THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. LONDON : JBOTSON AND PALMEB, PRINTERS, SAVOY STREET, STRAND. rig) MIM]P I . fclte !%a Z*nXmJia& l k6 ty Mum, & Jvdty, JtorJuriuyfa Jfy^. (&EKT3&'J&AE* ILAW Ji^KM T T ZotuZok. BdLsleJ, k< Cotiurn Uvvtiey, <2, Mw,lh&lmyMi, Jfretfr. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830; THE EVENTS WHICH PRODUCED IT, SCENES BY WHICH IT WAS ACCOMPANIED. BY D. TURNBULL, ESQ. LONDON : HENRY COLBURN AND RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET. 1830. PREFACE, In sending this Volume to its public account, the Editor relies on some indulgence being ex- tended to him in consideration of the double disadvantage under which he has been placed, in his distance from London, and in the cir- cumstance of the despatch that has been solicited of him. In the course of the narrative the Editor has purposely avoided pressing the names of his coun- trymen conspicuously forward, as participators in the noble struggle which he has undertaken to describe. The French people are conscious of the sympathy which has been felt in England, and still more by the English residents in France, for the glorious cause which was at issue in the vi PREFACE. last week of July, 1830. They are proud of that sympathy, from the evidence it bears to the good- ness of their cause, on the part of a people who have long been habituated to the forms of free- dom. This feeling has produced, in all the French accounts of the Revolution, so many state- ments of the assistance afforded by Englishmen, that even to transcribe them would be to claim for our countrymen a degree of merit to which they cannot be entitled. When uttered by a Frenchman, such statements are not unbecoming, although tinged with some degree of generous exaggeration ; but in an English work it has been thought necessary to reject unsparingly whatever could not bear the test of cool examination and inquiry. Among the English sufferers were Mr. Madden, resident at Passy, in the neighbourhood of Paris, who, after having been dangerously wounded in the head, was pursued by one of the lancers, and owed his life to one of his own workmen, who was fighting by his side, and brought down his adversary with a pistol shot. At Lawson's Hotel, in the Rue Saint Honore, a young Englishman, Mr. Foulkes, was shot in PREFACE. vn the balcony which overlooks the street, by a party of gen-d'armes, on Tuesday afternoon, soon after the commencement of the contest. It has been said, that Mr. Foulkes had shared in the struggle, and had been actively engaged in throwing stones from the window. On inquiry, however, it ap- pears that this was not the fact, but that stones had been thrown on the military from one of the adjoining houses, and that the party exposed on the balcony had been mistaken for the actual assailants. In this hotel there were several other casualties ; two of the waiters having been wounded, and a shot having passed through the hair of one of our fair countrywomen, while sit- ting near the window of an apartment overlook- ing the street. There are a number of English gentlemen of the medical profession established in Paris, many of whom distinguished themselves by their atten- tions to the wounded, and more than one of them by assistance of a more hazardous nature. Among those most prominent were Dr. Bradley, Mr. Shrimpton, of the Rue Vivienne, Mr. Donald- son, and Mr. Roberts, of the London Dispensary, in the Place Vendome. Mr. Donaldson was one viii PREFACE. of the party who attacked and carried the Swiss barracks in the Rue de Babylone. He was also one of the first to enter the Tuileries, and after- wards formed part of the extraordinary expe- dition to Rambouillet. Mr. Smith, the English printer, had long been spoken of by the French in terms of respect and attachment, from his disinterested services at the period of the second restoration, and during the occupation of the capital by the Allies. As soon as the ordinances appeared, on the 26th of July, Mr. Smith shut up his printing-office, dis- missed the greater part of his workmen, and en- gaged, heart and hand, in the cause of liberty. In this he had the more merit, as the success of the Revolution was certainly to produce the abo- lition of that monopoly which added so materi- ally to the value of his licence as a printer. Having supplied himself and his workmen with arms and ammunition, he assisted in person at the construction of the barricades, particularly those of the Porte Saint Denis, and the Porte Saint Martin. On the 27th and 28th, he acted independently as a sharp-shooter on the Boule- vards ; but, on the 29th, he joined the main body PREFACE. [ x in the attack on the Louvre, and was afterwards one of the first who entered the Tuileries. Just before the capture of that palace, an attempt was made to dislodge a party of the Royal Guards, who had entrenched themselves in a house at the corner of the Rue Saint Nicaise, (which communicates between the Rue Rivoli, and the Rue Saint Honor e,) from whence they had long* been pouring a destructive fire upon the people. Mr. Smith had for some time assisted in re- turning this fire from the opposite corner of the street, but, finding that in this position he was fighting at great disadvantage, he rushed across it, followed by two of his workmen, and two friends ; and having burst into the house, as- cended the staircase, entered the room, from the windows of which the Guards were firing, and, with a pistol in each hand, required the party to surrender. Finding themselves thus attacked in front and rear, the Guards were compelled to deliver up their arms, but not until one of Mr. Smith's workmen had been killed by his side, and one of his friends, M. Leblanc, had been severely wounded. Fifty or sixty muskets were thus pro- x PREFACE. cured, and were immediately handed over to such of the citizens as were still unprovided with arms, to assist in the final attack on the last strong-hold of the royalists. It is not intended here to attempt an enume- ration of all the instances of British gallantry which occurred in the course of this memorable struggle. But the names of Mr. Workman, Mr. Mac-Cue, the English restaurateur, of the Palais Royal, Mr. Goldsmith, the dentist, Mr. Lindo, of the house of Orr and Goldsmith, and Mr. Cartwright, of the Quartier du Petit Carreau, are all mentioned with such applause in the French accounts of the Revolution, that it would be injustice to withhold their names. A full account will be found, in the course of this work, of the disorderly retreat of the Royalists, after their expulsion from the capital, on the 29th of July. A party of the fugitives of the Royal Guard, instead of joining the co- lumn which retired by the barrier de l'Etoile, had concealed themselves for some hours in the suburbs, and, about five o'clock in the afternoon, entered the house of Mr. Caton, clerk to Mr. Sloper, the English solicitor, who PREFACE. xi resides in the Allee d'Antin, a small street connected with the Champs Elysees. They were upwards of thirty in number. In their flight from their pursuers, they came to ask for shelter and protection. Mr. Caton declared that he was ready to do all he could for men reduced to such an extremity; but that, being an Englishman, he was placed in a situation of great difficulty, if not of personal danger. He added, that if they would deliver up their arms, and betake themselves to his cellar, as a place of temporary security, he would himself be the bearer of their capitulation ; and to prove his sincerity, would leave his wife and children behind him as hostages for their safety. To this proposal the fugitives readily agreed ; and their protector, having left the house to execute his mission, soon met a strong party of the victo- rious citizens, whom he instantly accosted, an- nouncing himself as an Englishman and a friend to liberty, and stating that a party of the van- quished were then his prisoners. " Trusting to your generosity," he added, " I have promised them their lives, and have left my wife and children as hostages for their safety." On this xii PREFACE. appeal the citizens readily agreed to corroborate the pledge which Mr. Caton had given ; and, on the prisoners surrendering themselves, provided them with coloured clothes in exchange for their uniforms, so as to make it safe for them to sepa- rate, and return to Paris individually, or pro- ceed, if they preferred it, to the provisional camp which had already been established at Vaugirard, for the reception of deserters from the royalist cause. It is satisfactory to the Editor to be able to give a statement, on the authority of the Minister of the Interior, of the total number of sufferers by the events in the French capital during the three great days of July last. In the nature of things the statement can only be an approximation to the truth, since the data it is founded upon have been obtained only by means of the applications made to participate in the fund of seven millions of francs, created by the law of the 30th of August last, for the purpose of providing a national re- compense to the wounded, and to the aged parents, the widows, and children of the dead. It appears that the number of the wounded who have not been so mutilated as to be PREFACE. xiii rendered incapable of resuming their ordinary labour, amounts to three thousand five hundred and sixty-four. Those who have suffered ampu- tation of a limb, or have been otherwise incapa- citated from their usual employments, amount to three hundred and eleven. Three hundred old men have been found entitled to the benefit of the fund, from the loss of sons on whom they depended for support. The number of widows already admitted is also three hundred ; and of orphans, five hundred. The manner in which the three last numbers are stated is not so explicit as could be wished, but it suffices to show that the amount of the causualties has been greatly exaggerated in the statements which have been published ; since the probability is, that claims have been advanced, from one quarter or another, in the great majority of cases; and although a sin- gle citizen could leave but one widow, it is clear that one death might produce a claim, not from the widow merely, but from the parents and the children of the deceased. The official report from which these numbers are taken is dated the 9th of October, when the whole of the claims, arising from the death of relations, amounted to xiv PREFACE. eleven hundred ; but no means are afforded for reducing* this number to its correct amount, in consequence of a plurality of claims having- arisen from the death of the same individual. The widows of the killed are to receive from the national fund an annuity of five hundred francs ; fathers and mothers, above sixty years of age, an annuity of three hundred francs, with reversion to the survivor ; orphans under seven years of age, an annuity of two hundred and fifty francs. Between the ages of seven and eighteen, the latter are to be educated at the public expense, in special establishments created for that purpose, where they are to receive instruction suited to their sex, and calculated to insure them their means of livelihood. As to the wounded, those who have suffered the loss of a limb, or any equivalent casualty, are to have the option of being admitted into the Hotel des Invalides, or of receiving the annuity paid to the out-pen- sioners of that institution ; and those who have not been permanently disabled, are to receive a present payment, as an indemnity, to be fixed in each particular case by the committee ap- pointed by the Chamber of Deputies. Of the PREFACE. xv seven millions of francs voted by the Chamber, four millions six hundred thousand have been applied to the purchase of annuities, and the remainder to the payment of these immediate indemnities. Rue Neuve St. Augustin, No. 59. 26tk October, 1830. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Remarks on the position and conduct of the Bourbon family in France; Insincere promises given at the Restoration; Re- invasion of France, after the Battle of Waterloo ; Anecdote, ex- planatory of the feeling with regard to the Bourbons, among the Allies in 1814, and the French people in 1815 ; Summary of the course pursued by Louis XVIII. ; Recognition of the Charter, the result of prudence, rather than inclination ; Assassination of the Duke de Berri, and accession of M. de Villele to the Mi- nistry ; Influence of the counter-revolutionary Party ; Its increase through the failure of the Insurrection in Spain ; Commence- ment of the reign of Charles X. ; The National Guard dis- banded ; Machinations against the Liberty of the Press ; Crea- tion of new Peerages, for political purposes ; Its effect counter- acted by the new Elections to the Chamber of Deputies ; Accession of the Martignac Ministry ; Its popularity and over- throw ; The Polignac Administration ; Cabals and quarrels ; Assembly and Dissolution of the Chambers ; Individual changes in the Ministry, with the object of furthering the arbitrary mea- sures in contemplation . . . 1 CHAPTER II. Containing at full length the Report of the Ministry, and the Royal Ordinances of the 25th July, 1830 . . .22 b xviii CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. Effects produced among the Parisians by the announcement of the obnoxious ordinances in the Muniteur; Conduct variously held by the proprietors of the constitutional journals ; Reasons assigned for the first hesitation of the influential classes; Prohibitory measures adopted by the police ; Protest of the Parisian jour- nalists ; Suspension of commercial confidence ; Confluence of people at the Palais Royal ; Eccentricities of the Marquis de Chabannes; Conduct of the gen-d'armerie; Tumultuous assem- bly in the Champs Elysees, and singular escape of the Prince de Polignac 40 CHAPTER IV. Condition of affairs in regard to the new Election of Deputies ; Meeting of Members at the house of M. Casimir Perier, with the Protest issued by them ; Crowd attracted by the occasion ; First scene of bloodshed ; Destruction by the Police of the printing-presses belonging to the National and the Times ; Anec- dote ; Legal proceedings between the printers and the proprietors of certain Journals; Affair of Lapelouze and Chatelain versus Laguionie ; Command of the Troops assigned to the Duke of Ragusa ; Preparations for resistance on the part of the people, 56 CHAPTER V. Positions occupied by the troops of the line ; Punishment inflicted on certain police agents ; Disinclination of the troops of the line to act against the people, and causes for this feeling ; Concilia- tory messages on both sides ; Assignment to the Royal Guard of the station in front of the Palais Royal; Offensive operations commenced by them, conjointly with the Lancers ; Anecdotes ; The guard-house near the Exchange fired by the people ; Active arrangements for defence made by the populace during the night; Unpaving and barricading of the streets ; The Marseillois Hymn, and its exciting effects . . ' . . . .71 CHAPTER VI. Formidable appearance of Paris on the morning of the 28th of July ; Organization of the National Guard, on behalf of the popular CONTENTS. xix cause; Destruction of various tributes to Royalty; Mean con- duct of many retainers of the Court; General extension of the conflict ; Proceedings in the Faubourg St. Antoine ; Charge made by the Cuirassiers of the Guard, and followed by the ex- pulsion of the troops from the Rue St. Antoine ; Desperate con- test in the Boulevard du Temple; An illustrative Letter . 8G CHAPTER VII. Successful mode of annoyance practised against the gen-d'armerie; Desperate struggle near the Porte St. Denis ; Heroism of Captain Thierri ; Fine trait of coolness and humanity ; Royal Ordinance, declaring the capital in a state of siege; The Duke of Ragusa takes the command of the soldiery, heads a charge in person, and is driven back into the Place des Victoires; Honourable in- stances of moderation in the people ; Order issued by the Pre- fect of Police ; The veteran hero and the Lancers ; Want of provisions among the royal troops ; their growing disinclination to the service imposed on them ; Resignation of Count La Tour du Pin, captain of the Royal Guard .... 103 CHAPTER VIII. Occurrences on the left bank of the Seine ; Popular organization, directed by the pupils of the Polytechnic School; Generous promp- titude of the students of law and medicine ; Places of general rendezvous; Attack on the Swiss barracks in the Rue de Baby- lone ; Letter descriptive of that movement, and its successful issue . • • • • • .117 CHAPTER IX. Popular attack on the Island of La Cite ; Destruction of the Archie- piscopal Palace ; Sanguinary engagements in the Place de Greve ; Obstinate contests for the occupation of the Hotel de Ville; Final expulsion of the royalist forces from that position ; Various traits of courage ; Conduct of the Duke of Ragusa; Behaviour of the troops of the Line, contrasted with that of the Royal Guard ; Conciliation of the former to the national cause ; Enthu- siastic spirit among the members of the Bar . . . 128 xx CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. Proceedings in the vicinity of the Palais Royal ; Amount and distribu- tion of Marshal Marmont's force ; Various Attacks on the People ; Increase of the National Guard; Difficulties of the Royalists, and consequent restriction of their field of operations ; Advantages en- joyed by the popular side, contrasted with the destitution of the soldiery, as to provisions, treatment of the wounded, &c. ; Move- ments of General St. Chamans ; Order of the Day from Marshal Marmont; Particulars respecting the state of the King and Court at St. Cloud 141 CHAPTER XL Measures connected with the Provisional Government ; Proclama- tion signed in the name of the Deputies of France ; Letters on that subject ; Unsuccessful Deputation to the Duke of Ragusa : Announcement from the Provisional Government ; Detail of the Conferences of M Bayeux, the advocate-general, with the Mi- nistry and the Duke of Ragusa . 150 CHAPTER XII. Reflections on the preceding events; Renewed efforts of the Parisians ; Marmont concentrates his force on the 29th of July, and issues a Proclamation without effect ; General Gerard as- sumes the command of the popular forces; Attack on the Louvre, and dislodgement of the Swiss troops from thence; Hesitation manifested among the Royal Guard ; Various anecdotes con- nected with the struggle at the Louvre .... 170 CHAPTER XIII. Increased defection of the regular troops ; Success of the final po- pular attack on the Tuileries, conducted by General Gerard; Causes that facilitated this result; Dislodgment of two regiments of the Royalists from the garden of the Tuileries ; Generosity shown towards the Royal Guard ; Release of the persons confined in the cellars of the Tuileries; Detail of their previous sufferings ; Cessation of hostilities ; General appearance of things at this pe- riod; Sentiments and conduct of the people . . . 183 CONTENTS. xxi CHAPTER XIV. Progress in the re-organization of the National Guard, and the arrangement of the Provisional Government; Lafayette's Procla- mation and Order of the Day; Manifesto from the Municipal Commission ; account of the individuals who signed it; State of the Royal Family at St, Cloud; Confused behaviour of Polignac; Tardy and useless endeavour at conciliation; Reflections on the posture of affairs ; Treatment of Marmont by the Duke D'An- gouleme 196 CHAPTER XV. Hasty rally of the Royal forces, previously to their evacuation of Paris ; Their departure ; Occupation of the Tuileries by a party of the National Guard; Attempts at plunder successfully resisted ; Discoveries in the Royal Apartments; Various anecdotes ; Traits of female heroism ; incidents connected with the retreat of the troops through the Champs Elysees 210 CHAPTER XVI. Proclamation made by the Provisional Government, after the po- pular triumph ; Submission of the Royalist troops, in conse- quence ; Instances of humane interposition on the part of indi- viduals, on behalf of the military ; Fine example of self-sacrifice shown by a woman ; Characteristic sayings, produced by the cir- cumstances of the Revolution; an illustraton of the feeling among the Soldiery; The bombarded house; The interment of the dead, with the scenes attendant on that office . . 223 CHAPTER XVII. Proclamation addressed to the troops in the name of Lafayette ; Historical sketch of the Life of General Lafayette . 033 CHAPTER XVIII. Historical sketch of the Life of Louis Philip, Duke of Orleans 264 CHAPTER XIX. Decree of the Provisional Government ; Invitation to the Duke of Orleans to become Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom; Pro- clamation in the Moniteur, notifying his acceptance thereof; xxii CONTENTS. Explanatory details ; Proclamation by those of the Deputies who had met in Paris ; Reception of the Duke of Orleans at the Hotel de Ville; Singular speech on that occasion by Ge- neral Dubourg; Account of the conduct and merits of that indi- vidual ; Proclamations for the resumption of the national ban- ner, for the discipline of the National Guard, and for the collec- tion of the local tax on provisions; General Lafayette's ad- _ dress, to announce the opening of the Chamber of Deputies 283 CHAPTER XX. Proceedings at St. Cloud; Alarm prevalent there; Disordered flight of the royal party from thence to Versailles ; Arrival of the royalist troops, and occupation of the town ; the Dauphin com- pelled to join the King at Versailles ; Attachment shown to the latter by the pupils of the college of St. Cyr ; Arrival of the King and his party at Rambouillet, where they are joined by the Dau- phiness ; the Dauphin's proclamation to the troops ; Useless act of abdication by the King and the Dauphin, in favour of the Duke of Bordeaux ; Various regulations adopted by the Provisional Government . . . . • .301 CHAPTER XXI. Announcement of the removal of the crown jewels ; Unsuccess- ful return of the Commissioners sent in consequence to Ram- bouillet; They are despatched again with an armed force, and accomplish their object ; the King and his party compelled to set out on the road to Maintenon ; Incidental particulars ; at- tachment manifested towards the King in his misfortunes by the gardes-du-corps ; the King's escort lessened by the dismis- sal of the remaining troops of the lioyal Guard ; Entry of the Royal party into Dreux, and dismissal of the artillery ; The route continued to Melleraut; Anecdotes of the Royal fugi- tives ; Their straitened resources relieved by the Provisional Go- vernment ; Inconveniences attendant on the gardes-du-corps 315 CHAPTER XXII. Uncertainty among the attendants of Charles X. as to the course of events in Paris ; Intelligence brought to them at Argentan of the election of the Duke of Orleans ; Progress of the royal retinue; Mysterious conveyance of the Princess de Polignac and her chil- CONTENTS. xxiii dren; Details connected with the arrest of the Prince de Polig- lac; Hazard incurred by Marmont at Conde; Reasons for the slow rate of travelling of the royal fugitives; Arrival of the caval- cade at Vire ; Order of procession, and enumeration of the suite ; Characteristic proneness to desertion among the courtiers ; En- try into the town of Saint Lo, contrasted with a former occa- sion; Progress of the cortege through Carentan and Valognes; Farewell reception of the gardes-du-corpsby Charles X. ; Change of costume adopted by some of the fugitive family; Arrival of the party at Cherbourg, and embarkation for England ; Disbanding of the gardes-du-corps ..... 330 CHAPTER XXIII. Account of the individuals forming the new French Administra- tion, with a sketch of their respective lives ; the Duke de Brog- lie; M. Dupont de l'Eure : M. Guizot; Count Gerard; Baron Louis ; Count Mole ; General Count Sebastiani ; Messrs. Lafitte, Casimir Perier, Dupin, aine, Benjamin Constant, and Bignon 356 CHAPTER XXIV. Convocation of the Legislative Body ; Account of "the ceremony observed on the occasion : Cordial reception of the Duke of Orleans; his speech to the assembled Peers and Deputies; Letter from the Commissioners sent to Rambouillet; Separate meetings of the two Chambers ; Proceedings and speeches of the members ; The declaration, of rights presented to the Duke of Orleans by the deputies ; Enthusiasm manifested on the occa- sion • • . . .383 CHAPTER XXV. Small share taken by the Chamber of Peers in the affairs of the Revolution ; Their deliberations as to the resolutions passed by the Deputies ; Chateaubriand's splendid speech on that occasion ; Assent to the declaration of the Deputies, and deputation in consequence from the Peers to the Duke of Orleans ; Arrival of the Duke de Chartres in Paris; Character of the Duke of Or- leans, as described by Paul Louis Courrier .... 405 xxiv CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXVI. The Duke of Orleans, as King elect of the French, takes the oath of Fidelity to the new Constitution ; Particulars of the solem- nity ; Speech of the new King ; Concluding remarks, and Copy of the new Constitutional Charter 424 ILLUSTRATIONS. Portrait of Louis Philip I. . . To face the Title-page. Plan of the Scene of Action .... page 1 Portrait of General Lafayette . . • 239 PARIS IN 1830. CHAPTER I. Remarks on the position and conduct of the Bourbon family in France — Insincere promises given at the Restoration — Re- invasion of France, after the Battle of Waterloo — Anecdote, explanatory of the feeling with regard to the Bourbons, among the Allies in 1814, and the French people in 1815 — Summary of the course pursued by Louis XVIII — Re- cognition of the Charter, the result of prudence, rather than inclination — Assassination of the Duke de Berri, and accession of M. de Villele to the Ministry — Influence of the counter-revolutionary Party — Its increase, through the failure of the Insurrection in Spain — Commencement of the reign of Charles X. — The National Guard disbanded — Machi- nations against the Liberty of the Press — Creation of new Peerages, for political purposes — Its effect counteracted by the new Elections to the Chamber of Deputies — Accession of the Martignac Ministry — Its popularity and overthrow — The Polignac Administration — Cabals and quarrels — As- sembly and Dissolution of the Chambers — Individual changes in the Ministry, with the object of furthering the arbitrary measures in contemplation. Of Charles X. and his family it may be said, with as much truth as of any of their prede- cessors of the house of Bourbon^ that in pros- perity as in adversity, they learn nothing, and they forget nothing. A quarter of a century of 2 PARIS IN 1830. exile and misfortune proved to them a useless and unprofitable lesson. Replaced on the throne of their ancestors, by a train of extraordinary events which no human foresight could antici- pate, they brought back with them all the pre- judices of the ancien regime, and as little know- ledge of their own interests, or those of the country they were called to govern, as they possessed at the period of their first emigration. Driven for the third time into exile by a revo- lution which has no parallel in history, it cannot be said, that they have fallen into the abyss, pre- pared for them by the faction into whose hands they had thrown themselves, without due warn- ing of their danger. But, in place of listening to the voice of public opinion, as declared by its organs of the press, or as more solemnly com- municated through the legitimate medium of the representative chamber, the king, as if to verify the words of the poet, " Quern Deus vult perdere prius dementat," set his seal to those illegal ordinances, which suspended the liberty of the press, dissolved a legislative body, which had never assembled, and formally disfranchised three-fourths of the electors. Independently of the principle which, in a con- stitutional monarchy, exempts the sovereign from all personal responsibility for the acts of his go- vernment, the fallen monarch must, in anv sense, PARIS IN 1830. 8 be rather regarded as the instrument than the author of the crime committed in his name. The princes of this unfortunate family have some claim to our commiseration, even when they have not entitled themselves to our respect or es- teem. We are bound to remember the prejudices under which they have been educated. The ob- jects, from their cradle, of every species of homage and adulation, they grow up, live and die in the deepest ignorance of their own situation, and of all that is passing around them. They are taught to believe that they are the special ob- jects of the divine protection ; that their origin and their race are superior to those of other men. They constantly hear of their rights, which are unblushingly exaggerated by a train of flatterers and parasites ; but no one ever ven- tures to speak to them of their duties. Sur- rounded by priests and Jesuits, who have pro- verbially neither family nor country, their first lesson is to place implicit confidence in their clerical advisers, and their last consists in " The right divine of kings to govern wrong." The military despotism of Napoleon, and the apprehension lest his downfall might be suc- ceeded by a state of anarchy and confusion, paved the way, even more, perhaps, than the arms of the allies, for the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty. On the re-appearance of the restored B 2 4 PARIS IN 1830. princes on the territory of France, their first promises were the abolition of the law of con- scription, by which the people had been an- nually decimated — and of that oppressive and inquisitorial system of taxation which, under the imperial government, had pressed so heavily on the industry of the people. But as soon as they found themselves firmly seated on the throne, their early promises were forgotten, the con- scription and the droits reunis were re-establish- ed, or changed but in name ; and the plebeian soldier, who might formerly, by risking his life, enjoy the prospect of the highest military honours, was now condemned to perpetual obscurity ; rank was now exclusively reserved for the mem- bers of titled families ; the military household of the king was exclusively composed of youngs noblesse ; the regiments were deprived of their historic names ; and the army, which w^as re- signed rather than devoted, soon lost all its moral power and influence. When the first impulse of enthusiasm had subsided, after the extraordinary re-appearance of Napoleon in 1815, the French people did not fail to remember the evils to which he had for- merly subjected them ; nor, after proclaiming as they had done the sovereignty of the nation, were they disposed to endure the assumption of the constituent power which he virtually arro- gated by the imposition of his celebrated arte PARIS IN 1830. O additionnel to the constitutions of the empire. It was not for the sake of Napoleon, after this new usurpation, that the armed population of France assembled under his banner ; it was for the patriotic purpose of driving from the French frontier the foreign armies, by which their terri- tory was threatened. When France was again invaded, after the battle of Waterloo, the Bourbons re-appeared in the train of the conquerors, whom they called their allies. An anecdote, which was widely circulated in France at the period of the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, and the truth of which, it is believed, has never been disputed, throws some light on the circumstances which produced this restoration ; and confirms the idea, that the exiled family were not even thought of by the allies in 1814 ; and that they certainly were not desired by the nation, on their re-appearance in France the following year. The Emperor Alexander, during his residence at Aix-la-Chapelle, at the time of the Congress, had announced his resolution to pay a visit to the great woollen manufactory of M. Ludwig, at Bois-Pauline, and accepted the dejeune which was offered to him by the proprietor. The room in which the entertainment was given, was adorned with engravings representing the principal events in the career of Napoleon. The attention of M. Ludwig's illustrious visitor was particularly at- tracted by that which exhibited the celebrated in- 6 PARIS IN 1830. terview between the two emperors on theNiemen. At that time, it was the fashion to speak of Napo- leon in the most abusive terms ; and M. Ludwig naturally waited with some anxiety, until his im- perial gitest should give some expression to the feelings which had evidently been excited by his examination of the engraving. " Very true, very true," said the emperor, at length ; " but why did he not do as much on the Loire in 1815, instead of throwing himself into the hands of the English ? He might have clone it ; and if he had, he would still have been emperor of the French." " But the house of Bourbon ?" — interposed M. Ludwig. " The house of Bourbon! — Yes, you are right," the Emperor Alexander replied ; " the Bourbons were then an obstacle ; but he might have done it in 1814, when they had not been thought of in the war." Between the two princes of the fallen family, who have occupied the throne of France since the period of the restoration, the points of con- trast are, perhaps, more numerous, than even those of resemblance, compared with his sur- viving brother. Louis XVIII. was a man of talent and intelligence ; he yielded with readi- ness and grace to the demand for a constitu- tional charter ; and made no attempt, of his own motive, to infringe or recall the rights and pri- vileges conceded by that charter to the nation. The restored throne was soon surrounded, it is PARIS IN 1830. 7 true, by a crowd of emigrant noblesse, who, after suffering- the privations of a long exile, were employed, endowed, and pensioned at the court of the prince with whom, and for whom, they had so long been sufferers. But it was in that pavilion of the palace of the Tuileries, which formed the residence of the Count d'Artois and his family, that the party was formed, which was known by the name of " the counter-revolu- tion" whose maxim it was, that a king of France should depend only on God and his sword, adopting the favourite device of Louis XIV., " Un roi, une loi, unefoi" Louis XVIII. was, doubtless, as much attached to the principles of arbitrary pow r er as was the heir presumptive to the throne ; but, more enlightened, or more pru- dent, he did not venture to carry them into exe- cution. There was but one member of the royal family who was completely free from the in- fluence of the apostolical, or counter-revolu- tionary faction ; and he, in issuing from a theatre in the Rue Richelieu, on the 13th of February, 1820, at eleven o'clock in the even- ing, fell by the hands of an assassin. The assassination of the Duke de Berri was speedily followed by the resignation of M. De- cazes from the cabinet, and the accession of M. de Villele, who till then had only been known by his celebrated protest against the charter, and his steady opposition to the organization and esta- blishment of free institutions in France. K PARIS IN 1830. Under this new cabinet, which soon acquired the title of the deplorable administration, the in- fluence of the Congregation and the Camarilla, (as the two leading sections of the counter-revolution- ary party were variously denominated,) was gra- dually increased. At the head of the Camarilla was the Prince de Polignac, who earned his title to that distinction by the obstinacy with which, for two years, he had refused to take the oath to the new charter. But the superior tactics of M. de Villele enabled him, first, to clear the council of all who were not prepared to yield implicit obe- dience to its new president, and afterwards to secure that compact majority of three hundred in the Chamber of Deputies, which the septennial act had placed for so many years at his disposal. The cry for liberty and independence which arose, for the second time, beyond the Pyrenees, produced a new triumph for the reigning faction in France. Tired of a tyranny, as stupid as it was sanguinary, the Spanish liberals raised once more the standard of insurrection. A crusade was resolved on ; a French army was marched against a people who had risen in defence of their freedom and their rights ; the Duke d'An- gouleme was placed at its head ; and, by the suc- cess of his enterprize, a double triumph was ob- tained for the faction, whose creature he had allowed himself to become. For a year before the death of Louis XVIII. he had ceased to be the king de facto. Confined PARIS IN 1830. 9 to a sick bed, he had virtually abandoned the reins of government, which had been usurped by the party of the Pavilion Marsan. In the salons of the Faubourg St. Germain it was already considered le bon ton to stigmatize the dying monarch in the midst of his infirmities, with the titles of jacobin and philosopher and to such an extremity did the apostolicals carry their presumption, that the remains of a mo- narch, who, for twenty-eight years, had borne the title of his Most Christian Majesty, were suffered to be interred without Christian burial. On the accession of Charles X., it became a serious question, whether the charter, which had been granted by his predecessor, should be re- cognized and sworn to by the new monarch on the occasion of his coronation. The hesitation which he then evinced may be regarded as at once a proof of honesty and ignorance. The party by whom he was surrounded did not feel themselves strong enough to advise his refusal. The oath prescribed by the charter was solemnly pronounced at Rheims ; but, as it now appears, with some mental reservation, or with the ad- vantage of that plenary indulgence and dispen- sation, at the disposal of those who had the keeping of the royal conscience. One of the first measures of the new reign consisted in the arrangements which were made, in the first instance, for weakening, and, at length, for finally abolishing, the National Guards 10 PARIS IN 1830. which had been re-established in the crisis of 1814, and had ever since been maintained. The chief objection which arose to it, was probably found in the ready means it afforded of esta- blishing* a system of communication between the more respectable inhabitants of the same district, or the same commune. The first encroachment consisted in the deprivation of the right of the privates to elect their own officers : a general disorganization of this great national armament was the natural and necessary consequence of this unpopular arrangement. And, finally, about three years ago, the regiments of the ca- pital, and of all those departments where the remotest danger was to be apprehended, were formally disbanded. Although the preliminary arrangements adopted by the ministry for the attainment of this object had been conducted with becoming caution, the manner in which the decisive blow was struck was equally sudden and unexpected. During the previous reign it had been customary for Louis XVIII., on the 3rd of May, the anniversary of his public entry into Paris, to direct that the service of the Tuileries should for that day be exclusively performed by the National Guard, in acknowledgment of the protection afforded by that body to the royal family at the period of the restoration. At the accession of Charles X., the day was only changed from the 3rd of May, to that on which the Count d'Artois had entered Paris, which had PARIS IN 1830. 11 been the 12th of April. On that day in 1827, as in previous years, the guard performed the duty of the Tuileries ; and, on the 16th of the month, a general order was issued by the com- mander-in-chief, announcing his majesty's satis- faction with their deportment on the occasion. By the same general order it was intimated, that the king had resolved to evince the good opi- nion he entertained of the National Guard of Paris, by passing in review the thirteen legions of which it was composed, on the 29th of April. On that day, accordingly, the Champ de Mars presented a display of all the splendour of the court, and of all that was brilliant or distinguish- ed in the capital and its environs. The king was saluted with loud, if not with cordial accla- mations. The cries of " Vive le Roi!" " Vive la Charts !" were however occasionally interrupted by murmurs, not loud, but deep, of " d has les ministres — a has les Jesuites !" To each legion the king addressed himself in terms of approbation. Personally, his majesty had been perfectly well received, not only by the national troops, but by the assembled popu- lation, which was estimated to amount to at least 200,000 souls. Some kind friend, however, had doubtless pointed out to him the occasional and unwelcome cry of "Down with the ministry ;" and, on his return to the Tuileries, he observed to one of the marshals in attendance on his per- 12 PARIS IN 1830. son, that the business of the day had not passed quite so well as he had expected, but that on the whole, he was satisfied. On the same day the commander-in-chief expressed to the troops on the field the king's entire approbation of their ap- pearance and deportment ; an order of the day to the same effect was forthwith prepared, and, after receiving his majesty's concurrence, was carried to the office of the Moniteur, for publi- cation on the following morning. Within a few hours, however, the business assumed a different aspect ; the king was made to say, that it was not advice, but homage that he had gone to receive ; and instead of the royal approbation appearing in the Moniteur on the 30th of April, that organ of government contained an ordonnance, by which the national guard was disbanded. The apprehensions entertained by M. de Vil- lele and his colleagues on this occasion, were strongly evinced by the military preparations which had been made on the eve of the review. A strong park of artillery had been brought from the castle of Vincennes, on the other side of Paris, to the Ecole Militaire, which is in the immediate neighbourhood of the Champ de Mars. The horses of the train remained in harness, and the artillerymen stood with lighted matches at their guns throughout the morning. The regi- ments of the guard were posted in the Bois de Boulogne; the courts of the Hotel des Invalides PARIS IN 1830. 13 were filled with Swiss under arms ; even the veteran companies were on duty, and nothing- was left undone in the way of preparation, to convert the Champ de Mars, on a day of cheer- fulness and gaiety, into a scene of possible strife and slaughter. Such was the last meeting of the brave National Guard. It was soon after this period, that the ex- minister, Peyronnet, who was then a member of the Villele administration, brought down to the Chamber of peers his celebrated bill for the de- struction of the liberty of the press. To this measure, which was called in derision, " La loi de justice et d'amour," the hereditary chamber had the courage, or the presumption, to refuse its sanction ; but M. de Villele, who has always been so fertile in expedients, thought that by a fresh infusion of royalism into the upper house — by the creation of a new batch of peers from among the retainers of the court, this constitu- tional majority might easily be overcome. The idea was accordingly carried into effect on the 1,5th of November 1827, when an ordinance appeared in the Moniteur, countersigned by the president of the council, by which, on a single day, no less than seventy-six new peerages were created. It is true, that M. de Villele, in the short period which had elapsed since the date of the restoration, had more than one precedent to 14 PARIS IN 1830. quote for this wholesale process of peer-making. In 1814, the hereditary Chamber was limited to ninety-one members ; but in the following year, it received an addition of eighty-seven. This was found necessary, in order to enable the re- stored government to controul the original ninety-one, most of whom had sitten in the im- perial senate, or, as successful soldiers, were at- tached to the cause of the revolution. Under a new administration, and a new system of govern- ment in 1819, it was found that sixty additional peers were required to neutralize the influence of the last eighty-seven, who, by the unmeasured violence of their proceedings, had made the Chamber more royalist than Louis XVIII. him- self, or the ministry by whose advice he was at that time directed. To restore the balance which had thus been disturbed, a further creation took place in 1824, of twenty-three new peers, after the accession of M. de Villele to the ca- binet ; but, as the upper Chamber was still found to be unmanageable on a question of such vital importance as the liberty of the press, the pre- mier adopted the bold expedient of adding such a number to the peerage, as, with intermediate creations, converted the original cypher of ninety- one, into the formidable total of three hundred and fifty-seven. It will be seen in the sequel, that the whole of these intruders have been cleared out of the Chamber at one fell swoop, by PARIS IN 1830. lo a single clause of the new charter, declaring the absolute nullity of all the peerages created dur- ing the reign of Charles X. In the meantime, the plans of M. de Villele and of his colleagues de Peyronnet and Corbiere were defeated on the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, by a series of elections which left them no chance of retaining that decisive majo- rity they had previously been able to command. The triumvirate were not yet prepared for the consequences of a decisive coup d'etat, and, they having retired from office, a new ministry was formed of less unpopular materials, in which M. Portalis was called to the department of justice, M. Martignac to the interior, and M. Roi to the Treasury. The war department was nominally assigned to M. de Caux, but with the under- standing that the patronage should be reserved to the Duke d' Angouleme ; and M. de Saint- Cricq was entrusted with the portfolio of com- merce and the colonies. The Villele administration remained longer in power than any cabinet which has been formed since the restoration. Those by which it was preceded were each on an average scarcely a year in possession of office, since between 1814 and 1822 there existed not fewer than eight distinct administrations. It was thought that, in deference to public opinion, the members of the deplorable cabinet would not be distinguished by 16 PARIS IN 1830. any mark of royal favour ; but the public mind was speedily disabused of this idea, by the appear- ance of two separate ordinances, bearing the same date with that which nominated their suc- cessors, appointing Villele and Peyronnet, Da- mas, Clermont, Tonnerre and Corbiere, minis- ters of state, and members of his majesty's privy council, and raising to the peerage, with addi- tional pensions, the three who had chiefly ex- cited the public indignation, viz. Villele, Cor- biere, and Peyronnet. The Martignac ministry having assumed the reins of government, under the auspices of a constitutional majority in the representative Chamber/ appeared to have adopted the resolu- tion of carrying into effect the principles of the charter, and pursuing a course in conformity with public opinion. In fulfilment of the pro- mises which had been admitted into the speech from the throne, at the opening of the session of the legislature, a law was enacted, which emanci- pated the press from the trammels to which it had previously been subjected, particularly from that regulation which made a preliminary sanc- tion indispensable. To this important ameliora- tion a series of improvements were added, with reference to the law of elections. On the retirement of M. de la Ferronnez from a situation which he found to be no longer tena- ble, a variety of changes took place among the PARTS IN 1830. 17 heads of departments, and an attempt was made to restore M. de Villele, the representative of the Congregation, to his former office of presi- dent of the council. The proposal immediately produced the tender of his resignation from every member of the cabinet who attached any importance to public opinion : and a subsequent attempt to bring forward the Prince de Polignac and place him at the head of affairs, was prompt- ly attended by a similar result. The monarch, meanwhile, never suffered the affairs of state, or the changes in his ministry, to interfere with his ordinary pursuits. His first duty in the morning was to hear, or, as some have gravely asserted, to say mass in his private chapel. After an early breakfast, he would go out and kill some hundred head of game, which were driven within range of the royal sports- man's Manton, by an army of gardes de chasse. His ordinary dinner-hour was six, and at eight the Duchess de Berri came to him to make one of his party at whist, which lasted till ten, when he went to say his prayers and to sleep, prepa- ratorily to the renewal of the same routine on the morrow. Thus had matters proceeded in the ordinary train, without any external demonstration of what was passing in that cabal of absolutism by whose inspirations the king was at all times ready to be swayed. The dismissal of the Martignac minis- 18 PARIS IN 1830. try had, however, been resolved on by this secret council, long before the design had been entrusted to the royal ear. On the 7th of August, 1829, M. Martignac and his colleagues were received by his majesty with every mark of gracious con- sideration ; they left the royal presence well satisfied with their reception ; but on the follow- ing day they were no longer the ministers of the crown. The Moniteur of the 8th of August con- tained the appointment of Polignac and Labour- donnaye, Courvoisier and de Rigny, de Montbel, de Chabrol, and de Bourmont, as the members of the new cabinet. Admiral de Rigny, how- ever, refused to act with such colleagues, lest he should tarnish the laurels he had gained at Na- varin, or make himself the accomplice of what was well known to be the result of a court in- trigue. He was replaced by M. d'Haussez, who although perhaps better fitted by his previous administrative functions to conduct the official details in the bureau of minister of marine, could neither bring to the new ministry the popularity they so much needed, nor the know- ledge of maritime affairs possessed by M. de Rigny. The admiral's resignation was speedily followed by that of Viscount de Chateaubriand of his embassy at the papal see, and of M. de Belleyme of the most valuable in the gift of the crown, the important office of prefect of police. PARIS IN 1830. 1<) But, although the substitution of M. Mangin for M. de Belleyme was far from being agreeable to the inhabitants of Paris, it was not regarded as so open an insult to the good sense and the honour of the nation, as the elevation of General Bourmont, the deserter of Waterloo, to the head of the war department. A quarrel at length ensued between Labour- donnaye and Polignac, the leaders of the two parties into which the cabinet was known to be divided. Originally the administration had been professedly formed on the principle of perfect equality among the heads of the departments of which it was composed. The Prince de Polig- nac, however, soon evinced a disposition to as- sume the rank and authority of premier. To this arrangement the Count de Labourdonnaye refused to submit ; a dispute arose on some in- significant topic ; the prince was asked by his colleague, if he was afraid of the revolutionary party? "Neither of them, nor of you," was the answer. The appointment of M. de Polignac as president of the council appeared in next morning's Moniteur, and M. de Labourdonnaye retired from the ministry. In the meantime, the Chambers had assem- bled ; and the deputies having voted an address, which was far from being palatable either to the monarch or his ministers, that Chamber was c 2 20 PARIS IN 1830. forthwith prorogued, and soon afterwards dis- solved. It was still found, that the cabinet was not sufficiently self-accordant in its views. It con- tained a majority, consisting' of de Montbel and Courvoisier, de Chabrol and d'Haussez, who were known to be moderate in principle, and who were almost disposed to be reasonable in action. It was necessary to get rid of such of them as entertained some scruples as to the measures in contemplation — to the effect, at least, of giving a decided preponderance to those who were prepared to go all lengths with their chief. On the resignation of M. de Labourdonnaye, M. de Montbel exchanged the portfolio of public instruction, for that of the home department, and made way for the elevation of an obscure individual, M. Guernon Ranville, to the super- intendence of the university, which includes the whole system of education in France. The changes which arose on the retirement of Cour- voisier and de Chabrol were more considerable and more important. M. de Montbel, with his usual complaisance, passed from the home de- partment to the treasury, to make way for the Count de Peyronnet, who became minister of the interior. M. de Chantelauze — a kind of second edition of M. de Ranville — was appointed keeper of the seals ; and, to give greater weight to the PARIS IN 1830. 21 party, a new department was created for the Baron Capelle, by separating the charge of the canals, highways, and public works, from the duties of minister of the interior. Courvoisier and Chabrol retired. By this arrangement, the premier was supposed to have acquired an ac- cession of eloquence, in the person of Chante- lauze — of dexterity, in the Baron Capelle — and of courage, in the Count de Peyronnet. The report on which the treasonable edicts pro- ceed, may be taken as a specimen of the elo- quence of the cabinet, in their collective capa- city ; and their dexterity is evinced by the fact, that on the 24th of July, at the moment when that report, and these ordinances, must either have been prepared, or in the act of prepara- tion, the sign manual of the king, and the countersign of his advisers, were affixed to the lettres closes addressed to the peers and the deputies, requiring them to attend his majesty, at the opening of the session, on the 3d of August : and whatever may be said of the other qualities possessed by the ministers individually, there seems, at least, to have been no want of that fatal courage evinced in every line of their atrocious ordinances. 22 CHAPTER II. Containing at full length the Report of the Ministry, and the Royal Ordinances of the 25th July, 1830. That the ordinances of the 25th of July, which were the immediate and exciting cause of the glorious revolution, may be placed in that conspicuous point of view best fitted to gibbet them for future fame, the present chapter is ex- clusively reserved for their reception, and for that of the Joint report of the cabinet from which they proceeded. REPORT, &c. " Sire, u Your ministers would be little worthy of the confidence with which your majesty honours them, if they longer delayed to place before your eyes a view of our internal situation, and to point out to your high wisdom the dangers of the periodical press. PARIS IN 1830. 23 " At no time for these fifteen years has this situation presented itself under a more serious and more afflicting aspect. Notwithstanding an actual prosperity, of which our annals afford no example, signs of disorganization and symptoms of anarchy manifest themselves at almost every point of the kingdom. " The successive causes which have concurred to weaken the springs of the monarchical government tend now to impair and to change the nature of it. Stripped of its moral force, authority, both in the capital and the provinces, no longer contends, but at a disadvantage, with the factions. Pernicious and subversive doctrines, loudly professed, are spread and propagated among all classes of the population, Alarms, too generally cre- dited, agitate people's minds, and trouble society. On all sides the present is called upon for pledges of security for the future. " An active, ardent, indefatigable malevolence, la- bours to ruin all the foundations of order, and to snatch from France the happiness she enjoys under the sceptre of her kings. Skilful in turning to advantage all discon- tents, and in exciting all hatreds, it foments among the people a spirit of distrust and hostility towards power, and endeavours to sow everywhere the seeds of trou- ble and civil war ; and already, Sire, recent events have proved that political passions, hitherto confined to the upper portion of society, begin to penetrate the depths of it, and to stir up the popular classes. It is proved also, that these masses can never move without danger, even to those who endeavour to rouse them from repose. " A multitude of facts collected in the course of the electoral operations confirm these data, and would offer us the too certain presage of new commotions, if it were not in the power of your majesty to avert the misfor- tune. " Everywhere also, if we observe with attention, £4 PARIS IN 1830. there exists a necessity for order, for strength, and for durability ; and the agitations which appear to be the most opposed to that necessity, are in reality only the ex- pression and the testimony of its existence. " It must be acknowledged that these agitations, which cannot be increased without great dangers, are almost exclusively produced and excited by the liberty of the press. A law on the elections, no less fruitful of dis- orders, has doubtless concurred in maintaining them; but it would be denying what is evident, to refuse to per- ceive in the journals the principal focus of a corruption, the progress of which is every day more sensible, and the first source of the calamities which threaten the king- dom. "Experience, Sire, speaks more loudly than theory. Men who are doubtless enlightened, and whose good faith is not suspected, led away by the ill-understood example of a neighbouring people, may have believed that the advantages of the periodical press would ba- lance its inconveniences, and that its excesses would be neutralized by contrary excesses. It is not so : the proof is decisive, and the question is now settled in the public mind. "At all times, in fact, the periodical press has been, and it is in its natuhe to be, only an instrument of disorder and sedition. ■' What numerous and irrefragable proofs may be brought in support of this truth ! It is by the violent and incessant action of the press that the too sudden and too frequent variations of our internal policy are to be explained. It has not permitted a regular and stable system of government to be established in France, nor any constant attention to be devoted to the introduction, into all the branches of the administration, of those ame- liorations of which they are susceptible. All the ministries since 1814, though formed under divers influences, and PARIS IN 1830. 25 subject to opposite directions, have been exposed to the same attacks and to the same licence of the passions. Sacrifices of every kind, concessions of power, alliances of party — nothing has been able to save them from this common destiny. " This comparison alone, so fertile in reflections, would suffice to assign to the press its true, its invariable character. It endeavours, by constant, persevering, daily-repeated efforts, to relax all the bonds of obedience and subordination, to weaken all the springs of public authority, to degrade and debase it in the opinion of the people, to create against it everywhere embarrass- ment and resistance. " Its art consists not in substituting for a too easy submission of mind a prudent liberty of examination, but in reducing to a problem the most positive truths ; not in exciting upon political questions frank and useful controversy, but in placing them in a false light, and solving them by sophistry. " The press has thus excited confusion in the most upright minds, — has shaken the most firm convictions, and produced, in the midst of society, a confusion of principles which lends itself to the most fatal attempts. It is by anarchy in doctrine, that it paves the way for anarchy in the state. It is worthy of remark, Sire, that the periodical press has not even fulfilled its most essen- tial condition, — that of publicity ! It is strange, but a thing that may be said with truth, that there is no publicity in France, taking this word in its just and strict sense. In this state of things, facts, when they are not entirely fictitious, do not come to the knowledge of several millions of readers, except when mutilated and disfigured in the most odious manner. A thick cloud, raised by the journals, conceals the truth, and in a manner intercepts the light between the govern- ment and the people. The kings your predecessors, 26 PARIS IN 1830. Sire, always loved to communicate with their subjects : this is a satisfaction which the press has not thought fit that your majesty should enjoy (!) " A licentiousness which has passed all bounds has, in fact, not respected, even on the most solemn occa- sions, either the express will of the king or the words pronounced from the throne. Some have been misun- derstood and misinterpreted ; while others have been the subject of perfidious commentaries, or of bitter derision. It is thus that the last act of the royal power, — the pro- clamation, — was discredited by the public, even before it was known by the electors. " Nor is this all. The press tends to no less than subjugating the sovereignty, and invading the powers of the state. The pretended organ of public opinion, it aspires to direct the debates of the two Chambers ; it is incontestable that it brings into them the weight of an influence no less fatal than decisive. This domination has assumed, especially within these two or three years, in the Chamber of Deputies, a manifest character of oppression and tyranny. In this interval of time, we have seen the journals pursue, with their insults and their outrages, the members whose votes appeared to them uncertain or suspicious. Too often, Sire, has the free- dom of debate in that chamber sunk under the reiterated blows of the press. " The conduct of the opposition journals during the most recent circumstances cannot be characterized in terms less severe. After having themselves called forth an address derogatory to the prerogative of the throne, they have not feared to confirm as a principle, the election of the two hundred and twenty-one deputies whose work it is : and yet your majesty repulsed the address as offensive ; you had publicly planned the re- fusal of concurrence which was expressed in it ; you had announced your immutable resolution to de- PARIS IN 1830. 27 fend the rights of your crown, so openly compromised. The periodical journals have paid no regard to this : on the contrary, they have taken it upon them to renew, to perpetuate, and to aggravate the offence. Your ma- jesty will decide whether this presumptuous attack shall remain longer unpunished. " But of all the excesses of the press, the most serious perhaps remains to be pointed out. From the very be- ginning of that expedition, the glory of which throws so pure and so durable a splendour on the noble crown of France, the press has criticised with unheard-of vio- lence the causes, the means, the preparations, the chances of success. Insensible to the national honour, it was not its fault if our flag did not remain degraded by the insults of a barbarian. Indifferent to the great interests of humanity, it has not been its fault if Europe has not remained subject to a cruel slavery and a shame- ful tribute. " This was not enough. By a treachery which our laws might have reached, the press has eagerly pub- lished all the secrets of the armament ; brought to the knowledge of foreigners the state of our forces, the number of our troops, and that of cur ships; and pointed out the stations, the means to be employed to surmount the variableness of the winds, and to approach the coast. Every thing, even the place of landing, was divulged, as if to give the enemy more certain means of defence; and, (a thing unheard-of among civilized people,) the press has not hesitated, by false alarms as to the dangers to be incurred, to cause discouragement in the army ; and, to point to its hatred the commander of the enterprise, it has, in a manner, excited the soldiers to raise against him the standard of revolt, or to desert their colours. This is what the organs of a party which pretends to be national have dared to do. 44 That which the party dares to do every day in the c 28 PARIS IN 1830. interior of the kingdom tends to no less than to disperse the elements of public peace, to dissolve the bands of so- ciety, and, as it were, to make the ground tremble under our feet. Let us not fear to disclose here the whole ex- tent of our evils, in order the better to appreciate the whole extent of our resources. A system of defamation, organized on a great scale, and directed with unequalled perseverance, reaches, either near at hand or at a distance, the most humble of the agents of the government. None of your subjects, Sire, is secure from insult, if he re- ceives from his sovereign the least mark of confidence or satisfaction. A vast net thrown over France enve- lopes all the public functionaries. Placed in a constant state of accusation, they seem to be in a manner cut off from civil society ; only those are spared whose fidelity wavers, — only those are praised whose fidelity gives way: the others are marked by the faction to be in the sequel, without doubt, sacrificed to popular vengeance. " The periodical press has not displayed less ardour in pursuing with its poisoned darts religion and her priests. Its object is, and always will be, to root out of the heart of the people even the last germ of religious sentiments. Sire, do not doubt that it will succeed in this, by attacking the foundations of the press itself, by poisoning the sources of public morals, and by covering the ministers of the altars with derision and contempt. " No strength, it must be confessed, is able to resist a dissolving power so active ; since the press at all times, when it has been freed from its fetters, has made an irruption and convulsion in the state. One cannot but be singularly struck with the similitude of its effects during these last fifteen years, notwithstanding the change of circumstances, and of the men who have figured on the political stage. Its destiny, in a word, is to recommence the revolution, the principles of which it loudly proclaims. Placed and replaced at various PARTS IN 1830. 2!) intervals under the yoke of the censorship, it has always resumed its liberty only to recommence its interrupted work. In order to continue it with the more success, it has found an active auxiliary in the departmental press, which, engaging in dispute local jealousies and hatreds, striking terror into the minds of timid men, and harassing authority by endless intrigues, has exercised a decisive influence on the elections. " These last effects, Sire, are transitory ; but effects more durable are observed in the manners and in the character of the nation. An ardent, lying, and passion- ate spirit of contention, the school of scandal and licen- tiousness, has everywhere produced the most import- ant alterations : it gives a false direction to people's minds : it fills them with prejudices — diverts them from serious studies — retards them in the progress of the sciences and the arts — excites among us a fermentation, which is constantly increasing — maintains, even in the bosom of our families, fatal dissensions- and might, by degrees, throw us back into barbarism. u Against so many evils, engendered by the periodi- cal press, law and justice are equally obliged so confess their want of power. It would be superfluous to inquire into the causes which have weakened the power of re- pression, and have insensibly made it an ineffectual wea- pon in the hands of authority. It is sufficient to appeal to experience, and to show the present state of things. " Judicial for ?ns do not easily lend themselves to an effectual repression. This truth has long since struck reflecting minds; it has lately become still more evident. To satisfy the wants which caused its institution, the repression ought to be prompt and strong ; it has been slow, weak, and almost null. When it interferes, the mischief is already accomplished, and the punishment, far from repairing it, only adds the scandal of discussion. " Judicial prosecutions are wearied out, but the se- 30 PARIS IN 1830. ditious press is never weary. The one stops because there is too much to prosecute : the other multiplies its strength by multiplying its transgressions. Under these divers circumstances the prosecutions have had their appearances of activity or of relaxation. But what does the press care for zeal or lukewarmness in the public prosecutor ? It seeks to find the assurance of multiply- ing its successes by impunity. " The insufficiency, or rather the inutility, of the in- stitutions and of the laws now in force, is demonstrated by facts. It is equally proved by facts that the pub- lic safety is endangered by the licentiousness of the press. " Give ear, Sire, to the prolonged cry of indignation and of terror which rises from all points of your king- dom. All peaceable men, the upright, the friends of order, stretch to your majesty their suppliant hands. All implore you to preserve them from the return of the calamities by which their fathers or themselves have been so severely afflicted. These alarms are too real not to be listened to — these wishes are too legitimate not to be regarded. " There is but one means to satisfy them : it is to re- turn to the charter. " If the terms of the 8th article are ambiguous, its spirit is manifest. It is certain that the charter has not asserted the liberty of the journals and of periodical writings. The right of publishing one's personal opi- nions certainly does not imply the right of publishing the opinions of others. The one is the use of a faculty which the law might leave free or subject to restrictions : the other is a commercial speculation, which, like others, and more than others, supposes the superintendence of the public authority. " The intentions of the charter on this subject are accurately explained in the law of the 21st of October, PARIS IN 1830. 31 1814, which is, in some measure, the appendix to it : this is the less doubtful, as this law was presented to the Chambers on the 5th of July — that is to say, one month after the promulgation of the charter. In 1819, at the time when a contrary system prevailed in the Cham- bers, it was openly proclaimed there that the periodical press was not governed by the enactments of the 8th article. This truth is, besides, attested by the very laws which have imposed upon the journals the condition of giving securities. " Now, Sire, nothing remains but to inquire how this return to the charter, and to the law of the 21st of Oc- tober, 1814, is to be effected. The gravity of the pre- sent juncture has solved this question. " We must not deceive ourselves, — we are no longer in the ordinary condition of a representative govern- ment. The principles on which such has been established could not remain entire amidst political vicissitudes. A turbulent democracy, the principles of which have pene- trated even into our laws, aims at putting itself in the place of legitimate power. It disposes of the majority of the elections by means of the journals, and by the assistance of numerous artifices. It has paralyzed, as far as it could do, the regular exercise of the most essential prerogative of the crown — that of dissolving the elec- tive chamber. By this very fact the constitution of the state is shaken. Your majesty alone retains the power to replace and to consolidate it upon a firm foundation. " The right as well as the duty of assuring its maintenance, is the inseparable attribute of the sove- reignty. No government on earth could remain stand- ing, if it had not the right to provide for its own secu- rity. This power exists before the laws, because it is essentially in the nature of things. These, Sire, are maxims which have in their favour the sanction of time, and the assent of all the publicistes of Europe 3 C 2 PARIS IN 1830. " But these maxims have another sanction still more positive— that of the charter itself. The 14th article has invested your majesty with a sufficient power, not, undoubtedly, to change our institutions, but to consoli- date them, and render them more stable. " Circumstances of imperious necessity do not permit the exercise of this supreme power to be any longer deferred. The moment is come for recourse to measures which are in the spirit of the charter, but which are beyond the limits of legal order, the resources whereof have been exhausted in vain. " These measures, Sire, your ministers, who are to secure the success of them, do not hesitate to propose to you, convinced as they are, that justice will retain the ascendancy. " We are, with the most profound respect, Sire, your majesty's most humble and most faithful subjects, (Signed) " Prince de Polignac. " Chaxtelauze. " Baron D'Haussez. " Count de Peyronnet. " MoNTBEL. " Count de Guernon Ranville. " Baron Capelle. ORDINANCES OF THE KING. " Charles, &c. " To all to whom these presents shall come, health. " On the report of our council of ministers, we have ordained and do ordain as follows : — " Art. 1. The liberty of the periodical press is sus- pended . " % The regulations of the articles 1st, 2nd, and 9th, of the first section of the law of the 21st of October PARIS IN 1830. 33 1814, are again put in force; in consequence of which no journal, or periodical, or semi-periodical writing, esta- blished, or about to be established, without distinction of the matters therein treated, shall appear in Paris or in the departments, except by the virtue of an authority first obtained from us respectively by the authors and the printer. This authority shall be renewed every three months. It may also be revoked. " 3. The authority shall be provisionally granted and provisionally withdrawn by the prefects from journals and periodicals, or semi-periodical works, published, or about to be published, in the departments. " 4. Journals and writings published in contraven- tion of article 2, shall be immediately seized. The presses and types used in the printing of them, shall be placed in a public depot under seal, or rendered unfit for use. " 5. No writing of less than twenty printed pages shall appear, except with the authority of our minister, Secretary of State for the Interior at Paris, and of the prefects in the departments. Every writing of more than twenty printed pages, which shall not constitute one single work, must also equally be published under au- thority only. Writings published without authority shall be immediately seized, the presses and types used in printing them shall be placed in a public depot, and under seal, or rendered unfit for use. " 6. Memoirs relating to legal process and memoirs of scientific and literary societies must be previously au- thorized, if they treat in whole or in part of political matters, in which case the measures prescribed by art. 5 shall be applicable. " 7. Every regulation contrary to the present shall be without effect. " 8. The execution of the present ordinance shall take place in conformity with article 4 of the ordinance of D 34 PARIS IN 1830. November 27, 1816, and of that which is prescribed by the ordinance of the 18th of January, 1817. " 9. Our secretaries of state are charged with the ex- ecution of this ordinance. " Given at the Castle of St. Cloud, the 25th of July, in the year of grace 1830, and the 6th of our reign. (Signed) ' k CHARLES. (Countersigned) " Prince de Polignac, President. " Chantelauze, Keeper of the Seals. " Baron D'Haussez, Minister of Marine. " Montbel, Minister of Finance. " Count Guernon Ranville, Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs. " Baron Capelle, Secretary of State for Pub- lic Works." " Charles, " To all to whom these presents shall come, &c. " Having considered art. 50 of the constitutional Charter ; being informed of the manoeuvres which have been practised in various parts of our kingdom, to de- ceive and mislead the electors during the late operations of the electoral colleges ; having heard our council ; we have ordained and do ordain as follows : — " Art. 1. The Chamber of Deputies of departments is dissolved. "2. Our Minister Secretary of State of the Interior is charged with the execution of the present ordinance. " Given at St. Cloud, the 25th day of July, the year of grace, 1830, and the sixth of our reign. " CHARLES." (Countersigned) " Count de Peyronnet, Peer of France, Secretary of State for the Interior." PARTS IN 1830. 35 " Charles, " To all those who shall see these presents, health. " Having resolved to prevent the return of the ma- noeuvres which have exercised a pernicious influence on the late operations of the electoral colleges, and wishing in consequence, to reform according to the principles of the constitutional charter the rules of election, of which ex- perience has shown the inconvenience, we have recog- nized the necessity of using the right which belongs to us, to provide, by acts emanating from ourselves, for the safety of the state, and for the suppression of every en- terprize injurious to the dignity of our crown. For these reasons, having heard our council, we have or- dained and do ordain — "Art. 1. Conformably with the articles 15, 86, and 30, of the constitutional charter, the Chamber of Deputies shall consist only of Deputies of departments. " 2. The electoral rate, and the rate of eligibility, shall consist exclusively of the sums for which the elec- tor and the candidate shall be inscribed individually, as holders of real .or personal property in the roll of the land-tax, or of personal taxes. " 3. Each department shall have the number of de- puties allotted to it by the 36th article of the constitu- tional charter. " 4. The deputies shall be elected, and the Chamber renewed, in the form and for the time fixed by the 37th article of the constitutional charter. " 5. The electoral colleges shall be divided into col- leges of arrondissement, and colleges of departments, except the case of those electoral colleges of departments to which only one deputy is allotted. " 6. The electoral colleges of arrondissement shall consist of all the electors whose political domicile D % 36 PARIS IN 1830. is established in the arrondissement. The electoral col- leges of departments shall consist of a fourth part of the most highly taxed of the electors of departments. " 7. The present limits of the electoral colleges of ar- rondissements are retained. " 8. Every electoral college of arrondissement shall elect a number of candidates equal to the number of de- partmental deputies. " 9. The college of arrondissement shall be divided into as many sections as candidates. Each division shall be in proportion to the number of sections, and to the total number of electors, having regard as much as possible to the convenience of place and neighbourhood. " 10. The sections of the electoral college of arron- dissements may assemble in different places. "11. Every section of the electoral college of arron- dissements shall choose a candidate, and proceed se- parately. " 12. The presidents of the sections of the electoral college of arrondissement shall be nominated by the prefects from among the electors of the arrondisse- ment. " 13. The college of department shall choose the deputies; half the deputies of departments shall be chosen from the general list of candidates proposed by the colleges of arrondissements ; nevertheless, if the number of deputies of the department is uneven, the division shall be made without impeachment of the right reserved by the college of department. " 14. In cases where, by the effect of omissions, or of void or double nominations, the list of candidates pro- posed by the colleges of arrondissements shall be in- complete, if the list is reduced below half the number required, the college of the department shall choose ano- ther deputy not in the list ; if the list is reduced below a PARIS IN 1830. 37 fourth, the college of the department may elect the whole of the deputies of the department. 4 15. The prefects, the sub-prefects, and the general officers commanding military divisions and departments, are not to be elected in the departments where they exercise their functions. " 16. The list of electors shall be settled by the pre- fect in the council of prefecture. It shall be posted up five days before the assembling of the colleges. "17. Claims regarding the power of voting, which have not been authorized by the prefects, shall be de- cided by the Chamber of Deputies ; at the same time that it shall decide upon the validity of the operations of the colleges. " 18. In the electoral colleges of departments, the two oldest electors, and the two electors who pay the most taxes, shall execute the duty of scrutators. The same disposition shall be observed in the sec- tions of the college of arrondissement, composed, at most, of only fifty electors. In the other sections, the functions of scrutators shall be executed by the oldest and the richest of the electors. The secretary of the college or section shall be nominated by the president and the scrutators. " 19. No person shall be admitted into the college, or section of college, if he is not inscribed in the list of electors who compose it. This list will be delivered to the president, and will remain posted up in the place of the sitting of the college, during the period of its pro- ceedings. " 20. All discussion and deliberation whatever are forbidden in the bosom of the electoral colleges. " 91. The police of the college belongs to the president. No armed force, without his order, can be placed near the hall of its sittings. The mi- 38 PARIS IN 1830. litary commandant shall be bound to obey his requisi- tions. " 22. The nominations shall be made in the colleges and sections of colleges, by the absolute majority of the votes given. Nevertheless, if the nominations are not finished after two rounds of scrutiny, the bureau shall determine the list of persons who shall have obtained the greatest number of suffrages at the second round. It shall contain a number of names double that of the nominations which remain to be made. At the third round, no suffrages can be given except to the persons inscribed on that list; and the nominations shall be made by a relative majority. " 23. The electors shall vote by bulletins ; every bulletin shall contain as many names as there are nomi- nations to be made. " 24. The electors shall write their vote on the bureau, or cause it to be written by one of the scru- tators. "25. The name, the qualification, and the domicile of each elector who shall deposit his bulletin, shall be inscribed by the secretary on a list destined to establish the number of the voters. " 26. Every scrutiny shall remain open for six hours, and the result shall be declared during the sitting. " 27. There shall be drawn up a proces verbal for each sitting. This proces verbal, or minute, shall be signed by all the members of the bureau. " 28. Conformably with article 46 of the Constitu- tional charter, no amendment can be made upon any law in the Chamber, unless it has been proposed and consented to by us, and unless it has been discussed in the bureau. " 29- All regulations contrary to the present ordi- nance shall remain without effect. PARIS IN 1830. 39 " 30. Our ministers, secretaries of state, are charged with the execution of the present ordinance. " Given at St. Cloud, this 25th day of July, in the year of grace 1830, and 6th of our reign. " CHARLES." (Countersigned by all the Ministers.) 40 CHAPTER III. Effects produced among- the Parisians by the announcement of the obnoxious ordinances in the Moniteur — Conduct va- riously held by the proprietors of the constitutional Journals — Reasons assigned for the first hesitation of the influential classes — Prohibitory measures adopted by the Police — Protest of the Parisian journalists — Suspension of commer- cial confidence — Confluence of people at the Palais Royal — Eccentricities of the Marquis de Chabannes — Conduct of the gen-d'armerie — Tumultuous assembly in the Champs Elysees, and singular escape of the Prince de Polignac. From the central position and the publicity of the Palais Royal, its courts and its garden become a ready rendezvous for the population of Paris on any emergency of interest or importance. In the upper part of the garden, near the Cafe of the Rotonde, there are two little pavilions, where the public journals are given out for perusal at a very moderate rate to the numerous loungers who frequent the precincts of the palace for the enjoyment of the numerous attractions of which it is the focus. It was from these little " Cabinets de Lecture" that the first im- pulse was given to the revolutionary movement of which we now witness the effects. As soon PARIS IN 1830. 11 as it was known that the Moniteur was big with such important intelligence, the ordinary course of perusal by successive applicants at the bureaux in the pavilions was at once abandoned as far too slow a process for the impatient crowds who gathered rapidly around as the fatal rumour was spread through the garden. Every copy of the official journal became forthwith a separate centre of excitement, if not of attraction. The individual who had secured it was compelled to mount the chairs with which the garden is supplied, and to read it aloud to the groups within hearing. When this was accomplished, a new audience and a new reader were readily found to supply the place of those who, for- getting the purposes of pleasure or of business which had brought them to the spot, were seen hastening from the palace to communicate what they had heard to their neighbours and their friends. The first feeling produced by the appearance of these ordinances was a sort of stupefaction and surprise, which was speedily roused into contempt and indignation. It was some hours, however, before a distinct knowledge of the fact became general throughout the city. The cir- culation of the Moniteur, like that of the Lon- don Gazette, to which it is in some degree analogous, is in itself extremely limited, being almost exclusively confined to the public offices of the government, and to a hw of the reading 42 PARTS IN 1830. rooms, and other places of general resort ; and as it appears at the same hour with the morning- papers, the information it communicates is seldom very widely circulated until the following day. In the offices of the constitutional journals the effect produced was far from being uniform. The spirited proprietors of the National, the Times, and the Globe, resolved on immediate resistance to the arbitrary decree which declared the suspension of their professional freedom. In the course of the forenoon, second editions of these journals were printed and posted through- out the city, and, as they contained the obnoxious edicts themselves, with an appeal to the people, inciting them to resistance, and assuring them that obedience was no longer a duty, the vague- ness of the rumours which had begun to circulate at an early hour in the morning was thus made to assume a definite and intelligible form. But since the truth must be told in this, as in all the parts of our narrative, it must not be concealed that the Constitutionnel and the Journal des Debats, La Nouvelle France, and several other journals, professedly liberal, adopted the more prudent course of passive obedience to the usurped authority of the government. To the English reader it may be necessary to say, that these latter journals, but more parti- cularly the Constitutionnel and the Debats, are, in point of circulation, at the head of the daily press of Paris, while the three that ven- PARTS IN 1830. 43 tured to appear, are comparatively of recent origin ; so that the risk they incurred by this open disregard of the royal authority, was one of person rather than of property. This dis- tinction is here taken, from the striking analogy it bears to all the proceedings of this extraor- dinary revolution. It was, in fact, with the sa?is culottes of the press, as of the populace, that the movement originated. Those who had any thing but life to lose, were cautious in ex- posing it ; and of such it may truly be said, that it was not their " consciences," but their property, that made " cowards" of them all. If it must be admitted that the richer and more influential classes showed some hesitation at the outset, in throwing themselves into the breach which had been effected by their poorer fellow citizens, so neither must it be concealed, that several brilliant and redeeming exceptions were to be found among the modern monied aristocracy, as well as among the old noblesse of the country. It is true that the Periers, the Lafittes, and the Lafayettes, were not to be seen at the first sound of the tocsin ; but it was not the fault of these noble-minded individuals that they were absent from Paris at the moment when the blow was struck. As soon as they became aware of the attack which had been made on public liberty, they hastened, as if by mutual agreement, from various parts of the country, to present themselves at the post of 44 PARIS IN 1830. duty and of danger. But — what is believed to be perfectly unique in the history of the world — they found, on their arrival, that the French ] revolution of 1830 had already been more than half accomplished, by the firmness and resolution of the humbler classes of society, without any incentive but an innate love of freedom, to prompt them to action and to lead them to victory. The re-appearance of the ordinances, in second editions of several of the morning- jour- nals, accompanied by comments, of any thing but a flattering nature, produced a proclamation in the course of the day, from the office of the prefecture of police, authorizing the seizure of all printed papers which should be sold or dis- tributed without the true indication of the name, profession, and residence of the author and the printer ; and directing the arrest of the individuals concerned in the distribution. The keepers of reading-rooms and coffee-houses were also prohibited from giving out for perusal such journals as had been printed in contravention of the royal ordinances ; and it was declared that they should be prosecuted, as guilty of the mis- demeanours committed by the journalists them- selves. At the conclusion of M. Mangin's pro- clamation, a hint was given at the nature of the means to be employed in enforcing it. While the principal commissary of the municipal police was, with his subordinate officers, directed to PARTS IN 18.30. 4,5 superintend its execution, the colonel com- mandant of the royal gen-d'armerie was at the same time enjoined to concur with the civil functionaries, in so far as the force at his dispo- sal was concerned. The terms of this proclamation, like those of the ordinances themselves, evinced in the clearest manner the consciousness of the go- vernment, that their proceedings were totally unsupported by that moral strength which is founded on public opinion. Measures were immediately taken, in pursuance of . the threats which were thus held out, to prevent, by actual violence, the appearance of those journals whose conductors had refused to submit to the interdict imposed on them. The proprietors of one paper, the Journal du Commerce, adopted the middle course, between submission and disobe- dience, of appealing to M. de Belleyme, the president of the civil tribunal of first instance, and obtained a judgment from him, as against the printer of the paper, declaring that the or- dinances were not obligatory on the citizens, because they had not yet been published, as pre- scribed by statute, in the Bulletin des Lois. The ground thus assumed by M. de Belleyme, was founded on a technical nicety, more consistent with the habits of a lawyer than with the wider views of a statesman, or the feelings of an in- jured citizen. But whatever may have been its basis, the direction which it gave was practically 46 PARIS IN 1830. favourable to the cause of freedom, although in the particular instance to which it applied it was not attended with the desired effect. The business of printing in France is, or rather was, like other trades connected with the disse- mination of ideas, a strict and close monopoly. Up to the date of the ordinances, a printer's licence was an object of some value, as may be collected from the fact, that in a great capital like Paris, the centre of French, if not also of Euro- pean literature, the number of these licences was limited to eighty. In the case of the Journal du Commerce, the printer refused to obey the judg- ment of the court of first instance, and took an appeal to a higher tribunal, preferring to incur the risk of a claim of damages at the suit of the journal, rather than to endanger the safety of his patent by giving offence to those who were still at the head of the government. In this emergency the journalists, as a body, had the high honour of being the first to com- bine their efforts in the preparation of a solemn protest against the measures of the government ; a translation of which is here subjoined, with the names of the subscribers annexed to it. PROTEST OF THE PARISIAN JOURNALISTS. " It has been frequently announced within the last six months that the laws would be violated, that a coup d'etat would be struck. The good sense of the public PARIS IN 1830. 47 refused to believe in it. The ministry repelled the sup- position as a calumny. The Moniteur, however, has at length published these memorable ordinances, in direct violation of the laws. Legal order is thus interrupted, and that of force is begun. " In the situation in which we find ourselves placed, obedience has ceased to be a duty. The citizens first called to obey, are the writers of the public journals : they ought to give the first example of resistance to the authority which has divested itself of its legal cha- racter. " The matters professed to be regulated by the or- dinances this day published, are such as are not, con- sistently with the charter, within the exclusive province of the royal authority. The 8th article of the charter declares that Frenchmen shall be bound in matters of the press to conform themselves to ' the laws ? it does not say to mere ordonnances. The 35th article of the charter declares that the electoral colleges shall be regulated by the laws; it does not say by royal or- donnances. " These articles have hitherto been recognized by the crown itself; the idea had not been formed of arming itself against them either in virtue of a pre- tended constitutional power, or of a power falsely as- cribed to the 14th article of the charter. " Whenever in fact any circumstances, assumed to be of a serious nature, have appeared to require any modi- fication of the regulations affecting the press or of the electoral system, recourse has always been had to the legislative chambers. When it was required to modify the charter by the establishment of septennial elections, and the simultaneous renovation of the whole chamber, recourse was had, not to the royal authority, as the author of the charter, but collectively to the whole le- gislature. 48 PARIS IN 1830. *< The 8th and 35th articles of the charter have thus been practically recognized by royalty itself, which, in regard to them, has not attempted to arrogate either a constituent authority, or a dictatorial power, which does not exist. " These principles have been solemnly recognized by the tribunal to whom the right of interpretation is en- trusted. The royal court of Paris and several others, have condemned the publishers of the declaration of the Brittany association, as the authors of an outrage against the government. It was considered an outrage to sup- pose that the government would employ the authority of ordinances where the authority of law was alone admissible. " The reasons by which they are supported are such as to make a formal refutation unnecessary. " The text of the charter, the practice which has hitherto been followed by the crown, and the judgments of the tribunals, establish the principle that, as regards the press and the electoral organization, the laws, or in other words, the king, and the two chambers, collec- tively, are the sole source of power. " Legality has now, therefore, been violated by the government. We attempt to publish our papers with- out requiring the authorization imposed on us. We shall endeavour that for this day, at least, they shall find their way to all parts of the kingdom. " Such is the duty imposed on us as citizens, and we perform it. " We have not pointed out its duties to the Chamber illegally dissolved. But we may beseech it, in the name of France, to maintain itself on its evident right, and to resist to the utmost, the violation of the laws. This right is as certain as that on which we rely. The 50th article of the charter declares, that the king may dissolve the Chamber of Deputies ; but to that effect it must PARIS IN 1830. 49 have been assembled and constituted as a Chamber, and have assumed the form which made it liable to dissolu- tion. But before the meeting and constitution of the Chamber, the elections were all that had been accom- plished. It is nowhere said in the charter that the king may annul the elections. The dissolution is therefore illegal, since it is not warranted by the charter. " The deputies elected and convoked for the 3rd of August are well and duly elected, and convoked. Their duty is the same to-day, that it was yesterday. That duty France beseeches them not to forget. All that they can do, they ought to do, to give effect to their right. " The government has this day lost the character of legality which commands obedience. We resist it in so far as we are concerned; it is for France to judge how far the resistance should be extended.' 1 [Here follow the names of the subscribers, in the order in which they were attached to this extraordinary document.] Gafija, editor of the National. Thiers, Mignet, Carrel, Chambolle, Peysse, Albert Stapfe Dubochet, Rolle, Leroua?, editor of the Globe. De Guizard, contributor to the Globe. Sarrans Jeune^ editor of the Courrier des Electeurs, B. Dejean, contributor to the Globe. uye , i contributors to the Courrier. Monssette, > E > contributors to the National. 50 PARIS IN 1830. Auguste Fabre, editor of the Tribune des Departemens, Atxtxte ~i • • i „ '. r . J contributors to the Constitutionnel. Cauchois Lemaire, 3 ^"* lot the Times. Haussmann, 3 Avenel, of the Courrier Francais. Dussard, of the Times. Levasseur, of the Revolution. Evariste Durnoulin, of the Constitutionnel. Alexis de Jussieu, ? T ~ . -r. ^. , 7 . 5- of the Courrier Francais. Chatelam, 3 ^ " ' [ of the Revolution. razy, 3 „ , J of the Times. Barbarous, 5 (Ma*, > of the Times. J. Billiard, 3 Jtfer, of the Tribune des Departemens. F. Larreguy, of the Journal du Commerce. J. F. Dupont, of the Courrier Francais. C/i. c/e Remusat, of the Globe. F. c/e Lapelanze, of the Courrier Francais. Bohain, | of th e Figaro. Roqueplan, 3 Co ^' ] of the Times. J. J. Bande, 3 #er£, of the Journal du Commerce. Jean Plllet, of the Journal de Paris. Vaillant, of the Sylphe. Although the monied interest were not the most forward in lending their personal assist- ance to promote the cause of freedom, they were far from being callous to the consequences which were to be expected from the unconstitutional PARTS IN 1830. 51 proceedings of the Government on the value of the public securities. Long* before the hour of 'change, the speculators, and others interested in the public funds, had assembled in crowds at the Cafe Tortoni, on the Boulevard des Italiens ; where it was soon ascertained, that three per cent, stock would not bring* a price within three or four francs of what it was worth when the market closed on the previous Saturday. As soon as the regular hour of business arrived, the magnificent building, in which the merchants of Paris assemble for the despatch of their pecu- niary transactions, became crowded to excess. It was observed, that even those whose interests were promoted, and whose previous anticipa- tions were justified by the state of the market, were unable to rejoice at it. The feeling of commercial confidence had been suddenly and entirely suspended ; the bankers had shut up their shops ; there was an end to all dealings in merchandise ; and M. Ternaux, the greatest manufacturer in France, had already dismissed the whole of his workmen, with a payment of eight days' wages in advance, as an indemnity for the loss they were to suffer by the privation of their means of livelihood without any pre- vious notice. The gardens of the Palais Royal, which in the morning had afforded the first facilities to the inhabitants, in learning the nature of the e 2 5% PARTS IN 1830. outrage which had been committed on them, and in spreading the alarm throughout the city, became, in the afternoon and evening, a place of rendezvous for those who had already begun to reflect on the probable consequences of the mea- sures of the Government; as well as for another class of individuals to be found in every great city, ready to avail themselves of any public commotion, and to turn it to their own ad- vantage. The mauvais sujets of this latter class found the ready means of agitation and excitement, in a shop which had been opened by the mad Mar- quis de Chabannes, in the splendid Orleans Gal- lery, which traverses- the centre of the building, for the purpose of exhibiting the result of his labours, in the new career he had chosen of an amateur journalist. More royalist than the King, or even than the King's Ministers, this poetical peer conceived that he had discovered a panacea for all the political evils ; and professed, in prose and verse, in brochures and in journals, to teach the Ministry the means of saving the monarchy. Instead of laughing themselves, or leaving the public to laugh at the follies of the Marquis de Chabannes, the myrmidons of M. Mangin had, on Saturday the 24th of July, made an inroad on the peer's premises, and a seizure of all the trash they contained. Deprived of the means of vengeance through the medium of the press, the PARES IN 1830. 58 Marquis resolved to wreak his wrath on the Ministry, and on the journalists, who had re- fused to notice his lucubrations, by exhibiting* them in a series of harmless caricatures, which on Monday evening- were posted up in the front of his shop, and which some lithographic printer had enabled him to multiply. As the evening advanced, the cry of " Vive la Charte !" was occasionally heard from among the crowds assembled in the neighbourhood of the Marquis's Boutique : the moment, it appears, was thought to be favourable for commencing the chastisement prepared for the people. A party of gens-d'armes rushed sword in hand into the gallery : " Fermez ! fermez !" was heard from every shop ; the windows were all closed, but instead of taking flight, as a Parisian mob is ac- customed to do on the appearance of the armed police, the assembled crowd deliberately waited, until they were driven out of the gallery at the point of the sword — and then only retired into the garden. The men formed themselves in something like regular order, along the rails of the parterre, and the women and children, ad- vancing in front of the gens-d'armes, as if to pro- voke them to violence, loaded them with the most opprobrious epithets ; calling them the hired agents of tyranny and oppression. Al- though the minions of authority were little ac- customed to be thus openly bearded in the exer- 54 PARIS IN 1830. cise of their disreputable functions, they had not yet suffered themselves to be provoked to the commission of any irreparable act of violence. No blood had yet been shed. Instead of driving the crowd before them, with their usual inso- lence, they lowered the points of their sabres, and, in terms of unwonted gentleness, entreated the multitude to leave the garden, and dis- perse. The Champs Elysees, which, on a summer evening, present so many joyous groups around the bands of itinerant musicians, the jugglers, the marionettes, and other sources of amuse- ment, so liberally provided for them, presented on this evening, and alas ! on more evenings than this, a very different spectacle. Deterred from indulging in their wonted scenes of gaiety, by the subject with which every mind and every tongue was occupied, it was suggested by some one that the Prince de Polignac, the chief author of the calamity which had befallen the nation, would be then on his return from the royal resi- dence at St. Cloud, and that he must pass through the Champs Elysees, to proceed to his hotel on the Boulevard des Capucines. It was resolved to stop him on his passage, and to punish him on the spot, for the treason he had committed against the national liberties. While the crowd were yet deliberating, a carriage arrived, with liveries and armorial bearings, which were mis- PARIS IN 1830. 55 taken for those of the culprit minister. It was stopped on the instant ; but while those within were endeavouring to prove that they were not the enemies of France, the carriage of the prince drove rapidly past ; and, for this time at least, the president of the council owed his personal safety, if not also his life, to the speed of his horses, and the dexterity of his coachman. His highness's carriage had entered the courts of his hotel, before those who pursued it could reach the Boulevard de la Madelaine. The gates were instantly closed : and the crowd endea- voured to indemnify themselves for the disap- pointment they had sustained, by breaking all the windows exposed to the Boulevard or the neighbouring streets, by an attempt to scale the garden-wall, and by the imprecations which they addressed to him who had just escaped from their fury. It is said, that the poor prince, in the first access of terror, had descended into one of the subterranean passages of his hotel, and had there remained concealed, until the ar- rival of a strong detachment of troops restored him to a state of comparative safety. It was in this state of inquietude, that the people and their oppressors awaited the events of the following day. i6 PARIS IN 1830. CHAPTER IV. Condition of affairs in regard to the new Election of Deputies — Meeting of Members at the house of M. Casimir Perier, with the Protest issued by them — Crowd attracted by the occasion — First scene of bloodshed —Destruction by the Police of the printing-presses belonging to the National and the Times — Anecdote — Legal Proceedings, between the printers and the proprietors of certain Journals — Affair of Lapelouze and Chatelain versus Laguionie — Command of the Troops assigned to the Duke of Ragusa — Preparations for resistance on the part of the people. Of the four hundred and thirty deputies who form the complement of the representative chamber, only thirty-two had arrived in Paris at the date when the liberticidal ordinances of the 25th of July were proclaimed. The general election had just been completed ; the returns from the more distant colleges had as yet only been communicated by means of the telegraph ; and the great majority of the depu- ties were still on their estates in distant parts of the country, or on their way to the capital to attend their parliamentary duties at the com- PARIS IN 1830. 57 mencement of the session, which had been fixed by ordinance for the 3rd of August. Such of the constitutional deputies as were known to be in Paris on the 26th of July, were hastily summoned to meet on the evening- of that day in the house of M. Ca^iimir Perier, for the purpose of taking the measures of Govern- ment into consideration. A committee was named to prepare a solemn protest against the suspension of the liberty of the press, the disso- lution of a Chamber which had not been regu- larly constituted, and the attempt to form a new Chamber in a manner not recognized by the charter of the laws. On the morning of the 27th, the protest thus prepared was submitted to the consideration of an adjourned meeting of the deputies, who were already doubled in number ; and, as the docu- ment, with its interesting signatures, possesses an historical value, it seems entitled to a place in the present narrative. " PROTEST OF THE DEPUTIES. " The undersigned, regularly elected to the office of deputy conformably to the constitutional charter, and to the laws relative to elections, and who are now at Paris, " Consider themselves as absolutely obliged by their duties and their honour, to protest against the measures which the advisers of the Crown have lately caused to 58 PARIS IN 1830. be proclaimed for the overthrow of the legal system of elections, and the ruin of the liberty of the press. " The measures contained in the ordinances of the 25th of July are, in the opinion of the undersigned, di- rectly contrary to the constitutional rights of the Cham- ber of Peers, to the public rights of Frenchmen, to the attributes and to the decrees of the tribunals, and are calculated to . throw the state into a confusion, which equally endangers the peace of the present moment and the security of the future. " In consequence, the undersigned, inviolably faith- ful to their oath, protest in concert, not only against the said measures, but against all the acts which may result from them. " And considering, on the one hand, that the Cham- ber of Deputies, not having been constituted, could not be legally dissolved ; on the other, that the attempt to form a new Chamber of Deputies in a novel and arbi- trary manner, is directly opposed to the constitutional charter and to the acquired rights of the electors; the undersigned declare that they still consider themselves as the representatives of the people legally elected by the colleges of the arrondissements and departments whose suffrages they have obtained, and as incapable of being replaced except by virtue of elections made ac- cording to the principles and forms prescribed by law. " And if the undersigned do not effectually exercise the rights or perform all the duties which they derive from their legal election, it is because they are hindered by absolute violence. Labbey de Pompiere Audry de Puyraveau Sebastiani Andre Gollot Mechin Gaetan de la Rochefoii- Perier (Casimir) cauld Guizot Mauguin PARIS IN 1830. 59 Bernard Voisin de Gartempe Froidefond de Bellisle Villemain Didot (Firmin) Daunou Persil Villemot De la Riboissiere Bondy (Comte de) Dnris-Defresne Girod de TAin Laisne de la Villeveque Delessert (Benjamin) March al Nau de Champlouis Comte de Lobau Baron Louis Millaux Estourmel (Comte d') Montguyon (Comte de) Levaillant Tronchon Gerard (le general) Lafitte (Jacques) Garcias Dugas Montbel Camille Perier Vassal Alexandre Delaborde Jaques Lefebvre Mathieu Dumas Eusebe Salverte De Poulmer Hernoux Chardel Bavoux Charles Dupin Hely d'Hoyssel Eugene d'Harcourt Baillot General Lafayette Georges Lafayette Jouvencel Bertin de Vaux Comte de Lameth Berard Duchaffaut Auguste de Saint-Aignan Keratry Ternaux Jacques Odier Benjamin Constant." It soon became known to the inhabitants at large, for what purpose the deputies had thus assembled at M. Perier's hotel. A party of young men having been attracted to the spot, for the purpose of learning the decision which might be taken, a detachment of gens-d'armes was sent to disperse them. On their refusal to obey CO PARIS IN 1830. the orders of the police, the latter drew their swords, and attacked the unarmed citizens. Thus the first scene of bloodshed took place under the eyes of the assembled deputies, as if to prove how clearly the line was drawn be- tween the pretensions of royalty and the rights of the people ; and at the same time, to remind their representatives of the sanguinary nature of the measures contemplated by the Govern- ment. As the constitutional journalists continued to disregard both the proclamation of M. Mangin and the suspension of their professional freedom, which the ordinances had fulminated, strong parties of gen-d'armerie were sent on the morn- ing of Tuesday the 27th, to occupy the streets adjoining the bureaux and printing-offices of the most refractory. Under the protection of this armed force, the commissaries of police made a violent entry into the premises of the National and the Times, and intimated to the proprietors, that in virtue of an order from the prefect, they had come to make a seizure of the presses employed in printing the journals, in consequence of the refusal which had been evinced to submit to the royal ordinances. To this it was answered, that the Government having exceeded the powers conferred by law on the executive, the officers themselves were committing an act of rebellion, in becoming PARIS IN 1830. 61 the instruments for enforcing- a mandate incon- sistent with the freedom guaranteed by the charter ; and it was intimated to them, that the seizure they contemplated would be regarded as a theft and a burglary ; but that as the pro- prietors possessed no adequate force to repel the invasion, they could only protest against the violence to which they were exposed. This protest was, of course, disregarded. The printing-presses were dismounted, and the levers, and other essential parts of the ma- chinery were broken, or rendered unfit for ser- vice. The greatest anxiety was displayed to discover the copies of the papers which were known to have been printed that morning; but in this the police were disappointed, from their ignorance apparently of the very early hour, (not long after midnight,) when the morn- ing papers are put to press. Seven thousand copies of the National had already been issued, and perhaps a still larger edition of the Times • but these numbers, although great for journals of a few months' standing, are not nearly equal to the daily circulation of the Constitutionnel, and several others of their senior contempo- raries. An incident occurred in the course of this proceeding, which deserves to be recorded, to mark the intelligence and the firmness discovered by individuals of the class of artizans in the 62 PARIS IN 1830, French metropolis. The proprietors of the Times having refused to open the doors of the apartment which contained the printing- presses of the establishment, an operative blacksmith of the name of Pein was sent for by the commis- sary of police, to procure an entrance by forcing the locks. The commissary, arrayed in his offi- cial scarf, and with the mandate of the prefect in his hand, required the blacksmith to execute the task he had been sent for to perform. The pro- prietors repeated their protest against the threat- ened act of violence, and he, taking off his hat while they read to him the article of the code on which they founded their resistance to the proceed- ings of the police, firmly refused to concur in a measure which appeared to him to be contrary to law. A second, and younger individual was then procured from a different workshop, but as he refused his ministry with equal courage and simplicity, it was at length found necessary to procure the assistance of the personage whose duty it is to rivet the fetters of convicts, on being sent to the galleys. Such was the worthy in- strument employed in the perpetration of this first attack on the liberty of the press ! such the hands by which the crime was consummated! During these proceedings, the pressmen and compositors, who saw themselves exposed to the immediate privation of their means of existence, had the rare merit of repressing their feelings PARIS IN 1830. 68 of indignation, in the belief that force and vio- lence would not long remain triumphant, when opposed to right and justice. In spite of the armed force in the neighbourhood, the printing offices where these proceedings were conducted, were soon filled and surrounded by crowds of citizens, who calmly witnessed the operations of the police in all their details ; and, without a sug- gestion that force should be repelled by force, they in general contented themselves with leav- ing their names, and places of residence, to ena- ble the proprietors to call them as witnesses, when the perpetrators of the violence should be brought before the tribunal to answer for their conduct. In the mean time, the courts of justice were occupied with the questions which arose between the licensed printers, and the proprietors of other journals, who had no separate printing establish- ment of their own. The former, while they ac- knowledged the illegality of the measures adopted, refused to lend their assistance in printing such journals as had not obtained the sanction of the police for their appearance, agreeably to the terms of the recent ordinances ; and the latter were unable to imitate the example of resistance which had been set them by their contemporaries, owing to that division of labour which had placed in other hands the apparatus of printing. On the morning of the 27th, the tribunal of commerce, 64 PARIS IN 1830. under the presidency of M. Gaimeron, was occu- pied with the affair of Lapelouze and Chatelain, the proprietors of the Courrier Francais, who had cited their printer, Lagiiionie, before the court, to compel him to proceed in the performance of his agreement to print the paper in question. The other judges on the bench were MM. Lemoine-Tacherat, Gisquet, Bonvaultier, Le- fort, and Truelle. Their names deserve to be recorded as an honour to the purity and inde- pendence of the judgment-seat. M. Merilhou appeared as counsel for the pro- prietors of the Courrier Francais, and stated "that the defendant had entered into an agreement with his clients to print their paper, and till yesterday he had faithfully fulfilled it ; but he had then refused to continue his services, in con- sequence of a pretended ordinance of the 25th of July, and of an order which had been given him by M. Mangin, the prefect of police. But the defendant ought to know that the laws of France cannot thus be destroyed by ordinances. It was true that a handful of factious individuals, in an elevated station of society, had, in their pride, conceived such a project ; but, insane as they were, they must soon suffer the conse- quences of their temerity. It must have been some illegitimate fancy, some inconceivable ca- price which had created, he knew not in what mind, those monstrous ordinances which hadap- PARTS IN 1830. 65 peared in the Moniteur, and which had roused the indignation of every one who had the heart of a citizen in his bosom. They had not contented themselves with destroying the liberty of writing, but had even attempted to annul the electoral operations of the kingdom, and to create a new system of election in France. But they would not find a single tribunal which would lend the aid of its authority to so mad, so sacrilegious a proceeding; for the magistracy would execute only such ordinances as were consistent with law, and not such as were in open violation of it. The Royal Court of Paris, by its memorable decree of the 1st of April 1830, in the affair of MM. Bert and Lapelouze, had declared that the mere intention to change the existing elec- toral system illegally, or by ordinance, and to overturn one of the guarantees which the charter had consecrated, was a crime. But that crime is this day consummated by the publication of the ordinances inserted in the Moniteur. Does the defendant rely, then, on a crime to relieve him from the execution of his engage- ment? To entertain even a doubt on such a subject w^ould be an obvious absurdity. The decree of the 1st of April is a beacon by which all France has been warned and enlightened. The tribunal of commerce will add to it the weight of its authority : its justice will recoil before the sanction of crime." The learned 66 PARIS IN 1830. counsel concluded by moving- that the defendant be condemned immediately to print the Courrier Francais, or to pay five thousand francs of da- mages to the plaintiffs for each day's delay. M. Laguionie then appeared at the bar to state his defence in person. He said that he regarded the letter he had received from M. Mangin as a wholesome warning. It enjoined him to desist from printing the journal under pain of seeing his presses seized and destroyed. The interest of the plaintiffs themselves required that he should yield to actual violence ; for if he had resisted like some of his brethren, his presses would have been broken, his types scattered, and the very means of publicity destroyed. The position of the proprietors, in braving the danger, was different from his. All that they compro- mised was the good will of the journal ; but he had thirty presses at work, and afforded the means of support to upwards of one hundred families. How then could he be called on to sacrifice, not only the interests of his workmen, but of two absent co-partners ? He believed that he had acted for the benefit of all parties ; but if, contrary to his expectation, the decision of the tribunal should be against him, he required that the proprietors of the . Courrier Francais should be held responsible for the consequences which might result from it. Having heard the statement of the defendant, PARIS IN 1830. 67 the members of the court retired into their council-chamber to deliberate on the judgment. After a very short consultation, they resumed their seats on the bench, and the president having directed a doorkeeper to close the windows of the court-room, that his voice might be better heard amidst the solemn sound of the tocsin, and the discharges of musketry and artillery by which he was interrupted, proceeded with calm- ness and dignity to pronounce the following judgment : — " Considering that the defendant, Gaultier- Laguionie, became bound by a verbal agreement to print the journal entitled the Courrier Fran- cais - y that agreements legally entered into, ought to receive their effect ; that it is in vain that the defendant, to relieve himself from his obliga- tions, opposes a notice received from the prefect of police, containing an injunction to execute an ordinance of the 25th of the present month ; that that ordinance, being contrary to the con- stitutional charter, can neither be obligatory on the sacred and inviolable person of the king, nor on the citizens whose rights it infringes : — " Considering, moreover, that by the very . terms of the charter, ordinances can only be made in the execution, or for the preservation of the laws, and that the ordinance before cited, would, on the contrary, produce a violation of the provisions of the law of 28th July, 1828 : f 2 ( > vous allez vous faire echarper." But she persisted in clinging to the mouth of the gun, and embraced it so closely, that she could not be removed from it. " Non," she cried ; " non, vous ne tirerez pas ; ou bien ce sera sur moi." The gunner was deeply affected, and hesitated, not knowing what to do ; cursing this civil war and all its horrors from the bottom of his heart. The officer who commanded, ob- serving that the populace were preparing to avail themselves of the gunner's hesitation, in order to lay hold of the piece, exclaimed, " Malheur eux, feu, ou je te passe mon sabre au travers du ventre." Either from long habits of obedience, or from fear of this menace, the gunner applied the match to the piece, and the body of the un- 230 PARIS IN 1830. fortunate woman was scattered in a thousand fragments. " Voila les precepteurs du peuple !" is the ob- servation ascribed to M. de Peyronnet, on the first appearance of the artillery. The princes at Saint Cloud were soon afterwards regaled with this atrocious pleasantry. How sadly must it now have lost its relish both for prince and peer ! Witticisms of a less offensive character were to be heard too on the popular side. On the quay de la Greve, at the corner of the Rue des Barres, an eight pound bullet is suspended by a three-coloured ribbon, surmounted by a large cockade, and bearing the inscription, " Prune de Monsieur, 28 Juillet, 1830." In the Rue Saint Antoine also, a number of round shot have been attached, in the style of a lady's necklace, to one of the ropes which tra- verse the street, and from which the public lamps of the city are suspended, with a scroll attached to it, whereon is scratched in large characters : " Paroles touchantes du bon roi Charles X. Among the chronological coincidencies which have been observed between the two French re- volutions, the Parisians delight to remind you, that the 28th of July 1830 corresponds with the 9th Thermidor in the year three, and that the PARIS IN 1830. 231 fall of Charles X. thus took place on the anni- versary of that of Robespierre. " They may say what they please," said some one, " of the 14th of July," which is considered a white day in the French calendar, from its mark- ing the fall of the Bastile, " but it will never be more than the half of the 28th" Almost every great personage in France has some clever saying associated with his name. That of Charles X. is said to have been uttered on his entering Paris at the period of the resto- ration : " II n'est qu'un Francais de plus." This royal mot has suggested the idea of a song, with the burden, " Eh bien ! qu'il reparte aussitot ; Ce n'est plus qu'un Francois de trop" In the Catholic liturgy, the daily prayer for the King is " domine, salvum fac regem." A cure in the neighbourhood of Paris in reading the regular routine from his prayer-book, was startled when he came to the word regem, and making a pause while he thought of some sub- stitute, found his latinity at fault, and at length shouted out, amidst the ill-concealed laughter of his audience, " domine, salvum fac le gouverne- ment provisoire." It was Louis XI. who first assumed the title of his most Christian Majesty. The people of Paris now say that Philippe le Bel was not quite 232 PARIS IN 1830. so good a Christian as Louis XI. ; that Charles IX. was a little better ; but that Charles X. has surpassed them all. A note is said to have been found in the ar- chiepiscopal palace, at the time when it was entered by the citizens, conceived in the follow- ing- terms : — "Mon cher archeveque, venez me voir demain; nous lirons ensemble le pseaume LX. " Charles." The following incident is stated on the autho- rity of the two associated poets, Barthelemy and Mery. " On the 28th, at three o'clock, attacks were made on all points. A battalion of the National Guard had formed itself in the Rue Croix des Petits Champs, and on the Place des Vietoires. The crowd, thinking that all was finished, were mad with joy ; the battalion descended towards the Rue Saint Honore. " We had entered a neighbouring house to take some refreshment, and were congratulating ourselves on the success of the Parisians, when an alarming fire of musketry burst over the Rue Croix des Petits Champs. The volleys of pla- toons, which were fired with technical precision, led us to suppose that it was a regiment of the Guard, which had issued by the Rue Bailliff. We descended by the Rue Coquilliere ; the PARIS IN 1830. c 233 smoke was there so dense, that it was impossible to distinguish any thing' at the distance of six paces. The fire suddenly ceased, and our hearts sank within us, when we recognized those troops of the Line on whom we had founded such de- lightful hopes. On the benches placed at the two corners of the street, groups of soldiers were seated, quietly smoking their pipes. This was their conversation : ' What a rascally trade is ours ! I have a mind to send the musket to the devil.' c They sent me to the guard-house this morning ; they might have let me remain there for two or three days : it would have been more to my taste.' — ' Ah! 9a,' said the first speaker, ' and why should we fire on the bourgeois ? Do they think we have no bowels?' — ' If this lasts,' cried another, I for one shall move my camp. I am not engaged for that.' Each of these observations, so contrary to all discipline, was received with signs of approbation, by the soldiers collected around the speaker. We then ventured to inquire, why, with such sentiments, they had sometimes consented to fire upon the towns-people ? The question produced an in- describable smile on the rough and masculine features of the party ; and a Serjeant said to us, ' Gentlemen, take the trouble to turn the corner of the street, and count your dead !' " The street in all its breadth was unstained 234 PARIS IN 1830. with blood : these brave fellows had fired in the air !" The house which is thought to have suffered the most, during- this short campaign, is that which is situated in the Grande Rue du Fau- bourg Saint Antoine, facing the Rue de Cha- ronne, bearing the Nos. 78, 80, and 82. Three officers of rank had been killed on the street in front of this house ; and that circumstance had probably exasperated the artillery-men, who im- mediately directed upon it their battery of twelve pounders, and two twenty-four inch howitzers. The first cannon shot brought down one of the great beams of the roof; the second swept away the ridge of another ; and a third passed through a wall, which supported a great stack of chimneys. After so much success, it seemed as if they had resolved to demolish the whole building, as they then pointed one of the howit- zers on the stack of chimnies, which rested on the wall. The first shell took the wall at an angle, making a considerable breach in it, and afterwards, falling on the roof, exploded as it sank. The second shell, directed against the centre of the wall, traversed three of the chim- nies, and falling down through the fourth, de- scended to the first floor, where it burst, break- ing the windows and looking-glasses, levelling the partition-walls, and destroying the furniture. PARIS IN 1830. 235 The proprietor found it necessary, so great was the damage, to prop up the exterior walls, in consequence of their shattered condition, lest more serious accidents should be occasioned by its falling into the street. Only one individual was killed by this bombardment, and he was a stranger, attracted to the spot by curiosity. The excellent municipal regulation, which for- bids the interment of the dead within the walls of Paris, was necessarily departed from on this distressing occasion. The excessive heat of the weather increased the urgency of the case ; and the existence of the barricades created obstacles at every step. On the evening of the 29th, and the morning of the following day, many a sad sight was witnessed on the streets of Paris ; but in every case, the most solemn respect, the most touching solicitude, attended the victims who had fallen on the field of honour. A number of individuals were privately interred in courts and gardens. The piece of enclosed ground which forms the terrace, under the colonnade of the Louvre, became a general burying-place. At the end next the quay, eighty unclaimed bodies were placed in two large pits, between two beds of quick lime. It was during this mournful operation, that a brother was recognized by his brother : his remains were so covered with blood, as to make his person almost undistinguish- able. The brother threw himself on the body, 236 PARIS IN 1830. with cries and wailing, and would not be sepa- rated, until he had cut a lock of his hair. — The bodies of the dead received all the honours due to soldiers, and to Christians ; discharges of mus- ketry were fired over this great tomb, and the Abb6 Paravey, of Saint Germain l'Auxerrois, dressed in his sacerdotal habit, pronounced a benediction on their resting-place, and was recon- ducted to the gate of his church by the armed men. The ground is marked by a broken column covered with flowers and laurels, and three- coloured flags, and the whole is surmounted by a black cross, inscribed with the legend — i " Aux Francais morts tour la liberte !" On the 30th of July, an equally melancholy spectacle was presented to the inhabitants of Paris. At the Morgue, a large vessel was moored, with a black flag floating over it, to receive the bodies of the victims of the previous days. They were carried down in hand barrows, some in coffins, and others quite naked. In the vessel they were ranged in piles, and, after covering them with straw, the whole was strewed with quick lime, to stay the process of putrefaction. In this mass there were old men, women, and children of ten or twelve years of age. The crowd which occupied the quays and parapets, to contemplate the sad embarkation, seemed as if frozen with horror ; their silence being from PARIS IN 1830. 237 time to time interrupted by a solitary imprecation from among- the throng. Weeping mothers were there, indulging in silent grief, while others were passionately embracing their infants, as if happy to think that they were yet too young to engage in these bloody quarrels. " Legitimacy," ex- claimed the eloquent M. Bernard de Rennes, at the tribune of the Chamber of Deputies — " La legitimite etait enter ree sous ces cada- vres !" The funeral bark was carried to the Champ de Mars, where the remains of these patriots were interred. 238 PARIS IN 1830. CHAPTER XVII. Proclamation addressed to the troops in the name of Lafayette — Historical Sketch of the Life of General Lafayette. As a happy issue to the revolution, or a pro- longation of the horrors of civil war, depended, in a great measure, on the disposition of the troops, it was resolved, that another proclama- tion should be addressed to them, in the name of Lafayette, and on the part of the municipal go- vernment of Paris. It was conceived in the fol- lowing terms : " Beaye Soldiers ! " The inhabitants of Paris do not make you responsi- ble for the orders which have been given to you. Come to us ; we will receive you as brethren : come and range yourselves under the command of one of those brave generals who have so often shed their blood in the de- PARIS IN 1830. 239 fence of the country. The cause of the army cannot long be separated from that of the nation and of liberty; its glory is our dearest patrimony. But the army will never forget, that the defence of our independence, and our liberties, ought to be its first duty. Let us then be friends, since our interests, and our rights, are the same. General Lafayette declares, in the name of the whole population of Paris, that no feeling of hostility is re- tained towards the soldiers of France : the inhabitants are ready to fraternize with all those who will return to the cause of the country and of liberty ; and they long for the moment, when soldiers and citizens, united by the same sentiments, and assembled under the same banner, may at length realize the welfare 5 and the glo- rious destinies of our common country. 66 Vive la France ! (Signed) " Le General Lafayette." The large space which this single-minded in- dividual has filled in the revolutionary history of France, seems to call for some notice of his long, diversified, and honourable career. Marie-Paul- Jean-Roch-Yves-Gilbert-Motier, Marquis de La- fayette, was born at Chavagnac in Auvergne, on the 6th of September, 17 57. The issue of an illustrious house, he received an education suited to the rank he was destined to hold in society ; and when arrived at the age which called on him to enter the world, his studies were so far advanced, as to enable him to make his election between the career of letters and of arms. He chose that in which the name of his family had al- ready been distinguished, by his celebrated ancestor 240 PARIS IN 1830. the Mareschal Lafayette, by his uncle, who was killed in Italy, and by his father, who also died gloriously, at the battle of Minden. Already also he had lost his mother, when, at the early age of sixteen, he was united in marriage to Mademoiselle de Noailles, the daughter of the Due d'Ayen. By means of this alliance with a family at once rich and powerful, and in high credit at court, the Marquis de Lafayette might have rapidly advanced in the career of honours and dignities ; but, disdaining his hereditary and adventitious advantages, he refused to avail him- self of a distinction, which was not founded on personal merit. The American colonies of Great Britain had risen in insurrection, for the purpose of resisting the right of the mother country to levy taxes from subjects who were not represented. They had created an independent government, had published a declaration of rights, and had con- stituted themselves into a federative republic. Success, however, had not attended their arms ; they had lost the battle of Brooklyn, and had sustained many serious defeats, when Washing- ton was invested with the dictatorship, and Franklin was sent to Paris, to ask for the assist- ance of Louis XVI. The French government had not yet avowed their satisfaction at the injury which England was suffering in her dearest interests. They had re- PARIS IN 1830. 241 fused all assistance, even indirectly, to the Ame- rican insurgents. It was at a moment so dan- gerous for Lafayette, that he tore himself from the arms of his young wife, and set out to fight in the cause of independence. He had begged the American envoy to obtain a vessel for him, to carry him to the republican army. Franklin had the generosity to try to turn him from a project, which savoured of temerity, at a mo- ment when the insurgents were beaten at all points. Disregarding the opposition of the court, and the friendly dissuasions of Franklin, he freighted a ship at his own expense, and landed at George Town, during the summer of 1777, carrying with him important dispatches, and a supply of arms and ammunition. At this period, the American army in New Jersey was waiting until some great movement on the part of the royalists should discover to them the plan of the British ministry. This soon became known, by the landing of General Howe, the British commander, on the coast of Maryland, and the attack which he made on Washington, in the neighbourhood of Philadel- phia. In this engagement the Americans were compelled to yield, and Lafayette was wounded in the leg, while endeavouring, by language and example, to rally the fugitives. It was after the battle of Brandywine, when the cause of the confederation was almost des- 242 PARIS IN 1830. perate, that the court of Versailles resolved to recognize the independence of the United States. Lafayette was then appointed to the command of the army of the North ; but being assured that his presence there could be attended with no useful result, he solicited his recall to the chief scene of operations, and resumed his place under the orders of Washington. The English troops under General Clinton having at length been driven out of Philadelphia, by the hatred of the population, and the indefatigable activity of Wash- ington, were pursued in their retreat, and over- taken in the defiles of Freehold, near Monmouth. A great battle there took place ; Washington was victorious, and Lafayette contributed to the triumph, by leading the advanced guard. The Count d'Estaing having received orders to act against the English, an attack was to be made on Rhode Island, and the command of Sullivan's army was given to Lafayette ; but the retreat of the French squadron on Boston prevented the com- bined operations from being carried into effect. During the suspension of hostilities, Lafayette returned to France, to hasten the dispatch of re- inforcements ; and, Avhile a corps of 6,000 men was in preparation under the command of Count Rochambeau, he proceeded to Spain, and con- cluded a treaty of commerce with the court of Madrid, which was soon afterwards changed into a declaration of war against England. PARIS IN 1830. L 2io On his return to America he rejoined the camp of Washington, and took an active part in the operations of the war. Having been ap- pointed to the command of the Virginian army, he received notice from Washington that the English were about to march against him with all their forces in Carolina, and he was directed to defend the frontier to the last extremity. In this critical situation, with a force which scarcely amounted to 5,000 men, without funds, without clothes, and almost without provisions, he bor- rowed money in his own name, and mortgaged his estates in Europe, to provide the means of carrying on the war. After a five months' strug- gle, the object of which was to avoid a general engagement with Lord Cornwallis, he succeeded by a train of masterly manoeuvres, and some par- tial actions, in enclosing that General in a position from which it was impossible for him to escape. The capitulation of York Town, in October 1781, decided the fate of the war ; the joy of the Americans was at its height ; and the name of Lafayette was mingled in all their rejoicings. He returned to France on board an Ameri- can frigate, and again applied himself with zeal and assiduity to the despatch of fresh succours. At his entreaty a great expedition was formed at Cadiz under the command of Count d' Estaing, which he prepared to join, at the head of 8,000 men, who were to sail with him from Brest. It r 2 244 PARIS IN 1830. was proposed to make a descent on Jamaica with an army of 24,000 men, embarked on board a French and Spanish fleet of sixty-six sail of the line. Lafayette was appointed commander-in- chief of the combined forces. From Jamaica he was to have proceeded to New York, and with 6,000 men embarked on the St. Laurence, have attempted the revolution of the Canadas. Every- thing- was ready for the despatch of the expedi- tion, when the treaty of peace was concluded. He was the first to communicate the intelligence to Congress, and set out himself for Madrid, to restore the political relations which had been casually interrupted. After these important events, Lafayette paid a visit to America, where he was received with enthusiasm by a liberated people. His name was given to two counties, and to a number of fortresses ; and, as if in exchange, that of George Washington was bestowed on Lafayette's eldest son. He refused a splendid offer of territorial aggrandizement, and, on his return to Europe, the frank and simple manners of the American, tempered by the early polish he had acquired in the French court, made him an object of univer- sal attraction. He traversed the states of Ger- many, where he was received with distinction by Joseph II. and Frederic the Great. In conjunc- tion with Malesherbes, he applied himself to the amelioration of the lot of two classes of sufferers, PARIS IN 1830. 2A5 the Protestants of France, and the negroes of the colonies. In this last undertaking 1 he was warmly seconded by Madame Lafayette ; but unhappily, six years afterwards, on the triumph of a faction in France, the slaves which he had bought at Cayenne for the purpose of emancipation, were re-sold and sent back to the thraldom from which he had rescued them. The state of the Catholics of Ireland, the vic- tims of the Barbary states, and an expedition against Egypt, successively occupied his attention, when the convocation of the Notables of France in 1787 and 1788, directed him to objects nearer home. In the assembly over which the Count d'Artois presided, Lafayette distinguished himself by the generous boldness with which he insisted on the suppression of state prisons, and of lettres de cachet. It was he also who proposed the con- vocation of the States General, or, in other words, that the people should be represented by manda- tories of their own appointment. The second assembly of Notables having discovered a disposi- tion inconsistent with the general interests of the nation, a necessity arose for the convocation of the States General. Lafayette was named a de- puty, and spoke for the first time on the 8th of July 1789, in support of the celebrated motion of Mirabeau for the removal of the troops. Dur- ing the violent crisis which succeeded the decla- ration of rights, Lafayette was named Vice-pre- 246 PARIS IN 1830. sident of the National Assembly, and occupied the chair during the two terrible nights of the 13th and 14th of July. It was then that the re- sponsibility of ministers was decreed, and that the existence of a representative system received its first and most important guarantee. On the 15th of July, Lafayette proceeded to Paris at the head of a deputation of fifty members of the assembly. The taking of the Bastille on the day before had left the capital in a state of violent fermentation. In the midst of this move- ment the idea arose, and for the moment pre- vailed, that the liberty which had been thus gained, could only be secured by the re-establish- ment of public order. This vital principle was communicated throughout a mass of at least 100,000 armed men, like a spark of electri- city. Thus the National Guard was created ; and when the body was yet deliberating on the choice of a leader, a bust which stood by sug- gested the name of Lafayette : he was at once appointed by acclamation, and under his auspices it soon acquired that consistency, regularity, and discipline, which, after so many changes, it still happily enjoys. His first order, on taking the command, was directed to the demolition of the Bastille. On the 16th of July this work was commenced, and on the 26th, Lafayette, having joined the Bourbon lily to the colours of the city of Paris, which were red and blue, pre- PARIS IN 1830. ^1? sented the three-coloured cockade to the assem- bled electors, with the prediction, " that it would make the tour of the world." When more serious disturbances arose, many individuals owed their lives to the courage of Lafayette, and to the power which his popularity had given him. Finding" that he was not strong- enough to save those of Foulon and Berthier, he resigned his command, but was afterwards persuaded to resume it. On the 5th of October, after the most dreadful commotion which had yet been witnessed, he inarched with the Na- tional Guard to Versailles, where the populace of Paris had already assembled. On the 6th he succeeded in saving the lives of the royal family, and brought them in safety to the capital, where the Constituent Assembly had already established themselves. Lafayette was too much devoted to the cause of liberty, not to have many enemies at court ; but Louis XVI. was also too just to withhold from him the most striking tokens of his satis- faction. When the Queen was compelled, amidst the popular violence to appear on the balcony of the Tuileries, first surrounded by her children, and afterwards apart from them, Lafayette at the decisive moment presented himself before her, and, on his appearance, the insulting cla- mours of the multitude were suddenly changed into shouts of applause. He took the Queen's 248 PARIS IN 1830. hand and respectfully kissed it, as it trembled in his : the excited populace was completely dis- armed. It was at once the signal and the pledge of reconciliation. During the subsequent capti- vity of the royal family, the Princess Elizabeth repeatedly expressed her belief that all their lives had been saved by Lafayette's interposition at Versailles, and severally reproached those around her who had blamed him as the cause of the popular insurrection. Although the names of Mirabeau and the Duke of Orleans were both compromised in the violent proceedings of the 5th and 6th of October, they succeeded in freeing themselves from the accusa- tion which was brought against them on the part of the municipal authorities. But Lafay- ette was still convinced of the culpability of the Duke of Orleans ; and, at an interview which is described by M. de Segur as " tresimperieuse d'une part, trestimide de l'autre," he insisted on the Prince's immediately quitting the king- dom. In spite of the opposition which he met with, and the blame which was cast upon him, Lafay- ette continued to serve the cause of the Revolu- tion without departing from those principles of justice and moderation which have always dis- tinguished his character. In the proceedings against Favras, two witnesses deposed that the accused had projected the assassination of the PARIS IN 1830. 2A9 Mayor, and the Commander in-chief of the Na- tional Guard ; but Lafayette undertook to inva- lidate their testimony, and had them both con- victed of conspiracy. Soon afterwards he caused a man to be released who had fired upon him in the Champ de Mars. After refusing the offices of Constable, Dictator, and Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, he had it decreed that the same individual should never command the National Guards of more than a single department — at the very moment when several millions of these Guards were demanding him for their chief. When Louis XVI. took to flight, after he had pledged his royal word that he would not with- draw himself from the constitutional surveil- lance, Lafayette was exposed to serious danger in consequence of having agreed to answer with his head that the King should not leave the French territory. In this situation he was sub- jected to the double accusation of having con- nived at the King's flight, as the Jacobins pre- tended on the one hand, and of having him arrested, according to the aristocrats, on the other. The decree which re-established the unfortu- nate monarch on his throne, on condition of his acceptance of the constitution proposed to him, was the cause of a new commotion. Crowds had collected on the Champ de Mars to sign a petition of a factious nature, but were dispersed 250 PARIS IN 1830. by Lafayette after the proclamation of martial law. On the 8th of October 1791, having caused the amnesty to be accepted which had been pro- posed by Louis XVI., Lafayette resigned his command, and took leave of the National Guard. As soon as he had retired, an attempt was made to bring him back by electing him Mayor of Paris in the room of Bailly ; but the Jacobins were triumphant, and Petion was appointed. It was at this period that the first emigrant coalition was formed. Lafayette was appointed to the command of one of the three armies directed to repel it. He attacked and beat the enemy at Philippe ville, Maubeuge, and Florennes, and was proceeding prosperously, when his success was interrupted by the course of events at Paris. A party had been formed against him, with Dumouriez and Collot d'Her- bois at its head, which soon became irresis- tible. He addressed a letter to the Legislative Assembly denouncing this counter-revolutionary party, and appeared at the bar to support his de- nunciation. He was invited to the honours of the sitting, and afterwards proceeded to the Tuileries, where he received the thanks of the King and Queen. On the following day the King was to have reviewed four thousand of the National Guards. Lafayette asked leave to accompany him, and an- nounced his intention of addressing himself to PARIS IN 1830. c 251 the armed citizens in such terms as he thought calculated to promote the cause of good order and constitutional opinions ; but Louis XVI. was as usual circumvented, and induced, during the night, to countermand the review. Lafayette despaired of effecting further good, and, after ad- dressing a second letter to the Assembly, rejoined the army under his command. On the 30th of June, Lafayette had the honour of being burned in effigy at the Palais Royal, and was formally accused by the Jacobins before the Assembly ; but the question was resolved in his favour by a decisive majority, amidst the threats and exclamations of the galleries. On leaving the chamber, the members were assailed with sticks, stones, and sabres ; and, on the following day, the Assembly declared, almost unanimously, that their deliberations were no longer free. An appeal to the army was spoken of ; but, in Paris at least, even that was too late. Lafayette then conceived the idea of a Departmental Congress, but in this he was disappointed. The spirit of Jacobinism advanced so rapidly, that only a single Department consented to concur with him. Find- ing the struggle hopeless, he resolved on retiring to a neutral territory, taking with him only the small number of officers whose lives would be compromised by remaining ; but he and his com- panions, to the number of twenty-two, having fallen upon a post of Austrians, they were carried 252 PARIS IN 1830. before a superior officer, and four of them, La- tour- Maubourg, Lameth, Puzy, and Lafayette, were sent to Wezel as prisoners of state. From Wezel Lafayette was transferred to Magdebourg, where he was plunged for a year into a dark, damp, and subterranean dungeon. From thence he was carried successively to Glatz and Neiss, and finally to Olmutz, which became his prison when the King of Prussia made peace with France. Indignant at the unheard-of sufferings which Lafayette was made to endure after the Austrians became his jailors, a young Hanoverian physician, Bollman, and Huger, a young American, the son of an officer of Carolina, with whom Lafayette had resided after his first voyage to America, re- solved to attempt his rescue. They effected a communication with the prisoner, and attended with horses under the ramparts, at a moment when most of his guards were absent from duty. He succeeded in disarming the nearest sentinel, but not before the man, in the course of the struggle, had severely wounded him in the hand with his teeth. His generous liberators then placed him on horseback, but were so forgetful of their own safety, that the other horses had escaped. Huger was immediately taken, and sacrificed himself with heroic devotion. Lafayette and Bollman agreed to separate, the better to evade pursuit. Bollman succeeded in reaching the PARIS IN 1830. 253 Prussian territory, but was there arrested and given up to Austria. Lafayette was retaken within eight leagues of Olmutz, and from that moment was treated with increased barbarity, being left, while sick, without light, without linen, and without the means of external com- munication, or assistance of any kind. After sixteen months imprisonment in the dungeons of Robespierre, his virtuous and affectionate wife was at length allowed to come to him, with her daughters, to share his captivity. In the British parliament a motion was made for an address to the crown to interpose the mediation of Great Britain with the Emperor of Germany, for the purpose of obtaining the liberation of the pri- soners of Olmutz ; but, although supported by Fox and other parliamentary orators of distinc- tion, it was successfully resisted by Pitt and his adherents, on the frigid footing of state policy. It was equally in vain that the government of the United States employed its intercession to termi- nate this iniquitous imprisonment. Austria re- mained inexorable, and it was not until after five years of suffering, that the chances of war pro- cured him his deliverance. At the period of Lafayette's proscription, Bo- naparte was an inferior and unknown officer ; but when the public wish, and the voice of the Directory were applied with effect to his relief, Bonaparte had risen to the supreme command of 2.54 PARIS IN 1830. the army of Italy. When employed in conjunc- tion with General Clarke to negotiate the treaty of peace, Bonaparte was directed to stipulate for the liberation of the prisoners at Olmutz ; but it was not until after five months' negotiation that this was agreed to. On obtaining their liberty, they were carried to Hamburgh ; and, in compli- ance with a strange fancy of the Austrian court, were there delivered over, not to the French ambassador, but to the Consul of the United States. In the course of these negociations, the 18th Fructidor had arrived ; and although Talleyrand, their minister for foreign affairs, had written to Generals Bonaparte and Clarke to continue, not- withstanding the changes in the government, to urge the liberation of the prisoners, Lafayette refused to adhere to what was passing in Paris. He resolved, therefore, to remain on neutral ground, and, having mounted the three-coloured cockade, he was treated by the republican autho- rities, not as an emigrant, or an exile, but as a French citizen. After some stay in Holstein, he established himself at Utrecht, where he remained until after the events of the 18th Brumaire, when, thinking that the principles of liberty were at length to be established in France, he hastened to Paris without waiting for the consent of the consular government. PARIS IN 1830. 255 On his return to France, Lafayette withdrew from public affairs, and lived in retirement in the Upper Loire. Although elected to the council- general of his department, he spoke but on one occasion, and then only to make a declaration of principles in opposition to those of the govern- ment. Before the arrival of the period when Napoleon caused himself to be declared Consul for life, La- fayette was earnestly entreated to become a mem- ber of the senate ; but he steadily resisted the application, and when asked to vote for that mea- sure, his answer was, that he could not support a Consulate for life until he saw sufficient gua- rantees for the public liberty. After the imperial throne was erected, it was an observation of Napoleon's, that all but one man in France had abandoned extreme ideas on the subject of liberty, and that that man was La- fayette. " You see him quiet at present," said Napoleon ; " but if an opportunity should arise of promoting his favourite chimera, he will re- appear more ardent than ever." At the period of the restoration in 1814, La- fayette presented himself at the Tuileries, and was well received by the King and Monsieur ; but he had no further communication with these princes until the landing of Napoleon from Elba, when he caused it to be announced to them, that he and his friends were ready to do all in their 256 PARIS IN 1830. power to promote their cause, consistently with the principles of public liberty. When a new invasion of France was threatened by the allies, Lafayette again left his retreat to join his efforts to those who prepared to defend the territory and the independence of the country. At an interview with Joseph Bonaparte, on behalf of Napoleon, it was agreed to accept the guarantees which were then proposed, as, without believing in his com- plete conversion, it was thought that at least his cordial co-operation might be relied on against invasion and foreign influence ; and against any external attempt that might be made, to attack the national freedom and independ- ence. Lafayette refused the peerage, which was offered him, because it was inconsistent with his principles ; but, after protesting in his commune, and in the electoral college of the Seine and Marne, against the constitution of the empire, and the acte aclcUtionnel, which destroy- ed the sovereignty of the nation, and the indi- vidual rights of the citizens, he offered himself as a candidate to the constituent body, that he might be armed with the powers of a representa- tive, in insisting for their popular institutions, which he conceived to be indispensable ; as well as in giving to the actual chief of the state the means which were necessary to defend it against foreign invasion. These duties he fulfilled conscientiouslv, until PARIS IN 1830. 257 Napoleon's return to Paris, after his defeat at Waterloo. It was then feared that he would assume the dictatorship, and sacrifice the na- tional interests to his personal views. On the 21st of June, Lafayette ascended the tribune, to prepare the means of averting* the anticipated evil ; but, on the following day, Napoleon sent his abdication to the Chamber. An intrigue prevented Lafayette from be- coming a member of the Provisional Government. It was his intention to have called the whole nation to arms, and not to have treated with the enemies of the country, until they had been driven from the French territory ; but other and less wholesome counsel prevailed. It was also thought, that the National Guard would have chosen him as their chief; or that the choice would have been left to the Assembly. That chief would, in either case, have been the gene- ral, by whom the body had been created twenty- six years before. But the Duke of Otranto had suggested Massena, by whom France had been served at Zurich and at Genoa ; and Lafayette at once declared that he was ready to serve in the capacity of aide-de-camp. The Provisional Government, however, with a view to get rid of Lafayette, had him sent as a commissioner to the allied powers, to treat for a suspension of hostilities. His colleagues and he addressed themselves for passports to the Duke 258 PARIS IN 1830. of Wellington, and Field Marshal Blucher ; bnt were told that they could not be granted, until the principal fortresses in Flanders, along the frontiers, including Metz and Thionville, were surrendered to the Allies. On his return, Lafayette became acquainted with the capitulation of the capital, and the retreat of the army on the Loire. On the 6th of July he gave an account of his mission to the Assembly ; but two days afterwards the Deputies found the doors of the Chamber shut against them, and in the hands of a post of Prussians. Lafayette assembled a number of the Deputies at his residence, and went with them to the house of the president Languinais, where a proces verbal was prepared to verify this act of vio- lence. After this proceeding was adopted, Lafayette retired to his property of Lagrange, where he continued to reside till proposed as a deputy in 1817, by the electoral college of Paris. On that occasion the obstacles raised by the government to the election of this champion of liberty were successful. They were again successful in op- posing his return at Melun ; but in 1818, in spite of all opposition, he was elected by the department of the Sarthe. Lafayette then proved himself to be what he had always been, the steady friend of a wise and rational liberty ; and persevered in resisting every attempt to impair PARTS IN 1830. 2.59 it. In 1818 and 1819, lie strenuously opposed the attempts Avhich were made to alter the law of election. On the 17th of May in the latter year, he supported the petition which was then presented, for the restoration of the exiles. In the discussion on the war budget, on the 3rd of June, he recalled the attention of the Chamber to the organization of a civic force, the three essential conditions of which are, that the whole nation be armed — that the armed force be sub- ordinate to the civil authority — and that the nomination of the officers be reserved to the citi- zens themselves. On the 10th of February, and 2nd of March 1820, he spoke with great force against the abuse of the power which was then exercised to crush the right of petition ; and on the 8th of March, during the debate on the law by which individual liberty was suspended, he spoke and voted against its re-establishment. It was on this occasion that he proclaimed insur- rection, under certain circumstances, to be a public duty, as in the case of the Vendeans, when de- prived of their religious privileges, and of the city of Lyons, when exposed to bloodshed and massacre. From this period he spoke regularly on every question of public importance which arose in the Chamber, and never without the happiest effect. For a year that he was representative of Meaux, and five years that he sat for the department of s 2 260 PARIS IN 1830. the Sartlie, lie never lost an opportunity of de- claring that the smallest violation of the engage- ments undertaken by the government would have the effect of restoring to the citizens the entire independence of their rights and privileges. When thus appealing to the patriotism and the energy of the people, he has been taxed with a desire to put in practice the doctrine of insur- rection against arbitrary power ; but that doc- trine does not exclude the principle of obedience to laws which emanate from the sovereignty of the people — a principle which Lafayette has never ceased to recognize and maintain. In consequence of his open support of these doctrines, it has often been attempted to impli- cate Lafayette in some plot or conspiracy. This attempt was renewed in the proceedings against Berton; and when Madame Chauvet was arrested, the desire of treating him as a party to the ac- cusation was not concealed. In the end, how- ever, the minister was compelled to abandon that idea, and to content himself with calling Lafay- ette as a witness on the trial. The president of the court having addressed him as the Marquis de Lafayette, he refused to answer the interro- gatory, declaring that since 1791 he had re- nounced that title ; and would give no reply, unless addressed by the simple appellation of the Sieur Lafayette. The agents of the ministry were, at length, PARIS IN 1830. 2G1 tired of disturbing the repose of this patriarch of the constitution ; and he was living in tran- quillity on his property of Lagrange, when the invitation which, on former occasions, he had been obliged to decline, that he should revisit the United States, was renewed to him on the part of the President and the Congress. He would not wait for the ship of war which was offered him, but without any suite save his son and his friend, embarked as a private individual on board the Cadmus, at Havre, for New York, on the 13th of July 1824. Between the period of his arrival and the 7th of September of the following year, when he embarked on board the Brandywine frigate to return to Europe, he was successively entertained by all the States of the Union. The Congress awarded him honours which had never been granted to Washington. A bill was passed to bestow on him a sum of 200,000 dollars, in consideration of the services he had rendered, and the sacrifices he had made, during the war of independence. By the same act a territorial grant was made to him of a por- tion of the national domains. It was not till four years after his return, that M. Levasseur, the friend who accompanied him, and who acted as his private secretary on the journey, pub- lished an account of Lafayette's triumphant pro- gress through the various States of the Union — a work which has met with great success in France 262 PARIS IN 1830. and America, but which has not yet been pre- sented to the English public* On his return, after an absence of fifteen months, the inhabitants of the neighbouring- communes assembled to entertain him, on his passage to Lagrange, in spite of the unworthy conduct of the authorities, who attempted to curb, by means of violence, this expression of the public enthusiasm. In June, 1 827, Lafayette was returned for the third time, to the Chamber of Deputies, by the arrondissement of Meaux. In 1829, it was an- nounced, that Charles X. was about to make a royal progress to the west of France, as he had pre- viously done into the eastern departments ; but it being feared, probably, that in that part of France there might be too open a manifestation of popular sentiments, the journey was suddenly counter- manded. About that period, Lafayette was on his way to Lyons, and orders were immediately transmitted to the authorities on his route, to stifle, as much as possible, the expression of pub- lic opinion. It was intimated by the Mayor of Lyons, that serenades and popular meetings were punishable by the penal code ; but the in- habitants were not to be prevented from ex- * Lafayette en Amerique en 1824 et 1825, ou Journal d'un Voyage aux Etats-unis : par A. Levasseur, Secretaire du General Lafayette pendant son voyage. Deux tomes en 8vo. orne de onze gravures et d'une carte. PARIS IN 1830. V6o pressing their admiration for the character of Lafayette, by means of illuminations, entertain- ments, and such other manifestations of rejoic- ing, as did not subject them or their guest to magisterial interference. On the 27th of July, 1830, Lafayette an- nounced that, if required by his fellow citizens, he would not hesitate to place himself at the head of the National Guard. On the 28th, the command was offered to him, by a deputation of that body ; and on the approval of his nomina- tion by the Deputies, then assembled at the house of M. Lafitte, he immediately proceeded to the Hotel de Ville, where he fixed his head quarters. France is happily aware of the value of his name and character, his wisdom, and his long experience, in providing for the future peace and security of the country. His known singleness of purpose places him far above the suspicion of a desire for personal aggrandisement. It has been said that, during the late revolution, his power might have been perverted to the in- jury of public freedom ; but, without stopping to repel an insinuated and gratuitous calumny, it may be doubted, whether public liberty could ever have been endangered by a man whose whole influence has arisen from a long life of unstained purity. 264 PARIS IN 1830. CHAPTER XVIII. Historical Sketch of the Life of Louis Philip, Duke of Orleans. The elevated station to which the Duke of Or- leans has been raised, by the events of the late revolution, has been thought also to create a requisition for some notice of his former his- tory. Louis Philippe d'Orleans, Due d'Orleans, the son of Louis Philippe Joseph d'Orleans, Due d'Orleans, was born at Paris, on the 6th October, 1773. His first title was that of Due de Valois; but on the death of his grandfather, he assumed that of the Due de Chartres. The first care of his infancy was given successively to the Cheva- lier de Bonnard, and to Madame De Genlis. Nothing was neglected in forming his heart, en- lightening his mind, or even in facilitating the PARIS IN 1830. 265 developement of his physical powers. Gym- nastic exercises were joined to his intellectual labours ; his teachers taking for their rule the ancient maxim, " Mens sana in corpore sano." At the commencement of the revolution of 1789, the Due de Chartres, then scarcely sixteen years of age, adopted the opinions of his father with all the enthusiasm of youth. Colonel-pro- prietor of the 14th regiment of dragoons, he did not hesitate between the choice which was left him by the decrees of the Constituent Assembly, of giving in his resignation, or of assuming the actual command of the regiment. He went into garrison at Vendome, where, in various brilliant actions, he earned the civic crown which was decreed to him. In 1791 he set out for Valenciennes, and was placed under the command of the celebrated General Biron. His first proofs of bravery and military talent were given at the battles of Boussu and Quaragnon ; and he succeeded in rallying the troops which had been suddenly seized with a panic in the neighbourhood of Quievrain. On the 7th of May in the same year, the Due de Chartres received from the Count de Grave, then minister at war, his com- mission as Major-General. He fought at the head of a brigade of dragoons under the com- 266 PARIS IN 1830. mand of Luckner, and assisted in the taking- of Courtray. On the 11th of September following, he obtained the rank of Lieutenant-General, and was appointed to the command of Strasbourg-. " I am too young," he replied, " to be enclosed in a fortress; and I beg to be allowed to remain in active service." The ministry applauded the warlike disposition thus evinced, and on the 20th of the same month the Due de Chartres again distinguished himself, by the intrepidity with which, throughout the day, he defended a difficult position on which the enemy was con- stantly directing his efforts. Six days after- wards he was appointed second in command of the troops of the new levy under General La- bour donnaye, by whom they had been organized in the northern departments. This promotion was not agreeable to him ; he liked better to fight in the front of the battle, although in a less elevated situation ; and as it had been found necessary to replace him in the army of Luckner, he passed into that of Dumouriez, who was pre- paring for the invasion of Belgium. It was then that his name was to be inscribed in inde- lible characters in the military annals of France. On the 6th of November, at the celebrated battle of Jemappes, he preserved the army from a serious disaster, and suddenly changed a shame- ful flight into a complete triumph, by bringing back several fugitive regiments, and with them PARIS IN 1830. 267 renewing the column, afterwards known by the name of the battalion de Mons. This brilliant day decided the fate of Belgium ; and the army having taking up its cantonments, the Due de Chartres, in compliance with a letter from his father, hastened to Paris, where his sister, who had been regarded as an emigrant in consequence of her journey to England, was waiting his arrival to go into exile, in conformity with the orders of the republican government. In the performance of this fraternal duty he re- mained with the princess at Tour nay for several days, and it was there that he was made ac- quainted with the decree of banishment which the Convention had pronounced against all the members of the royal family, without exception. His first resolution was to proceed to America, and he hastened to state it to his father. But the decree having been revoked, in so far as it applied to the house of Orleans, the Due de Chartres resumed his place on the field of honour, and reaped fresh laurels at the siege of Maas- tricht, under the command of General Miranda. On the 18th of March J 793, the Duke com- manded the centre of the French army at the battle of Ner winde . Amidst the general disorder of the flight, he effected his retreat in good or- der, and by the bold countenance he assumed at Tirlemont, prevented this great reverse from 268 PARIS IN 1830. being still more disastrous than it proved to the French arms. It was then that Dumouriez, ashamed of being beaten, and preferring, as it is believed, to be thought a traitor to the Convention, rather than an incapable commander, conceived the idea of giving to his defeat the show of connivance with the conquerors. He declared himself against the sovereign Assembly by which France was then governed, and entertained the object, it is said, of dissolving the national representation, abolish- ing the republican form of government, and re- establishing the constitutional monarchy, on the basis of that of 1791, in favour of the Due de Chartres. Whether the prince was acquainted or not with the real designs of Dumouriez, it is at least certain, that, when in this predicament, he con- nected his fate with that of his military chief. To this, perhaps, he was in some degree com- pelled by the community of interest which the Con- vention endeavoured to establish between them, and by the contumely which had been heaped on a name, brought forward by the accusers of Dumouriez in every detail of their grievances. The prince proceeded to the head-quarters of the Austrians, to ask for passports. It was in vain that Prince Charles used every means of entreaty to attach the Duke de Chartres to the PARIS IN 1830. 269 service of the Emperor. Still a Frenchman in principle, although no longer allowed to fight in the service of France, he refused to sully the glory he had acquired in the defence of his country, by becoming the auxiliary of her ene- mies. He retired into Switzerland with Made- moiselle d'Orleans, his sister, and Madame de Genlis, but could not there find an asylum. The Helvetic aristocracy thought that its existence would be endangered by the presence of a repub- lican General, whose high birth had not preserved him from the contagion of constitutional principles. The influence of General Montesquieu, then living in retirement at Bremgarten, could only obtain an asylum for the Princess and her gover- ness in the convent of Sainte Claire. " And as for you," he said to the Duke de Chartres, " there is no choice but to wander among the mountains, and to fix yourself in no permanent abode until the course of events shall assume a more favour- able aspect. Should fortune prove propitious, this will be to you a sort of Odyssey, the details of which will hereafter be collected with avidity." The Duke de Chartres pursued the advice of General Montesquieu, and, parting with the com- panions of his exile, he traversed on foot the various cantons of Switzerland, explored the highest ridges of the Alps, and although reduced to very limited pecuniary resources, he made these laborious journeys subservient to his in- c 270 PARIS IN 1830. struction, at the same time that he found in them the source of numerous enjoyments, with which till then he was unacquainted. In the midst of his journeyings he received a letter from General Montesquieu, proposing to him a professorship in the college of Reicheneau. This offer he ac- cepted, and obtained the appointment, after un- dergoing a preliminary examination. In this academy he continued for eight months, under a borrowed name, and without being recognized, to teach geography and history, the French and English languages, and the mathematics. It was at the college of Reicheneau that the Duke de Chartres was apprised of the death of his father. Soon after this tragical event, he resigned his professional functions, and, after pay- ing a visit to General Montesquieu at Brem- garten, he resolved on going to Hamburgh, there to embark for America. On his arrival at Ham- burgh, he was compelled by the slenderness of his pecuniary resources to abandon the idea of crossing the Atlantic, and to direct his steps to- wards the northern countries of Europe. He visited successively Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Lapland, and, after approaching five degrees nearer to the pole than Maupertuis, or any former French traveller had done, he returned into Ger- many in the course of the year 1796. He was in the duchy of Holstein when he received a letter from his mother through the PARIS IN 1830. 271 medium of the charge d'affaires of the French republic to the Hanseatic towns. His mother informed him that the Directory would not con- sent to alleviate the rigours to which she and her family were subjected, as long as her eldest son remained on European ground, and she beg- ged of him in consequence to give this new proof of his devotion to all that was dearest to him on earth. The Duke of Orleans hastened to reply : " When my dear mother receives this letter, her orders will have been obeyed, and I shall have set out for America. I shall embark in the first vessel which sails for the United States. And what would I not do, after the letter I have just received ? I shall no longer believe that happi- ness is lost to me beyond resource, since I have still the means of softening the hardships of a mother so justly dear to me, whose situation and whose sufferings have so long torn my heart. I think myself in a dream when I am told that I am so soon to embrace and be united to my brothers ; for I can scarcely yet believe what but yesterday appeared impossible. It is not, however, that I would complain of my destiny. I feel too well how much more dreadful it might have been. I shall not even think myself un- happy, if, after meeting my brothers, I shall find that my dear mother is as well as she might be ; and if I may still serve my country by contribut- ing to its tranquillity, and consequently to its 227 PARIS IN 1830. happiness. There is no sacrifice which would be too costly for the sake of France ; and as long- as I live, there is none which I shall not be ready to make for her." The Duke of Orleans left Hamburgh on the 24th of September 1796, and arrived at Phila- delphia on the 21st of October following. His two brothers, the Dukes de Montpensier and de Beaujolais, joined him there, in the month of February 1797« They visited together the va- rious states of the American Union, and even some of the Indian tribes. In the month of December 1797> they set out for New Orleans, by the Ohio and Mississippi, and arrived there in the month of February 1798. On passing over to the Havannah, they found themselves exposed to the persecutions of the Spanish go- vernment, by whom they were ordered to be carried back to New Orleans. But the three young Princes refused to return, and succeeded in reaching the English West India settlements. The Duke of Kent received them there with dis- tinction; but his royal highness did not think himself at liberty to provide them with the means of returning to Europe. They then embarked for New York, from whence they sailed in an English packet for Falmouth. On their arrival in London at the beginning of the year 1800, they joined the mem- bers of the royal family then in exile in England, PARIS IN 1830. 273 whose political principles they had never adopt- ed, but with whom they found themselves con- nected by community of misfortune. The Duke of Orleans there saw the Count d'Artois, who had then, after the death of Louis XVII. as- sumed the title of Monsieur, and addressed him- self by letter to Louis XVIIL, whose wandering-, and almost deserted court, was at that period stationed at Miltau. This reconciliation having been effected, he set sail for Minorca, for the pur- pose of joining- his mother, who had taken refuge at Barcelona. Having landed at Mahon, it was proposed to him to go into Germany, to serve the cause of the emigrants. This he refused to do, for the same reasons which induced him, in 1794, to submit to persecution, and go into exile, rather than carry arms against France : for although his personal misfortunes in the course of the revolution, and the terrible vicis- situdes of that stormy period, had brought about a reconciliation with the elder branch of his family, these considerations were not sufficiently powerful to eradicate the sentiments of his youth. The state of warfare which then existed be- tween England and Spain, prevented him from landing in Catalonia ; so that he and his brothers were compelled to return to London, without effecting the object they had in view. They T 2?4 PARIS IN 1830. fixed themselves at Twickenham, where they lived in retirement, enjoying the respect and esteem of the neighbourhood : but their domes- tic happiness was painfully disturbed in 1807, by the illness of the Duke de Montpensier, who fell an early victim to pulmonary consumption. The grief which the Duke of Orleans experienced, under this distressing bereavement, was greatly increased by the fear that the germs of the same disease were already implanted in the constitu- tion of his younger brother. By the advice of his medical attendants, he carried the Duke de Beaujolais to Malta ; but, on his arrival in that island, the physicians there assured him that the climate was unfavourable to consumptive pa- tients. He then thought of Mount Etna, and immediately wrote to the King of Sicily for permission to enter his territories, Before the arrival of that prince's answer, the Duke de Beaujolais had expired ; and it was at Messina that the Duke of Orleans received it, having quitted Malta precipitately, as soon as his brother had breathed his last. Ferdinand IV. having invited him to come to his court, he proceeded to Palermo, where he soon conciliated the affec- tions of the King and Queen. On observing the sentiments which their daughter, the Princess Amelia, had inspired in the breast of their guest, they did not object to cement the attachment by PARIS IN 1830. 275 marriage ; but, before accomplishing the union, the King of Sicily expressed a wish that the Duke of Orleans should go with his son Leo- pold into Spain, to defend the cause of the Bourbons against the family of Bonaparte. In that family, the Duke of Orleans saw only the oppressors of Europe, and especially of France ; and he believed that he was serving the cause of his country, in going to oppose the conquests of Napoleon. He yielded, therefore, to the wish of the King of Sicily, and set sail for a Spanish port, but was carried by a British cruizer to England. The Duke of Orleans then applied to the British government for permission to rejoin his mother at Figuiera ; and, with his sister, who had come to meet him at Portsmouth, set sail for Malta, where he landed at the commencement of 1809. After many unsuccessful efforts to reach the Duchess of Orleans, he returned to the court of Palermo, where his marriage was decided. Anxious that his mother should be present at the marriage ceremony, he solicited and at once obtained permission to proceed to Mahon, in order to induce the Princess to return with him into Sicily. Having effected this ob- ject, his nuptials with the Princess Amelia were solemnly celebrated on the 25th of November, 1809. About a year afterwards, an envoy from the t c 2 276 PARIS IN 1830. regency of Cadiz came to offer him a command in Catalonia. Believing- it still to be his duty to accept it, he set sail, and landed at Tarragona, but was prevented, it is said, by English in- fluence, from either penetrating into the interior, or proceeding towards Cadiz. Compelled to return to the court of Palermo, in the month of October following, he there became a father, by the birth of the Duke de Chartres. Daring his stay in Sicily, he steadily resisted the impa- tience of the Queen to attempt the recovery of the kingdom of Naples ; and having held himself apart from the internal broils between the par- liament and the ministry, he hastened, in 1814, to avail himself of the revolution which had taken place in France, to revisit his native country. On the 17th of May he presented himself at the Tuileries in the uniform of a lieutenant-general of France, and, in the month of July following, he took his leave of the King to go to Palermo for the Princess. His absence was short : before the end of August he had re-entered the Palais Royal, and was there enjoying the most perfect domestic happiness, when a new political storm arose to disturb the reigning dynasty. On the 1st of March, 1815, Napoleon landed at Cannes from the island of Elba, and marched upon Paris. The Duke of Orleans was sent to meet him ; but had scarcely arrived at Lyons, when, finding resistance impossible, he was obliged to PARIS IN 1830. 277 return to the capital. On reaching Paris, his first care was to send off his family to England. On the 16th of March he appeared beside the King at the royal sitting of the Chambers, and in the evening of the same day he set out to assume the supreme command of the army of the north, then under the orders of Marshal Mortier. He traversed the frontier, visited Peronne, and the principal fortresses, recommending everywhere that private opinions should yield to the exigen- cies of the country, that the horrors of civil war might be avoided, and that under no pretext should foreign troops be admitted into the places of strength. The arrival of Louis XVIII. at Lille having apprised him of the complete success which had attended this bold exploit of Napoleon, and the King having reached the territory of Belgium without the communication of any order to the Duke, he found himself again obliged to leave the country. On the eve of his departure, he ad- dressed the following letter, dated the 24th of March, to the Duke de Trevise : " I am about, my dear Marshal, to resign into your hands the entire command which I have en- joyed with you in the Department Du Nord. I am too good a Frenchman to sacrifice the interests of my country because new dangers compel me to leave it. I go to bury myself in retirement. The King having left France, I can no longer give you 278 PARIS IN 1830. orders in his name ; and it only remains for me to relieve you from the observance of all those I have hitherto given you, and to recommend to you to do whatever your patriotism and your ex- cellent judgment may suggest to you as most conducive to the interests of France. Adieu, my dear Marshal; my heart beats as I write the word. Retain your friendship for me wherever fortune may lead you, and reckon always on mine. I shall never forget what I have seen of you during the too short period we have passed together." If credit be due to what is stated by M. Fleury de Chaboulon in his Memoirs of the Hundred Days, the Duke of Orleans did not confine the expression of his regret in leaving France to the sentiments contained in his letter to the Marechal Mortier. To his aide-de-camp, Co- lonel Athalin, he stated that he dispensed with his passing the frontier, and accompanying him in his exile ; and that he would think himself happy to remain on the territory of France, and resume the glorious emblems which he wore at Jemappes. Twickenham, however, after so many vicissi- tudes, became again the place of his retreat. While residing there, certain protestations and professions of faith, unworthy of his character, were ascribed to him in the English newspapers, the truth of which he hastened to disavow. PARIS IN 1830. 279 The battle of Waterloo having replaced the Bourbons on the throne, the Duke of Orleans left England, and arrived in Paris at the end of July. He procured the removal of the seques- tration which the imperial government had im- posed on his property, and recrossed the channel to bring back his wife and children. On his return he availed himself of the royal ordinance, which authorized the princes of the blood to sit in the Chamber of Peers, and de- clared himself energetically against the tendency to reaction which the majority of the Chamber wished to impress on the ministry, by claiming the purgation of the public offices, and the pu- nishment of political delinquencies : — " Let us leave it to the King," exclaimed the Duke of Orleans, " to take the necessary constitutional measures for the maintenance of public order; and let us not make demands which might be converted, by a spirit of malevolence, into the means of disturbing the tranquillity of the state. The judicial functions we may be called on to perforin impose on us an absolute silence with regard to the parties who may thus be brought before us. The anterior expression of our opi- nion would infer a prejudication of their case, and would subject us to the anomaly of being, at once, their accusers and their judges.'' The views which he thus expressed, although supported by the ministry, were not agreeable to 280 PARIS IN 1830. the party who then assumed the ascendancy. The Duke of Orleans determined, in conse- quence, on returning to England, where he re- mained until after the ordinance of the 5th of September. Since that period he has lived constantly either at Paris, or on his estates. Men of all parties, without reference to their political opi- nions, have been honoured with the Prince's friendship ; and his house has been frequently the asylum of the victims of power. He has given the grandees of the kingdom a salutary example, in preferring a public education for his children to the claustral and exclusive system of the palace. On one occasion, however, it must not be concealed that there was some incon- sistency between his conduct and his principles, in the course of the proceedings which arose between him and the purchaser of certain pro- perty which he had lost at the revolution. It was generally believed that he had been induced by perfidious counsels to challenge, in one in- stance, the sale which had been effected of the national domains, for the purpose of depriving him of the great popularity he deservedly en- joyed. But the hopes of his enemies were hap- pily defeated by an arrangement of the difference, on generous and honourable principles. On every change of administration, and on the approach of every new political crisis, the PARIS IN 1830. 281 name of the Duke of Orleans had been employed as a rallying* point among- the discontented of the higher classes. But it may be said of him, as was formerly observed of his father, that he has never been himself of his own party. It was for de- monstrating this truth, in a spirited and argu- mentative pamphlet, that M. Cauchois Lemaire, under the Villele administration, was subjected to fifteen months imprisonment. Since that period the name of the Duke of Orleans has not been introduced into any poli- tical discussion. Living in tranquillity and retirement, he has devoted his whole attention to the improvement of his extensive property, for the purpose of securing a more brilliant in- heritance to his numerous family. At the opening of the parliamentary session in 1829, it was remarked that the King had allowed his crown to fall, and that the Duke of Orleans, who stood at his left, stooped down to pick it up. — The visit of his brother-in-law, the King of Naples, to Paris, was for some days a source of public attraction. The Duke of Orleans entertained their Neapolitan majesties with a magnificent fete, to which all the most brilliant society of the capital gave their pre- sence. An expression, which is said to have fallen from M. de Salvandy, on that occasion, may now be regarded as a sort of presage of what has since occurred. On being challenged 282 PARIS IN 1830. to admire the brilliant illuminations of the Palais Royal, and all the splendour of the spectacle, by some one who made the observation that it was quite " a Neapolitan entertainment :" " No doubt," replied M. de Salvandy ; " we are here on the brink of a volcano." PARIS IN 1830. 283 CHAPTER XIX. Decree of the Provisional Government — Invitation to the Duke of Orleans to become Lieutenant-General of the king- dom — Proclamation in the Moniteur, notifying his accept- ance thereof — Explanatory details — Proclamation by those of the Deputies who had met in Paris — Reception of the Duke of Orleans at the Hotel de Ville — Singular speech on that occasion by General Dubourg — Account of the conduct and merits of that individual — Proclamations for the resump- tion of the National Banner, for the discipline of the Na- tional Guard, and for the collection of the Local Tax on Provisions — General Lafayette's address, to announce the opening of the Chamber of Deputies. Salus populi suprema lea:, was the principle recognized and adopted by France, in first calling- the Duke of Orleans to the temporary office of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, and in after- wards placing him at the head of a constitutional monarchy. The first of these measures was called for by the members of the Provisional Govern- ment themselves, who soon found that they wanted that unity of purpose indispensable to the efficient exercise of the executive power. This became at once apparent, when the necessity 284 PARIS IN 1830. arose for a government in itself so transitory and ephemeral, to proceed to the nomination of Pro- visional Commissioners to fulfil the urgent duties of the ministry in all its various departments. More than one version of the decree which this urgency created, was put into circulation at this period ; but the following has been duly authen- ticated : " It has been necessary to designate for each branch of the public administration, commissioners to replace, provisionally, the administration which has just fallen with the power of Charles X. " The following are appointed Provisional Commis- sioners : — " For the Department of Justice, M. Dupont de PEure. " Finance, Baron Louis. " War, General Gerard. " Marine, M. de Rigny. " Foreign Affairs, M. Bignon. " Public Instruction, M. Guizot. " Interior, and Public Works, Due de Broglie. (Signed) " Lobau. A. De Puyraveau. " Mauguin. De Schonen. " Paris, Hotel de Ville, July 31." Before this measure was adopted, the assem- bled Deputies had resolved on requesting the Duke of Orleans to come to Paris, to discharge the duties of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. With this view M. Mechin, fils, had been sent to the Prince's residence at Neuilly, about two leagues distant from Paris, on the evening of Thursday the 29th of July. It is said that on PARIS IN 1830. 285 that day also a detachment of the Royal Guard had been sent across the river with orders to carry the Prince as a prisoner to Saint Cloud. The hostile and the friendly mission were both unsuc- cessful. The Prince was from home on Thurs- day ; but early on Friday morning- he proceeded to the Palais Royal, as some say, on foot ; but at this period was so little aware of the important nature of M. Mechin's mission, that he had again left Paris for Neuilly before the arrival of the Deputies, who came in a body to wait upon him. An interview at length took place, on the morn- ing of Saturday the 31st of July. On being made acquainted with the resolution of the Deputies, the Prince required only an hour's delay, to afford him an opportunity of again consulting his coun- cil, and soon afterwards his acceptance was an- nounced by the appearance of an extraordinary supplement to the Moniteur, which contained a proclamation, conceived in the following terms : " Paris, July 31, noon. " Inhabitants of Paris ! " The Deputies of France at this moment assembled at Paris have expressed to me the desire that I should repair to this capital to exercise the functions of Lieu- tenant-General of the kingdom. " I have not hesitated to come and share your dan- gers, to place myself in the midst of your heroic popula- tion, and to exert all my efforts to preserve you from the calamities of civil war and anarchy. " On returning to the city of Paris, I wear with pride those glorious colours which you have resumed, and which I myself long wore. 286 PARIS IN 1830. " The Chambers are going to assemble; they will con- sider of the means of securing the reign of the laws, and the maintenance of the rights of the nation. " The charter will henceforward be a reality. " Louis-Philippe D'Orleans." Some light is incidentally thrown on the history of this nomination by the answer of the elder Dnpin to the attacks which were made on him in some of the public journals, accusing him of some- thing like double dealing in his manner of treating the individuals who had been the first to stir dur- ing the early days of the revolution. After giving a detailed and interesting narrative of all his per- sonal movements from an early hour on Monday morning, when he was consulted by the journal- ists as to the legality of their resistance to the royal ordinances, up to Friday the 30th, he thus proceeds : — " The question as to the Duke of Orleans was now openly agitated, and it was not for a member of his council to institute a commencement. So far from that, it is greatly to the Prince's credit, that nothing was suggested on his part. The nation found him when it called j but neither he, nor any one belonging to him, conspired to provoke the call : he answered only to the national wish ; he took the helm when every one else had quitted it ; and who can doubt, amidst the enthusiasm excited by this Prince's accession, that I had a right to count myself among those who were most highly satisfied, and who founded on it the surest PARIS IN 1830. 287 hopes for the welfare of the country ? During" twelve years of constant service, I have had the means of convincing myself how deeply the love of the country is imprinted in the heart of this admirable family. On the 30th, at one o'clock, I went to the Chamber of Deputies, after return- ing from Neuilly, whither I had gone on foot with my friend M. Persil. I should have regretted not to have accomplished this honourable mission — I ought to say this duty. In the secret com- mittee of the Chamber, I expressed my opinion that, the same evening before we broke up, the question as to the form of government should be decided. The Lieutenant-General was then ap- pointed. On the 31st, at six o'clock in the morn- ing, having been sent for to the Palais Royal, I had the honour of giving my cockade to the King*, in exchange for the three ribbons which had been attached to his button-hole by his noble sister, at the moment of his departure for Paris ; they were my first and my finest decora- tion. " The Municipal Commission was acquainted with all these facts when it did me the honour, unknown to me, and without solicitation on my part, to name me Provisional Commissioner in the department of justice. Why did not my enemies then raise their voice ? I did not think it my duty to accept that nomination ; and my honourable colleague, M. Dupont de l'Eure, has 288 PARIS IN 1830. not forgotten the earnestness with which I urged him to accept an office that his modesty alone had induced him to refuse." Soon after the appearance of the Lieutenant- General's proclamation, the following was pre- pared by the representatives of the people. " PROCLAMATION ADDRESSED TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE BY THE DEPUTIES OF DEPARTMENTS ASSEMBLED AT PARIS. " Frenchmen! — France is free. Absolute power raised its standard — the heroic population of Paris has overthrown it. Paris, attacked, has made the sacred cause triumph, by means which had triumphed in vain in the elections. A power which usurped our rights and disturbed our repose, threatened at once both liberty and order. We return to the possession of order and liberty. There is no more fear for acquired rights— no further barrier between us and the rights which we still require. A government which may, without delay, secure to us these advantages, is now the first want of our country. Frenchmen ! those of your Deputies who are already at Paris have assembled, and, till the Chambers can regu- larly intervene, they have invited a Frenchman who has never fought but for France— the Duke of Orleans— to exercise the functions of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. This is, in their opinion, the surest means promptly to accomplish, by peace, the success of the most legitimate defence. " The Duke of Orleans is devoted to the national and constitutional cause. He has always defended its in- terests, and professed its principles. He will respect our rights, for he will derive his own from us. We shall secure to ourselves, by laws, all the guarantees necessary to strong and durable liberty : — PARIS IN 1830. 289 " The re-establishment of the National Guard, with the intervention of the National Guards in the choice of the officers : " The intervention of the citizens in the formation of the departmental and municipal administrations : " The jury for the transgressions of the press ; the legally organized responsibility of the ministers, and of the secondary agents of the administration : " The situation and rank of the military legally se- cured. And " The re-election of Deputies in the place of those ap- pointed to public offices. Such guarantees will, at length, give to our institutions, in concert with the head of the state, the developments of which they have need. " Frenchmen!— The Duke of Orleans himself has already spoken, and his language is that which is suitable to a free country. " « The Chambers,'' he says, « are going to assemble ; they will consider of means to insure the reign of the laws, and the maintenance of the rights of the nation. " ' The charter will henceforward be a reality. ' " Before the publication of this address, the De- puties proceeded with it to the Palais Royal, escorted by the National Guard, and by the band of veterans who have been accustomed to act as a guard of honour at the chamber. On their arrival at the palace, the proclamation was read to the Duke by M. Lafitte, one of the vice- presidents, in the absence of the president, M. Casimir Perier, from indisposition. At its con- clusion the Prince asked for a copy of it, and declared that it would be the most valuable document in his archives. " I am deeply sen- 290 PARIS IN 1830. Bible," he continued, " of this high testimony of your confidence and esteem, although I must ever deplore the painful circumstances out of which it has arisen. As a Frenchman I have felt the wrongs by which France has been op- pressed — as a Prince, I rejoice in the hope of being able to contribute to the reparation of the mischief which has been done." The Duke, in the uniform of a general officer, and wearing the cordon of the Legion of Honour, then mounted his horse, and, surrounded by the Deputies, passed along the quays to the Hotel de Ville. Count Alexandre de Laborde had gone before to announce his approach. The mem- bers of the Municipal Commission, with Lafayette at their head, assembled in the great hall of the building, accompanied by a detachment of the National Guards, and the pupils of the Poly- technic School, and descended to receive the Prince at the foot of the staircase. The Duke and Lafayette embraced each other, and the united procession ascended to the great hall. On perceiving the pupils of the Polytechnic School, the Duke advanced towards them, and expressed to them his admiration of their noble conduct. The proclamation of the Deputies was then read by M. Viennet, and the Duke re- newed his declaration of his entire and unqua- lified concurrence in the principles it expressed. After several individuals had taken this occasion PARTS IN 1830. %9t to address the Prince, General Dubourg, an officer who had made himself conspicuous on more than one occasion in the course of the revolutionary movement, stepped forward and said : — " We hope you will keep your oaths ; should you do otherwise, you know the conse- quences. The nation has achieved its liberty at the price of its blood, and it well knows how to re-achieve it, if the odious example of the fallen monarch shall be followed ; and if bad men shall attempt to rob them of it." To this extraordinary address the Prince replied with warmth and dignity : — " General, if you were better acquainted with me, you would know that threats are not necessary to insure my fidelity. I am a Frenchman, and a man of honour. The future will prove that I know how to keep my engagements." The General was now, per- haps, aware that he had advanced a step too far, and as soon as the Prince had concluded, he was the first to exclaim, " Vive le Due d> Or- leans r a cry which was instantly repeated, first by the audience in the hall, and after- wards by the numerous throng assembled on the outside. When the murmurs excited by this incident had subsided, the Prince walked out on the balcony, where he again embraced Lafayette, and, seizing the national flag, waved it over his head, in presence of the multitude. u 2 292 PARIS IN 1830. He was then reconducted to the foot of the great staircase, where, amidst the acclamations of the people, he was saluted by discharges of musketry, and by two pieces of artillery, which had been stationed on the Place de Greve. The Prince was carried, rather than conducted, back to the Palais Royal, and the Municipal Commission resumed its functions, at the Hotel de Ville. In justice to all parties, it is necessary to state, that whatever may have been the views of Gene- ral Dubourg, he was certainly one of the first, if not the very first individual, with the rank of a general officer, who took up arms in the popu- lar cause. As early as Wednesday evening, the 28th of July, he had appeared at the Bourse, in company with M. Evariste Dumoulin, and pro- ceeded, as he then was, in plain clothes, with a number of other citizens, to the scene of action. On the following morning, he again appeared at the successive attacks on the Louvre and the Tuileries, in the uniform of a lieutenant-general, a circumstance with which he has been reproach- ed, as an act of presumption ; his rank in the army having never been higher than that of marechal du camp. But for this he had some excuse in the hurry and confusion of the mo- ment. It is more difficult to explain the procla- mation with which the walls of Paris were PARIS IN 1830. 293 covered, in the course of Thursday. It was as follows : " Fellow Citizens ! " You have chosen me, by universal acclamation, to be your general. I will be worthy of the choice of the noble National Guard of Paris. We fight for our laws and liberties. Fellow citizens ! our triumph is certain. " I entreat you to respect the orders of the chiefs who are to be assigned to you, and to obey them. " The troops of the Line have already surrendered ; and the Guards are ready to follow their example. The traitors who excited this civil war, and who thought to massacre the people with impunity, will soon be com- pelled to account before the tribunals for their violation of the laws, and for the whole of their bloody con- spiracy. " From the head-quarters on the Place de la Bourse, which is the general rendezvous, this 29th of July, 1830. (Signed) " Le General Dubourg." In this proceeding also, it is probable that General Dubourg was already aware that he had overshot the mark ; as may be inferred, from the following letter, which he soon after- wards addressed to General Lafayette : " Mon. General, " I resign into your hands the command with which the citizens invested me by universal ac- clamation ; and I give you my word, that from this instant I shall not only give no order, but that I shall not again wear the uniform which 294 PARIS IN 1830. was brought me by the citizens. I thought, and I persist in thinking, my conduct worthy of a national reward ; for if I, an obscure individual, was raised to the command by the spontaneous acclamation of the citizens, because the brave fellows saw me in the front rank wherever there was danger, it is certain, that if they had seen another more forward, they would have given it to him. From whence then can these injurious suspicions proceed, if not from a sentiment of jealousy? I went to Ghent, it is true ; but if I had been at Fontainebleau, when Napoleon was deserted there, I for one should not have de- serted him. I showed sufficiently my contempt for cowards and traitors, when, in 1815, I had the command of the department of the Pas de Calais, and General Bourmont was governor of the division. I refused to see him, and quitted my command, that I might have no communica- tion with the traitor. This example has not, as far as I am aware, been very generally imitated. I might long ago have been lieutenant-general, if I had chosen to follow the court. " I am no courtier, and never shall be so. I resign the command with which I was invested by acclamation ; a sort of appointment which I prefer to the marshal's baton which has been given to Bourmont. If I am not treated by the government as I think that I deserve, I am sure, at least, of the friendship and esteem of all the PARIS IN 1830. 295 brave citizens at whose head I had the honour and the happiness to march, to the destruction of a power, which had made itself hateful to every generous heart. " Accept, General, the assurance of my utmost respect. (Signed) " Dubourg." " 1st August, 1830." The answer of General Lafayette was to the following effect : " I send you, General, the extract of an order of the day, which I have just published. It will be with pleasure that I shall see those services re- warded as to which I do you this act of justice ; and to which, be assured, that I shall myself be ready to contribute. " Hotel de Ville, 8th August, 1830. " ORDER OF THE DAY. k ' The General commanding in chief owes to General Dubourg the justice to say, that in the moment of dan- ger he answered with devotedness the appeal of a num- ber of good patriots ; that in these memorable days he gave orders in conformity with the generous enthusiasm of the people, and with the maintenance of public order ; and that I found him established at the Hotel de Ville, where he expressed to me the pleasure he had in seeing me brought thither by the confidence of my fellow citizens. (Signed) " Lafayett e." 296 PARIS IN 1830. The first act of authority performed by the Duke of Orleans after his acceptance of the office of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, was to announce the resumption of the national banner, and to signify his approbation of the ministry provisionally appointed by the members of the Municipal Commission. Both of these objects were accomplished by the following proclama- tion : — " LIEUTENANCY OF THE KINGDOM. " Article 1st The French nation resumes her co- lours. No other cockade shall henceforth be worn but the three-coloured one. " Article 2nd. The commissioners charged provisi- onally with the various departments of the ministry, shall each, in what concerns him, watch over the execu- tion of the present ordinance. (Signed) " Louis Philippe d'ORLEANs." " Paris, 1st August, 1830. " " The commissioner charged provisionally with the ministry of the war department, (Signed) " Couxt Gerard." Measures were also immediately taken for placing the National Guard in a respectable state of defence, as well as for providing the means of subsistence for such of the working classes as had been thrown out of employment by the events of the revolution. These objects were provided for by the two orders which follow. PARIS IN 1830. 297 " MUNICIPAL COMMISSION OF PARIS. " General Lafayette and the Municipal Commission of Paris have resolved, " 1 st. That there shall be formed a moveable Na- tional Guard, to consist of twenty regiments, and to be employed beyond the walls of Paris for the defence of the country. " 2nd. Every citizen fit to carry arms is invited to enrol himself, and for this purpose to appear at his Mairie, where the necessary lists will be opened. " 3rd. The moveable National Guard shall receive pay, the rate of which shall hereafter be fixed for the officers and non-commissioned officers ; for the soldiers it shall be thirty sous a day. The pay shall continue till the regiments are disbanded, and for fifteen days afterwards : they shall be disbanded as soon as the force shall be no longer necessary. " 4th. The moveable National Guard is placed under the orders of General Gerard, who has already the com- mand of the troops of the Line ; he will do all that is necessary for its formation and organization, and to this effect will appoint such a number of officers as he shall judge requisite. The lists at the Mairies and the Bureau of the National Guard, at the Hotel de Ville, are placed at his disposal. (Signed) " Lafayette. " The members of the commission, " LOBAU : AUDRY DE PuYRAVEAU : " MAUGUIN : DE SCHONEN. " One of the Secretaries of the Commission, " Aylies." " Hotel de Ville, 31st July 1830." 298 PARIS IN 1830. " NATIONAL GUARD OF PARIS. " ORDER OF SERVICE. " The General commanding in chief requests the chiefs of legions to take all necessary measures for the maintenance of public tranquillity. To this effect they will appoint numerous patrols, and reinforce the posts which are not sufficient for the service. They are each directed to send a non-commissioned officer and a party of privates to the Hotel de Ville, to receive a supply of ammunition. They will attend as soon as possible to the designation of the posts, and to the state of the men who compose them. " The chiefs of legions who have barriers in their command, will immediately double the posts at the principal barriers, and will direct their several officers to take all necessary measures for ensuring the receipt of the duties." It is known that at the barriers of Paris a tax of considerable amount is levied on tlie import of vivres (provisions) of all kinds, which cannot fail at all times to press severely on the lower classes of society. On meat this local burthen amounts to three sous a pound, and on wine, without dis- tinction as to quality, it is at the rate of five sous a bottle. It deserves to be stated to the credit of the inhabitants, that although this tax is na- turally regarded as an odious burthen, particu- larly by those who live in the neighbourhood of the barriers ; yet, in place of conspiring PARIS IN 1830. 299 to evade it during the days of commotion, the places of the collecting' officers were voluntarily supplied by the respectable householders of the neighbourhood ; and in point of fact, the amount of duty which was levied during the week of the revolution, in place of falling below the average, was considerably above it. The zeal of the inha- bitants was, no doubt, stimulated by the follow- ing intimation : — " MINISTRY OF FINANCE. " To the Citizens, " The Provisional Commissioner in the department of Finance requests all the authorities to protect the col- lection of the taxes legally established. " The citizens, by the punctual payment of these taxes, will evince their readiness to assist the government during the present emergency. (Signed) " Le Baron Louis. 11 The opening of the Chamber was announced in the following address of General Lafayette : "TO THE CITIZENS OF PARIS. " Paris, Slst July, 1830. " The deputies now assembled in Paris have commu- nicated to the General in Chief the resolution, by which, from the urgency of existing circumstances, the Duke of Orleans has been appointed Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. In three days, the Deputies will be in regular session, conformably to the mandate of their constituents; and will have applied themselves to their 300 PARIS IN 1830. patriotic duties, rendered still more important and exten- sive by the glorious event which has restored the French people to the plenitude of their imprescriptible rights. Honour to the population of Paris ! " It will be then that the representatives of the Elec- toral Colleges, with the concurrence of the whole king- dom, will assure to the country all the guarantees of liberty, equality, and public order, which are called for by the sovereign nature of our rights, and the firm de- termination of the French people. " Under a government which was foreign to us alike in its origin and its influence, it was already under- stood that the demand for the re-establishment of elec- tive, communal, and departmental administrations, the formation of the National Guards of France on the basis of the law of 1791, the extension of trial by jury, the questions on the subject of the law of elections, the freedom of education, the responsibility of the agents of power, and the mode by which that responsibility was to be realized, were each to become the subject of legisla- tive discussion before the vote of any pecuniary supplies. How much more necessary is it that these guarantees, and all others which liberty and equality may require, should precede the concession of the definite powers which France may judge it right to confer ! In the mean time it is known that the Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, appointed by the Chamber, was one of the young patriots of 1789, and one of the first generals who caused the three-coloured flag to triumph. " Liberty, equality, and public order, have always been my motto : I shall continue faithful to it. (Signed) " Lafayette.'" PARIS IN 1830. 301 CHAPTER XX. Proceedings at Saint Cloud — Alarm prevalent there — Dis- ordered flight of the royal party from thence to Versailles — Arrival of the royalist troops, and occupation of the town — The Dauphin compelled to join the King at Versailles — Attachment shown to the latter by the pupils of the college of St. Cyr — Arrival of the King and his party at Rambouillet, where they are joined by the Dauphiness — The Dauphin's proclamation to the troops — Useless act of abdication by the King and the Dauphin, in favour of the Duke of Bor- deaux — Various regulations adopted by the Provisional Government. Saint Cloud was in a constant state of alarm during the whole of Friday, the 30th of July. A strong- detachment of armed men passed close by the palace on their way to Paris, from the Ville d'Avray, in the course of the morning, and a regiment of the Line, which had been stationed at the entrance of the Park, abandoned their bivouac, destroyed the greater part of their arms, and proceeded towards the bridge of Sevres. In the meantime the most preposterous reports were propagated, and believed in the palace. It was known that the Duke de Montemart had been invested with the office of president of the council, and it was stated, that he having gone to 302 PARIS IN 1830. Paris to negociate with the inhabitants, the re- sult had been that a difference of opinion had arisen between the National Guard and the other citizens, that the whole town was in a state of anarchy and confusion, and that rapine and pil- lage were the order of the day. To give more consistency to this rumour, it was confidently asserted that the King had been heard to say, " lis se battent entre eux ; attendons qu'ils nous rappellent pour aller mettre l'ordre." The Baron Weyler de Navas, one of the mili- tary attendants of the royal household, had been charged to provide for the subsistence of the troops as they arrived. The state of disorgani- zation and misery in which the fugitives appeared, and the probability that they would soon be fol- lowed by the vengeance of the citizens, deter- mined the royal family to think of immediate flight. At eight o'clock in the evening the gardes-du-corps were directed to hold themselves in readiness to start at a moment's notice. At two o'clock in the morning of the 31st, they were ordered to bridle their horses, bring them out, and mount without noise ; and it was inti- mated to them that the King was about to leave Saint Cloud. The whole body was then drawn out in line behind the palace, in front of the orangery, and at half past three the King, the Duchess de Berri, and her two children, entered one of the royal carriages, and, followed by a PARIS IN 1S30. 303 numerous train of attendants, and surrounded by the garde-du-corps, immediately proceeded on the road to Versailles. The disorder and confusion of the flight are re- presented to have been extreme. At every out- let baggage-carts and horses made their appear- ance, in defiance of all regularity, and so com- pletely blocked up the passage, as for some time to interrupt the movement of such of the troops as remained faithful to the royal cause. On ar- riving at the Ville d'Avray, the ground was found strewed with the fragments of arms, which, here too, had been destroyed by a disbanded regiment of the Line. The sentiments of the inhabitants of this village were evinced as they had been at Paris, by blotting out of their sign- boards every emblem of royalty ; as in the case of the auberge " A la Chasse Roy ale," and of the wine-shop " du Garde a Pied." With these ex- ceptions, there was nothing which occurred on the route to disturb the respect that was due to the fallen fortunes of Charles X. and his family. On arriving at Versailles by the Avenue de Saint Cloud, the pupils of the college of St. Cyr, who have always distinguished themselves by their attachment to the cause of royalty, were found drawn up in line near their pieces of artil- lery in the Allee de Trianon, and on the left were the colours of the 50th regiment of the Line car- ried by the Colonel, and escorted only by a few 304 PARIS IN 1830. of the non-commissioned officers who had main- tained their fidelity. The King established himself provisionally at the little palace of the Trianon, in the park of Versailles. The troops, as they arrived on their retreat, placed themselves in front, with the artil- lery at their head, to cover the chateau. It ap- peared that the town of Versailles had been in a state of insurrection during the whole of Friday, but that the commotion had fortunately been repressed. This, however, had not been effected until after the hotels of the gardes-du-corps, and the barracks of the other troops had been carried, and, as some say, plundered by the inhabitants. A few of the gardes-du-corps, who had been left in the depot of their company, owed their lives to the intervention of the National Guard, whose conduct on the occasion is acknowledged by the household troops themselves to have been worthy of all praise. On the arrival of General Vincent, who presented himself in the course of the insur- rection with several squadrons of cavalry, the in- habitants refused to open their gates, fearing, perhaps, that reprisals might be made upon them for the hostility they had displayed towards men who, for the last fifteen years, had been regarded as members of the community. In the course of the evening General Bordesoulle arrived with a park of artillery, and one thousand five hundred cavalry. After some previous negociation, Ge- PARIS IN 1830. 305 neral Bordesoulle was admitted, the town was occupied, and the King- was in safety to pass on Saturday morning'. The Dauphin had remained at Saint Cloud, with a part of the troops, to guard the approaches of the bridge ; but about nine o'clock in the morning was attacked by the armed peasantry from Anteuil, Boulogne, and the adjoining vil- lages on the right bank of the Seine. The de- parture of the King was already known in Paris, from whence an armed force was sent towards the bridge of Sevres, which was forthwith aban- doned. It was then easy to cut off the commu- nication between Saint Cloud and Versailles. Firing had already commenced in the town of Sevres ; and the Duke d'Esclignac, Lieutenant- Colonel of the Lancers of the Guard, was there severely wounded. It had previously been the Dauphin's intention to maintain himself in his position at Saint Cloud, and he had advised the King to remain at Trianon ; but this movement of the Parisians compelled him to think of re- treat, and before mid-day he had joined his father in the park of Versailles. It was now obvious that the spirit of insur- rection was spreading rapidly, and that the whole country was flying to arms. Within an hour after the Dauphin's arrival, it was resolved to proceed immediately to Rambouillet. This movement was probably hastened by the occa- x 306 PARIS IN 1830. sional firing- of musketry in the faubourgs of Versailles ; and by the fact that several bullets had fallen in the alleys of the Trianon, within a few yards of the royal resting-place. In passing the college of St. Cyr, the remains of the gen-d'armerie of Paris were drawn out to receive the King. The students had offered to accompany his Majesty, but after the King had stopped to thank them for the zeal they had displayed, they returned into their college by his Majesty's command, and the cortege proceeded. At the Trianon, the King had mounted his horse and placed himself at the head of the Luxem- bourg company of the body-guard. At nine o'clock in the evening he reached Rambouillet, where nothing was known of the movement an hour before his arrival. The gardes- du-corps formed their bivouac in the English gardens which surround the chateau, the troops of the guard and the artillery in the park, and on the heights which command Rambouillet, as far as the village of Perey, which was occupied as a military post. On Sunday morning, the 1st of August, the Dauphiness arrived at Rambouillet, where a thousand rumours as to her personal safety had preceded her. She had been at the waters of Vichy since the commencement of July ; and it was at Dijon, on her way to Saint Cloud, that she received, at the same moment, the first in- telligence of the events of Paris, and of their PARIS IN 1830. 307 disastrous issue. Her journey to Vichy is be- lieved to have been involuntary on her part, and to have been taken in compliance with an order of Charles X., to get rid probably of the embarrassment which her presence, and the known activity of her disposition, might have created during the preparations for the coup d'etat of the 25th of July. In spite of the agi- tation which prevailed in the town of Dijon at the moment of her arrival, her Royal Highness persisted in going to the theatre, and remained there throughout the performance, amidst the tumult excited by her presence. The officers of the eleventh regiment of Chasseurs surrounded her on her exit, and conducted her in safety to her hotel ; but, in the course of the night, finding that all Burgundy was in arms, she set out for Tonnerre, with three of her retinue, the Count de Faucigny Lucinge, M. de Conflans, and Ma- dame de Saint Maure. At Tonnerre, the Dau- phiness disguised herself as a femme-de-cham- bre, and, with a single attendant, M. de Faucigny, in the dress also of a domestic, arrived at Fon- tainebleau, where the three-coloured flag was al- ready displayed ; and where it was, in conse- quence, thought unsafe for the Princess to remain. Orders were given for the departure of the cortege at nine o'clock in the evening ; and, at that hour, a carriage set out on the road to Orleans, with a strong escort of gen-d'armerie. x 2 308 PARIS IN 1830. It was believed in the town, that this carriage had contained the Princess, bnt it was filled with her female attendants ; and, at a later hour in the night, her Royal Highness took the road to Paris, without any other precaution but that of the strictest incognito. On her arrival at La Belle Epine, her carriage took the road from Choisy to Versailles. At Bernis, she was in- formed of the evacuation of Saint Cloud, and the occupation of Versailles by the Parisians. She persisted, however, in pursuing her route, and, repelling the advice of her companion, she gave orders for setting out immediately. On her entrance into the town of Versailles, her carriage was surrounded by an armed multitude, who re- ceived her with shouts of Vive la Charte ! Vive la liberte! An officer of the garde-du- corps, who had joined her at Bernis, and who sat on the box, waved his hat in the air, and repeated the popular shout ; but the Princess did not stop at the post-house, proceeding with the same horses, and waiting for relays on the road to Rambouillet. In his capacity of generalissimo, the Dauphin, on the 1st of August, issued an order of the day, which was read at the head of each regiment at Rambouillet. It was in the following terms : " The King informs the army, in an official manner, that he has entered into an arrangement with the Pro- visional Government ; and that every thing leads to the PARIS IN 1830. 309 belief that this arrangement is on the point of being coneluded. His Majesty communicates this intelligence to the army, in order to calm the agitation which some regiments have displayed. The army will feel, that it ought to remain unmoved, and await the progress of events with tranquillity. (Signed) " Louis Antojne. " By his Royal Highness's command, " The assistant Major-General, " Baron de Gressot." The act of abdication by the King and the Dauphin, in favour of the Duke de Bordeaux, was dated the 2d of August, and was addressed as follows : " To my cousin, the Duke of Or- leans, Lieutenant-General of the kingdom." As if to account for the king's recognition of the Provisional Government, the abdication was pre- ceded by a document in the following terms : " The King, being desirous to put an end to the dis- turbances which exist in the capital, and in a part of France, and counting on the sincere attachment of his cousin, the Duke of Orleans, appoints him Lieutenant- General of the kingdom. " The King, having thought proper to recall his ordi- nances of the 25th of July, approves of the Chambers assembling on the 3d of August ; and he hopes that they will establish tranquillity in France. " The King will wait here the return of the person charged to carry this declaration to Paris. " Should the life or liberty of the King or his family be attempted, he will defend them to the last extremity. " Done at Rambouillet, the 2d of August, 1830. (Signed) " Charles: 1 310 PARIS IN 1830. The act of abdication is as follows : " RambouiUet, 2 August, 1830. " My Cousin, " I am too deeply distressed at the evils with which my people are afflicted and threatened, not to seek the means of removing them. I have therefore resolved to abdicate the crown, in favour of my grandson, the Duke de Bordeaux. " The Dauphin, who shares my sentiments, renounces his rights also, in favour of his nephew. " You will, therefore, in your capacity of Lieutenant- General of the kingdom, cause the accession of Henry V. to the crown to be proclaimed. You will take all the other measures which concern you, for regulating the forms of the government, during the minority of the new King. I now confine myself to the communication of these arrangements, as the means of avoiding a great variety of evils. " You will communicate my intentions to the diplo- matic body ; and you will take the earliest opportunity of making known to me the proclamation by which my grandson is recognized as King, under the title of Henry V. " I charge Lieutenant General Viscount de Foissac Latour with this letter to you. He has orders to con- sult with you as to the arrangements to be made in fa- vour of those persons who have accompanied me, as well as those which may be suitable for myself and the rest of my family. " We shall afterwards regulate the other measures which may become necessary in consequence of the change of the reign. " I renew to you, my cousin, the assurance of the sentiments with which I am your affectionate cousin, (Signed) " Charles. " Louis-^ntoine." PARIS IN 1830. 311 It is known that this conditional abdication was ultimately disregarded ; but before we reach the period of its arrival in Paris, there are other public documents which now require to be no- ticed. The first is a decree of the Provisional Government, suspending the operation of bills of exchange, in consequence of the interruption which all pecuniary transactions had suffered by the events of the revolution. "THE MUNICIPAL COMMISSION OF PARIS, " Considering that since the 26th of July the circula- tion of letters, and the negociation of commercial bills, have in a great measure been suspended ; that since the 28th of July the sittings of the Tribunal of Commerce have been interrupted ; and that the citizens engaged in the common defence have been forcibly compelled to suspend the ordinary course of their business ; having heard the president of the Tribunal of Commerce, and considered the urgency of the circumstances ; " Ordains, 1st. That commercial bills payable at Paris from the 26th of July to the 15th of August, both days included, shall become due on the 10th day after they are payable in the ordinary course ; bills payable on the 26th of July becoming due on the 5th of August, and so forth. " 2nd. The protests of commercial bills referred to in Article 1st shall likewise be suspended. " Done at the Hotel de Ville, 31st July 1830. " lobau : audry de puyraveau : " De Schonen : Mauguin." The prefecture of police, which, in the hands of M. Mangin, had fallen into such extreme dis- repute, does not necessarily require the exercise 312 PARIS IN 1830. of any duty inconsistent with the principles of a man of honour. M. Debelleyme had performed its functions under the Martignac administration, so as to conciliate the respect and esteem of the inhabitants of Paris. M. Bavoux was the first prefect of police appointed by the Provisional Government. His acceptance of office was an- nounced by the following proclamation : " PREFECTURE OF POLICE. " Parisians ! " Having been entrusted by the Municipal Commis- sion with the duty of watching over your safety, my first care has been to take the necessary measures for insuring your free intercourse. " The sacred cause of liberty is gained. The country now appeals to your devotion to her interests. Continue your service in the National Guards, and remain at ease as to the safety of your property. Public tranquillity, and the preservation of those institutions which form the bulwark of the liberty which you have won with a courage above all praise, will be the reward of your generous efforts. " The Prefect of Police, Deputy for the Depart- ment of the Seine, " Bavoux." This officer was succeeded by M. Girod de l'Ain, who, in entering upon office, announced the fact by the following proclamation : " Inhabitants of Paris ! " The Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom has con- fided to me the functions of Prefect of Police, which M. Bavoux had consented to exercise provisionally, and of PARIS IN 1830. 313 which he acquitted himself with his well-known zeal and patriotism. Listening only to the call of duty, and for- getful of my own wishes, I have accepted these functions. " Inhabitants of Paris ! — You have known me as a deputy, as one of your magistrates, and as an old friend of liberty. On these grounds I ask a confidence which I shall never betray. " After displaying your intrepidity in battle, continue to set the example of all the civic virtues ; maintain pub- lic order and tranquillity ; preserve with care all your means of defence, and even increase them : so that if an attempt should be made to wrest from you the fruits of your victory, you may still be found such as you were in the memorable days of July. " The Prefect of Police, " A. GlROD DE L'AlN. " The Secretary General, " P. Malleval." The Prefect of the Seine, whose duties in the French capital place him at the head of the local magistracy, published the following address to the inhabitants : — "Brave Inhabitants of Paris! — Dear Fellow Citizens ! " The Municipal Commission, in charging me pro- visionally with the Prefecture of the Seine, has assigned me a duty at once very agreeable and very difficult to perform. Who can flatter himself with deserving the rank of first magistrate of a population whose heroic conduct has saved France, liberty, and civilization ? — of a population which contains all that is distinguished in wealth, property, and commerce; in the magistracy, the sciences, or the arts? But it was you especially, whose eulogium can never be adequately pronounced, 314 PARIS IN 1830. and whose interests cannot be too well protected — indus- trious citizens of all professions, it was you whose spon- taneous efforts, without guide or plan, found the means of resisting oppression, and of gaining the victory, with- out sullying it with a single stain. Ingenious and bold in danger, benevolent and simple in triumph, believe that if / have learned the extent of my duties, it has only been by appreciating the extent of your sacrifices. A summary of these glorious actions will hereafter be pre- pared, as well as of the losses and misfortunes with which they have been accompanied. Public beneficence has already been engaged in repairing these. Electors of Paris, who for the third time have called me to repre- sent you in the legislature! may I hope that your suf- frages will again support me in the new functions with which I am invested ? Inhabitants of the capital! your magistrates do not wish to make their presence felt but by benefits ; you will doubly honour your triumph by the calmness and good order which agree so well with success. Assist us yourselves in making you happy : it is the only premium, the only recompense which we ask for our labours. (Signed) " Alex. Delaborde, " Charged provisionally with the Prefecture of the Seine." PARIS IN 1830. 315 CHAPTER XXI. Announcement of the removal of the Crown Jewels — Unsuc- cessful return of the Commissioners sent in consequence to Rambouillet — They are despatched again with an armed force, and accomplish their object — The King- and his party compelled to set out on the road to Maintenon — Incidental particulars — Attachment manifested towards the King in his misfortunes by the gardes-du-corps — The King's escort lessened by the dismissal of the remaining troops of the Royal Guard — Entry of the Royal party into Dreux, and dismissal of the Artillery — The route continued to Melle- raut — Anecdotes of the Royal fugitives — Their straitened resources relieved by the Provisional Government — Incon- veniences attendant on the gardes-du-corps. Soon after the royal family had left Saint Cloud, it was ascertained that the crown jewels, a na- tional property of very great value, had been removed from their usual place of deposit. The fact was publicly announced in the following terms : " MUNICIPAL COMMISSION OF PARIS. " The Municipal Commission has found it necessary to take measures for securing the crown diamonds. The usual depositary of this valuable public property has declared that it was removed by the Marquis de la Bonillerie, whose receipt has been deposited at the mu- 316 PARIS IN 1830. nicipality. The court has left Saint Cloud precipitately. It is hoped that the crown jewels will be restored to their former place of deposit, as it is a question of personal probity, independent altogether of political considera- tions, and from which princes are not more exempt than private individuals. Moreover, M. de la Bonillerie, who has signed the receipt, has made himself personally re- sponsible, and all the rigour of the law must be enforced against him. " Paris, August 2, 1830." In pursuance of this announcement, the Mar 6- chal Maison, Messrs. Odillon, Barret, and de Schonen, were appointed commissioners, with in- structions to proceed to Rambouillet, require the restoration of the jewels, and offer the King and the royal family a safe conduct to the frontiers. At this period, however, it appears that the King had not yet abandoned the idea of attempting to excite some popular movement in La Vendee. The commissioners, on their arrival at Rambouil- let on Tuesday morning the 3rd of August, were refused admission into the royal presence, and immediately returned to Paris. On their arrival, soon after mid-day, at the seat of the Provisional Government, an order was instantly issued to each of the twelve legions of the National Guard, to furnish five hundred men, who were to put themselves in readiness to pro- ceed forthwith to Rambouillet. In order to ac- celerate this movement, the whole of the hackney coaches, and cabriolets, diligences, omnibuses, and other public carriages which ply in the streets, PARIS IN 1830. 317 were instantly put in requisition, and carried to the Champs Ely sees, which had been appointed as the place of rendezvous. But in place of six thousand men, the number which had been con- sidered sufficient by the Provisional Government to accomplish the object in view, before three o'clock at least three times that number had as- sembled at the place of rendezvous, an*d pro- ceeded on the road to Rambouillet. The rumour of the approach of this formidable column preceded them by several hours, having reached Rambouillet by seven o'clock in the evening*. At eight o'clock the commissioners arrived once more at the chateau, and on this occasion were treated with more courtesy than on their first appearance in the morning. At the ad- vanced post they had been readily permitted to pass with their three-coloured cockades, and on being admitted into the presence of the King, they explained to him the serious dangers which he and his family would incur by offering any resistance to the powerful body of armed men who were then on their march to enforce the restoration of the national property, and to com- pel his Majesty and his family to quit the king- dom. The ultima ratio was found effectual ; the crown jewels were restored, and at nine o'clock the King set out, under the protection of three unarmed men, on the road to Maintenon ! 318 PARIS IN 1830. This retreat was precipitated by the King's knowledge of the fact that the desertion which had been begun in Paris was every instant be- coming more extensive, the farther the troops were removed from the capital. To complete his misfortunes, it was known that his pecuniary resources were so nearly exhausted, that the common purse of the family, when collected to- gether, was found to amount only to 100,000 francs; and that in the inconvenient form of notes of a thousand francs, each. The lives and fortunes of so many of his courtiers, which a few days before had been at his Majesty's disposal, were now so little available, that the plate of the royal table was put in pawn to provide the sup- plies of meat and flour for the immediate con- sumption of his retinue. The bakers of the dif- ferent regiments were immediately employed in making bread ; but such was the state of starva- tion of many of the men, that it was forcibly carried off from the ovens before it was half baked. The village of Perey, about three miles from Rambouillet, had been occupied by a regiment, which deserted en masse. The whole position of the royalists was thought to be compromised by this circumstance, as the advanced post was now only protected by a single company of gardes-du-corps, and a small detachment of Swiss. The King was surrounded by a number PARIS IN 1830. 319 of general officers, many of whom had been left absolutely without troops. One of these, General Vincent, had proceeded to the post at Perey, and there met Colonel Poques, an aide-de-camp of General Lafayette's, who, it was said, had been actively engaged in persuading the troops to re- turn to Paris, and take the oath of fidelity to the Provisional Government. After some alterca- tion between the two officers, the General or- dered Colonel Poques to retire, and threatened, it is said, to fire upon him if he did not instantly comply. Colonel Poques remained where he was — the threatened order was given, and was immediately obeyed by the Swiss, when Colonel Poques, who had calmly crossed his arms, fell wounded in the leg. This incident is given on the authority of the journal of an ex-garde- du- corps, M. Theodore Anne, who states, in pallia- tion of General Vincent's conduct, that the dust was so dense at the moment, that it was impos- sible to tell whether Colonel Poques was or was not 'accompanied by an armed force ; and he congratulates himself that the deed had not been committed by Frenchmen. The company of gardes-du-corps under the command of Colonel Dupille were ordered to make a charge in the direction from which Colo- nel Poques had arrived, on which it was ascer- tained that he had been wholly unaccompanied. When removed on the muskets of the Swiss, the 320 PARIS IN 1830. wounded officer is stated to have expressed no concern about his personal sufferings, but to have exclaimed, " Quelle atrocite ! des Francais com- mettre un pareil acte ! si je gemis, ce n'est pas sur moi, mais sur vous, sur la responsabilite terrible que vous attirez sur vos tetes : jamais je n' aurais cru qu'on osat se porter a cette extremite !" On the squadron being relieved, to which M. Anne was attached, the King's letter of abdica- tion was read to them, accompanied by an order of the day by the Duke de Luxembourg, the captain of the guard on duty, in which the corps was reminded, that whether they considered themselves the guards of Charles X., or of Henry V., their situation remained unchanged. It is creditable to this select body, that, with very few exceptions, they remained faithful to their royal master in his misfortunes. After breaking up their bivouac at Rambouillet, a garde-du-corps of the Luxembourg company was directed to return for the protection of some effects which had been left on the spot wliere they had rested. The young man remonstrated with his officer, representing the probability of an attack being made during the night, and urging it as his right and his duty to share the dangers of his companions. This remonstrance was disregarded by his commanding officer, who repeated the order ; but the young garde-du- corps had scarcely reached the deserted bivouac, PARIS IN 1830. 321 when, thinking himself dishonoured, he pulled his pistol from his holster and blew out his brains. The Duke de Mouchy, the captain of the com- pany de Noailles, understood the point of honour differently. At the time of the revolution, this officer was not on duty at Saint Cloud, but re- joined his company on the 2nd of August at Rambouillet. On his arrival he visited the bivouac, congratulated his troop on their conduct, shook hands with several of the guardsmen, and observed that henceforward between them and him it was " a la vie, a la mort" Before next morning, however, his Excellence had found occa- sion to change his views on the subject. At an early hour in the morning he passed his troop in a post-chaise for Paris, on a mission, it was under- stood, from the King to the Chamber of Peers. If such were the case, it is certain at least that he never returned ; that on his arrival in Paris he assumed the three-coloured cockade, and took the oath of allegiance to Louis Philippe I., while his company, under the command of Lieutenant- Major the Marquis de Bonneval, was on its march to Cherbourg with the white cockade, to do the farewell honours to the King in his mis- fortunes. The Duke de Mouchy thought, per- haps, to retain his pay as a Lieutenant -General in the army ; but in this he has been disappointed. His ingratitude to his former master has secured v 322 PARIS IN 1830. him no favour at the new court, and his name has actually been erased from the army list. On the 4th of August, at three o'clock in the morning, the King arrived at the residence of the Duke de Noailles, where he alighted. The troops proceeded to the town of Maintenon, where it was announced to them that the King was thenceforward to retain only the four com- panies of the garde-du-corps, and two pieces of artillery. At nine o'clock in the morning, the remains of the Royal Guard were drawn out in line on the road to Dreux, where they paid the last honours, and received the last adieus of their royal master. The Colonels of the different corps here returned their colours to the King, and the royal carriage was surrounded by the officers, many of whom broke their swords, and swore never to serve any other master. After this mournful ceremony, the following order of the day was issued by the Duke of Ragusa. " Maintenon, August 4th, 1830. " Immediately after the King's departure, all the re- giments of infantry, artillery of the guard, and gens- d'armerie will march on Chartres, where they will receive all necessary supplies of provisions. " The chiefs of corps, after assembling their respec- tive regiments, will declare to them that it is with the liveliest sorrow that his Majesty sees himself obliged to separate from them ; that they are charged to testify his satisfaction with the troops ; and that he will ever retain the recollection of their good conduct, and of their con- PARIS IN 1830. 323 stancy and firmness in supporting the fatigues and pri- vations with which they have been overwhelmed during the late unhappy circumstances. " The King, for the last time, transmits his orders to the brave troops of the Guard, and to those of the Line, who have accompanied him ; they are to proceed to Paris, where they are to make their submission to the Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, who has taken all necessary measures for their safety, and their future wel- fare. (Signed) "Le Marechal Due de Raguse." "The Chief of the Staff, " Marquis de Choiseul." On breaking up from their bivouac at Ram- bouillet, it was understood among the troops that the King was to proceed with them to Chartres, and from thence, after being joined by the troops encamped at St. Omer, towards the southern provinces of France. Orders to this effect had been communicated at Rambouillet, to the gardes-du- corps ; but, after the publica- tion of the general order, by which the other troops were disbanded, it was announced to them, that instead of Chartres, they were to proceed to Dreux, where they would sleep on the night of the 4th of August. After passing Maintenon, the three-coloured cockade was frequently observed on the road. A number of travellers passed with it indivi- dually through the midst of the cortege, which was now reduced to eight hundred horsemen y 2 324 PARIS IN 1830. of the garde-du-corps ; a few of the officers and sub- officers of the Royal Guard ; a small party of Chasseurs ; and the carriages of the royal family and their suite. In the course of the day, the Commissioners took the lead, and went forward to Dreux, to pre- pare for the King's reception, a halt being made about a league outside the town, to wait for their return ; during this period a rumour obtained currency, that the inhabitants of Dreux had risen in arms, to resist their entrance. It had, in fact, required some intercession on'the part of the Com- missioners, to obtain permission for the King and the gardes-du-corps to pass through the town with- out dismounting the white colours and the white cockade, which were displayed by the royal fugi- tives and the suite. The point, however, was at length conceded ; and the royal party entered be- tween two lines of National Guards, decorated with three-coloured ribbons, and three-coloured cockades. This was the first occasion that such a spectacle had been presented to the cavalcade, and must have produced among them the feeling, that the King and his family were in the situa- tion of prisoners of state ; and that his military attendants were a mere guard of honour. The National Guard, however, presented arms, on the approach of the King ; and the gardes-du corps bivouacked on the public promenades of Dreux. The artillery of the Royal Guard were PARIS IN 1830< 3 C 25 here dismissed, by order of the Commissioners, with the exception of two pieces of cannon, which continued to close the march. On the 5th of August, the halt for the night was at Verneuil, where the population was tran- quil, and the only feeling evinced was that of curiosity to see the royal fugitives. The next day's march was to PAigle, where the gardes-du- corps were, for the first time, billetted on the inhabitants, six billets being given to every party of thirty men. As PAigle is a manufacturing town, some disturbance was anticipated ; but the principal inhabitants had placed themselves at the head of the popular movement. The military posts were already occupied by a well-organised National Guard ; and a proclamation of the au- thorities had enjoined the calmness and quiet which was rigidly observed. The crowd was so great, as to leave scarcely room for the cavalcade to pass ; but although the King must have seen very few friendly countenances among them, at least he did not hear a single word of insult ; nor could he be dissatisfied with the demeanor of the populace, unless he misconstrued it into a parade of generosity. The National Guards again carried arms as the King advanced, and the salute was returned on the part of his attend- ants, with the usual military honours. The column left PAigle at an early hour in the morning of the 7th of August, and proceeded 326 PARIS IN 1830. towards Melleraut, which is only seven leagues distant. The heat was this day excessive ; and its inconvenience was greatly aggravated by the clouds of dust, thrown up by a thousand horse- men, and a crowd of carriages pressed together, as they advanced. In the course of the journey, the royal family often left their carriages ; the King and the Dauphin mounted on horseback, while the Prin- cesses and the children proceeded on foot. On this day, for instance, the Dauphiness, accompa- nied by Madame de Saint Maure, walked at least two leagues, speaking as she went to the gardes-du-corps, and praising the zeal and the good conduct they had displayed. She entered also into conversation with the peasantry on the road, who were far from recognizing the descendant of so many kings in a person so plainly attired, and so covered with dust ; who came, perhaps, to ask them for a glass of water to quench her thirst. In this manner the Dauphi- ness passed through two considerable villages, in which the tree of liberty had been planted a few hours before. The images whieh they presented to the mind of this heroine of misfortune, must have been sufficiently heart-rending ; but in her countenance there was nothing to be seen but an expression of becoming resignation. At Melleraut, the King was lodged in the house of M. de la Roque, a retired garde -du- PARIS IN 1830. 327 corps. His Majesty occupied a single chamber on the rez de chaussee, or ground floor ; and the porter on duty, in the costume he had worn at Saint Cloud, placed himself at the outside of the door in the court of M. de la Roque's " petite maison de campagne," to introduce such persons of the King's suite as were to be admitted to the royal presence. On the first floor one bed-room was reserved for the Dauphin and Dauphiness \ a second for the Duchess de Berri and her daughter Mademoiselle ; and the third, and only remaining one, for the Duke de Bordeaux and his governor. The royal party dined in the King's bed-room, and, when dinner was over, the King and the Princes were obliged to go out to walk through the bivouac, that the servants might have an opportunity of preparing the apart- ment for its subsequent destination during the night. The King condescended to converse with several of his guards ; inquired if they were not too much fatigued, and if their horses supported the journey well, and thanked them for the fide- lity and good conduct they had displayed. Dur- ing this conversation, two carriages arrived, be- longing to the Dauphiness, which had been stop- ped by the inhabitants of Tonnerre, and had been afterwards sent forward by the Provisional Go- vernment. As soon as the Princess heard of their arrival, she came down stairs, and observed to M. O'Hegerty, the garde -du-corps on duty : 328 PARIS IN 1830. " Je suis tres contente de Parrivee de ces voi- tures ; non pour les voitures en elles-memes, qui sont lourdes et roulent difficilement ; mais au moins a present j'anrai des chemises I" The Duchess de Berri was so narrowly lodged, that she and her daughter sat for several hours on the grass amidst the bivouac of the gardes-du-corps, and employed themselves in sewing such articles of dress as they required for their immediate use. These statements are made on rather better au- thority than the preposterous rumours which were circulated with so much activity, in Paris as well as in London, at the period when this jour- ney was performed. The military Intendant, Baron Weyler de Navas, had left the King at Rambouillet, to go to Paris to give the Provisional Government his testimony, as an eye witness, to the state of de- stitution in which the King and his followers had been left. His representations were listened to with becoming attention by the Duke of Orleans and General Gerard, who readily granted all that was asked of them ; and M. de Navas rejoined the cortege at Melleraut, bringing with him very welcome intelligence for Charles X. as well as for his attendants. The pay of the gardes-du-corps was greatly in arrear. They had received no part of what was due to them for the month of July, with the exception of fifty francs each, which had been paid on their leaving Saint Cloud, PARIS IN 1830. 329 and ten francs more on their arrival at Melle- raut. Till this day the weather had been fine ; at least no rain had fallen ; but on the night of the 7th it rained incessantly, to the great annoyance, no doubt, of a corps of gentlemen who were little accustomed to sleep 'in an open bivouac, cook their own victuals, and dress their own horses, as during this journey they had been compelled to do. It is mentioned by a member of the corps, that, having stopped for an instant at a little au- berge to give his horse a feed of oats, the stable- boy, who had been carefully observing the column as it passed, and had been tired with the sight of so many epaulettes, exclaimed with apparent sur- prise : " Monsieur, dans votre regiment il n'y a done pas des soldats ?"— " Non ; chez nous les soldats sont officiers."— " Ma foi !" rejoined the stable- boy ; " si je l'avais su, j'aurais voulu servir dans ce corps la !" 330 PARIS IN 1830, CHAPTER XXII. Uncertainty among the attendants of Charles X. as to the course of events in Paris— Intelligence brought to them at Argentan of the election of the Duke of Orleans— Progress of the royal retinue — Mysterious conveyance of the Prin- cess de Polignac and her children — Details connected with the arrest of the Prince de Polignac — Hazard incurred by Marmont at Conde — Reasons for the slow rate of travel- ling of the royal fugitives — Arrival of the cavalcade at Vire — Order of procession and enumeration of the suite — Characteristic proneness to desertion among the courtiers — Entry into the town of Saint Lo : contrasted with a former occasion — Progress of the cortege through Carentan and Valognes — Farewell reception of the gardes-du- corps by Charles X. — Change of costume adopted by some of the fu- gitive family — Arrival of the party at Cherbourg, and em- barkation for England — Disbanding of the gardes- du-corps. The Moniteur was forwarded every morning to Charles X., but his attendants had little better than public rumour to guide them as to the events which were taking place at Paris. At Melleraut it was believed that hostilities had recommenced in the capital, and that the Duke of Orleans, at the head of one party, was claim- PARIS IN 1830. 331 ing the crown, while Lafayette, by another, had been proclaimed president of the republic. On the 8th of August, however, an estafette arrived, announcing that the Duke of Orleans had been called to the throne, and proclaimed by the two Chambers King of the French, under the title of Louis Philippe I. It was at Argentan that this intelligence was brought to the fallen family ; and in the course of the day it was known throughout the King's retinue by the arrival of a Parisian journal, an- nouncing the fact. At Argentan, a halt was made for the day, the King having resolved on going to hear mass in the cathedral. In the course of their stay, it was reported in the neighbourhood that the in- habitants had been attacked by the gardes-du- corps, and that the town had been exposed to fire and sword. As the rumour spread over the country, the peasantry armed themselves with scythes and pitchforks, and hastened to the relief of the town's-people. On their arrival, they were soon convinced of the public tranquillity, and of the good understanding which existed between the inhabitants and the royal escort; but this popular effervescence had produced the greatest alarm among the royal fugitives, from whom an order had been three times given in the course of the morning, to set out for Guibray, and had as often been recalled. 332 PARIS IN 1830. At Argentan, the two pieces of cannon, which had hitherto brought up the rear, were dismissed by order of the Commissioners. Here also a close carriage, which till now had imme- diately followed that of the King, under the escort of a party of gens-d'armes des chasses, dis- appeared from the cortege. It had been ob- served always to stop wherever the King lodged ; but it had never been opened. After its depar- ture, it was known among the King's suite that it had contained the Princess de Polignac and her children, who had proceeded to the coast in the neighbourhood of Valognes, and had there em- barked for England. During its stay, the car- riage, from the mystery which seemed to hang over it, had excited the greatest curiosity among the King's retinue, most of whom believed that it contained the Prince de Polignac himself. If it did not, it is difficult to account for the ex- treme circumspection observed in concealing the persons of the travellers ; but, on the suppo- sition that it did, it is easy to understand why the Prince should have thought it safer to em- bark near Granville, where he was arrested, than at the extremity of the peninsula, where the Commissioners must have been made acquainted with his presence, and might not perhaps have been able to prevent the inhabitants of Cher- bourg from laying violent hands on the culprit minister. PARIS IN 1830. 333 When the Prince made his appearance at Granville, he was disguised as a domestic, and formed part of the suite of Madame Lepelletier de Saint Fargeau, but maintained his incognito so imperfectly as to occupy the best chamber in the inn where the party was lodged, to wear several rings of great value on his fingers, and to make frequent use of a valuable gold snuff- box. The hauteur with which he spoke to those around him, and the attentions he received from the lady whose servant he professed to be, at- tracted attention to these other circumstances of suspicion ; and, amidst the conjectures which his appearance had created, a waggoner, to whom he had spoken more haughtily than was necessary, exclaimed to some of his companions, " If this now should be Polignac !" On this the ex-minister was arrested without further evi- dence than he had himself afforded by his own imprudence. As long as he remained in the prison of Saint Lo, to which he was carried from Granville, he seemed to have very little idea of the serious situation in which he stood. On the return of the Commissioners from Cher- bourg, he was visted by M. de Schonen, who is reported to have said to him : " Eh bien ! Prince, vous avez perdu une belle partie." The Prince's answer was, " Monsieur, je prendrai ma re- vanche." While the gardes-du-corps were still at Saint Lo, on their return from Cherbourg, waiting the 334 PARIS IN 1830. arrangements which were necessary as preparatory to their being* disbanded, a fire broke out in one of the quarters of the town not far from the prison in which the Prince de Polignac was confined. This circumstance gave rise to the supposition that it had been raised by the gardes-du-corps in the hope of providing for the Prince's escape in the confusion which must ensue. In this rumour there was certainly not a shadow of truth, as is proved by the testimony which is borne to the good conduct of these per- sons by the Commissioners, and still more by the zeal with which they assisted in extinguishing the flames ; not less than ten of their number having been seriously hurt on the occasion. It appears that Madame de Saint Fargeau had been resident for a few days before the Prince's arrest at the house of Madame Mar- temere, in the commune of Duce, at a short distance from the town of Granville. A small vessel had been hired to convey the fugitive to the island of Jersey ; but, having been caught by the ebb tide, the Prince had discovered his impatience to get away by insisting on imme- diate embarkation, although the vessel could not possibly sail until floated by the morning tide. On his arrest, the suspicion as to his identity was strengthened by the extreme anxiety dis- played by his pretended mistress, and the con- tradictory accounts they mutually gave of each other : the lady saying that the Prince had been PARIS IN 1830. 335 but two years in her service, while the latter extended it to seven. The following letter, ad- dressed by the Prince to the President of the Chamber of Peers, seems entitled to a place, from the singularity of the circumstances under which it was written, as well as from the peculiarity of the style : Saint Lo, Aug. 17, 1830. " Monsieur le Baron, " Having been arrested at Granville, at the moment when I was flying from the deplorable events that have just taken place, and seeking an opportunity to retire to the island of Jersey, I am detained a prisoner in the hands of the provisional commission of the prefecture of the department of La Manche ; neither the procu- reur du roi for the arrondissement of Saint Lo, nor the examining magistrate, having any power, according to the terms of the charter, to issue a warrant against me, even on the supposition of the government, (of which however I am igno- rant,) having given orders for my arrest. ' It is only by the authority of the Chamber of Peers,' says article 29 of the new charter, and which in this respect is conformable to the old charter, * that a member of the Chamber of Peers can be arrested.' " I know not what steps the Chamber of Peers may take on this subject, or whether it will charge me with the lamentable events of the 336 PARIS IN 1830. three days, which I deplore more than any man, which came on with a rapidity equalling that of the fall of a thunderbolt in the midst of the tem- pest, and which no human strength or prudence could arrest — since in those terrible moments it was impossible to know to whom to listen, or to whom to apply ; and all one's efforts were required to defend one's own life ! " My only desire, M. le Baron, is, that I may be permitted to retire to my own home, and there resume those peaceful habits of private life, which alone are suited to my taste, and from which I was torn in spite of myself, as is well known to all who are acquainted with me. I have seen enough of vicissitudes ; my head is whitened with the reverses of a life of storms and changes ; but at least, I cannot be reproach- ed, in the time of my prosperity, with the vindic- tive exercise of power, against those who treated me with undue severity, during my adverse for- tunes. " In what situation should we all be placed, M. le Baron, surrounded as we are by the changes of the age in which we live 5 if the poli- tical opinions of those who are smitten by the tempest, were to become crimes or misdemeanors in the eyes of those who have embraced a more fortunate side of the question ? If I cannot ob- tain permission to retire quietly to my home, I beg to be allowed to withdraw to a foreign country, with my wife and children : or, finally, PARIS IN 1830. 337 if the Chamber of Peers determine to decree my imprisonment, I request that the fortress of Ham, in Picardy, may be chosen as the place of my detention, where I was long- in captivity in my youth ; or some other fortress, at once spacious and commodious. That of Ham would agree better than any other with the state of my health, which has been for some time enfeebled, and has been greatly injured by recent events. " The misfortunes of an honest man should meet with some sympathy in France. But, at all events, M. le Baron, I may venture to say, that it would be barbarous to bring me into the capital at a time when so many prejudices have been raised against me — prejudices which my own unsupported voice cannot appease, and which time alone can tranquillize. I have been too long and too well accustomed to see all my intentions misrepresented, and placed in the most odious light. " To you, M. le Baron, I have submitted all my wishes, not knowing to whom I ought to address myself. I beg you to submit the matter to the consideration of those to whom the deci- sion of right belongs ; and that you will accept the assurance of my high consideration. (Signed) " The Prince de Polignac." " P. S. I beg you may do me the favour to acknowledge the receipt of this letter." 338 PARIS IN 1830. As the great fair was to be held at Guibray, on the 10th of August, it was resolved by the King, and the Commissioners, (who consulted, as far as possible, his Majesty's wishes on the sub- ject,) to pass through that town, and the neigh- bouring one of Falaise, and to double the day's march, by proceeding to Conde-sur-Noireau, in the hopes of obtaining better accommodation at a distance from the fair. At Falaise, the party was joined by M. de la Pommeraye, the deputy of the department of La Manche, and Colonel Chatry- Lafosse, who had been sent by the town of Caen to represent to the Commissioners the state of irritation which the slowness of the King's jour- ney had excited throughout the population of Normandy. It was the wish of the Commission- ers to have proceeded by Caen, in place of Conde, and that some port in the neighbourhood of Granville should, in preference to Cherbourg, have been the point of embarkation. But his Majesty persisted in pursuing the route by Conde, which, being filled with a manufacturing population, evinced, as the Commissioners had probably anticipated, a greater degree of hostility than elsewhere, to the King and his retinue. At Conde the National Guard did not present, or pay any military honours to the King or the gardes-du-corps. On the contrary, the appear- ance of Marmont excited a serious fermentation among them, and preparations had been made, PARIS IN 1830. 339 by a strong party of the armed inhabitants, to carry off the Marshal during- the night, as a prisoner, from the house in which he was lodged. The scheme, however, having been discovered by the Commissioners, the assemblage was dis- persed by the timely interference of Marshal Mai son. From that period the Duke of Ragusa ceased to wear the numerous decorations with which he was covered, retaining only that of the Saint Esprit, and lodging always afterwards in the house occupied by the King. The impatience manifested by the inhabitants of Normandy to get speedily rid of Charles X. and his retinue, was probably excited by an idea that, their object was to gain the time which might be necessary for exciting a royalist insur- rection in some other part of the country. It is obvious, however, that a sufficient cause ex- isted, apart from all other considerations, for the moderate speed at which the King travelled, in the mere number of his followers, and the con- sequent difficulty of finding provender and pro- visions for them, in the small towns through which they passed. Full rations were never procured for the horses ; a truss of hay, and two or three handfuls of oats, were in general all that could be obtained after a day's journey of ten or twelve leagues. The gardes-du-corps had attended the Dauphin in his Spanish cam- paign in 1823, but they were then provided z2 340 PARIS IN 1830. every man with his groom. These gentry, how- ever, had all deserted, many of them not with- out robbing their masters, at the moment of the King's departure. If any remained, they were in the service of the superior officers ; and their fidelity may be judged of from the fact, that on the day when the corps was disbanded, there were only fifteen grooms to eight hundred gardes- du-corps. At Conde-sur-Noireau, the King was lodged in the house of a protestant gentleman, because it happened to be the best in the town. Pre- viously to his arrival, the Mayor had issued a pro- clamation, calling on the inhabitants to respect the misfortunes of Charles X., and to abstain from any exclamations which might hurt the feelings of the fallen monarch. The same pre- cautions were taken at Vire, where the cavalcade arrived on the 11th, and where it was remarked by the King that he had seen a greater number of three-coloured cockades than any where else on his route. The occasion for this remark was probably produced by the circumstance of the Mayor, in his anxiety to prevent disturbance, having assembled an extraordinary national guard of some three hundred men, who, being as yet without arms, or uniforms, were furnished with batons and three-coloured cockades as mere em- blems of authority. The neighbourhood of Vire, and some districts PARIS IN 1830. 341 in the department of Calvados, had been exposed to the dreadful conflagrations by which Nor- mandy had been ravaged in the months of April, May, June, and July, of the present year. The royalist and constitutional parties in France were mutually accused by each other of having insti- gated the commission of these frightful offences. A solemn judicial investigation had failed to dis- cover the perpetrators ; but since the overthrow of the power of Charles X., and his ministers, a woman, who had been previously interrogated judicially, but till then had refused to make any disclosures, affirmed that she had contributed to the work of destruction, and had acted by the orders of a Cure, whom she named. The minis- try were long ago pointed to as the prime movers in this system of devastation; so that in Normandy, at this period, the names of Polignac and incen- diary had become synonymous terms. The royal cavalcade was regularly marshalled every morning in the following order : In front was an advanced guard, followed at some distanee by two of the four companies of gardes-du-corps. Then came the carriages of the Princes. In the first was the Duke de Bordeaux, with his gover- nor the Baron de Damas, his under-governors the Marquis de Barbancois and the Count de Mau- pas, and M. de Villatte, his first valet-de-chambre. In the second was Mademoiselle, with her gover- ness the Duchess de Gontaut, and her under- 342 PARIS IN 1830. governess the Baroness de Charette. In the third was the Duchess de Berri, with the Count de Mesnard, her first equerry, the Count de Brissac, her chevalier d'honneur ; and the Coun- tess de Bouille, her first lady in waiting*. In the fourth was the Duchess d'Angouleme, with Ma- dame de Saint-Maure, her first lady in waiting, and M. O'Hegerty,^, her first equerry. Behind the carriage of the Duchess d'Angouleme rode the Duke d'Angouleme on horseback, attended by the Duke de Guiche, his premier Menin, and the Duke de Levis, his first aide-de-camp. Then followed the third company of the gardes-du- corps, after which rode the King in his carriage, with the Duke de Luxembourg, and the Prince de Croi-Solre, two of the captains of his guard. The King every morning, about half a league from the town at which he had slept, made a halt, and, mounting his horse, continued his route a chevaly until within half a league of the end of the day's march, when he again got into his car- riage, and thus entered the town where he was to remain for the night. The Duke of Ragusa rode on horseback, sometimes behind the King's carriage, and sometimes on the flank of the column, attended by his aides-de-camp. The other persons of note in the royal retinue were the Count de Trogoff, one of the King's aides-de-camp, and governor of the chateau of Saint Cloud ; Lieutenant-General the Count de PARIS IN 1830. 343 Lassalle, another of the King's aides-de-camp, and governor of Compeigne ; the Marquis de Cour- bon-Blenac, major of the gardes-du-corps j the Marquis de la Maisonfort, aide-major of the gardes-du-eorps ; the Baron de Gressot, and the Marquis de Choiseul-Beaupre, majors general of the royal guard ; Major General Count Auguste Larochejaquelein ; Major-General Baron de Cros- sart ; Colonel de Fontenilles, of the royal horse guards ; the Baron Weyler de Navas, under- steward of the King's military household; the Duke Armand de Polignac, the King's first equerry; the Count O'Hegerty, equerry com- mandant ; the Viscount Hocquart, chamberlain and maitre-d'otel. To these may be added the Count de Chateaubriand, colonel of the 4th chas- seurs, who, with one of his sub-lieutenants, were the only officers of the line who accompanied the King to Cherbourg. In the rear of the fourth company of the gardes-du-corps, followed the numerous carriages of the suite, escorted by the gens-d'armes des chasses, a splendid body of men, who, without exception, retained their fidelity to the last moment. The distinguished individuals, whose names are here given, form of course but a very small proportion of the regular habitues of the palace. The desertion began on the King's moving from Saint Cloud ; it was continued at the Trianon, and completed at Rambouillet, where there was o44 PARIS IN 1830. still, perhaps, a hope that some chance might turn up in favour of the Duke de Bordeaux. The idea which seemed to prevail among those who thus hastened to Paris was, that he who should first arrive would secure the best place ; but, alas ! for the parasites, the new King of the French desires no court, and encourages no courtiers ; farewell then to the grand equer- ries, the chamberlains, and intendants, the grand and small menins, and gentlemen of the bed- chamber — their occupation in France is gone ! It is a sad libel, not on the French court merely, but on courtiers in general, that not one of the first gentlemen of the bedchamber went further than Rambouillet — and scarcely a single represen- tative from the leading departments in the civil household. The chasse was totally unrepresented, as were also the department of the ceremonies, and that of the wardrobe. The stables indeed sent two of their equerries, and General Vincent, ecuyer cavalcador, went as far as Dreux ; but he was there dismissed in consequence, it is said, of the order he had given, in the neighbourhood of Rambouillet, to fire on Lafayette's unfortunate aide-de-camp, Colonel Poques. On the arrival of the cortege at Vire, the King found it necessary to yield to the entrea- ties which had been made to him to hasten his progress. It was ascertained that two regiments of infantry had arrived from Bayeux and Caen, PARIS IN 1830. 345 and had established their bivouac within a quar- ter of a league from the line of road by which the retinue was to pass ; but whether for the purpose of protection, or to accelerate the King's movements, was not made apparent. They did not come within sight, as a body, but a number of the officers made their appearance at the junction of the roads to look at the cortege as it passed. Instead of stopping at Vire, the King pro- ceeded by Thorigny to Saint Lo, where he was lodged more commodiously than elsewhere, at the hotel of the prefecture of the department. The Count d'Estourmel, the prefect of La Manche, had already resigned his office, but came out accompanied by the Prince de Leo and the Count de Bourbon-Busset, to meet the King, and conduct him to his hotel. At the entrance of the town, the 6th Light Infantry made its appearance, and was the first regiment which the King had yet seen under the tri- coloured flag. — The Duke and Duchess d'An- goul£me had visited Cherbourg in 1828 and 1829, and, in passing on these occasions, they had made some stay in the town of Saint Lo, where they had been received with all the exter- nal marks of popular welcome. On this occa- sion they entered amidst the display of three- coloured flags, and a disdainful silence, inter- rupted only by an occasional cry of Vive la Charte ! or Vive la Liberie ! which the local 346 PARIS IN 1830. authorities were unable wholly to repress ; and the Dauphiness was heard to exclaim, as she passed under the gateway of the hotel, while tears ran down her cheeks, " Ah ! mon Dieu ! quelle difference !" Soon after the King's arrival, it was known that in the small town of Carentan, which lay on the proposed route, there had assembled a strong party of National Guards, to the number, it was said, of six or seven thousand, who had been made to believe that the King was accom- panied by twenty thousand Swiss and forty pieces of cannon, and that it was the intention of Charles X. to establish himself in the penin- sula of Cotentin, of which Carentan is the key, and to fix his head-quarters at Cherbourg, which was to become the seat of the Bourbon govern- ment. This absurd rumour had gained credence even at Saint Lo, where the National Guards had prepared to join those who had assembled at Carentan, there to form a barrier against the King's further progress, unless he should consent to dismiss his whole escort, and proceed to his place of embarkation under the exclu- sive protection of the National Guard. Although the phantom which had thus been created was compelled to disappear, at Saint Lo, before the demonstration afforded by the King's arrival, it was found extremely difficult to eradicate the idea from the minds of the PARIS IN 1830. 347 people assembled at Carentan. After several messengers from Saint Lo had failed to induce them to separate, the Commissioners found it necessary to advance in person, but could only succeed in prevailing on the armed inhabitants to evacuate the town, in order to march on Valognes, a place of greater strength within the peninsula, and through which the King must also pass on his way to Cherbourg. Their idea now was, that the port of Cherbourg was to be thrown open to the English, and that a royalist insurrection was to be excited in Brit- tany. The cortege passed through Carentan on the 13th of August, and arrived at six o'clock the same evening at Valognes, after a day's jour- ney of fourteen leagues, having halted for an hour at Saint Cosme, a large village near the bridge over the watercourse, called Quatre Ri- vieres, which forms the barrier of the peninsula. The only demonstration of a feeling of popular attachment to the fallen family which occurred throughout this melancholy journey, was evinced at Montebourg, a considerable village near the coast, where the carriage of the Duke de Bor- deaux was surrounded by the inhabitants, some of whom exclaimed, with tears in their eyes, " On nous a bien defendu vous temoigner de Pinteret ; mais c'est regal : Vive le Due de Bourdeauou ! revenez bientot." At Valognes, the royal family were lodged in 348 PARIS IN 1830. the house of M. Dumenildot, and it was resolved that they should remain there until the day of embarkation, which was fixed for the 16th. Two American vessels, the Great Britain and the Charles Carrol, which were at Havre at the period of the King's departure from Saint Cloud, and which were said to be the property of Joseph Bonaparte, but which in fact belonged to his father-in-law Mr. Patterson, had been char- tered for his Majesty's use, and had already arrived at Cherbourg fully equipped even for a long voyage. On the 15th, it was intimated to the gardes- du-corps, that the King was to take from thence the four white standards which they had hitherto retained, and was to receive a deputation con- sisting of the officers and the twenty-four oldest members of each company, for the purpose of giving them a last adieu. They were introduced, according to seniority, into the King's apart- ment, where the Dauphin and Dauphiness, the Duchess de Berri, and her two children, were with his Majesty, to assist in the performance of this mournful ceremony. The King received the standards, and, after embracing the officers who carried them, he said " Je reprends vos drapeaux ; ils sont sans tache : mon petit-fils vous les rendra : je vous remercie de votre de- vouement, de votre fidelite et de votre sagesse. Je n'oublierai jamais les preuves d' attachement PARIS IN 1830. 349 que vous m'avez donnees, ainsi qu'a ma famille. Adieu ! soyez heureux." — In the course of the evening a printed copy of the following order of the day, was delivered to each member of the corps. " The King, in quitting the French territory, could wish that he were able to give to each of his gardes-du- corps, and to every officer and soldier who has accom- panied him to his place of embarkation, a proof of his attachment and remembrance. " But the circumstances by which the King is afflict- ed, make it impossible for him to listen to the wish of his heart. Deprived of the means of acknowledging a fidelity so affecting, his Majesty has caused to be brought to him the muster-rolls of the companies of his gardes- du-corps, and the lists of the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers, who have followed him. Their names will be preserved by the Duke de Bordeaux, and will remain inscribed in the archives of the royal family, to attest for ever the misfortunes of the King, and the consolation he has found in so much disinte- rested devotion " Valognes, 15th August, 1830. " (Signed) Chaiiles. " The Major-General, " Marechal Due de Raguse." On the 16th of August, at nine o'clock in the morning, the King and the royal family, escorted by seven of the eight squadrons of the gardes-du- corps, left Valognes for Cherbourg, which is five leagues distant. The unfavourable feelings en- 350 PARIS IN 1830. tertained by the inhabitants were evinced by the return of two general officers, who had proceed- ed to Cherbourg a few hours before, but were refused admittance into the town, in consequence of their wearing the white cockade. Hitherto the King had worn the same style of dress to which he had been accustomed since his accession to the throne, viz. a blue coat, of a military form, with two large gold epaulettes, surmounted by the royal crown, the crosses of the Legion of Honour, and Saint Louis, and the star of the order of the Holy Ghost. On this day, however, he had laid aside these insignia, and appeared in the ordinary dress of a private gentleman. The Dauphin, also, who till then had worn, as he had been accustomed to do at the Tuileries and Saint Cloud, the uniform of his own regiment of cuirassiers, viz. a blue coat, crimson collar, white buttons, and silver epau- lettes, now appeared like the King, in coloured clothes, and with no decoration but a red ribbon at his button-hole. Those he had formerly worn, were the cross of Saint Louis, the Lily, the Brassard of Bordeaux, in commemoration of his entrance into that town, on the 12th of March 1814, the gold cross of the Legion of Honour, and the star of the order of the Holy Ghost. The Duke de Bordeaux was generally dressed in a bluejacket, and white trowsers, with the collar of his shirt folded over, a grey hat, and no PARIS IN 1830. 351 decoration. According- to the usage established for the elder branch of the royal family, it was on the day of his first communion, that the King would have presented him with the blue ribbon, and the cross of Saint Louis. It was on the previous Whitsunday that the prince saw the Duke de Ne- mours created a chevalier of the order of the Holy Ghost, on attaining his fifteenth year ; and he no doubt thought that his turn was approach- ing. He had then, certainly, very little idea that in three months he was to go into exile, and that his place was so soon to be occupied by his youthful relative. At Saint Cloud, on Sundays, the Duke de Bordeaux was generally dressed in the uniform of his regiment, the 3d curassiers, dark blue turned up with yellow, and silver epau- lettes. But this practice was not observed on the journey — not even at Rambouillet, at the period when it was proposed that he should be pro- claimed King of France by the title of Henry V. It has been stated, but incorrectly, that in the course of the journey he was addressed as Sire, and " Your Majesty :" Charles X. alone was so treated, and the Duke de Bordeaux was called, as at Saint Cloud, " Your Royal Highness," and " Monseigneur." On approaching the coast, near the entrance of the town, some marks of hesitation were observ- able at the head of the column. The leading 352 PARIS IN 1830. company of the gardes-du-corps having halted, the whole cortege were obliged to do the same ; and the King having inquired with some indica- tion of surprise as to the cause of the interrup- tion, was answered by the Marquis de Courbon, the major of the guards, near the royal person, that a considerable crowd had been formed close to the beach ; but that as yet no hostile intention had been manifested. " Marchez toujours," was the King's reply, and M. de Courbon, having bowed in acquiescence, addressed himself in a low tone to the Duke of Ragusa, who was then on horseback at the door of the King's car- riage. An apprehension was probably entertained that the object of this crowd was to lay violent hands on Marmont, who contented himself with retiring to his usual position, behind the royal carriage, from which he did not stir during the passage through the town. The 64th regiment of the Line was drawn out to receive the King on his entrance into Cher- bourg ; the soldiers presented arms to him as he passed, and the officers saluted him with their sabres. An officer, not on duty, who happened to be on the road as the King passed, was ob- served to pull off his chako, and conceal it behind his person, that the royal family might not see the three-coloured cockade with which it was decorated ; a movement which must have been PARIS IN 1830. 353 inspired by a sentiment of delicacy highly ho- nourable to the individual, who was a captain of the 64th of the Line. The cortege passed rapidly through the town, and entered the naval dock-yard, where a ship of the line, which had twice been named the King of Rome, and was then known as the Duke de Bordeaux, was still on the stocks. The royal family alighted in front of the Great Bri- tain. The king was the first to embark ; the Dau- phin followed, leading the Duke de Bordeaux by the hand ; Madame de Gontaut and Mademoi- selle were the next in order ; the Duchess de Berri took the arm of M. de Charrotte, and the Dauphiness that of M. de Larochejaquelein, a distinguished royalist, whose brothers, Henry and Louis, had fallen in the cause of the Bour- bons, the former in 1793, and the latter in 1815. The maritime prefect presented Captain Du- mont Durville, of the Great Britain, to the King. Captain Durville expressed his readiness to convey his Majesty to whatever place he chose to name ; the latter answered that he wished, in the first instance, to proceed to Spithead. After paying the last adieus to those officers who had entered the Great Britain, and who were not to remain, the King and the royal family retired into the principal cabin. Besides the royal family and their personal attendants, there sailed in the Great Britain A A 354 PARIS IN 1830. the Duke de Luxembourg and the Duke de Ragusa, the governor and two under-governors of the Duke de Bordeaux, and the Duchess de Gontaut. On board the Charles Carroll were the Duke Armand de Polignac, the Count O'Hegerty and his son, Madame de Bouille and her son, an under-governor of the Duke de Bordeaux, and Messrs. de Choiseul, de Cha- rette, and de Larochejaquelein. At half-past two o'clock, the Great Britain and the Carroll got under weigh, escorted by the French frigate la Seine, Captain d'Urville, and the cutter le Rodeur. As soon as the ships were out of sight, the gardes-du-corps, who had been drawn up in front of the spot where the embarkation had taken place, removed the white cockades from their hats, and proceeded, without halting at Cherbourg, on their return to Carentan, where they slept on the 17th, and were next day dis- banded at Saint Lo, in terms of the following " ORDER OF THE DAY. " The Commissioners appointed to accompany King Charles X. and his family to Cherbourg, feel them- selves called upon, at the termination of their mission, to give their testimony to the faithful and honourable manner in which the gardes-du-corps have conducted themselves on this important occasion. In fulfilling the duty which honour and fidelity required of them, they PARIS IN 1830. 355 have perfectly succeeded in reconciling it with the re- spect which is due to the established government. It is satisfactory to the Commissioners to be able to declare, that it is to this sentiment of propriety and reserve that they owe, in a great measure, the successful accomplish- ment of a mission, the issue of which was of so much importance to the honour of France. " Saint Lo, August 1830. (Signed) " Le Marechal Marquis Maison. De Schonen. Odillon-Barrot." AA'2 356 PARIS IN 1830. CHAPTER XXIII. Account of the individuals forming the new French Adminis- tration, with a sketch of their respective lives — The Duke de Broglie — M. Dupont de l'Eure — M. Guizot — Count Gerard — Baron Louis— Count Mole — General Count Se- bastiani — Messrs. Lafitte, Casimir Perier, Dupin, aine, Ben- jamin Constant, and Bignon. After the episode in the history of the late revolution, which has formed the subject of the two last chapters, it is necessary to return to the point from which we set out ; but, before proceeding to the last scene of the drama, it may be well to take some further notice than has yet been done, of the men who have been called to administer the affairs of the State at a period of so much difficulty and importance. If there seem any anachronism in introducing the notice in this place, it is in some degree re- moved by the fact that the same ministry who were appointed by the Provisional Government, and were recognized by the Lieutenant-General PARIS IN 1830. 357 of the kingdom, have remained in office after the accession of the Duke of Orleans to the throne. The Duke de Broglie, president of the coun- cil, and secretary of state in the department of Public Instruction and of Worship, was born in 1785. He is the son of the Prince de Ravel, and consequently the grandson of the Marshal of that name. His early studies were begun at the central school of Paris, and he was only nine years of age when his father ascended the scaffold. When yet a youth, he applied himself with ardour to literary pursuits, and wrote habi- tually for the public journals, in a style which was characterized by a degree of firmness and vigour which arrested the public attention. When Napoleon, who sought to sustain his power by means of all who recommended them- selves through birth, fortune, or talents, called a number of young men to the council of state in the capacity of auditors, he cast his eyes on the Duke de Broglie, and attached him to the section of the Interior. After fulfilling a variety of administrative functions up to the period of the restoration, in the countries occupied by the armies of France, he amassed a fund of information which he now applies to the great social theory of government, not without being stigmatized by the opponents of his ministry, as being a doc- 358 PARIS IN 1830. trinaire in principle — a term which is nearly synonymous with that of theorist in its most unfavourable acceptation ; and, as applied poli- tically, is placed in opposition to those tastes and habits which point to practical, rather than to radical reform. In the month of June, 1814, the Duke de Broglie was raised to the peerage ; but being then only in his twenty -ninth year, he was dis- qualified from taking part in the deliberations of the Chamber. His first public appearance was on the occasion of the trial of the unfortunate Marshal Ney — an opportunity which he seized, with all the enthusiasm of his character, to strug- gle, with the courage of conviction, in favour of the accused. Soon afterwards, he boldly attacked the numerous exceptions of the celebrated act of amnesty — those exceptions by which it was in fact converted into an act of proscription. About this period he obtained in marriage the hand of the daughter of Madame de Stael, and granddaughter of Necker, the finance minister of Louis XVI. This union was con- tracted in Italy, the ceremony having been per- formed first by a Catholic priest, and after- wards by a Protestant clergyman— a circum- stance which affords some evidence of moderate and tolerant principles in matters of religion. The elevation of the Duke de Broglie to the office of premier has been regarded with public PARIS IN 1830. 359 satisfaction, much less from his hereditary titles and his illustrious descent — advantages which are not now regarded in France at more than their just value, — than from the rank which he has created for himself by his personal merit, and from the extent of his acquirements, which pecu- liarly fit him for the special department to which he has been appointed, including, as it does, the superintendence of the University, and the general system of education in France. M. Dupont de PEure, the keeper of the seals, is decidedly the most popular member of the new administration. Born at Nieubourg, in 1767* Jacques Charles Dupont was admitted as an ad- vocate by the parliament of Normandy, in 1789. He soon embraced the cause of the people as dis- tinguished from that of the privileged classes, and asserted their rights with an intrepidity and per- severance which fully proved the sincerity of his attachment to the interests of public liberty. Throughout a life of activity and usefulness, he has never failed to conciliate the respect and esteem of his fellow-citizens. Appointed in suc- cession to the mayoralty of his commune, to the administration of the district of Louviers, to the office of substitute for the commissioner of the executive directory, to that of counsellor in the appellant tribunal of Rouen, and finally, to the presidency of the criminal tribunal of Evereux ; he has proved himself, in every department 360 PARIS IN 1830. through which he has passed, a devoted citizen, and a just and faithful functionary. When called to the presidency of the imperial court of Rouen, the qualities which so eminently distinguish the character of M. Dupont — his sound judgment, and his severe integrity — were not less conspicuous than they had ever been throughout his public career. But M. Pasquier, who had himself been prefect of police under the government of Napo- leon, thought it necessary, at the restoration, to remove M. Dupont from the presidency, without the smallest pension, after twenty-seven years of administrative, judicial, and legislative services. Since the year 1817, the esteem of his fellow- citizens has secured him a seat in the Chamber of Deputies. It was during his first session that he so energetically supported the principle which, under his auspices, as ministerial head of the judicial departments, is now about to be carried into effect — that the intervention of a jury should be indispensable in the trial of all political offences, and particularly of those of the press. Faithful to his own duties as a representative of the people, Joseph M. Dupont never ceased to oppose, with all his energy and influence, the arbitrary acts of a ministry whose object, too evidently, was to destroy the institutions of the country, and to pave the way for the introduc- tion of absolute power. He could never witness the unconstitutional measures which were so PARIS IN 1830. 3G1 often presented to the consideration of the Cham- ber, without mounting the tribune, and, with that talent for invective which he so eminently pos- sesses, exposing- them, in terms of virtuous indig- nation, to the hatred and contempt of his col- leagues, and of the nation. To enumerate his public appearances would be to refer to every occasion when a question of constitutional im- portance, or of public interest, was at issue. Supported by such men as the venerable Labbey de Pompier es, M. Benjamin Constant, and M. Mechin, his voice was to be heard in the cause of freedom, during a period when the very word had become displeasing to a great majority of the representatives of the people. With the office of keeper of the seals, M. Du- pont now holds that of minister secretary of state in the department of justice, for the duties of which he is peculiarly qualified by his previous habits as a judge, a legislator, and an eminent publiciste. The situation which he now occupies, in place of being regarded as a recompense for past services, is held, as it ought to be, an addi- tional guarantee for the future prosperity of his country. The minister of the home department, M. Guizot, occupies a very different place in public estimation from that of M. Dupont. He was born at Nismes, in 1787, and, after applying him- self at Geneva to the study of German literature, 362 PARIS IN 1830. he went to Paris, where he became a regular con- tributor to several of the public journals, and par- ticularly to that of " The Empire." At the period of the restoration, he was admitted into office, and became the secretary general, or rather the director of the Abbe Montesquieu, then minister of the interior. He followed the King to Ghent, and, after the second restoration, he became secretary general in the department of justice, and master of requests in extraordinary service. In 1816, he resigned the office of secretary general on being appointed master of requests in ordi- nary service ; and, on the re-organization of the ministry in 1817, he was raised to the dignity of counsellor of state, under the ministry of M. De- cazes ; he was appointed a royal commissioner, to support, at the bar of the Chamber of Depu- ties, the law which was then introduced on the subject of the periodical press. The service which he then performed to the ministry was appropriately rewarded by his appointment to the censorship — a circumstance which sufficiently accounts for his present want of popularity. The retirement of M. Decazes brought with it that of his protege, M. Guizot, who applied him- self with renewed ardour to his former duties as a writer for the public press ; and, for several years, under the protection of the faculty of letters, he delivered a course of lectures on the subject of general history, which were numer- PARIS IN 1830. 363 ously attended, and were well worthy of being so. M. Guizot is unquestionably a man of talent and erudition ; and, like most public men in France, lie writes much better than he speaks. Independently of his more ephemeral productions, his dictionary of synonymes, his lives of the French poets of the age, and of Louis XIV., and his Essays on the liberty of the press, and on the history and present state of public education in France, are all well worthy of attention. It is understood that for many years M. Guizot has renounced his former political heresies ; but the sin of the censorship has left a stain on his pub- lic character, which is, perhaps, incompatible with his strength or efficiency as a minister of the crown ; yet such was the opinion which had been formed of his political regeneration, when returned as a deputy, in 1828, that his election was regarded as a triumph for the constitutional party. At the date of the revolution he was one of the proprietors of the new journal, " Le Temps." Etienne Maurice, Count Gerard, Marechal de France, and minister at war, was born at Damvilliers, in the department of the Meuse, on the 4th of April, 1773. He is regarded in the present cabinet as the representative of the army, or rather of those interests which had their origin under the reign of Napoleon. In his eighteenth 364 PARIS IN 1830. year he entered as a volunteer in the 2nd bat- talion of the regiment which was raised in his native department. He soon obtained the rank of sub-lieutenant ; and, having been successively promoted to a lieutenancy and a captaincy in the army of Dumouriez, he so distinguished himself at the battle of Fleurus, at the affairs of the Sambre-et-Meuse, and especially at the passage of the Roer, as to be appointed aide-de-camp to General Bernadotte, and colonel and command- ant of the Legion of Honour. He accompanied Bernadotte in all his campaigns in Italy, and on the Rhine ; was general of brigade during the war in Prussia ; general of division after the Russian campaign; commander of the 11th corps of the grand army before the battle of Leipsic ; commander-in-chief of the reserves of Paris, to- wards the end of 1813 ; inspector general of in- fantry before the first restoration ; peer of France ; and commander of the army of the Moselle, during the hundred days. It was at the celebrated battle of the Moskwa, and in the subsequent retreat, that General Gerard earned his chief title to military re- nown. After the death of General Gudin, who was killed in the engagement, he succeeded to the command of the 2nd division, and gathered new laurels at the bridge of Frankfort, on the Oder, by the overthrow of a great part of the Russian cavalry who attempted to intercept him PARIS IN 1830. 365 on the route to Berlin. Dieuville, Nogent, Nau- gis, and Montereau, became the scenes of subse- quent exploits ; and at Troyes, where he com- manded in 1814, he succeeded in preserving the town from conflagration, by the skill he displayed in treating with General Wrede, who afterwards occupied the place on the part of the Allies. On the abdication of Napoleon, General Ge- rard took the oath of fidelity to Louis XVIII., by whom he was entrusted with the difficult and important duty of bringing back into France the corps d'armee, which was then at Hamburgh. As a reward for its successful execution, he was appointed chevalier of Saint Louis, and grand cross of the Legion of Honour. During the hundred days, he was intrusted with the functions of inspector general at Stras- bourg, from whence he proceeded to Belfort to act as governor of the town. It was after he had been appointed to the command of the army of the Moselle, that he distinguished him- self at the battle of Ligny ; and the defeat of Na- poleon at Waterloo is generally ascribed by Frenchmen to Marshal Grouchy's neglect of the advice which was offered to him by General Ge- rard on the morning of the 18th of June. He joined the Marshal about eleven o'clock, at the village of Walin, where, on hearing the artillery in the direction of the forest of Soignies, the truth at once occurred to him that a general 366 PARIS IN 1830. engagement had begun, and he proposed to Grouchy to proceed to the assistance of the Em- peror, from whom they were about three leagues distant. These facts having been disputed by the friends of Grouchy, have been publicly stated by General Gerard himself, in a manner, and accom- panied by evidence, which forbid all doubt as to their authenticity. When Paris had capitulated after the battle of Waterloo, General Gerard was one of the gene- ral officers appointed by the army to present their submission to the King. In 1816 he was resident at Brussels, and was then married to Mademoiselle de Valence, the grand-daughter of Madame de Genlis. On his return to France, in 1817, he went to reside on his estate of Vil- lers, in the department of the Oise, where he lived in retirement until the year 1821, when he was elected a deputy by the department of the Seine. In 1828 he was re-elected for the two departments of the Oise, and the Dordogne, between which he took his option of sitting for the latter. In the Chamber, General Gerard has always taken his seat at the extreme left, and, by the late administration, was regarded, with reason, as one of their most formidable opponents. It was he, however, who, during the hundred days, solicited an employment for his predecessor in the war department, the too celebrated General Bourmont — offering, it is said, to answer with PARIS IN 1830. 367 his head for Bourmont's fidelity. The great man's answer to the application, discovered his dis- trust : " Mon cher Gerard," he said, " qui a ete blanc restera blanc : qui a ete bleu restera bleu ;" but he yielded at length to the general's impor- tunity, and was doubtless much less surprised than Gerard at the base desertion of Bourmont on the field of Waterloo. The minister of finance, Baron Louis, was born at Toul, in the department of the Meurthe, in the year 17<55, and was clerk to the parliament of Paris at the period of the revolution of 1789. Before that period he had evinced his predilec- tion for the new order of things, by the consti- tutional zeal he displayed in the year 1788, in the provincial assembly of Orleans ; and when Talleyrand, then the Bishop of Autun, per- formed his celebrated mass at the Champ de Mars on the 14th of July, 1790, M. Louis assisted as a deacon in conducting the cere- mony. Soon after this period, he was em- ployed by Louis XVI. in several important diplomatic missions. At the commencement of the reign of terror he retired to England, and did not appear again in France until Napoleon had established himself in power. Under the patronage of Talleyrand, he became an employe in the war department, and after- wards in the chancellerie of the Legion of Ho- nour. At a later period he was appointed 368 PARIS IN 1830. master of requests in the Council of State, and in 1810 was named president of the Council of Liquidation in Holland. In 1814, before the fall of Bonaparte, he was appointed minister of finance, and retained the office under the re- stored government, where he submitted to the Chamber the united budget for the years 1814 and 1815. On the re-appearance of Napoleon, M. Louis accompanied the King to Ghent ; and, on the second restoration, he resumed his former place in the ministry, but retained it only for three months, when he was succeeded by M. Corvetto. He had then a seat in the Chamber of Deputies, as the representative of his native department, Meurthe, and consoled himself for his loss of office by voting steadily against the administra- tion. He returned to place in 1818, but again retired from it in the following year ; soon after which he was returned to the Chamber by the department of the Seine. Since that period he has constantly sitten on the benches of the left, and has been faithful to the principles of the constitutional party. The minister for foreign affairs, Louis Mathieu Count Mole, was born in I78O. Like several other members of the Cabinet, his first public appearance was that of a political writer. His " Essais de Morale et de Politique " created for him a name which secured him the attention of PARIS IN 1830. 369 the Imperial Government, by which he was first appointed auditor to the council of state, then master of requests, and successively counsellor of state, director-general of bridges and high- ways, and, (after the retirement of Reigner, Duke of Massa,) minister of justice, with the title of count and a peerage. He is accused of having risen so rapidly by the address with which he contrived to flatter the prejudices of his imperial master. During the first resto- ration, M. Mole had no ministerial employ- ment ; but, as a member of the municipal body of Paris, he signed the address presented by that body to the King a few days before the 20th of March, 1815. On the return of Napoleon from Elba, he resumed the direction of the bridges and highways, and his place in the council of state ; but he refused to sign the famous declara- tion of the 25th of March, or to take any part in the deliberations of that sitting of the council — a circumstance which did not hinder Napoleon from creating him a peer of France. Having withdrawn from public affairs, he re- tired to the waters of Plombieres, where he remained until after the battle of Waterloo ; but, in spite of the delicacy of his health, which had been the apology for his retirement, he was one of the first in Paris to compliment the King on his return. This promptitude did not long re- main unrewarded ; his rank as a counsellor of B B 370 PARIS IN 1830. state, his former office of director-general of bridges and highways, his title and his peerage, being immediately secured to him. On the trial of Marshal Ney, M. Mole voted with the majority. When Mons. Gouvion de Saint Cyr became minister of war, Mons. Mole received the portfolio of the marine department ; an office for which, in popular estimation, he was as little fitted as for that of foreign affairs, with which he is at present invested. The minister of marine, General Count Horace Francois Sebastiani, was born in the island of Corsica, on the 11th of November, 177^> and is related, according to some of the biographers of Napoleon, to the Bonaparte family. At an early age he embraced the military profession, and soon rose to the rank of colonel. The talents he displayed in the campaigns of Germany and Spain induced Napoleon to employ him, with the rank of lieutenant-general, on a diplomatic mis- sion to the Levant, the ostensible object of which was the re-establishment of a good understanding between Sweden and the Regency of Tripoli, but with secret instructions to inquire into the state of Egypt and Syria, and of the Barbary States, at the period when he meditated their occupation, as subservient to his views on British India. Although this mission was not attended with any practical results, it had the effect of proving to Napoleon that his agent was as active, PARTS IN 1830. 371 adroit, and intelligent in the mysteries of diplo- macy, as lie was able, resolute, and circumspect in the field of battle. After the battle of Auster- litz, Sebastiani was appointed ambassador to Constantinople, where he is said to have saved the Turkish capital from the bombardment which was prepared for it by an English squadron, (which with that view had passed the Dardanelles,) by the dexterity with which, under his instruc- tions, the Turkish negociations were conducted with the British commander. On his return to France, he received the rewards which were due to him, and was soon afterwards sent to Spain, from whence he went to join the army in Ger- many, when preparing for the celebrated cam- paign in Russia, in the whole of which Sebastiani was actively employed. He did not enter into the service of the re- stored government, but promptly rejoined Napo- leon on his return from Elba. It was then that he commenced his career as legislator, having been elected as the representative of the depart- ment of the Aisne ; but the Chamber was dis- solved on the approach of the Allies, and he left France at the period of the second restoration, and remained for a year in England. In 1819, he was re-elected a deputy by the electoral col- lege of his native island, and since then has never ceased to have a seat in the Chamber, where he has constantly voted with the party of the cote bb2 37^ PARIS IN 1830. gauche. His talents as a statesman undoubtedly entitle him to a seat in the cabinet ; and his ap- pointment would have been highly popular, but for a feeling, which is not unnatural, that the de- partment of Marine should have been entrusted to a naval officer, such as De Rigny, or Duperre, in preference to one who has been educated in a service, between which and the navy there is supposed to exist a latent feeling of jealousy. Besides the ministers entrusted with portfolios, there are four other members of the cabinet, who, without any active duties, have a voice in its de- liberations, and partake in its general responsi- bility. At the head of these may be placed M. La- fitte, the eminent banker, a native of Bayonne, where he was born in the year I767. He applied himself, at a very early age, to commercial pur- suits, having been educated in the house of Per- rigaux, the banker, who was not long in giving him a personal interest in his business. After the death of M. Perrigaux, M. Lafitte continued for ten years to take the active management of the business, while the son of his former principal be- came a sleeping partner in the concern. Under his management the business of the house was so much increased as to have at length become one of the first in Europe. M. Lafitte was first elected a deputy in 1815 ; and, at the period of the second capitulation of PARIS IN 1830. 373 Paris in that year, when the public treasury was exhausted, he advanced from his own resources a sum of two millions of francs for the purpose of securing- the internal peace of the country by facilitating- the retreat of the French army beyond the Loire. In 1820, he accepted the office of governor of the bank of France, but refused the emoluments attached to it — an instance of disin- terestedness which was not imitated by his suc- cessor the Duke de Gaete. Having- risen to the rank which he now holds in the state by his own personal merit, M. Lafitte has been often assailed by the calumnies of those who are jealous of his well-earned reputation. He has been accused of employing an abler pen than his own in preparing for his public appear- ances in the Chamber ; when he performs a good or generous action, it is ascribed to unworthy feelings of ostentation ; and when his daughter was married to the son of Marshal Ney, the insinu- ation was not spared, that it was that he might atone for his own plebeian origin, by having a prince for a son-in-law. But he can well af- ford to treat such unworthy imputations with contempt, and to throw into the opposite scale his unblemished character for integrity and disinter- estedness, and the able manner in which he has fulfilled the duties of president of the Chamber of Deputies, inconsistent as they are with the use of those borrowed speeches, which are said, with 374 PARIS IN 1830. some show of probability, to be not unfrequently delivered at the tribunes of the French legisla- tive Chambers. M. Casimir Perier, another member of the Cabinet, without any special department, is, like M. Lafitte, a banker by profession. He is the son of Claude Perier, a rich merchant of Grenoble, where he was born in the month of October, 1777. His first profession was that of arms ; having served as an engineer in the Italian cam- paigns of 1799 and 1800. He soon afterwards abandoned the military profession, and, in con- nexion with his brother Scipio, established a banking-house in Paris ; but has not confined himself exclusively to financial transactions, hav- ing engaged extensively in various departments of commerce and manufactures, particularly those of cotton spinning, glass making, and the refining of sugar — a department of industry which is very extensively pursued in the neighbourhood of the capital. In the month of October, 1817, on the very day when he became eligible as a deputy, by the attainment of his fortieth year, he was chosen by the electors of the Seine, as one of their repre- sentatives ; since which period, he has boldly and steadily opposed the measures of each successive cabinet, up to the date of the revolution, and is justly regarded as one of the ablest speakers in the Chamber to which he belongs. M. Casimir PARIS IN 1830. 375 Perier has three brothers in the Chamber ; Au- gustin, who sits for the Isere ; Alexandre, for the Loiret ; and Camille, for the Sarthe. He is himself the representative of the department of the Aube. He was called to the chair of the Chamber of Deputies as soon as it was consti- tuted, at the period of the revolution, but the state of his health compelled him soon after to resign — when M. Lafitte was elected by a very great majority. Andre Marie Jean Jacques Dupin, better known by the name of M. Dupin, aine, to dis- tinguish him from his younger brothers, was born at Varzy, in the department of the Nievre, on the 1st of February, 1783. His early educa- tion was conducted by his mother, and completed under the superintendence of his father, Charles Andre Dupin, a member of the first legislative assembly, on obtaining his liberation from the prisons of the reign of terror. At that unhappy period there could not be said to be any thing like public education in France. On the re-es- tablishment of the schools of law, M. Dupin, aine, took his degrees, and, having sustained the first thesis as a graduate, found himself, at twenty- three years of age, the senior of all the doctors of the modern schools. After practising for eight years at the bar, he stood as a candidate, in 1810, for the chairs of several professorships which were then vacant ; but although his repu- 370 PARIS IN 1830. tation was already great as an author, as well as a lawyer and an orator, he did not succeed in these objects of his ambition. In 1812 he was proposed to the government by M. Merlin, pro- cureur-general, for the office of avocat-general, in the Court of Cassation, but was again unsuc- cessful, M. Jaubert having obtained the appoint- ment, through the influence of M. Fontanes. Soon afterwards M. Dupin was added, by the grand judge, the Duke de Massa, to the cele- brated commission entrusted with the important task of arranging and classifying the laws of the empire. In 1815 he was elected a deputy by his native department of the Nievre, and boldly combated the opinion of those who proposed to give to Napoleon the title of " Saviour of the Country." He insisted on the Chamber declaring itself a national assembly, opposed the proclamation of Napoleon II., and submitted as the formula of the oath to be taken by the members of the Pro- visional Government — " I swear obedience to the laws, and fidelity to the nation." After the second restoration, he was appointed President of the electoral colleges of Chateau- Chinon, and of Clamecy, through the influence of the royalist party, with a view to his re-elec- tion to the Chamber of Deputies ; but was unsuc- cessful in both cases, and was not provided with a seat until the year 1827, when he was returned PARIS IN 1830. 377 by three different colleges, those of the depart- ment of the Sarthe, and of two of the arrondisse- ments of the Nievre. In the mean time, however, he was in some degree compensated by his suc- cess at the bar, which has been as brilliant as it must have been lucrative. He was entrusted with the defence of Marshal Ney, of Generals Alix, Savary, Gilly, Caulaincourt, and Forest de Morvan, and of Messrs. Boyer, Fievee, Bavoux, Merillion, de Jouy, Madier, deMontjean de Beranger, and de Pradt, all accused of politi- cal offences. He was also counsel for Sir Robert Wilson, and Messrs. Hutchinson and Bruce, when put on their defence for assisting in the escape of M. de Lavalette. His superior talents induced the ministry of 1819 to offer him the office of under secretary of state, in the depart- ment of justice, with the title of master of re- quests ; but, having refused to connect himself with that administration, he was soon afterwards appointed by the Duke of Orleans a member of his royal highness's council. With all his talents, however, (and they are un- doubtedly of the very first order,) public opinion is far from being unanimous as to his political in- tegrity. The royalists think him a concealed Jaco- bin, and the liberals regard him as little better than a Jesuit ; but he must be a strange Jesuit, who thunders against the order like M. Dupin in his public declamations ; and as strange a Jacobin, to 378 PARIS IN 1830. walk as he does, uncovered, in the processions of the church, and to maintain a private chapel, with all its adjuncts, on his estate. Since the date of the revolution, M. Dupin has been vio- lently attacked by all the liberal journalists, for the want of resolution he is supposed to have evinced in the first days of the struggle ; and he has thought it necessary to publish a defence, which, as a piece of special pleading, is ingenious, if not conclusive, and well calculated to maintain his high character as a lawyer ; although it has not certainly been very successful in giving him the place which he desires to occupy in public estimation, as an unflinching supporter of the principles of the revolution. Henri Benjamin Constant de Rebecque, the president of the committee of legislation, and of administrative justice, and one of the members of the cabinet, was born at Lausanne, in the year I767. He belongs to a family of Protestant refugees, who are said to be descended from a Baron Augustin Constant, who, after having saved the life of Henry IV., abandoned his standard, on that Prince declaring himself a con- vert to the Catholic religion. After M. Con- stant had completed his studies at the universities of Gottingen and Edinburgh, he was employed for some time at the court of the Grand Duke of Brunswick, which he left in 1795, to come to Paris, where he became connected with some of PARIS IN 1830. 379 the most distinguished men of the period. His first literary production was a work published in 179(), entitled, " De la force du gouvernement actuel de la France, et de la necessite de s'y rallier," which procured him the acquaintance of Madame de Stael, a friendship which he retained until her death. In 1798 he became a member of the " club de salut," and continued to oppose the successive assumptions of arbitrary power by the conqueror of Italy. He was, in consequence, sent into exile, which he shared with his illustri- ous friend the authoress of Corinna, with whom he travelled over various countries of Europe, and ended by fixing himself at Gottingen, where, in 1808, he married a young lady of the family of Hardenberg. M. Constant did not return to France until the date of the restoration, when he published a number of papers favour- able to liberty, and consequently hostile to the power of Napoleon. After the return of the Emperor from Elba, he was induced to accept the office of counsellor of state, and is accused of having assisted in the preparation of the ce- lebrated " Acte additionel aux constitutions de l'Empire." On the final overthrow of the power of Napoleon by the battle of Waterloo, he re- turned first to Brussels, and afterwards to Eng- land, where he remained until after the 5th of September, 1816, when he returned to France, and applied himself to literary pursuits, which 380 PARIS IN 1830. have chiefly been directed to the department of politics. In 1819, he was chosen as a deputy by the electors of the Sarthe, in spite of all the ef- forts of the ministry to defeat his return. In 1824, he was re-elected by the department of the Seine, when his return was opposed by M. Dudon, on the ground of his being disqua- lified by the place of his birth ; an objection which was ultimately over-ruled. The personal appearance of M. Constant is far from prepossessing. Although not perceptibly lame, he uses a crutch in walking, in consequence of weakness in his limbs. His hair is red, and he wears it so long as to hang down over his shoul- ders. He uses spectacles habitually, and, in speaking, he is so precipitate, and his voice is so rough, that he is not understood without great difficulty. Yet with all these disadvantages, his countenance is mild, open, ingenuous, and intel- ligent ; his manners are those of a man of let- ters rather than a man of the world : in conver- sation he is lively and unaffected ; and, as Dupin has been said to resemble Brougham in the ex- tent of his acquirements, although far behind his illustrious rival in moral reputation — so has Constant been placed by his Parisian con- temporaries on a level with Sir James Mackin- tosh. M. Bignon was born at la Meilleraie, in the department of the Seine Inferieure, in 1771- PARIS IN 1830. 381 He is of a distinguished family, and, although extremely well educated, he resolved, in 1793, to enter the army as a private soldier. He found himself in the 128th demi-brigade, under the command of General Huet, who soon at- tached him to his own person in the capacity of private secretary. After five years of mili- tary service, he entered on the diplomatic career, and in 1799 was appointed secretary to the Prussian legation ; after which he became charge- d'affaires at Berlin, and, in 1803, was appointed minister plenipotentiary at the court of the Elec- tor of Hesse Cassel. In 1807, be was named military intendant of Berlin ; and afterwards, in conjunction with Count Dam, was placed at the head of the administration of the armies in the Austrian territory. In 1810, he was the French resident at Warsaw, having been em- ployed by Napoleon to stir up the insurrec- tion of the Poles against the Russians, for which purpose he proceeded to Wilna as the commis- sioner of the Imperial Government. He is said to have displayed the greatest talent and intelli- gence in the performance of this mission ; but, on the retreat of the French army, he was made a prisoner at Dresden. During the first restoration he remained un- employed ; but having been elected a deputy, in 1815, by the department of the Seine Inferieure, he was entrusted, during the hundred days, with 382 PARTS IN 1830. the portfolio of foreign affairs, which he aban- doned on the entrance of the Allies into Paris ; and he has never since held any official appoint- ment. In 1822, M. Bignon lost his seat in the Chamber, but in 1827 was re-elected by the College of Rouen. He is universally respected for the steadiness with which he has maintained his constitutional principles ; and, besides being an author of some repute, has the honour of being exempted from the place which has been given to more than one of his ministerial col- leagues in the " Dictionnaire des Girouettes." PARIS IN 1830. 383 CHAPTER XXIV. Convocation of the Legislative Body — Account of the cere- mony observed on the occasion — Cordial reception of the Duke of Orleans — His speech to the assembled Peers and Deputies — Letter from the Commissioners sent to Rambouil- let — Separate meetings of the two Chambers — Proceedings and speeches of the Members— The Declaration of Rights presented to the Duke of Orleans by the Deputies — En- thusiasm manifested on the occasion. The 3rd of August was the day originally named by Charles X. for the convocation of the legislative body. According to former usage, the royal sitting should have taken place in the palace of the Louvre, which was selected as a place where the Peers and the Deputies could meet on neutral ground. At ten o'clock on the morning of the day thus appointed, the meeting accordingly took place ; but, as if to indicate fhe ascendancy which had been pro- duced by the events of the revolution in favour of the representatives of the people, it was not at the Louvre, or the Luxembourg, that this important meeting was held, but in the tempo- 384 PARIS IN 1830. rary wooden building prepared for the accom- modation of the representatives of the people. At a very early hour in the morning, the va- rious approaches to the Palais Bourbon, where this building is situated, were besieged by an anxious crowd ; and as soon as the doors were opened, the galleries, which are destined for the public accommodation, were instantly filled. The chair of the president, the table of the se- cretaries, and the tribune, from which the mem- bers address the Chamber, were, on this occasion, removed, to make way for a magnificent chair of state, which, with two tabourets for the Princes, occupied that portion of the hall. The throne, with its splendid canopy of velvet, was the same which had formerly been employed at the Louvre ; and, as it was adorned with golden fleurs de lis, and other distinctions peculiar to the house of Bourbon, a number of three-coloured banners were so arranged, as to mask the insignia of the repudiated family. In front of the throne were the two stools of privilege ; one for the Duke of Orleans, as Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, on the right, and the other for the Duke de Nemours, his second son, on the left of the throne. The chair of the Chancellor of France, covered with violet-coloured velvet, was placed on the left of the seat appropriated to the Duke de Nemours. One of the galleries was reserved for the Duchess PARIS IN 1S30. 385 of Orleans and the Princesses of her family, and another for the corps diplomatique. In the latter, although no regular accredited ambassador appeared, there were five secretaries, two charges d'affaires, the one of Denmark, and the other of the United States of America, and a great num- ber of the attaches to the various embassies. Soon after the public galleries had been filled, the Deputies, and especially those of the cote gauche, began to enter. At a later hour in the morning, a small group arrived, including M. Berryer, M. Jacquinot Pamplune, M. de Meffrey, M. de Conny, M. de Murat, M. de Boisbertrand, M. de Belissen, M. Bizien du Lezard, M. d'Aut- poul, and M. Roger, who were all that now remained to represent the former party of the cote droit, now described as the Carlists. About twelve o'clock, the Peers began to ar- rive ; and among their number were observed the Dukes de Mortemart, de Bellune, de Valmy, de Choiseul, de Caraman, and de Trevise ; the Marechal Jourdan, the Marquis de Dreux Breze, and the Viscount de Chateaubriand, Messrs. Por- talis, Seguier, Pasquier, Chaptal, de Montalivet, de Simonville, Lanjuinais, Roy, and Bastard de l'Estang. The costume of the legislative cham- bers was not worn on this occasion, either by Peers or Deputies ; blue and black were the pre- vailing colours : the grand cordon of the Legion of Honor was occasionally visible, but the blue c c 386 PARIS IN 1830. ribbon had entirely disappeared. M. Lafitte and General Lafayette arrived about the same moment, and had engaged the general attention? when the guns of the Invalides gave notice of the approach of the Duke of Orleans. His Royal Highness was preceded by the Duchess and her daughters, who took their places in the gallery reserved for them. On a given signal, the two grand deputations from the Peers and the Depu- ties, whose names had previously been drawn by ballot, went out to receive the Lieutenant-Ge- neral of the kingdom at the foot of the principal staircase ; the one with M. Lafitte, as vice-pre- sident, and the other with M. de Simonville, as grand referendary, at its head, in the absence of M. Perier, the President of the Chamber of De- puties, and of the Chancellor of France, the Pre- sident of the Chamber of Peers. The Commis- sioners then entrusted provisionally with the different departments of the ministry, remained with the officers of the Prince's household, at the inner entrance of the hall. The Duke, on his entrance, was received with unanimous acclamations of " Vive le Prince, Lieutenant General ! Vive le Due d'Orleans !" He was dressed in a military uniform, and, on his reaching the tabouret assigned to him, he put on his hat — a circumstance which excited some criticism at the period — and, addressing himself to the two legislative bodies without dis- PARIS IN 1830. 387 tinction, desired them to be seated. The old ceremonial consisted in the King's turning round to the Chamber of Peers, and saying, " Messieurs, asseyez-vous " after which, the Chancellor, ad- dressing the Deputies, informed them that his Majesty permitted them to take their seats. The most perfect silence prevailed within the hall ; but the artillery of the Invalides continued to peal in salvos while the Prince pronounced the following speech : " Messieurs les Pairs, et Messieurs les Deputes ! " Paris, disturbed in its repose by a deplorable viola- tion of the charter and the laws, defended them with an heroic courage ! In the midst of this bloody struggle, the guarantees of social order no longer existed. Per- sons, property, rights, all that is precious and dear to men and citizens, were exposed to the most imminent danger. " In the absence of all public power, the wishes of my fellow-citizens have been directed towards me. They have deemed me worthy of concurring with them in saving the country ; they have invited me to exercise the functions of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. " To me their cause hasappeared to be just ; the perils immense, the necessity imperative, my duty sacred. I hastened into the midst of this valiant people, followed by my family, and wearing those colours, which, for the second time, have marked among us the triumph of liberty. " I have come with the firm resolution of devoting my efforts to every thing that circumstances might re- quire of me, in the situation in which I have been placed, to re-establish the empire of the laws, save, protect endangered liberty, and render the recurrence impossi- cc2 388 PARTS IN 1830. ble of such great evils, by securing for ever the power of that charter, whose name, invoked during the combat, was repeated after victory. " In the fulfilment of this noble task, it belongs to the Chambers to guide me. Every right should be sub- stantially guaranteed ; all the institutions necessary to their full and free exercise should receive the develop- ments of which they have need. Attached with my whole heart, and from conviction, to the principles of a free government, I accept all its consequences before- hand. I deem it my duty, even now, to call your at- tention to the organization of the National Guards, the application of the Jury to offences by the press, the formation of departmental and municipal administra- tions, and, above all, to the 14th Article of the Charter, which has been so odiously interpreted. " With these sentiments, Gentlemen, I come to open this Session. u The past is painful to me ; I deplore disasters which I should have wished to prevent; but in the midst of this magnanimous excitement of the capital, and of all other French cities, at the aspect of order re- viving with such astonishing promptitude, after a resist- ance free from all excess, a just national pride affects my heart, and I look with confidence on the future des- tiny of the country. " Yes, Gentlemen, this land of France, so dear tome, will be happy and free : it will prove to Europe, that, solely engaged in promoting its internal prosperity, it cherishes peace as much as liberty, and only wishes for the happiness and repose of its neighbours. " Respect for the rights of all, attention to every in- terest, and good faith in the Government, are the best means of disarming parties, and of restoring to the pub- lic mind that confidence, and to the institutions that stability, which are the only sure pledges of the happi- ness of the people, and the strength of states. PARIS IN 1830. 389 " Peers and Deputies ! — As soon as the Chambers are constituted, I will communicate to you the act of abdi- cation of his Majesty King Charles X. ; by the same act, his Royal Highness Louis Antoine of France, the Dauphin, likewise renounces his rights. This act was placed in my hands last night, the 2nd of August, at eleven o'clock. This morning, I have ordered it to be de- posited among the archives of the Chamber of Peers, and to be inserted in the official part of the Moniteur? The acclamations with which the Duke had been received on his entrance were renewed at the conclusion of his speech. On his rising to retire, the two grand deputations surrounded him, and accompanied him to the outer entrance, where he and the Duke de Nemours mounted their horses amidst a detachment of the National Guards a cheval. The Duchess and her daugh- ters followed in an open carriage, drawn by a pair of horses, and escorted by a party of young men on horseback, wearing three-coloured scarfs. The procession returned as it came, by the quays, the Pont Royal, and the Place de Car- rousel, to the Palais Royal, the band playing the favourite airs of the " Marseillaise" and " La Victoire est a nous." On the following morning, the Prince Lieu- tenant-General received the following letter from the Commissioners who had been sent to Ram- bouillet, communicating the happy and bloodless issue of that extraordinary expedition : — 390 PARIS IN 1830. " MONSEIGNEUR, " We are happy to announce to you the success of our mission. The King has resolved to depart with all his family. We shall bring you all the incidents and details of the journey with the utmost exactness. May it end happily ! We take the road to Cherbourg, and are to set out in half an hour. All the troops are sent towards Epernon, and to-morrow morning it will be de- termined which of them shall definitively follow the King. " We are, with respect and devotedness, Mon- seigneur, &c. (Signed) " Le Marechal Maison. " Odillon-Barrot. " De Schonen. " Rambouillet, 3d August, 10 o'clock, p. m." The publication of this letter, and of the speech of the Duke of Orleans at the opening of the session, contributed materially to the restora- tion of public tranquillity, after the renewal of the excitement produced by the obstinacy of Charles X. and the measures which had been found necessary to hasten his departure. On the 4th of August the two legislative bodies assembled in their respective chambers. The sitting of the Deputies was confined to the appointment of committees, and to the arrange- PARIS IN 1830. 391 ment of those preliminary forms required by the constitution of the Chamber, for facilitating the progress of the business of the session. In former years these forms had generally occupied a period of eight or ten days ; but on this occasion they were completed on the 4th of August, when the Chamber adjourned to the 6th, in order to afford some interval of preparation for the important business which was then to be transacted. The Peers, after appointing the Marquis de Mont em art, the Duke de Plaisance, Marshal Maison, and Count Lanjuinais, secretaries of the Chamber, proceeded to ballot for a committee to prepare an address in answer to the Lieutenant- General's opening speech. In the course of the debate which arose on this question, a speech was delivered by the Duke de Choiseul, of which the following is an abstract. " Under the serious circumstances in which we are placed, to waver in our conduct would be culpable and pusillanimous. We can no longer confine ourselves to a mere echo of the phrases in the speech from the head of the government ; we must express our sentiments with loyalty and frankness. It is to things, and not to persons, that our attention must hereafter be directed ; and I am prepared to say, with M. Cazales, that if we must choose between the monarch and the monarchy, it is the monarchy alone which ought to be regarded. But we are called to the exer- 392 PARIS IN 1830. cise of higher duties — to establish the government on a solid basis, and to remove all uncertainty as to the exercise of power. The Chamber of Peers I conceive to be of incontestable necessity; but it must demonstrate that necessity by placing itself at the head of public opinion, and by recall- ing those glorious and happy days when, instead of being dragged in the train of power, this Chamber was honoured in public opinion by the constitutional opposition which it maintained against the measures of a ministry supported by a Chamber of Deputies distinguished by the name of ' introuvable. 9 The title of Peer of France was then synonymous with that of father of the country. But times have since changed : I will not mention the causes ; they are unfortunately too well known. To day I confine myself to the proposition, that in preparing the address in answer to the speech from the head of the govern- ment, the committee should abstain from a ser- vile repetition of the phrases of the speech ; that it should lay aside those fawning protestations which it has been the fashion to introduce ; and that it should express itself clearly as to the urgency of the measures to be proposed for in- suring the stability of the government, and as to the importance of the laws which are required by the present order of things." The committee on the address was composed of Counts Mole, Simeon, and d'Argout, Barons de PARIS IN 1830. 393 Barante and Seguier, the Marquises de Marbois and Jaucourt : and, after its appointment, the Chamber adjourned. On the 6th of August, the Deputies having assembled under the presidency of M. Labbey de Pompieres, the temporary chairman in right of seniority, it was announced to the Chamber that the Lieutenant-General, in obedience to the existing law, had selected M. Casimir Perier as president, from the list of candidates prepared by the Deputies at their former sitting, but that the Lieutenant-General had expressed his wish that this might be the last occasion on which such a controul should be exercised. The chair was then taken by M. Lafitte, as one of the vice-presidents, when a letter was read from M. Perier, apologizing for his absence, and saying that the state of his health would have in- duced him to decline the distinguished office to which he had been nominated, had not the urgency of circumstances rendered it important that the proceedings of the Chamber should not be delayed by a new ballot. Messrs. Cunin, Gridaine, Jacqueminot, Paveede Vandoeuvre, and Jars, then took their places as secretaries. A proposition to the following effect was read from the chair : " I accuse of high treason the ex-ministers, authors of the report to the King, and subscribers 394 PARIS IN 1830. ( contre-signataires ) of the ordinances of the 26th of July. (Signed) " Eusebe Salverte." M. Salverte having been called upon to sup- port his proposition, stated, that as the Chamber had more important business before it, he would content himself with moving that it be referred to the committees. M. Berard then ascended the tribune, and ad- dressed the Chamber to the following effect : " The people of France were united to their monarch by a solemn tie, which has just been torn asunder. The violator of the contract can have no right to claim its execution. It is in vain that Charles X. and his son affect to trans- mit a right which no longer belongs to them. That right has been dissolved in the blood of thousands of victims. The deed of abdication communicated to the Legislature is but a new act of perfidy ; the semblance of legality with which it is clothed, is a mere deception ; it has been thrown among us, that it may become a brand of discord. We have been called upon by the same law of necessity, which placed arms in the hands of the citizens of Paris for the resist- ance of oppression, to adopt a Prince for our tem- porary chief, who is a sincere friend to free insti- tutions. We are required by the same necessity to adopt, without delay, a permanent chief as the PARIS IN 1830. 395 head of the government. But, however implicit the confidence with which this Prince has inspired us, the rights we are chosen to defend require that we should fix the conditions on which he is to be admitted to power. Repeatedly and shame- fully deceived, we are warranted in stipulating for the strictest terms. In some respects our institutions are incomplete, in others they are vicious ; it is our duty to extend and purify them. The Prince now at our head has already done more than we have required of him ; the funda- mental principles of popular right have been already propounded and acknowledged ; other principles, and other rights are equally indispen- sable, and will be equally acknowledged, We are the chosen of the people ; to us they have con- fided their interests and their wants. Their first want, their dearest interest, is liberty and repose. They have themselves won their liberty from the hands of tyranny, by force of arms ; it is for us to secure their repose, by giving them a just and stable government." M. Berard concluded by moving a series of resolutions, by the first of which it was proposed to declare, " That the throne is vacant, and that it is indispensably necessary to make provision accordingly." By the succeeding articles it was proposed, that in pursuance of the wishes, and in furtherance of the interests of the French people, the preamble of the constitutional charter should 396 PARIS IN 1830. be suppressed, and its clauses modified in the manner detailed in the resolutions submitted to the Chamber. The modifications ultimately adopted will at once be understood by the com- parative view of the old and the new charter, which will be found at the end of the volume. By the last of M. Berard's resolutions, it was proposed, " That in consideration of the accept- ance of the conditions proposed, the Chamber of Deputies declares, that the universal and urgent interests of the French people call to the throne his Royal Highness Louis Philippe d'Orleans, Due d'Orleans, Lieutenant-General of the king- dom, and his descendants for ever, from male to male, in the order of primogeniture, to the per- petual exclusion of females, and their descendants. " That his Royal Highness be therefore invited to accept, and swear to the clauses and engage- ments expressed in the previous resolutions, and to the observance of the constitutional charter, with the modifications thus agreed to, and, after having taken the oath, in the presence of the assembled Chambers, to assume the title of the King of the French." After this proposition had been made by M. Berard, a discussion arose as to the subsequent forms of proceeding, in which M. Mathieu Du- mas, M. Etienne, and General Demarcay, parti- cipated. It was ultimately decided that the pro- position should first be referred to the ordinary PARIS IN 1830. 397 committees of the Chamber, and that it should afterwards be examined by a special committee, in connexion with that appointed to prepare the address. When these arrangements had been made, an adjournment of the Chamber took place until the evening. On the arrival of the Deputies about eight o'clock, to attend the second extraordinary sitting of the Chamber, the avenues which lead to the building were already occupied with crowds, anxious to learn the result of the day's proceed- ings. These crowds were chiefly composed of young men belonging to the middle classes of society ; and the exclamations in which they in- dulged, as the Deputies entered, were for the most part directed to the abolition of the hereditary peerage, which seems still to be associated in the public mind with that system of privilege which, under the ancien regime, made the French no- blesse an object of popular jealousy and detesta- tion. The agitation on the outside was regarded by some of the members as an attempt to over- awe the deliberations of the Chamber. An ad- journment was proposed by M. Augustin Perier; and M. Benjamin Constant having gone out to address the crowd, in the hope of tranquillizing them, the chair was taken by M. Lafitte ; but, as the tumult remained undiminished, General La- fayette, after consulting with the President, 398 PARIS IN 1830. retired to second the efforts of M. Constant, by expostulating with the people on the disturbance which was thus created. The General was, as usual, received with acclamations by the crowd ; and, after complimenting them on their heroism during the great week of the revolution, he added, " I am entitled, my friends, to your at- tention, because the opinions which have induced you to come here are my own. I know how to support them ; but I fear that you may fall into errors. In addition to so many other motives, let me beg you to consider my personal feelings. I have engaged my honour that no disturbance shall interrupt the proceedings of the Chamber. Should any interruption take place, and be at- tended with any painful occurrence at the doors, I shall be regarded as in some degree responsible. It is with me a point of honour, and I place my honour under the protection of your friendship." This address produced the desired effect ; tran- quillity was restored, and the sitting was resumed at half-past eight o'clock. The act of abdication of Charles X. having been communicated to the Chamber on the part of the government, the question arose, whether its reception should be acknowledged ; and whether it should be deposited among the archives of the Chamber ; both of which were ultimately resolved in the affirmative. PARIS IN 1830. 399 On the motion of M. Bavonx, supported by M. Berryer, the following* resolution was adopted : " The Chamber of Deputies votes thanks to the city of Paris ; it invites the government to erect a monument, for the purpose of transmit- ting to the remotest posterity the event which it shall be destined to consecrate. It shall bear this inscription — A la T r ille de Paris, la patrie re- connoissante" At ten o'clock the report of the committee was brought up by M. Dupin, aine, which, with the modifications it received in passing through the Chamber, having been ultimately embodied in the charter itself, needs not here to be repeated. After the report had been read, it was moved by M. Guizot, after an animated debate as to the propriety of proceeding forthwith to its conside- ration, in which M. de Corselles, M. de Ram- buteau, M. Benjamin Constant, M. Eusebe Sal- verte, M. Mauguin, and M. Demarcay, took part, " That the report be printed and distributed, and that the Chamber do take it into consideration to-morrow morning at ten o'clock." This reso- lution having been adopted, the Chamber ad- journed at the unusually late hour of eleven o'clock at night. On the following morning, the 7th of August, the discussion was opened at the hour appointed. 400 PARIS IN 1830. The most remarkable speech was that of M. cle Martignac, when called up by some expressions employed in supporting a resolution, " That the throne is vacant in consequence of the violation of the Charter and the laws." M. Podenas took occasion to observe, " that the ex-King was the worthy heir of Charles the Ninth's ferocity, but that he had not the courage to show himself in the hour of danger." " I feel compelled," said M. de Martignac, " on behalf of a family plunged in misfortune, to raise a voice which defended it in the height of its power. I could not hear the words which fell from the last speaker without the deepest sorrow. Ah, gentlemen ! had you known this Prince as I have done, had you been admitted to his intimacy, you could not have heard him accused of ferocity without indigna- tion. No, gentlemen, this man was not ferocious ; he has been deceived. It was not his heart which dictated these infamous ordinances. They were the work of perfidious counsellors, whom I freely abandon to you. Let not your indignation fall upon him ; but believe me, gen- tlemen, believe one who has lived in habits of the closest intimacy with him, that his heart was animated by the love of his country. I have not been astonished at the truly heroic resistance called forth by these iniquitous ordinances; but I ask again, why words should be uttered, after the power which produced them has fallen, which PARIS IN 1830. 401 will be an an additional sting- to a heart already overwhelmed with misfortune. I do not know, gentlemen, whether in what I have said I have followed the dictates of prudence and modera- tion ; I have consulted only my heart." This speech was repeatedly interrupted by the applause of the cote droit, and the murmurs of the cote gauche. Towards the conclusion of the discussion, General Lafayette addressed the Chamber to the following effect : " In ascending this tribune to speak on a sub- ject of such vast importance, I am neither yield- ing to the impulse of the moment, nor courting an idle popularity, which I shall never prefer to the suggestions of duty. It is well known that I have all my life professed republican principles ; but they have not been such as to prevent me from supporting a constitutional throne, created by the will of the people. Under existing cir- cumstances, whereby it is desirable to raise the Prince Lieutenant-General to a constitutional throne, I feel myself animated by the same sen- timents ; and I am bound to avow, that the more I become acquainted with the Duke of Orleans, the more perfectly does the choice fulfil my wishes. On the subject of an hereditary peerage, I do not share the opinion entertained by many of my fellow-citizens. I have always thought it necessary that the legislative body should be D D 402 PARIS IN 1830. divided into two Chambers, differently con- stituted ; but I have never seen the utility of creating- legislators who, in some cases, become judges, invested with hereditary rights. I have always thought that aristocracy is a bad ingre- dient to introduce into our public institutions. It is with great satisfaction, therefore, that I find you occupied with a project which meets the sen- timents I have all my life professed. My con- science now compels me to repeat them, and to declare, that I hope shortly to see the hereditary peerage suppressed. My fellow-citizens will do me the justice to acknowledge, that if I have always maintained the principles of freedom, I have supported public order with equal uni- formity." M. Mauguin proposed that the judges should cease their functions in six months, if before that time they did not receive a new investiture ; and thus argued in support of the proposition : — " Do not forget, gentlemen, that you are the offspring of revolution. It is the revolution yoi* are now met to consecrate. A fortnight ago you were under the empire of legitimacy and divine right : to-day you are under the influence of national sovereignty. Do you think, then, that bodies which have been formed under the empire of the congregation, will support you, or offer you no resistance ? No, gentlemen ; the reform must descend to the lowest ranks of the magistracy. PARIS IN 1830. 403 To establish it substantially, resistance must cease everywhere. The judges, you say, are ap- pointed for life 5 but did not that appointment originate in the charter of Louis XVIII ? And is not that charter destroyed ?" The amendment of M. Mauguin, and a sub- amendment proposed by M. Eusebe Salverte, that the judges appointed during the reign of Charles X. should be submitted to a new orga- nization, were successively put and rejected. As soon as the discussion was concluded, the Deputies proceeded in a body, and on foot, to the Palais Royal, to present to the Duke of Orleans the bill of rights, or declaration of principles, which had just been agreed to. The Deputies were instantly admitted to his Royal Highness's presence, and the resolutions of the Chamber having been read by M. Lafitte, the Duke of Orleans, surrounded by his family, made the fol- lowing reply : " I receive the declaration which you now present to me, with profound emotion. I regard it as the expression of the national will ; and it appears to me to be in conformity with the po- litical principles I have all my life professed. " Impressed with recollections which have al- ways made me desire that I might never be des- tined to ascend the throne ; exempt from am- bition, and accustomed to the peaceful life which I lead in my family, I cannot conceal the senti- D D<2 404 PARIS IN 1830. merits which agitate my heart in this great con- juncture : but there is one which is predominant — it is the love of my country. I feel what it prescribes to me, and I shall not fail in the per- formance." In delivering his answer, the Prince was af- fected to tears. At its conclusion, he embraced M. Lafitte, amidst enthusiastic exclamations of " Vive le Roi ! Vive la Reine ! Vive la famille Royale I" which burst from all present, and were repeated by the thousands collected in the courts of the palace. In answer to the call of the peo- ple, the Prince appeared on the balcony, accom- panied by General Lafayette. They were both received with acclamations, which were redoubled when the Duchess of Orleans presented her chil- dren to the people. Impressed with the unani- mity of feeling which was thus manifested, La- fayette took the hand of the Duke of Orleans, and exclaimed, " We have performed a good work ! Here, Gentlemen, is the Prince we need! This is the best of Republics l" PARIS IN 1830. 405 CHAPTER XXV. Small share taken by the Chamber of Peers in the affairs of the Revolution — Their deliberations as to the resolutions passed by the Deputies — Chateaubriand's splendid speech on that occasion— Assent to the declaration of the Deputies, and deputation in consequence from the Peers to the Duke of Orleans — Arrival of the Duke de Chartres in Paris- 1 - Anecdote — Character of the Duke of Orleans, as described by Paul Louis Courrier. In the last act of the drama, as at its commence- ment, the Chamber of Peers performed a mere secondary part. At a late hour on Saturday evening, the 7th of August, they assembled at their Palace of Luxembourg-, for the professed purpose of taking into consideration the resolu- tions which had been passed by the Deputies ; but, in effect, to register a decision which they had no power to controul. The only hesitation which they discovered in adopting the resolutions of the Representative Chamber, was expressed in a vote to the following effect. " The Chamber of Peers declares that it can- 406 PARIS IN 1830. not deliberate on that article of the declaration of the Chamber of Deputies which provides, that all the nominations and creations of peers made during- the reign of Charles X. are null and void. " The Chamber of Peers declares that it leaves the decision of this question to the high prudence of the Prince Lieutenant-General." The sitting was, however, distinguished by a splendid speech of the Viscount Chateaubriand, which, as no abridgment or analysis could do it justice, is here introduced entire, translated from a copy submitted to the revision of the noble Viscount. " Gentlemen! — The declaration which has been brought to this Chamber is to me much less com- plicated than it appears to those of my noble col- leagues who profess an opinion different from mine. There is one fact in this declaration which appears to me to govern all the others, or rather to destroy them. Were we under a regular order of things, I should doubtless carefully examine the various changes which it is proposed to make in the Charter. Many of these changes have been proposed by myself. I am only surprised that the re-actionary measure, regarding the peers created by Charles X., should have been proposed to this Chamber. I shall not be sus- pected of any fondness for the system by which these batches (Jburnees) were created ; and you PARIS IN 1830. 107 know, that when threatened with them, I com- bated the very menace : but to make ourselves the judges of our colleagues, and to erase whom we please from the list of the peerage, whenever we find ourselves the stronger party, would seem to me to savour of proscription. It is thought necessary that the peerage be annihilated. Then be it so : it better becomes us to surrender our existence, than to beg for our lives. " I reproach myself already for the few words I have uttered on a point, which, important as it is, becomes insignificant when merged in the great proposition before us. France is without a guide ; and I am now to consider what must be added to or cut away from the masts of a vessel which has lost its rudder! I lay aside, then, whatever is of a secondary interest in the de- claration of the Elective Chamber ; and, fixing on the single enunciated fact of the vacancy of the throne, whether true or pretended, I advance directly to my object. " But a previous question ought first to be attended to. If the throne be vacant, we are free to choose the future form of our govern- ment. " Before offering the crown to any individual whatever, it may be well to ascertain under what political system the social body is to be consti- tuted. Are we to establish a republic, or a new monarchy ? 408 PARIS IN 1830. " Does a republic or a new monarchy offer sufficient guarantees to France, of strength, dura- bility, and repose ? " A republic would first of all have the recol- lections of the republic itself to contend with. These recollections are far from being effaced. The time is not yet forgotten, when Death made his frightful progress among us, with Li- berty and Equality for supporters. When plunged again into anarchy, how are you to reanimate the Hercules on his rock, who alone was able to stifle the monster ? In the history of the world, there have been five or six such men. In the course of a thousand years, your posterity may see another Napoleon ; but as for you, you must not expect it. " In the present state of our manners, and of our relations with surrounding states, the idea of a republic seems to me to be wholly untenable. The first difficulty would be to bring* the people to a unanimous vote on the subject. What right has the population of Paris to constrain the population of Marseilles to adopt the forms of a republic ? Is there to be but oue repub- lic, or are we to have twenty or thirty ? And are they to be federative or independent ? " Let us suppose these obstacles to be re- moved, and that there is to be but one repub- lic. Can you imagine for a moment, with the habitual familiarity of our manners, that a pre- PARIS IN 1*30. 109 sident, however grave, however talented, and however respectable he may be, could remain for a year at the head of the government, with* out wishing or endeavouring to retire from it ? Ill protected by the laws, and unsupported by previous recollections, insulted and vilified, morn- ing, noon, and night, by secret rivals and by the agents'of faction, he would not inspire the confidence which property and commerce re- quire ; he would neither possess becoming dig- nity, in treating with foreign governments, nor the power which is indispensable to the mainte- nance of internal tranquillity. If he resorted to revolutionary measures, the republic would be- come odious, all Europe would become disturb- ed, would avail itself of the divisions which would follow, first to foment them, and after- wards to interfere in the quarrel ; and the state would again be involved in an interminable struggle. A representative republic is perhaps to be the future condition of the world ; but the period for its establishment has not yet arrived> " I proceed to the question of a monarchy. " A king, named by the Chambers, or elected by the people, whatever may be done, will always be a novelty. I take it for granted, that freedom is sought for, and especially the freedom of the press ; by which, and for which, the people have obtained so brilliant a triumph. 410 PARIS IN 1830. Every new monarchy will, sooner or later, be compelled to gag this liberty. Could Napo- leon himself admit of it ? The offspring of our misfortunes, and the slave of our glory, the liberty of the press can only exist, in security, under a government whose roots are deeply seated. A monarchy, the illegitimate offspring of one bloody night, must always have some- thing to fear from the free and independent expression of public opinion. While this man proclaims republican opinions, and that some equally Utopian system, is it not to be feared that laws of exception must soon be resorted to, in spite of the eight words which have been expunged from the 8th Article of the Charter ? " What, then, will the friends of regulated liberty have gained by the change which is now pro- posed to you ? You must sink, of necessity, either at once into a republic, or into a system of legal slavery. The monarch will be surround- ed and overwhelmed by factions, or the monar- chy itself will be swept away by a torrent of democratical enactments. " In the first moments of success we suppose that every thing is easy ; we hope to satisfy every exigency, interest, and humour ; we flatter ourselves that every one will lay aside his per- sonal views and vanities ; we believe that the superior intelligence and the wisdom of the go- vernment will surmount the innumerable diffi- PARIS IN 1830. 411 culties with which it is beset ; but at the end of a few months, we find that all our theories have been belied by the event. " I present to you, gentlemen, only a few of the inconveniences which must arise from the formation of a republic, or of a new monarchy. If either has its perils, there remains a third course ; and one which well deserves your con- sideration. " The crown has been trampled on by its savage ministers, who have supported, by mur- der, their violation of good faith. They have trifled with oaths made to heaven, and with laws sworn to on earth. " Foreigners, who have twice entered Paris without resistance, learn the true cause of your success ! You presented yourselves in the name of legal authority. If you were now to fly to the assistance of tyranny, do you think that the gates of the capital, of the civilized world, would open as readily before you ? The French race has grown, since your departure, under the influ- ence of constitutional laws ; our children of four- teen years of age are a race of giants ; our con- scripts at Algiers, and our school-boys at Paris, have shown you that they are the sons of the conquerors of Austerlitz, Marengo, and Jena — but sons strengthened by all that liberty adds to glory. " Never was a defence more just, or more 412 PARIS IN 1830. heroic, than that of the people of Paris. They rose, not against the law, but for the law. As long as the social compact was respected, the people remained peaceable ; they bore insults, provocations, and threats, without complaining. Their property and their blood were the price they owed for the Charter, and both have been lavished in abundance. But when, after a sys- tem of falsehood pursued to the latest moment, slavery was suddenly proclaimed ; when the con- spiracy of folly and hypocrisy burst forth ; when the panic of the palace, organized by eunuchs, was prepared as a substitute for the terror of the republic, and the iron yoke of the empire ; — then it was that the people armed themselves with their courage and their intelligence. It was then found that these shopkeepers could breathe amidst the smoke of gunpowder, and that it re- quired rather more than "four soldiers and a corporal " to subue them. A century could not have ripened the destinies of a nation so com- pletely as the three last suns which have shone over France. A great crime was committed, which produced the violent explosion of a power- ful principle. Was it necessary, on account of this crime, and the moral and political triumph which has resulted from it, that the established order of things should be overthrown ? Let us examine. Charles X. and his son have forfeited, or have abdicated, the throne, — understand it PARIS IN 1830. 413 which way you will : but the throne is not vacant ; after them came a child, whose inno- cence ought not to be condemned. " What blood now rises against him ? Will you venture to say that it is that of his father ? This orphan, educated in the schools of his country, in the love of a constitutional govern- ment, and with the ideas of the age, would have become a king well suited to our future wants. The guardian of his youth would have sworn to the declaration on which you are about to vote ; on arriving at the age of majority, the young monarch would have renewed his oath. In the mean time, the actual and reigning sovereign would have been the Duke of Orleans, as regent of the kingdom ; a prince who has lived among the people, and who knows, that a monarchy, in the present age, can only exist by consent and reason. This natural arrangement, as it appears to me, would have united the means of re- conciliation, and would have presented the pros- pect of saving those agitations to France, which are too surely the result of all violent changes. " To say that this child, when separated from his masters, would not have had time to forget their very names, before arriving at manhood ; to say that he would remain infatuated with cer- tain hereditary dignities, after a long course of popular education, and after the terrible lesson 414 PARIS IN 1830. which in two nights has hurled two kings from the throne, is, at least, not very reasonable. " It is not from a feeling of sentimental de- votedness, transmitted from the swaddling clothes of Saint Louis to the cradle of the young Henry, that I plead a cause where every thing would again turn against me if it triumphed. I am no believer in chivalry or romance. I have no faith in the right divine of royalty ; but I believe in the power of facts, and of revolutions. I do not even invoke the Charter : I take my ideas from a higher source ; I draw them from the sphere of philosophy, from the period at which my life terminates. I propose the Duke de Bor- deaux merely as a necessity of a purer kind than that which is now in question. " I know that, by passing over this child, it is intended to establish the principle of the sove- reignty of the people ; an absurdity of the old school, which proves, that our veteran demo- crats have advanced no farther in political know- ledge than our superannuated royalists. There is no absolute sovereignty anywhere : liberty does not flow from political right, as was sup- posed in the eighteenth century ; it is derived from natural right, so that it exists under all forms of government ; and a monarchy may be free, nay, much more free than a republic. But this is neither the time nor the place to deliver a political lecture. PARIS IN 1830. 415 " I shall content myself with observing*, that when the people dispose of thrones, they often also dispose of their own liberty. I shall remark that the principle of an hereditary monarchy, however absurd it may at first appear, has been recognized, in practice, as preferable to that of an elective monarchy. The reasons for it are so obvious, that I need not enlarge upon them. You choose one king to-day, and who shall hin- der you from choosing another to-morrow ? The law, you will say. The law? And it is you yourselves who make it ! " There is still a simpler mode of treating the question : it is to say, we repudiate the elder branch of the Bourbons. And why ? Because we are victorious : we have triumphed in a just and holy cause ; we use a double right of conquest. Very well. You proclaim the sovereignty of might : then take good care of this might ; for if in a few months it escapes from you, you will have much to complain of. Such is human nature ! The most enlightened and the purest minds do not always rise above success. Such minds were the first to invoke the principles of right in opposition to violence ; they supported them with all the superiority of talent ; and, at the very moment when the truth of what they have said has been demonstrated by the most abominable abuse of power, and by its signal overthrow, the conquerors recur to those arms 41 G PARIS IN 1830. they have broken ! They will find them to be dangerous weapons, which will wound their own hands without serving their cause. " I have carried the scene of war to the terri- tory of my adversaries. I do not mean to bivouac under the old banner of the dead ; a banner which has not been inglorious, but which droops by the flag-staff which supports it, because no breath of life is there to raise it. When I move the dust of thirty-five Capets, I do not draw from it an argument which should exclu- sively be listened to. The idolatry of a name is abolished ; monarchy is no longer a tenet of re- ligious belief. It is a political form, which is preferable at this moment to every other, because it has the greatest tendency to reconcile good order with public liberty. " Useless Cassandra ! How often have I fatigued the throne and the peerage with disre- garded warnings! It only remains for me to sit down on the last fragment of the shipwreck I have so often foretold. In misfortune I acknow- ledge everv species of power except that of ab- solving me from my oaths of allegiance. It is my duty to make my life uniform. After all that I have done, said, and written for the Bourbons, I should be the meanest of wretches if I denied them at the moment when, for the third and last time, they are on the road to exile. Fear I leave to those generous royalists who have never PARIS IN 1830. 417 sacrificed a coin or a place to their loyalty ; to those champions of the altar and the throne who lately treated me as a renegade, an apostate, and a revolutionist. Pious libellers, the renegade now calls upon you ! Come, then, and stammer out a word, a single word, with him for the un- fortunate master you have lost, and who loaded you with benefits. Instigators of coups d'etat, and preachers of constituent power, where are you ? You hide yourselves in the mire, from under which you raised your heads to calumniate the faithful servants of the King. Your silence to-day is worthy of your language of yesterday. Ye gallant paladins, whose projected exploits have made the descendants of Henry IV. be driven from their throne at the point of the pitchfork, tremble now as ye crouch under the three-coloured cockade ! The noble colours you display will protect your persons, but will not cover your cowardice. " In thus frankly expressing my sentiments at the tribune, I have no idea that I am per- forming an act of heroism. Those times are past when opinions were expressed at personal hazard. If such were now the case, I should speak in a tone a hundred times louder. The best buckler is a breast which does not fear to show itself uncovered to the enemy. No, gen- tlemen, we have neither to fear a people whose reason is equal to their courage, nor that gene- E E 418 PARIS IN 1830. rous rising- generation whom I admire, with whom I sympathize with all the faculties of my soul, and to whom, as to my country, I wish honour, glory, and liberty. " Far from me, above all things, be the thought of serving the ends of discord in France. The spirit of this declaration has been my motive for excluding from what I have said every accent of passion. If I could convince myself that this child should be left in the happy ranks of obscurity, in order to procure the peace of thirty -three mil- lions of men, I should have regarded every word as criminal which was not consistent with the wants of the nation. But I do not feel this conviction. Had I the disposal of a crown, I would willingly lay it at the feet of the Duke of Orleans. But all that I see vacant, is— not a throne, but a tomb at Saint Denis ! " Whatever destiny may await the Lieut e- nant-General of the kingdom, I shall never be his enemy, if he promotes my country's welfare. I only ask to retain my liberty of conscience, and the right of going to die where I shall find independence and repose. " I vote against the declaration." The other speakers in the debate were the Dukes de Choiseul, de Broglie, de Lorges, and Decazes, the Marquis de Verac, the Counts Mole, d' Audlau de Bouille, Hocquart, de Ponte- coulant, de Grosbois, de Bastard, de Tascher, PARTS IN 1830. 419 de Rouge, de Saint Maure, d'Audigne, and Forbin-des-Issart, the Viscount de Castel-Bajae, and the Baron de Barante. The total number of peers present was one hundred and fourteen, eighty-nine of whom voted for the declaration, ten against it, and fifteen declined voting. It was then decided that the declaration, as adopt- ed by the Chamber, should be immediately car- ried to the Prince-Lieutenant-General by a grand deputation, which any other peer might have liberty to join. The deputation was im- mediately formed, and, with the Baron Pasquier at its head, proceeded to the Palais Royal, at- tended by the great body of the Chamber. It was ten o'clock in the evening when the discus- sion was closed, and some time after that hour when the Peers were received by the Duke of Orleans. On their being admitted, the follow- ing address was delivered by M. Pasquier : " The Chamber of Peers are come to present to your Royal Highness the act which is to se- cure our future destiny. You formerly defended in arms our new and inexperienced liberties ; to- day you are about to consecrate them by laws and institutions. We have the assurance in your exalted understanding, in your personal feelings, and in the recollections of your whole life, that we shall find in you a citizen King. You will respect those guarantees which are yours as well as ours. The noble family we see around you, e e 2 420 PARIS IN 1830. brought up in the love of their country, of jus- tice, and of truth, will insure to our descendants the peaceable enjoyment of that Charter to the maintenance of which you are about to swear, and with it the benefits of a government, at once firm and free." The Duke's answer to this address was to the following effect : — " By presenting this declaration to me, you have testified a confidence with which I am deeply affected. Attached, from conviction, to constitutional principles, I desire nothing so much as a good understanding between the two Chambers. I thank you for this assurance that I shall not be disappointed. You have imposed a great task upon me : I shall endeavour to prove myself worthy of it." On the following day, the 8th of August, the Duke de Chartres arrived in Paris, at the head of his regiment, the 1st Hussars. His father, and his younger brother, the Duke de Nemours, went out to meet him, surrounded by crowds of the working classes, in their holiday attire. The heat of the day was excessive ; and, as the progress of the cavalry was retarded by the state of the streets through which they had to pass, occasioned by the construction of the barricades, the Duke de Nemours was repeatedly heard to complain of excessive thirst. One of the work- men, engaged in replacing the stones which had PARIS IN 1830. 421 contributed so essentially to the recent victory, presented the young Prince with a bottle of wine. The latter accepted it eagerly ; and, having quenched his thirst, offered the bottle to his father, who followed his example, and returned it to the worthy paviour, with all that bon-hom- mie and affability which agree so well with the character of the Duke of Orleans, and which have suggested his resembance to his popular an- cestor " le bon Henri IV." The portrait of Louis Philippe has been so admirably drawn by the original and inimitable pen of Paul Louis Courrier, that no apology will be expected for here introducing it. " I love the Duke of Orleans, because, al- though born a prince, he condescended to become an honest man. He never made any promise to me ; but had the occasion occurred, I would have trusted in him ; and the compact once made, I believe that he would have kept his word, with- out any mental reserve or deliberation, and with- out consulting with the Jesuits. My reason for thinking so is this : — he is of our own time ; he belongs to this century, and not to the last, hav- ing seen little of what we call the ancien regime. He has fought in our ranks, so that our Serjeants and corporals are not a bugbear to him. An emigrant without his own consent, he never fought against us, knowing too well what was due to his native soil, and that no one can be right with his coun- 422 PARIS IN 1830. try against him. He knows that, and many other things which are not easily found out in the rank to which he belongs. It was his good fortune which decided that he should descend from that rank, and live like ourselves, in his youth. From a prince he became a man. In France he fought our common enemies ; out of France he laboured for his daily bread. Of him it cannot be said, " Rien oublie, ni rien appris" He instructed foreigners, instead of begging from them. He did not beseech a Pitt, nor supplicate a Cobourg to avenge the cause of aristocracy, by ravaging our fields, and burning- our villages. On his return he did not make it his business to found masses, and endow convents at our expense ; but, wise in his conduct, and respectable in his morals, he has given an example which preaches better than the missionaries. In a word, he is an honest man. I wish, for my part, that all princes were like him ; none of them would lose, and we should be gainers, by it. If he should ever govern, he will put many things in order, not merely by his good sense and prudence, but by another virtue which, although little celebrated, is not less valuable — I mean his economy — a homely, citizen-like quality, if you will, which the court abhors in a prince ; but which to us, who pay the taxes, is so valu- able, so admirable — shall I say so divine ? — that with it I should almost pardon him for every other want. PARIS IN 1830. 423 " I speak of him as I now do, not because I know him better than you, nor perhaps so well, having never even seen him. I know only what is said of him ; but the public is not so stupid as to be unfit to form a correct opinion of princes, when they live in public. Neither is it because lam his partisan — having- never been of any party. I am no man's follower, not seeking- my fortune in revolutions and counter-revolutions, which some are so dexterous in turning- to their advan- tage. One of the people by birth, I remain among- them by choice ; and, were I called upon to choose, I would still be one of them — a pea- sant as I am." 424 PARIS IN 1830. CHAPTER XXVI. The Duke of Orleans, as King elect of the French, takes the oath of fidelity to the new Constitution — Particulars of the solemnity — Speech of the new King — Concluding remarks, and Copy of the new Constitutional Charter. The 9th of August was the day appointed for completing- the great work of the revolution, by the oath of fidelity which the Monarch elect was then to take to the new constitution, in presence of the assembled Chambers. The scene of this solemnity, like that at the opening of the session, was the temporary structure prepared for the accommodation of the Deputies. At an early hour in the morning every avenue was crowded, and, as soon as the doors were opened, the public galleries were filled. The diplomatic tribune was chiefly occupied by ladies. The throne was the same which had been erected for the opening of the session ; but the fleur-de-lis had been removed PARIS IN 1830. 425 from the drapery, and other decorations. Four large three-coloured flags were displayed on either side of the throne, and in front of it three tabourets were placed, one for the monarch elect, and the others for the Dukes de Chartres and de Nemours. Two seats, similar in form, and covered with red silk, were placed in the centre of the hall for the Presidents of the respective Chambers. The crown, the sceptre, the sword of state, and the other insignia of royalty, were brought in upon a rich cushion, and placed upon a table at the right of the throne, behind which stood four of the Marshals of France, the Dukes of Tarentum, Trevisa, and Reggio, and the Count Molitor. The gallery prepared for the reception of the royal family was opened at a quarter before two o'clock, when all eyes were turned towards it, to greet the entrance of her who was to enter Duchess of Orleans, and to go forth Queen of the French. The Princess was accompanied by Ma- demoiselle of Orleans, the sister of the Duke, and followed by the Princesses, and the Prince de Joinville, and the Duke de Montpensier. The number of peers present was sixty-seven, among whom were the Baron Pasquier, the pre- sident ; Messrs. de Richelieu, de Lanjuinais, de Montville, de Montalivet, d'Aligre, Chaptal, Du- breton, Dupuis, Bastard de l'Etang, Chateau- briand, de Valmy, de Vence, Barbe-Marbois, 426 PARIS IN 1830. d'Osmond, de St. Aulaire, de la Ville Gontier, du Coudray, de Boissy, de Plaisance, Dejean, de Montmorency, de Montesquieu, de Matlian, de Choiseul, de Car am an, Mollien, d'Avaray, de Talleyrand, de Castries, Tascher-de-la-Pagerie, M. Matbieu, Klein, de Nicolai, Fruguet, Seguier, Delaplace, Clement de Ris, Dode de la Brunerie, de Cadore, de Praslin, de Montebello, Belliard, Simeon, de Louvois, de Montemart, Roy, Cla- parede, Portal, Portalis, d'Haussonville, &c. Of the deputies of the cote gauche there was a full attendance, but the only members of the cote droit who made their appearance on this occa- sion, were M. Berry er, fils, M. de Lardem- elle, M. de Murat, and M. Paul de Chateau- Double. At half past two o'clock, the Duke of Orleans entered the hall, dressed, as at the opening of the sessions, in the uniform of Lieutenant-General. He was followed by his two sons, the Duke de Chartres, in the uniform of the hussars of Char- tres, and the Duke de Nemours, in that of the chasseurs of Nemours. Attended by the two grand deputations, the Prince and his sons ap- proached the tabourets in front of the throne, amidst the exclamations, from all parts of the house, of " Vive le Due d' Orleans ! Vive le Prince Lieutenant-General ! Vive sa Famille." The Prince, having bowed repeatedly in acknow- ledgment of these salutations, sat down on the PARIS IN 1830. 427 stool or tabouret prepared for him, and, having desired the members of both Chambers to be seated, he put on his hat, as on the former occa- sion, and directed the president of the Cham- ber of Deputies to read the declaration of the Chamber. M. Casimir Perier, who appeared at this sit- ting, for the first and only time before his resigna- tion of the office of president, then rose and read the declaration, or bill of rights, which had passed the Chamber on the previous Saturday. On concluding it, he ascended the steps of the platform on which the Prince was seated, placed the declaration in his Royal Highness's hands, and returned to his seat. The prince then directed the President of the Chamber of Peers to bring him the act which attested the concurrence of the Peers of France in the declaration of the Chamber of Deputies. This ceremony was per- formed by the Baron Pasquier, with the same forms which had been observed by M. Casimir Perier. The Prince Lieutenant-General then ad- dressed the two Chambers to the following effect : "Messieurs les Pairs et Messieurs les Deputes! " I have read with close attention the declara- tion of the Chamber of Deputies, and the act of concurrence by the Chamber of Peers. I have weighed and considered all their expressions. I accede, without restraint or reserve, to the 428 PARTS IN 1830. clauses and engagements contained in the de- claration. I accept the title of King of the French, which it confers upon me ; and I am ready to make oath to its observance." This address was received with shouts of " Vive le Roi ! Vive Philippe L !" And the Duke, having raised his right hand, pronounced the following oath : " In the presence of God, I swear faithfully to observe the constitutional Charter, with the changes and modifications expressed in the de- claration of the Chamber of Deputies ; to govern by the laws alone, and according to the laws ; to cause due and exact justice to be administered to every one, according to his right ; and, in all things, to act with the sole view of promoting the happiness and glory of the French people." After pronouncing the words of the oath, the King proceeded to the table, and signed the de- claration, the act of concurrence, and the for- mula of the oath which he had just taken, amidst shouts of " Vive le Roi ! Vive la Reine ! Vive la Famille Roy ale ! " In the mean time, the stool on which he had sitten having been re- moved, he ascended the throne, and pronounced the following speech : " Messieurs les Pairs etMessieursles Deputes ! " I have maturely reflected on the important duties which are laid upon me ; I trust that I PARIS IN 1830. 429 shall be able to discharge them, by observing the compact which has now been entered into. " I could have sincerely desired never to occupy the throne to which the will of the nation has now called me; but I yield to the wish expressed by the Chambers, in the name of the French people, for the maintenance of the charter and the laws. " The future happiness and security of France are guaranteed by the modifications which we have just made in the Charter. Prosperous at home, respected abroad, and at peace with Europe, the interests of the nation will be more and more consolidated." Thus the key-stone of the broken arch was replaced. Let us hope that the materials em- ployed in rebuilding the social fabric may prove sound and durable, and reciprocally well adapt- ed. It does not enter into the plan of the present volume to pursue the subject farther. Subjoined is a copy of the new constitutional Charter, extracted from the Bulletin des Lois ; and, in order to afford the means of comparing the new charter with its predecessor of 1814, the suppressed clauses, with notices of the other alte- rations, will be found in notes at the bottom of the pages. 430 PARIS IN 1830. THE NEW CONSTITUTIONAL CHARTER. Louis Philip, King of the French. To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting ;* We have ordained, and do ordain, that the constitu- tional charter of 1814, as amended by the two Chambers on the 7th of August, and accepted by us on the 9th, shall be published anew, in the following terms : — PUBLIC RTGHTS OF THE FRENCH. Art 1. Frenchmen are eo^ial before the law T , whatever may be their titles or their rank. * The assertion of a paramount or constitutional power in the crown, originating in divine right, and in effect supersed- ing the will of the people as the source of the regal authority, made the preamble of the former charter particularly objection- able. It has accordingly been altogether suppressed. The following are the terms in which it was conceived : — " Louis, by the Grace of God, King of France, and Navarre ; a To all who shall see these presents, health ; " Divine Providence, by recalling us to our states after a long absence, has imposed on us great obligations. The first want of our people was peace ; with that subject we have been occupied without relaxation ; and the peace which was so necessary to France is now concluded. A constitutional Charter was required by the present state of the kingdom ; we have promised, and now publish it. We have considered, that although in France the whole power of the state resides in the person of the King, our predecessors have not hesitated to modify its exercise according to the difference of the periods; that, thus, the communes owed their emancipation to Louis-le- Gros; the confirmation, and extension of their rights to Saint Louis and Philippe-le-Bel ; that the judicial system was esta- blished and developed by the laws of Louis XI., Henry II., and Charles IX. ; and that Louis XIV. by various ordinances, PARTS IN 1830. 431 2. They contribute indiscriminately, in proportion to their fortune, to the charges of the state. which have never been surpassed for wisdom, regulated almost all parts of the public administration. " We owe it to the example of the Kings our predecessors, to appreciate the constant progress of knowledge, the new rela- tions which that progress has introduced into society, the direction which the public mind has received within the last half century, and the serious alterations which have resulted from it. We are convinced, that the wish of our subjects for a constitutional Charter is the expression of a real want ; but, in yielding to this wish, we have taken care that the present Charter should be worthy of us, and of the people whom we are proud to govern. Wise men, selected from the first bodies of the state, have been joined to the commissioners of our council, to labour at this important work. u At the same time that we acknowledge that a free and monarchical constitution ought to fulfil the expectation of en- lightened Europe, we ought to remember, that our first duty towards our people, was to preserve, for their own interest, the rights and prerogatives of our crown. We have cherished the hope that, instructed by experience, they would be con- vinced that supreme authority alone can give to the insti- tutions which it establishes, the strength, the permanence, the majesty with which it is itself invested ; that thus, when the wisdom of kings is in concord with the wishes of their people, a constitutional charter may be of long duration; but that when concessions are exacted from the weakness of govern- ment, by deeds of violence, public liberty is not less in danger than the throne itself. We have sought for the principles of this constitutional charter in the French character, and in the venerable monuments of past ages. Thus, in the renewal of the peerage, we have had regard to a truly national institution, which, by uniting ancient with modern times, should unite the recollections with the hopes of the nation. " By means of the Chamber of Deputies, we have replaced 432 PARIS IN 1830. 3. They are all equally admissible to civil and military employments. 4. Their individual liberty is alike guaranteed, no one being liable to be prosecuted or arrested, except in the cases provided, and in the form prescribed, by law. 5. Every man professes his religion with equal liberty, and obtains for his worship the same protection 6. * The ministers of the catholic, apostolic, and Ro- those ancient assemblies of the fields of March and May, and those Chambers of the third estate, which have so often afforded evidence of zeal for the interest of the people, of fidelity and respect for the authority of the King . By thus endeavouring to restore the continuity of the chain of time, which sad events have interrupted, we have effaced from our remembrance, as we could wish to be able to efface from the page of history, all the evils which, during our absence, have afflicted the country. Happy to find ourselves once more in the bosom of the great family, we have thought that we should best answer the affection of which we receive so many testimonies, by pro- nouncing the words of peace and consolation. The wish dearest to our heart is that Frenchmen should live as brothers, and that no bitter recollection should ever disturb the security which ought to follow the solemn act which we now grant to them. " Sure of our intentions, and strong in our conscience, we engage, before the assembly which now listens to us, to be faithful to this constitutional Charter, reserving to ourselves to swear to its maintenance with new solemnity, before the altars of Him who weighs kings and nations in the same balance. " For these reasons we have voluntarily, and in the free exercise of our royal authority, granted, and now grant, and make gift and concession of, to our subjects, for ourselves, and our successors for ever, the following Constitutional Charter." * This article is substituted for the two following in the original Charter : — PARIS IN 1830. 433 man religion, professed by the majority of the French, and those of other forms of Christian worship, receive stipends from the public treasury. 7. * Frenchmen have the right to publish and print their opinions, on conforming themselves to the laws. The censorship can never be re-established. 8. All property is inviolable, without excepting that which is called national, the law making no difference in this respect. 9. The state may require the sacrifice of property for the sake of the public interest legally proved, but with a previous indemnity. 10. All inquisition respecting opinions expressed, and votes given, previously to the restoration, is interdicted. The same oblivion is enjoined to the tribunals, and to the citizens. 11. The conscription is abolished. The mode of recruiting the land and sea forces is determined by law. FORMS OF THE KING^ GOVERNMENT. 12. The King's person is inviolable and sacred. His Ministers are responsible. To the King alone belongs the executive power. " 6. However, the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion, is the religion of the state. u 7. The ministers of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion, and those of other forms of Christian worship, alone receive stipends from the royal treasury." * The corresponding article of the original Charter, was in the following terms : " 8. Frenchmen have the right to publish and print their opinions, on conforming themselves to the laws, which ought to repress the abuses of this liberty." F F 434 PARIS IN 1830. 13.* The King is the supreme head of the state; he commands the forces by land and sea, declares war, makes treaties of peace, alliance, and commerce, appoints to all employments in the public administration, and makes the regulations and ordinances necessary for the execu- tion of the laws, without ever having the power either to suspend the laws themselves, or to dispense with their execution. No foreign troops, however, can be admitted into the service of the state but by virtue of a law. 14.f The legislative power is exercised collectively by the King, the Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies. 15. J The proposition of laws belongs to the King, the * The following is the corresponding article in the original Charter : — " 14. The King is the supreme head of the state ; he com- mands the forces by land and sea ; makes treaties of peace, alli- ance, and commerce ; appoints to all employments in the public administration ; and makes the regulations and ordinances necessary for the execution of the laws and the safety of the state." It will be seen from the ministerial report, on which the ordinances of the 25th of July are professedly founded, that great reliance was placed on the words which are here sup- pressed, as authorizing the coup d'etat which produced the late revolution. f "15. The legislative power is exercised collectively by the King, the Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies of departments. % The two following articles of the original Charter are those for which the 15th has been substituted : — " 16. The King proposes the law. " 17. The proposition of the law is carried, at the King's pleasure, to the Chamber of Peers, or to the Chamber of Deputies ; except the law of taxation, which must first be addressed to the Chamber of Deputies." PARIS IN 1830. 435 Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies. Nevertheless, every law of taxes must be first voted by the Chamber of Deputies. 16. Every law must be freely discussed, and voted by the majority of each of the two Chambers. 17. # If the proposition of a law has been rejected by one of the three powers, it cannot be brought forward again in the same session. 18. The King alone sanctions and promulgates the laws. 19. The civil list is fixed for the whole duration of the reign, by the first legislative assembly after the King's accession. OF THE CHAMBER OF PEERS. 20. The Chamber of Peers is an essential portion of the legislative power. 21. It is convoked by the King at the same time as the Chamber of Deputies. The session of the one com- mences and finishes at the same time as that of the other. * The three following clauses of the old Charter are those which have been replaced by the 17th of the new : "19. The Chambers have the faculty of petitioning the King to propose a law on any subject whatever, and of pointing out what, to them, it appears proper that the law should con- tain. " 20. This application may be made by each of the two Chambers, but after having been discussed in secret com- mittee. It shall not be sent to the other Chamber, by that which shall have proposed it, until after a delay of ten days. "21. If the proposition be adopted by the other Chamber, it shall be submitted to the King ; if it be rejected, it shall not be presented again during the same session." FF c 2 436 PARIS IN 1830. 22. * Every assembly of the Chamber of Peers, which shall be held at a period beyond that of the session of the Chamber of Deputies, is illegal, void, and of no effect ; except the single case in which it meets as a court of justice, and then it can only exercise judicial functions. 23. The nomination of the Peers of France belongs to the King. Their number is unlimited. He can vary their dignities, create them for life, or render them here- ditary, according to his will. 24. Peers are admissible to the Chamber at twenty- five years of age, but have a deliberative voice at thirty years only. 25. The Chancellor of France is President of the Chamber of Peers, and, in his absence, a peer nominated by the King. 26. -f- The Princes of the blood are peers in right of their birth ; they take their seats immediately after the President. 27-j The sittings of the Chamber of Peers are pub- lic, like those of the Chamber of Deputies. * "26. (Corresponding to the 22nd.) Every meeting of the Chamber of Peers which shall be held at a period beyond that of the session of the Chamber of Deputies, or which shall not be ordained by the King, is illegal and void." f " 30. (Corresponding to the 26th.) The members of the royal family, and the princes of the blood, are peers by right of birth. They take their seats immediately after the presi- dent, but they have no deliberative voice until after their twenty- fifth year. "31. (Suppressed.) The Princes cannot take their seats in the Chamber but by order of the King, expressed each session by a message, under pain of the nullity of all which shall have been done in their presence." t " 32. (Substituted for the 27th.) All the deliberations of the Chamber of Peers shall be secret." PARIS IN 1830. 137 28. * The Chamber of Peers takes cognizance of crimes against the safety of the state, and of crimes of high treason, which shall be defined by law. 29- No Peer can be arrested but upon the authority of the Chamber, nor tried in criminal matters but by that Assembly. OF THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES. 30. The Chamber of Deputies shall be composed of the Deputies elected by the Electoral College, the or- ganization of which shall be determined by law. 31. -f* The Deputies are elected for five years. 32. % No Deputy can be admitted into the Chamber if he be not thirty years of age, and if he do not possess the other qualifications prescribed bylaw. 33. § Nevertheless, if there should not be in the de- partment fifty persons of the age specified, paying the amount of taxation for eligibility as fixed by law, their number shall be completed by those who pay the high- est amount of taxes, under the amount of the qualify- * " 33. (Answering to the 28th.) The Chamber of Peers takes cognizance of crimes of high treason, and attempts against the safety of the state, which shall be defined by law." -J- The two following articles, which had been previously repealed, are replaced by the 31st : " 36. Each department shall have the same number of Deputies which it has had till now. " 37. The Deputies shall be elected for five years, so as that the Chamber may be renewed each year by a fifth." X " 38. (Answering to the 32nd.) No Deputy can be ad- mitted into the Chamber if he be not forty years of age ; and if he do not pay direct taxes to the amount of a thousand francs." § " 39. (Answering to the 33rd.) Nevertheless, if there should not be fifty persons in the department of the specified age, paying at least a thousand francs of direct taxes, their number shall be completed by those who pay the highest 438 PARIS IN 1830. mg taxation, and these may be elected in concurrence with the former. 34. * No man is an elector under twenty-five years of age, nor without the other qualifications prescribed by law. *35.f The Presidents of the Electoral Colleges are ap- pointed by the electors. 36. The moiety, at least, of the Deputies, shall be chosen from among the persons eligible, who have their political residence in the department. 37. t The President of the Chamber of Deputies is elected by the Chamber at the opening of each Session. 38. The sittings of the Chamber are public ; but on the demand of five members, it resolves into a secret committee. 39. The Chamber divides itself into bureau (divi- sions or committees) for the discussion of laws which have been presented to it on the part of the King. § amount of taxes under a thousand francs ; and these may be elected in concurrence with the former." * " 40. (Answering to the 34th.) The electors who con- cur in the nomination of Deputies can have no right of suf- frage if they do not pay direct taxes to the amount of three hun- dred francs, and if they be under thirty years of age." t "41. (Answering to the 35th.) The Presidents of the Elec- toral Colleges shall be named by the King, and shall have right as members of the College.'' t " 43. (Answering to the 37th.) The President of the Chamber of Deputies is named by the King from a list of five members presented by the Chamber." § "46. (Suppressed.) No amendment of a law can be made if it has not been proposed or consented to by the King, and if it has not been discussed in committee." (This clause in the original Charter immediately followed that which is now the 39th.) PARIS IN 1830 . 439 40. No tax can be established or collected if it has not been consented to by the two Chambers, and sanctioned by the King. 41. The land tax is only agreed to for one year. The indirect taxes may be voted for several years. 42. The King convokes the two Chambers every year. He prorogues them, and may dissolve that of the Deputies ; but in this case he must convoke a new one within the space of three months. 43. No bodily constraint can be exercised against a member of the Chamber during the session, or within the six weeks which shall immediately precede or follow it. 44. No member of the Chamber can, during the ses- sion, be prosecuted or arrested for criminal matters, ex- cept taken in the fact, until after the Chamber has authorized his prosecution. 45. No petition can be made and presented to either of the Chambers but in writing. The law interdicts any petitions being carried in person to the bar. OF THE MINISTERS. 46. Ministers may be members of the Chamber of Peers or of the Chamber of Deputies. They have, more- over, the right of entrance into either Chamber, and must be heard when they demand it. 47. The Chamber of Deputies has the right to im- peach Ministers, and send them for trial before the Chamber of Peers, which alone has the right of judging them.* " 47. (Suppressed.) The Chamber of Deputies receives all propositions for taxes. It is only after these propositions have been admitted, that they can be carried to the Chamber of Peers. * " 56. (Suppressed.) They cannot be accused but for an 440 PARIS IN 1830. OF THE JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT. 48. All justice emanates from the King; it is admi- nistered in his name by Judges, whom he appoints and institutes. 49. The Judges nominated by the King are appoint- ed for life. 50. The ordinary courts and tribunals actually existing are maintained ; no charge shall be made there- in but in virtue of a law. 51. The existing institution of Judges of Commerce is preserved. 52. The office of justice of peace is likewise preserved. Justices of peace, although nominated by the King, are not necessarily appointed for life. 53. No one can be deprived of his natural judges. 54. # Consequently no extraordinary commissions and tribunals can be created under any title or denomina- tion whatsoever. 55. The proceedings in criminal matters shall be pub- lic, unless this publicity be dangerous to good order and morality ; and in this case the tribunals shall so declare it by their judgment. 56. The institution of juries is preserved. The changes which longer experience may show to be neces- sary, can only be effected by a law. 57. The penalty of confiscation of goods is abolished, and cannot be re-established. 58. The King has a right to grant pardon and to commute punishment. act of treason or exaction. The nature of these offences shall be specified by separate laws, which shall determine the form of prosecution." (This article follows the 47th.) * "63. (Answering to 54th.) Consequently no extraordi- nary commissions or tribunals can be created. The prevotal jurisdictions are not included under this denomination, if their re -establishment shall be judged necessary.'' PARIS IN 1830. 1M 59. The civil code and the laws actually existing, which are not contrary to the present Charter, remain in force until they be legally repealed. SPECIAL RIGHTS GUARANTEED BY THE STATE, 60. Military men in active service, officers, and pri- vates on the retired list, widows, pensioned officers, and privates, shall retain their rank, honours, and pensions. 61. The public debt is guaranteed. Every kind of engagement entered into by the State, with its creditors, is inviolable. 62. The ancient noblesse resume their titles, and the new retain theirs. The King creates nobles at pleasure ; but he only grants them rank and honour, without any exemption from the charges and duties of society. 63. The Legion of Honour is maintained. The King shall determine the regulations and decorations. 64.* The colonies are governed by special laws. 65.\ The King and his successor shall swear, at their accession, in presence of the assembled Chambers, to ob- serve faithfully the constitutional Charter. 66. The present Charter, and all the rights which it consecrates, remain entrusted to the patriotism and cou- rage of the National Guards, and all French citizens. ADDITIONAL ARTICLE. 67. France resumes her colours. In future, no cock- ade shall be worn but the three-coloured. * u 73. (Answering to 64th.) The colonies shall be governed by special laws and regulations." ■f- " 74 (Answering to 65th.) The King and his successors shall swear, at the solemnity of their coronation, to observe faithfully the present constitutional Charter." 442 PARIS IN 1830. SPECIAL PROVISIONS. 68. All the new nominations and creations of Peers made under the reign of Kins; Charles X. are declared null and void. The 23rd Article of the Charter shall be subjected to a new examination in the session of 1831. 69- Provision shall be made in succession, by distinct laws, and within the shortest period possible, for the fol- lowing objects : — 1st. The application of the jury to offences by the press, and political offences ; 2ndly, the responsibility of Ministers and other Government agents ; 3rdly, re-election in place of such Deputies as are appointed to public offices, with salaries ; 4thly, the annual vote of the contingent of the Army ; 5thly, the organization of the National Guard, with the intervention of the members in the choice of their officers ; 6thly, provi- sions securing, in a legal manner, the situation of the officers of the land and sea forces of every rank ; Tthly, departmental and municipal institutions, founded upon an elective system ; 8thly, public education, and freedom of education ; 9thly, the abolition of the double vote, and the definition of the qualification to become Elec- tors and Deputies. 70. All former laws and ordinances, so far as they are contrary to the provisions adopted for the reform of the Charter, are from henceforth, and remain, annulled and abrogated. We command our courts and tribunals, adminis- trative bodies, and all others, to keep and maintain the present constitutional Charter, and cause it to be kept, observed, and maintained ; and, in order that all persons may become acquainted with it, to cause it to be pub- lished in all the municipalities of the kingdom, and wherever need may be ; and, to the end that it may be PARIS IN 1830. 1 13 a thing firm and stable for ever, we have hereunto affixed our seal. Given at the Palais Royal, at Paris, the fourteenth day of August, 1830. Louis Philippe. By the King : The Minister Secretary of State for the Department of the Interior — Guizot. Seen and sealed with the great seal : The Keeper of the Seals, Minister Secretary of State for the Depart- ment of Justice — Dupont (De L'IEure.) THE END. LONDON: IBOTSON AxND PALMER, PRINTERS, SAVOY STP.EET, STRAND. ERRATA. Page 10, line 13, for regiments, read legions. 16, 3, from the bottom,ybr Ferronnez, read Ferronnays. 33, 18 and 22, for pages, read sheets. 50, 22, for Lapelanze, read Lapelouze. 50, 28, for Jean, read Leon. 57, 14, for of the laws, read or the laws. ® RETURN TO the circulation desk of any University of California Library or to the NORTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY Bldg. 400, Richmond Field Station University of California Richmond, CA 94804-4698 ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS • 2-month loans may be renewed by calling (510)642-6753 • 1-year loans may be recharged by bringing books to NRLF • Renewals and recharges may be made 4 days prior to due date DUE AS STAMPED BELOW JM 3 1 2004 DD20 15M 4-02 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY "FORM NO. DD6, 60m, 3/80 BERKELEY, CA 94720 @$ U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES CD0SbMbl75 M THE UNI VERITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY