or from any merely human instruction 
 which they may receive. The Scriptures testify 
 that God is a hidden God, and that only the Spirit 
 of God possesses knowledge of Him so as to become 
 the source of knowledge to human hearts. Hence 
 it is deception and false religion to pretend to derive 
 the knowledge of God from philosophy. It is pro- 
 duced by the power and grace of Him in whom be- 
 lievers trust. The only source of the knowledge of 
 God, in the full and Christian sense of such a word, 
 is, therefore, the "mouth of God," by which term 
 Zwingli designates the Bible, illuminated to the 
 reader by the Spirit in his heart. 
 
 Upon such a basis, the discussion of the nature 
 of God must be a purely biblical discussion, and 
 Zwingli begins his treatment of this point with a 
 
 'Zwingli, Werke, ed. Schuler u. Schulthess, iii., 156. 
 
 
372 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 study of Exodus iii., 14: " I am that I am." This 
 is interpreted to mean that God is " the sole essence 
 of all things " {solum reriini omnium Esse)? The 
 word " essence " is here to be understood, appar- 
 ently, as signifying the true being, the fundamental 
 and ultimate reality of all things. Zwingli does not 
 intend to identify God with nature in the pantheistic 
 fashion, or to anticipate later idealism in what men 
 have often attributed to it, — the denial of the exist- 
 ence of matter; but it is his design rather to refer 
 nature entirely to God as its living energy. Thus 
 he declares this to be " first in the knowledge of 
 God, that we should know that He is, who is nature, 
 who is Himself, and receives His existence from no 
 one else." " 
 
 But now God not only is and is independent of 
 all other existence, but He has a determinate and 
 definite existence. " That being is as really good 
 as He is being. "^ Zwingli thus passes from the 
 nature to the attributes of God, at the summit of 
 which, as the comprehensive expression of them all, 
 he puts goodness. This very comprehensiveness of 
 goodness will, however, be seen somewhat to modify 
 its meaning. The proof of the goodness of God is 
 drawn from the world which He has made. If this 
 be " good," as the Scriptures declare, then the 
 source of the world must Himself be good, and that 
 of Himself, since the source of His goodness, truth, 
 righteousness, justice, and holiness must be the same 
 as the source of his being, viz., His own infinite self. 
 
 'Zwingli, Werke, ed. Schuler u, Schulthess, iii., p. 15S. 
 ^ Ibid., p. 159. ^ Ibid., p. 159. 
 
Zwingli's Theology Z7Z 
 
 We are not, however, to think of the goodness of 
 God as of some passive and inactive quality. His 
 very nature, as the philosophers say, involves His 
 constant activity, since He is the perfect, efficacious, 
 and consummating force. Hence, He speaks and 
 creation comes into existence. It is thus the pro- 
 duct of His power; but it is also permeated by His 
 other attributes. His wisdom, knowledge, and 
 providence must so pervade all things that there 
 shall be nothing that is hidden from Him or that 
 fails to obey Him. The proof of this statement 
 Zwingli draws from the general idea of His goodness 
 {J)oniivi), which is thus shown to embrace more than 
 merely moral goodness. It is, in fact, a synonym 
 in his mind for perfection, embracing all good, 
 natural as well as moral. The argument might be 
 summarised thus: God is the sum of all excellence; 
 therefore He has this excellence, viz., wisdom. 
 
 It may serve to bring out more clearly the force 
 of this argumentation, as well as to give a view of 
 Zwingli's theological style, if we pause here in our 
 analysis for a longer quotation. Says Zwingli*: 
 
 "This Good is, therefore, no idle or inactive thing, 
 to He supine and unmoved, neither moving itself nor 
 other things, for, a little above, it was evident that it is 
 the essence and conservation of all things, which is 
 nothing else than that all things are moved, contained, 
 and live through it and in it. It itself is called by the 
 philosophers ivTEkkx^ia xai evipyaia, i. e., perfect, 
 efficacious, and consummating power, which, since it is 
 
 •Zwingli, IVerke, ed. Schuler u. Schulthess, iii., pp. 159 •s'^. 
 
374 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 perfect, never shall desist, never cease, never waver, but 
 continually preserve all things, turn them, rule them, 
 that in all things and actions no fault may be able to 
 intervene to impede His power or to defeat His counsel. 
 Which, again, is manifest by His own word. For thus 
 you have it in the beginning of the creation. And God 
 said, Let there be light, and there was light. See how 
 the light when summoned does not only immediately 
 present itself, but, that it may obey the command of its 
 creator, is made of nothing. For so great is His power 
 that when He calls things which are not, they appear, 
 exactly as those things which are, even if they must first 
 be born of nothing. . . . Since, therefore, all things 
 which either move or live, so live and move as they are 
 (for, unless they were, they could not move or live ; but 
 what they are, they are in God and through God) ; it 
 may be thence inferred most clearly that God, as He is 
 the being and the preservation of all things, is also the 
 life and movement of all things which live and move. 
 . . . Nor, again, is He the life and movement of all 
 things in such a way that either He himself should purpose- 
 lessly inspire or move them, or that those things which are 
 inspired or moved, should purposelessly seek of Him that 
 they may live and move. How should they seek this of 
 Him, which could not even be, except they were of Him, 
 or how could they seek before they were ? It follows that 
 God is not only, like a kind of material, that from which 
 all things are, by which all things are moved and live ; 
 but he is, at the same time, such wisdom, knowledge, and 
 providence, that nothing is hidden, unknown, remote, 
 and disobedient to it." 
 
 'To resume the course of our analysis, Zwingli de- 
 rives all other excellences in God from His supreme 
 
Zwingli's Theology 375 
 
 excellence as the highest being, " That only is God 
 which is perfect, that is, absolute,' and to which no- 
 thing is lacking, to which also all things are present 
 which befit the highest good."* Among these 
 attributes are God's foreknowledge and His provid- 
 ence, "upon which topic the whole matter of free- 
 will and merit depends." ' 
 
 Zwingli now advances to the proof of the bene- 
 volence and mercy of God by the following course 
 of reasoning: 
 
 " Now, it were vain, fruitless, tind useless to mortals if 
 this highest Good, God, were wise for Himself alone, as 
 is said, if He were goodness, life, motion, knowledge, 
 providence for Himself alone ; for thus He would differ 
 in no respect from mortals, who have this by their own 
 nature, that they sing for themselves, care for their own 
 things, prefer themselves to others. It is necessary, 
 therefore, that this highest Good, which is God, should 
 be by its own. nature kind and bountiful, not with that 
 bounty with which we wish ourselves to seem to have 
 given, sometimes considering reward, sometimes glory, 
 but with that by which He wishes to benefit those to 
 whom He has given, and considers this solely and alone, 
 that those things which have been done by Himself may 
 be theirs ; for He will be freely drawn upon. For, as 
 He is the fountain of all things (for no one merited, 
 
 ^ Hoc solum detis est quod perfectum est, id est, absoliitum et cui 
 nihil desit, cuique omnia adsint qua summutu bonum deceant. It, 
 would be an error to suppose these expressions to have anything in 
 common with modern ideas of the " Absolute " so much favoured in 
 our own country. "Absolute" means to Zwingli, as this context 
 shows, simply "complete," "perfect." * 
 
 " P. 160. 5 P. 163, 
 
Z7^ Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 before He was, that he should be generated of Him), so 
 He is perennially bountiful towards those whom He 
 begot to this one end, that they should enjoy His bounty. 
 In a word, this is the respect in which that Good differs 
 from all other things which are called good : these do 
 not expend themselves ajxiffdaoTi, that is, gratuitously, 
 since they are squalid and needy ; that, on the contrary, 
 neither will nor can be expended except gratuitously. 
 Again, those things which are good in appearance spare 
 themselves, for they can satisfy very few, since they are 
 limited and mean. But that Good so abounds that it 
 surpasses all the desires of all to satiety ; for it is infinite 
 and loves to be drawn upon. It cannot itself enjoy other 
 things, for they are inferior to it, and except they enjoy 
 it, from which they are, they cannot exist at all." ' 
 
 This, in outline, is his doctrine of God. Passing 
 now to the doctrine of man, — the other term of the 
 relation which religion was defined to be, — we meet 
 with distinct agreement with Augustine, but still 
 with marked individuality of conception. Man was 
 originally formed in the image of God. He was 
 forbidden to eat of a specified tree. Tempted of the 
 devil through his wife, he consented and ate, and 
 thereby fell, and, in accordance with the threat of 
 the law, he died. So far the narrative is one of plain 
 facts. In what, now, did this " death " consist ? 
 It was not a death of the body, for Adam did not 
 die immediately as the law threatened ; and yet his 
 ultimate physical death was for no other reason than 
 for his transgression of the law at this time. But he 
 died in some sense as soon as he ate. The death 
 
 • r. 163. 
 
Zwingli's Theology 377 
 
 meant by the threatening of the law must therefore 
 have been a death of the soul, not of the body. 
 What death was it ? Zwingli collects the answer 
 from Romans v., 12. The death of the soul suffered 
 at this time was sin. 
 
 Hence Zwingli comes next to discuss the topic of 
 sin. Men are led into sin by desire. We have 
 therefore to inquire what desire influenced Adam 
 when he fell. It was the desire to be equal with 
 God and to know good and evil by his own power. 
 Evidently this desire had its origin in self-love. 
 This, then, is the root and characteristic of sin. In 
 this sin there is a corrupting power which infects 
 our whole nature, so that there is a viciosity of na- 
 ture {zntiiun iiaturce).^ Man has become flesh by the 
 fall. Hence he thinks the things of flesh, and this 
 makes him an enemy of God. " Therefore his mind 
 {jjiens) is bad, and his disposition {cinijnus) is bad 
 from the beginning of his life." " Zwingli uses lan- 
 guage even stronger than this, for he says: " They 
 who have been born of one dead are themselves 
 also dead. The dead Adam could not generate one 
 free from death," ^ that is, sin, for death is here to 
 be understood of the love of self which is the essence 
 of sin. Zwingli is unique among the three great Re- 
 formers for the clearness with which he makes the 
 fundamental distinction between the corruption of 
 our nature and what is properly sin, for he says there 
 are two kinds of sin received in evangelical doctrine : 
 first the disease {morbus) which we contract from the 
 author of the race by which we are addicted to self- 
 
 • P. i68. « P. 169. 3 1>, i6g_ 
 
^j^ Huldrcich Zwingli 
 
 love, and the second that which is done contrary to 
 the law.' In the Ratio Fidci he repeatedly makes 
 this distinction, and says that the sin derived from 
 Adam is only improperly called sin.'' Adam was 
 brought into the condition of a slave by sin and we 
 are born in that condition. Hence death hangs over 
 our heads. Thus, while essentially Augustinian, 
 Zwingli shows the free spirit of inquiry which will 
 carry him still farther towards new views in later 
 portions of his system. 
 
 The topic of sin also raises the question of the 
 agency of God in its appearance in this world, and 
 therefore involves the theologian at once in the dis- 
 cussion of His providence and of His wisdom and 
 goodness. Zwingli has given us a special treatise 
 upon these subjects, to which it will be worth while 
 to turn for a little.' Although written considerably 
 later than the "Commentary," it proceeds to estab- 
 lish the doctrine of providence upon the basis of those 
 principles as to the essential nature of God which 
 have been already drawn out. The title of the first 
 chapter contains its doctrine, that " Providence is 
 necessary because the highest good necessarily cares 
 for and disposes of all things." ' The course of the 
 argument has been substantially sketched above. 
 The relation of God's providence and wisdom is this, 
 that the wisdom is the power, and the providence 
 the operation of God. It is His " constant and un- 
 changeable government and administration of all 
 things." ^ The entire harmony between God's 
 
 ^lll., p. 203. *IV., 79-144- 
 
 «IV., p. 6/: *P. 81. »P. 84. 
 
Zwingli's Theology 379 
 
 providence and wisdom is therefore a postulate of 
 Zwingli's thinking. So absolute, however, is God's 
 government of all things that Zwingli now proceeds 
 to d^ny second causes entirely. Nothing material 
 can be of itself: it must derive its being from Him 
 who alone is all being. " There is nothing which is 
 not from Him, in Him, and through Him, yea, He 
 Himself."' Any single finite force is "called a 
 created power because the universal or general power 
 is exhibited in a new subject and new form." ' If 
 finite things truly proceeded from other finite things, 
 then these all must also proceed from still other 
 finite things like themselves, and so ad infinitum. 
 Since God can derive the being He gives them from 
 none but Himself, He gives them His own being, 
 and hence they are He. They are because they are 
 in Him who always is and who is the only true be- 
 ing. Thus there is one Cause, and all the rest are 
 no more causes than the ambassador of a sovereign 
 is the sovereign himself. 
 
 It might be feared lest this entire identification of 
 the creature with the Creator might lead to its de- 
 gradation in the scale of being, as having no indi- 
 viduality or importance in itself. Such is, however, 
 not Zwingli's tendency. All things become of the 
 divine species, — not merely man, but even all the 
 creation beneath man, although there remains a dis- 
 tinction in their nobility and gifts. In fact, the idea 
 of God as the essence of all things introduces a new 
 view of spheres of life which Christians were apt to 
 relegate to the realm of unmingled evil. Zwingli 
 
 » p. 85. * P. 86. 
 
380 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 thus attains a breadth of view which was denied to 
 Luther. The heathen who have written holy and 
 wise things are cited to sustain Zwingh's views upon 
 the Deity, and this procedure he defends as right 
 and proper because, whenever a good or holy thing 
 is found in them, it is to be regarded as an emana- 
 tion from the divine fountain.' The conception of 
 the all-permeating activity of God is thus a liberal- 
 ising element in Zwingli's conception of the world 
 .and its worth. 
 
 But does not this view of God's causality rob man 
 of all real being and especially of responsibility ? 
 Such had been in Zwingli's day, as it has ever since, 
 a common conclusion, and appeal had been made to 
 him to clear up this point. He therefore now pro- 
 ceeds to consider man and the divine law." Man is 
 the most remarkable and wonderful being, since he 
 is both a heavenly being, as possessing a spirit, 
 and an earthly, as clothed in a visible, earthy 
 body. The body which is given to him that he 
 may be a part of the world over which he rules, is 
 nevertheless a source of corruption to him. He is 
 like a stream of pure water befouled with a mass of 
 clay and thrown into the greatest commotion by 
 this disturbing element. Why has God placed man 
 in so unfortunate a position ? And why, when he 
 falls into sin, which arises from his connection with 
 the body, does God punish the spirit, although it is 
 the flesh which is the cause inciting to sin ?^ Thus 
 sharply does Zwingli formulate the ever-recurring 
 question as to man's responsibility. His answer is 
 
 ■ P. 93. 2 P. 98. ^ P. lOI. 
 
ZWINQLI'S HELMET, SWORD, AND SO-CALLED BATTLE-AXE, CARRIED BY 
 
 HIM TO THE BATTLE FIELD OF CARPEL, OCT. 11, 1531, 
 
 NOW IN THE LANDES MUSEUM, ZURICH. 
 
Zwingli's Theology 381 
 
 by no means as keen. The soul is punished because 
 it has offended against the law.' But why has God 
 given man the law, against which he was sure to 
 offend, when He might have left him to ignorance 
 and innocence ?" The answer to this is that the law 
 is the expression of the essence of God. It is light, 
 the expression of the reason and the will of God. 
 It is for us a law; for God it is not law but nature 
 and essence. Thus from the command to love God 
 we learn that the nature of God is love.^ All that 
 He does, therefore, will be according to His nature, 
 though He is above the law under which we are 
 bound. But the flesh does not understand and 
 agree with this law and is led by it necessarily into 
 sin. All this results by the knowledge and will of 
 God, since He is the sole true cause. How, then, 
 can the spirit be punished for what is the operation 
 of God Himself ? Zwingli's sole answer to this 
 question is that it has sinned against the law.* 
 This suggests the still sharper formulation of the 
 question, Whether God Himself has not sinned in 
 the sin of men, because their sin is His own opera- 
 tion ? To this there are substantially two answers 
 in Zwingli: one, the formal one, that God has not 
 sinned against the law, because He is above the law 
 and cannot sin against it; and, second, the more 
 substantial one, that, considered as an act of the 
 creature, a certain thing is sin which, considered 
 as the act of God, since it is done for other and 
 greater reasons, is no sin at all. But what " other 
 and greater reason " can there be for the introduc- 
 ' p. 102. « Ibid. ' r. 104. •» r. 106. 
 
382 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 tion of sin into the world by the act of God ? 
 r^ZwingH's answer here is that sin is as necessary to 
 holiness as some evil is to all good. Without it holi- 
 ness cannot be known. Hence, God produced sin in 
 the world by means of the creature, whose sin 
 was wrought by God through the instrumentality 
 of the Tempter, for the good of the creature, that is, 
 that he might come to a knowledge of righteous- 
 ness."N (The goodness of God in it all is the more 
 evident in that He provided redemption^y This line 
 of reasoning is more consistent than successful. 
 
 Zwingli passes by a natural transition to the dis- 
 cussion of election," which he defines as " the free 
 determination of the divine will concerning those 
 who are to be made blessed." It is an act of the 
 free-will of God in distinction from His mere wisdom. 
 In opposition to Thomas Aquinas, Zwingli makes 
 election to be independent of all foreknowledge of 
 our faith. He had once been inclined to this opin- 
 ion of Aquinas's, but rejected it because it en- 
 dangers God's goodness and omnipotence, since 
 He must have foreseen Judas's becoming bad, 
 and must then be conceived as unable to hinder 
 it; and also destroys His sole causality, ascribing 
 some reason for His activity to the creature.' Yet 
 the other attributes of God, wisdom, love, etc., are 
 not unconcerned in election, though it is primarily 
 a matter of the will. And faith, which is the con- 
 dition of justification, is the gift of God and follows 
 upon election * ; so that election, rather than faith, 
 may be said to be the justifying principle. " Faith 
 
 'f. 108. ^F.iii. *P. 113. *V.izi. 
 
Zwingli's Theology 383 
 
 follows election as its symbol." With such theories, 
 Zwingli of course denies the freedom of the will, as 
 is evident from innumerable expressions scattered 
 here and there through his works, though there is 
 no special treatise devoted to this theme. 
 
 Zwingli's whole discussion of the topic of sin may 
 be sharply criticised as vitiated by arguments which 
 are verbal and not material. To say that what is 
 wrong to man because against law is not to God 
 since He is above law, amounts to but little. But 
 Zwingli did not intend to engage in mere logo- 
 machy. Law is viewed, it is true, too mechanically 
 as an outward standard to which man must conform. 
 But he meant, when he said that God must be 
 above law, to ascribe to Him a peculiar and glorious 
 excellence. It is a fine remark when he says, in 
 attempted expression of this thoughts that what is 
 law to man is to God His own nature and essence.7 
 He illustrates his breadth of view by this distinc- 
 tion. The whole treatment of the subject is an 
 endeavour to state the facts of the case and make 
 them consistent with the theory of God's operation 
 which Zwingli had conceived. The failure lies in 
 the impossibility of making such a theory fit the 
 facts of human action and responsibility. Zwingli 
 was as successful, perhaps, as anyone of his age in 
 solving the difficulties which he had the perfect 
 candour to acknowledge and to present. 
 
 Zwingli had defined religion as a relation existing 
 between God and man.' Having described the 
 terms between which this relation exists, he now 
 
 'P. 104. »III.,p. IS5. 
 
384 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 returns to discuss religion itself.' Man, having 
 fallen from God, will, if left to himself, never re- 
 turn. God in His great mercy now goes out after 
 man and exhibits him to himself so that he recog- 
 nises his disobedience, loss, and misery, as Adam 
 did. Thus He produces despair of himself in man's 
 soul. But God also shows him the divine mercy, 
 and this he sees to be so great that he cannot be 
 separated from it. He thus comes to trust God, 
 treats Him as a parent, adheres to Him. Thus is 
 established the relation which is described by the 
 term " religion," which is, therefore, entire depend- 
 ence upon God. False religion, on the contrary, is 
 trusting in anyone else than God, especially in any 
 creature. 
 
 All this is general and true of any religion. The 
 specifically Christian religion gathers about the per- 
 son of Christ. Hence Zwingli devotes a special 
 paragraph to the definition of Christianity.' Christ 
 is the certainty and the pledge of the grace of God. 
 But how is this grace to be bestowed upon men who 
 have wandered from God and will not come to Him, 
 since God is just, and justice demands the punish- 
 ment of sinners ? God needs to exhibit Himself as 
 He is, both just and also merciful and good. To 
 this end His justice must be satisfied. But how is 
 this to be done ? Can man do it ? He is too sinful 
 to correspond to the spotless law of God. Neither 
 have good works in themselves any merit to satisfy 
 the justice of God. It remains, therefore, that God 
 must provide for such satisfaction, which He has 
 
 • ' r. 173. ^ P. 179. 
 
^ 
 
 Zwingli's Theology**^':^__.S.8i 
 
 done by sending His Son incarnate to make satis- 
 faction in our behalf. To this end Christ was 
 prophesied; miraculously conceived; and born of 
 the Virgin Mary (to avoid the stain of original sin); jr^ 
 
 suffered all things which were to be inflicted upon 
 us in consequence of sin, such as want, cold, and 
 every other evil; and especially surrendered Him- 
 self to death. " For this was justice, that He, 
 through whom we were all created, in whom there 
 was no sin, . . . innocently bore those things 
 which we had merited by sinning, but which He 
 bore in our behalf."' Zwingli here places himself 
 distinctly upon the ground common to the Re- 
 formers, that the death of Christ was a sacrificial 
 satisfaction of justice in our behalf. The individual 
 words and phrases employed by him are clear in 
 their implications, such as lito (to make atonement 
 for), expiatio (expiation), ea ferre qucB nos pcccando 
 coinmcriiimiis (to bear those things which we had 
 merited by our sins), redemptiotiis pretiiim (price of 
 redemption) ; but there is, further than this, no 
 theoretical development of the doctrine. 
 
 In the Christimia; Fidei Expositio " there is a fuller 
 treatment of this theme in which, in connection 
 with the general style of thought which had been 
 prevalent since the days of Anselm, Zwingli presents 
 the same conceptions of the work of Christ from a 
 slightly different viewpoint. He derives the work 
 of atonement from the goodness of God which must 
 control in every plan and act. Through goodness 
 God clothed His Son in flesh that He might exhibit 
 
 'P. 1S9. ''IV, 42. 
 
 35 
 
386 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 to, and provide for, the world redemption and reno- 
 vation. " Since His goodness, that is, His justice 
 [note this identification], and His mercy are holy, 
 that is, firm and immutable. His justice required 
 expiation, His mercy pardon. His favour new life. " ' 
 Hence this incarnate Son was made a victim that 
 He might placate affronted justice and reconcile it 
 with those who did not dare to approach God's face 
 in their own innocence, since they were conscious 
 of guilt. This was because, though He was merci- 
 ful, yet virtue could not bear the repudiation of its 
 own work [the law], and justice could not bear im- 
 punity. Justice and mercy are, therefore, so min- 
 gled that the latter should furnish the victim and the 
 former should accept it for the expiation of all sins. 
 
 Such being the central point of the Christian re- 
 ligion distinguished from religion in general, Zwingli 
 is now prepared to define th^ Gospel, which he does 
 in the wor4s, " that in the nalne of Christ sins are 
 remitted."',' The progress of salvation begins in 
 the illumination of God, whereby we come to a 
 knowledge of ourselves. Thereupon we fall into 
 despair. We flee to the mercy of God, but His 
 justice throws us into dismay. Eternal Wisdom 
 finds a way whereby it can itself render satisfaction 
 to its own justice, a thing which is absolutely im- 
 possible for us. God sends His Son to make satis- 
 faction for us and become an indubitable security 
 for us. But the fruits of this sacrifice become ours 
 only upon the condition that we become new creat- 
 ures, put on Christ, and so walk. Consequently 
 
 'IV., 47. am., 192. 
 
Zwingli's Theology 387 
 
 the whole life of the Christian is a constant repent- 
 ance. Here Zvvingli pauses to discuss, in sharp 
 distinction from the compulsory and hypocritical 
 penance of the false Church, the marks of true 
 repentance.' 
 
 Upon this head and several of the following, our 
 present purpose does not call us to linger. Zwingli 
 maintains, with many a minor peculiarity, the great 
 Protestant doctrines upon the law, sin, the keys, 
 and the Church. The law he reduces to the funda- 
 mental command of love to neighbour as its sub- 
 stance and root.' The keys are keys to open, like 
 those of a castle, and not to shut, and are the know- 
 ledge and ability given to the servants of God to 
 lead others unto salvation.^ The Church he else- 
 where defines more fully as the assembly {concio, 
 coetus), by which he means the local assembly of the 
 Christian people in any city or town.* This external 
 Church comprises all those who call themselves 
 Christians, even though they are not truly such. 
 This is not, however, the Church of which mention 
 is made in the Apostles' Creed in the phrase, " I 
 believe in the Catholic Church." The true spouse 
 of Christ, " the Catholic Church," is composed of 
 those who believe in Christ : it is the communion of 
 saints, and is known to God alone. In this dis- 
 tinction between the visible and invisible Church 
 Zwingli entirely agrees with the other Protestant 
 Reformers. He differs, however, somewhat in the 
 place he ascribes to the local Church.^ This pos- 
 
 ' III., 199. ^P. 273/. 
 
 * P. 203. ■• P. 226 ; cf. i., 469. * III., 226 ; cf. i., 469, 
 
388 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 sesses all the powers which are conferred upon the 
 Church at large. It may exercise the power of ex- 
 communication.' It also judges its pastors and the 
 Word preached to it ; and yet this is done not by the 
 outward Church as such, but by the true spouse of 
 Christ which is embosomed in it, since the judg- 
 ment is given according to the Word of God in the 
 minds of the faithful. For legislative purposes, 
 Zwingli conceives the local Church of any city as 
 represented in the government of the city — that is, 
 in its board of magistrates. More distinctly indi- 
 vidual is the claim which he asserts for the local 
 Church to the attribute of infallibility. He puts this 
 infallibility in the sharpest opposition to the infalli- 
 bility of the Roman Church.' The Roman Church 
 errs because it rests upon its own word : the true 
 spouse of Christ "cannot err" because it "relies 
 upon the word of God alone." ^ The source of 
 this infallibility is the fact that the Church does 
 not propose to set up anything of its own accord, 
 but simply listens to the word of God and accepts 
 what it finds there. Its infallibility is, therefore, the 
 infallibility of the word of God, and Zwingli's doc- 
 trine of the infallibility of the local Church is like 
 that of the other Protestant leaders as to the " per- 
 spicuity of the Scriptures." The Scriptures are 
 plain in the great outlines of the way of salvation, 
 so that no one who trusts himself to them will fail 
 of eternal life; and the infallibility of the Church is 
 such that when, in the exercise of her God-given 
 authority, she tries to find out God's will in the 
 ' III., 135. » P. 12S ; cf. i., 468, 470. 3 P. 12S. 
 
Zvvingli's Theology 389 
 
 great matters of salvation, she will be infallibly led 
 into the knowledge of it. 
 
 The discussions of the "Commentary," as we have 
 thus followed them, have been of the greatest im- 
 portance to the establishment of a sound and com- 
 prehensive theology, but they have been defective 
 in many respects and have had little in them upon 
 which Zwingli's distinctive fame as a theologian 
 could rest. They were defective, for example, in 
 omitting all formal discussion of the doctrine of the 
 Trinity, though there are many passages in which 
 the substance of the doctrine is well expressed.' 
 Doubtless Zwingli did not intend to traverse the 
 ground where he agreed substantially with the 
 ancient, and even with the Roman Church. Luther 
 and his friends misunderstood this reticence and 
 thought Zwingli a denier of the unmentioned doc- 
 trines, though Melanchthon's silence in the earlier 
 editons of the Loci upon the same points, and his 
 expression of some degree of contempt for such 
 studies, might have led to worse conclusions as to 
 his orthodoxy. But we now come into the region 
 in which the great contest between Luther and 
 Zwingli was waged, and in which Zwingli made an 
 advance upon all his contemporaries, — to the doc- 
 trine of the Sacraments. 
 
 In this discussion the ' ' Commentary ' ' was the first 
 production of Zwingli's by which he was willing to 
 stand. He expressly says that his previous treat- 
 ment of the theme in the Sixty-seven Articles was 
 written for the times rather than to declare the whole 
 
 ^ E. g., iii., 251. 
 
390 Huldrcich Zwingli 
 
 truth, " that he might not cast pearls before swine," ' 
 The "Commentary " represents his matured views, 
 and although he wrote much afterwards in his contro- 
 versy with Luther, the history of which has already 
 been elsewhere detailed," he added nothing and 
 modified nothing of any importance to the under- 
 standing of his theological system. 
 
 He begins by mentioning three views,' all of 
 which he rejects, viz. : (i) That the sacrament is 
 something which by its own power liberates the 
 conscience from sin [the magical theory of the sac- 
 raments] ; (2) that it is a sign upon the performance 
 of which the thing signified is internally performed; 
 (3) that it is a sign given for the purpose of render- 
 ing him -who receives it certain that that which is 
 signified by the sacrament has already been per- 
 formed. In opposition to these he defines his own 
 view. It is that the sacrament is a dedication and 
 a consecration {initio et oppignoratid) and a public 
 setting of the person apart {publica consignatio). 
 
 Having been initiated, a man must do that which 
 the function, order, or institute with which he has 
 connected himself demands."^ It follows at once 
 from this conception that the sacrament has no 
 power to liberate the conscience. God alone can 
 cleanse the soul. The first of the above theories 
 is thus disposed of. As for the second, if the 
 cleansing be performed, the subject is conscious of 
 it, for it is done by the inward act of faith; and 
 faith must be conscious. Zwingli's great purpose 
 
 illl., 239 sq. 'III., 22S. 
 
 ^ See Chapter XIV and Index. * P. 229. 
 
Zwingli's Theology 391 
 
 in opposing Luther's doctrine as well as that of 
 Rome comes here into view. It was to rescue the 
 t_rue character of faith. In reply to the third he 
 says, that for the same reason one does not need a 
 pledge that the cleansing has already been per- 
 formed. If it has, he knows it, and that is enough. 
 The great gift of God is thus, in Zwingli's mind, a 
 matter of experience. He sometimes makes it iden- 
 tical with faith, this being, upon one side, a conscious 
 act, and upon the other, the sum and substance of 
 the life into which the Christian is ushered through 
 forgiveness. He lives a life of faith — that is, faith 
 may designate his highest experiences. And this 
 faith, he says over and over again, is a fact, an ex-" 
 perience, not a mere matter of intellectual knowledge 
 and imagination, or a mere opinion. It is trust in 
 Christ, a new direction of the purposes and affections 
 of the man, a wholly internal operation of the soul 
 itself; and it is therefore produced not by external 
 means, which can produce only external changes, 
 but by the Holy Spirit. Neither is the Holy Spirit 
 bound to external means or limited by them. The 
 object of faith, likewise, is always Christ or God as 
 revealed in Christ, and it can therefore have no 
 material thing, like the body of Christ, or the nature 
 of the elements in the sacrament of the altar, for its 
 proper object. Whether the elements of the sacra- 
 ment are bread and wine or the real body and blood 
 of the Lord is a question for the determination of 
 the mind by means of sensation and perception, not 
 for faith, which has nothing to do with such ob- 
 jects. When the theologians of the Roman Church 
 
392 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 say, " We believe that y^o. perceive the real body and 
 blood of the Lord at the altar," they utterly con- 
 found faith with what is totally different. Zwingli 
 also objects to Luther's view as obscuring the nature 
 of faith and as confounding its object.' 
 
 This effort of ZwingH in behalf of a consistent 
 definition of faith may well be counted as among 
 his most important contributions to the cause of 
 evangelical truth. That faith is a spiritual process, 
 produced by spiritual means, is a far-reaching prin- 
 ciple of the utmost importance. Much as Protestant 
 theology has insisted upon faith, it has long been 
 obscure in defining it. Could Zwingli's fundamental 
 ideas have been fully received, that faith is an act 
 of self-committal, that it is a spiritual process of the 
 soul, that it is conscious, and that it is the eternal 
 life which Christ promised, already in exercise and 
 possession, then long and gloomy chapters in the 
 history of Reformed Theology, in which the story 
 of spiritual paralysis in consequence of ignorance of 
 the way of salvation and positive misrepresentation 
 of the gift of divine forgiveness, might have been 
 spared the world. Even the theologian, evangelist, 
 and saint, Jonathan Edwards, could say to an in- 
 quirer: 
 
 " You must not think much of your pains, and of 
 the length of time ; you must press towards the king- 
 dom of God, and do your utmost, and hold out to the 
 end ; and learn to make no account of it when you have 
 done. You must undertake the business of seeking sal- 
 
 ' JII., 248. 
 
Zwingli's Theology 393 
 
 vation upon these terms and with no other expectation 
 than this, that if ever God bestoivs mercy, it will be in 
 His own time, and not only so, but also, when you have 
 done all, God will not hold Himself obliged to show you 
 mercy at last." ' 
 
 But Zwingii would never have written such a trav- 
 esty of the Gospel, and Zwingii 's clearness and 
 breadth would have spared generations of Calvinists, 
 before Edwards and after him, from the necessity 
 of consequent darkness and pain. 
 
 In accordance with this general view of the sacra- 
 ments Zwingii defines the first sacrament which he 
 discusses, which is baptism,^ matrimony being ex- 
 cluded from the number of true sacraments. Bapt- 
 ism is not a sacrament which conveys the gt^ce 
 which it signifies. To John the Baptist it was a^n 
 essential part of his teaching. It said as by a visible 
 word that, as one bathed comes forth from the bath 
 cleansed, so they that are baptised ought to put off 
 the old life of sin and begin a new life. It also 
 pledged them to this. Such baptism is to be dis- 
 tinguished from the baptism of the Holy Spirit, 
 which is of two sorts: an inward baptism, which is 
 equivalent to the creation of true faith, and an out- 
 ward, such as that through which the Apostles spoke 
 with tongues. In our day, not all receive the latter 
 baptism, but all who are truly religious have become 
 so through the illumination and drawing of the Holy 
 Spirit. There is, however, no distinction between 
 the baptism of John and that of Christ. Christ did 
 
 ' Works, Dwight edition, v., 467. '^V. 233. 
 
394 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 not demand a new baptism of His disciples when 
 they had once been baptised by John, nor is the 
 purpose of the two baptisms different. Both 
 preached repentance, and both baptised with the 
 same purpose. Christian baptism is baptism into 
 the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy 
 Spirit, by which they who formerly served the 
 Devil now consecrate themselves to the Father, 
 Son, and Spirit.' 
 
 In the special treatise upon " Baptism, Re-Bap- 
 tism, and Infant Baptism " " the same general views 
 reappear. Baptism is a sign that obligates the one 
 baptised to the Lord Jesus, but salvation is not de- 
 pendent upon it. It cannot wash away sins. It is 
 not necessary to rebaptise those who were baptised 
 in the Roman Church, because infant baptism is 
 itself valid and because we may be reasonably cer- 
 tain of our baptism, since there are numerous wit- 
 nesses of it. And then baptism is essentially a 
 single act, not to be repeated. The validity of in- 
 fant baptism rests upon the analogy of circumcision, 
 and is equally proper with that as a sign to hold 
 children to their duty to God. Infant baptism 
 probably began in the time of Christ, for there is 
 nothing against it in the New Testament, and much 
 that may be cited for it. Indeed, the children of 
 Christians, as standing under the covenant of God 
 
 ' In his De Providejitia Dei (iv., 125), Zwingli says: "Since all 
 the elect were elected before the establishment of the world, and the 
 infants of the faithful are of the Church, there is no doubt that when 
 these infants die they are received into the number of the blessed 
 according to election, which the Apostle says remains sure." 
 
 * German, of the year 1525, Werkc, ii., i. 230 sqq. 
 
Zvvingli's Theology 395 
 
 with His people, and as the children of God, ought 
 to be baptised. 
 
 In regard to the Lord's Supper, Zwingli defines 
 it, witli s{)ecial reference to the Greek word eiichar- 
 ist, as a thnnksgiving, a festival of thanksgiving 
 among those who proclaim the death of Christ. It 
 involves also the element of self-consecration, and is 
 an act more for the community of Christians before 
 whom the communicant professes thus his faith in 
 Christ than for the communicant himself. Hence 
 Zwingli came to the view that its nature is that of a 
 V symbol, and he adopted the tropical interpretation 
 of the word " is " in the words of institution, " This 
 is my body," paraphrasing it, " This represents my 
 body," thus sweeping away at once the whole the- 
 ory of what has been called consubstantiation, as 
 well as transubstantiation.' 
 
 The following year after the appearance of the 
 " Commentary," Luther began the series of contro- 
 versial writings which were interchanged between 
 himself and Zwingli, and from that time until the 
 Marburg Colloquy in 1 529 the pen of neither of them 
 had very long repose. Zwingli developed his views 
 with great acuteness and dialectic skill, but he added 
 little to their substance. The Colloquy brought him 
 neither instruction nor change. It was more evident 
 there, however, what was the fundamental question 
 atjssue, and this was, in a word, the spirituality of 
 religion. Zwingli, in accordance with the natural 
 consequences of the emphasis which he laid upon 
 the sole causality of God, maintained the freedom 
 
 • HI.. 253. 
 
39^ Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 of the Spirit of God in his converting operations, 
 and exhibited a surprising breadth of view, embrac- 
 ing within the gracious operations of God even 
 noted cases of moral excellence among the heathen, 
 like Socrates.' Luther, influenced excessively by 
 the historical tendencies of the Roman Church, was 
 inclined to emphasise the necessity of the means, 
 and to restrict the oper^ations of the Spirit to those 
 to whom the Word was preached and the sacraments 
 administered. To him the Gospel appeared to be 
 evacuated of its power and rendered superfluous if 
 such men as Socrates, who had never received it, 
 could nevertheless be saved. With all his large- 
 heartedness, Luther was seriously limited in his 
 horizon. In Zwingli there appeared the tendency 
 which has been characteristic of the Reformed The- 
 ology ever since — the tendency to ascribe perfect 
 reasonableness to the doctrines of the Gospel and to 
 interpret the Scriptures largely upon the supposition 
 that they must be reasonable, while yet yielding to 
 them the cordial assent of simple faith in regions 
 where evidently they speak above human compre- 
 hension. 
 
 Discussions upon the sacrament, inasmuch as they 
 had to do with the human Christ, naturally led, 
 both in Luther's and in Zwingli's case, to further 
 consideration of the subject of Christology. With 
 Luther, this developed in the period before Mar- 
 burg into discussions of the eternal pre-existence of 
 Christ's body, and into the doctrine of the *' Commun- 
 ication of Properties" {^comDiiuiicatio idioniatimi), 
 
 » IV.. 65. 
 
Zwingli's Theology. 397 
 
 whereby each nature was supposed to communicate 
 to the other its peculiar properties, while at the 
 same time it did not itself cease to be what it was. 
 Luther subsequently developed this doctrine still 
 farther and involved himself in difficulties both con- 
 scious and unconscious. Zwingli remained rather 
 upon the ground of the simple doctrine of Chalce- 
 don : that there are two natures, human and divine, 
 each perfect and entire, that they are not con- 
 founded, and that each remains what it is according 
 to its own character. His phraseology shows in 
 many places a tendency to that balancing of the 
 two natures over against one another which is char- 
 acteristic of the creed of Chalcedon.' He sought to 
 explain the phenomena of the Scriptures upon 
 which Luther had based his communication of prop- 
 erties by means of the aXkoiooffi^, or transference. 
 This takes place when " one names one of the two 
 natures and understands the other; or names that 
 which they both are and understands nevertheless 
 only one of the two." ' This is enough, he thinks, 
 to explain the whole of the matter. With him, as 
 with the ancient theologians, the divine Logos is 
 the personalising principle of the Christ. But into 
 further efforts to clear up the mystery of the nature 
 of Christ, he does not go. His strength in this di- 
 rection seems to be consumed by the many efforts 
 he makes to exhibit the inconsistencies and absurd- 
 ities of Luther's ideas and to win him to a simpler 
 theory of the Eucharist. 
 
 With this theme is naturally connected the doc- 
 >IV., iSi ; ii., 2, 67. ML, 6S. 
 
39^ Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 trine of the work of Christ, upon which Zwingli 
 often lets fall incidental remarks in passing and 
 which he treats more at length in the Fidei CJiris- 
 tiancB Expositio} In these scattering remarks the 
 various points which needed emphasizing against 
 the papal corruptions of the day are brought out 
 fully and cogently. The fact that the death of 
 Christ is the only meritorious cause of our salvation 
 against the doctrine of good works, His sole medi- 
 atorship between God and man, His death as the 
 great exhibition of God's love towards men, the re- 
 demption of men from death and the devil, the 
 perfect revelation through Him of the will of God, 
 are thus incidentally developed. 
 
 Zwingli's theology, as thus sketched by him, is in 
 substantial agreement with that of the other Re- 
 formers both Lutheran and Calvinistic. It sub- 
 sequently admitted without difficulty the practical 
 union of the German with the French Swiss in doc- 
 trine and practice. At Marburg he was able with- 
 out difficulty to subscribe a statement of doctrine 
 drawn up by Luther, with whom his only great 
 difference was that upon the nature of the sacra- 
 ment of the Lord's Supper. He was, however, 
 decidedly marked by the freer and broader spirit 
 of the humanistic circles. Luther was a man of 
 greater heart, of a profounder emotional nature, 
 and of a more vivid experience of the great life 
 forces of Christianity. He seized upon the truth 
 by intuition and defended it with stormy and violent 
 eagerness. He was but to a small degree capable 
 
 ' IV., 47 sq. 
 
Zwingli's Theology. 399 
 
 of puttini^ himself in the place of an antagonist, 
 estimating him correctly, and meeting him success- 
 fully. He often refused to read his adversaries' 
 writings. Zwingli was clearer, keener, calmer, in- 
 formed himself accurately upon the subjects which 
 he would discuss, and debated them with more 
 comprehensiveness. Above all, he was broader in 
 his view of things in general, as he was to a larger 
 degree a man of affairs. He could ascribe merit to 
 those with whom he disagreed, and could embrace 
 even the pagan world in his scheme of the universe. 
 Luther denied the freedom of the will to emphasise 
 the certainty of salvation from God. Zwingli de- 
 nied it to emphasise God's causality. Luther thus 
 looked upon man as so sinful in his enslaved condi- 
 tion that there was no hope for him aside from the 
 established means of grace. Zwingli saw the opera- 
 tion of God in all the world and hoped for the 
 operation of grace beyond the bounds of the Church, 
 This freer spirit Zwingli handed down to the Re- 
 formed theology ; and though it was often eclipsed 
 by other elements, it has not been without its con- 
 tinuous influence to the present day, 
 
 Zwingli's ethics received no systematic develop- 
 ment at his hand with the single exception of the 
 treatise written in 1523 upon the " Education of 
 Noble Youths," ' and here only in connection with 
 the general subject of education. The whole theme 
 is discussed from a Christian standpoint, the object 
 of the education which Zwingli describes being to 
 develop the highest type of Christian manhood. 
 
 ' IV., 148 sqq. See this volume, pp. 211, sq. 
 
 ^^z H A N y "v. 
 
406 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Education begins, therefore, in the knowledge of 
 God, whose nature as manifested in creation and 
 providence is to be taught the youth. The effort is 
 here to be made to lead the young man from a 
 knowledge of his sins to the knowledge of the Re- 
 deemer and to the living and personal apprehension 
 of the way of salvation. Upon the basis of such a 
 religious change in the soul, the teacher is to seek 
 to form a blameless life. To this end he is to incul- 
 cate constant acquaintance with the Word of God. 
 To this, the knowledge of languages is necessary, 
 and here Zwingli warns against temptations to use 
 superior knowledge as a means of gratifying wan- 
 tonness, ambition, love of power, deceitfulness, 
 vain philosophy, etc. On the contrary, the youth 
 must be instructed in the duty of modesty and 
 reticence in discourse, propriety and conformity to 
 usage in the choice of words, in gesture, and deliv- 
 ery; in temperance and simplicity in the reception 
 of food and drink and in clothing and personal 
 adornment ; in chastity and self-control in his rela- 
 tions with the female sex. He is especially to be 
 warned against the desire of money and fame, and 
 is to be taught to imitate Christ in all these things. 
 He may learn fencing, but only so far as is neces- 
 sary to the defence of the fatherland. Especially is 
 idleness to be avoided, and no one is to be received 
 into the citizenship of the state who has not a trade 
 by which he can earn his own living. The law of 
 love to our neighbour is to be impressed and en- 
 forced. It demands a true, inner sympathy and 
 participation in the lot of others, whether joy or 
 
Zwingli's Theology. 401 
 
 sorrow. This leads to a discussion of social rela- 
 tions with our fellow men; and while festivals and 
 parties are not forbidden, they arc to be enjoyed 
 with moderation. Obedience to parents is to be 
 insisted upon. Self-control, as of the temper, is to 
 be sought. Games may be played, but not those 
 which furnish no exercise for the mind, like dice 
 and cards. In all things should genuineness and 
 love control the conduct towards one's fellow men. 
 " It is the work of a Christian not to be able to 
 utter great things upon the dogmas, but to render 
 great and weighty services, by the help of God." ' 
 
 In this brief outline we get the general conception 
 of a Christian life which Zwingli had. Without 
 asceticism or undue severity, it was to be a sober. 
 God-fearing, earnest, and useful life. 
 
 >IV., 158. 
 
 26 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 403 
 
CONCERNING CHOICE AND LIBERTY RE- 
 SPECTING FOOD— CONCERNING OFFENCE 
 AND VEXATION — WHETHER ANYONE 
 HAS POWER TO FORBID FOODS AT CER- 
 TAIN TIMES— OPINION OF HULDREICH 
 ZWINGLI, SET FORTH FROM THE PULPIT 
 AT ZURICH, IN THE YEAR 1522.' 
 
 To all pious Christians at Zurich, I, Huldrych Zwin- 
 gli, a simple herald of the Gospel of Christ Jesus, wish 
 the grace, mercy and peace of God, 
 
 T~^ EARLY Beloved in God, after you have heard so 
 ^^^ eagerly the Gospel and the teachings of the holy 
 Apostles now for the fourth year, teachings which Al- 
 mighty God has been merciful enough to publish to you 
 through my weak efforts, the majority of you, thank 
 God, have been greatly fired with the love of God and 
 of your neighbour. You have also begun faithfully to 
 embrace and to take unto yourselves the teachings of 
 the Gospel and the liberty which they give, so that after 
 you have tried and tasted the sweetness of the heavenly 
 
 ' Werke, ed. Schuler und Schulthess, I. 1-29. (From the German 
 by Lawrence A. McLouth, Professor of German, New York Uni- 
 versity. The first published defence of Zwinijli's reformatory ideas. 
 The quotations are in general conformed to the Authorised Version, 
 which more closely represents the text Zwingli used than the text 
 underlying the Revised Version. 
 
 404 
 
Appendix 4^5 
 
 bread by which man lives, no other food has since been 
 able to please you. And, as when the children of Israel 
 were led out of Egypt, at first impatient and unaccus- 
 tomed to the hard journey, they sometimes in vexation 
 wished themselves back in Egypt, with the food left 
 there, such as garlic, onions, leeks and flesh-pots, they 
 still entirely forgot such complaints when they had come 
 into the promised land and had tasted its luscious fruits: 
 thus also some among us leapt and jumped unseemly at 
 the first spurring — as still some do now, who like a horse 
 neither are able nor ought to rid themselves of the spur 
 of the Gospel ; — still, in time they have become so 
 tractable and so accustomed to the salt and good fruit 
 of the Gospel, which they find abundantly in it, that 
 they not only avoid the former darkness, labour, food and 
 yoke of Egypt, but also are vexed with all brothers, 
 that is, Christians, wherever they do not venture to make 
 free use of Christian liberty. And in order to show 
 this, some have issued German poems, some have en- 
 tered into friendly talks and discussions in public rooms 
 and at gatherings ; some now at last during this fast — 
 and it was their opinion that no one else could be 
 offended by it — at home, and when they were together, 
 have eaten meat, eggs, cheese, and other food hitherto 
 unused in fasts. But this opinion of theirs was wrong ; 
 for some were offended, and that, too, from simple good 
 intentions ; and others, not from love of God or of His 
 commands (as far as I can judge), but that they might re- 
 ject that which teaches and warns common men, and 
 they that might not agree with their opinions, acted as 
 though they were injured and offended, in order that 
 they might increase the discord. The third part of the 
 hypocrites of a false spirit did the same, and secretly 
 excited the civil authorities, saying that such things 
 
4o6 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 neither should nor would be allowed, that it would destroy 
 the fasts, just as though they never could fast, if the 
 poor labourer, at this time of spring, having to bear most 
 heavily the burden and heat of the day, ate such food 
 for the support of his body and on account of his work. 
 Indeed, all these have so troubled the matter and made 
 it worse, that the honourable Council of our city was 
 obliged to attend to the matter. And when the pre- 
 viously mentioned evangelically instructed people found 
 that they were likely to be punished, it was their pur- 
 pose to protect themselves by means of the Scriptures, 
 which, however, not one of the Council had been wise 
 enough to understand, so that he could accept or reject 
 them. What should I do, as one to whom the care of 
 souls and the Gospel have been entrusted, except search 
 the Scriptures, particularly again, and bring them as a 
 light into this darkness of error, so that no one, from 
 ignorance or lack of recognition, injuring or attacking 
 another come into great regret, especially since those 
 who eat are not Iriflers or clowns, but honest folk and of 
 good conscience .'' Wherefore, it would stand very evil 
 with me, that I, as a careless shepherd and one only for 
 the sake of selfish gain, should treat the sheep entrusted 
 to my care, so that I did not strengthen the weak and 
 protect the strong. I have therefore made a sermon 
 about the choice or difference of food, in which sermon 
 nothing but the Holy Gospels and the teachings of the 
 Apostles have been used, which greatly delighted the 
 majority and emancipated them. But those, whose mind 
 and conscience is defiled, as Paul says [Titus, i., 15], it only 
 made mad. But since I have used only the above-men- 
 tioned Scriptures, and since those people cry out none the 
 less unfairly, so loud that their cries are heard elsewhere, 
 and since they that hear are vexed on account of their 
 
Appendix 407 
 
 simplicity and ignorance of the matter, it seems to me 
 to be necessary to explain the thing from the Scriptures, 
 so that everyone depending on the Divine Scriptures 
 may maintain himself against the enemies of the Script- 
 ures. Wherefore, read and understand ; open the eyes 
 and the ears of the heart, and hear and see what the 
 Spirit of God says to us. 
 
 Firstly, Christ says, Matthew, xv., 17, what goes in at 
 the mouth defileth not the man, etc. From these words 
 anyone can see that no food can defile a man, providing 
 it is taken in moderation and thankfulness. That this is 
 the meaning, is showed by the fact that the Pharisees be- 
 came vexed and angry at the word as it stands, because 
 according to Jewish law they took great account of the 
 choice of food and abstinence, all of which regulations 
 Christ desired to do away with in the New Testament. 
 These words of Christ, Mark speaks still more clearly, 
 vii., 15 : " There is nothing from without a man, that 
 entering into him can defile him ; but the things which 
 come out from him, those are they that defile the man." 
 So the meaning of Christ is, all foods are alike as far as 
 defilement goes : they cannot defile at all. 
 
 Secondly, as it is written in the Acts of the Apostles, 
 X., 10, when Peter was in Joppa (now called Japhet), he 
 went one day upon the housetop at the sixth hour, and 
 desired to pray. He became hungry and wished to eat ; 
 and when the servants were making ready, he fell into a 
 trance and saw heaven opened and a vessel descending as 
 it were a great linen cloth held together by the four cor- 
 ners and let down upon earth, in which cloth were all four- 
 footed animals, wild beasts, and creeping and flying 
 creatures. Then a voice spoke to him, saying : " Arise, 
 Peter, kill and eat." But Peter said, " No, Lord, for I 
 have never eaten forbidden or unclean food." Then 
 
4o8 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 again the voice spoke to him, saying : " What God has 
 purified, shalt thou not consider forbidden or unclean." 
 Now, God has made all things clean, and has not forbid- 
 den us to eat, as His very next words prove. Why do 
 we burden ourselves wilfully with fasts ? Here answer 
 might be made : This miracle, shown to Peter, meant 
 that he should not avoid the heathen, but them also 
 should he call to the grace of the Gospel, and therefore 
 material food should not be understood here. Answer : 
 All miracles that God has performed, although symbol- 
 ical in meaning, were still real occurrences and events. 
 As when Moses struck the rock with his staff and it gave 
 forth water, it was symbolical of the true Rock of Christ, 
 from which flowed, and ever shall flow for us all, the for- 
 giveness of sins and the blessings of heavenly gifts, but 
 none the less was the rock really smitten and gave forth 
 water. And so here, although this miracle was symboli- 
 cal, still the words of God's voice are clear : What God 
 hath cleansed, shalt thou not consider unclean. Until I 
 forget these words I shall use them. 
 
 Thirdly, Paul writes to the Corinthians, (I., vi., 12) : 
 " All things are lawful unto me, but all things are not 
 expedient : all things are lawful for me, but I will not 
 be brought under the power of any. Meats for the belly 
 and the belly for meats : but God shall destroy both it 
 and them." That is, to me are all things free, although 
 some things are rather to be avoided, in case they offend 
 my neighbour too much. (About the troubling of one's 
 neighbour, I shall speak specially later on.) And there- 
 fore no one can take from me my freedom and bring me 
 under his authority. Food is taken into the belly to 
 sustain life. As now the belly and the food are both 
 to be destroyed, it makes no difference what one eats or 
 wherewith one nourishes his mortal body. 
 
Appendix 409 
 
 Fourthly, Paul says, I. Corinthians, viii., 8 : " But 
 meat commendeth us not to God : for neither, if we eat, 
 are we the better ; nor, if we eat not, are we the worse." 
 This word Paul speaks of the food which was offered to 
 the idols, not now of daily food. Notice this, however, 
 to a clearer understanding. At the time when Paul wrote 
 the epistle, there were still many unbelievers, more in- 
 deed, it seems to me, than Christians. These unbelievers 
 offered to their idols, according to custom, animals, such 
 as calves, sheep and also other forms of food ; but at these 
 same offerings, a great part, often all, was given to eat to 
 those that made the offerings. And as unbelievers and 
 Christians lived together, the Christians were often in- 
 vited to partake of food or meat, that had been sacrificed 
 to the honor of the idols. Then some of the Christians 
 were of the opinion, that it was not proper to eat this 
 food ; but others thought that, if they ate the food of the 
 idols, but did not believe in them, such food could not 
 harm them, and thought themselves stronger in their be- 
 lief, because they had been free to do this thing, than 
 those who from faint-heartedness and hesitation did not 
 venture to eat all kinds of food. To settle this differ- 
 ence, Paul uses the above words : " No kind of food 
 commends us to God." Even if one eats the food of the 
 idols, he is not less worthy before God, nor yet more 
 worthy, than one who does not eat it ; and whoever does 
 not eat it is no better. Indeed that will seem very 
 strange to you, not only that meat is not forbidden, but 
 also that even what has been offered to idols a Christian 
 may eat. 
 
 Fifthly, Paul says in the First Epistle to the Corinthi- 
 ans, X., 25 : " Whatsoever is sold in the shambles, that 
 eat, asking no questions for conscience sake." These 
 words are clear and need no explanation, except that 
 
4 TO Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 they are among other words about the offence caused by 
 the food of idols. But do not let yourself err. From 
 the pulpit I shall speak sufficiently of giving offence, and 
 perhaps more clearly than you have ever heard. 
 
 Sixthly, Paul also says, Colossians, ii., i6 : " No man 
 shall judge you in meat or in drink, or in respect of a 
 holy day." Again you hear that you are to judge no 
 man either as good or bad from his food or drink ; he 
 may eat what he please. If one will, let him eat refuse. 
 Here it should be always understood that we are speak- 
 ing not of amount but of kind. As far as kind and char- 
 acter of food are concerned, we may eat all foods to 
 satisfy the needs of life, but not with immoderation or 
 greediness. 
 
 Seventhly, Paul says again, I. Timothy, iv., i : " Now 
 the Spirit speaketh expressly, that in the latter times 
 some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to seducing 
 spirits, and doctrines of devils ; speaking lies in hypoc- 
 risy ; having their consciences seared with a hot iron ; 
 forbidding to marry and commanding to abstain from 
 meats, which God hath created to be received with 
 thanksgiving of them which believe and know the truth. 
 For every creature of God is good, and nothing to be 
 refused, if it be received with thanksgiving : for it is 
 sanctified by the word of God and of prayer." These 
 are all the words of Paul. And what could be more 
 clearly said ? He says that God's Spirit spoke this as a 
 warning, that they might withstand this, who had no 
 fixed strong belief, and who did not put trust in God, but 
 in their own works which they themselves chose as good. 
 And that such things are placed in them by seducing 
 spirits and devils, that inspire men with hypocrisy, that 
 is, with the outward form, lead men away from trust in 
 God to confidence in themselves. And yet the same 
 
Appendix 4^1 
 
 will always surely realise in themselves, that they act 
 dishonourably toward God, and they always feel the pain 
 of it, and know their disgraceful unfaitlifulness in that 
 they see only their own advantage or desire and greed 
 of heart. Still they are willing to sell themselves, as 
 though they did it not for their own sakes, but for 
 God's. That is having a conscience branded on the cheek. 
 Then he recounts what they will forbid to do as bad : 
 They shall not enter into marriage or wed. Know too 
 that i)urity so disgracefully preserved had its original 
 prohibition from the devil, which prohibition has brought 
 more sin into the world than the abstinence from any 
 food. But this is not the place to speak of that. Like- 
 wise it is forbidden that one should eat this or that food, 
 which God created for the good and sustenance of men. 
 Look, what does Paul say ? Those that take from Christ- 
 ians such freedom by their prohibition are inspired by 
 the devil. " Would I do that ? " said the wolf, as the raven 
 sat on the sow's body. Now God placed all things un- 
 der man at the head of creation, that man might serve 
 Him alone. And although certain foods are forbidden 
 in the Old Testament, they are on the contrary made 
 free in the New, as the words of Mark, vii., 15, clearly 
 show, quoted in the first article above, as also Luke, 
 xvi., 15. " For that which is highly esteemed among 
 men is an abomination in the sight of God." The law 
 and the prophets were only a symbol, or have lasted 
 only to John. Hear now, that which seemed great to 
 men was detested by God (the word is abominatio), and 
 as far as the law is ceremonial and to be used at court, 
 it has been superseded. Hear then that whatever a man 
 eats cannot make him evil, if it is eaten in thankfulness. 
 Notice that propo-r thankfulness consists in this, that a 
 man firmly believe that all our food and living are 
 
412 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 determined and continued by God alone, and that a man 
 be grateful for it ; for we are more worthy in the sight of 
 God than the fowls of the air which He feeds : us then 
 without doubt He will feed. But the greatest thanks is a 
 conscientious recognition that all our necessities are pro- 
 vided by Him. Of these words nothing further. 
 
 Eighthly, after Paul shows Titus (i., lo) that there are 
 many disobedient, many vain talkers and deceivers, 
 which one must overcome, he adds : " Unto the pure all 
 things are pure : but unto them that are defiled and unbe- 
 lieving is nothing pure ; but even their mind and con- 
 science is defiled." Here you see again he did not desire 
 Jewish wiles heeded ; this is plainly shown by the words 
 next preceding, where he says : " Wherefore rebuke and 
 punish them sharply (of course, with words), that they 
 may be sound in the faith, not listening to Jewish fables 
 and human commandments, that pervert the truth," But 
 they desired to draw the new Christians into abstinence 
 from food, pretending that some food was unclean and 
 improper to eat ; but Paul showed that they were wrong, 
 and said : To those of a pure belief, all things are pure, 
 but to the unbelievers nothing is pure. Cause : their 
 hearts and consciences are defiled. They are unbelievers 
 that think the salvation, mercy and freedom of Christ are 
 not so great and broad as they really are, as Christ chid 
 His disciples, saying that they were of little faith, Mat- 
 thew, xvi., 8, and vi., 30. In these passages we are cer- 
 tainly taught that we are not only fed each day by Him, 
 but also controlled and instructed with fatherly fidelity, 
 if we console ourselves confidently alone in His word 
 and commands. Wherefore every Christian should de- 
 pend alone upon Him and believe His words steadfastly. 
 Now, if you do that, then you will not believe that any 
 food can defile a man ; and if you surely believe it, then 
 
Appendix 4^3 
 
 it is surely so, for His words cannot deceive. Accord- 
 ingly all things are pure to you. Why ? You believe, 
 therefore all things are pure to you. The unbeliever is 
 impure. Why ? He has a doubting heart, which either 
 does not believe the greatness and freedom of God's 
 mercy or does not believe these to be as great as they 
 are. Therefore he doubts, and as soon as he doubts, he 
 sins, according to Romans, xiv., 23. 
 
 Ninthly, Paul says to the Hebrews, xiii., 9: "Be 
 not carried about with divers and strange doctrines. For 
 it is a good thing that the heart be established with grace ; 
 not with meats, which have not profited them that have 
 been occupied therein." In these words see first that 
 we should not be carried about with many kinds of doc- 
 trines, also that without doubt or suspicion the Holy 
 Gospel is a certain doctrine, with which we can console 
 ourselves and on which we can surely depend. Accord- 
 ingly it is best to establish the heart with grace. Now the 
 Gospel is nothing but the good news of the grace of God; 
 on this we should rest our hearts, that is, we should know 
 the grace of the Gospel to be so certain and ready, and 
 trust it, so that we may establish our hearts in no other 
 doctrine, and not trust to food, that is, to eating or ab- 
 staining from eating (so also Chrysostora takes these 
 words) this or that food; for that such oversight and 
 choice of food was not of profit to those that have clung 
 thereto is clear enough. 
 
 These announcements seem to me to be enough to 
 prove that it is proper for a Christian to eat all foods. 
 But a heathen argument I must bring forward for those 
 that are better read in Aristotle than in the Gospels or in 
 Paul. Tell me which you think more necessary to a 
 man, food or money ? I think you will say that food 
 is more useful than money, otherwise we should die of 
 
414 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 liunger with our money, as Midas died, who, according 
 to the poets, desired that everything he touched be turned 
 to gold. And so food is more important to preserve life 
 than money; for man lived on food before money was in- 
 vented. Now Aristotle says that money is indifferent, 
 that is, it is neither good nor bad in itself, but becomes 
 good or bad according to its use, whether one uses it in a 
 good or bad way. Much more then is food neither good 
 nor bad in itself (which I however for the present omit), 
 but it is necessary and therefore more truly good. And 
 it can never become bad, except as it is used immoder- 
 ately; for a certain time does not make it bad, but rather 
 the abuse of men, when they use it without moderation 
 and belief. 
 
 No Christian can deny these arguments, unless he 
 defends himself by denying the Scriptures : He is then, 
 however, no Christian, because he does not believe Christ- 
 ian doctrine. There are nevertheless some who take ex- 
 ception to this, either to the times, or the fasting, or 
 human prohibitions, or giving offence : All these I will 
 answer from the Scriptures later with God's help. 
 
 At first then they object to the time : Although all 
 things are pure, still they are not so at all times; and 
 so during the fasts, quarter fasts, Rogation-day week, 
 Shrove-Tuesday, Friday and Saturday, it is improper to 
 eat meet. During fasts also eggs, milk and milk products 
 are not proper. Answer : I do not say that these are 
 not forbidden by men ; we see and hear that daily. But 
 all of my efforts are directed against this assumption, 
 that we are restrained at this and that time by divine 
 law. Let each one fast as often as the spirit of 
 true belief urges him. But in order to see that accord- 
 ing to the law of Christ we are free at all times, consider 
 as follows : 
 
Appendix 415 
 
 First, Mark, ii., 23, once when Christ was going through 
 the cornfields. His disciples began to pluck the ears 
 (and eat). But the Pharisees said to Him : " Lo, 
 what are thy disciples doing that is not proper on the 
 Sabbath day ? " And Christ said to them : " Have ye 
 not read what David did when he had need, when he 
 and they with him were hungry ; how in the days of 
 Abiathar, the high priest, he went into the house of God 
 and ate the bread that was offered to God, which it was 
 improper for anyone to eat but the priests, and gave 
 also to those with him, saying to them, the Sabbath was 
 made for man and not man for the Sabbath ? Therefore 
 the Son of man is also Lord of the Sabbath." Notice 
 here that need is superior not only to human but also to 
 divine law ; for observing the Sabbath is divine law. 
 And still the hunger of the disciples did not observe the 
 Sabbath. Notice again that no place withstands need, 
 and that David in need might go into the temple. No- 
 tice also that the matter of persons is not respected in 
 need ; for David and his followers were not priests, but 
 ate the food proper only for priests to eat. This I show 
 you now that you may learn that what is said of one cir- 
 cumstance is said in common of all circumstances in the 
 Scriptures, if anything depends on circumstances or is 
 deduced from circumstances. Circumstances are where, 
 when, how, the person, or about whom. Thus Christ 
 says, Matthew, xxiv., 23 : "Then if any man shall say 
 unto you, Lo, here is Christ, or there ; believe it not." 
 See, this is the circumstance where, or the place. The 
 meaning is that God is not revealed more in one place 
 than in another. Indeed, when the false prophets say 
 that, one is not to believe them. In this way you should 
 understand the circumstance of time, and other circum- 
 stances, that not more at one time than at another God 
 
41 6 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 is revealed as merciful or as wroth, but at all times alike. 
 Else He would be subject to the times which we had 
 chosen, and He would be changeable who suffers no 
 change. So also of the matter of persons ; for God is 
 not more ready or open in mercy and grace to a person 
 of gentle birth than to the base born, as the holy Paul 
 says, Acts, x., 34 : " Of a truth I perceive that God is 
 no respecter of persons." But we do not need this 
 proof here, where we wish to prove that all time is free 
 to men. For the words of Christ are of themselves 
 clear enough, when He says : the Sabbath is made for 
 man and not man for the Sabbath; the Sabbath is in the 
 power of man, not man in the power of the Sabbath. 
 In a word, the Sabbath and all time are subject to man, 
 not man to the Sabbath. Now if it is true that the Sab- 
 bath which God established is to be subject to us, then 
 much more the time which men have imposed upon us. 
 Indeed, not only the time but also the persons, that have 
 thus fixed and established these particular times, are 
 none other than the servants of Christ and co-workers 
 in the secret things of God, not revealed to men. And 
 these same co-workers should not rule Christians, com- 
 manding as over-lords, but should be ready only for 
 their service and for their good. Therefore Paul says, 
 I. Cor., vii., 35 : " I say this for your good, not that I 
 would put a noose about your necks, that is, I would 
 not seize and compel you with a command." Again he 
 speaks, I. Cor., iii., 21 : " All things are your's ; whether 
 Paul, or Apollos, or Peter, or the world, or life, or 
 death, or things present, or things to come ; all are 
 your's." Here you see that all things are intended for 
 men or for the service of men, not for their oppression, 
 yes, the Apostles themselves are for men, not men for 
 the Apostles. O overflowing spring of God's mercy ! 
 
Appendix 4^7 
 
 how well Paul speaks when he says, that these things are 
 known but through the Spirit of God. Therefore we 
 have not received the spirit of this world, but the spirit 
 that is from God, because we see what great things are 
 given us by God. You know your liberty too little. 
 Cause : the false prophets have not told you, preferring 
 to lead you about rather as a pig tied with a string ; and 
 we poor sinners cannot be led to the love of God any 
 other way but by being taught to summon unto ourselves 
 the Spirit of God, so that we may know the great things 
 which God has given us. For who could but be thank- 
 ful to God, so kind, and who could but be drawn into a 
 wonderful love of Him? Here notice too that it is not 
 the intention of Christ, that man should not keep the 
 Sabbath (for us Christians Sunday is ordained as the 
 Sabbath) but where our use or need requires something 
 else, the Sabbath itself, not only other times, shall be 
 subject to us. Here you are not to understand either the 
 extreme necessity, in which one would be near death, as 
 the mistaken theologists dream, but ordinary daily neces- 
 sity. For the disciples of Christ were not suffering 
 extreme necessity, when on the Sabbath day they 
 plucked the ears, else they would not have answered 
 Christ as they did, when He asked them, Luke, xxii., 
 35: " When I sent you without purse and scrip, lacked 
 ye anything?" For the disciples answered: "Noth- 
 ing." From this we understand that Christ never 
 allowed His disciples to fall into such dire extremity, 
 but that the need, which they felt on Sunday, was noth- 
 ing but ordinary hunger, as also the word " need " as we 
 use it does not mean the last stages of necessity, but has 
 the usual meaning ; as when one says, " I have need," 
 he does not refer to the last or greatest want, but to a 
 sufficiency of that which daily need demands. Then as 
 
41 8 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 far as time is concerned, the need and use of all food are 
 free, so that whatever food our daily necessity requires, 
 we may use at all times and on all days, for time shall 
 be subject to us. 
 
 Secondly, Christ says, Luke, xvii., 20 : " The kingdom 
 of God cometh not with observation : neither shall they 
 say, Lo ! here, lo ! there." This word observation, Latin 
 observatio, has this meaning, as if one carefully watched 
 over something that had its time and moment, and if 
 one did not take it then, it would pass away, as fisher- 
 men and fowlers usually watch, because fish and fowl 
 have certain times and are not always to be caught. Not 
 thus the kingdom of God, for it will not come with 
 observation of time or place. Since now the mistaken 
 theologists say that we ourselves deserve the kingdom 
 of God with our works, which we choose of our own free 
 will and complete according to our powers, the words of 
 Christ, who cannot lie, answer: if the kingdom of God 
 cometh not with observation or watching (of time, or 
 place, or of all circumstances, as is proved in the above 
 paragraph) and if at any time the prohibiting of the food 
 which God has left free is nothing else but observation, 
 then the kingdom of God will never be made ready by 
 the prohibition of food. Now it must be that abstinence 
 cannot avail anything as to time, and you are always to 
 understand that it is not our intention to speak here of 
 amount, but only of kind, neither of the times which 
 God hath set, but of those which men have established. 
 
 Thirdly, Paul writes to the Galatians, iv., 9: " But 
 now after ye have known God, how turn ye again to the 
 weak and beggarly elements, whereunto ye deserve to 
 be again in bondage ? You have expectation, or you 
 keep day and month, time and year." Here you hear 
 the anger of Paul at the Galatians, because after they 
 
Appendix 4^9 
 
 had learned and known God (which is nothing else but 
 being known or enlightened of God), they still returned 
 to the elements, which he more closely describes in 
 Colossians, ii., 20. But since we must use these words 
 later more accurately and must explain them, we shall 
 now pass them over, satisfying ourselves with knowing 
 what the weak elements are. In Latin and Greek the 
 letters were called elements, for the reason that, as all 
 things are made up and composed of elements, so also 
 each word was made of letters. Now the Jews and 
 heathen have always clung closely to the letter of the 
 law, which oppresses much, indeed kills, as Paul says. 
 Not only in the Old Testament, but also in the New, it 
 oppresses much. Is that not a severe word which is 
 found in Matthew, v., 22 ? "But I say unto you, that 
 whosoever is angry with his brother shall be in danger 
 of the judgment." So it is, if taken literally, indeed 
 impossible for us weak mortals to keep. And therefore 
 Christ has given it to us that we might recognise our 
 shortcomings therein, and then take refuge alone in 
 Him, who mercifully pitied our shortcomings when He 
 said, Matthew xi., 28 : " Come unto me, all ye that 
 labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest." 
 
 But whoever does not know and will not know this 
 narrow way to the mercy of God through Christ, under- 
 takes with his own powers to fulfil the law, sees only 
 the letter of the law and desires with his might to fulfil 
 that, prescribing for himself this and that chastisement 
 and abstinence at certain times, places, and under other 
 circumstances, and after all that he still does not fulfil 
 the law, but the more he prides himself on having ful- 
 filled the law, the less he has fulfilled it, for in his in- 
 dustry he becomes puffed up in himself. As the Pharisee, 
 that boasted of the elements, that is, of the works which 
 
420 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 he had literally fulfilled, said, ** I thank thee, O God, 
 that I am not as other men are ; I fast, etc." Con- 
 sider the over-wise piety that exalts itself at once above 
 other men, from no other reason than that according to 
 his advice or opinion, and powers, he is confident to 
 have fulfilled the law ; and, on the other hand, consider 
 the publican hoping for nothing but the rich mercy of 
 God, and counting his own works nothing, but only say- 
 ing : " O God, be merciful to me, a sinner ! " Is not, 
 then, the publican considered more righteous before 
 God than the Pharisee ? From all this you see that the 
 weak elements are nothing else than human wisdom and 
 conception of happiness, for man either purposes to 
 wish and to be able to keep the letter of the law or else 
 prescribes for himself some work to do, which God has 
 not commanded but left free, and therefore likes to think 
 the works prescribed by himself to be a sure road to 
 blessedness, and clings to his opinion to his own injury. 
 And for just this reason Paul complains of the Gala- 
 tians, that having been mercifully enlightened of God 
 they turned again to their own devices, that is, to the 
 weak elements, to which the Jews and heathen held, and 
 had not so strong a belief in God, that they trusted 
 alone in Him and hoped alone in Him, listened alone to 
 His ordinances and will, but foolishly turned again to 
 the devices of men, who, as though they desired to im- 
 prove what had been neglected by God, said to them- 
 selves : "This day, this month, this time, wilt thou 
 abstain from this or that," and make thus ordinances, 
 persuading themselves that he sins who does not keep 
 them. This abstaining I do not wish to condemn, if it 
 occurs freely, to put the flesh under control, and if no 
 self-confidence or vainglory, but rather luimility, results. 
 See, that is branding and injuring one's own conscience 
 
Appendix 421 
 
 capriciously, and is turning toward true idolatry, and is, 
 as David says, Psalm Ixxxi., 12, walking in one's own 
 counsels. But this God desired to prevent by the words 
 of David, who says : " Hear, O my people, I will tes- 
 tify unto thee, Israel (that is, he sees God and trusts 
 Him so thoroughly that he is possessed of Him) ; if 
 thou wilt hearken unto me ; there shall no strange god 
 be in thee ; neither shalt thou worship any strange god. 
 I am the Lord thy God, which brought thee out of the 
 land of Egypt : open thy mouth, and I will fill or satisfy 
 it. But my people did not hear my voice, and Israel 
 (that is, that which should be Israel) did not hearken 
 to me, and I left them to their own desires, and they 
 will walk in their own counsels." O Christian of right 
 belief, consider these words well, ponder them carefully, 
 and you will see that God desires that we hearken to 
 Him alone ! If now we are thoroughly imbued with 
 Him, no new god will be honoured within our hearts, no 
 man instead of God, no feeling of our own instead of 
 God. But if we do not hear the true warnings of God, 
 He will let us walk according to the desires and devices 
 of our own hearts. Do we not see that consolation 
 oftener is sought in human hearts than in God ; that 
 they are more severely punished who transgress human 
 laws than those who not only transgress but also despise 
 and reject God's laws ? Lo, these are the new idols 
 which we have cast and chiseled in our hearts. Enough 
 has now been said about these words of Paul, and it is 
 authority enough to prove that we are as little forbidden 
 by God to eat at certain times as we are now forbidden 
 by Him to eat certain sorts and kinds of food. 
 
 They will now raise as objections the fasts, or all fast 
 days, saying that people will never fast if they are al- 
 lowed to eat meat. Answer : Have you heretofore fasted 
 
422 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 because you were not allowed to eat meat, as naughty 
 children that will not eat their broth, because they are 
 not given meat ? If anyone desires to fast, has he not 
 as much the power to do so, when labourers eat meat, as 
 when they are forced to fast with the idle, and are thus 
 less able to do and to endure their labours? In a word, 
 if you will fast, do so ; if you do not wish to eat meat, 
 eat it not ; but leave Christians a free choice in the 
 matter. You are an idler, should fast often, should 
 often abstain from foods that make you lustful. But 
 the labourers' lusts pass away at the hoe and plough in 
 the field. You say, the idle will eat meat without need. 
 Answer : The very same fill themselves with still richer 
 foods, that excite more than the highly seasoned and 
 spiced. And if they complain of the breaking up of 
 the custom [of fasting], it is nothing but envy, because 
 they dislike to see that considered proper for common 
 men, for which they can well find a substitute without 
 difficulty and without weakening the body, on the con- 
 trary, even with pleasure ; for fish eating is surely every- 
 where a pleasure. You say that many cannot endure 
 this liberty in eating, not from envy, but from fear of 
 God. Answer : O you foolish hypocrites, do you 
 think that there is danger and injury in what God has 
 left free? If there were in it danger to the soul God 
 would not have left it unforbidden. Likewise, if you 
 are so concerned about others, as to what they should 
 not eat, why will you not note their poverty and aid it ? 
 If you would have a Christian heart, act to it then. If 
 the spirit of your belief teaches you thus, then fast, but 
 grant also your neighbour the privilege of Christian lib- 
 erty, and fear God greatly, if you have transgressed His 
 laws, nor make what man has invented greater before 
 God than what God Himself hath commanded, or again 
 
Appendix 423 
 
 I will turn out a hypocrite of you, if you are such a 
 knotty block, twisted in yourself and depending upon 
 your own devices. 
 
 Concerning the Commandment of Men. 
 
 Here the first difficulty will occur, when one speaks to 
 those who complaining ask : Is one to let go the ordi- 
 nances of our pious fathers ? Where have the Fathers or 
 the Councils forbidden the use of meat during fasts ? 
 They can show no Council, but they come forward with 
 the fasts : referring to canonical law. De Con. di., v., 40. 
 
 Is one not to keep the feasts ? Answer : Who says or 
 teaches that ? If you are not content with the fasts, then 
 fast also Shrovetide. Indeed, I say that it is a good thing 
 for a man to fast, if he fasts as fasts are taught by Christ : 
 Matthew, vi., 16, and Isaiah, Iviii., 6. But show me on the 
 authority of the Scriptures that one cannot fast with meat. 
 Even if it could be shown, as it cannot, still you know 
 very well that labourers are relieved of the burden of fast- 
 ing, according to your laws. Here I demand of you to 
 show me where meat is forbidden to him not under obli- 
 gation to fast. Thus they turn away from the observance 
 of the fast, and at last they all come to the canonical law. 
 fourth chapter, " Denique, etc.," and when you ask for a 
 waggon, they offer you a chopping-knife.' The chapter 
 beginning " Denique" does not command you to forbid 
 laymen to eat meat ; it shows that at these same times 
 the laymen fill themselves with meat on the Sundays in 
 the fast more than on other days. You hear, more than 
 on other days : Thus they eat meat on other days, but 
 that they keep it up on Sundays till midnight, troubles 
 Gregory ; still he says that they are not to be forced from 
 this custom, lest they do worse. But the priests and the 
 
424 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 deacons he recommends to abstinence from meat, eggs, 
 and cheese — read this well and with judgment and you 
 will find this rather against you than for you. After that 
 they come with Thomas Aquinas, as though one single 
 mendicant monk had power to prescribe laws for all 
 Christian folk. Finally they must help themselves out 
 with custom, and they consider abstinence from food to 
 be a custom. How old the custom is supposed to be, we 
 cannot really know, especially with regard to meat, but 
 of abstinence from eggs the custom cannot be so very 
 old, for some nations even to-day eat eggs without per- 
 mission from Rome, as in Austria and elsewhere. Milk 
 food became a sin in the Swiss Confederation in the last 
 century and was again forgiven. And since I have 
 chanced upon this matter, I must show you a pretty piece 
 of business, so that you may protect yourselves thus from 
 the greed of the powerful clergy. Our dear fellow Swiss 
 purchased the privilege of using milk food from the 
 Bishop of Rome in the last century : Proof, the docu- 
 ments about it at Lucern. Go back now before the time 
 of these letters and think what our forefathers ate before 
 the indulgence, and you cannot say that they ate oil, for 
 in the Bull the complaint was made that people in our 
 country are not accustomed to eat oil, that they ate the 
 foods usual there, milk, whey, cheese, and butter. Now 
 if that was a sin, why did the Roman bishops watch so 
 lazily that they allowed them to eat these fourteen hun- 
 dred years ? If it is not a sin, as it is not, why did they 
 demand money to permit it ? Say rather this, I see that it 
 is nothing but air, see that the Roman bishops announced 
 that it was a sin, when it became money to them : Proof, 
 as soon as they announced it as a sin, they immediately 
 sold it for money, and thus abused our simplicity, when 
 we ought fairly to have seen, that, if it was sin according 
 
Appendix 425 
 
 to God's law, no man can remit it, any more than that 
 one might murder a man, which is forbidden by divine 
 law, could be permitted by anyone, although many dis- 
 tasteful sins of this kind are committed. From all these 
 remarks you notice also that abstinence from meat and 
 drink is an old custom, which however later by the 
 wickedness of some of the clergy became to be viewed 
 as a command. So if the custom is not bad or dishonour- 
 able, one is to keep it properly, as long and as thoroughly 
 as the greater part of men might be offended by its 
 infringement. Answer : This will take a longer time, 
 therefore I shall speak now of offence or vexation. 
 
 Of Offence or Vexation. 
 
 Offence or vexation, Greek, skandalon, is understood 
 in two ways : first, when one offends others, so that they 
 sin in judgment or decision, and become worse ; and of 
 these we desire to speak first ; second, offence occurs, 
 although not in the Scriptures, but here as accepted by 
 us, when a man in himself becomes more sinful or worse, 
 or when a whole parish is purposely brought into a worse 
 condition. 
 
 Firstly, Christian love demands that everyone avoid 
 that which can offend or vex his neighbour, in so far, 
 however, as it does not injure the faith, of course you 
 are to understand. Since the Gospel has been preached 
 frequently in these years, many have therefore become 
 better and more God-fearing, but many on the contrary 
 have become worse. And since there is much opposition 
 to their bad opinion and plans, they attack the Gospel, 
 which attacks the good cannot endure but oppose. From 
 which reason the bad cry out saying : I wish the Gos- 
 pel were not preached. It sets us at variance among 
 
 
426 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 ourselves. Here one should not yield for that reason, 
 but should keep close before his eyes what Christ says : 
 Matthew, x., 32: " Whosoever therefore shall confess me 
 before men, him will I confess also before my Father 
 which is in Heaven. Think not that I am come to send 
 peace on earth (understand by this, peace with the God- 
 less or sinful) : I came not to send peace, but a sword. 
 For I am come to set a man at variance against his 
 father, and the daughter against her mother, and the 
 daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law. And a 
 man's foes shall be they of his own household." 
 
 In these words Christ gives us strength not to con- 
 sider the vexation of those who will not be convinced of 
 the truth; and, even though they are our nearest and 
 dearest, we are not to be worried, if they separate from us, 
 as He says later, Matt., x., 37: "Whosoever loves father 
 and mother more than me, he is not worthy of me ; who- 
 ever loves his son or daughter better than me, he is not 
 worthy of me, and whoever does not take his cross and fol- 
 low me, he is not worthy of me." And also Luke, xiv., 26. 
 So wherever it is a matter of God's honour, of the belief 
 or of hope in God, we should suffer all things rather than 
 allow ourselves to be forced from this. But where a thing 
 cannot harm the belief, but offends one's neighbour, 
 although it is not a sin, one should still spare his neigh- 
 bour in that he should not injure him ; as eatiag meat is 
 not forbidden at any time by divine law ; but, where it 
 injures or offends one's neighbour, one should not eat it 
 without cause. One should make those of little faith 
 strong in the faith. 
 
 But when one (thirdly) will not be referred to the 
 divine truth and the Scriptures, when one says : " I 
 firmly believe that Christ has never forbidden me any 
 food at any time," and when the one of little faith will not 
 
Appendix 427 
 
 grant it or believe it, although one shows him the Script- 
 ures about it : then the one who believes in liberty shall 
 not yield to him, although he should yield the matter of 
 eating meat in his presence, if it is not necessary : but he 
 should cleave to the Scriptures and not let the sweet yoke 
 of Christ and the light burden become bitter, so that it 
 may not be unpleasant to men or please them less, and 
 thereby show that it is a human and not a divine prohi- 
 bi/:ion. Thus a burgomaster gives an answer, in the 
 name of the Council, and after the answer adds something 
 harsh and hard, which the council did not command him 
 to say and did not intend. He says: " This I say of my- 
 self; the Council has not commanded it. '' This also, all 
 those that teach in God's name should not sell their 
 commands, ordinances, and burdens as God's, so that the 
 yoke of His mercy should not become unpleasant to any- 
 one, but should leave them free. Tha,': I shall prove by 
 the opinion of Christ: Matthew, xxiv., 49, and Luke, xii., 
 45, where He does not want one to trouble one's fellow 
 servants, that is one's fellow Christians. But if that serv- 
 ant say maliciously in his heart, " My Lord delayeth his 
 coming, and shall begin to beat his fellow servants and to 
 eat in excess and to drink with drunkards, the Lord of 
 that servant will come on a day when he looketh not for 
 him, and at an hour when he is not watching, and will 
 cut him in sunder, and will appoint the share of the bad 
 servant to the Pharisees." Here open your eyes and see 
 whether the servant, to whom it was given to pasture the 
 sheep of Christ, has not now for a long time beaten his 
 fellow servants, that is, fellow Christians; whether he has 
 not eaten and drunk excessively, and, as though there 
 was no God, run riot, and troubled Christians with great 
 burdens (I speak of bad bishoj^s and priests — take it not 
 of yourself, pious man) so that the sweet yoke of Christ has 
 
428 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 become to all Christians a bitter herb. On the other 
 hand, see how the Lord has come with His light and 
 illuminated the world with the Gospel, so that Christians, 
 recognising their liberty, will not let themselves be led 
 any more behind the stove and into the darkness from 
 which a schism has come about, so that we really see that 
 God has uncovered the Pharisees and hypocrites and has 
 made a separate division of them. Yes, in that case I 
 venture to command you to fight against those who pre- 
 fer to keep the heavy yoke of the hypocrites rather than 
 to take the sweet yoke of Christ upon themselves, and in 
 thus doing to be careful to offend no one, but, as much 
 as is in them, to keep peace with all men, as Paul says. 
 Not everyone can do this, or knows how far to yield or 
 to make use of Christian liberty, therefore we will hear 
 the opinion of Paul about offence. 
 
 Secondly, Paul teaches in the Epistle to the Romans, 
 xiv. and xv., how one should avoid giving offence ; these 
 words I translate into German and give more according 
 to the sense than the letter. Him, he says, that is weak 
 in the faith, help, but do not lead him into the trouble of 
 still greater doubt. One believes that it is proper for 
 him to eat all things; but the other, weak in faith, eats 
 only herbs. Now the one who is certain that he may eat 
 all things, shall not despise him who does not venture to do 
 such (understand, from little faith); andhe who ventures 
 not to eat all things shall not judge the eater, for God 
 has accepted and consoled him. You weak man, who 
 are you that you judge another man's servant? He will 
 stand upright or fall for his own master, still he will be 
 supported or held up, for God can well support or hold 
 him up. One man esteems one day above another, an- 
 other esteems all days alike. Let every man be fully 
 persuaded in his own mind, that he who regards one day 
 
Appendix 429 
 
 above another may do so to the honour of God, and that 
 he who regards not one day above another does the same 
 to the honour of God (understand that he has so strong a 
 faith that he certainly does not believe himself at any 
 time freed from God's rule, for the greatest honour to God 
 is to recognise Him aright and those things which are 
 given us by Him : John, xvii., 3, and I. Corinthians, ii., 
 T2); also that he who eats all kinds of food, does the 
 same to the honour of the Lord, for he gives the Lord 
 thanks, and he who does not eat, does it also to the honour 
 of God, and is also thankful to God, for no one among 
 us lives for himself or dies for himself. Whether we 
 live, let us live for the Lord, or whether we die, let us die 
 for the Lord ; and therefore whether we live or die, we 
 are the Lord's. For to that end Christ died, arose, and 
 lived again, that He might be Lord of the living and the 
 dead. But, you weak man, why do you judge your 
 brother ? Or, you stronger man who eat, why do you 
 despise your brother ? For we shall all stand before the 
 judgment seat of Christ. For it is written in Isaiah, 
 xlv., 23 : "As I live, saith the Lord, to me shall all 
 knees bow, and all tongues shall confess me, who am 
 God." Therefore shall each one of us render God an 
 account. Thus let us not judge one another, but be this 
 our judgment, that no one displease or offend his brother. 
 I know and am taught in Jesus Christ that nothing is un- 
 clean of its nature, except that it is unclean to him who 
 considers it unclean. But if your brother is offended or 
 injured on account of food, you do not act according to 
 love (that is, you do not give up the food which injured 
 your brother before he has been correctly instructed). 
 Vex and injure and offend not with food your brother, for 
 whom Christ died, and in return your goodness (that you 
 do all things in your faith, you eat, you keep fast, or not) 
 
430 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 shall not be despised. For the kingdom of God is not 
 food or drink, but piety, peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost. 
 Whoever serves Christ in these things, is pleasing to God 
 and proved before men. Let us then strive to do the 
 things which lead to peace; and that we may edify one 
 another (that is, properly instruct), do not make God's 
 work (piety, peace, and joy, as is written above) of no 
 avail on account of food. All things are clean, but it is 
 bad that a man eat with vexation and offence as a result. 
 It is proper and good that a man eat no meat and drink 
 no wine, indeed eat nothing, whereby your brother is 
 vexed or offended or whereby he is ill. You who are 
 stronger, if you have faith, have it in you before God. 
 Happy is he who does not doubt that which he considers 
 certain; but whoever doubts and, in doubt, eats the meat 
 about which he doubts, he is condemned ; for the reason 
 that he did not eat from belief; for what is done not in 
 belief, is sin. Also thus should we, who are strong in 
 belief, be patient with the timidity of the weak, and not 
 please ourselves, but each of us please his neighbour by 
 edifying and doing him good ; for Christ did not please 
 Himself, but as it is written, " The insults of those who re- 
 vile you, have fallen upon me." All these are words of 
 Paul, from which you will shortly conclude three things. 
 First, that he who firmly believes that it is proper for 
 him to eat all things, is called strong ; and secondly, that 
 one who has no belief is called timid or weak ; thirdly, 
 that the strong should not let the weak remain always 
 weak, but should take him and instruct him, that he be- 
 come also strong, and should yield a point to the weak 
 and not vex him maliciously. How we are to yield a 
 point to the weak, you shall hear. 
 
 Thirdly, Paul says of vexation, I. Corinthians, viii., i, 
 to those who were present ; They might eat of that which 
 
Appendix 43 ^ 
 
 had been offered to the idols, for this reason. They well 
 knew they believed not in the idols, and therefore with- 
 out soiling their consciences they might eat such food, in 
 spite of those who were badly offended by it ; indeed to 
 them he speaks thus : We know that we all have under- 
 standing or knowledge of the food which is offered to 
 the idols. Knowledge puffeth up and maketh conceited, 
 but love edifieth. Here Paul means, that you, although 
 you, a man firm in faith, know you do not sin, when you 
 eat the food of the idols, should, if you love your neigh- 
 bour, favor him fairly, so that you offend him not ; and 
 when in time he is better instructed, he will be greatly 
 edified, when he sees that your Christian love overlooked 
 his ignorance so mercifully. After Paul has said that 
 those well taught in the faith know well there is no idol, 
 but only one true God and one Lord Jesus Christ, it is 
 further mentioned that not everyone is so well taught as 
 the first mentioned ; for some eat the food of the idols 
 in such manner that they still hold to them somewhat, 
 and also that food does not commend us to God (as is 
 shown above in the first part of the fourth division). 
 Indeed after all that he says further : See that your 
 power or freedom does not vex the weak, for if one of 
 them sees you sitting knowingly at a table where the food 
 of idols is eaten, will not his conscience be strengthened 
 or encouraged to eat the food of idols ? And then your 
 weak brother through your knowledge and understand- 
 ing perishes, for whom Christ died. See how strongly 
 Paul opposes wanton treatment of the weak. It follows 
 further on that when you thus sin against your brethren, 
 frightening and striking their weak consciences, you sin 
 against Christ ; therefore, if food offends my brother I 
 will rather never eat meat than that I make my brother 
 offend. Here notice that, although the foregoing words 
 
432 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 are spoken of the food of idols, they still show us in a 
 clear way how we should conduct ourselves in this mat- 
 ter of food, namely, that we should abstain in every way 
 from making to offend, and that he is not without sin, 
 who acts against his brother, for he acts also against 
 Christ, whose brother each Christian is. But you say, 
 " What if my brother from stubbornness will not at all be 
 taught, but always remains weak ? " The answer will fol- 
 low in the last part. 
 
 Fourthly, Paul writes in the above mentioned epistle, 
 I. Corinthians, x., 23 : "All things are lawful for me, but 
 all do not result in usefulness." Let no one seek his own 
 good, let each seek, that is, strive for, the advantage of 
 the other. Eat all that is sold in the shambles, not hesi- 
 tating for conscience' sake ; for the earth is the Lord's 
 (as it reads in Psalm xxiv., i), and all the fulness of the 
 earth, or all that is in the earth. If an unbeliever invites 
 you and you want to go with him, eat all that is placed 
 before you (that is, as far as the kind of food is con- 
 cerned : otherwise he would be a faithless glutton, if he 
 ate all) not doubting for conscience' sake. But if one 
 said to you : " That is from the sacrifice to the idols," 
 eat it not for the sake of him who thus points it out to 
 you, and for conscience' sake. I say not for your con- 
 science' sake but for the sake of another's conscience. 
 For why is my liberty judged by the conscience of 
 another, if I eat with gratitude ? Therefore, whether you 
 eat or drink or whatever you do, do it to the honour of 
 God ; do not offend Jews or heathen and God's Church, 
 just as I endeavour to please all men, not regarding 
 myself, but the many, that they be saved ; they are my 
 followers as I am a follower of Christ. Here you see, 
 first, that we should avoid for the sake of another what 
 otherwise would be i)roper ; secondly, that all things arc 
 
Appendix 433 
 
 proper for us to eat, that are sold in the shambles, with- 
 out violence to the conscience ; thirdly, how one should 
 act about eating forbidden food after the manner pre- 
 scribed for the food offered to idols ; for although our 
 proposition and the one here in Paul are not wholly 
 alike, still a good rule is to be derived therefrom ; 
 fourthly, that although your liberty cannot be judged 
 according to another's conscience, nor you yourself con- 
 demned, still you should always consider the honour of 
 God, which honour, however, grows the greater among 
 men, if they see you for the sake of the honour of God not 
 using your liberty ; fifthly, that all things can take place to 
 the honour of God, indeed the daily custom of eating and 
 drinking, of working, trading, marrying, if a man cleaves 
 to God in all his doings, and trusts that he is called to, 
 and chosen for, the work by God. And do not let this 
 idea, which may occur to you, trouble you : " Then I will 
 blaspheme, gamble, commit adultery, do other wrongs 
 and think I am called to this by God." For such things 
 do not please the man who trusts in God. The tree is 
 now good, let it produce only good fruit. And if one 
 lives not in himself, but Christ lives in him so thoroughly 
 that, although a mistake escapes him, he suffers from that 
 hour for it, he is ashamed of his weakness. But those 
 who thus speak are godless, and with such words insult 
 God and those who have the Spirit of God. Listen to a 
 striking example. No respectable and pious wife, who 
 has a good husband, can allow one to report that which 
 is dishonourable to her husband or let a suspicion arise of 
 a misdeed, which she knows is displeasing to him. So 
 man, in whom God rules, although weak, still cannot 
 endure to be shamefully spoken of against his will. But 
 a wanton likes to hear the disgrace of her husband and 
 what is against him. Thus also those, who speak thus, 
 
434 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 are Godless ; otherwise, if they had God in their hearts, 
 they would not willingly hear such disgraceful words. 
 
 Fifthly, Paul had Timothy circumcised, although the 
 circumcision was of no service, still that he might not 
 offend the Jews, who at that time still believed that one 
 must keep the Old Testament with its ceremonies together 
 with the New Testament; and so he had it done, as it is 
 written in Acts, xvi., 3. 
 
 Sixthly, Christ Himself did not wish to offend anyone ; 
 for, when at Capernaum Peter was asked, Matthew, 
 xvii., 24, whether his master paid tribute, Peter an- 
 swered, "Yes." And after they had entered the house, 
 Christ anticipated Peter (who doubtless was about to 
 ask Him something about tribute) and said: "Simon, 
 what thinkest thou ? Do the kings of this world take 
 tribute and custom of their children or of strangers?" 
 Peter answered him: "Of strangers." Jesus said to 
 him : " Then are thy children free. But lest we should 
 offend them, go to the sea and cast a hook, and the first 
 fish that comes up take ; and when thou hast opened his 
 mouth, thou shalt find a coin (it was a penny, that could 
 pay for them both, but was worth much more than the 
 real tax pennies, wherefore I think it was a tribute which 
 they collected from Christ), take it and give it for thee 
 and me." Thus Christ did not desire to vex the author- 
 ities, but rather to do what He might otherwise refuse. 
 This paragraph I would not have added, had not my 
 opponents represented it thus: Christ, they said, de- 
 sired Himself to avoid taxation. For this article is more 
 against them than for them ; thus, if you spiritual teach- 
 ers in the flesh are all so inclined to avoid vexation, why 
 do you not then also help to bear the common burden, 
 when you see that the parish is badly vexed about it and 
 cries out : " You go lazily away from our work. Why 
 
Appendix 435 
 
 do you not help us carry the burden ?" Hear also that 
 Christ gave the tribute money, in order not to arouse 
 anyone to anger. Loose the knot. There are more 
 places still in the Gospel in which the word skandalon 
 is written ; but it means there either disgrace ; or if it 
 means offence, it is used in the following sense : dis- 
 grace and contempt, Matthew, xviii., 7. "Woe unto 
 the world because of offences," that is, woe unto the 
 world on account of disgrace and contempt, since one 
 despises, refuses, and rejects the simple (who is, however, 
 as much God's as the highest), which the following 
 words mean, when He says : " Take heed lest ye offend 
 one of the least of these." Thus it is also to be under- 
 stood, Luke, xvii., i, which also is clear from what pre- 
 cedes about the rich man, who did not let poor Lazarus 
 have the crumbs. Thus also Mark, ix,, 42. But skand- 
 alon or vexation, so taken, does not fit our purpose, 
 therefore from the first I did not wish to divide it into 
 three parts. 
 
 Of Avoiding Vexation, 
 
 From the above mentioned arguments one can readily 
 learn that one should carefully avoid offence. But still 
 I must think, that, as one should forgive the weak, one 
 should also in forgiving teach and strengthen him, and 
 not always feed him with milk, but turn him to heartier 
 food; for Christ says, Matthew, xiii., 41: "The Son 
 of man shall send forth his angels (that is, messengers), 
 and they shall gather out of his kingdom all things that 
 offend and them which are not God-fearing and do 
 iniquity, and shall cast them into a furnace of fire." 
 Are His angels to do that? Yes. Then it is better that 
 we should do it ourselves ; then it will not be done by 
 God and punished so severely, as Paul teaches us, I. 
 
436 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Corinthians, xi., 31 : "For if we would judge ourselves, 
 we should not be judged," If we ourselves take the 
 offence, it must not be taken with the judgment of God, 
 to which now St. Paul arouses us,. 
 
 Firstly, Christ says, Matthew, v., 29 : " If thy right 
 eye offend thee, pluck it out, and cast it from thee : for 
 it is profitable for thee that one of thy members should 
 perish, and not that thy whole body should be cast into 
 hell. And if thy right hand offend thee, cut it off, and 
 cast it from thee : for it is profitable," etc., as above. The 
 same is also said in Matthew, xviii., 8, except that he 
 adds the foot. Who is now the eye, the hand, the foot, 
 which, offending us, shall be cast away ? Every bishop 
 is an eye, every clergyman, every officer, who are noth- 
 ing more than overseers ; and the Greek word episkofos, 
 is in German an overseer, to which the words of St, 
 Paul refer, Acts, xx., 28, where he says to the bishops 
 of Ephesus : " Take heed therefore unto yourselves, 
 and to all the flock, over which the Holy Ghost hath 
 made you bishops (that is, overseers or shepherds), to 
 watch and feed the Church of God, which he hath 
 bought with his own blood," Here you see briefly what 
 their duty is : overseeing the sheep, feeding, not flaying 
 and shearing too closely and loading them with unbear- 
 able burdens, which is nothing else than giving offence, 
 pointing out sins that are not present, so that weak con- 
 sciences are troubled and made to despair ; this is 
 offending God's little ones, Matthew, xviii., 6. But you 
 see yourself, according to the words of Isaiah, Ivi., 10, 
 that His watchmen have become blind, all ignorant, 
 stupid dogs, that cannot bark, taught in loose things, 
 lazily sleeping and dreaming, indeed, preferring dreams 
 to the truth, the most shameless dogs, which cannot be 
 satisfied : shepherds which have no reason, each 
 
Appendix 437 
 
 following his ouTi way or capricious desires, all avaricious, 
 from the highest to the lowest, saying: "Let us drink 
 good wine and become full, and as we do to-day, so 
 shall we do to-morrow, yea, still more." These all are 
 the words of Isaiah, and little is to be added. Do you 
 not see that such eyes offend men much, and, although 
 Christ tells us to pluck them out, we suffer them 
 patiently ? Understand also hand and foot which are so 
 nearly related to you, as your own members ; indeed, 
 even if they are necessary to you for support and 
 strength as a hand or a foot, still one is to remove them 
 if they abuse their superiority. Now this paragraph is 
 placed here by me to prove that offence should be 
 avoided, and that one should not always endure it, but 
 that everything should take place with timely counsel 
 and reason, not with anyone's own assumption and arro- 
 gance. If they do not do that, who ought to do it ? 
 We should recognise that our sins have deserved of God 
 this, that such blind eyes lead us, the blind, astray, and 
 rule us. Nehemiah, ix., 30 : " Thou hast warned them 
 in thy spirit through thy prophets, and they have not 
 followed, and thou hast given them into the hand of the 
 people of the earth," that is, into the hands of the un- 
 believers. Also Isaiah, iii., 4 : "And I will give child- 
 ren to be their princes (note this well), and old women 
 shall rule them." 
 
 Secondly, the words of Paul are to be considered, 
 Romans, xiv., where it is mentioned above in the second 
 article on giving offence, in which place he says : " Him 
 that is weak in faith receive ye, but not to doubtful dispu- 
 tations." See you, the weak is not to be allowed to re- 
 main weak, but is to be instructed in the truth, not with 
 subtle arguments, by which one becomes more doubtful, 
 but with the pure, simple truth, so that all doubt may be 
 
43^ Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 removed. Therefore I could well endure that those who 
 are considered steadier and stronger in belief, also un- 
 derstood how to make Christians strong in belief, and 
 gave them really to understand what has been given and 
 left to them by God ; but they do exactly the contrary. 
 If anything is strong, they wish to make the same again 
 weak and timid. Woe to them, as Christ spoke to the 
 Pharisees, Matthew, xxiii., 13 : "For they closed the 
 kingdom of God to men, for they neither go in them- 
 selves nor let other people go in." By means of these 
 words of Christ and of Paul, I think I have excused 
 my arrogance, of which certain hypocrites accused me, 
 that is, of having preached upon freedom concerning 
 food on the third Sunday of this fast, when they thought 
 that I ought not to do it. Why ? Should I snatch from 
 the hand of those who cling to the Scriptures, which I 
 myself have preached, their means of defence, and con- 
 tradict the Scriptures and say they lie ? And should I 
 have in my hands the key of God's wisdom, as Christ 
 says, Luke, xi., 52, and not open to the ignorant, but 
 also close it before the eyes of the knowing? Do not 
 deceive yourself that you have persuaded me to this, 
 you vain, loose hypocrite. I will rather take care of my 
 soul, which I have laden with enough other misdeeds, 
 and will not murder it outright with a suppression of 
 the truth. 
 
 Thirdly, it is true that Paul had Timothy circumcised, 
 Acts, xvi., 3. But on the other hand as he says, Gala- 
 tians, ii., 3, he did not have Titus circumcised : " Titus 
 who was with me, did not want to be forced to circum- 
 cision. He had this reason : False brethren have 
 slipped unseen among us, who are come into our midst 
 to spy out our liberty, which we have in Jesus Christ, 
 that they might make us again slaves and subjects, to 
 
Appendix 439 
 
 whom we yielded not a moment, tliat tlie trutli of tlie 
 Gospel might continue with you." Those who protect 
 the liberty of the dospel ])ut this up before the cere- 
 monies as a shield and bulwark. If Paul circumcised 
 Timothy, still he did not on the contrary have Titus cir- 
 cumcised, although much reproach came to him on that 
 account. What is to be done with him ? Is Paul in- 
 consistent with himself ? No. If he had Timothy cir- 
 cumcised, it was because he could not keep him from it 
 on account of the great disturbance of the Jews, who 
 were Christians. But afterwards, those of the Jews 
 who had become Christians were better taught, so that 
 he was able to spare Titus and protect him without 
 great uproar ; and, although some demanded his cir- 
 cumcision, and, when it did not happen, were greatly 
 offended at it, he considered the truth and Christian lib- 
 erty more than any strife that arose against it from bad 
 feeling. Notice also in these words from Paul how 
 everywhere the false brethren had undertaken to take 
 liberty from Christians. 
 
 Fourthly, Paul writes, Galatians, ii., 12, that Peter ate 
 with the Christians, who had become believers from 
 heathendom, indeed, he ate with the heathen. But 
 when some came from Jerusalem to Antioch who were 
 also Christians but converted from Judaism, he fled 
 from the heathen, so that the Jews might not be offended. 
 Paul did not desire him to do that, but chid him in 
 these words : " You teach the heathen to live as Jews, 
 because you are a Jew by birth " ; that is, if you flee 
 from the heathen on account of the Jews, you raise a 
 suspicion against the heathen, that they were not really 
 Christians, or they would have to keep human fasts, as 
 the Jews, or else sin. And about this he said : " When 
 I saw that he did not walk uprightly, I withstood him 
 
440 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 to his face." At this place you find Paul, who teaches 
 diligently, not offending, not caring if a few want to be 
 offended, providing he could keep the greater multitude 
 unaffected and unsuspicious. For if even the Jews, on 
 whose account Peter fled from the heathen, became 
 offended, still Paul gave them no attention, so that the 
 heathen Christian (thus I call them that were converted 
 from heathendom) could remain free and would not be 
 brought under the oppression of the law by Jewish 
 Christians. 
 
 When Christ spoke to the Pharisees, Matthew, xv., ii : 
 " Not that which goeth into the mouth defileth a man," 
 his disciples said to Him : *' Knowest thou that the 
 Pharisees who heard these words were offended and 
 angered?" Christ answered them: "Let them go; 
 they be blind leaders of the blind." See that here 
 Christ's meaning is, as it seems to me, that the disciples 
 should let the Pharisees go and should live according 
 to their liberty and custom in spite of them ; for they 
 were blind, and saw not the truth of liberty ; were also 
 leaders of those who erred as they did. Since now in 
 the above two articles, I have spoken enough of offence 
 and of the doing away with offence, it seems to me good 
 to bring together in short statements all that touches 
 upon offence, so that each may know where he shall 
 yield and where not. 
 
 I. What clearly affects the divine truth, as the belief 
 and commandments of God, no one shall yield, whether 
 one is offended or not. Psalm cxlv., i8 ; I. Corin- 
 thians, ii., 2 ; Matthew, v., lo : " Blessed are they which 
 suffer for righteousness' sake," II. Corinthians, xiii., 8 : 
 " For we can do nothing against the truth, but for the 
 truth." 
 
 II, The liberties, which are given to man by God, 
 
Appendix 44i 
 
 touching the hiw of food and other such things, should 
 be considered with regard to God and man. 
 
 III. When one speaks of the liberty now under dis- 
 cussion, that we are released by God from all such bur- 
 dens, one shall not yield in respect to truth and belief, 
 whether one offend or not. For Paul says : "All things 
 are proper for me." 
 
 IV. But when the practice of liberty offends your 
 neighbour, you should not offend or vex him without 
 cause ; for when he perceives it, he will be offended no 
 more, unless he is angry purposely, as when the Jews 
 became angry at the disciples' eating with unwashed 
 hands and on the Sabbath : Mark, ii., 24. 
 
 V. But you are to instruct him as a friend in the be- 
 lief, how all things are proper and free for him to eat. 
 Romans, xv., i : " We who are stronger in the faith shall 
 receive the weak," that is, comfort and instruct them. 
 
 VI. But when forgiving avails not, do as Christ said, 
 Matthew, xv., 14 : " Let them go." 
 
 VII. And use your liberty, wherever you can without 
 public disturbance, just as Paul did not have Titus cir- 
 cumcised : Gal., ii., 3. 
 
 VIII. But if it causes public uproar, do not use it, 
 just as Paul had Timothy circumcised : Acts, xvi., 3. 
 
 IX. Gradually teach the weak with all industry and 
 care, until they are instructed, so that the number of the 
 strong is so large that no one, or still only a few, can be 
 offended ; for they will certainly let themselves be taught ; 
 so strong is the Word of God, that it will remain not with- 
 out fruit : Isaiah, Iv., 10. 
 
 X. Take this same view in other things, which are 
 only means : as eating meat, working on holy days after 
 one has heard the Word of God and taken communion, 
 and the like. 
 
442 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Of Being Offended at Iniioccnt Customs. 
 
 On account of all this, they complain very bitterly who 
 have learned the acceptance of virtues rather from Aris- 
 totle than from Christ : saying that in this way all good 
 works, as not eating meat, abstaining from labour, and 
 other things which I shall not mention, are done away 
 with. To these I answer as follows : Many mistakes are 
 made as to the choice of good works, although we might 
 well hear what St. James says, i., 17, that all good gifts 
 and presents come from above from the Father of light. 
 From this we can conclude that all good which pleases 
 God must come from Him ; for if it came from any other 
 source, there would be two or more sources of good, of 
 which there is however only one ; Jeremiah, ii., 13 : 
 " They have forsaken me the fountain of living waters, 
 and hewed them out cisterns, broken cisterns, that 
 can hold no water." Notice the fountain ; notice the 
 broken cistern. Thus Christ speaks to the young man 
 who called Him good, in order to do Him eye-service : 
 " God alone is good." If He alone is good, without 
 doubt no good fruit can come from any source except 
 from the tree which alone is good. Then notice the 
 angels and you will find, that, as soon as they depended 
 somewhat upon themselves, they fell. Thus also man, as 
 soon as he depended somewhat upon himself, fell into the 
 trouble that still follows us. See, those are the bad, 
 false, broken cisterns, which are dug and thrown up only 
 by men, not real natural fountains. Thus they thought 
 that that would seem good to God and please Him, 
 which they had attempted and which resulted in great 
 disadvantage to them, from no other reason, as I think, 
 than that they had assumed to know the good or the 
 right, and did not depend alone on God and trust alone 
 
or THE 
 
 *yNIV£RS(TY I 
 
 in Him. Not that I mean to say that abstinence from 
 food is bad ; indeed, where it comes from the leading 
 and inspiration of the Divine Spirit, it is without doubt 
 good ; but where it comes simply from fear of human» 
 command, and is to be considered as a divine command 
 and thus trusted in, and where man begins to please him- 
 self thereby, it is not only not good but also injurious ; 
 unless you show me from the Holy Writ that our inven- 
 tions must please God. I shall also not be worsted, if you 
 say to me : " Still the assembly of a church may set up 
 ordinances which are kept also in heaven." Matthew, 
 xvi., 19, and xviii., 18 : "Verily I say unto you whatso- 
 ever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven : 
 and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth shall be loosed in 
 heaven." That is true, but the observance is not made 
 by the whole Christian Church, indeed only by certain 
 bishops, who had for a time undertaken to place upon 
 Christians certain laws, without the knowledge of the 
 common people. Also if you should say that silence is 
 a form of consent, I answer : The pious simplicity of 
 Christians has kept silence in many things from fear, 
 and that no one has told them of their liberty coming 
 from the Scriptures. For example, whom did it ever 
 please that the Pope conferred all benefices on his serv- 
 ants ? Indeed, every pious man everywhere has said, 
 " I do not believe it is right." But the people kept still 
 about it with much pain, till the Gospel truth gave forth 
 light, when for the first time the mask was taken from it. 
 Thus also here the clergy have taken a hand to control 
 everything, after they have seen Christians willingly fol- 
 lowing them. Why ? They fear us for the reason lest 
 he who transgresses the command be obliged to give us 
 money. Yet it all would have had no success, if such 
 oppressive regulations were not given out as being divine. 
 
444 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 We sold them for that, and where the agreement was of 
 that kind, after the truth had come to light, you can see 
 what kind of an agreement it was. But we will hear 
 what Paul says of works. 
 
 To the Colossians, ii., i6 (which passage I have quoted 
 above), he writes: "Let no man judge you in meat, 
 or in drink, or in respect of a holyday, or of the new 
 moon, or of the Sabbath days ; which are a shadow of 
 things to come ; but the body is of Christ. Let no man 
 beguile you of your reward in a voluntary humility and 
 worshipping of angels, intruding into those things which 
 he hath not seen, vainly puffed up by his fleshly mind, and 
 not holding the Head, from which all the body by joints 
 and bands having nourishment ministered, and knit 
 together, increaseth with the increase of God. Where- 
 fore if ye be dead with Christ from the rudiments of the 
 world, why, as though living in the world, are ye subject 
 to ordinances (Touch not, taste not, handle not : which 
 things are all to perish with the using) after the com- 
 mandments and doctrines of men ? Which things indeed 
 have a showing of wisdom in will-worship, humility, and 
 neglecting of the body ; not in any honour to the satisfy- 
 ing of the flesh." All these are the words of Paul, which 
 in Latin are not at all intelligible, but in Greek are some- 
 what clearer. But that each may well understand them, 
 I shall briefly paraphrase them. 
 
 No one shall reject you or consider you good on 
 account of any food, or holy day, whether you rest or not 
 (always excepting Sundays, after God's Word has been 
 heard and communion administered). Let the new moon 
 fast and the Sabbath go ; for these things have become 
 only symbolical of a Christian holiday, when one is to 
 cease and leave off sinning, also that we, repenting such 
 works, become happy only in the mercy of God ; and, as 
 
Appendix 445 
 
 Christ has come, the shadows and symbols are without 
 doubt done away with. One thing more notice as to the 
 time : It surely seems to me (I cannot help thinking so) 
 that to keep certain times with timidity is an injury and 
 harm to unchanging and everlasting justice, thus : simple 
 people think that everything is right, if only they confess 
 the fasts, fast, enjoy God, take the sacrament, and let the 
 whole year pass away thus ; whereas one should at all 
 times confess God, live piously and do no more than we 
 think is necessary in the fast. And Christ says again, 
 Matthew, xxv., 13: "Watch therefore, for ye know 
 neither the day nor the hour." 
 
 Further, he reminds them that they shall not allow 
 themselves to be beguiled by those who pretend humility. 
 What is beguiling but disregarding the simple meaning of 
 God and wanting to find or show to the simple another 
 shorter way to happiness, and to seek therewith wealth, 
 name, and the reputation of a spiritual man ? Therefore 
 Paul advises against this and warns us that we should not 
 allow ourselves to be beguiled, that is, not allow ourselves 
 to be deceived. For the same hypocrites will falsely 
 assert, that angels spoke with them and revealed some- 
 thing to them, and will elevate themselves on that account. 
 Listen, how well he paints them in their true colours, and 
 yet we do not want to recognise them. Why do you 
 dream here of the doctrines and ordinances which are 
 chattered out at the pulpit in the cloisters ? And why of 
 the crows which nip the ears of some of you ? Do you 
 not now hear that all such things are suggested by the 
 flesh, and not by the spirit? For the same depend not 
 on the head of Christ, from which all other members 
 being arranged, coordinated, and united, receive their 
 nourishment or support of heavenly life, and progress in 
 a growth that pleases God. Notice here in the spiritual 
 
44^ Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 growth and increase a different method than in the bodily. 
 In the body all members grow from the sustenance of 
 the belly, but in the spirit from the head of Christ. Con- 
 sider now human doctrines : if they are like the opinion 
 of the head, they are sustained by the head ; if they are 
 not like it, they come from the belly : O ventres, O ye 
 bellies ! But if we are dead with Christ to the rudiments 
 of the world, that is, if Christ by His death made us free 
 from all sins and burdens ; then we are also in baptism, 
 that is in belief, freed from all Jewish or human cere- 
 monies and chosen works, which he calls the rudiments. 
 If we are now dead to the rudiments, why do we burden 
 ourselves with fictitious human ordinances? Just as 
 though God did not consider and think enough, did not 
 give us sufficient instruction and access to blessedness 
 and we make ourselves ordinances, which oppress us 
 saying : " Touch not, taste not, handle not " ; which 
 touching or eating does not serve to injure or disturb 
 the soul. For only for this purpose have the false 
 teachers pretended that this was injurious, that with sim- 
 ple-minded people they might have the name of being 
 wise and godly, indeed also with those who prescribe for 
 themselves their own religion, saying : " Is not such absti- 
 nence and purification of the body a good thing? Is it 
 not a good thing to prevent sin by good ordinances?" 
 Hear how much weight Paul gives this folly. He says 
 these things have only the form of the good. If they 
 have only the form of the good, they are themselves not 
 good in the sight of God, for they arise from ethelothriskeia. 
 It is a Greek word, and means the honour or fear of God, 
 which one has chosen for himself and to which he stub- 
 bornly clings : as, for example, many will not cut the 
 beard on Friday and think they greatly honour God 
 thereby ; and, when they transgress this, they greatly sin 
 
Appendix V or A4/ 
 
 in thus doing, and consider the rule that they themselves 
 have set up so important, that tliey would three times 
 sooner break their marriage vows, than to do anything 
 against their reputation for wisdom. Indeed, deceive not 
 yourself that things are with God as you have persuaded* 
 yourself ; that is true superstition, a stubborn self-chosen 
 spirit. Here in the words of Paul consider the greater 
 part of the ordinances and rules, and you will find pretty 
 things. Thus are the most human ordinances, of which 
 Christ says, Matthew, xv., 9 : " But in vain do they wor- 
 ship me, teaching for doctrines the commandments of 
 men." He says niafin, Greek for impossible, in vain ; 
 that tells the very truth. Then this follows : But they 
 are worth nothing, if you consider them according to the 
 need and wants of the body. All food is created for the 
 support of man ; as far as it only affects bodily use it is of 
 no moment, whether you eat this or that food. Go rather 
 again to the clearer words of Paul and read them again, 
 and they will be much clearer to you and worthier in your 
 heart. 
 
 Pious servants of Christ, these are the opinions, which 
 I have preached from the Holy Writ, and have again col- 
 lected for no other purpose than that the Scriptures might 
 be forcibly brought to the notice of those ignorant of the 
 same, and as Christ commands that they might rather 
 search them, and that you and your people may be less 
 reviled by them. For as far as I am concerned, it was 
 entirely against my will to write of these things, for the 
 reason that, even if winning by the aid of the Scriptures, 
 as without doubt I shall win with God's help, still I have 
 gained nothing, except that according to divine law no 
 kind of food is forbidden to man at any time ; although 
 among the right and humbly thankful this writing of 
 mine causes great joy of conscience, in which they rejoice 
 
44S Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 in freedom, even if they never eat meat at forbidden times. 
 And as a result I must have a worse time avoiding offence 
 than if I had left the world in the belief that it was a 
 divine ordinance, which, however, I could not do. You 
 know that the Gospel of Matthew, the Acts of the 
 Apostles, the Epistles to Timothy, to the Galatians, both 
 Epistles to Peter, about which you all heard me preach, 
 are full of such opinions. But one must clear the dear 
 face of Christ of such spots, unseemly things, and of the 
 foulness of human commands ; and He will become again 
 dear to us, if we properly feel the sweetness of His yoke, 
 and the lightness of His burden. God bless this His doc- 
 trine ! Amen. 
 
 What has been written above, I am responsible be- 
 fore God and man to account and answer for, and I also 
 desire of all who understand the Scriptures, in case I 
 have misused the same, to inform me of this either orally 
 or by letter, not disgracing the truth by shameless clatter 
 behind one's back, which is dishonourable and unmanly. 
 I desire to be guided everywhere by the New and Old 
 Testaments. But what follows, I only wish to view as 
 submitted, still with proof from the Scriptures, and let 
 each one judge of it in secret for himself. 
 
 Whether Anyo7ie Has Pozver to Forbid Foods. 
 
 I. The general gathering of Christians may accept for 
 themselves fasts and abstinence from foods, but not set 
 these up as a common and everlasting law. 
 
 II. For God says : Deut., iv., 2 : "Ye shall not add 
 unto the word which I command you, neither shall ye 
 diminish aught from it." And also xii., 32 : " What 
 thing soever I command you, observe to do it : thou 
 shalt not add thereto, nor diminish from it," 
 
Appendix 449 
 
 III. If one could not and should not add to the Old 
 Testament, tlien much less to the New. 
 
 IV. For the Old Testament has passed away and was 
 not otherwise given except that it should pass away in 
 its time ; but the New is everlasting, and can never be 
 done away with. 
 
 V. This is shown by the sanctification of both Tes- 
 taments. The Old is sprinkled and sanctified by the 
 blood of animals, but the New with the blood of the ever- 
 lasting God, for Christ thus spake : " This is the cup 
 of my blood of a new and everlasting testament," 
 etc. 
 
 VI. If now it is a testament, and Paul, Galatians, iii., 
 15, says it is : " Though it be but a man's covenant, 
 yet if it be confirmed, no man disannulleth, or addeth 
 thereto." 
 
 VII. How dare a man add to the testament, to the 
 covenant of God, as though he would better it? 
 
 VIII. Galatians, i., 9, Paul curses what is preached 
 otherwise concerning the Gospel, thus : " If any other 
 and more gospel is preached to you than ye have heard, 
 let him that preached it be accursed." 
 
 IX. Paul says, Romans, xiii., 8 : " Owe no man any- 
 thing, but to love one another." 
 
 X. Again, Galatians, v., i : "Stand fast therefore in 
 the freedom wherewith Christ has made us free, and be 
 not entangled again with the yoke of bondage," 
 
 XI. If he is to be cursed who preaches beyond what 
 Paul preached, and if Paul nowhere preached the choice 
 of food, then he who dares command this must be 
 worthy of a curse. 
 
 XII. If we are not bound by any law but the law of 
 love, and if freedom as to food injures not the love of 
 one's neighbour, in case this freedom is rightly taught 
 
450 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 and understood, then we are not subject to this com- 
 mandment or law. 
 
 XIII. If Paul commands us to remain in the liberty 
 of Christ, why do you command me to depart from it ? 
 Indeed, you would force me from it. 
 
 XIV. When Christ said to His disciples, " I have yet 
 much to say to you," He did not say, " I have much yet 
 to teach you how ye shall lay commands on men," but 
 He spake of things which He held up before them and 
 which they, however, scarcely understood. But when 
 the spirit of truth shall come, it will teach you all the 
 truth, that they will understand all things according to 
 the light of the Holy Ghost, that is, providing they do 
 not at that time understand, either from ignorance or 
 trouble and fear, 
 
 XV. For if such commands are to be understood in 
 this matter, then the disciples have sinned, in not having 
 forbidden labour and the eating of meat, going to the 
 saints, putting on cowls. 
 
 XVI. Finally, God spake to Peter, Acts, x., 15 : " What 
 God hath cleansed, that call thou not common." And 
 the Sabbath is subject to us, not we to the Sabbath, as 
 it is written above. 
 
 These points have forced me to think that the church 
 officers have not only no power to command such things, 
 but if they command them, they sin greatly ; for who- 
 ever is in office and does more than he is commanded, 
 is liable to punishment. How much more then when 
 they transgress that which is forbidden them ; and 
 Christ forbade the bishops to beat their fellow servants. 
 Is it not beating, when a command is placed upon a 
 whole people, to which command the general assembly 
 has not consented ? Therefore, in these articles I leave 
 to each, free judgment, and still hope I have to those 
 
Appendix 45 1 
 
 thirsting for Christian freedom, made this clear, in spite 
 of the enmity to me that will grow out of it. It is those 
 who fear the spit (on which their meat roasts) will burn 
 off. They fear that, if the matter of eating meat de- 
 parts, it will take along with it more that has hitherto 
 served pleasure well. Hence, they rage among the sim- 
 ple, who, I wish, may become free and pious in Jesus 
 Christ. God be with us all ! Amen. I have written 
 all this hastily ; therefore may each understand it as 
 best he can. Given at Zurich, in 1522, on the i6th 
 of April. 
 
RECKONING OF THE FAITH OF HULDREICH 
 
 ZWINGLI TO THE ROMAN EMPEROR 
 
 CHARLES.' 
 
 \17E who were preaching the Gospel in the cities of a 
 '" Christian State were anxiously expecting, O 
 Charles, holy Emperor of right, the time when an account 
 of the faith which we both have and confess would be 
 sought of us also. 
 
 While we are standing in readiness for this, it is an- 
 nounced to us, rather by rumour than by any definite 
 announcement, that many have already prepared an out- 
 line and summary of their religion and faith, which they 
 are offering you. Here we are between the victim and 
 the knife ; for on the one side the love of truth and the 
 desire of public peace incite us the more to do what we 
 see others doing ; but, on the other, the shortness of 
 the opportunity terrifies us, since, on account of your 
 haste, all things must be done very rapidly, and, as 
 it were, carelessly, for the report announces this also ; 
 and because we who are acting as preachers of the 
 Divine Word in the cities and country of the State men- 
 tioned are situated and dispersed at too great a distance 
 
 ' Reprinted by the author's permission from Rev. Prof. Dr. H. E. 
 Jacobs' Book of Concord, ii., 159-179, with a slight difference in 
 paragraphing. It is the Confession of Faith which Zwingli laid be- 
 fore the Emperor Charles at the Diet of Augsburg, 1530, and gives 
 Zwingli's matured belief on the various points of which it treats, 
 
 452 
 
^ 
 
 r 
 
 
 THE STATUE OF ZWINGLI AT THE BACK OF 
 
 THE WATER CHURCH, ZURICH, UNVEILED 
 
 TUESDAY, A'JQ. 25, 1885. 
 
Appendix 45. 
 
 from one another to be able to assemble in so brief a time, 
 and deliberate as to what is most fitting to write to your 
 Highness ; also, as we have seen the confession of some, 
 and even the confutation of the adversaries of the same, 
 which seem to have been prepared before anything was 
 demanded of them, I have believed that it would not be 
 improper if I alone would forthwith set forth an account 
 of my faith apart from the previous judgment of my 
 nation. For if in any business one must hasten 
 slowly, here we must hasten swiftly, lest by passing over 
 the matter with apparent indifference we encounter the 
 danger either of suspicious silence or arrogant negli- 
 gence. You have here, then, O Emperor, a summary of 
 my faith, presented under these circumstances in order 
 that I may give in testimony my judgment not only con- 
 cerning these articles, but concerning all that I have 
 ever written, or, by God's goodness, will write, not merely 
 to an individual or to any small number, but for the entire 
 Church of Christ, so far as it is determined by the com- 
 mand and inspiration of the Word and Spirit of God to 
 believe and accept. 
 
 Reckonijig of the Faith of Ulric Zwingli. 
 Of the Unity and Trinity of God. 
 
 In the Ji7-st place, I both believe and know that God is 
 one and alone, anc^that He is by nature good, true, pow- 
 erful, just, wise, the Creator and Preserver of all things, 
 visible and invisible ; that Father, Son, and Holy Ghost 
 are indeed three persons, but that their essence is one 
 and single. And I hold altogether according to the ex- 
 position of the Creed, the Nicene as well as the Athana- 
 sian, in all their details concerning the Godhead Himself 
 and the three names of persons. 
 
454 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Of Christ, the Son of God and Man. 
 
 I believe and understand that the Son assumed flesh, 
 because He truly assumed of the immaculate and perpet- 
 ual Virgin Mary the human nature, yea, the entire man, 
 who consists of body and soul. But this in such a man- 
 ner that the entire man was so assumed into the unity 
 of the hypostasis, or person of the Son of God, that the 
 man did not constitute a peculiar person, but was as- 
 sumed into the inseparable, indivisible, and indissoluble 
 person of the Son of God. Moreover, although both 
 natures, the divine and the human, have so preserved 
 their character and property that both are truly and nat- 
 urally found in Him, yet the distinct properties and works 
 of the natures do not separate the unity of the person ; 
 no more than in man soul and body constitute two per- 
 sons ; for as they are of most diverse nature, so they 
 operate by diverse properties and operations. Yet man, 
 who consists of them, is not two persons, but one. So 
 God and man is one Christ, the Son of God from 
 eternity, and the Son of man from the dispensation of 
 time to eternity ; one person, one Christ ; perfect God 
 and perfect man ; not because one nature becomes the 
 other, or they are confused with one another, but be- 
 cause each remains itself ; and, nevertheless, the united 
 person is not separated by this property. Hence one 
 and the same Christ, according to His human nature, 
 cries in infancy, grows, increases in wisdom, hungers, 
 thirsts, eats, drinks, is warm, is cold, is scourged, sweats, 
 is wounded, is put to death, fears, is sad, and endures 
 other things that pertain to the penalty and punishment 
 of sin ; for He is most remote from sin itself. But ac- 
 cording to the property of His divine nature, with the 
 Father He controls the highest and the lowest objects, 
 
Appendix 455 
 
 pervades, sustains, and fosters all things, illumines the 
 blind, restores the lame, awakens the dead, prostrates 
 His enemies by a word, when dead resumes life, returns 
 to heaven, and sends from Himself the Holy Ghost. All 
 these things, however diverse in nature and character, 
 one and tlie same Christ does, remaining one person of 
 the Son of God, so that even thosj things that pertain to 
 His divine nature are sometimes ascribed, on account of 
 the unity and perfection of the person, to the human 
 nature, and those things that pertain to the human nature 
 are sometimes spoken of the divine. He said that He 
 was the Son of man in heaven, although He had not yet 
 ascended into heaven with His body. Peter asserts that 
 Christ suffered for us, when the humanity alone could 
 suffer. But on account of the unity of the person it is 
 truly said both "The Son of God suffered," and "The 
 Son of man forgives sins." For He who is the Son of 
 God and of man in one person forgives sins, according 
 to the property of the divine nature ; as we say that man 
 is wise, although consisting of body not less than soul, 
 and a body most remote from wisdom, yea, a poison and 
 hindrance to knowledge and intelligence. And again 
 we say that He was mangled with wounds, when His body 
 alone could receive wounds, but His spirit in no way. 
 Here no one says that two persons are made of man 
 when that which pertains to itself is ascribed to each 
 part ; and, again, no one says that the natures are con- 
 fused when that is predicated of the entire man which, 
 because of the unity of the person, belongs indeed to the 
 entire man, but because of the property of the parts to 
 only one. Paul says: "When I am weak, then am I 
 strong." But who is it that is weak ? Paul. Who at 
 the same time is properly well ? Paul. But is not this 
 desperate, inconsistent, and intolerable ? Not at all. 
 
45^ Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 For Paul is not one nature, although one person. When, 
 therefore, he says, " I am weak," the person which speaks 
 is undoubtedly Paul ; but what is said is neither predi- 
 cated nor understood of both natures, but of the weak- 
 ness only of the flesh. And when he says, " I am strong 
 and well," undoubtedly the person of Paul speaks, but 
 only the soul is understood. So the Son of God dies, He 
 undoubtedly who, according to the unity and simplicity 
 of His person, is both God and man ; yet He dies only 
 with respect to his Humanity. In this manner, concern- 
 ing the divinity itself and concerning the persons and 
 the assumed human nature, not only do I think, but so 
 also all the orthodox, whether ancients or moderns, have 
 thought; and so think those who even now acknowledge 
 the truth. 
 
 Secondly. — I know that this supreme divinity which 
 is my God freely regulates all things, so that His purpose 
 to determine anything does not depend upon the occa- 
 sion of any creature, preceding reasoning or example ; 
 for this is peculiar to defective human wisdom. God, 
 however, who from eternity to eternity regards all things 
 with a single, simple view, has no need of any reasoning 
 or expectation of events ; but being equally wise, pru- 
 dent, good, etc., He freely determines and disposes of 
 all things, for whatever is, is His. Hence it is that, 
 although knowing and foreseeing. He in the beginning 
 formed man who should fall, and nevertheless deter- 
 mined to clothe in human nature His Son, who should 
 restore Him when fallen. For by this means His good- 
 ness in every way was manifested. For since He con- 
 tains in Himself mercy and justice, He exercised His 
 justice when He expelled the transgressor from his happy 
 home in Paradise, when He bound him in the mill of 
 human misery and with the fetters of diseases, when He 
 
Appendix 457 
 
 shackled him with the law, which, although it was holy, 
 he was never to fulfil. For here, twice miserable, he 
 learned not only that the flesh had fallen into trouble, 
 but that the mind ,ilso was tortured from dread of the 
 transgressed law. For although, according to the Spirit, 
 he saw that the law is holy and just and a declaration 
 of the divine mind, so that it enjoined nothing but what 
 equity taught, yet when at the same time he saw that by 
 the deeds of the law the mind does not satisfy itself, 
 condemned by his own judgment, with the hope of 
 attaining happiness removed, departing in despair from 
 God's sight, he thought of enduring nothing but the 
 pain of eternal punishment. Thus far was manifested 
 God's justice. 
 
 Moreover, when the time came to publish His good- 
 ness, which He had determined from eternity to display 
 no less than His justice, God sent His Son to assume our 
 nature in every part, whereby to outweigh the penalty of 
 sin, in order that, being made our brother and equal. He 
 could be a Mediator to make a sacrifice for us to divine 
 justice, which ought to remain holy and inviolate, no 
 less than His goodness, whereby the world might be sure 
 both of the appeased justice and the present kindness of 
 God. For since He has given His Son to us and for us, 
 how will He not with Him and because of Him give us all 
 things ? What is it that we ought not to promise our- 
 selves concerning Him who humbled Himself so as not 
 only to be our equal, but to be altogether ours? Who 
 can sufficiently admire the riches and grace of divine 
 goodness, whereby He so loved the world, /. ^., the human 
 race, as to give His Son for its life ? These I regard the 
 springs and channels of the Gospel ; this the only medi- 
 cine for the fainting soul, whereby it is restored both to 
 God and self. For nothing save God Himself can make 
 
45^ Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 it certain of God's grace. But now He has so liberally, 
 abundantly, and wisely lavished Himself upon us that 
 nothing further is left for us to desire unless someone 
 would venture to seek beyond what is highest and beyond 
 overflowing abundance. 
 
 Thirdly. — I know that there is no other victim for ex- 
 piating crimes than Christ ; for not even was Paul 
 crucified for us ; that there is no other name under the 
 sun in which we must be saved than that of Jesus Christ. 
 Here, therefore, not only the justification and satisfac- 
 tion of our works are denied, but also the expiation or 
 intercession of all saints, whether in earth or heaven, 
 with reference to the goodness or mercy of God. For 
 this is the one, sole Mediator between God and men, 
 the God and man Christ Jesus. Moreover, God's elec- 
 tion is manifest and remains firm ; for whom He has 
 elected before the foundation of the world, He has so 
 elected, as, through His Son, to receive him to Himself ; 
 for as He is kind and merciful, so also is He holy and 
 just. All the works, therefore, of this mercy savour of 
 mercy and judgment. Therefore, justly, His election 
 also savours of both. It is of His goodness that He has 
 elected whom He will ; but it is of His justice to adopt 
 and unite the elect to Himself through His Son, who 
 has been made a victim for satisfying divine justice 
 for us. 
 
 Fourthly. — I know that that remote ancestor, our 
 first parent, was induced by self-love, at the pernicious 
 advice suggested to him by the malice of the devil, to 
 desire to become equal to God. 
 
 When he had devised this crime he took the forbidden 
 and deadly fruit, whereby he incurred the guilt of capi- 
 tal punishment, having become a public enemy and a 
 foe of God Himself. When, then, He could have 
 
Appendix 459 
 
 destroyed him, as equity even demanded, nevertheless, 
 being better disposed, God commutes His penalty to the 
 condition of making him a slave whom He could i)unish. 
 Since this condition neither he himself nor any born of 
 him could remove (for a slave can beget nothing but a 
 slave), by a deadly taking of food he cast all his pos- 
 terity into slavery. Hence, I think of original sin as 
 follows : It is truly called sin when it is committed 
 against law ; for where there is no law there is no trans- 
 gression, and where there is no transgression there is no 
 sin in the proper sense, inasmuch as sin is clearly enor- 
 mity, crime, outrage, or guilt. I confess, therefore, that 
 our father committed what is truly a sin — viz., an enor- 
 mity, a crime, an execrable deed. But those begotten 
 of him have not sinned in this manner, for who of us 
 destroyed with his teeth the forbidden fruit in Paradise ? 
 Therefore, willing or unwilling, we are forced to admit 
 that original sin, as it is in the children of Adam, is not 
 properly sin, as has been explained : for it is no outrage 
 upon any law. It is therefore, properly, a disease and 
 condition — a disease, because just as he fell from self- 
 love, so also do we ; a condition, because just as he be- 
 came a slave and subject to death, so also are we born 
 slaves and children of w'rath and subject to death. Al- 
 though I object not to this disease and condition being 
 called, after the manner of Paul, a sin ; yea, such a sin 
 that those born therein are God's enemies and adver- 
 saries, for they are brought thereto by the condition of 
 nativity, not by the perpetration of crime, unless so far 
 as their first parent has perpetrated it. 
 
 The true cause, therefore, of the hostile conduct and 
 death is the crime and wicked deed perpetrated by 
 Adam. But this is truly sin. Yet it is such sin as 
 clings to us, and is truly a disease and a condition ; yea, 
 
4^0 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 a necessity of death. Nevertheless, this would never 
 have occurred by nativity, unless crime had depraved 
 the nativity ; therefore, the cause of human calamity is 
 crime, and not nativity ; it pertains to nativity no other- 
 wise than as that which proceeds from a source and 
 cause. The confirmation of this opinion is supported 
 by authority and example. Paul, in the fifth chapter of 
 Romans, says : " If by one man's sin death reigned, 
 by one," etc. Here we see that sin is properly under- 
 stood. For Adam is the one by whose fault death 
 hangs upon our shoulders. In the third chapter he 
 says : " For all have sinned and come short of the 
 glory of God," /. <?., the goodness and liberality of God. 
 Here sin is understood as disease, condition and nativity, 
 so that we all are said to sin even before we come forth 
 to the light ; /, e., we are in the condition of sin and 
 death even before we sin in act. This opinion is irre- 
 fragably based upon the words of the same fifth chap- 
 ter of Romans : " Death reigned from Adam unto 
 Moses, even over them that had not sinned after the 
 similitude of Adam's transgression." So death is ours, 
 even though we have not sinned as Adam. Why? Be- 
 cause he sinned. But why does death ravage us when 
 we have not sinned in this way ? Because he died on 
 account of sin, and, having died, /. e., being condemned 
 to death, he begat us. Therefore we also die, but by 
 his guilt, yet by our own condition and disease, or, if 
 you prefer, by our sin, improperly so-called. An ex- 
 ample is as follows : A captive in war by his perfidy and 
 hostility has deserved to be held as a slave. Moreover, 
 his descendants become native slaves, not by their 
 fault, or guilt, or crime, but by their condition which 
 has followed a fault ; for the parent of whom they 
 have been born has merited it by liis crime. The 
 
Appendix 4^1 
 
 children have no crime, but the punishment and penalty 
 of the crime — namely, the condition, servitude, and 
 workhouse. 
 
 If it be pleasing to call these a crime because they are in- 
 flicted for crime, I do not forbid. I acknowledge that this 
 original sin, by condition and contagion, belongs by birth 
 to all who are born from the love of man and woman ; 
 and I know that we are by natijre the children of wrath, 
 but I doubt not that we are received among the sons of 
 God by grace, which through the second Adam, Christ, 
 has restored what was lost in the fall. But this occurs in 
 the following manner : 
 
 Fifthly. — Hence it is evident, if in Christ, the sec- 
 ond Adam, we are restored to life, as in the first 
 Adam we were delivered to death, that in condemning 
 children born of Christian parents, nay, even the child- 
 ren of heathen, we are inconsiderate. For if by sin- 
 ning, Adam could ruin the entire race, and Christ by 
 dying did not quicken and redeem the entire race from 
 the calamity given by the former, the salvation given by 
 Christ is no longer the same, and in like manner (which 
 be it far from us to assert) is not true : " For as in 
 Adam all die, even so in Christ shall all be made alive." 
 But in whatever way this must be declared of the infants 
 of the heathen, this we must certainly maintain that by 
 virtue of the salvation procured through Christ, it is ir- 
 relevant to pronounce them subject to an eternal curse, 
 not only on account of the cause of restoration men- 
 tioned, but on account of God's free election, which does 
 not follow faith, but faith follows election ; of which we 
 will treat in the article that follows. For those who 
 have been elected from eternity have undoubtedly been 
 elected even before faith. Therefore those who because 
 of their age have not faith, should not be inconsiderately 
 
4^2 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 condemned by us ; for although they do not as 
 yet have it, yet God's election has been hidden from 
 us ; if before Him they be elect, we judge precipi- 
 tantly of what is unknown. But nevertheless of the 
 infants of Christians we declare otherwise — viz., that 
 as many as are infants of Christians are of the Church 
 of God's people and are parts and members of His 
 Church. This we prove in this way : It has been 
 promised by the testimonies of almost all the prophets 
 that the Church is to be assembled from the heathen into 
 the Church of God's people. Christ Himself says : 
 " They shall come from the east and west, and shall sit 
 down with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob " ; and : " Go 
 ye into the world," etc. But to the Church of the Jews 
 their infants belonged equally as the Jews themselves. 
 Therefore our infants belong to Christ's Church no less 
 than, in former times, did those of the Jews ; for if it 
 were otherwise the promise would not have been ful- 
 filled, as then we would not sit down equally with God as 
 did Abraham. For he was reckoned in the Church with 
 those also who were born of him according to the flesh. 
 But if our children were not thus enumerated with the 
 parents, Christ would be sordid and hostile to us in 
 denying us what He had given to the ancients. It is 
 godless to say this, for otherwise the entire prophecy 
 concerning the call of the Gentiles would be vain. 
 Therefore, since the infants of Christians, no less than 
 the adults, are members of the visible Church of Christ, 
 it is manifest that they are no less than the parents of the 
 number of those whom we judge elect. How godlessly 
 and presumptuously, therefore, do they judge who exe- 
 crate the infants of Christians, when so many clear testi- 
 monies of Scripture contradict, which declare that from 
 the heathen there will be not merely an equal, but even 
 
Appendix 4^3 
 
 a larger Church than from the Jews. All this will be 
 plainer when we explain our faith concerning the 
 Church. 
 
 Sixthly. — Of the Church, therefore, we thus think 
 — viz., that in the Scriptures the word " Church " is re- 
 ceived in various significations. It is received for the 
 elect who have been predestinated by God's will to 
 eternal life. Of this Paul speaks when he says that it 
 has neither wrinkle nor spot. This is known to God 
 alone, for, according to the word of Solomon, He alone 
 knows the hearts of the children of. men. But, never- 
 theless, those who are members of this Church, since 
 they have faith, know that they themselves are elect and 
 are members of this first Church, but are ignorant of the 
 members other than themselves. For thus it is written 
 in Acts : "And as many as were ordained to eternal 
 life believed." Therefore, those who believe are or- 
 dained to eternal life. But no one, save he who truly 
 believes, knows who truly believe. Here, therefore, he 
 is already certain that he is elect of God. For, accord- 
 ing to the Apostle's word, he has the seal of the Spirit, 
 espoused and sealed, by which he knows that he is truly 
 free, made a son of the family, and not a slave. For the 
 Spirit cannot deceive. If He tells us that God is our 
 Father, and we with certainty and confidence call Him 
 Father, secure of eternal inheritance, it is certain that 
 God's Spirit has been shed abroad in our hearts. It is 
 therefore certain that he is elect who is so secure and 
 safe, for they who believe are ordained to eternal life. 
 Yet many are elect who as yet have no faith. For were 
 not the mother of God, John, and Paul, while still in- 
 fants, and even before the foundation of the world, 
 elect ? But this they knew neither from faith nor from 
 revelation. Were not Matthew, Zacchaeus, the penitent 
 
4^4 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 thief, and Magdalene elect before the foundation of the 
 world ? Nevertheless, they were ignorant of this until 
 they were illumined by God's Spirit and drawn to Christ 
 by the Father. From these facts, therefore, it is inferred 
 that this first Church is known to God alone, and that 
 they only who have firm and unwavering faith know that 
 they are its members. 
 
 Again, the Church is understood in a universal sense 
 for all who are reckoned by Christ's name ; /. e., who 
 have enlisted under Christ, a large number of whom 
 sensibly acknowledge Christ by confession or participa- 
 tion in the sacraments, and yet in heart either are averse 
 to Him or ignorant of Him. We believe, therefore, that 
 all who confess Christ's name belong to this Church. 
 Thus Judas and all who have withdrawn from Christ 
 belonged to Christ's Church. For bythe Apostles Judas 
 was regarded as belonging to Christ's Church no less 
 than Peter or John, although most remote from it. But 
 Christ knew who were His and who were the devil's. 
 This Church, therefore, is perceptibleto sense, however 
 improperly in this world the term be used ; viz., all who 
 confess Christ, although among them are many repro- 
 bates. For Christ has depicted this in the charming 
 parable of the Ten Virgins, some of whom were wise 
 and others foolish. This is also sometimes called elect, 
 although not that first elect which' is without spot ; but 
 as in man's judgment it is the Church of God, because 
 of its confession which is perceptible to sense, thus in 
 the same way is it called elect. For we judge that they 
 who have enlisted under Christ are faithful and elect. 
 Thus Peter spake : " To the elect scattered abroad 
 throughout Pontus," etc. Here by " elect " he means 
 all who belonged to the churches to which he is writing, 
 and not those only who were properly elect of God ; 
 
Appendix 4^5 
 
 for, as they were unknown to Peter, he could not have 
 written to them. 
 
 Lastly on this point. — The Church is received for every 
 particular congregation of this universal and perceptible 
 Church, as the Church of Rome, of Augsburg, of Lyons. 
 There are also other acceptations of " The Church," which 
 it is not worth while to enumerate here. Here, therefore, 
 I believe that there is one Church of those who have 
 the same Spirit, who testifies to them that they are true 
 children of God's family ; and this is the first-fruits of 
 the Church. I believe that this does not err in regard 
 to the truth — namely, in those first foundations of the 
 faith upon which everything depends. I believe also 
 that there is one universal perceptible Church while it 
 maintains that true confession of which we have already 
 spoken. I believe, also that all belong to this Church 
 who enter into it according to the command and promise 
 of God's Word. I believe also that to this Church be- 
 long the infants Isaac, Jacob, Judah, and all who were 
 of the seed of Abraham, and also those infants whose 
 parents among the first-fruits of the Church, under the 
 preaching of the Apostles, were won to the side of Christ. 
 For if Isaac and the rest of the ancients had not be- 
 longed to the Church, they would not have received the 
 Church's token. Since these, then, were members of 
 the Church, infants and children belonged to the primi- 
 tive Church. Therefore I believe and know that they 
 were sealed with the sacrament of baptism. For infants 
 also confess when they are offered by their parents to 
 the Church, especially since the promise offers them to 
 God, which is made to our infants no less, but even far 
 more amply and abundantly than to the ancient infants 
 of the Hebrews. These are the foundations for bap- 
 tising and commending infants to the Church, against 
 
466 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 which all the weapons and machinations of the Anabap- 
 tists can effect nothing. For not only are they to be 
 baptised who believe, but they who confess, and who 
 from the promises of God's Word belong to the Church. 
 For otherwise none of the Apostles would have baptised 
 anyone whatever, since there is certain evidence to 
 none of the Apostles concerning the faith of the one 
 confessing and subscribing. For Simon the imposter, 
 Ananias, Judas, and who not, were baptised when they 
 gave their names, even though they had not faith. On 
 the other hand, Isaac was circumcised as an infant, 
 when he did not give in his name or believe, but the 
 promise gave his name. But since our infants are in the 
 same position as those of the Hebrews, the promise also 
 gives their names to our Church and makes confession. 
 Truly, therefore, baptism just as circumcision (for we 
 are speaking of the sacrament of baptism) requires 
 nothing else than either, on the one hand, confession or 
 the giving in of the name, or, on the other, a covenant 
 or promise. And this will be somewhat clearer from 
 what follows. 
 
 Seventhly. — I believe, yea, I know, that all the sacra- 
 ments are so far from conferring grace that they do not 
 even convey or distribute it. In this matter, most pow- 
 erful Caesar, I may seem to thee perhaps too bold. But 
 my opinion is fixed. For as grace is produced or given 
 by the Divine Spirit (for when I use the term " grace " 
 I am speaking the Latin for pardon, /. e., indulgence and 
 gratuitous kindness), so this gift pertains to the Spirit 
 alone. 
 
 Moreover, a channel or vehicle is not necessary to the 
 Si)irit, for He Himself is the virtue and energy whereby 
 all things are borne, and has no need of being borne ; 
 neither do we read in the Holy Scriptures that perceptible 
 
Appendix • 4^7 
 
 things, as are the sacraments, bear certainly with 
 them the Spirit, but if perceptible things have ever 
 been borne with the Spirit, it has been the Spirit, and 
 not perceptible things, that has borne them. Thus, 
 when the wind is violently agitated language is conveyed 
 by force of the wind ; the wind is not conveyed by 
 force of the tongues. Thus, the wind brought quails, 
 and carried away locusts, but no quails or locusts were 
 ever so fleet as to bring the wind. Thus, when such a 
 mighty wind passed before Elijah that it could have 
 even removed the mountains, the Lord was not borne 
 in the wind, etc. 
 
 Briefly, the Spirit breathes wherever He wishes ; /. e., 
 just as the wind bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest 
 the sound thereof, and canst not tell whence it cometh 
 or whither it goeth, so is everyone that is born of the 
 Spirit ; /. <?., invisibly and imperceptibly illumined and 
 drawn. This the truth spake. Therefore, the Spirit of 
 grace is conveyed not by this mersion, not by this 
 draught, not by this anointing ; for if it were thus it 
 would be known how, where, whence, and whither the 
 Spirit is given. 
 
 For if the presence and efficacy of grace are bound 
 to the sacraments, they work where these are conveyed ; 
 and where these are not applied all things languish. 
 Neither is it the case that theologians allege this as 
 material or subject, because the disposition for this is 
 first required ; /. e., because the grace of baptism or the 
 Eucharist (for thus they speak) is conferred on one who 
 is first prepared for this. For he who through the sacra- 
 ments receives according to them this grace, either pre- 
 pares himself for this or is prepared by the Spirit. If he 
 prepares himself, we can do something of ourselves, and 
 prevenient grace is nothing. If he be prepared by the 
 
468 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 Spirit for the reception of grace, I ask whether this be 
 done through the sacrament as a channel or without the 
 sacrament ? If the sacrament intervene, man is prepared 
 by the sacrament for the sacrament, and thus there will 
 be a process ad ijifitiitum ; for a sacrament will always 
 be required as a preparation for a sacrament. But if 
 we be prepared without the sacrament for the reception 
 of sacramental grace, the Spirit is present in His kindness 
 before the sacrament, and hence grace is both rendered 
 and is present before the sacrament is administered. 
 From this it is inferred (as I willingly and gladly admit 
 in regard to the subject of the sacraments) that the sac- 
 raments are given as a public testimony of that grace 
 which is previously present to every individual. This 
 baptism is administered in the presence of the Church 
 to one who before receiving it either confessed the 
 religion of Christ, or has the word of promise whereby 
 he is known to belong to the Church. Hence it is that 
 when we baptise an adult we ask him whether he be- 
 lieves. If he answer. Yea, then at length he receives 
 baptism. Faith, therefore, has been present before he 
 receives baptism. Faith, then, is not given in baptism. 
 But when an infant is offered the question is asked 
 whether its parents offer it for baptism. When they re- 
 ply through witnesses that they wish it baptised, the 
 infant is baptised. Here also God's promise precedes, 
 that He regards our infants as belonging to the Church 
 no less than those of the Hebrews. For when they who 
 are of the Church offer it, the infant is baptised under 
 the law that since it has been born of Christians it is re- 
 garded by the divine promise among the members of the 
 Church. By baptism, therefore, the Church publicly re- 
 ceives one who had previously been received through 
 grace. Baptism, therefore, does not bring grace, but 
 
Appendix 469 
 
 testifies to the Church that grace has been given for him 
 to whom it is administered. 
 
 I believe, therefore, O Emperor, that a sacrament is a 
 sign of a sacred thing — /. ^., of grace that has been given. 
 I believe that it is a visible figure or form of invisible 
 grace — viz., which has been provided and given by God's 
 bounty ; /. e., a visible example which presents an ana- 
 logy to something done by the Spirit. I believe that it is 
 a public testimony. As when we are baptised the body 
 is washed with the purest element, but by this it is signi- 
 fied that by the grace of divine goodness we have been 
 drawn into the assembly of the Church and God's people, 
 wherein we ought to live pure and guiltless. Thus Paul 
 explains the mysteryin Romans vi. He testifies, therefore, 
 that he who receives baptism is of the Church of God, 
 which worships its Lord in integrity of faith and purity 
 of life. For this reason the sacraments, which are holy 
 ceremonies (for the Word is added to the element, and 
 it becomes a sacrament), should be religiously cherished, 
 /. e., highly valued, and should be treated with respect ; 
 for while they are unable to give grace they nevertheless 
 associate visibly with the Church, us who have pre- 
 viously been received into it invisibly ; and this should 
 be esteemed with the highest devotion when declared 
 and published in their administration, together with the 
 words of the divine institution. For if we think other- 
 wise of the sacraments, as that when externally used they 
 cleanse internally, Judaism is restored, which believed 
 that crimes were expiated, and grace, as it were, pur- 
 chased and obtained, by various anointings, ointments, 
 offerings, victims, and banquets. Nevertheless, the 
 prophets, especially Isaiah and Jeremiah, always most 
 steadfastly urged in their teaching that the promises and 
 benefits of God are given by God's liberality, and not 
 
470 Huldreich Zvvingli 
 
 with respect to merits or external ceremonies. I believe 
 also that the Anabaptists in denying baptism to the in- 
 fants of believers are entirely wrong ; and not here only, 
 but also in many other things, of which there is no oppor- 
 tunity to speak. To avoid their folly or malice, relying 
 upon God's aid, and not without danger, I have been the 
 first to teach and write against them, so that now, by God's 
 goodness, this pestilence among us has greatly abated ; 
 so far am I from receiving, teaching, or defending any- 
 thing of this seditious faction. 
 
 Eighthly. — I believe that in the holy Eucharist — /. e., 
 the supper of thanksgiving — the true body of Christ is 
 present by the contemplation of faith ; /. e., that they 
 who thank the Lord for the kindness conferred on us in 
 His Son acknowledge that He assumed true flesh, in it 
 truly suffered, truly washed away our sins in His own 
 blood ; and thus everything done by Christ becomes 
 present to them by the contemplation of faith. But that 
 the body of Christ in essence and really — /. ^., the natural 
 body itself — is either present in the supper or masti- 
 cated with our mouth or teeth, as the Papists and some 
 who long for the flesh-pots of Egypt assert, we not only 
 deny, but firmly maintain is an error opposed to God's 
 Word. This, with the divine assistance, I will in a few 
 words, O Emperor, make as clear as the sun. First, by 
 citing the divine oracles ; secondly, by attacking the 
 adversaries with arguments derived therefrom, as with 
 military engines ; lastly, by showing that the ancient 
 theologians held our opinion. Thou, meanwhile. Creator 
 Spirit, be present, enlighten the minds of Thy peoi)le, and 
 fill with grace and light the hearts that Thou hast created ! 
 
 Christ Himself, the mouth and the wisdom of God, has 
 said : " The poor always ye have with you, but me ye 
 have not always." Here the presence of the body alone 
 
Appendix 47i 
 
 is denied, for according to His divinity he is always pre- 
 sent, because He is always everywhere, according to His 
 word : " Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of 
 the world " ; viz., according to divinity, truth, and good- 
 ness. Augustine agrees with us. Neither is there any 
 foundation for the assertion of the adversaries that the 
 humanity of Christ is wherever the divinity is, and that 
 otherwise the person is divided ; for this would destroy 
 Christ's true humanity. 
 
 For nothing but God can be everywhere. And that 
 humanity is in one place, but divinity everywhere, does 
 not thus divide the person ; just as the Son's assumption 
 of humanity does not divide the unity of essence. Yea, 
 it would be more effectual for separating unity of essence 
 if one person assumes to itself a creature which the rest 
 do not at all assume, than it is for separating the person, 
 that humanity is in one place, but divinity everywhere, 
 since we see even in creatures that bodies are confined 
 to one place, but their power and virtue are most widely 
 diffused. The sun is an example, whose body is in one 
 place, while his virtue pervades all things. The human 
 soul also surmounts the stars and penetrates hell, but the 
 body is nevertheless in one place. 
 
 Again He says : " Again I leave the world, and go to 
 the Father." Here the word " to leave " is used, just as 
 " to have " before, so that the adversaries cannot say, 
 " We do not have Him visibly." For when He speaks of 
 the visible withdrawal of His body, He says : " A little 
 while and ye shall not see me," etc. Neither would any- 
 thing but a delusion be supported if we were to contend 
 that His natural body is present, but invisible. For why 
 would He evade sight when He nevertheless would be 
 here who so often manifested Himself to the disciples after 
 the resurrection ? " But it is expedient for you," He says, 
 
472 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 "that I go away." But if He were here it would not be 
 expedient that we should not see Him. For as often as 
 the disciples were bewildered at seeing Him, He Himself 
 openly manifested Himself, so that neither sense nor 
 thought might suffer in aught. " Handle me," He says ; 
 and, " Touch me not," " I am," etc., and, " Mary, touch 
 me not," etc. 
 
 When in departing He commended the disciples to His 
 Father, He said : " I am no more in the world." Here 
 we have in " I am no more in the world " the substantive 
 verb, no less than in the words : " This is my body " ; so 
 that the adversaries cannot say that there is a trope 
 here, since they deny that substantives admit of the 
 trope. But the case has no need of such arguments, for 
 there follows : " But these are in the world." The 
 antithesis clearly teaches that He is not, according to His 
 human nature, in the world when His disciples are. 
 
 And that we may know when He took his departure — 
 not, as they fabricate rather than explain, when He ren- 
 dered Himself invisible — Luke says : " While he blessed 
 them he was parted from them, and carried up into 
 heaven." He does not say: "He vanished" or "ren- 
 dered Himself invisible." Of this Mark says : " After 
 the Lord had spoken unto them he was received up into 
 heaven, and sat at the right hand of God." He does not 
 say : " He remained here, but rendered His body invisi- 
 ble." Luke again says in Acts : " When he had spoken 
 these things while they beheld, he was taken up and a cloud 
 received him out of their sight." A cloud covered Him, 
 whereof there would have been no need if He had only 
 removed His appearance and otherwise have continued 
 present. Nor would there have been need of removal 
 or elevation. Again : " This same Jesus which is taken 
 up from you into heaven shall so come in like manner 
 
Appendix 473 
 
 as ye have seen him go into heaven." What more clear 
 than this ? " From you," he says, " he was taken up " ; 
 therefore. He was not with them, either visibly or in- 
 visibly, according to His human nature. When, then, we 
 shall see Him return as He departed, we shall know that 
 He is present. Otherwise He sits, according to His 
 human nature, at the right hand of His Father until He 
 return to judge the quick and the dead. 
 
 But since there are some who deprive Christ of place, 
 and say that He is not in a place, let them see how 
 clearly, although with shut eyes, they antagonise the 
 truth. He was in the manger, on the cross, at Jerusalem 
 when His parents were on their journey, in the sepulchre 
 and out of the sepulchre ; for the angel says : " He is 
 risen ; he is not here : behold the place where they laid 
 him." And that they may not be able to say that His 
 body is everywhere, let them hear : " When the doors 
 were shut, Jesus came and stood in their midst." What 
 need had He of coming if His body is everywhere, but in- 
 visibly ? It would have been enough not to come, but 
 only as one who was present to manifest Himself. 
 
 But let us bid farewell to such sophistical trifles that 
 destroy for us the truth both of Christ's humanity and of 
 the Holy Scriptures. These testimonies deny the pre- 
 sence of Christ's body anywhere else but in heaven by 
 speaking canonically — /. ^., so far as the Scripture is 
 manifest with respect to the nature and properties of the 
 assumed body. And whatever contradiction the things 
 which we propose to ourselves concerning God's power 
 compel, yet this must not be so tortured as to compel us 
 to believe that God acts contrary to His Word. For this 
 would belong to impotency, and not to power. More- 
 over, that the natural body of Christ is not eaten with 
 our mouth, He Himself showed when He said to the Jews 
 
474 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 disputing concerning the corporal eating of his flesh : 
 " The flesh profiteth nothing " — viz., for eating natur- 
 ally, but for eating spiritually much, as it gives life. 
 
 "That which is born of the flesh is flesh ; and that 
 which is born of the Spirit is spirit." If, therefore, the 
 natural body of Christ is eaten by our mouth, what but 
 flesh will be produced from flesh naturally masticated ? 
 And lest the argument should seem unimportant to any- 
 one, let him hear the second part : " That which is born 
 of the Spirit is spirit." Therefore, that which is spirit is 
 born of the Spirit. If, then, the flesh of Christ is salu- 
 tary to the soul, it should be eaten spiritually, not carnally. 
 This also pertains to the substance of the sacraments, that 
 Spirit is generated of spirit, and not of any corporeal mat- 
 ter, as we have previously indicated. 
 
 Paul teaches that if he once knew Christ according to 
 the flesh, henceforth he will know Him no more accord- 
 ing to the flesh. 
 
 By these passages we are compelled to confess that the 
 words : " This is my body," should be received not 
 naturally, but figuratively, just as the words : " This is 
 the passover." For the lamb that was eaten every year 
 with the celebration of the festival was not the passover, 
 but signified that the passover and omission had been 
 formerly made. To this is added the succession, since 
 the passover was succeeded by the Lord's Supper, which 
 teaches that Christ used similar words ; for succession 
 observes imitation. The same composition of words is 
 an additional argument. So is the time since, at the same 
 Supper, the old passover is discontinued, and the new 
 Eucharist is instituted. The proper signification of all 
 memorials is a further confirmation which gives it its 
 name, whereof they make mention as " commemoration." 
 
 Thus the Athenians named ffeiffdxOeia [disburdening 
 
Appendix 475 
 
 ordinance], not as though the debt were lowered every 
 year, but because what Solon once did they continually 
 celebrate ; and this their celebration they dignify with 
 the name of the thing itself. Thus those things are 
 called the body and blood of Christ which are the sym- 
 bols of the true body. Now follow the arguments : 
 
 As the body cannot be fed upon a spiritual substance, 
 so the soul cannot be fed upon a bodily substance. But 
 if the natural body of Christ is eaten, I ask whether it 
 feed body or soul. Not the body ; then the soul. If 
 the soul, then the soul is nourished by meats, and it is 
 not true that Spirit is born only of spirit. 
 
 In the second place, I ask : What does the body of 
 Christ render naturally perfect ? If the forgiveness of 
 sins, as the one side claims, then the disciples obtained the 
 forgiveness of sins in the Holy Supper, and Christ there- 
 fore died in vain. If that which is eaten imparts the 
 virtue of Christ's passion, as the same side claims, then 
 the virtue of the passion and redemption was imparted 
 before it was acquired. If the body is fed for the 
 resurrection, as another very ignorantly asserts, then 
 would it much more heal and relieve of sickness our 
 body. But Irenaeus wishes it to be understood other- 
 wise when he says that our body is nourished by Christ's 
 body for the resurrection. For he desires to show that 
 the hope of our resurrection is strengthened by Christ's 
 resurrection. An appropriate figure ! 
 
 Thirdly. — If the natural body of Christ was given His 
 disciples in the Supper, it necessarily follows that they 
 ate it such as it then was. But it was then susceptible 
 of suffering ; they ate, therefore, the vulnerable body, 
 for it was not yet glorified. For when they say : They 
 ate the same body, yet not susceptible to suffering as it 
 was, but the same as it was after the resurrection, we 
 
47^ Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 object. Therefore He either had two bodies, of which 
 one was glorified and the other was not, or the one and 
 the same body was at the same time susceptible and un- 
 susceptible to suffering. Thus, too, since He greatly 
 dreaded death, He was undoubtedly willing not to suffer, 
 and to use that bodily endowment whereby He was free 
 from pain. Therefore He did not truly suffer, but in hy- 
 pocrisy ; whereby Marcion is recalled by these gladiators. 
 Six hundred arguments, O Emperor, could be adduced, 
 but we are content now with these. 
 
 Moreover, that the ancients agree with us on the last 
 part of this article I will establish by two witnesses, and 
 those, too, of the first rank, viz.: 
 
 By Ambrose, who in the First Epistle to the Corinth- 
 ians. says concerning "Ye do show forth the Lord's 
 death " : " For as by the Lord's death we have been 
 freed, mindful of this, in eating and drinking we declare 
 the flesh and blood that were offered for us," etc. Am- 
 brose, moreover, is speaking of the food and drink of 
 the Supper, and asserts that we declare those very objects 
 that were offered for us. 
 
 By Augustine also, who in his thirtieth discourse on 
 John says that the body of Christ that rose from the dead 
 must be in one place. Here the printed copies have 
 " can be " instead of " must be," but incorrectly, for in the 
 Master of " Sentences " [Peter Lombard] and the Canoni- 
 cal Decrees, into which this judgment of Augustine was 
 transferred, the word *' must " is read. By this we clearly 
 see that whatever they spake excellently concerning the 
 Supper, they understood not of the natural but of the 
 spiritual eating of Christ's body. For when they knew that 
 the body of Christ must be in one place, and that it is at 
 the right hand of God, they did not withdraw it thence 
 to submit it for mastication by the fetid teeth of men. 
 
Appendix 477 
 
 Augustine likewise te^iches in the twelfth chapter 
 " Against Adimantus " that the three expressions : " The 
 blood is the life," and " This is my body," and " The 
 rock was Christ," were spoken symbolically — /. e., as he 
 himself says, in a figure and figuratively. And among 
 many other things he at length comes to these words : 
 " I can interpret that command as prescribed for a sign. 
 For the Lord did not hesitate to say : * This is my body ' 
 when he gave a sign of his body." Thus far Augustine. 
 Lo, a key for us whereby we can unlock all the declara- 
 tions of the ancients concerning the Eucharist ! That 
 which is only a sign of the body he says is called the body. 
 
 Let them who wish go now and condemn us for heresy, 
 while they know that by the same work, contrary to the 
 decrees of the pontiffs, they are condemning the sup- 
 port of theologians. For from these facts it becomes 
 very manifest that the ancients always spoke symboli- 
 cally when they attributed so much to the eating of the 
 body of Christ in the Supper ; viz., not that sacramental 
 manducation could cleanse the soul, but faith in the 
 Lord Jesus Christ, which is spiritual manducation, 
 whereof these external things are symbol and shadow. 
 And as bread sustains the body and wine enlivens and 
 exhilarates, thus it strengthens the soul and assures it of 
 God's mercy that He has given us His Son ; thus it 
 refreshes the mind by the confidence that, by His blood, 
 the sins with which it was being consumed were 
 destroyed. We will now be content with these passages, 
 although anyone could compile entire volumes in explain- 
 ing and confirming the fact that the ancients are of our- 
 opinion. 
 
 Neither can the pamphlet recently published concern- 
 ing tlie opinion of the ancients, which it expressly pro- 
 mises to defend, move anyone. For in a short time we 
 
47^ Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 will see the refutation of our very learned brother CEco- 
 Inmpadius, the province of whose exordium it is to insert 
 the opinion of the ancients ; and I think that we who 
 are of this opinion have sufficiently exhibited in many 
 volumes, written to different persons, what in this matter 
 can be required for the clearer explanation or confuta- 
 tion of the adversaries. 
 
 Ninthly. — I believe that ceremonies which are neither, 
 through superstition, contrary to faith or God's Word 
 (although I do not know whether such be found), can 
 be tolerated by charity until the Day-star arise. But at 
 the same time I believe that by the same charity as mis- 
 tress the ceremonies mentioned should be abolished 
 when it can be done without great offence, however 
 much they who are of a faithless mind may clamour. For 
 Christ did not prohibit Magdalene from pouring out the 
 ointment, although the avarice and dishonesty of Judas 
 made a disturbance. Images, moreover, that are prosti- 
 tuted for worship, I do not reckon among ceremonies, but 
 among the number of those things that conflict diame- 
 trically with God's Word. But I am so far from con- 
 demning those that are not offered for worship that I 
 acknowledge both painting and statuary as God's gifts. 
 
 Tenthly. — The work of prophecy or preaching I believe 
 to be most holy, so that above any other duty it is in 
 the highest degree necessary. For in speaking canoni- 
 cally or regularly we see that among all nations the out- 
 ward preaching of evangelists or bishops has preceded 
 faith, which we nevertheless say is received by the Spirit 
 alone. For, alas ! We see very many who hear the out- 
 ward preaching of the Gospel, but believe not, because 
 a dearth of the Spirit has occurred. Whithersoever, 
 then, prophets or preachers, of the Word are sent, it is 
 a sign of God's grace that He wishes to manifest the 
 
Appendix 479 
 
 knowledge of Himself to His elect ; and where they are 
 denied, it is a sign of impending wrath. This can be 
 inferred from the prophets and the example of Paul, 
 who was sometimes forbidden to go to some and at other 
 times was called. But the laws themselves and the 
 magistrates can be assisted in maintaining public justice 
 by no means more effectually than by prophecy. For 
 in vain is that which is just taught unless they upon 
 whom it is enjoined have regard for what is just and 
 love equity. But for this the minds are prepared 
 by the prophets as ministers, and by the Spirit as the 
 author both of teacher and of hearer. This kind of 
 ministers — viz., they who teach, console, terrify, care 
 for, and faithfully watch — we acknowledge among 
 Christ's people. That also we acknowledge which 
 baptises, administers in the Lord's Supper the body 
 and blood (for thus we also by metonymy name the 
 holy bread and wine of the Supper), visits the sick, 
 and feeds the poor from the resources and in the name 
 of the Church ; that, finally, which reads, interprets, and 
 makes confession of that whereby either they themselves 
 or others are prepared for presiding at some time over 
 the churches. But this mitred and withered race, which 
 is a large number, born to consume food, we believe is 
 a useless, spurious weight upon the earth, and that it is 
 in the ecclesiastical, what humpbacks and scrofula are 
 in the human body. 
 
 Eleventhly. — I know that the magistrate, when properly 
 inaugurated, holds God's place no less than the prophet. 
 For as a prophet is a minister of heavenly wisdom and 
 goodness, as he faithfully teaches and brings errors to 
 light, so the magistrate is the minister of goodness and 
 justice. He is the minister of goodness, with fidelity 
 and moderation like God, both to hear and to deliberate 
 
480 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 upon the affairs of the people — of justice, to restrain the 
 wantonness of the ungodly and to guard the innocent. 
 If a prince have these endowments, I believe that his 
 conscience has nothing to fear. If he lack these, and 
 yet render himself an object of fear and terror, I believe 
 that his conscience can in no way be cleared upon the 
 ground that he has been properly inaugurated. Yet, at 
 the same time, I believe that a Christian should obey 
 such a tyrant, even to the occasion whereof Paul says : 
 " If thou mayst be made free, use it rather." Neverthe- 
 less, I believe that this is indicated by God alone, and 
 not by man ; and this not obscurely, but as openly as 
 when Saul was rejected and received David as succes- 
 sor. And with Paul I think concerning rendering 
 tribute and custom for protection, Romans, xiii. 
 
 Twelfthly. — I believe that the figment of the purgato- 
 rial fire is as detrimental to the gratuitous redemption be- 
 stowed through Christ as it was lucrative to its authors. 
 For if it is necessary by punishments and tortures to ex- 
 piate the merits of our crimes, Christ will have died in 
 vain and faith will have been made void. What more 
 wicked in a Christian can be imagined ? Or what sort 
 of Christ do they have who wish to be called Christians 
 and yet dread this fire, which is no longer fire, but smoke ? 
 That there is a hell where the faithless and ignominious 
 and public enemies are punished with Ixion and Tantalus 
 I not only believe, but know. For when the truth speaks 
 of the universal judgment, it asserts that after this judg- 
 ment some will go into everlasting fire. After the uni- 
 versal judgment, therefore, there will be everlasting 
 fire. That this is endless eternity the Anabaptists can- 
 not disguise by their error that " for ever " does not 
 last beyond the general judgment. For here Christ is 
 speaking of everlasting fire that will burn after the 
 
Appendix 481 
 
 judgment, and will torture the devil and his angels, and 
 the ungodly who despise God, and the cruel who suppress 
 the truth with falsehood and do not mercifully and faith- 
 fully aid the necessities of their neighbour. 
 
 The above I firmly believe, teach, and maintain, not 
 from my own oracles, but from those of the Divine Word ; 
 and, God willing, I promise to do this as long as life con- 
 trols these members, unless someone from the declara- 
 tions of Holy Scripture, properly understood, explain and 
 establish the reverse as clearly and plainly as we have 
 established the above. For it is no less grateful and de- 
 lightful than fair and just for us to submit our judgments 
 to the Holy Scriptures, and the Church deciding accord- 
 ing to them by the Spirit. We could explain all things 
 more amply, but since there is no occasion, we are con- 
 tent with the above, which we regard such that while at 
 them anyone can readily carp, as is so customary to-day, 
 yet no one can overthrow. But if anyone make the at- 
 tempt he will not escape unpunished. Then perhaps we 
 will produce the arms we have in reserve. Now we have 
 declared enough for the present. 
 
 Wherefore, most excellent Emperor and other princes, 
 rulers, nobles, and deputies, and heads of States, I beseech 
 and implore you, by Jesus Christ our Lord and Brother, 
 by His goodness and justice, by the verdict which He will 
 render all according to their merits, whom no delibera- 
 tion escapes, who brings to confusion the designs of 
 princes that take counsel and rule godlessly, who exalts 
 the humble and abases the proud, in the first place not 
 to neglect the lowliness of the petitioner. For the foolish 
 often have spoken opportunely, and the truth itself 
 chooses for its publication weak men and those of the 
 lowest class. Secondly, remember that you too are men, 
 
4^2 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 who yourselves also are capable of being deceived by 
 others. For every man is a liar. And unless something 
 else be taught by inspiration of God than what he him- 
 self either knows or desires, nothing is to be hoped of 
 him than that he will be destroyed by his own arts and 
 plans. For with too much truth the prophet Jeremiah has 
 said : " Lo, they have rejected the Word of the Lord ; 
 and what wisdom is in them ? " Wherefore, since ye are 
 the priests of justice, none are so bound to thoroughly 
 learn God's will. But whence can this be sought but 
 from His oracles ? Be not averse, therefore, to the opin- 
 ions of those who rely upon God's Word. For we see it 
 generally happen that the more adversaries assail the 
 truth, so much the more does it shine forth and is false- 
 hood banished. But if, as it does not escape me, there 
 are those with you who zealously defame us as ignorant, 
 and, if God please, also as malicious, consider, in the first 
 place, whether we who adopt this view of the Gospel 
 and the Eucharist, have ever so conducted our lives that 
 any good man would ever doubt as to whether we should 
 be regarded as among good men. Secondly, whether 
 from our very infancy talent and literary culture were so 
 distant from us that all hope of our learning had to be 
 rejected. Certainly we boast of neither of these, since 
 even Paul was what he was by the grace of God. If 
 even a very cheerful life has been our lot, nevertheless 
 this has never deviated to luxury and shamelessness, nor, 
 on the other hand, degenerated into cruelty, arrogance, 
 or obstinacy ; so that the designs of our adversaries, 
 often confounded by the testimony of our life, have 
 sounded a retreat. Our learning, although greater than 
 our enemies either could bear or without conscience 
 despise, is, notwithstanding, far less than our followers 
 think we possess. However, that we may reach that 
 
Appendix 483 
 
 towards which we are aiming, we have performed such 
 service, not only in sacred, but also in profane literature, 
 that what we teach is not at random. Let it be per- 
 mitted us, moreover, to praise the grace and munificence 
 of God so liberally communicated to our churches. The 
 churches that hear the Lord God through us have indeed 
 so received the Word of God that falsehood and dis- 
 honesty are diminished, pride and luxury subdued, and 
 reproaches and wrangling have departed. If these are 
 not certainly true fruits of divine inspiration, what will 
 they be ? Consider, most excellent Emperor and all 
 ye princes and nobles, what good fruit of human doc- 
 trine a person has produced for us. As the purchased 
 masses increased the lust and impudence of both princes 
 and people, so they both introduced and extended the 
 luxury of the pontiffs and the excesses of the ministrants 
 of the mass. Yea, what crime did they not kindle ? For 
 who will scatter the wealth accumulated by the mass if it 
 be not stopped and held fast in their veins ? 
 
 May God, therefore, who is far better than you all, 
 whom we gladly both call and believe to be most excel- 
 lent men, grant that you may undertake to extirpate the 
 roots of all errors in the Church, and to leave and de- 
 sert Rome with her rubbish that she has obtruded upon 
 the Christian world, and especially upon your Germany. 
 
 Whatever force, too, you have heretofore exerted 
 against the purity of the Gospel may you direct against 
 the criminal attempts of ungodly Papists, that justice to 
 us which has been banished by your indifference, and 
 our innocence which has been obscured by artful misrep- 
 resentations, may be established. Enough cruelty has 
 been exercised, unless it be not savage and cruel without 
 a just ground to make charges, to condemn — ay, to 
 slaughter, kill, rob, interdict. Since success has not 
 
484 Huldreich Zwingli 
 
 followed efforts made in this way, the attempt must cer- 
 tainly be made in another way. If this counsel is of the 
 Lord, do not fight against God ; but if from elsewhere, 
 it will perish by its own rashness. For this reason 
 permit God's Word to be freely disseminated and to ger- 
 minate, ye sons of men, who can forbid not even a grain 
 from growing. You see that this seed is abundantly 
 watered by the rain from heaven, neither can it be 
 checked by any heat from men so as to become parched. 
 Consider not what you most of all desire, but what the 
 world requires in regard to the Gospel. Take this, such 
 as it is, in good part, and by your disposition show that 
 you are childen of God. 
 
 Huldreich Zwingli. 
 Most devoted to your Majesty and all believers. 
 Zurich, July 3, 1530. 
 
INDEX TO INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER: 
 
 SWITZERLAND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIX- 
 TEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Altstetten, 46 
 
 Amerbach, Bonifacius (of Basel), 
 quoted, 21 
 
 Anshelm, Valerius (of Bern), 
 Bcrner-Chronik, (hsg. Stier- 
 lein u. Wyss., Bern, 1825-33, 
 6 vols.) quoted, 13, 14 
 
 Appenzell, 4 
 
 Austria, 12 
 
 Baden, 7, 10, 27 
 
 Balcus, " Descriptio Helvetise," 
 ed. Bernouilli in Quellen zur 
 S ch-weizergeschichte, v i. , 
 quoted, 14 
 
 Basel, 4, 22, 25, 34-36, 40, 41 
 
 Baslcr Taschenbuch^ 1863, 
 "Court Records of Basel," 
 alluded to, 35 
 
 Bern, 4, 5, 33, 36, 40 
 
 "Blue Laws" of Switzerland, 
 22-24 
 
 Bonstetten, "Descriptio- Hel- 
 vetise," in Quellen zur schweiz- 
 erischen Geschichte, xiii., 
 quoted, 45 
 
 Bullinger, Heinrich, Reforma- 
 tionsgeschichte, quoted, 28 
 
 Burgundy, 7, 10 ; wars of, 4 
 
 Charles the Bold, 4 
 Christopher, Bishop of Basel, 
 quoted, 25-27 
 
 Cities, 38-40 {see analysis of 
 chapter) 
 
 Clergy, morals of, 24-31 [see an- 
 alysis of chapter) 
 
 Diet, the, 5-1 1, 27 
 
 Education, 34-38 {see analysis of 
 chapter) 
 
 Egli, Emil, Aktensammliing zur 
 Geschichte der Ziircher Re- 
 formation in den yahren /J/^- 
 iJSJ, Zurich, 1879, quoted, 
 24; " Zurcherische Kirchen- 
 politik von Waldmann bis 
 Zwingli," in Jahrbuch fiir 
 Schiveizer geschichte, x x i . , 
 quoted, 44 
 
 Eidgenossischen A b sc hiede , 
 I24j-iyg8 ; Anitliche Samm- 
 lung der dlteren (official pub- 
 lication ; Bern, Zurich, Lu- 
 cerne, 1839-99, 8 vols. 4to), 
 quoted, 11, 12, 27 
 
 Einsiedeln, 46 
 
 Emperor, the, 7, 10 
 
 Erasmus, quoted, 16 ; referred 
 to, 35 
 
 Froben, 35 
 
 Froschauer, 35 
 
 Froude, James Anthony, Life 
 and Letters of Erasmus (N. 
 Y., 1895), quoted, 16 
 
 485 
 
486 Index to Introductory Chapter 
 
 Geneva, 4, 40 
 
 Glareanus [see Loriti) 
 
 Glarus, 4 
 
 Goldli, Heinrich, 29-31 
 
 Grisons, the, 4 
 
 Guicciardini, Francesco, Isioria 
 
 d' Italia [1492-1534] (n. e. 
 
 Milan, 1875, 4 vols.), quoted, 
 
 20, 21 
 
 Holbein, 36, 38 
 
 Hugo, Bishop of (see Landen- 
 berg) 
 
 Inquisition never in Switzerland, 
 why, 33 
 
 Julius II., Pope, 32 
 
 Kussnacht, 46 
 
 Landenberg, Hugo von. Bishop 
 
 of Constance, quoted, 27 
 Lapide, Johannes a, 36 
 " League of Eight," 4 
 Leimbach, 46 
 Leipzig, 34 
 Leo X., Pope, 32 
 London, 13 
 
 Loriti, Henry (Glareanus), 34-35 
 Lorraine, Duke of, 7 
 Lucerne, 4, 39 ; lake of, 4 
 Luther, 44 
 
 Macchiavelli, Niccoli, // Prin- 
 cipe ("The Prince") (ed. L. 
 Arthur Burd, Oxford, 1891), 
 quoted, 19, 20 
 
 Mercenary service, 7-14 {see an- 
 alysis of chapter) 
 
 Milan, 12 ; Duchy of, 7 
 
 Morals of the clergy (j'tv Clergy) 
 
 Myconius, Oswald, 36, 37 
 
 Neuchatel, 4 
 
 Oechsli, Wilhelm, Qtwllenbuch 
 zttr Schtveizergeschiclitc (Zu- 
 rich, 1886, neue Folge, 1893), 
 quoted, 14-19, 24, 27, 31, 35 
 
 Opinions of foreigners, 14-21 
 (see analysis of chapter) 
 
 Papacy and Switzerland, 31-33 
 
 {see analysis of chapter) 
 Paris, 34 
 Pirckheimer, Wilibald, Historia 
 
 belli Suitensis (ed. Zurich, 
 
 1737), quoted, iS, 19 
 Pope, the, 7, 12, 29-31 
 " Protectors of the freedom of 
 
 the Church," title given by the 
 
 Pope to the Swiss, 32 
 
 Remley, The Relation of State 
 and Church in Zurich, IJIQ- 
 i£2j (Ph.D. dissertation), 
 Leipzig, 1895, 44 
 
 Savoy, Duke of, 7 
 
 Schaffhausen, 4 
 
 Schinner, Bishop Matthias, of 
 Sitten, 32 
 
 Schwyz, 4 
 
 Simler, Johann Jacob, Samni- 
 lung alter titid neuer Ur- 
 kiinden zur Beleuchtung der 
 Kirchen- Geschichte, vornehm- 
 lich des Sch'u'eizerlaiides (Zu- 
 rich, 1 757-1 763, 2 vols., in 6 
 parts), quoted, 27 
 
 Spain, King of, 7 
 
 Sumptuary laws, 22-24 {^^^ an- 
 alysis of chapter) 
 
 Swiss Confederation, nucleus 
 and growth, 4, 7, 12 
 
 Switzerland, at the beginning of 
 the XVI. century, chapter on, 
 by John Martin Vincent, 3- 
 47 ; analysis of : political con- 
 dition of, feeble unity between, 
 and absolute independence in 
 law and government of the 
 separate states, 3 ; origi^^ of 
 the Swiss Confederation, 4 ; 
 growth up to sixteenth cent- 
 ury, 4; condition of component 
 parts, 4 ; Zurich and Bern 
 ]ire-eminent, 5 ; jealousy be- 
 tween rural cantons and city 
 
Index to Introductory Chapter 487 
 
 Switzerland — Continued 
 
 states and mutual recrimina- 
 tion, 5 ; constitution of the 
 federal congress, the Diet 
 and its authority, 6 ; how fed- 
 eral government was carried 
 on, 6 ; mercenary service, 7- 
 14 ; the increase of Swiss im- 
 portance due to it, 7 ; the 
 domestic effect of it and its 
 ramifications, 8 ; dependence 
 on foreign subsidies, and ef- 
 forts to lessen it, g ; punish- 
 ment of mercenaries, 10 ; gen- 
 eral acceptance of foreign 
 pensions wxirked against at- 
 tempts to do away with them, 
 II ; attractiveness to peasants 
 of foreign military service, 11; 
 reform set about by Confeder- 
 ate law, 12 ; repeal of law, 12; 
 severe losses in lives and enor- 
 mous gains in money in Ital- 
 ian campaign of early years of 
 century, 12 ; marked increase 
 of demoralisation and of lux- 
 ury and extravagance, 13 ; 
 opinions of foreigners, 14-21 ; 
 Balcus quoted, 14-17 ; ad- 
 verse critical contrast be- 
 tween fidelity and obedience 
 on field and contempt of law 
 in private life, 14, 15 ; extrav- 
 agance in alms, but scholars 
 forced to live in poverty, 15 ; 
 table manners bad, 16; inso- 
 lence toward princely ambas- 
 sadors, 16; presents demanded 
 from them, 16 ; handsome 
 women may be kissed by any- 
 body, 16 ; generally low grade 
 people, 17 ; Johannes Trithem- 
 ius quoted, 17-18 ; bad char- 
 acter of the Swiss, 17; bold 
 in war, mutually helpful in 
 time of need, generous toward 
 the poor, 18 ; Jacob Wimphel- 
 ing quoted, i8 ; Swiss cruel 
 and unjust, 18 ; Pirckheimer 
 quoted on Swiss military prow- 
 
 ess, 18, 19; Macchiavelli 
 quoted on the same, 19, 20 ; 
 Guicciardini quoted on the 
 same, 20, 21 ; and on evils of 
 the mercenary service, 21 ; 
 sumptuary laios, 22-24 ; gam- 
 bling, betting, late hours, pro- 
 fane swearing and cursing, 
 wedding feasts of more than a 
 day or above a certain cost kll 
 forbidden, regulations as to 
 cost of presents to wedding 
 guests or to those of christen- 
 ing parties and as to dress, 22- 
 24 ; dancing forbidden, 24 ; 
 morals of the clergy, 24-31 ; 
 not so bad as often depicted, 
 25 ; episcopal action against 
 priestly immorality and de- 
 scription of grossly bad ac- 
 tions, 25, 26 ; clerical extrav- 
 agance and superstition, 26, 
 
 27 ; drinking, gambling, and 
 concubinage, 27 ; disposal of 
 property of a " witch" by the 
 Diet, 27 ; dense ignorance of 
 the clergy and their evil lives, 
 
 28 ; simony and traffic in 
 church property and prefer- 
 ments, 2g ; defence by such a 
 trafficker, 2g, 30 ; the papal 
 part in the transactions, 29- 
 31; Switzerland and the Pa- 
 pacy, 31-33 ; high papal es- 
 teem at beginning of century 
 owing to valour of Swiss mer- 
 cenary troops, 32 ; misconcep- 
 tion of the reason of their em- 
 ployment, but participation in 
 war of purely papal aggres- 
 sion, papal payment, presents, 
 and title to the troops, 32 ; 
 impression made upon the 
 Swiss unfavourable to the Pa- 
 pacy, 32 ; independent action 
 toward subsequent papal re- 
 (juests for mercenaries, 32, 33 ; 
 insubordination to ecclesiasti- 
 cal control, 33 ; why the In- 
 quisition never was set up in 
 
4S8 Index to Introductory Chapter 
 
 Switzerland — Continued 
 
 Switzerland, 33 ; education, 
 34— 38 ; humanism in Switzer- 
 land, 34-36 ; the University of 
 Basel, 34 ; Basel's prominence 
 in printing, 35 ; Zurich's much 
 less so, 35 ; high schools few, 
 36 ; primary schools defective, 
 public schools non-existent, 
 36 ; pay of teachers, 36 ; how 
 private teachers supported 
 themselves, 36, 37 ; fine arts 
 and household decoration, 38; 
 the cities, 38-40 ; how walls 
 affected their political, social, 
 and intellectual life, 38-40 ; 
 Zurich, 40-47 ; how its loca- 
 tion led to its leadership, 40 ; 
 effect of the presence of for- 
 eign ambassadors, 41 ; a mu- 
 nicipal republic, 41 ; classes 
 of citizens and their guilds, 
 
 41, 42 ; city government, 42 ; 
 constitution of the Small 
 Council, 42, and of the Great, 
 
 42, 43 ; functions, 43, 44 ; 
 treatment of the clergy, 44 ; 
 different attitude towards the 
 people of religious leaders in 
 Germany and Switzerland, 45; 
 population of Zurich, 45 ; 
 ecclesiastical divisions, 45 ; 
 monks, clergy, and their 
 wealth, 46 ; church buildings, 
 46 ; general conditions which 
 compelled and controlled the 
 
 Reformation in Switzerland, 
 
 47 
 Switzerland, political condition 
 of, from origin, 3-6 (see analy- 
 sis of chapter) 
 
 Trithemius, Johannes, AnnaU 
 itim Hirsaugietisi^im (ed. St. 
 Gall, 1690), quoted, 17, 18 
 
 Turks, 32 
 
 Unterwalden 4 
 
 Uri, 4, 5 
 
 Utinger, Canon, 37 
 
 Venice, Republic of, 7 
 
 Vienna, 34 
 
 Vincent, J. M., "European 
 Blue Laws," in Report of Am- 
 erican Historical Association 
 (Washington, 1897), quoted, 24 
 
 Waldmann, Hans, 24 
 Wimpheling, Jacob, quoted, 18 
 Wittenbach, Thomas, 34 
 Wolflin, Heinrich (Lupulus), 36 
 Wunderli, G. H., Hans Wald- 
 mann und seine Zeit (Zurich, 
 1889), quoted, 44-46 
 
 Zug, 4 
 
 Zurich, 4, 5, 23, 24, 33, 35-37, 
 40-47 {see analysis of chapter) 
 Zurichberg, 46 
 Zurzach, 30 
 Zwingli, 31, 34, 37, 40-44 47 
 

MULHAUSE, 
 
 [FnciBURa 
 
 MAP OF SWITZERLAND. 
 
INDEX 
 
 This index covers all the book except the Introductory Chapter, 
 which is separately indexed. 
 
 In this index is biographical and geographical information which 
 could not be conveniently given in the notes. Thus either in the 
 body of the book or in the index every place in Switzerland of any 
 importance in connection with the life of Zwingli has been so located 
 that anyone can easily find it, and at least the principal dates of all 
 important characters mentioned in the same connection will be 
 found. 
 
 Aargau, 350 
 
 Abtzell, see Appenzell 
 
 Adda, 342 
 
 Adelmann, Bernardus and Con- 
 radus, 139 
 
 Adrian VI., Pope, born in 
 Utrecht, 1459 ; studied at Lou- 
 vain, and there became pro- 
 fessor of theology ; tutor to 
 Charles V., 1507 ; bishop of 
 Tortosa, Spain, and cardinal, 
 15 16, and regent of Spain, 
 1520 ; pope, January 9, 1522 ; 
 died in Rome, September 14, 
 1523, 174, 175. 177. 181 
 
 " Advice of one who desires with 
 his whole heart that due con- 
 sideration be paid both to the 
 dignity of the Pope and to the 
 peaceful development of the 
 Christian religion," 155 
 
 iEschines, 79 
 
 Agen, seventy-three miles soutli- 
 east of Bordeaux, p'rancc, 76 
 
 Agricola (Castenpauer) Stephen, 
 reformer, born in Augsburg, 
 died in Eisleben in 1547, 314 
 
 Albert, Count of Mansfeld, see 
 Mansfeld 
 
 Albis, hill, 355 
 
 Alexander, 79 
 
 Alexander VI. (Rodrigo Lanzol) 
 born in Valencia, Pope 1492— 
 1503. 85 
 
 Ambrose, St., 107, 121, 135,476 
 
 Ammann, James, 142 
 
 Ammann, John James, 66 
 
 Anabaptists, see Baptists 
 
 "Angel Dedication" at Ein- 
 siedeln, 87, 100-102, 104, 174 
 
 Anhalt, Wolfgang, Prince of, 
 
 299- 337 
 Anselm, St., 385 
 Anselm, Thomas, printer, 149 
 Anthropology, see Man, doctrine 
 
 of, also under Luther 
 Antiblon, 227-230 
 Anwyl, Fritz von, 185 
 " Apology," 201 
 Appenzell, 250, 251, 294 
 
 489 
 
JO '^S* 
 
 ^V 
 
 ^8n 
 
INDEX 
 
 This index covers all the book except the Introductory Chapter, 
 which is separately indexed. 
 
 In this index is biographical and geographical information which 
 could not be conveniently given in the notes. Thus either in the 
 body of the book or in the index every place in Switzerland of any 
 importance in connection with the life of Zwingli has been so located 
 that anyone can easily find it, and at least the principal dates of all 
 important characters mentioned in the same connection will be 
 found. 
 
 Aargau, 350 
 
 Abtzell, st-e Appenzell 
 
 Adda, 342 
 
 Adelmann, Bernardus and Con- 
 radus, 139 
 
 Adrian VI., Pope, born, in 
 Utrecht, 1459 I studied at Lou- 
 vain, and there became pro- 
 fessor of theology ; tutor to 
 Charles V., 1507 ; bishop of 
 Tortosa, Spain, and cardinal, 
 1516, and regent of Spain, 
 1520 ; pope, January 9, 1522 ; 
 died in Rome, September 14, 
 1523, 174, 175, 177, 181 
 
 " Advice of one who desires with 
 his whole heart that due con- 
 sideration be paid both to the 
 dignity of the Pope and to the 
 peaceful development of the 
 Christian religion," 155 
 
 ^schines, 79 
 
 Agen, seventy-three miles south- 
 east of Bordeaux, France, 76 
 
 Agricola (Castenpauer) Stephen, 
 reformer, born in Augsburg, 
 died in Eisleben in 1547, 314 
 
 Albert, Count of Mansfeld, see 
 Mansfeld 
 
 Albis, hill, 355 
 
 Alexander, 79 
 
 Alexander VI. (Rodrigo Lanzol) 
 born in Valencia, Pope 1492— 
 1503. 85 
 
 Ambrose, St., 107, 121, 135,476 
 
 Ammann, James, 142 
 
 Ammann, John James, 66 
 
 Anabaptists, see Baptists 
 
 "Angel Dedication" at Ein- 
 siedeln, 87, 100-102, 104, 174 
 
 Anhalt, Wolfgang, Prince of, 
 
 299. 337 
 Anselm, St., 385 
 Anselm, Thomas, printer, 149 
 Anthropology, see Man, doctrine 
 
 of, also under Luther 
 Antiblon, 227-230 
 Anwyl, Fritz von, 185 
 " Apology," 201 
 Appenzell, 250, 251, 294 
 
 489 
 
490 
 
 Index 
 
 Aquinas, Thomas, 289, 36S, 382 
 
 Archeteles, 172 ; original edition 
 full of printing errors, 278 
 
 ArcJiiv fur die sch7sjeizerische 
 J\eforfnatioftsgesckichie, Frei- 
 burg im Br., 1875, 76, 295 
 
 Argentyne, Richard, 212 
 
 Aristophanes, 135 
 
 Aristotle, 135 
 
 Arius, 279 
 
 Arnold, Matthew, 86 
 
 Atonement, doctrine of, 385 
 
 Augsburg, 128, 139, 140, 212, 
 
 259- 314 
 Augsburg, Diet of, how attended, 
 329-331 ; Zwingli's absence, 
 329-330 ; mutual mistrust be- 
 tween Zwinglians and Luther- 
 ans, 330-332 ; Lutherans and 
 Zwingli present to Emperor 
 Confessions of Faith, 331 ; 
 Diet dissolved, 332 ; its ulti- 
 matum to the Protestants, 336, 
 340 
 Augustine, St., 107, 368, 376, 476 
 Augustinian monks, 146, 225 
 Austria, Ferdinand, Grand Duke 
 
 of, 300, 323, 337, 341 
 Avignon, 170 
 
 B 
 
 Baden in Germany, 278 
 
 Baden, in Switzerland, 64, 114, 
 165, 1S8, 202, 212, 237 ; dis- 
 putation at ; struggle over the 
 place ; the disputants ; results ; 
 acts of, 270-277, 309, 327, 
 
 341 
 
 Baptism discussed by Zwingli, 
 393 ; does not convey grace, 
 393 ; Christian baptism not 
 different in purpose from Jo- 
 hannean, 393, 394 : infant bap- 
 tism defended, 394, 395 
 
 " Baptism, Re-Baptism, and In- 
 fant Baptism," 248, 256-25S 
 
 Baptists, original members of the 
 party in Zurich, 240 ; their 
 radical conduct, 240 ; their 
 
 meetings, 240 : valuable acces- 
 sions, 241 ; their number, 241; 
 first publicly heard in the Sec- 
 ond Disputation, 241 ; de- 
 mands, 241 ; Zwingli's reply 
 to, 242 ; secret conferences 
 with, 242 ; influenced by 
 Thomas Miinzer and Andrew 
 Carlstadt to belief that infant 
 baptism was unscriptural, 242 ; 
 public dispute with, over their 
 position and consequent prac- 
 tice, 243 ; punished for refus- 
 ing to have infants baptised, 
 243 ; their private meetings 
 forbidden and foreign mem- 
 bers banished, 244 ; met se- 
 cretly at Zollicon, 245 ; insti- 
 tuted baptism of adults who it 
 was claimed by their opponents 
 had been previously baptised, 
 245 ; the first adult baptism 
 was by pouring, 245 ; descrip- 
 tion of it, 245, 246 ; weekly 
 debates with, 246 ; punish- 
 ment of their leaders, 247 ; list 
 of Zwingli's writings against, 
 248 ; allusions to, especially to 
 Balthasar Hubmaier, their 
 principal theologian, in Zwin- 
 gli's correspondence, 248-256; 
 Appenzell a centre for the 
 Baptist propaganda, 251 ; pun- 
 ishment of the Baptist leaders, 
 252 ; Zwingli's book in Ger- 
 man " On Baptism," analysed, 
 257, 258 ; that in Latin, " Re- 
 futation of the tricks of the 
 Catabaptists," 258 ; origin of 
 the epithet, 258 ; no discussion 
 in either or any of the Zwingli 
 treatises of the mode of bap- 
 tism, 259 ; intercantonal dis- 
 putation upon Baptists, 259 ; 
 official statement of their al- 
 leged errors and crimes, 260 ; 
 punishment, 260, 261 ; Zwing- 
 li's "Refutation" analysed, 
 261-264; his reply to 
 Schwenckfeld's questions on 
 
Index 
 
 49 1 
 
 Baptists fConthtued) 
 
 baptism, 264 ; fate of the Bap- 
 tist party in Zurich, 265 ; min- 
 isters punished for accepting 
 their views, 294 
 
 Basel, 55, 57-59. 7S, 81, 85, 88, 
 92, 96, 107, 108, 121, 124, 
 129, 131, 139-142, 149, 156, 
 171. 179. 1S5, 203, 206, 210- 
 212, 214, 215, 226, 228, 258, 
 269, 270, 272, 274, 277, 278, 
 280, 283, 297, 301-305, 308- 
 314, 323. 330, 334. 338, 349. 
 360, 361 
 
 Basel, Klein, 55 
 
 Basel, Klein, St. Theodore's 
 Church in, 55 
 
 Basel, St. Martin's Church in, 
 
 57 
 Bath presents, 212 
 Baur, August, ZiuingUs Theo- 
 
 %«V, Halle, 1885-1889,2 vols., 
 
 311 
 
 Beatrice of Marckelssheim, 351 
 
 Beatus Rhenanus, see Rhenanus 
 
 Benedictine monks, 50, 60, 61 
 
 Bern, 56, 64, 93, 165, 166, 174, 
 175, 203, 259, 270, 272, 274, 
 277, 278, 280, 2S1, 2S4, 285, 
 296, 323, 32S-330, 345, 361 
 
 Bern, Disputation of (1528), to 
 all, members, leaders, 280- 
 281; "Acts" analysed, 281- 
 2S4 ; Church of the Barefoot 
 Monks the scene of the Dispu- 
 tation, 283 ; printing of al- 
 luded to, 286 
 
 Bern, Dominican monastery, 56 
 
 Berus, Ludovicus, 142 
 
 Biberach, 337 
 
 Bible, see " Perspicuity" 
 
 Bibliander, Theodore, born at 
 Bischofzell, Thurgau, 1507 ; 
 professor of theology in Zurich 
 1 531-1560 ; died of the plague 
 there, November 26, 1564, 258 
 
 Biel, 59, 60, 323 
 
 Biel, Gabriel, 107, 156 
 
 Bienne, see Biel 
 
 Blansch, Martin, 185 
 
 Blarer, Anna, 360 
 Blarer, Thomas, once burgomas- 
 ter of Constance, 216, 360 
 Blaurock, Georg, 245, 247, 262, 
 
 263 
 Boeschenstein, Andreas, 135 
 Bombasius, Paul, no, 112 
 Bonstetten, Albrecht von, 102 
 Brabant, 80, 81 
 Brandenburg, the Margrave of, 
 
 299 
 Bremen, 316, 337 
 Bremgarten, 124, 237, 347, 34S 
 Brendlin, Nicholas, 162, 236 
 Brenz, Johann, born at Weil, 
 Svvabia, June 24, 1499 ; edu- 
 cated at Heidelberg, became 
 priest at Swabian Hall, 1522 ; 
 introduced the Reformation 
 there, 1524; became provost 
 at Stuttgart, 1552 ; died there 
 September 11, 1570, 313, 314, 
 
 317 
 
 Bretini, M., 112 
 
 Breviary simplified, 157 
 
 Briefer, Nicholas, 283 
 
 Brotli, 245 
 
 Bruenig Pass, 351 
 
 Brugg, 350 
 
 Brunfels, Otho, 215 
 
 Brunner. Rudolf, 73, 248 
 
 Brunswick - Luneburg, Philip, 
 Ernest, and Francis, Dukes 
 of, 299, 337 
 
 Bubikon, 154 
 
 Bucer, see Butzer 
 
 Buenzli, Gregory, 55, 94, 96 
 
 BuUing'er, Anna, wife of Ulrich 
 Zwingli, Jr., 360 
 
 BuUinger, Heinrich, father of 
 Zwingli's successor, 124 
 
 Bullinger, Heinrich, born at 
 Bremgarten, near Zurich, July 
 18, 1504; studied at Cologne, 
 embraced the Reformation, 
 1522 ; became intimate with 
 Zwingli while teaching at Cap- 
 pel ; pastor at Bremgarten, 
 1529 ; succeeded Zwingli, 
 1531 ; very friendly with the 
 
492 
 
 Index 
 
 BuUinger, Heinrich (Continued) 
 Marian exiles (1553-58) ; died 
 at Zurich, September 17, 1575, 
 
 345, 360 
 
 Bullinger, Heinrich, Reforma- 
 tionsgeschichte, Frauenfeld, 
 1838-1840, 3 vols., 85, no, 
 119, 121, 123, 124, 127, 128, 
 131, 135-137, 147, 150, 164, 
 165, 172, 174, 193, 195, 196, 
 200, 203-205, 224, 225, 230, 
 239, 271, 285, 294, 303-305, 
 310, 311, 313, 324, 342, 345, 
 
 346. 348, 352, 357, 358, 360 
 Burgundy, go 
 
 Burial practices, 291 
 
 Butzer (Bucer), Martin, born at 
 Schlettstadt, Lower Elsass, 
 1491 ; entered the Dominican 
 order, but embraced the Ref- 
 ormation, 1518 ; left the order, 
 1521 ; became pastor at Strass- 
 burg, 1524 ; at first a Zwing- 
 lian, after 1532 he leaned to 
 Lutheranism ; compelled to 
 leave Strassburg, went to Eng- 
 land, and became regius pro- 
 fessor of divinity at Cambridge, 
 where he died, February 28, 
 1551, 145, 235, 248, 313, 314, 
 318, 324, 329-331, 333-335. 
 338, 339, 342, 348, 350 
 
 Cajetan, Cardinal, original name 
 Jacob de Vie, took name of 
 Thomas ; born at Gaeta, forty 
 miles north-west of Naples 
 (hence his name Gaetano or 
 Cajetan) July 25, 1470 ; made 
 Dominican monk, i486 ; car- 
 dinal, 1517; met Luther at 
 Augsburg, 1518; died in Rome, 
 August 9, 1534, 140 
 
 Calvin, John, born at Noyon, Pi- 
 cardy, July 10, 1509 ; became 
 a Protestant, published his 
 Institutes, 1536, and the same 
 year went to Geneva, where he 
 
 acted the reformer : was ex- 
 pelled, 153S ; recalled, 1541, 
 and reformed the city ; died 
 there. May 27, 1564, 223, 362 
 
 Camerarius, Joachim, born at 
 Bamberg, April 12, 1500 ; be- 
 came professor in Leipzig, 
 1 541 ; died there April 17, 
 1574, 300 
 
 Camertes, John, 62 
 
 " Canon (The) of the Mass," 201 
 
 Capito, Wolfgang Fabricius, born 
 at Hagenau, Elsass, 1478 ; 
 went over to the Reformation 
 in Strassburg, 1524; was But- 
 zer's coadjutor there till his 
 death, November 2, 1541, 60, 
 129, 235, 242, 249, 309, 326, 
 329. 331. 333, 335, 338, 347, 
 350 
 
 Capnio, see Reuchlin 
 
 Cappel, 102, 205, 232, 269, 296, 
 301, 302, 307, 340, 353, 354, 
 358, 359 
 
 Cappel War, First, between Zu- 
 rich and the Forest Cantons, 
 originated in the determin- 
 ation of the latter to sup- 
 press the Reformation, 301 ; 
 ended before any blood was 
 shed, 302 ; Zwingli's plan for 
 a treaty of peace, 303 ; the 
 treaty signed secured among 
 other things free course for 
 the Gospel, 304, 305 ; con- 
 sidered humiliating by the five 
 Forest Cantons, and therefore 
 they bided their time to break 
 it, 306 ; war cost paid by the 
 five Forest Cantons, 340 
 
 Cappel War, Second, followed 
 inevitably upon the First, 341; 
 the grievances of the Forest 
 Cantons, 341 ; embargo was 
 adopted by Zurich and Bern to 
 force the Forest Cantons to al- 
 low free course to evangelical 
 preaching as the treaty stipu- 
 lated, 345 ; Zwingli opposed 
 to the embargo, 346 ; out- 
 
Index 
 
 493 
 
 Cappel War, Second (Continued) 
 siders worked for peace, 346, 
 347 ; inside efforts to the same 
 end, 347,348 ; war manifestly 
 approaching, 349 ; portents, 
 350-352 ; Zurich adopts plan 
 of campaign, 352 ; war breaks 
 out, 352 : Zurich forces meet 
 the foe, 353, 354; battle joined, 
 354. 355 ; defeat for the Zu- 
 richers, 356 ; Zwingli slain, 
 356-358 ; remarkable Zurich 
 loss of prominent men, 358 ; 
 end of the campaign, 359 ; 
 second treaty of Cappel, 359 
 
 Carlsruhe, 149 
 
 Carlstadt, Andreas Rudolf Bo- 
 denstein, born at Carlstadt, 
 Franconia, 1480 (?) ; studied 
 in Italy, settled at Witten- 
 berg, 1504 ; became professor 
 of theology there, 1508 ; went 
 over to the Reformation, but 
 for his eccentricities expelled, 
 1522 ; found asylum in Switz- 
 erland, became professor of 
 theology in Basel, 1534 ; there 
 died, 1541, 140, 242, 307, 316, 
 330 
 
 Carolinum, The, Zurich's Great 
 Minster School, 269 
 
 Carthusian Monks, 196 
 
 Casale, 93 
 
 Cassel, 307 
 
 Catabaptists, see Baptists 
 
 Catherine of Aragon, 349 ; see 
 also Henry VIII. 
 
 Cato's Morals^ 55 
 
 Celtes, Conrad, 57 
 
 Censorship of Zurich clergy, 286 
 
 Ceremonials, ecclesiastical, tol- 
 erated, 478 
 
 Charles the Bold, Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, 90 
 
 Charles V., 127, 128, 32S, 330. 
 See also under The Emperor 
 
 Christ, work of, discussed, 384 ji/<7. 
 
 Christen, E., Zwingli avant la 
 r^forme de Zurich^ Geneva, 
 1899, 89, 114 
 
 Christian, Abbot of Old St. 
 
 John's, 60, 131, 140 
 Christian Burgher Rights, 298 ; 
 original members of the alli- 
 ance, 323 ; Zwingli's plans to 
 extend the alliance, 323-325 ; 
 how frustrated in certain states 
 and cities, 325, 328 ; the Land- 
 grave of Hesse excluded by 
 Bern's opposition, 329, 332 ; 
 Strassburg welcomed, 329 ; 
 the Landgrave renews appli- 
 cation for admittance, 334 ; 
 increasing perils make Zwingli 
 more urgent to extend the al- 
 liance, 340, 345 
 Christianity defined, 384 
 Christoffel, R., 121, 173, 197, 
 
 198, 248, 268, 305, 311 
 Christology, 396-398 
 Chrysoloras, Emanuel, 82 
 Chrysostom, St., 121, 136 
 Chur, 203, 210, 259, 326, 347 
 Church, doctrine of, 387, 463- 
 466 ; powers of the local 
 church, 388 ; which is repre- 
 sented in the board of city 
 magistrates, may lay claim to 
 infallibility, 388 
 Church in Zurich, services, 290, 
 2gi ; adornments removed, 
 292 ; polity, 297 
 Churfirsten, mountain range, 53, 
 
 .54 
 
 Cicero's Letters, 63 
 
 Clauser, Cunhart, 67 
 
 Clergy in Zurich, dress of, 2go, 
 291 
 
 Clergy, support of, 293 
 
 " Clerical " marriages, 167 
 
 Cochlaus (Johann Dobeneck), 
 born at Wendelstein, near Nur- 
 emberg, 1479 ; strong Roman 
 Catholic ; died in Breslau, 
 1552, 289 
 
 Cochran, J., 305 
 
 Coire, see Chur 
 
 Collin, Rudolf, 310, 313, 315, 
 326 
 
 Cologne, 81, 92, 147, 188 
 
494 
 
 Index 
 
 Comander, 344 
 
 ' ' Commentary on True and False 
 Religion," 220, 230, 269, 369, 
 370 ; analysis of, 370 sqq, ; 
 begins with definition of relig- 
 ion, makes theology proper the 
 starting-point, 370 ; first con- 
 siders God's knowability, 370, 
 371 ; this knowledge obtained 
 from nature, 371; but believers 
 aided by the Spirit, full know- 
 ledge from the Bible, 371 ; dis- 
 cussion biblical, 372 ; mean- 
 ing of " essence," 372 ; attri- 
 butes of God, 372 ; goodness 
 of God active, 373, 374 ; be- 
 nevolence and mercy of God, 
 375 ; doctrine of man, 376, 
 377 ; doctrine of sin, 377, 378 ; 
 religion defined, 383 ; Christ- 
 ianity defined, 384; the Gospel 
 defined, 386 ; Law, keys, and 
 the Church, 387 sqq.; local 
 church represented in the city 
 board of magistrates, is in a 
 sense infallible, 388 ; did not 
 deny doctrines he did not dis- 
 cuss, as Luther supposed, 389 ; 
 the Sacraments discussed, 389- 
 395 ; three views rejected, 390; 
 his own view stated, 390-392 ; 
 faith discussed, 392, 393 ; 
 baptism discussed, 393-395 ; 
 Lord's Supper discussed, 395 ; 
 its nature is that of a symbol, 
 
 395 
 
 Como, Lake, 342 
 
 Complutensian Polyglot used by 
 Eck in Baden, 276 
 
 Compostella, 74 
 
 Confession of Faith (1530), 331, 
 332, 369, 378 ; text of, 452- 
 484 ; topics : Of the Unity and 
 Trinity of God, 453; Of Christ 
 the Son of God and Man, 454- 
 481 ; address to the Emperor, 
 Princes, and Nobles, defending 
 himself and urging them to al- 
 low Gospel preaching, 481- 
 484 ; the Church doctrine of 
 
 the Duality affirmed, 454-456; 
 of the Incarnation, 457, 458 ; 
 Atonement, 458 ; sin intro- 
 duced by Adam, 458-461 ; all 
 who die in infancy, Christian 
 or heathen, saved, 461, 462 
 
 Conrad, Bishop of Constance, 
 100 
 
 Conrad IIL, Abbot of Einsie- 
 deln, 102 
 
 Conradson, 128 
 
 Constance, 68, 73, 82, 99, 100, 
 no. III, 125, 143, 148, 152, 
 161, 162, 165, 168, 171, 176, 
 179, 187, 1S9, 192, 195, 196, 
 203, 210, 216, 226, 232, 256, 
 259, 268, 271, 275, 2S0, 294, 
 299. 332, 337, 338- 360 
 
 Constance, Bishop of, see Hohen- 
 landenberg 
 
 Constance, Bishop, designate of, 
 332 
 
 Constantinople, 82 
 
 Copp, Dr. Johannes, 292 
 
 Cousard, John, 339 
 
 Creighton, Mandell, History of 
 the Papacy, vol. vi., 128 
 
 "Crown of the Eucharist," 230 
 
 Cruciger, Caspar, born at Leip- 
 zig, January i, 1504 ; professor 
 at Wittenberg, Luther's helper 
 in Bible translations, also an 
 expert shorthand writer ; died 
 there, November 16, 1548, 314 
 
 Curio, Valentine, 214 
 
 Cyprian, St., 107 
 
 D'Angerant, 327 
 
 Daugertin, 328, 345 
 
 Death in Adam defined, 376, 377 
 
 Demosthenes, 135 
 
 Diessenhofen, 294, 295 
 
 Dingnauer, Johann, 93 
 
 Disputation, the First, the Sixty- 
 seven Articles of, 180, 181 ; 
 call to, 183-185 ; disputants 
 and audience, 185, 1S6 ; bur- 
 gomaster's address, 186, 1S7 ; 
 
Index 
 
 495 
 
 Disputation, the First (Con- 
 tinued) 
 debate, 187-192 ; deliverance 
 of the City Council, 190, 191 ; 
 significance of the victory, 194, 
 
 Disputation, the Second, 203 j(/i/./ 
 occasion, 203 ; invited guests, 
 203, 204 ; proceedings, 204, 
 205 ; finding of the Council, 
 206, 207 ; effects, 208, 209 
 
 Divorce, see Marriage 
 
 Dominican monks, 172, 225 
 
 Dongo, 342 
 
 Dresden, 227 
 
 Drowning, the punishment of 
 Baptist leaders, 247, 252 
 
 Duns Scotus, 107, 141, 289 
 
 E 
 
 Eck, Johannes, born at Eck, 
 Swabia, November 13, i486 ; 
 studied at Heidelberg, Tu- 
 bingen, and Freiburg, became 
 professor of theology at Ingol- 
 stadt, 1510 ; vigorously and 
 learnedly opposed the Reform- 
 ation, frequently as a public 
 disputant, died at Ingolstadt, 
 Bavaria, February 10, 1543, 
 
 139, 140, 143, 145, 185. 271, 
 273, 274, 276, 280, 320, 332 
 
 Edlibach, Ceroid, Chronik, ed. 
 Usteri, Zurich, 1847, 292 
 
 " Education, Christian," 212, 
 
 399 . 
 
 Education theories of Zwingli, 
 399-401 
 
 Effingen, Elizabeth, 284 
 
 Egli, Emil, Actensammlung, Zu- 
 rich, 1879, 54, 57, 58, 76, 112, 
 157, 160, 164, 175, 176, 196, 
 200, 224, 239, 244, 267, 286, 
 289, 291, 294 
 
 Egli, Emil, Analecta Reforma- 
 toria, i., Zurich, 1899, 76, 330 
 
 Egli, Emil, Die Schlacht von 
 Cappel, Zurich, 1879, 35°. 35 S 
 
 Einsiedeln, 65, 91, 94-96, 98- 
 100, 102, 104-106, loS-iio, 
 
 113-115, I19-121, 135, 149, 
 159, 165, 174, 217, 224 
 
 Eisenach, 171 
 
 Eisleben, birthplace of Luther, 
 
 5°. 
 Election, discussed, 383 ; rather 
 
 than faith the justifying prin- 
 ciple, 382 
 
 Elmer, 66 
 
 Elsass, 215, 349 
 
 Embrach, 206 
 
 Emerton, Ephraim, Erasmus, 
 New York, 1899, 81, 130 
 
 Emperor, The, 324, 326, 329, 
 331-333. 340, 341, 343; see 
 also under Charles V. 
 
 Emser, Jerome, born at Ulm, 
 1477 ; professor in Erfurt ; 
 since 15 10 lived in Dresden ; 
 earnest opponent of the Re- 
 formation ; died in Dresden, 
 November 8, 1527, 227, 230 
 
 Engelhard, Dr. Heinrich, 151, 
 152, 202, 206,243,253,255,335 
 
 English Sweat, 319 
 
 Ennenda, 68 
 
 Ennius, 150 
 
 Epichiresis, 230, 279 
 
 Eppendorf, Henry, 219 
 
 Erasmus of Rotterdam, born 
 there, 1467 ; educated at the 
 monastery of Steyn, Holland ; 
 began in Paris his career as 
 humanist which was to result 
 in making him the literary 
 king of papal Europe, 1492 ; 
 led a wandering life the rest 
 of his days, being in England, 
 France, Italy, Germany, and 
 finally in Switzerland, but 
 one of incessant and most use- 
 ful literary activity ; died in 
 Basel, 1536, 78-81, 86, 87,93, 
 121, 135, 145, 159, 197, 213- 
 217, 219-221, 269 ; on Free 
 Will, 368 
 
 Erichson, A., Zunnglfs Tod und 
 dessen Beurtheilung durch 
 Zfj/o-^w^jjt'w, Strassburg, 1883, 
 361 
 
496 
 
 Index 
 
 Ernest, Duke of Brunswick- 
 Luneburg, see Brunswick- 
 Luneburg 
 
 Escher, Hans, 232 
 
 Escher, Hermann, Die Glau- 
 bensparteien, Frauenfeld, 1882, 
 325 
 
 Esslingen, 331 
 
 Ethics, developed little by 
 Zwingli, 399 
 
 Etzel, mountain, 99 
 
 Eucharist, see Lord's Supper 
 
 " Exhortation, An earnest, ad- 
 dressed to the confederates not 
 to suffer themselves to come 
 into dishonour through the 
 wiles of their foes," 164 
 
 " Explanation of the Christian 
 Faith," 369, 370, 385-3S7 
 
 " Exposition and Proof of the 
 Conclusions or Articles," 98, 
 197, 369 
 
 Faber Johannes (properly Hei- 
 gerlin), born at Leutkirch, near 
 Lake Constance, 1478 ; studied 
 at Tubingen and Freiburg ; 
 became vicar-general of Con- 
 stance, 1516 ; vigorously and 
 skilfully opposed the Reform- 
 ation, wrote A/alletts in hce- 
 resim Liitheranam, 1524, 
 whence came his epithet, 
 " Hammer of the Heretics," 
 became bishop of Vienna, 
 1530 ; died near there. May 
 21, 1541, 106, 125, 127, 143, 
 179, 185, 187-189, 191, 193, 
 273, 274, 289 
 
 Fabri, see Faber 
 
 Fabricius, 161 
 
 Faith, 382, 391, 392, 468 
 
 Falconibus, William a, 142, 148 
 
 Talk, G. von, 112 
 
 Talk, Peter, 93 
 
 Farer, Blasius, 61, 67 
 
 Fasting, 160, 161 ; sermon on, 
 404-451; analysis: fasting. 
 
 first unobserved by some of 
 Zwingli's hearers, 405; the true 
 Scripture doctrine set forth, 
 406-414 ; objections as to time 
 of, 414-422 ; Scripture proof 
 that everyone is at liberty to 
 fast when he pleases, 415-419 ; 
 objection that people will never 
 fast if allowed meat in Lent, 
 421-423 ; Concerning the com- 
 7nandment of men, 423-425 ; 
 antiquity of obligatory fasting 
 denied, 423-425 ; privilege of 
 omitting fasting purchasable, 
 424 ; Of offettce or vexation, 
 biblical exegesis on, 425-435 ; 
 Of avoiding vexation, biblical 
 exposition of cases, 435-442 ; 
 Of being off elided at innocent 
 customs, 442-448 ; Whether 
 anyone has power to forbid 
 foods, 448-451 
 
 Fees for ecclesiastical services 
 abolished, 200 
 
 Ferdinand, Grand Duke of Aus- 
 tria, see Austria 
 
 Finsler, Georg, 155, 193 
 
 Fischingen, 60, 94, 96 
 
 Fislisbach, 188, 192 
 
 Five Forest Cantons (Uri, 
 Schwyz, Unterwalden, Lu- 
 zern, and Zug) oppose the 
 Reformation and join with the 
 Reformed Cantons in two 
 wars, 272, 273, 296, 300, 302, 
 303, 305. 306, 324, 32S, 340, 
 341, 343-345. 347-349. 352, 
 353. 357 
 
 Flodden Field, 358 
 
 Florence, 84, iii 
 
 Forest Cantons, see Five Forest 
 Cantons 
 
 France, 269, 324-326 
 
 Francis, Duke of Brunswick- 
 Luneburg, see Brunswick- 
 Luneburg 
 
 Francis I., King of France, 92, 
 230, 269, 324, 326, 328, 345- 
 347, 
 
 Franciscan monks, 146, 170, 225 
 
Index 
 
 497 
 
 Frankfort, 277, 288, 307 
 
 Frauciifeld, 196, 294, 325 
 
 Freiburg (in Switzerland), 93, 
 142, 327 
 
 Freiburg im I5r., 295 
 
 Frciunbach, 96 
 
 Fridolin, 63 
 
 Friedewald, 307 
 
 " Friendly defence and depreca- 
 tion of the sermon of the ex- 
 cellent Martin Luther 
 preached in Wittenberg 
 against the Fanatics, and to 
 defend the reality of the Body 
 and Blood in the Sacrament," 
 278 
 
 " Friendly Exegesis" of Luther's 
 view of the Lord's Supper, 
 278 
 
 Froben, John, the printer, 135, 
 142 
 
 Frosch, John, 237 
 
 Froschauer, Christopher, the 
 printer of Zurich, 160, 212, 
 215, 258, 281 
 
 Fuessli, Beytraege, 236, 244 
 
 Fuessli, Johann, 154, 310 
 
 Fueter, Edward, Der Anteil 
 der Eids;enossenschaft an der 
 Wakl karls V., Basel, 1899, 
 127 
 
 Fulda, K., 212 
 
 Funk, Ulrich, 312 
 
 Furrer, Konrad, 326 
 
 Fiirstenburg, Count Wilhelm 
 von, 319 
 
 Gebweiler, 185, 194 
 Geneva, 64, 269, 339, 362 
 Germany, 177, 234, 23S, 299, 
 
 324 
 
 Germany, North, 324 ; South- 
 ern, 296, 297, 324, 336, 361 
 
 Geroldseck, see Hohengerold- 
 seck 
 
 Ghent, 339 
 
 Gieseler, J. K. L., Church His- 
 tory, 299 
 3a 
 
 Glareanus, 69, 78, 80-82, 92, 96, 
 loi, 105, 121, 122, 160, 182, 
 185, 193, 194, 211, 214, 215, 
 220, 233, 234 
 
 Glarus, 58, 61, 62, 64, 66-69, 
 71-73, 80, 81, 87, 88, 90, 
 91, 93, 96-98, III, 113, 
 115, 119, 120, 159, 197, 302, 
 306 
 
 God, doctrine of, the starting- 
 point of Zwingli's theology, in 
 distinction to Luther's, which 
 begins with anthropology, 370; 
 God's knowability, 370, 371 ; 
 this knowledge comes from 
 nature, so to the heathen, but 
 fully not from philosophy but 
 the Bible, and is mediated by 
 the spirit to the believer, 371 ; 
 discussion therefore biblical, 
 372; "essence," 372; attri- 
 butes, 372-375 ; goodness, 
 373 ; benevolence and mercy, 
 375 
 
 Goldli, George, 353-355 
 
 Goldli, Heinrich, 68 
 
 Gotzinger, Ernst, Zwei Kalen- 
 der von Jahre iJ2j, Schaff- 
 hausen, 1865, 292 
 
 Goostow, 351 
 
 Gospel, defined, 386 
 
 Gotha, 314, 337 
 
 Grace in the Sacraments, 467- 
 470 
 
 Granson, 90 
 
 Grebel, Conrad, 57, 122, 240, 
 242, 245, 247, 252, 276 
 
 Grebel, Felix, 125 
 
 Grebel, Jacob, 252, 276 
 
 Greek, Zwingli's study of, 81 
 sq. 
 
 Gregory, 63 
 
 Grisons, the, 154, 267, 341-343 
 
 Groningen, 351 
 
 (Jrossmann, see Megander 
 
 Grueningen, province, 206 
 
 Gryna-us, 258, 350 
 
 (]ualther, Rudolf, 360 
 
 Guise, 324 
 
 GynorL\;us, Peter, 252 
 
498 
 
 Index 
 
 H 
 
 Haessi, Heinrich, 73 
 
 Hagenau, 349 
 
 Hall, 314 
 
 Halle, 326 
 
 Haller, Berthold, the Reformer 
 of Bern, born at Aldingen, 
 Wiirtemberg, 1492 ; became 
 people's priest at Bern, 1520 ; 
 openly joined the Reformers, 
 1522 ; died in Bern, Switzer- 
 land, February 25, 1536, 56, 
 60, 64, 165, 170, 274, 281 
 
 Haner, John, 300 
 
 Hassencamp, F. ^ ., Francisctis 
 Lambert von Avignon, Elber- 
 feld, i860, 171 
 
 Hebrew, Zwingli's study of, 149, 
 150 
 
 Hedio, Caspar, born at Ett- 
 lingen, Baden, 1493 ; studied 
 theology at Freiburg and Ba- 
 sel, became preacher in the 
 Strassburg cathedral, 1523 ; 
 active in introducing the Re- 
 formation ; died there October 
 17, 1552, 108, 156, 215, 313, 
 
 314. 318. 
 
 Hell, doctrine of an eternal, 480, 
 481 
 
 Hegenwald, Erhard, 192-194 
 
 Heggentzi, George, 153 
 
 Heilbronn, 299 
 
 Henry VHI., divorce from Cath- 
 erine of Aragon, varying judg- 
 ments upon, by the Reformers, 
 
 349,. 350 
 Herminyard, A. L., Correspon- 
 
 dance lies RJformateiirs dans 
 
 les Pays de langue Fran^aise, 
 
 Paris, 2nd ed., 1878 sqq., 92, 
 
 269 
 Herrstein, 312 
 Hesiod, 135 
 Hess, 236 
 Hess, Salomon, Anna Reinhard, 
 
 2nd ed., Zurich, 1820, referred 
 
 to, 231, 360 
 Hesse, Philip, Landgrave of, 
 
 171, 214, 296, 299, 300, 306- 
 314, 317-319, 322, 324, 325, 
 327-329, 331, 332, 336-338 
 
 Hesse-Nassau, 337 
 
 Hetzer, Ludwig, 203 
 
 Heyerhansen, 185 
 
 Hilary, St., 149 
 
 Hinke, Rev. Prof. William J., 
 69 
 
 Hochrutiner, Lawrence, 207 
 
 Hofmann, Conrad, Canon, 160, 
 168, 223, 236 
 
 Hofmeister, Sebastian, 204, 253- 
 
 255 
 
 Hohengeroldseck, Theobold 
 (Diebold) von, 94, 95, 102, 
 120, 201 
 
 Hohenlandenberg, Hugo von, 
 Bishop of Constance, 68, 106, 
 no, 125, 161, 165, 168, 171, 
 174, 181, 186, 189, 19O, 195, 
 196, 203, 210, 226, 233 
 
 Hohenlohe, 324 
 
 Hohenstein, 174 
 
 Holy days retained in Zurich, 
 292 
 
 Homer, 135 
 
 Hongg, 206 
 
 Horace, 135 
 
 Hottinger, J. J., Helvetiscke 
 Kirchengcschichte, Zurich, 
 1708-1738, 4 parts, 72 
 
 Hottinger, J. H., Historia eccles- 
 ias, Zurich, 1655-67, 9 vols., 
 95, 126 
 
 Hottinger, J. J., third Life of 
 Zwingli, Harrisburg, Pa., 
 1856, 305 
 
 Hottinger-W i r z, Helvetiscke 
 Kirchengeschichte, Zurich, 
 1808-1819, 5 vols., 68 
 
 Hubmaier, Balthasar, theologi- 
 an of the Swiss Baptists, origi- 
 nally Zwingli's friend, 243, 
 246, 247 ; put in prison for his 
 Baptist views, 249 ; forced by 
 torture to recant before the 
 Council, 249 ; tortured, 250 ; 
 came from Waldshut, 252 ; de- 
 bate with, 253, 254; alleged 
 
Index 
 
 499 
 
 Hubmaier, Balthasar fCoii- 
 tiniied) 
 recantation, 254 ; denied it, 
 255 ; punished afresh, re- 
 canted his recantation, sent out 
 of the territory, with money 
 from the Council, 255, 256 ; 
 calumniated Zwingli at Con- 
 stance, 256 ; another tale of 
 trial of, 276 
 
 "[Hubmaier's], Dr. Balthasar, 
 booklet on Baptism honestly 
 and thoroughly answered," 248 
 
 Hus, John, 145 
 
 Ilutten, Ulrich von, 213-220 
 
 Images, treatment of, 202, 208, 
 209, 478 
 
 Imperial election, 127, 128 
 
 Indulgences, 59 ; preaching of, in 
 Switzerland, 106, 107, 124- 
 127 
 
 Infallibility, 388 
 
 Infant salvation of heathens as 
 well as Christians, 461-463 
 
 Ingolstadt, 271 
 
 Innocent VIII., Pope (1484- 
 1492), 84 
 
 Intercantonal intercourse, 297 
 
 " Introduction (A short Christ- 
 ian) which the honourable 
 Council of the City of Zurich 
 has sent to the pastors and 
 preachers . . . that they 
 in unison . . . preach the 
 gospel to their dependents" 
 207, 369 
 
 " Isaiah," commentary on, 2S9 
 
 Isny, 337 
 
 Israel, August, 212 
 
 Issna, 299 
 
 Ittingen, 196 
 
 Jacobs, Rev. Prof. Dr. H. E., 
 148, 332 
 
 Jacobus, 316 
 
 Jacoby, Professor Harold, as- 
 tronomer, Columbia Univer- 
 sity, New York, 277 
 
 Janssen, Geschichte dcs Deut- 
 schen Volkes ; An meine 
 Kritiker, 167 
 
 Jena, 349 
 
 Jerome, St., 79, 107, 122, 136 
 
 Jerusalem, 74 
 
 John, 63 
 
 John, Elector of Saxony, see 
 Saxony 
 
 Jonas, Justus, born at Nordhau- 
 sen, June 5, 1493 ; intimate 
 friend of Luther's ; provoost 
 of Wittenberg, 1521-1541 ; 
 died at Eisfeld, October 9, 
 1555. 314, 318 
 
 Jorgen, 2S4 
 
 Jud, Leo, born at Gemar, El- 
 sass, 14S2 ; studied at Basel, 
 became people's priest at Ein- 
 siedeln, 1518 ; of St. Peter's, 
 Zurich, 1522 ; died there June 
 19, 1542, 60, 120, 194, 195, 
 202, 206, 236, 243, 253-255, 
 293, 335-339 
 
 Julius II., Pope (1503-1513). 
 104, 114 
 
 Justification by faith as tlefined 
 by Luther fitted into the sys- 
 tem of theology, 365, 366 ; 
 doctrine held as clearly by 
 Zwingli, 367 
 
 K 
 
 Kaserruck, mountain, 54 
 
 Katzenellenbogen, 307 
 
 Keller, Anna, 284 
 
 Keller, Hans Balthasar, 232 
 
 Kempten, 299 
 
 Kesselmann, 285 
 
 Kessler, Johannes, Sabbata, ed. 
 
 Gotzinger, St. Gall, 1870, 
 
 122, 294 
 Keys, doctrine of the, 387 
 Keyser, Jacob, 305 
 Kilchberg, 93 
 
500 
 
 Index 
 
 Kilchmeier, Jodocus, 169, 177 
 
 Klingnan, 244 
 
 Knaake, j. K. F., ed. Deutsche 
 Theologie, Weimar, 1883, 139 
 
 Knonau, twenty miles south- 
 west of Zurich, 232 
 
 Kochersberg, 312 
 
 Koenig, Conrad, publisher, of 
 Jena, 349 
 
 Kolb, Francis, 281, 283, 286 
 
 Kostlin, Julius, Martin Luther, 
 Elberfeld, 1875, 2 vols., 88 
 
 Kussnacht, on the west bank of 
 the lake four and one half 
 milessouth-west of Zurich, 206, 
 217, 219, 283 
 
 La Bicocca, 164 
 
 " Labyrinth, The," 70 
 
 Lactantius's De Opijicium, 62 
 
 Lambert, Francis, 153, 170 
 
 Landenberg, see Hohenlanden- 
 berg 
 
 Landolt, Huldreich, 73 
 
 Lausanne, 226, 280, 360 
 
 Lavater, Rudolph, 352, 354, 355 
 
 Law of love, 387 
 
 Leipzig, 140, 141, 143, 145. 274 
 
 Lent, 163 
 
 Leo X., Pope (1513-1521), iii, 
 125, 128, 151 
 
 Lichtenberg, 312 
 
 Lichtensteig or Liechtensteig, 57 
 
 Liliis. John James a, 63 
 
 Limmat, river, 117, 232, 252, 
 255. 296 
 
 Lindau, 280, 299, 332, 337, 338 
 
 Liturgy, discovery as to lack of 
 uniformity in, 88 
 
 Livy, 79 
 
 Lord's Supper, Zwingli's theory 
 suggested by Erasmus, 85, 201; 
 discovery in regard to its ob- 
 servance, 87, 88 ; supersedes 
 the mass in Zurich, 209 ; ob- 
 served according to primitive 
 rites, 229 ; theory of, discussed 
 
 by Zwingli against Erasmus, 
 269; Pirkheimer, 275; Luther, 
 276, 287-289 ; Zwingli's theory 
 similar to Schwenckfeld's, 287; 
 Lutherans and Roman Catho- 
 lics anxious to suppress it, 300; 
 the failure to agree to the 
 Lutheran theory the reason 
 why the Reformed did not join 
 the Schmalkald League, 333, 
 339 ; vain efforts to make a 
 formula in which all Protest- 
 ants could unite, 334 ; Butzer's 
 and Zwingli's suggestions, 334, 
 335 ; the Tetrapolitan, 338 ; 
 Zwingli's theory not long 
 held by many, 361 ; discussed, 
 395 ; its nature that of a sym- 
 bol, 395; doctrine of, in Zwin- 
 gli's confession of the true 
 body of Christ present in it by 
 the contemplation of faith, but 
 in other sense ubiquity denied, 
 470 sqq.; patristic witnesses to 
 theory, 476-478 
 
 Loriti, Heinrich, same as Glar- 
 eanus 
 
 Loserth, Wiclif and Hus, Lon- 
 don, 1884, 145 
 
 Louvain, 139, 147, 188 
 
 Liibeck, 337 
 
 Lucerne, see Luzern 
 
 Luchsinger, 66 
 
 Lucian, 135 
 
 Lucius, 141 
 
 Lucius, St., 149 
 
 Lukas, Master, 95 
 
 Lupulus, see Woelflin 
 
 Luther, Martin, born at Eisleben, 
 November 10, 1483; studied at 
 Erfurt; became an Augustinian 
 monk there, 1505 ; professor 
 at Wittenberg, 1508 ; posted 
 ninety-five Theses on Indulg- 
 ences for university disputa- 
 tion, 1517 ; thus entered on 
 career as Reformer ; died at 
 Eisleben, February iS, 1546, 
 50, 56, 59, 108, 129, 130, 139- 
 143. 145. 147-149. 155, 156, 
 
Index 
 
 501 
 
 Luther, Martin ( Coittinueii ) 
 171, 177, I7Q, 18S. 197, 214. 
 223, 227, 277-279, 2S7, 2S8, 
 300, 307. 309, 313-317. 319- 
 322, 324, 330, 336, 349, 357. 
 389. 395-399 ; 'lis theology : 
 justification by faith, 367 ; 
 predestinatiou aiul hoiuiage 
 of the will, 368; has an- 
 thropological starting-point, 
 370 ; theology pro]ier less 
 broad than Zwingli's, 380 ; 
 sacramental teaching, 391, 
 392 ; contrast to Zvvingli, 395- 
 
 399 
 " Lutheran " epithet repudiated, 
 
 197 
 Luzern, 143, 203, 271, 272, 275, 
 
 300. 351 
 Lyons, 170 
 
 M 
 
 Mad, Marcus, 73 
 
 Magdeburg, 337 
 
 Magistrates, civil, representa- 
 tives of the local church, 388 ; 
 doctrine concerning, in Zwin- 
 gli's Confession of Faith, 479, 
 480 
 
 Maienfeld, 247 
 
 Maigret, Lambert, 327, 328, 
 
 345 
 Mainz, 148, 152, 215 
 Man, Zwingli's doctrine of, 376, 
 
 377 ; agrees with Augustine's, 
 
 but with marked individuality 
 
 of conception, 376 
 Mansfeld, Gebhard and Albert, 
 
 Counts of, 337 
 Mantz, Caspar, 153 
 Manz, Felix, 240, 241, 247 
 Marburg, 171, 307-309, 313, 316, 
 
 319, 321, 324, 334, 360 
 Marburg, Colloquy of, proposed 
 
 by the Landgrave of Hesse, 
 
 307 ; arrangements for, 307 ; 
 
 vain endeavour by Zwingli to 
 
 have the place changed, 308 ; 
 
 Zwingli definitely promises to 
 
 come, 3'>9 ; leaves without 
 permission of the City Coun- 
 cil, 310 ; his journey and com- 
 panions, 310-313 ; disputants 
 and colloquy, 313-319; Lu- 
 ther refuses to take the Swiss 
 as brethren, 316, 317 ; but not 
 as friends, 318 ; Z\\ ingli claims 
 the victory, 319-322 ; topics in 
 debate, 320-322, 395, 398 
 
 Marckelssheim, 351 
 
 Marignano. 76 
 
 Marriage and divorce ordinance 
 in Zurich, 267, 268 
 
 Marriage of clergy, 195, 199 
 
 Marriage of Zwingli, 231 
 
 Mary, Virginity of, see Perpet- 
 ual, 
 
 Mass, 208 ; abolished in Zurich, 
 229 
 
 Mauritius, 100 
 
 Maximilian, Emperor, 127 
 
 Medeghino, 342 
 
 Medici, Giovanni-Giacomo de', 
 the Tyrant of Musso, 342-344 
 
 Megander, Caspar, born at Zu- 
 rich, 1495 ; studied at Basel, 
 became preacher in Zurich, 
 accepted the Reformation, be- 
 came professor of theology at 
 Bern, 1528 ; returned to Zu- 
 rich, 1537 ; became dekan of 
 the Great Minster, died there 
 August 18, 1545, 64, 253, 
 
 255, 335 
 
 Meili, Johann, 50, 60, 94, 96 
 
 Meinrad, St., 99, 100, I02 
 
 Meisenheim, 312, 313 
 
 Melanchthon, Philip, born at 
 Bretten in Baden, February 
 16, 1497; studied at Heidelberg 
 and Tubingen ; became pro- 
 fessor at Wittenberg, 1518 ; 
 died there April 19, 1560, 85, 
 179, 212, 227, 300, 307, 314, 
 316, 319, 320, 330, 350 
 
 Memmingen, 280, 299, 332, 337, 
 33S 
 
 Mercenary military traffic, 90 
 
 Merit, doctrine of, 365 
 
502 
 
 Index 
 
 Merle d' Aubigne, History of the 
 Reforjiiation, ed. Edinburgh, 
 1853, ii., 132, 305 
 
 Metellus Macedonius, Quintus 
 Csecilius, 63 
 
 Metz, 171 
 
 Meyer, Sebastian, 175 
 
 Meyer von Knonau, Agatha, 
 232 ; Margaretha, 232, 285 
 
 Meyer von Knonau, Gerold, 211, 
 212, 232, 233 
 
 Meyer von Knonau, Hans, 231, 
 232 ; children of, 236 
 
 Milan, 71, 72, 76, 82, 88, 164 
 
 Milan, Francesco Sforza II., 
 Duke of, 342-346 
 
 " Mill, The," poem, 154 
 
 Ministers, worthy, 479 
 
 Mirandola, 84 
 
 Mitloedi, 68 
 
 Mollis, 87, 88 
 
 Monks and nuns ; monasteries 
 and nunneries sources of op- 
 position to the Reformation ; 
 treatment of, 50, 53, 56, 60, 61, 
 63, 146, 147, 170-173, 196, 
 225, 295, 296 
 
 Monza, 76 
 
 Morat, 90 
 
 Morbegno, 342 
 
 Morikofer, Johann Caspar, Ul- 
 rich Zwingli, Leipzig, 1867— 
 1869, 2 parts, 267, 311 
 
 Moses of Winterthur, 226 
 
 Mulhausen, 215-217, 228, 305, 
 
 323 
 
 Miiller, George, 351, 352 
 
 Munerian law, 2S6, 287 
 
 Miinzer, Thomas, 241, 242 
 
 Murer, Anton, 73 
 
 Murer, Johann, 153 
 
 Murer, Melchior, 73 
 
 Murner, Thomas, born at Strass- 
 burg, 1475 ; studied at Paris ; 
 entered priesthood, 1494 ; de- 
 termined foe to the Reform- 
 ation ; died at Oberehnheim, 
 August 23, 1537, 275 _ 
 
 Music, Zwingli's passion for, 
 56 ; vocal and instrumental. 
 
 banished from the Zurich 
 
 churches, 290 
 Musso, 342-344 ; see Medici 
 Musso War, 341-344 ; attitude 
 
 of the Forest Cantons towards, 
 
 343 . 
 
 Myconius, Friedrich, born at 
 Lichtenfels, Upper Franconia, 
 December 26, 1490; prominent 
 Lutheran historian ; died at 
 Gotha, April 7, 1546, 314 
 
 Myconius, Oswald, Zwingli's 
 friend and biographer, born at 
 Luzern, Switzerland, 1488 ; 
 taught there and at Zurich, 
 became pastor and professor 
 at Basel in 1532, and died 
 there October 14, 1552, 53, 
 56-58, 64, 66, 82, 85, 89, 90, 
 117-119, 122, 123, 130, 135, 
 136, 141, 143, 145, 147, 153, 
 156, 164, 168, 169, 214, 234, 
 253. 254> 275. 293, 357 
 
 N 
 
 Nepos, James, 142, 2It 
 Nesen, William, 214 
 Netstall, 68 
 New York City, 277 
 Nodlingen, 299 
 Novara, 72 
 
 Nunneries, see Monks 
 Nuchelen, Jo., 112 
 Nuremberg, 176, 177, l8S, 215. 
 275, 299, 314, 346 
 
 Oberbolingen, 99 
 
 Oechsli, 274 
 
 OEcolampadius (Grjecised 
 from Heussgen, same as Haus- 
 schein), Johannes, born at 
 Weinsberg, Wiirtemberg, 
 1482 ; studied at Heidelberg, 
 Tubingen, and Stuttgart, be- 
 came jireacher at Basel, 1516 ; 
 at Augsburg, 1518 ; monk at 
 Altenmunster ; declared him- 
 
Index 
 
 503 
 
 CEcolampadius (Continued) 
 self for the Reformation, went 
 to Basel, 1522, where he was 
 professor of theology, 
 preacher in the cathedral, and 
 Reformer, and where he died 
 November 24, 1531, 179, 215, 
 221, 237, 242, 248, 258, 269, 
 272, 274, 275, 2S0, 307-309, 
 313-315. 317-322, 324, 330, 
 335, 34S-350 
 
 Oetenbach, 225 
 
 Organs removed from the Zurich 
 churches, 290 
 
 Origen, 121, 136 
 
 Osiander, Andreas, 314 
 
 " Ox and the other Beasts," 70 
 
 Panizzone, 343, 345 
 
 Papal Pension, of Zwingli, 72, 
 114 sqq.; of other clergy re- 
 nounced, 177 
 
 Paris, 63, 147, 188 
 
 Patristic witnesses to denial of 
 the doctrine of Christ's ubiq- 
 uity, 476-478 
 
 Paul, Martin, 342 
 
 Paulinus, A, 121 
 
 Pavia, 72, 93, 137 
 
 Peasant troubles, 197, 228, 238 
 
 Pellican, Conrad, born at Ruf- 
 fach, Elsass, January 8, 1478 ; 
 became a Cordelier monk, 
 1493 ; professor of Hebrew at 
 Basel, 1522, and then at Zu- 
 rich, 1526, where he embraced 
 the Reformation, and died 
 April 6, 1556, 60, 150 
 
 Pensions, pensionaries, and mer- 
 cenary military service, 123, 
 136-139, 164 ; forbidden by 
 Zurich, 175 
 
 " Perpetual V'irginity of Mary 
 the Mother of Jesus Christ our 
 Saviour," 173 
 
 " Perspicuity and Certainty, or 
 Infallibility, of the Word of 
 God," 173 
 
 Peter, St., story of, 51 
 Peter Lombard, 58, 63 
 Petition for papal dispensations 
 
 of privileges, 73-76 
 " Petition to allow priests to 
 
 marry," 166 
 Petri, Adam, 139, 141 
 Pfaefers, 64, 65, 131, 216 
 Pfaeffikon, 94, 96 
 Pfefhngen (same as Pfaeffikon), 
 
 96 
 Pforzheim, 149 
 Philip, Duke of Brunswick- 
 
 Luneburg, see Brunswick- 
 
 Luneburg 
 Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, see 
 
 Hesse 
 Philip, Marquis of Baden, 278 
 Phrygia, 149 
 Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni, 
 
 84, 85 
 Pindar, 135, 270 
 Pirkheimer, 237, 274 
 Plague in Switzerland, 131, 360; 
 
 in Marburg, 319 
 Plato, loS, 135 
 Pliny, 62 
 Poitiers, 149 
 
 Poor-relief law in Zurich, 267 
 Pope, 324, 326 
 "Preacher, Office of the," 248, 
 
 268 
 Preaching, true, 478, 479 
 " Protestants, "epithet explained, 
 
 " Providence, Divine," 369 ; 
 doctrine of, in the treatise dis- 
 cussed, 378 sqq.; second causes 
 entirely denied, 379 ; God in 
 His world, 379, 3S0 ; divine 
 causality not destructive of re- 
 sponsibility, 380-382; election, 
 3S2 
 
 Prugner, Nicholas, 217 
 
 Pucci, Antonio, 92, 93, in, 112, 
 14S. 150 
 
 Purgatory repudiated, 480 
 
 Putnam, G. H., Books and their 
 Makers in the Middle Ages, 
 N. Y., 1S97, 2 vols., 149, 349 
 
504 
 
 Index 
 
 " Questions on the Sacrament of 
 Baptism " (by Schwenckfeld), 
 248, 264 
 
 R 
 
 Rapperswyl, 6g, 217 
 
 Ravenna, 72 
 
 Ravensburg, 176 
 
 Reformation : doctrine first 
 preached by Zwingli, 108; 
 in morals and doctrine de- 
 clared necessary, 109, no ; 
 prohibited, 165 ; yet spreads, 
 174; gradually introduced into 
 Zurich, 200, 20I ; adherents 
 of, threatened by the Diet, 
 202 ; completed in Zurich by 
 order of the Council, 223, 224; 
 determination of the five For- 
 est Cantons to uproot it, 300, 
 301 ; the two Cappel wars, 
 301, 345 ; entrance of evangel- 
 ical preaching into the Forest 
 Cantons' territory secured by 
 the first treaty of Cappel, 303; 
 the Reformation a protest 
 against the Roman doctrinal 
 system and a contribution to 
 theology, 365 
 
 Reformatory zeal rebuked when 
 excessive, 405 
 
 " Refutation of the tricks of the 
 Catabaptists," 248, 258, 261- 
 264 
 
 Regius, see Rhegius 
 
 Reichenau, 99 
 
 Reichenbach, Alcide, 212 
 
 Reinhard, Anna, Zwingli's wife, 
 231, 233-235, 360 
 
 Reisigen, 342 
 
 Religion defined, 383 
 
 Renaissance, 367 
 
 Rennweg, 154, 310 
 
 '* Reply to Luther's Confession 
 on the Lord's Supper," 287- 
 289 
 
 Responsibility, human, dis- 
 cussed, 3S0-3S2 
 
 Reuchlin, Johann, born at Pforz- 
 heim, Baden, February 22, 
 1455 ; eminent as a humanist, 
 and long unique as a Hebrew 
 scholar ; attacked Ijy the Do- 
 minicans as a heretic but ac- 
 quitted by the Pope ; declined 
 to accept the Reformation ; 
 died at Stuttgart, June 30, 
 
 1523,. 149 
 
 Reuss river, 352 
 
 Reutlingen, 299, 337 
 
 Rhsetia, see Orisons 
 
 Rhegius (Regius), Urbanus, bom 
 at Langenargen, on Lake 
 Constance, May, 14S9 ; was 
 crowned poet by Emperor 
 Maximilian, ordained priest. 
 1519 ; went over to the Re- 
 formation, and became pastor 
 at Augsburg, 1520; settled in 
 North Germany, 1530; intro- 
 duced the Reformation into 
 Celle, Hanover, where he died 
 May 27, 1541, 125, 237, 2S9 
 
 Rheinfels, 313 
 
 Rhenanus Beatus, 107, 128, 140, 
 142, 150, 170 
 
 Rhine, 313 
 
 Rhine Valley, 294 
 
 Rigg, J. M., Giovanni Pico della 
 Mirandola, London, i8go, 84 
 
 " Righteousness, Divine and 
 Human," 198 
 
 Ringholz, Odilo, IVallfahrtsge- 
 schichte unserer lieben Frau 
 von Einsiedeln, Freiburg im 
 Br., 1896, 99, 103, 104 
 
 Ritter, Erasmus, 236 
 
 Rocca di Musso, 342 
 
 Roman Church, doctrine of in- 
 fallibility, 388; of sacraments, 
 
 391. 392 
 Rome, 74, 79, 125, 126, 128, 149, 
 
 182 
 Rottenburg, 99 
 Rotterdam, 78, So, 220 
 Roubli, \Villiam, 195, 245 
 Roust, Dicthelm, burgomaster 
 
 of Zurich, 2S1 
 
Index 
 
 505 
 
 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 53 
 Rovere, Leonard clela, Cardinal, 
 
 76 
 Rubeis, C, 76 
 Rudlig, Hans, 61 
 Ruffet, Louis, J'ie dc Francis 
 
 Lambert, Paris, 1873, 17^ 
 Rumlary, Eberliard von, 286 
 
 " Sacramcntarians," the epithet 
 applied to the Zwinglians by 
 Lutherans and Roman Catho- 
 lics, 299 
 
 Sacraments, liturgy of, 291 ; doc- 
 trine of, 3S9-395 ; three views 
 rejected, 390 ; Zwingli's view: 
 the sacrament is a dedication 
 and a consecration and a pub- 
 lic setting of the person apart, 
 390 ; hence has no power to 
 liberate the conscience, 390 ; 
 nature of the sacramental ele- 
 ments not a question of faith, 
 over against Luther and Rome, 
 391, 392; doctrine of, in Zwin- 
 gli's Confession of Faith, 466- 
 470 
 
 Saenger, Martin, 154 
 
 St. Gall, 61, 63, 203, 204, 231, 
 242, 244, 256, 259, 260, 271, 
 277, 278, 2S0, 283, 294, 299, 
 
 305, 323, 341 
 St. Goar, 313 
 St. John's, Old, 50, 60, 61, 63- 
 
 65, 140 
 St. Katherinenthal, 295 
 Sallust, 135 
 Samson, Bernhardin, 106, 107, 
 
 124-126, 310 
 Sander, Cardinal, 118, 119, 140 
 Savoy, 339, 348 
 Saxony, John, Elector of, 299, 
 
 337, 338 
 Schade, Oscar, Satiren tind Pas- 
 quille ans der Reformations- 
 zt'it, 2nd ed., Hanover, 1863, 
 3 vols., 155 
 
 Schaff, Philip, Creeds o/- Christ- 
 endom, 1S3, 338 
 
 Schaff, Piiilip, History of the 
 Christian Church, vol. vii., 
 121, 133, 305, 349 
 
 Schaff liausen, 203, 204, 206, 236, 
 242, 271, 274, 278, 280, 292, 
 
 323 
 
 Schappeler, 204 
 
 Schenkenberg, 350 
 
 Schinner, Matthew, born at 
 Mullibach, Vaud, Switzerland, 
 1470 ; became bishop of Sit- 
 ten, 1509 ; cardinal, 151 1 ; 
 died in Rome, October 2, 
 1522, 109, no, 129, 131, 150 
 
 Schlosser, see also Keyser, 305 
 
 Schmalkald, see Schmalkalden 
 
 Schmalkald League, 336 
 
 Schmalkalden, 325, 336, 337, 
 350 
 
 Schmid, Conrad, 283 
 
 Schmidt of Kiissnacht, 217 
 
 Schmidt, Johan, see Faber 
 
 Schnegg, Hans, 217 
 
 Scholastic theology rejected, 
 58, 83, 87 
 
 School curriculum, 55 
 
 Schuler, J. M., ZwinglVs Bild- 
 ungsgeschichte, 2nd ed., Zur- 
 ich, 1819, 68, 93, 122 
 
 Schwenckfeld, Hans Caspar, 
 248, 264, 287 
 
 Schwyz, canton or town, 120, 
 164, 165, 272, 300-302, 305, 
 
 349 
 Scoloker, Anthony, 212 
 Scotland, King of, 358 
 Scriptures supreme source of 
 
 truth in theology, 481-483 
 Secerius, printer, of Hagenau, 
 
 349 
 " Selection or liberty respecting 
 
 foods ; on offence and scandal ; 
 
 whether there is any authority 
 
 for forbidding meat at certain 
 
 times," 161 
 Selnau, 225 
 Seneca, 79, 135 
 Senis, Philippus de, 76 
 
5o6 
 
 Index 
 
 Servetus; Michael, 349 
 
 " Shepherd, The," 205, 226 
 
 Sick visited by designated clergy, 
 291 
 
 Sickingen, Franz von, 215 
 
 Sigwart, C, Ulrich Zwingli : 
 der Character seiner Theologie 
 niit besonderer Rucksicht auf 
 Picus von Alirandttla, Stutt- 
 gart, 1855, 85, 285 
 
 Sihl, river, 310 
 
 Silesia, 287 
 
 Simler, J. J., Saiumlicng alter 
 und neuer Urkunden, zur 
 Beleuchtung der Kirchenge- 
 schichte, vornehmlich des 
 Schweizerlandes, Zurich, 1757- 
 1767, 2 vols., 259, 339 
 
 Sin, doctrine of, 377, 378, 3S3 
 
 Sion, same as Sitten 
 
 Sitten, or Sion, fifty miles south 
 of Bern, 109, 150 
 
 "Sixty-seven Articles," 369 
 
 Socrates, 79 
 
 Solothurn, or Soleure, the Swiss 
 canton, 203 
 
 Som, Conrad, 280 
 
 Sophocles's Lexicon, 258 
 
 Speich, Johann, 73 
 
 Spires, 299, 300, 324, 337 
 
 Staehelin, Rudolf, Htddreich 
 Zwingli, Basel, 1895-1897, 2 
 vols., 289, 311 
 
 Staehelin, Rudolf, Brief e aus der 
 Refor7}iationszeit, Basel, 1887, 
 referred to, 237, 249 
 
 Stein, eleven miles east of Wild- 
 haus, 61, 67, 294 
 
 Stoker, Melchior, 96 
 
 StoU, Huldreich, 67, 311 
 
 Strassburg, 108, 129, 142, 171, 
 235, 287, 296, 299, 307-309, 
 311-314, 319. 325, 329-332, 
 337-339. 342, 347, 349. 360, 
 361 
 
 Strauss, D. F., Ulrich von 
 Hutten, Eng. trans., London, 
 1874, 213, 216 
 
 Strauss, Jacob, 2']b-2']% 
 
 Strickler, J,, Actensammlung zur 
 
 schweizerischen Reformation, 
 
 Basel, 187S-1884, 5 vols., 194, 
 196, 307, 311 
 
 Stucki, Johannes, 68 
 
 Stumph, Simon, 142 
 
 Sturm, Jacob, 312, 324, 330 
 
 Stuttgart, 99 
 
 " Suggestion (A) of the advis- 
 ability of reflecting upon the 
 proposal made by Pope Adrian 
 to the princes of Germany at 
 Nuremberg," 177 
 
 Suidas, 82 
 
 Sumptuary laws, 287 
 
 Surgant, Johannes Ulricas, 
 Manuale curatorttffi predi- 
 cattdi prebens modum, Basel, 
 1503, 88 
 
 Surrey, Earl of, 358 
 
 Switzerland, 234, 299, 324, 329, 
 340, 345, 348, 349, 359-362 
 
 Switzerland, Northern, 296, 297, 
 336 
 
 Synod, 298 
 
 Tallicon, 344 
 
 Tetrapolitan Creed, 338 
 
 Theocritus, 135 
 
 Theological seminary in Zurich, 
 293 ; copied in Basel, 349 
 
 Theology proper, see God, doc- 
 trine of 
 
 Thomann, Rudolph, 245 
 
 Thucydides, 135 
 
 Thur, 67 
 
 Thurgau, canton, 206, 294 
 
 Tithes, 156, 239 ; their payment 
 by the peasants ordered by the 
 Zurich City Council, 239 
 
 Toggenburg Valley, 49, 121,226, 
 237, 268 
 
 Tremp, Leonard, 64, 270, 281 
 
 Trinckler, Ulmann, 284 
 
 Tschudi, Huldreich, 73 
 
 Tschudi, J. H., Chronicle of 
 Giants, 120 
 
 Tschudi, Judoc, 73 
 
 Tschudi, Peter, 326 
 
Index 
 
 Tscluuli, Valentine, 63, 93, no, 
 
 120 
 Tuebingen, 58, 59, 185, 273 
 
 U. 
 
 Ubiquity of Christ's body dis- 
 cussed by Zwingli, 470 sqq. 
 Ufnau, island, 217, 219 
 Ulm, 280, 299, 305, 325, 32S, 
 
 337, 347 
 Ulrich, Duke of Wurtemberg, 
 
 see Wurtemberg 
 University curriculum, 58 
 Untersee, 99 
 Unterwalden, 272, 300 
 Unterwalden, Upper, 203 
 Urdorf, 151 
 Uri, 272, 300 
 Ursinus College, Pennsylvania, 
 
 Usteri, Inida Zwingli, 82, 151 
 Utinger, 119 
 
 Vadianus (Joachim von Watt), 
 the Reformer of St. Gall, 
 Switzerland, born there De- 
 cember 30, 1484 ; studied at 
 Vienna, was professor of Lat- 
 in and Greek in that uni- 
 versity, 1 5 10-15 18 ; became 
 physician to the city of St. 
 Gall, 1518 ; introduced the 
 Reformation there, 1524; died 
 there, April 6, 1551, 62, 63, 
 71, 91-94, 145. 177, 204, 205, 
 220, 236, 242, 252, 272-274, 
 277, 2S3, 323, 325, 340, 343 
 
 Valerius. Maximus, 89 
 
 Valla, 214 
 
 Valtellina, 342 
 
 Venice, Doge of, 324-326 
 
 Vergenhans, see Heyerhansen, 
 
 185 
 Verulam, 181 
 
 Vienna, 56, 57, 63, 92, 93, 247 
 Vincent, John Martin, 68 
 
 Virgin and child, wonder-work- 
 ing figure of, in Einsiedeln, 
 103 
 
 Vogelin, S., Das Alte Ziirick, 
 2nd ed., Zurich, 1878, 2 vols., 
 117, 121, 125, 252 
 
 W 
 
 Waldshut, 249, 252 
 Walenstadt, 54 
 Walenstadt, Lake of, 54 
 Wallis, 280, 348 
 Wanner, Johann, 162 
 Wattli, Melchior, 161 
 Weimar, 139, 140 
 Weis, Bernard, 236, 310 
 Weissenburg, 299 
 Wentz, Johann Heinrich, 92, 93 
 Wesen, scene of Zwingli's first 
 schooling, 54, 58, 60, 63, 68, 
 
 94,. 96 
 Wettingen, 296 
 White, H., 305 
 Widmer, Johann, 153, 154 
 Wildenhaus, same as Wildhaus 
 Wildhaus, 49, 54! 57, 61, 64, 
 
 69, 361 
 Will, freedom of, denied, 383 
 WMndsheim, 299 
 Winkworth, Miss Susanna, The- 
 
 ologia Germanica, London, 
 
 1854, 139 
 Winterthur, 93, 113, 226 
 Wirz, Anton, 232 
 Witikon, or Wytikon, 3 m. s. e. 
 
 of Zurich, 245 
 Wittenberg, 139, 240, 148, 171, 
 
 278, 314 
 Wittenger,35i 
 Woelflin (Lupulus), Heinrich, 
 
 56, 124 
 Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, see 
 
 Anhalt 
 Worms, 145 
 Writings, 70, 71 
 Wurtemberg, 176 
 Wurtemberg, Ulrich, Duke of, 
 
 324, 326, 327 
 Wyss, Urban. 188 
 
5o8 
 
 Index 
 
 Wytikon, see Witikon 
 Wyttenbach, Thomas, 58, 59, 
 182 
 
 X 
 
 Xylotectus, see Zimmerman 
 
 Zasius, 142 
 
 Zellar, Stephen, 344 
 
 Zeller-WeidmuUer, H., 353 
 
 Zili, Francis, 63 
 
 Zilin, Margareta, 73 
 
 Zimmerman, 65, 166, 169, 215 
 
 Zinck, Francis, 65,96, 109, 115, 
 116 
 
 Zullicon, 245 
 
 Zumicon, five miles south by east 
 of Zurich, about three miles 
 east of the lake, 246 
 
 Zug, 272, 300, 351, 352, 357 
 
 Zurich, 49, 58, 59, 64-66, 68, 
 79, 82, 97-100, 109, III, 114, 
 115, 117, 118, 120, 122-124, 
 131, 134, 136, 147, 150-156, 
 
 159, 165, 168, 171, 172, 174, 
 175, 177. 180, 185-187, 190, 
 191, 196, 202, 203, 206, 207, 
 212, 216, 217, 222, 224, 22S, 
 231-233, 238, 239-249, 253, 
 25S, 259, 265-267, 270, 271, 
 273, 277-280, 287, 290, 293, 
 294, 296, 302, 303, 305-30S, 
 310, 313, 314, 319, 322, 323, 
 326-330, 339, 341, 343, 345- 
 347, 351, 352, 354, 356, 358- 
 361 
 
 Zurich, Great Minster, 117, 
 
 160, 161, 195, 200, 202; Min- 
 ster of Our Lady, 117, 161 ; 
 St. Peter's, 117, 161, 196; 
 Latin School of the Great 
 Minster, 211 
 
 Zurich, Lake of, 69, 94, 96, 98, 
 
 99. 247 
 Zurich Little or Small Council, 
 
 passim 
 Zurich Monasteries (Augastin- 
 
 ian, Dominican, Franciscan), 
 
 146 
 Zurich nunnery of Oetenbach, 
 
 173- 195 ; Selnau, 195 
 Zweibriicken, 307 
 Zweibrucken, Ludwig, Duke of, 
 
 312 
 Zwingli and Luther contrasted, 
 
 395-399 
 Zwingli, Andrew (brother), 61, 
 
 64-67, 132, 145 
 Zwingli, Anna (sister), 61, 64 
 Zwingli, Anna (daughter), 361 
 Zwingli, Anna (great-grand- 
 daughter), 136 
 Zwingli, Bartholomew, or Bar- 
 tholomaus (uncle), 54-56, 58, 
 60, 63 
 Zwingli, Bartholomew (brother), 
 
 61 
 Zwingli, Hans (brother), 61 
 Zwingli, Heini also called Hainy, 
 
 or Henry (brother), 61 
 Zwingli, Huldreich (father), 60 
 Zwingli, Huldreich, or Ulrich, 
 
 (son), 284, 360, 361 
 Zwingli, Huldreich: f Chapter I. 
 Childhood and Youth, 1484— 
 1J06.J Date and place of 
 birth, 49 ; self-proof of this 
 date, 49 ; family conditions, 
 50; nearest relatives, 50 ; own 
 remarks upon his youth, 51 ; his 
 observations of nature, 51-53; 
 scenery about his birthplace, 
 
 53 ; trend of the family, 53 ; 
 his uncle his first teacher, 54, 
 
 55 ; importance of fact of his 
 leaning to the New Learning, 
 
 54 ; his first schooling, 54, 55; 
 goes to Buenzli's school (St. 
 Theodore's Church school), 
 Klein Basel, 55 ; the curricu- 
 lum, 55 ; qualities as a scholar, 
 
 56 ; goes to Lupulus's school, 
 Bern, 56 ; musical accomplish- 
 ments, 56 ; tempted to be- 
 come a Dominican monk, 56 ; 
 enters Vienna University, 56; 
 enters Basel University, 57 ; 
 
Index 
 
 509 
 
 Zwingli, Huldreich (Continued ) 
 becomes teacher in St. Mar- 
 tin's Ciiurch scliool, Basel, 57 ; 
 first acquaintance witli theo- 
 logy, takes B.A. and M.A. 
 degrees, and called to Glarus, 
 58 ; influenced by Thomas 
 Wyttenbach, 58, 59 ; univer- 
 sity friends, 60 ; Excursus on 
 Z'li'iitgli's parents, uncles, 
 brothers, and sisters, 60-67 ; 
 letters of Zwingli to Vadian, 
 61, 62 ; to Alyconius, 64, 
 65 ; of James and Andrew 
 Zwingli to him, 62, 65, 66. 
 (Chapter //. At Glarus, 
 1J06-1J16.J IjOcation of Gla- 
 rus, 68 ; neighbouring villages, 
 68 ; troubles with Goldli, 68 ; 
 ordination, 68 ; first sermon 
 and first mass, 69 ; fate of 
 churches early associated with 
 Zwingli, 69 ; sole relic of him 
 in Glarus, 69 ; earliest of his 
 compositions in rhyme and in 
 prose, 70, 71 ; experiences as 
 chaplain of the Glarean con- 
 tingent in the papal army in 
 Italy, 71 ; lasting theological 
 influence of these journeys, 
 72 ; made papal agent and 
 a papal pensioner as reward 
 of zeal in papal interests, 72 ; 
 also secures favourable answer 
 to petition for privileges, 72 ; 
 the petition, 73-76 ; experi- 
 ences in Italy in 1515, 76 ; his 
 character while in Glarus, his 
 attainments, and library, 77 ; 
 visited Erasmus at Basel, 78 ; 
 letters to and from Erasmus, 
 78-81 ; begins study of Greek, 
 81. 82 ; emancipation from 
 the traditional theology, 83, 
 84 ; influence of Pico della 
 Mirandola, 84, 85 ; Pico's 
 heretical theses, 84, 85 ; in- 
 debtedness to Erasmus, 86, 
 87 ; discovery at Mollis re- 
 specting administration of the 
 
 Lord's Supper, 87, 88 ; dis- 
 covery of variations in the 
 service books, 88 ; life at 
 Glarus as student, teacher, 
 preacher, 89 ; preparations for 
 preaching, 88, 89 ; reputation 
 as a preacher, 89 ; opposition 
 to mercenary traffic, 90 ; prom- 
 inence of Glarus in such busi- 
 ness, 90 ; forced by his plain 
 speaking to leave Glarus, 91 ; 
 Excursus on the Zwingli Cor- 
 respondence in General, and on 
 that of the Glarus Period in 
 Particular, 91-93 ; obscure 
 episode connected with his 
 benefice in Basel, 92, 93 ; 
 offered a house and farm in 
 Italy, 93, (Chapter III. At 
 Einsiedeln, iji6-ij;tS.J Re- 
 moves to Einsiedeln, reason, 
 94 ; circumstances of the call, 
 
 94, 95 ; text of the contract, 
 
 95, 96 ; retains pastorate at 
 Glarus, 96 ; desire of con- 
 gregation to have him remain, 
 
 96, 97 : dismay at his leaving, 
 97 ; his affection for his Glar- 
 ean flock, 98 ; location and 
 fame of Einsiedeln, 98 ; story 
 of Meinrad, its founder, 99, 
 
 100 ; the Angelic Dedication 
 of the chapel in his memory, 
 100, lor ; criticism of the le- 
 gend, lor ; place of pilgrimage, 
 
 101 ; condition of the monas- 
 tery and of its governing body 
 at the Reformation, 102 ; the 
 chapel of Meinrad with its 
 miraculous image, 102, 103 ; 
 the celebration of the Angelic 
 Dedication, 104 ; life and 
 studies and arrival at evan- 
 gelical truth at Einsiedeln, 
 105, 106 ; preaches against 
 Samson, the indulgence seller, 
 106 ; definition of indulgences, 
 106 ; writes derisively of Sam- 
 son, 107 ; character of preach- 
 ing at Einsiedeln, loS ; friends 
 
5IO 
 
 Index 
 
 Zwingli, Huldreich ("Continued) 
 in authority, 109 ; conversa- 
 tions with prominent visitors 
 upon the evils of the Church, 
 109 ; no idea of separating 
 from her, no; receives instruc- 
 tion from Bombasius in Greek, 
 no ; appointed papal acolyte 
 chaplain, iir ; text of the ap- 
 pointment, III, 112; consid- 
 ered Einsiedeln residence only 
 temporary, 113 ; called to 
 Winterthur, 113 ; but forced 
 to decline by his Glarus su- 
 periors, 113 ; visited Baden, 
 1 14 ; Excursus on the Papal 
 Pension, I14-I16; pension 
 renounced, 115 ; made up 
 by cathedral canonry, 116. 
 (Chapter IV. Opening Year 
 in Zurich, i^iq.) Myconius 
 asks Zwingli if he would fill 
 the vacancy in the Zurich 
 Great Minster of the people's 
 priestship, 117 ; parishes in 
 Zurich, 117 ; Zwingli consents 
 to be a candidate, 1 18 ; jealous 
 of a rival, 118 ; outlines his 
 preaching plans, 118 ; objec- 
 tions to him, 119 ; denial of 
 serious charge accepted and 
 election follows, 119 ; resigns 
 at Glarus and names succes- 
 sor there, and at Einsiedeln, 
 120; his manuscript '' Paul- 
 inus," 121 ; inducted into office 
 at Zurich, and announced 
 preaching plans, 122 ; per- 
 sonal appearance and orator- 
 ical promise, 122 ; Biblical 
 books expounded in early 
 years, 123 ; pulpit themes, 
 123, 124 ; preaches against 
 Samson, 124 ; the episode, 
 124-127 ; Zwingli's interest 
 in choice of an emperor, 127 ; 
 opinion of Charles V., 127 ; 
 witnesses papal trickiness, 12S; 
 has the printing of opponent's 
 sermons stopped, 129 ; Luther 
 
 first comes in for mention, 
 129 ; Zwingli jealous of 
 Luther, 130 ; in personal dan- 
 ger, 130; intimacy with Car- 
 dinal Schinner, 131 ; visits 
 Pfaefers, 131 ; hastily returns 
 to do his duty toward plague- 
 stricken parishioners, 131 ; 
 takes the plague, 131 ; slowly 
 recovers, 132 ; his verses com- 
 memorating the experience, 
 132-134 ; mode of life, 134 ; 
 classical reading, 135 ; re- 
 sumes study of Hebrew, 135 ; 
 gives instruction in and out of 
 his house, 135 ; Excursus I. 
 On ZtuinglVs Manuscript 
 Paulinus, 135, 136 ; //. On 
 Ziidnglis Preaching against 
 the Pensioners and Pensions 
 (from BuUinger), 136-139 ; 
 ///. On the Allusions to 
 Luther in the Zwingli Corre- 
 spondence of i_5ig, 139-143. 
 (Chapter V. Preparing for 
 the Reformation, 1^30-1^21.) 
 Revelations of his corre- 
 spondence of the period, 144 ; 
 date of his new life in Christ, 
 145 ; reference to Hus, " On 
 the Church," and to Luther, 
 145 ; Luther's friendly cap- 
 tivity surmised, 145 ; Zwingli's 
 visits to Basel and meeting 
 Erasmus, 145 ; growing oppos- 
 ition to his preaching, 146 ; 
 numerous supporters, 146 ; 
 City Council order for pure 
 preaching of the Word, 147 ; 
 hopes and fears of the Gospel, 
 147 ; efforts to prevent Lu- 
 ther's excommunication, 148 ; 
 anticipation of being involved 
 in the same fate, 149 ; again 
 takes up Hebrew, 149 ; rela- 
 tions of Pope and the Swiss, 
 150; Zwingli's and Zurich's 
 stand against the mercenary 
 traffic, 150 ; study of Zwingli's 
 " Marginalia," 151 ; becomes 
 
Index 
 
 511 
 
 Zwingli, ITuldreich (Continued) 
 canon of the Great Minster, 
 151 ; text of his appointment, 
 151-154; publications, 152, 
 153; share in another, 154; 
 "Advice of one who desires 
 with his whole heart that due 
 consideration be paid both to 
 the dignity of the pope and to 
 the peaceful development of 
 the Christian religion," with 
 appendix, " A defence of 
 Martin Luther by Christ our 
 Lord, addressed to the city of 
 Rome," 155 ; its character and 
 authorship, 155 ; first step in 
 reform : declares tithes de- 
 void of divine authority, 156; 
 second step : revision of the 
 breviary, 157 ; urges investi- 
 gation of applicants for out- 
 door relief, 157. (Chapter 
 VI. The Reformation Begins, 
 JJ22.J Zwingli's preparation 
 to be a reformer, 158-160 ; 
 some of his congregation put 
 in practice his teaching of the 
 allowability of eating flesh in 
 Lent, and punished in conse- 
 quence by the civil authorities, 
 160 ; Zwingli assumes full re- 
 sponsibility, 161 ; publishes 
 his sermon " Concerning 
 Choice and Liberty Respect- 
 ing Food," 161 ; compromise 
 measure of the Council con- 
 cerning fasting, calling for 
 obedience till the fasts were 
 abolished, and that the peo- 
 ple's priests dissuade the peo- 
 ple from disobedience, 161 ; 
 revolt in Zurich reported to 
 Bishop of Constance, who 
 sends a commission to exam- 
 ine into the matter, 161, 162 ; 
 it meets the clergy and the 
 Councils, 162 ; Zwingli's ef- 
 forts to get a hearing before 
 the Great Council successful, 
 163 ; makes reply, 163, 164 ; 
 
 Council votes to reafTirm 
 former injunction on people's 
 ])riests to dissuade the people 
 from violating the fasting or- 
 dinance but urges definitive 
 order on the subject from the 
 Bishop of Constance, 164 ; let- 
 ters from the Bishop urging 
 the Zurich clerics and laity to 
 suppress heresy, 164 ; Zwingli 
 avails himself of defeat of 
 Swiss troops to prepare "An 
 earnest exhortation addressed 
 to the Confederates not to suf- 
 fer themselves to come into 
 dishonour through the wiles 
 of their foes," 164 ; descrip- 
 tion of the pamphlet, 165 ; its 
 ultimate unfavourable result, 
 165 ; Diet at Baden prohibits 
 preaching of Reformation doc- 
 trine, 165 ; petitions by Zwin- 
 gli and others to the Bishop 
 of Constance and to the gov- 
 ernment of the Confederacy 
 for permission to preach the 
 Gospel, but especially to 
 marry, 165, 166 ; confession 
 of unchastity, 167 ; efforts to 
 obtain signatures to the peti- 
 tion, 16S, 169 ; debate with 
 Francis Lambert on the In- 
 tercession of the Saints, 170; 
 an easy victory, 170 ; Zwingli's 
 account, 170 ; Lambert's ca- 
 reer, 170, 171 ; Zwingli's strife 
 with the monks and allusion 
 to the petition, 17 1 ; secular 
 clergy permitted to preach in 
 the nunneries, 172 ; none al- 
 lowed to preach anything not 
 in the Bible, 172 ; Zwingli's 
 Archeteles, 172 ; Erasmus's 
 characteristic criticism of it, 
 172, 173 ; Zwingli's two ser- 
 mons to the nuns : " On the 
 Perspicuity and Certainty, or 
 Infallibility of the Word of 
 God," and "The Perpetual 
 Virginity of Mary the Mother 
 
512 
 
 Index 
 
 Zwingli, Huldreich (Continued) 
 of Jesus Christ our Saviour," 
 173 ; spreading revolt against 
 the Roman Church, 174; 
 Zwingli preaches at the An- 
 gelic Dedication in Einsie- 
 deln, 174 ; Adrian VI. 's letter 
 to Zurich, Zwingli resigns 
 his people's priestship but 
 continues to preach, 175 ; 
 Zurich Senate's independent 
 action on religious affairs, 175; 
 convents taken from exclu- 
 sive Dominican control, 176 ; 
 Zwingli's literary methods, 
 
 176 ; his pamphlet against 
 Pope Adrian's proposals to 
 the princes of Germany at 
 Nuremberg, entitled: "A 
 suggestion," etc., 177 ; ru- 
 moured assault on Zwingli, 
 
 177 ; result of his sermon 
 against clerical pensions, 177 ; 
 sympathy in Switzerland for 
 Luther's positions, 177 ; 
 Zwingli's aid, 178 ; growth 
 of the reform element in 
 Zurich, 178. (Chapter VII. 
 The Refortnation Defended, 
 ^5-3-) tEcolampadius praises 
 Zwingli, and they become in- 
 timate correspondents, 179 ; 
 correlative position to Lu- 
 ther and Melanchthon, 179 ; 
 Zwingli announces to CEco- 
 lampadius the coming dispu- 
 tation at Zurich, and Faber's 
 expected presence, 179 ; invi- 
 tation by the Council to the 
 same, 180 ; letter of Adrian 
 VL to Zwingli, 18 1 ; CEco- 
 lampadius displeased at idea 
 of a public disputation, feared 
 it might end as a dispute, 182; 
 Zwingli prepares sixty-seven 
 Theses for debate, 183 ; 
 twenty-two of them trans- 
 lated, 183-185 ; Gebweiler's 
 uncomplimentary remarks 
 upon the disputation, 185 ; 
 
 neither Faber nor Eck as 
 fluent in German as in Latin, 
 185 ; opening of the disputa- 
 tion, 185 ; leaders on the Old 
 Church side present, 185 ; 
 persons from Zurich present, 
 185, 186 ; opening speech of 
 the Burgomaster, 186, 187 ; 
 the debate, principally be- 
 tween Zwingli and Faber, 
 187-1S9 ; the Bishop of Con- 
 stance's " imprisonment of a 
 heretic" discussed, 189 ; Faber 
 boasted of having converted 
 the "heretic" out of Scripture, 
 but refuses to give the texts 
 used, 189 ; Council's formal 
 approval of Zwingli's doc- 
 trine, 190, 191 ; Zwingli's 
 thanksgiving, 192 ; further de- 
 bate between him and Faber, 
 192; remarks of auditors upon 
 the disputation, 192 ; its 
 printed record, 192 ; Faber's 
 account, and young Zurich- 
 ers' travesty, 192, 193 ; Gla- 
 reanus congratulates Zwin- 
 gli, 193 ; end of Gebweiler 
 episode, 193, 194 ; Faber 
 complains of the travesty on 
 his account, 194 ; boasts of 
 his victory, 194 ; result com- 
 ing to Zwingli from the dispu- 
 tation, 194 ; Leo Jud becomes 
 preacher in the Oetenbach 
 nunnery, 194 ; many of the 
 nuns leave, some marry, 195 ; 
 Zwingli urges the " heretic " 
 imprisoned by the Bishop of 
 Constance to stand fast, 195 ; 
 hanged in effigy at Luzern, 
 195 ; no change in food pro- 
 hibition ordered by the Coun- 
 cil, 195 ; the first clerical 
 public marriage, 195 ; other 
 such marriages, 195, 196 ; the 
 Council refused to accept the 
 Bishop of Constance's letter 
 upon the religious troubles, 
 196; Zwingli's "Exposition 
 
Index 
 
 513 
 
 Zwingli, Huldreich (Continued ) 
 and Proof of the Conclusions 
 or Articles," 196, 197 ; \\\t 
 tractate against the Anabap- 
 tists entitled " Divine and 
 Human Righteousness," 19S. 
 (Chapter VIII. The Re- 
 formation Established, iJ2j- 
 JS2J.J Up to 1523 no real 
 change in the religious life of 
 the people, 199 ; first break 
 with the religious past, the 
 use of German in baptism, 
 200 ; various minor reforms 
 ordered by the Council, 200 ; 
 finding use of vernacular in 
 baptism popular Zwingli re- 
 forms all the liturgy, 201 ; yet 
 for a time retained many of 
 the Old Church ceremonies, 
 201 ; iconoclasts appear, and 
 are punished, 202 , Zwingli 
 visits them in prison in recog- 
 nition of their righteous but 
 too hasty zeal, 202 ; the Coun- 
 cil appoints a committee to 
 study the question and advise 
 them, 202 ; issues call for a dis- 
 putation on church images and 
 the mass, 203 ; answers of the 
 bishops and cantons invited, 
 203 ; the disputation held, 
 203, 204 ; first proposition 
 relative to church images dis- 
 cussed, result : order for their 
 removal, 204 ; second proposi- 
 tion relative to the mass, no 
 decision, 204, 205 ; Zwingli 
 refrains from exact definition 
 of his position, 204, 205 ; low 
 opinion of monks, 205 ; sermon 
 on " The Shepherd," after- 
 wards published, 205 ; report 
 on the plan of City Council 
 to spread the reformed ideas, 
 205, 206 ; befriends one of 
 the banished iconoclasts, 207 ; 
 "A short Christian introduc- 
 duction," 207 ; deliverance 
 against use of images, espe- 
 
 33 
 
 cially in churches, 208 ; and 
 upon the mass, 208 ; effect of 
 the action by the Council, 208, 
 209 ; divisions in the chapter 
 of the Great Minister led to 
 call upon Zwingli for an opin- 
 ion, 209 ; the Lord's Supper 
 first administered in both 
 kinds, 2og ; but the mass still 
 administered, 2og ; a third 
 disputation on the subjects of 
 the second, 209 ; a fourth the 
 next year, 210. (Chapter IX. 
 Ceroid Meyer von Knonau, 
 Ilutten, and Erasmus, IS^J.J 
 Ceroid his pupil, 211 ; sends 
 him to Basel, 211 ; letter 
 from, 211; gives as bath- 
 present a collection of " pre- 
 cepts," 212 ; relations between 
 Zwingli and Erasmus, 213 ; 
 Huften's character and career, 
 214 ; relations between Eras- 
 mus and Ulrich von Hutten, 
 214 ; how rupture between 
 Ilutten and Erasmus oc- 
 curred, 214 ; Erasmus's attack 
 on Hutten and all who aided 
 Hutten in any way, 214 ; Hut- 
 ten's wanderings after leaving 
 Basel, 215 ; fled to Zurich and 
 befriended by Zwingli, 216 ; 
 sent him first to Pfaefers, 216; 
 then to Ufnau, 217 ; Erasmus 
 writes against Hutten to 
 Zurich City Council, 217 ; and 
 to Zwingli, 217 ; letter to lat- 
 ter partly quoted, 218, 219 ; 
 Hutten's second attack on 
 Erasmus, 219 ; death, 219 ; 
 pecuniary obligations and 
 property, 219 ; Erasmus dedi- 
 cates his reply to Hutten's 
 first attack to Zwingli, 220 ; 
 but it was followed by a com- 
 plete rupture both with him 
 and Glareanus, which Zwingli 
 deplored, 220, 221. ( Chapter X. 
 The Reformation in Zurich 
 Completed, 1^24.. J How the 
 
514 
 
 Index 
 
 Zwingli, Huldreich (Continued J 
 religious changes were brought 
 about, 222 ; what made Zwin- 
 gli a reformer, 223 ; defence 
 of the Old Church by Canon 
 Hofmann before the Council, 
 223 ; the latter declares it un- 
 successful on the basis of 
 Scripture, and orders the 
 canons to conform or leave 
 the city, 224 ; gradual changes, 
 public acquiescence, 224 ; the 
 abolition of the convents and 
 monasteries in the city, 225 ; 
 to what uses the buildings 
 were put, 225 ; how the rev- 
 enues were utilised, 225 ; 
 Zwingli's literary work of the 
 year 1524, 225-228 ; " The 
 Shepherd," 226 ; remarks on 
 the address of the bishops of 
 Constance, Basel, and Lau- 
 sanne, 226 ; earnest plea to 
 the Swiss Diet not to continue 
 the mercenary traffic, 226 ; 
 refutes slander, 226 ; congrat- 
 ulates the Toggenburgers 
 upon their reception of the 
 Reformation, 226; Antibo- 
 lon, to Jerome Emser's de- 
 fence of the canon of the mass 
 against Zwingli, 227 ; epistle 
 on the Lord's Supper, 227 ; 
 deliverance on questions from 
 Strassburg friends, 227, 228 ; 
 refutation of the charge that 
 the Reformation necessarily 
 caused disorder, 228 ; aboli- 
 tion of the mass, and substi- 
 tution of a scriptural service, 
 22g, 230 ; this eucharistic ser- 
 vice repeated, 230 ; impression 
 made by it, 230 ; list of 
 Zwingli's writings on the 
 eucharist, 230. (Chapter XI. 
 Public Marriage andLetters of 
 1^24.) Zwingli's public mar- 
 riage, 231 ; his bride, 231; her 
 ancestry, 231 ; her first hus- 
 band, 232; his marriage leads to 
 
 disinheritance, his subsequent 
 career, 232 ; their children, 
 
 232 ; Ceroid Meyer von Kno- 
 nau adopted by his grand- 
 father, 232 ; how the family 
 were distributed at Zwingli's 
 coming to Zurich, 232 ; enters 
 into a clerical marriage with 
 Anna Reinhard, widow of 
 Hans Meyer von Knonau, 233; 
 relations the talk of the town, 
 
 233 ; way Zwingli's friends 
 took the rumour, 234 ; consid- 
 ered Anna Reinhard his wife, 
 234 ; frequency of clerical 
 marriages publicly solemn- 
 ised, 234 ; why Zwingli's pub- 
 lic marriage may have been 
 delayed, 235 ; when it oc- 
 curred, and the immediate 
 pecuniary troubles about the 
 Knonau children, which were 
 amicably settled, 235 ; what 
 Butzer said on learning the 
 news of the marriage, 235 sq.; 
 character of the Zwingli corre- 
 spondence of 1524 and analysis 
 of it, 236 sq,; character of the 
 latter part of the correspon- 
 dence in general, 237. (Chap- 
 ter XII. The Inner Course 
 of the Zurich Reformation, 
 1323-1530.) The Baptist and 
 peasant agitation came to 
 Switzerland from Germany, 
 238 ; peasants complain to the 
 Zurich City Council, 239 ; 
 Zwingli's advice, 239 ; public 
 debate ordered on tithes, 239; 
 dissent from Zwingli's opin- 
 ion respecting the biblical 
 authority of tithes, 239 ; rise 
 of the Baptist party in Zurich 
 among the radicals, 240 ; their 
 earliest manifestation, 240; 
 Zwingli recognised that they 
 carried out his teachings but 
 condemned their precipitancy, 
 240 ; their earliest meetings 
 attended by him 240 ; char- 
 
Index 
 
 515 
 
 Zwingli, Huldreich (Continued) 
 acter of Manz and Grebel, who 
 joined them, 241 ; later place 
 of meeting, number, 241 ; the 
 second disputation, upon 
 images and the mass, 241 ; 
 the radicals first find voice 
 then, 241 ; Zwingli opposes 
 them, 242 ; secret conferences 
 with them, 242 ; Munzer and 
 Carlstadt influence them in 
 the direction of rejecting in- 
 fant baptism as unscriptural, 
 242 ; what Zwingli taught 
 upon it, 243 ; public disputa- 
 tion with the Baptists and the 
 Council's order upon infant 
 baptism, 243 ; text of the de- 
 cision, 244 ; private meetings 
 of the Baptists forbidden, and 
 foreigners among them ban- 
 ished, 244 ; they meet in Zol- 
 licon, 245 ; adult baptism, by 
 pouring, instituted, 245 ; ex- 
 planation of term Anabaptist, 
 245 ; account of earliest adult 
 baptism, 245 sq.; frequent 
 debates with the Baptists, 246; 
 how their punishment justi- 
 fied, 246 ; appearance of Bal- 
 thasar Hubmaier, the theo- 
 logian of the Baptists, 246 ; 
 treatment and fate of the 
 Baptist leaders, 247 ; extracts 
 from Zwingli's correspondence 
 about the Baptists, 248 sqq.; 
 list of his books against them, 
 24S ; his story of the persecu- 
 tion of Hubmaier, 249 sq.; 
 his reference to Appenzell as 
 a hotbed of Baptists and his 
 defence of it, 250 sq ; his ac- 
 count of persecution of Bap- 
 tist leaders, 252 ; his story of 
 Hubmaier's treatment, 252- 
 256 ; analysis of Zwingli's 
 first book on Baptism, 256- 
 258 ; his Latin treatise against 
 the Baptists, 25S ; explanation 
 of term Catabaptist, 258 ; no 
 
 discussion anywhere of the 
 mode of baptism, 259 ; dispu- 
 tation on the treatment of the 
 Baptists in 1527, 259 ; text of 
 edict against Baptists, 260 ; 
 analysis of his Latin treatise, 
 261-264 ; story of George 
 Blaurock's treatment, 263 ; 
 Zwingli's reply to ques- 
 tions of Schwenckfeld, 264 ; 
 suppression of the Baptists, 
 265. (Chapter XIII. The 
 Final Stage of the Zunnglian 
 R efo r m ation, i_§24-ij2g.J 
 Characteristics of these years, 
 
 266 ; his appeal to the Grisons 
 on behalf of the Reformation, 
 
 267 ; poor law regulation in 
 Zurich, 267 ; ordinance on 
 marriage and divorce, 268 ; 
 Zwingli's book on the 
 preacher, against Baptist 
 claim to be all prophets, 26S ; 
 his treatise against Erasmus 
 on the eucharist, 269 ; his 
 "Commentary on the True and 
 False Religion," 269 ; Zwingli 
 chosen rector of the Caroli- 
 num, the school of the Great 
 Minster, and moved to his 
 final residence, 269 ; edits 
 Pindar, 270 ; disputation at 
 Baden between Roman Catho- 
 lics and Zwinglians, 270-275 ; 
 steps which led to it, corre- 
 spondence between Zwingli 
 and Eck, 271 ; efforts to have 
 place other than Baden chosen, 
 271 sq.; why Zwingli could 
 not go to Baden, 272 sq.; Ba- 
 den finally adopted and 
 Zwingli absent, 274 ; his re- 
 presentatives and champions, 
 
 274 ; kept informed and took 
 active part by correspondence, 
 274 ; acts published, 275 ; 
 Zwingli replies to Pirkheimer, 
 
 275 ; Zwingli tells how Eck 
 won reputation for Hebrew 
 learning at Baden, 276 ; his 
 
5i6 
 
 Index 
 
 Zwingli, Iluldreich (Continued ) 
 references to Hubmaier and 
 Luther, his reference to per- 
 sonal acquaintance with the 
 stone, 276 ; references to 
 Jacob Grebel and Jacob 
 Strauss, 276 sq.; Zwingli's 
 " Friendly Exegesis " against 
 Luther greatly riles Luther, 
 277 sq.; strained relations be- 
 tween them, 279 ; Zwingli 
 afifirms the validity of Roman 
 Catholic baptism, 279 ; dispu- 
 tation at Bern, attended by 
 Zwingli, 280 ; analysis of the 
 Acts, 281-283 ; the Ten The- 
 ses of the disputation, pre- 
 pared by Kolb and Haller, 
 helped by Zwingli, 282, 2S3 ; 
 the sessions of the disputation, 
 283 ; favourable vote of the 
 City Council, 284 ; Zwingli's 
 son Huldreich born, 284 ; 
 letter to his wife on this occa- 
 sion, 284, 285 ; his sermons, 
 
 285 ; priest converted by the 
 first, 285 ; return to Zurich, 
 
 286 ; denial of slanders, 286 ; 
 the first Zurich synod with 
 Zwingli as censor, 286 ; the 
 Munerarian law, i. e., against 
 extravagance, 286, 287 ; 
 Zwingli reprints Schwenck- 
 feld's treatise on the Lord's 
 Supper, calling attention to 
 the similarity of their 
 theories, 287 ; in consequence 
 Schwenckfeld banished from 
 Silesia, 287 ; Zwingli pub- 
 lishes his reply to Luther on 
 the Lord's Supper, and his 
 correspondence relative to it, 
 287-289 ; announces his com- 
 mentary on Isaiah in the 
 press, 289 ; radical changes 
 in the church services in Zu- 
 rich, disuse of vocal and instru- 
 mental music, simple order 
 of worship, 290 ; ministerial 
 dress, sacraments, burials, time 
 
 of service, 291 ; what saints' 
 days were retained, 292 ; abo- 
 lition of costly paraphernalia, 
 292 ; Council's order on sup- 
 port of the clergy, 293 ; the 
 instruction in the theologi- 
 cal seminary established by 
 Zwingli, 293 ; the synods at 
 Frauenfeld, 294 ; rough treat- 
 ment of monks and nuns, 
 295, 296 ; how justified, 296 ; 
 extent of Zwingli's influence 
 in 1529, 296 ; mode of church 
 government, and how reli- 
 gious matters were handled, 
 297, 298. (Chapter XIV. 
 The First Cappel War and 
 the Colloquy of Marburg, 
 ij2g.J Who were the first 
 " Protestants," 299 ; anxiety 
 to suppress Zwingli's theory 
 of the eucharist, 299, 300 ; 
 the Landgrave of Hesse and 
 Melanchthon protest, 300 ; 
 Zwingli thanks the Land- 
 grave, 300 ; trouble brewing 
 between the Forest Cantons 
 and the Reformed Cantons 
 owing to the former's league 
 between themselves and with 
 Austria, 300 ; Zwingli fav- 
 oured armed opposition to the 
 Foresters' intention to root out 
 the Reformation from their 
 borders, 301 ; war breaks out, 
 but a peace is at once pro- 
 posed, 301-303 ; Zwingli's 
 ideas upon the conditions of a 
 lasting peace, 303 ; general 
 opposition to pensioners, 303 ; 
 absence of desire to fight, and 
 famine among the Foresters 
 makes peace easier to secure, 
 
 303, 304 ; discipline in the 
 Zurich camp, 304 ; Zwingli's 
 hymn, 304 ; treaty signed, 
 
 304, 305 ; its contents, 305 ; 
 Zwingli's satisfaction, 306 ; 
 his chief concern for the free 
 preaching of the Reformation 
 
Index 
 
 517 
 
 Zwingli, Huldreich (Continued) 
 in the Forest Cantons, 306 ; as 
 this demand was not accepted 
 by the Foresters and the whole 
 treaty considered humiliating 
 the peace secured by the treaty 
 could not be lasting, 306 ; ne- 
 gotiations for a colloquy at 
 ^larburg begun by the Land- 
 grave. 307 ; Luther and Me- 
 lanchthon had accepted, 307 ; 
 plan for Zwingli's journey, 
 
 307 ; CEcolampadius to come, 
 
 308 ; Zwingli prefers Strass- 
 burg, 308 ; apprehension as to 
 safety and efforts to change 
 place, 30S ; Zwingli's friends 
 cheer him up, 309 ; journey 
 decided on, 309 ; Zwingli goes 
 without permission of the City 
 Council and does not tell his 
 wife where, 310 ; wrote to 
 Council after he left, advice 
 as to delegate from Zurich, 
 310; subsequent letters, 311- 
 313 ; journey tracked from 
 point to point, 311-313 ; size 
 of party which finally arrived 
 at Marburg, 313 ; who were 
 disputants, 314 ; private pre- 
 liminary meetings, 314 ; the 
 public debate between Luther 
 and Zwingli, 315 ; its chief 
 topic, 316 ; Luther refused to 
 take the Swiss for brethren, 
 316; Melanchthon's and Lu- 
 ther's statements on this point, 
 316, 317 ; the incident of Lu- 
 ther's refusal to take Zwin- 
 gli's hand as told by Luther, 
 317 ; comments on the result 
 of the colloquy by CEcolam- 
 padius and Brenz, 317, 318; 
 Jonas's characterisations of 
 the Zwinglian disputants, 318; 
 what the colloquy really ef- 
 fected, 318 ; outbreak of the 
 pestilence drove the reformers 
 away, 319 ; Zwingli's safe re- 
 turn to Zurich, 319 ; his ac- 
 
 count of the colloquy, 319- 
 322 ; thanks to the Landgrave, 
 322. (Chapter XV. Zwin- 
 gli s Political Activity in His 
 Closing Years, iS2(f-i53i-) 
 Zwingli's anxiety to extend 
 the alliance with Zurich 
 against all opponents of the 
 Reformation, 323 ; he finds 
 allies in the Landgrave and 
 the Duke of Wtirtemberg, 
 324 ; has hopes of bringing in 
 the Protestant princes and 
 cities of North Germany, also 
 Venice and France, 324 ; 
 writes political preface to his 
 commentary on Isaiah, 325 ; 
 his political activity preju- 
 dices Luther, 325 ; the Luth- 
 eran princes reject the alli- 
 ance, 325 ; so do Ulm and 
 Venice, 325, 326 ; Collin's 
 diplomatic journey to the lat- 
 ter, 326 ; negotiations with 
 France, 327 ; alliance with the 
 Landgrave rejected by Bern, 
 328, 329 ; Strassburg comes 
 in, 329 ; Diet of Augsburg 
 opens, 329 ; Zwingli desires 
 to be present but could not be 
 sufficiently protected and so 
 did not go, 329, 330 ; his 
 friends there keep him in- 
 formed, 330 ; apply con- 
 temptuous epithets to the 
 Lutherans, 330 ; hatred of 
 Zwingli rendered it unsafe to 
 be known as his friend at 
 Augsburg, 331 ; Zwingli pre- 
 sents his Confession of Faith, 
 332 ; Zwingli on the way to 
 oppose the stratagems of the 
 Roman Catholics taking ad- 
 vantage of the divided state 
 of the Protestants, 333 ; efforts 
 of Capito and Butzer to get up 
 a compromise on the eucha- 
 rist formula, 334 ; Zwingli 
 sends the Landgrave his ser- 
 mon on Providence, 334 ; a 
 
5i8 
 
 Index 
 
 Zwingli, Huldreich (Continued) 
 diet of the evangelical cities 
 at Basel to agree upon a eu- 
 charist formula proposed by 
 Butzer.but opposed by Zwingli 
 and rejected, 335. f Chapter 
 XVI. The Last Year of 
 ZwinglVs Life, iSJ^-J Zwin- 
 gli's position toward the 
 Schmalkald League, 336-339 ; 
 who composed it, 336, 337 ; 
 Zwingli refused to accept the 
 Tetrapolitan statement on the 
 eucharist, 338 ; so union was 
 not effected, 339 ; Zwingli 
 publishes his commentary on 
 Jeremiah, 339 ; replies to the 
 letter from the Brethren of the 
 Common Life, 339 ; remarks 
 on the Apocrypha, 340 ; con- 
 tinued interest in the proposed 
 alliance, 340 ; war again brew- 
 ing with the Forest Cantons 
 because although they had 
 paid their indemnity they had 
 not given free course to the 
 Reformation preaching, and 
 bitterly complained of the 
 treatment they had received, 
 especially from Zurich, 340 sq.; 
 the so-called Musso War, and 
 how the Protestant Cantons 
 were involved in it, 341—344 ; 
 Zwingli advocated a new con- 
 federacy leaving out the 
 Forest Cantons, or their over- 
 whelming defeat, 345 ; renews 
 negotiations with France, 345; 
 the Protestant Cantons agree 
 to an embargo of wheat, salt, 
 etc., on the Forest Cantons, 
 345 ; Zwingli opposes it, 346 ; 
 request for permission to lay 
 down his office refused by the 
 City Council, 346 ; anxiety of 
 the French for peace among 
 the Swiss, 346, 347 ; efforts of 
 the delegates of the cantons 
 at Bremgarten to the same 
 end, 347 sq.; Zwingli present 
 
 secretly, 348 ; foresees trouble, 
 
 348 ; refutes calumny, 348 ; 
 embargo begins to drive the 
 Forest Cantons to extremities, 
 
 349 ; Zwingli learns of Serve- 
 tus's book on the Trinity, 349 ; 
 also of a theological seminary 
 at Basel like that in Zurich, 
 349 ; consulted as to the di- 
 vorce of Henry VIIL, which 
 he opposed, 350 ; hears cheer- 
 ingly from Farel, 350 ; sup- 
 posed portents, earth shedding 
 blood, uncommon physical 
 phenomena, woman bears a 
 monstrosity, a comet appears 
 at Zurich, all these believed to 
 foretell disastrous war, 350, 
 351 ; Zurich Council in view 
 of the inevitable war adopted 
 a plan of campaign, 352 ; 
 Zwingli presages disaster in his 
 sermons, 352 ; war breaks out, 
 353 ; vanguard leaves Zurich, 
 
 353 ; main body with Zwingli 
 the next day, 353 ; his armour 
 for defence not offence, 353 ; 
 horse shied when he mounted, 
 which was a bad sign, 354 ; 
 had no expectation of return- 
 i'lg. 354 ! confusion among 
 the advancing main forces, 
 
 354 ; the vanguard already at- 
 tacked when it came up, 354 ; 
 the Foresters well led, 354 ; 
 main body compelled at once, 
 as Zwingli urged, to come to 
 the aid of their friends, 355 ; 
 opposing battle cries, 355 ; 
 Zwingli exhorts his friends, 
 356 ; but fight quickly goes 
 against them, 356 ; Zwingli 
 wounded while in the rear 
 taking no part in the fight, 
 356 ; is urged to ask for a 
 priest or to pray to the Mother 
 of God and the Saints, 356 ; 
 his refusal marks him as a 
 "heretic," 356; and as such 
 he was run through with a 
 
Index 
 
 519 
 
 Zwingli, Iluldreich (Continued) 
 sword and killed, 357 ; at first 
 unrecognised, when recog- 
 nised his body was treated 
 with contumely as that of the 
 man who had fomented all 
 the trouble, 357 ; exception to 
 the words of cursing uttered 
 over him, 358 ; the body quar- 
 tered by the hangman the 
 next morning and burnt as 
 that of a heretic, 35S ; the 
 battle of Cappel a Flodden 
 Field, 35S ; roll of the emi- 
 nent dead, 358 ; small loss and 
 great gain of the Foresters, 
 359 ; rest on the field and de- 
 feat the allies, 35g ; the Second 
 Peace of Cappel, 359 ; great 
 contrast to the First, 359 ; 
 Zwingli's widow and children 
 taken into the house of Bul- 
 linger, Zwingli's successor, 
 360 ; their after history, 360 
 sq.; abuse of Zwingli dead by 
 Lutherans and Roman Catho- 
 lics, 361 ; his loss of reputa- 
 tion among the Reformers, 
 because of the rise of Calvin, 
 362. (Supplementary chapter.) 
 Zwingli's theology, philoso- 
 phy, and ethics, 365 ; theology 
 in general like that of other 
 
 Reformers, 366 ; the philoso- 
 phy underlying it, 367 ; its 
 roots Hebrew, 367, 368 ; is 
 Augustinian, 368, 369 ; the 
 doctrine of God fundamental, 
 370 ; best source of informa- 
 tion concerning, is the "Com- 
 mentary on True and False 
 Religion," 370; this work ana- 
 lysed, 370, sqq. ; (see index 
 under " Commentary "^ ; the- 
 ology misjudged by Luther, 
 3S9 ; his doctrine of the sacra- 
 ments, 3S9-395 ; contrast as a 
 theologian to Luther, 395- 
 399. {See also separate head- 
 ings. Baptism, Bible, God, 
 Lord's Supper, Man, Sacra- 
 ments, etc., in this index.) 
 Zwingli characterises his own 
 life, 4S2, 483 
 
 Zwingli, James (brother), 56, 
 60-64, 67, 71, 93 
 
 Zwingli, Klaus, or Nicholas 
 (brother), 61 
 
 Zwingli, Margaret Meili 
 
 (mother), 60 
 
 Zwingli, Regula (daughter), 360 
 
 Zwingli, Wilhelm, or William 
 (son), 2S4, 360 
 
 Zwingli, Wolfgang (brother), 61 
 
 Zymmermann, 169 
 
 Zymmermann, Wolfgang, 73 
 
(^ 
 
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