UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES 10 307 r LOTTIE sn.,:KT ^ ;i -i ov i 4 ^'///: //// />/// LIVES OF THE BRITISH ADMIRALS: CONTAINING ALSO A NEW AND ACCURATE NAVAL HISTORY, FROM THE EARLIEST PERIODS. BY DR. JOHN CAMPBELL. CONTINUED TO THE YEAR 1779* BY DR. BERKENHOUT. A NEW EDITION, REVISED, CORRECTED, HENRY REDHEAD YORKE, ESQ. BARRISTER AT LAW. " IN EIGHT VOLUMES. VOL. II. LONDON: PRINTED TOR C. J. BARRINGTONj IN THE STRAND* 1812. W. SMITH AND CO. l&rtnterjf, KING STREET, SEVEN DIALS. v.g. OF VOLUME SECOND. LIVES OF THE PRINCIPAL NAVAL HEROES WHO FLOURISHED IN THE REIGN OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. PAGE Memoirs of Charles Howard, Baron of Effingham, afterwards Earl of Nottingham, Knight of the Garter, and Lord High Admiral of England 1 Sir Humphry Gilbert, Knight, an eminent Seaman, and great Discoverer 11 ' Sir John Hawkins, a famous Admiral, and one who performed many great Services against the Spa- niards 23 Sir Francis Drake, a most skilful Seaman, the first who made a Voyage round the World, and Vice- admiral of the English Fleet in 1588 37 . Sir Martin Frobisher, an able Seaman, and Navi- gator 55 . Sir Thomas Cavendish, a Circumnavigator, and suc- cessful Commander against the Spaniards 57 Edward Fenton, a gallant Officer and Navigator . . 59 George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, Knight of the Garter 63 Sir Robert Dudley, Son of the Earl of Leicester . . ibid. Sir Richard Hawkins, son of the famous Sir John Hawkins 67 Captain John Lancaster 70 ' Captain William Parker 7? CHAP. I. The Naval History of Great Britain, under the Reign of King James I. including also an Account of the Progress of our Trade, and the Growth of our Plantations ; together with Memoirs of the most eminent Seamen who flourished in that Time 74 Memoirs of Sir Walter Raleigh 113 CONTENTS. CHAP. If. PAGE The Naval History of Great Britain under the Reign of Charles I. comprehending 1 an Account of our Naval Expeditions against the French and Spaniards; our Difference with the Dutch about the Right of Fishing, and our Dominion over the British Sea ; the Progress of Navigation and Commerce ; settling Colonies ; and other Maritime Transactions ; together with an Account of the eminent Seamen who flourished within that Period 164 Memoirs of Sir Robert Mansel 205 Sir William Monson . , . , 218 CHAP. III. The Naval History of Great Britain, from the breaking out of the Civil War to the Restoration of King Charles II. ; compre- hending an Account of all the Struggles between the King and his Parliament for the command of the Fleet ; the revolt of part of it to the Prince of Wales ; the Dutch War ; the Disputes with France ; the War with Spain ; and the Memoirs of such famous Seamen as flourished within this period of time 225 Memoirs of Admiral Blake 298 CHAP. IV. The Naval History of Great Britain, during the Reign of King Charles II. from the time of his Restoration ; containing a distinct Account of the several Expeditions against the Al- gerines ; the two Dutch Wars, and other Naval Transactions ; the state of our Foreign Trade and Plantations ; with Memoirs of all the eminent Seamen who flourished in his Reign 321 Memoirs of General Monk 434 .. Admiral Montague, afterwards Earl of Sandwich, and Knight of the Garter 485 ' Prince Rupert 514 Sir John Lawson, Vice-admiral of the Red Squadron 528 Sir John Kempthorne. 540 . - Sir George Ayscough, or, as generally written Ayscue, Admiral of the White 544 LIVES 01- THE ADMIRALS INCLUDING A NEW AND ACCURATE NAVAL HISTORY. CHARLES HOWARD, BARON OF EPPTVOHAM, AFTER- WARDS EARL OF NOTTINGHAM, KNIGHT OF THE GAR- TER, AND LoRD-HlGH-ADMIRAL OF ENGLAND. W E have already seen two brothers of this illustrious family of Howard successively lord-high-admirals, and we are now to speak of another Howard, who arrived by merit at the same high honour, and, which is more, was also the son of a lord-high-admiral of England. * He was born in the year 1536, in the latter end of the reign of King'Henry V11I. his father having the title only of Lord William Howard, t His mother's name was Margaret, the daughter of Sir Thomas Gamage, of Glamorganshire. Lord William being raised to the title of baron of Effing- * See in a former chapter, the Lives of Sir Edward, and Sir Thomas Howard, afterwards duke of Norfolk, and uncle to this noble lord, I Baronagium Angliae, p. 34. M.S. VOL. II. B 2 MEMOIRS OF ham, and admiral, his son served under him in several expeditions till the accession of Queen Elizabeth, when he was about twenty-two years of age. * His father coming into great favour with that princess, he enjoyed a share of it, and in 1559 was sent over into France to compliment King Charles IX. who had just ascended that throne, t Nine years afterwards he was general of horse in the expe- dition made by the earl of Warwick against the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, who had taken arms in the north, and in crushing whose rebellion he was very- active. J In the following year he commanded a squadron of men of war, which, as we before observed, the queen was pleased should escort Anne of Austria, daughter of the emperor Maximilian, to the coast of Spain. Upon this occasion, the Spanish fleet were obliged to take in their flags while they continued in the British seas, having been sufficiently instructed in that ceremonial in their passage to Flanders by Sir John Hawkins, as the reader will find at large related in our memoirs of that gallant seaman. In 1571, he was chosen to Parliament as knight of the shire for the county of Surrey, and very soon after succeeded his father in his title and estate, who died January 12, 1572, in the great office of lord-privy-seal, and very highly in the queen's favour. [| The queen distinguished the son, as she had done the father, by raising him to the highest offices in the kingdom, not hastily, but, as her manner was, by a due progression. He became first-chamberlain of the household, an office which his father had enjoyed, and oil the 24th of April, 1573, he was elected knight of the * Dugdale's Earona gc, torn. ii. p. 278. f Camden. Annal. p. 54. J Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 583. Holliugshed, vol. ii. p. 1212. Camden, p. 220, 221. See the epistle dedicatory, addressed to this noble person, by Mr. Hakluyt, of the first volume of his excel- lent Collection of Voyages. || Stowe, p. 674. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1212. Willis's Notitw Parliamentaria, p. 88, think, that he received that honour from Sir Henry Sidney, deputy of Ireland, about the year 1570, and that he did not come over to England till some years afterwards, t The first discovery he made, both of his knowledge and of his intentions, was in his discourse to prove that there is a north-west passage to the East Indies, which was first printed in the year 1570, though I conceive it was written some time before. J It is a very plain, methodical, and judicious piece ; and at the close of it there is an account of another treatise of navigation which he had written and intended to publish, and which is now probably lost. The design of this discourse was to excite a spirit of discovery in his countrymen, and to facilitate a design he had formed for planting unknown countries, as well as for the dis- covery of the north-west passage ; for that he still had this, among other projects, in view, is plain from the letters-patent granted to his brother Adrian Gilbert in 1583. For the present, however, he adhered to his design of planting, and with that view procured from the queen an ample patent, dated at Westminster, June 11, 1578, wherein he had full powers given him to un- dertake the western discovery of America, and to inhabit and possess any lands hitherto unsettled by Christian princes or their subjects.^ * Prince's worthies of Devonshire, wherein he first places his knighthood, A. D. 1570, afterwards 1577; but iu both asserts, from Sir William Pole's MS. that it was conferred by Queen Elizabeth, p. 327. f Supply of Irish chronicles by Hooker, p. 132. J This treati*fc is still preserved in HakJuyt's voyages, vol. iii. p. 11. This patent is also extant in Hakluyi, vol. iii. p. 13a. VOL. II. C 18 MEMOIRS OF Immediately on the procuring these letters-patent, Sir Humphry applied himself to the procuring associates in so great an undertaking, wherein at first he seemed to be highly successful, his reputation for knowledge being very great, and his credit as a commander thoroughly established ; yet, when the project came to be executed, many departed from their agreements, and others, even after the fleet was prepared, separated themselves, and chose to run their own fortunes in their own way. * These misfortunes, however, did not deter Sir Humphry from prosecuting his scheme, in which also he was seconded by his brother Sir Walter Raleigh, and a few other friends, of unshaken resolution. With these he sailed to Newfoundland, where he continued but a short time, and, being then compelled to return, he in his passage home met with some Spanish vessels, from whom he cleared himself with great difficulty. This seems to have been in the summer of 1578; but we have a very dark account of it, without dates or cir- cumstances, further than those which have been already given, t Yet his miscarriage in this first undertaking was far from discouraging him ; for after his return he went on as cheerfully, as he had done before, in pro- curing fresh assistance for completing what he intended, and for promoting Christian knowledge by the means of English settlements in undiscovered lands. This con- duct sufficiently shewed not only the steadiness of his courage, but the extent of his credit, since, after such a disappointment, another commander would scarce have found any adventurers to join with him ; which, however, was not his case. * See Mr. Hayes's account jn Hakluyt, vol. in. p. 145. Holiugshed, voL ii. p. 1369. Risdon's Survey of Devon; vol. ii. p. 80S. t See the life of Sir Walter Raleigh by Mr. Oldys, p. 13. J As appears, by Sir George Peckhara's relation of Sir Humpliry's voyage. Haklnyt, rol. iii. p. 165. SIR HUMPHRY GILBERT. 19 One thing which hastened his second expedition was this, that though the grant in his patent was perpetual, ^et there was a clause in it by which it was declared void, in case no possession was actually taken within the space of six years. This term drawing to a close, Sir Humphry, in the spring of the year 1583, hastened his friends in their preparations, so as by the first of June his little fleet was in readiness to sail. It con- sisted of five ships : I. The Delight, of the burden of one hundred and twenty tons, admiral, in which went the general Sir Humphry Gilbert, and under him captain William Winter: II. The bark Raleigh, a stout new ship of 300 tons, vice-admiral, built f manned, and victualled at the expense of Sir Walter, then Mr. Ra- leigh, under the command of Captain Butler: III. The Golden Hind, of forty tons, rear-admiral, commanded by Captain Edward Hayes, who was also her owner : IV. The Swallow, of the like burden, commanded by Captain Maurice Brown : V. The Squirrel, of the burden only of ten tons, under the command of Captain William Andrews.* They sailed from Plymouth on the llth of June, and on the 13th, the bark Raleigh returned, the captain and most of those on board her felling sick of a contagious distemper. On the 30th of the same month, the rest of the fleet had sight of Newfoundland. On the 3d of August, they landed; the general read his commission, which was submitted to by all the English vessels upon the coast; and on the 5th, he took possession of the harbour of St. John, in the name of the queen of England, and granted, as her patentee, certain leases unto such as were willing to take them. At the same * Risdon's survey of Devon, vol. ii. p. 205, 206. Narborough's Voyages, edit. 1711. p. 13. Dr. Kirch's memoirs of Queen Eliza* fcerh, vol. i. p. 34. 20 MEMOIRS OF time, a discovery was made of a very rich silver mine, by one Daniel, a Saxon, an able miner, brought by th general for that purpose. * Sir Humphry now inclined to put to sea again, in order to make the best use of his time in discovering as far as possible ; and having sent home the Swallow, with such as were sick, or discouraged with the hardships they had already undergone, he left the harbour of St. John's, in 47 degrees 40 minutes N. L. on the 20th of August, himself in the small sloop called the Squirrel, because, being light, she was the fitter for entering all creeks and harbours; Captain Brown in the Delight, and Captain Hayes in the Golden Hind. On the 27th, they found themselves in latitude of 45 degrees ; and though the weather was fair, and in all appearance like to continue so, yet, on the 29th of August, in the evening, a sudden storm arose, wherein the Delight was lost, twelve men only escaping in her boat. This was a fatal blow to Sir Humphry Gilbert, not only with respect to the value of the ship, and the lives of the men, but also in regard to his future hopes, for in her he lost his Saxon miner, and with him the silver ore which had been dug in Newfound- land, and of which, he was so confident, as to tell some of his friends, that, upon the credit of that mine, he doubted not to borrow ten thousand pounds of the queen for his next voyage, t On the 2d of September, he went on board the Golden Hind, in order to have his foot dressed, which by accident he had hurt in treading on a nail. He remained on board all day, and those who were in that vessel, did all that was in their power to persuade him to make his voyage home in her, which he absolutely refused to do, affirming, that he would never desert his bark and his little * Mr. Hayes's Account of Sir Humphry's Voyage in Hakluyi, vol. iU. p. 154. t Ibid. p. 155. SIR HUMPHRY GILBERT. crew, with whom, he had escaped so many dangers. A generous, but fatal resolution ! For the vessel being too small to resist the swell of those tempestuous seas, about midnight, on the 9th of September, was swallowed up, and never seen more. * In the evening, when they were in great danger, Sir Humphry was seen sitting in the stern of the bark, with a book in his hand, and was often heard to say, with a loud voice, " Courage, my lads ! we " are as near heaven at sea as at land." Thus he died, like a Christian hero, full of hope, as having the testimony of a good conscience. Mr. Edward Hayes, who accom- panied Sir Humphry in his voyage, and who hath left us an account of it, affirms, that he was principally determined to his fatal resolution of sailing in the Squirrel, by a malicious report that had been spread, of his being timorous at sea. i If so, it appears, that death was less dreadful to him than shame ; but it is hard to believe, that so wise a man could be wrought upon, by so weak and insignificant a reflection. Such was the fate of Sir Humphry Gilbert ! one of the worthiest men of that age, whether we regard the strength of his understanding, or his heroic courage. Some further particulars relating to him I might have added fom Prince's Worthies of Devonshire, but that I am suspicious of their credit, and the more so, because they do not agree well together; besides, they are but trivial, and my design leads me to take notice of such only as concern his character. | The reason I have given his memoirs a place * Camdeni Annales, vol. ii. p. 402. Risdon's Survey, vol. ii. p. 207. Stowe, p. 812. Fuller's Worthies in Devon, p. 26" 1. t Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 159. J He tells us, amongst other things, that the queen, of her particular grace, gave to Sir Humphry Gilbert, a golden anchor, with a large pearl at the peak. If this were true, it is strange, that in the prolix accounts we have of his voyages, and in the Latin poem written expressly to do him honour, by Stephen Parmenius, an Hungarian, who accompanied him in his last voyage, there should be no mention MEMOIRS OF here is this, (hat he was, in a manner, the parent of all our plantations, being the first who introduced a legal and regular method of settling, without which, such undertakings must necessarily prove unsuccessful. Besides, his treatise of the north-west passage was the ground of all the expectations, which the best seaman had for many years, of actually finding such a route to the East Indies ; and though, at present, we know many things advanced therein to be false, yet we likewise find many of his conjectures true, and all of them founded in reason, and the philosophy then commonly received. I shall con- elude my account of him by transcribing a passage which he affirms of his own knowledge, and which I judge worthy of consideration, because some later accounts of the Spanish missionaries in California, affirm the same thing. " There was," says he, " one Salvaterra, a gentleman of " Victoria in Spain, that came by chance out of the West " Indies into Ireland, anno 1568, who affirmed the north- " west passage from us to Cataia, constantly to be believed " in America navigable ; and further said, in the presence " of Sir Henry Sidney (then lord-deputy of Ireland) in " my hearing, that a frier of Mexico, called Andrew " Urdaneta, more than eight years before his then coming " into Ireland, told him, that he came from Mer del " Sur into Germany, through this north-west passage, and " shewed Salvaterra (at that time being then with him in " Mexico) a sea-card made by his own experience and " travel in that voyage, wherein was plainly set down " and described, this north-west passage, agreeing in all " points with Ortelius's map. And further, this frier of it. Perhaps, he had this circumstance from some such antltorify as that from whence he took Sir Humphry's inotto, which, he says was, Mallem won', qiuim mutare ; whereas, Sir Humphry himself, gives it thus, Mutare vel timert sperno. But, that Hie former was the family motto of the Gilberts of Compton, and also of the Gilberts of GreeiiM-ay, I have been since informed. Worthies of Devon, p. 826 329. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 24. SIR JOHN HAWKINS. " told the king of Portugal, as he returned by that country " homeward, that there was (of certainty) such a passage " north-west from England, and that he meant to publish " the same ; which done, the king most earnestly desired " him not in any wise, to disclose or make the passage " known to any nation ; for that, (said the king) if England " had knowledge and experience thereof, it would greatly 11 hinder both the king of Spain and me. This frier (as " Salvaterra reported) was the greatest discoverer by sea, " that hath been in our age. Also Salvaterra, being " persuaded of this passage by the frier Urdaneta, and by " the common opinion of the Spaniards inhabiting " America, offered most willingly to accompany me in " this discovery, which, it is like, he would not have " done, if he had stood in doubt thereof." * It is true, that Sir William Monson discredits this relation, as he endeavours to refute all the reasons that have been offered to support the opinion of a passage to the north-west ; t yet I meddle not with the dispute, but with the fact, which, as 1 have said, is confirmed by later testimonies to the same purpose. Let us now proceed to SIR JOHN HAWKINS, A FAMOUS ADMIRAL, AND ONE WHO PERFORMED MANY GREAT SERVICES AGAINST THE SPANIARDS. This gentleman was a native of Devonshire, as well as the former, and descended also of a good family ; his father was William Hawkins, Esq. a gentleman of a considerable estate ; his mother's name was Joan Trelawny, daughter of William Trelawny, of the county of Cornwall, Esq. Our John Hawkins was their second son, born at Ply- mouth, ^ but in what year I have not been able to find : * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 19. f Naval Tracts, p. 428. J Stowe's Annals, p. 80?. Prince's Worthies of Dvon p. 389, 24 MEMOIRS OF however, from circumstances we may gather, that it could not be later than 1520. He was, from his youth, addicted to navigation and the study of the mathematics, as indeed were all his family, and began, very early, to carry his skill into practice, by making several voyages to Spain, Portugal, and the Canaries, which were, in those days, extraordinary undertakings, and roust have given him much more experience than almost any of his contem- poraries. * Of these voyages, we have no particular account, any more than of those of his father Mr. William Hawkins, who was likewise, a very great seaman, and the first of our nation who made a voyage to Brazil, t His son, probably, reaped the benefit of his observations ; for he came early into the world with a great reputation, and was employed by Queen Elizabeth, as an officer at sea, when some, who were afterwards her chief commanders, were but boys, and learned the skill, by which they rose, from him. In the spring of the year 1562, he formed the design of his first famous voyage, advantageous to himself and most of his proprietors; but much more so in its con- sequences to his country. In several trips to the Canaries, where, by his tenderness and humanity, he had made himself much beloved, he acquired a knowledge of the slave-trade, and of the mighty profit obtained by the sale of negroes in the West Indies. After due consideration, he resolved to attempt somewhat in this way, and to raise a subscription amongst his friends (the greatest traders in the city of London) for opening a new trade, first to Guinea for slaves, and then to Hispanolia, St. John, de Porto Rico, and other Spanish islands, for sugars, hides, * I have seen a catalogue of the ancient families in Devon, amongst whom, his has a place ; and we may collect, from circumstances, that his father was a gentleman of considerable fortune, as is said above. t HaklUyt, vol. ii. p. 520. SIR JOHN HAWKINS. silver, &c. Upon his representation of the affair, Sir Lionel Dficket, Sir Thomas Lodge, Sir William Winter, Mr. Bromfield, and Mr. Gunson, whose daughter, Mr. Hawkins married, readily joined in the undertaking. * At their expense, a little fleet was prepared, composed of the following ships : the Solomon, of the burthen of one hundred and twenty tons, in which went, Mr. Hawkins himself; the Swallow, of one hundred tons, commanded by Captain Thomas Hampton, and a bark of forty tons, called the Jonas ; on board of which, there were about one hundred men in all. Such were the beginnings of Britain's naval power ! With this squadron, he sailed from the coast of England, in the month of October, 1562, and in his course, first touched at Teneriffe, sailed thence to the coast of Guinea, where having, by force or purchase, acquired three hundred negroe slaves, he sailed directly to Hispaniola, and making there a large profit, he returned safe into England, in the month of September. 1563. t The next year he made another voyage with a much greater force, himself being in the Jeeus, of Lubeck, a ship of seven hundred tons, accompanied by the Solomon, and two barks, the Tiger and the Swallow. He sailed from Plymouth the 18th of October, 1564, proceeded to the coast of Guinea, and thence to the Spanish West Indies, where he forced a trade much to his profit ; and, after visiting the port of the Havannah, came home through the gulf of Florida, arriving at Padstowe, in Cornwall, on the 20th of September, 1565, having lost but twenty persons in the whole voyage, and bringing with him a large cargo of very rich commodities. J His skill and success had now raised him to such a reputation, that Mr. Harvey, then Clarencieux king at arms, * Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. iv. p. 1179. f Hakluyfs Voyages, vol. iii. p. 500. 1 Stowe's Annals, p. 807. Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 389. Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 501. 20 MEMOIRS OF granted him, by patent, for his crest, a demi-moor in his proper colour, bound with a cord. * In the beginning of the year 1567, he sailed to the relief of the French Protestants in Rochelle, and returning home in the summer, began to make the necessary pre- parations for his third voyage to the West Indies, which he undertook some time afterwards, t Mr. Hawkins made this, as he did his former voyage, in the Jesus, of Lubeck, accompanied by the Minion, and four other ships. He sailed with these from Plymouth the 2d of October, 1567. At first they met with such storms that they had thoughts of returning home ; but the weather growing better, and the wind coming fair, he continued his course to the Canaries, thence to the coast of Guinea, and so to the Spanish America, to sell his negroes. The governor of Rio de la Hacha refusing to trade, Hawkins landed and took the town, in which there seems to have been some collusion ; for, notwithstanding this, they traded together in a friendly manner till most of the negroes were sold. Thence he sailed to Carthagena, where he disposed of the rest ; but, in returning home, being surprised with storms on the coast of Florida, he was forced to steer for the port of St. John de Ulloa, in the bottom of the bay of Mexico. He entered the port the 16th of September, 1568, when the Spaniards came on board, supposing him to have come from Spain, and were exceedingly frighted when they found their mistake. Mr. Hawkins treated them very civilly, assuring them, that all he came for was provisions ; neither did he attack twelv me rchant ships that were in the port, the cargoes of which were worth two hundred thousand pounds, but contented himself with seizing two persons of distinction, * Prince, in the page before cited, tells us, he took this from th* original patent, f Strype's Annals, vol. n. Prince, p. 389. SIR JOHN HAWKINS. 2T whom he kept as hostages, while an express was sent to Mexico with an account of his demands. The next day the Spanish fleet appeared in sight, which gave Captain Hawkins great uneasiness ; for, if he kept them out, he was sensible they must be lost, with all they had on board, which amounted to near two millions sterling; an act which, considering there was no war declared against Spain, he was afraid his native sovereign, Queen Elizabeth, would never pardon. On the other hand, he was no less sensible that, the port being narrow, and the town pretty populous, the Spaniards would not fail, if once they were suffered to come in, to. attempt some treachery. At length he determined to admit the fleet, provided the new viceroy of Mexico, who was on board it, would agree that the English should have victuals for their money ; that hostages should be given on both sides ; and that the island, with eleven pieces of brass cannon which were therein, should be yielded to his crew, while they staid. At these demands, the viceroy at first seemed highly displeased ; yet quickly after he yielded to them, and, at a personal conference with Mr. Hawkins, solemnly promised to perform them. * At the end of three days, all things being concluded, the fleet entered the port on the 26th, with the usual salutations, and two days more were employed to range the ships of each nation by themselves, the officers and sailors on both sides using reciprocal civilities, and pro- fessing a great deal of friendship. But the Spaniards in- tended nothing less ; for they had by this time mustered one thousand men on land, and designed on Thursday the 24th, at dinner time, to set on the English on every side. On the day appointed, in the morning, the English perceived the Spaniards shifting their weapons from ship * Camdeni Annales, p. 158. Sir Jobii Hawkja's account of thfe voyage in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 5S2, 523. MEMOIRS OF to ship, pointing their ordnance towards them ; they like- wise observed a greater number of men passing to and fro, than the business on board the ships required, which, with other circumstances, giving grounds of suspicion, Captain Hawkins sent to the viceroy to know the meaning of such unusual motions ; whereupon the viceroy sent orders to have every thing removed that might give the English umbrage, with a promise, on the faith of a vice- roy, to be their defence against any clandestine attempts of the Spaniards. The captain, however, not being satisfied with this answer, because he suspected a great number of men to be hidden in a ship of nine hundred tons, which was moored next the Minion, sent the master of the Jesus, who understood Spanish, to know of the viceroy whether it was so or not. The viceroy, finding he could conceal his mean and villainous design no longer, detained the master, and causing the trumpet to be sounded, the Spaniards on this signal, of which they were apprized, began the attack upon the English on all sides. Those who were upon the island, being struck with fear at this sudden alarm, fled, thinking to recover their ships ; but the Spaniards, debarking in great num- bers at several places at once, (which they might do without boats, the ships lying close to the shore,) slew them all without mercy, excepting a fe\V who escaped on board the Jesus. * The great ship, wherein three hundred men were con- cealed, immediately fell on board the Minion; but she, having put all hands to work the moment their suspicions commenced, had in that short space, which was but a bare half hour, weighed all her anchors. Having thus gotten clear, and avoided the first brunt of the great ship, the latter clapped the Jesus aboard, which was at Porchas's Pilgrims, vol. iv. p. 1177. Sir Walter Raleigh's Works, vol. ii. p. 271, 272. SIR JOHN HAWKINS. 29 the same time attacked by two other ships. However, with much ado, and the loss of many men, she kept them off till she cut her cable, and got clear also. As soon as the Jesus and the Minion were got two ships length from the Spanish fleet, they began the fight, which was so furious., that in one hour the admiral of the Spaniards, and another ship were supposed to be sunk, and their vice-admiral burned, so that they had little to fear from the enemy's ships : but they suffered exceedingly from the ordnance on the island, which sunk their small ships, and mangled all the masts and rigging of the Jesus in such a manner, that there was no hopes of bringing her off. This being the case, they determined to place her for a shelter to the Minion till night, and then taking out of her what victuals and other necessaries they could, to leave her behind. But presently after, perceiving two large ships, fired by the Spaniards, bearing down directly upon them, the men on board the Minion, in great con- sternation, without consent of either the captain or master, set sail and made off from the Jesus in such haste, that Captain Hawkins had scarce time to reach her. As for the men, most of them followed in a small boat, the rest were left to the mercy of the Spaniards, which, says the captain, I doubt was very little. * The Minion and the Judith were the only two English ships that escaped ; and in the night, the Judith, which was a bark only of fifty tons, separated herself from the Minion, on board which was Captain Hawkins and the best part of his men. In this distress, having little to eat, less water, in unknown seas, and many of his men wounded, he continued till the 8th of October, and then entered a creek in the bay of Mexico, in order to obtain some refreshment. This , was about the mouth of the river Tampico, in the latitude of 23 degrees 36 minutes N. * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 524. 30 MEMOIRS OF where his company dividing, one hundred desired to be put on shore, and the rest, who were about the same number, resolved at all events to endeavour to get home. Accordingly, on the 16th, they weighed and stood through the gulf of Florida, making the best of their way for ' Europe. In their passage, they were forced to put into Ponte Vedra, in Spain, where the Spaniards coming to know their weakness, thought by treachery to seize them a second time ; but they suspecting this, sailed forthwith to Vigo, not far off. They there met with some English ships, which sup- plied their wants, and departing on the 20th of January, 1586, arrived in Mount's Bay, in Cornwall, the 25th of January following. As to the hardships endured in this unfortunate expedition, they cannot be more strongly or exactly pictured, than in the following lines, with which Captain Hawkins concludes his own relation. * " If all " the miseries and troublesome affairs," says he, " of this " sorrowful voyage should be perfectly and thoroughly " written, there should need a painful man with his pen, " and as great a time as he had that wrote the lives and " deaths of the martyrs." t In reward of his famous action at Rio de la Hacha, Mr. Cook, then Clarencieux, added to his arms, on an escutcheon of pretence, Or, an escallop between two palmer's staves Sable; and his patent for this augmentation is still extant. When the fyanish fleet went to fetch Anne of Austria, the last wife of Philip the Second, out of Flanders, Sir John Hawkins with a small squadron of her majesty's * Caindeui Amiales, p. 352. Haklujt, vol. iii. p. 524, 525. Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. iv. p. 1177. t These are the last words of Captaia Hawkins's relation ; but the inquisitive reader may find some further circumstances relating to this unfortunate voyage, in the travels of Miles Philips, and of Job Hartop, two of the men set on shore by Sir Jolm Hawkins, in the bay of Mexico, in Hakluyt's Collection, vol. iil p. 469, 487. t Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 389, from the copy of this patent. SIR JOHN HAWKINS. 31 ships was riding in Catwater, which the Spanish admiral perceiving, he endeavoured to run between the island and the place, without paying the usual salutes. Sir John ordered the gunner of his own ship to fire at the rigging of the Spanish admiral, who taking no notice of it, the gunner fired next at the hull, and shot through and through. The Spaniards, upon this, took in their flags and topsails, and run to an anchor. The Spanish admiral then sent an officer of distinction in a boat, to carry at once his compliments and complaints to Sir John Hawkins. He, standing upon deck, would not either admit the officer, or hear his message ; but bid him tell his admiral, that having neglected the respect due to the queen of England, in her seas and port, and having so large a fleet under his command, he must not expect to lie there, but in twelve hours weigh his anchor and be gone; otherwise he should regard him as an enemy declared, his conduct having already rendered him suspected. The Spanish admiral, upon receiving this message, came off in person, and went in his boat to the Jesus of Lubeck, on board which Sir John Hawkins's flag was flying, de- siring to speak with him ; which at first was refused, but at length granted. The Spaniard then expostulated the matter, insisted that there was peace between the two crowns, and that he knew not what to make of the treat- ment he had received. Sir John Hawkins told him, that his own arrogance had brought it upon him, and that he could not but know what respect was due to the queen's ships ; that he had despatched an express to her majesty with advice of his behaviour, and that, in the mean time, he would do well to depart. The Spaniard still pleaded ignorance, and that he was ready to give satisfaction. Upon this, Sir John Hawkins told him mildly, that he could not be a stranger to what was practised by the French and Spaniards in their own seas and ports ; adding, Put the case, sir, that an English fleet came into any of the 32 MEMOIRS OF king, your master's ports, his majesty's ships being there, and those English ships should carry their flags in their tops, would you not shoot them down, and beat the ships out of your port ? The Spaniard owned he would, con- fessed he was in the wrong, submitted to the penalty Sir John imposed, was then very kindly entertained, and they parted very good friends. This account we have from his son, Sir Richard Hawkins, who was eye-witness of all that passed. The next great action of this worthy seaman, was his service under the lord-high-admiral, in 1588, against the Spanish armada, wherein he acted as rear-admiral on board her majesty's ship the Victory, and had as large a share of the danger and honour of that day as any man in the fleet, for which he most deservedly received the honour of knighthood ; * and, in pursuit of the flying Spaniards he did extraordinary service, insomuch that, on his return from the fleet, he was particularly commended by the queen. In 1590, he was sent, in conjunction with Sir Martin Forbisher, each having a squadron of five men of war, to infest the coasts of Spain, and intercept, if possible, the Plate fleet. At first, his Catholic majesty thought of op- posing these famous commanders^ with a superior fleet of twenty sail, under the command of Don Alonzo de Bassan ; but, upon more mature deliberation, he abandoned this design, directed his ships to keep close in port, and sent instructions into the Indies, that the fleet, instead of re- turning, should winter there. Sir John Hawkins, and his colleague, spent seven months in this station, without per- forming any thing of note, or so much as taking a single ship. . They afterwards attempted the island of Fayal, which had submitted the year before to the earl of Cum- berland ; but the citadel being re-fortified, and the inha- * Store's Annals, p. 748. Speed, p. 861. Strype's Annals. Sill JOHN HAWKINS. 33 bitants well furnished with artillery and ammunition, Sir John and his associates were forced to retreat. It must be owned, that with the populace very small reputation was gained by the admirals in this expedition ; and yet they lost no credit at court, where the issue of the business was better understood. By compelling the Spa- nish navy to fly into fortified ports, they destroyed their reputation as a maritime power; and, the wintering of their Plate ships in the Indies, proved so great a detriment to the merchants of Spain, that many broke, in Seville and other places ; besides, it was so great a prejudice to their vessels to winter in the Indies, that the damage could not be repaired in many years. Thus, though no immediate profit accrued, the end of this expedition was fully answered, and the nation gained a very signal advantage, by grievously distressing her enemies. * The war With Spain continuing, and it being evident that nothing galled the enemy so much as the losses they met with in the Indies, a proposition was made to the queen by Sir John Hawkins and Sir Francis Drake, the most experienced seamen in her kingdom, for undertaking a more effectual expedition into those parts, than had been hitherto made through the whole course of the war ; and, at the same time, they offered to be at a great part of the expense themselves, and to engage their friends to bear a considerable proportion of the rest. There were many motives which induced our admiral, though then far in years, to hazard his fortune, his reputation, and his person in this dangerous service ; amongst which, this was not the last or the least, that his son Richard, who was after- wards Sir Richard Hawkins, was at this time a prisoner in the hands of the Spaniards, and some hope there was, that, * Camdeoi Annales, p. 620. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 177. Lanschotten's Voyages, chap. 99. VOL. II. D MEMOIRS OF in the course of such an enterprize, an opportunity might offer of redeeming him. * The queen readily gave ear to this motion, and furnished, on her part, a stout squadron of men of war, on board one of which, the Garland, Sir John Hawkins embarked. Their squadron consisted of twenty-seven ships and barks, and their whole force amounted to about two thousand five hundred men. Of all the enterprizes throughout the war, there was none of which so great hope was conceived as this, and yet none succeeded worse. The fleet was de- tained for some time after it was ready on the English coast by the arts of the Spaniards, who, having intelligence of its strength, and of the ends for which it was equipped, conceived, that the only means by which it could be de- feated, was practising some contrivances that might disap- point the first exploits intended, by procuring delay ; in order to which, they gave out, that they were ready them- selves to invade England ; and, to render this the more probable, they actually sent four gallies to make a sudden descent on Cornwall. By these steps they carried their point ; for, the queen and the nation being alarmed, it was held by no means proper to send so great a number of stout ships on so loug a voyage at so critical a juncture. At last, this storm blowing over, the fleet sailed from Plymouth on the 28th of August, in order to execute their grand design of burning Nombre de Dios, marching thence by land to Panama, and there seizing the treasure which they knew was arrived at that place from Peru. A few days before their departure, the queen sent them advice, that the Plate fleet was safely arrived in Spain, excepting only a single galleon, which, having lost a mast, had been obliged to return to Porto- Rico; the taking of this vessel she recommended to them as a thing very practicable, and * Sir Richard Hawkins's Observations on his Voyage to the South Seas, p. 133. SIR JOHN HAWKINS. 35 which could prove no great hinderance to their other affair. When they were at sea, the generals differed, as is usual in conjunct expeditions. Sir John Hawkins was for executing immediately what the queen had commanded, whereas Sir Francis Drake inclined to go first to the Canaries, in which he prevailed ; but, the attempt they made was unsuccessful ; and then they sailed for Domi- nica, where they spent too much time in refreshing them- selves, and setting up their pinnaces. In the mean time, the Spaniards had sent five stout frigates to bring away the galleon from Porto-Rico, having exact intelligence of the intention of the English admirals to attempt that place. On the 30th of October, Sir John Hawkins weighed from Dominica, and, in the evening of the same day, the Francis, a bark of about thirty-five tons, and the sternmost of Sir John's ships, fell in with the five sail of Spanish frigates before mentioned, and was taken; the consequences of which being foreseen by Sir John, it threw him into a fit of sickness, of which, or rather of a broken heart, he died on the 21st of November, 1595, when they were in sight of the island of Porto-Rico, and not, as Sir William Monson suggests, of chagrin on the miscarriage in attempt- ing the city of the same name, which, in truth, he never lived to see. * At so great a distance of time it may seem strange to enter into, or at least to enter minutely into the character of this famous seaman ; but, as we have good authorities, and such reflections may be of use to posterity, we think it not amiss to undertake this task, in performing which, we shall use all the care and impartiality that can be ex- * Caindeni Amiales, p. 698, 699, 700. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 182, 18S. There is an aecurate and copious account of this voyage in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 583. as also in Purchas's Pil- grims, vol. iv. p. 1183. See also the following tracts, entitled, Rela- tion of a Voyage to the West Indies, by Sir Francis Drake, &c. p. 50, D 36 MEMOIRS OF pected. * Sir John had naturally strong parts, which he improved by constant application. He was apt in coun- cil to differ from other men's opinions, and yet was reserved in discovering his own. f He was slow, jealous, and some- what irresolute ; yet, in action he was merciful, apt to for- give, and a strict observer of his word. As he had passed a great part of his life at sea, he had too great a dislike of land-soldiers. When occasion required it, he could dis- semble, though he was naturally of a blunt rather than reserved disposition. And, now we are making a cata- logue of his faults, let us not forget the greatest, which was the love of money, wherein he exceeded all just bounds. In spite, however, of his imperfections, he was always esteemed one of the ablest of his profession, of which these are no inconsiderable proofs, that he was a noted commander at sea forty-eight years, and treasurer of the navy two and twenty. || He, and his eldest brother William, were owners at once of thirty sail of good ships ; I and, it was generally owned, that Sir John Hawkins was the author of more useful in- ventions, and introduced into the navy better regulations, than any officer who had borne command therein before his time. One instance of this amongst many, was the insti- tution of that noble fund, (for I will not call it charity, * In order to this, I have compared what is to be met with in Hakluyt, Purchas, Monson, Stowe, and Sir Richard Hawkins's book, as also whatever notices I have been able to collect from other con- temporary writers. f Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 183. J See a very remarkable letter signed R. M. by one who had sailed with Hawkins and Drake, and drew a parallel between them. Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1 1 85. $ I take this from the said letter, and from some MS. remarks on Hakluyt. || Camdcni Annales, p. 700. Stowe's Amials, p. 807. Sir Wil- liam Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 371. " Stowe'i Annals, p. 807. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 37 because that term implies, in common acceptation, alms,) the CHEST at CHATHAM, which was the humane and wise contrivance of this gentleman and Sir Francis Drake; and, their scheme, that seamen, safe and successful, should, by a voluntary deduction from their pay, give relief to the wants, and reward to those who are maimed in the service of their country, was approved by the queen, and has been adopted by posterity. Sir John Hawkins built also a noble hospital, which he plentifully endowed at the same place. * MEMOIRS OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A MOST SKILFUL SEAMAN, THE FIRST WHO MADE A VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, AND VICE-ADMIRAL OF THE ENGLISH FLEET IN 1588. IT seems in some measure to detract from the common notions about nobility of birth, and the advantages of blood, that several of the most illustrious persons in our nation have risen from very obscure beginnings, and have left their historians difficulties enough to struggle with in deriving their descents. This is particularly true of Sir Francis Drake, concerning whose family, I must confess, I can say nothing with certainty. That he was born in Devonshire, occasioned his being taken notice of by the reverend Mr. Prince, who has left us a life of him not much to be depended on ; t and, as to earlier writers, who might have been better informed, many of them are silent. According to the account given by Mr. Camden, who professes to have taken it from his own mouth, we are told that he was son of a person in ordinary circumstances, who * Lambarde's Perambulation of Kent. Kilburn'* Surrey of Kent, p. 5S. MSS. of Samuel P*pys, Eiq. t Worthiei of Devon, p. 236. 38 MEMOIRS OF lived at a small village in Devonshire, and that Sir Francis Russel, afterwards earl of Bedford, was his godfather. His father, having embraced the Protestant religion, was obliged to quit his country, and retire to Kent, where he first read prayers on board the fleet, was afterwards ordained deacon, and, in process of time, became vicar of the church of Upnore. As for our Francis Drake, he was bound apprentice to the master of a coasting vessel, whom he served so faithfully, that, dying unmarried, he be- queathed his ship to Drake, which laid the primary foun- dation of his fortunes.* I do not doubt but many, or, indeed, most of the circum- stances in this story may be true, if brought into their right order r but, as they stand in Camden, they cannot be so ; for, first, this account makes our hero ten years older than he was ; next, if his father fled about the six articles, and he was born some time before, Sir Francis Russel could have been but a child, and therefore not likely to be his godfather, t Another story there is, as circumstantial, and written as early, which, perhaps, some judicious reader will be able to reconcile with this ; but, whether that can be done or not, I think it better deserves credit. According to this relation, I find that he was the son of one Edmi'nd Drake, an honest sailor, and born near Tavistock, in the year 1545, being the eldest of twelve brethren, and brought up at the expense, and under the care, of his kinsman, Sir John Hawkins. 1 likewise find, that, at the age of eighteen, he was purser of a ship trading to Biscay, that at twenty he made a voyage to Guinea, and, at the age of twenty-two, had the honour to be ap- Camdeni Annales, p. 351. Yet in his Britannia, p. 145, he makes him a native of Plymouth. English Hero, p. I. and Fuller's Holy State, p. 123. t It appears by the monumental inscription on the tomb of this noble person, that he M'as born A. D. 1527, and was therefore but ten years old at Drake's christening nccordiug to this account, but might well be his godfather, if born 1545. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 39 pointed captain of the Judith, in the harbour of St. John de Ulloa, in the gulf of Mexico, where he behaved most gallantly in that glorious action, under Sir John Hawkins, and returned with him into England with a very great reputation, but not worth a single groat. * Upon this he conceived a design of making reprisals on the king of Spain, which, some say, was put into his head by the minister of his ship ; and, to be sure, in sea-divinity, the case was clear, the king of Spain's subjects had undone Mr. Drake, and, therefore, Mr. Drake was at liberty to take the best satisfaction he could on the subjects of the king of Spain, t This doctrine, how rudely soever preached, was very taking in England ; and, therefore, he no sooner published his design, than he had numbers of volunteers ready to accompany him, though they had no such pretence even as he had to colour their proceedings. J In 1570, he made his first expedition with two ships, the Dragon and the Swan, and the next year in the Swan alone, wherein he returned safe, with competent advan- tages, if not rich ; and, having now means sufficient to perform greater matters, as well as skill to conduct them, he laid the plan of a more important design with respect to himself and to his enemies. ^ This he put in execution on the 24th of March, 1572, on which day he sailed from Plymouth, himself in a ship called the Pascha, of the burden of seventy tons, and his brother John Drake in the Swan, of twenty-five tons burden, their whole strength consisting of no more than twenty-three men and boys ; and, with this inconsiderable force, on the 22d of July, || he attacked the town of Nombre de Dios, * Stowe's Annals, p. 807. t Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 339. J Stowe's Annals, p. 807. CameUni Aimales, p. 8*1. Sir Francis Drake revived by Philip Nichols, preacher, a 4to. of 94 pages in black letter, published by Sir Francis Drake, baronet, his nephew. || This is one of those facts which prove, that things really happen, which are altogether improbable, and which, but for the weight of 40 MEMOIRS OF which then served the Spaniards for the same purposes (though not so conveniently) as those for which they now use Porto-Bello. He took it in a few hours by storm, not- withstanding a very dangerous wound he received in the action ; yet, upon the whole, they were no great gainers, but, after a very brisk action, were obliged to betake them- selves to their ships with very little booty. His next at- tempt was to plunder the mules laden with silver, which passed from Vera Cruz to Nombre de Dios ; but, in this scheme too he was disappointed. However, he attacked the town of Vera Cruz, carried it, and got some little booty. In their return, they met unexpectedly with a string of fifty mules laden with plate, of which they car- ried off as much as they could, and buried the rest.* In these expeditions, he was greatly assisted by the Simerons, a nation of Indians who are engaged in a perpetual war with the Spaniards. The prince, or captain of these people, whose name was Pedro, was presented by Captain Drake, with a fine cutlass, which he at that time wore, and to which he saw the Indian had a mind. Pedro, in return, gave him four large wedges of gold, which Captain Drake threw into the common stock, with this remarkable ex- pression, " That he thought it but just, that such as bore " the charge of so uncertain a voyage on his credit, should " share the utmost advantages that voyage produced." Then embarking his men with all the wealth he had ob- tained, which was very considerable, he bore away for England, t and was so fortunate as to sail in twenty - evidence which attend them, would not only be esteemed fiction but absurdities. * Captain Drake's conduct was in all respect* equal to his courage ; he proposed coming into these seas on the same errand again ; and, to this design, and the means that might accomplish it, all his actions point. f At the distance of a century Sir William Davenant, poet-laureat in the reigu of King Charles II. made this expedition the basis of a dramatic performance, called THE HISTORY OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 41 three days from Cape Florida to the isles of Scilly, and thence without any accident to Plymouth, where he arrived the ninth of August, 1573.* His success in this expedition, joined to his honourable behaviour towards his owners, gained him a high reputa- tion, and the use he made of his riches still a greater ; for, fitting out three stout frigates at his own expense, he sailed with them to Ireland, where, under Walter earl of Essex, (the father of that unfortunate earl who was beheaded,) he served as a volunteer, and did many glorious actions, t After the death of his noble patron, he returned into Eng- land, where Sir Christopher Hatton, who was then vice- chamberlain to Queen Elizabeth, privy- counsellor, after- wards lord-chancellor, and a great favourite, took him under his protection, introduced him to her majesty, and procured him her countenance. ^ By this means he ac- quired a capacity of undertaking that glorious expedition, which will render his name immortal. The thing he first proposed, was a voyage into the South seas through the Streights of Magellan, which was what hitherto no English- man ever attempted. This project was well received at court, and, in a short time, Captain Drake saw himself at the height of his wishes ; for, in his former voyage, having had a distant prospect of the South seas, he framed an ardent prayer to God, that he might sail an English ship in them, which he found now an opportunity of at- tempting, the queen's permission furnishing him with the means, and his own fame quickly drawing to him a force sufficient. The squadron with which he sailed on this extraordinary undertaking, consisted of the following ships : the Pelican, commanded by himself, of the burden of one hundred tons; * See that relation, as also Camdeui Aunales, p. 351. f Stowe's Annals, p. 807. I Id. Ibid. Camdeni Anaales, p. 352. Stowe's Aunals, p. 689. Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 237. 42 MEMOIRS OF the Elizabeth, vice-admiral, eighty tons, under Captain John Winter ; the Marygold, a bark of thirty tons, com- manded by Captain John Thomas ; the Swan, a fly-boat of fifty tons, under Captain John Chester; and the Chris- topher, a pinnace of fifteen tons, under Captain Thomas Moon. * In this fleet were embarked no more than one hundred and sixty-four able men, and all the necessary pro- sions for so long and dangerous a voyage ; the intent of which, however, was not openly declared, but given out to be for Alexandria, though all men suspected, and many knew, he intended for America. Thus equipped, on the 15th of November, 1577, about three in the afternoon, he sailed from Plymouth ; but, a heavy storm taking him as soon as he was out of port, forced him, in a very bad con- dition, into Falmouth, to refit ; which, having expeditiously performed, he again put to sea, the 13th of December fol- lowing, t On the 25th of the same month, he fell in with the coast of Barbary ; and, on the 29th, with Cape Verd ; the 13th of March he passed the equinoctial ; the 5th of April he made the coast of Brazil in 30 N. Lat. and entered the river de la Plata, where he lost the company of two of his ships ; but, meeting them again, and having taken out of them all the provisions they had on board, he turned them a-drift. On the 29th of May he entered the port of St. Julian's, where he did the least commendable action of his life, in beheading, July 2, 1578, Mr. John Doughty, a man next in authority to himself, in which, however, he preserved a great appearance of justice. J On the 20th of August he entered the Streights of Magellan ; on the 25th of September he passed them, * Camdeni Annales, p. 354. Hakluyt's Voyages, p. 730, 748. Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 46. t Camdeni Anuales, p. 354. The world encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, London, 1652, 4to. p. 3. J See the relation in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 733, all which is omitted in the revised account in Purchas, before referred to. See also the world encompassed by Sir F. Drake, p. 99*~ 33. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. having then only his own ship, which, in the South seas, he new-named the Hind. It may not be amiss to take notice here of a fact very little known, as appearing in no relation of this famous voyage. Sir Francis Drake himself reported to Sir Richard, son to Sir John Hawkins, that meeting with a violent tempest, in which his ship could bear no sail, he found, when the storm sunk, he was driven through or round the Streights into the latitude of 50 degrees. Here, lying close under an island, he went on shore, and, leaning his body over a promontory as far as he could safely, told his people, when he came on board, he had been farther south than any man living. This we find confirmed by one of our old chronicle writers, who farther informs us, that he bestowed on this island the name of ELIZABETHA, in honour of his royal mistress. On the 25th of November he came to M achao, in the lati- tude of 30 degrees, where he had appointed a rendezvous in case his ships separated ; but, Captain Winter, having repassed the Streights, was returned to England. Thence he continued his voyage along the coasts of Chili and Peru, taking all opportunities of seizing Spanish ships, or of landing and attacking them on shore, till his crew were sated with plunder; and, then coasting North-America to the height of 48 degrees, he endeavoured to find a pas- sage back into our seas on that side, which is the strongest proof of his consummate skill, and invincible courage ; for, if ever such a passage be found to the northward, this, in all probability, will be the method ; and, we can scarce conceive a clearer testimony of an undaunted spirit, than attempting discoveries after so long, so hazardous, and so fatiguing a voyage. * Here, being disappointed of what he sought, he landed, and called the country New Albion, * Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 400. See also some remarks on this passage in Dampier's Voyages, vol. iv. p. 101, edit. 1729. Hollingshed, vol. ii. p. 1568. Sir Richard Hawkins's Obser- vations, &c. p. 95. 44 MEMOIRS OF taking possession of it in the name, and for the use of Queen Elizabeth ; and, having trimmed his ship, set sail from thence, on the 29th of September, 1579, for the Moluccas. The reason of Captain Drake's chusing this passage round, rather than returning by the Streights of Magellan, Was partly the danger of being attacked at a great dis- advantage by the Spaniards, and partly the lateness of the season, whence dangerous storms and hurricanes were to be apprehended. * On the 13th of October, he fell in with certain islands, inhabited by the most barbarous people he had met with in all his voyage. On the 4th of November, he had sight of the Moluccas, and coming to Ternate, was extremely well received by the king thereof; who appears, from the most authentic relations of this voyage, to have been a wise and polite prince. On the 10th of December, lie made Celebes, where his ship un- fortunately ran on a rock the 9th of January following ; whence, beyond all expectation, and in a manner, mira- culously, they got off, and continued their course. On the 16th of March, he arrived at Java Major; thence he intended to have proceeded for Malacca, but found him- self obliged to alter his purpose, and think of returning directly home, t On the 25th of March, 1580, he put this 'design in execution, and on the 15th of June, he doubled the Cape of Good-Hope, having then on board his ship, fifty-seven men, and but three casks of water. On the 12th of July, he passed the line, reached the coast of Guinea on the 16th, and there watered. On the llth of September, he * See all the relations before cited, for the confirmation of this cir- cumstance ; but perhaps Captain Drake might be deterred by the confident, though false report of the Spaniards, that the Straits conld not be repassed. t Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 745. Camdeni Aanales, p. Holingshed's Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 1568. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 45 made the island of Tercera, and on the 25th of the same month, entered the harbour of Plymouth. It is not a little strange there should be such variation as we find amongst the best writers, and those too his contempo- raries, as to the day of his arrival. Sir William Monson fixes the 25th of September. Holingshed says the 26th. In Mr. Hakluyt's relation, it is the 3d of November, which is followed by Camden and many others. But Stowe, and several that might be mentioned, content themselves with saying, he returned towards the close of the year ; by which it is evident, that, at this distance, the exact time of his coming cannot be certainly determined. In this voyage he completely surrounded the globe, which no commander in chief had ever done before. * His success in this enterprise, and the immense mass of wealth he brought home, raised much discourse through- out the kingdom ; some highly commending, and some as loudly decrying him. The former alledged, that his exploit was not only honourable to himself, but to his country ; that it would establish our reputation for mari- time skill amongst foreign nations, and raise a useful spirit of emulation at home ; and that as to the money, our merchants having suffered deeply from the faithless practices of the Spaniards, there was nothing more just than that the nation should receive the benefit of Drake's reprisals. The other party alledged, that in fact, he was no better than a pirate ; that, of all others, it least became a trading nation to encourage such practices ; that it was not only a direct breach of all our late treaties with Spain, but likewise of our old leagues with the house of Burgundy ; and that the consequences of owning his pro- 1 ceeding, would be much more fatal than the benefits reaped from it could be advantageous. Things continued * Haklwyt, vol. iii. p. 742. Purchas, vol. i. p. 4657. The World Encompassed, Ike. p. 108. Speed, p, 852. 46 MEMOIRS OF in this uncertainty during the remainder of that, and the spring of the succeeding year. At length, they took a better turn ; for on the 4th of April, 1581, her majesty dining at Deptford in Kent, went on board Captain Drake's ship, where she conferred on him the honour of knighthood, and declared her absolute approbation of all that he had done, to the confusion of his enemies, and to the great joy of his friends. * She likewise gave directions for the preservation of his ship, that it might remain a monument of his own, and his country's glory. In process of time, the vessel decaying, it was broken up ; but a chair made of the planks, was presented to the University of Oxford, and is still pre- served, t In 1585, he concerted a scheme of a West-Indian ex- pedition with the celebrated Sir Philip Sidney. It was to be partly maritime, and partly in the style of invasion. The sea force was to be commanded absolutely by Sir Francis, the land troops by Sir Philip Sidney. The queen having required the latter to desist from his scheme, he sailed, notwithstanding, to the West Indies, having under his command, Captain Christopher Carlisle, Captain Martin Frobisher, Captain Francis Knollys, and many other officers of great reputation. In that expedition, he took the cities of St. Jago, St. Domingo, Carthagena, and St. Augugtine, exceeding even the expectation of his friends, and the hopes of the common people, though both were sanguine to the last degree. Yet the profits * Camdeni Annales, p. 359. Sir William Mouson's Naval Tracts, p. 400. Stowe's Annals, p. 689. Holingshed, Speed. f See Mr. Cowley's Poems, edit. 1680, p. 8, 42. A certain knight proposed to place it upon the top of St. Paul's. J A Summary and True Discourse of Sir Francis Drake's West Indian Voyage, accompanied with Christopher Carlisle, Martin Fro- bisher, Francis Knollys, with many other captains and gentlemen, wherein were taken, the towns of St. Jago, St. P omingo, Carthagena, aad St. Augustine ; London, 1652, 4to. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 47 of this expedition were but moderate ; the design of Sir Francis being rather to weaken the enemy, than to enrich himself. * It was, to do him justice, a maxim from which he never varied, to regard the service of his. country first, next the profit of his proprietors, and his own interest (of which, however, he was far from being careless) he re- garded last. Hence, though rich in wealth, he was richer still in reputation. In 1578, he proceeded to Lisbon with a fleet of thirty sail, and having intelligence of a numerous fleet assem- bled in the bay of Cadiz, which was to have made part of the armada ; he, with great courage, entered that port, and burnt there upwards of ten thousand tons of shipping ; and after having performed all the service that the state could expect, he resolved to do his utmost to content the merchants of London, who had contributed, by a volun- tary subscription, to the fitting out of his fleet. With this view, having intelligence of a large carrack expected at Tercera from the East Indies, thither he sailed ; and though his men were severely pinched through want of victuals, yet by fair words and large promises, he pre- vailed upon them to endure these hardships for a few days. Within this space the East India ship arrived, which he took and carried home in triumph ; so that throughout the whole war, there was no expedition so happily conducted as this, with respect to reputation or profit; t and therefore we need not wonder, that upon his return, the mighty applause he received might render him somewhat elate, as his enemies report it did; but * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 543. Sir W. Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 169. Cainden, p. 353. Stowe, p. 709. f See an original letter of Sir Francis Drake, dated the 27th of April, 1587, to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, acquainting him with his success at Cadiz, in Strypc's Annals, vol. iii. p. 451. Camdn, p. 551. Sir W. Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 170. Risdon's Survey of Devon, vol. iii. p. 261. 48 MEMOIRS OF certain it is, that no man's pride had ever a happier turn, since it always vented itself in service to the public. Thus, at this time, he undertook to bring water into the town of Plymouth ; through the want of which, till then, it had been grievously distressed ; and he performed it by conducting thither a stream from springs at eight miles distance, that is to say, in a straight line ; for in the manner by which he brought it, the course it runs is upwards of tw r enty miles. * It was in consequence of the journals, charts, and papers, taken on board his East India prize, that it was judged practicable for us to enter into that trade : for promoting which, the queen, by letters patent, in the forty-third year of her reign, erected our first India company. To this, we may also add, he first brought in tobacco, the use of which was much pro- moted by the practice of Sir Walter Raleigh. How much this nation has gained by these branches of commerce, of which he was properly the author, I leave to the intelli- gent reader's considpration. t In 1588, Sir Francis Drake was appointed vice-admiral, under Charles Lord Howard of Effingham, high-admiral of England ; here his fortune favoured him as remarkable as ever ; for he made prize of a large galleon, commanded by Don Pedro de Valdez, who yielded on the bare men- tion of his name. In this vessel, fifty thousand ducats were distributed among the seamen and soldiers, which preserved that love they had always borne to this their valiant commander. It must not, however, be dissembled, that through an oversight of his, the admiral ran the utmost hazard of being taken by the enemy ; for Drake being appointed, the first night of the engagement, to carry lights for the direction of the English fleet, he * Westcot's Survey of Devonshire, MS. Stowe's Annals, p. 808. Risdon's Survey of Devon, vol. i. p. 69, 70. f Camdeni Annales, p. 445, 551. R. Jolmstoni reruni Britannica- rum, Hist. lib. T. p. 1S6. Winstanley's British Worthies, p. 211. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 49 being in full pursuit of some hulks belonging to the Hanse-towns, neglected it ; which occasioned the admi- ral's following the Spanish lights, and remaining almost in the centre of their fleet till morning. However, his succeeding services sufficiently effaced the memory of this mistake; the greatest execution done on the flying Spaniards, being performed by that squadron under his command. * The next year, he was employed as admiral at sea, over the fleet sent to restore Don Antonio, king of Portugal ; the command of the land forces being given to Sir John Norris. They were hardly got out to sea before these commanders differed ; though it is on all hands agreed, that there never was an admiral better disposed, with respect to soldiers, than Sir Francis Drake. The ground of their difference was this ; the general was bent on landing at the Groyne, whereas, Sir Francis and the sea- officers, were for sailing to Lisbon directly ; in which, if their advice had been taken, without question, their en- terprize would have succeeded, and Don Antonio had been restored. For it afterwards appeared, on their invading Portugal, that the enemy had made use of the time they gave them, to so good purpose, that it was not possible to make any impression. Sir John Norris, in- deed, marched by land to Lisbon, and Sir Francis Drake, very imprudently, promised to sail up the river with his whole fleet ; but, when he saw the consequences which would have attended the keeping of his word, he chose rather to break his promise than to hazard the queen's navy ; for which he was grievously reproached by Norris, and the miscarriage of the whole affair was imputed to his failure in performing what he had undertaken. Yet Sir Francis fully justified himself on his return; for he made * Camdeni Annales, p. 565, 573. Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i. p. 602. Sir W. Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 172. Stowe, p. 747. Speed, p. 860. Strype's Annals, vol. iii. VOL. II. E 50 MEMOIRS OF it manifest to the queen and council, that all the service that was done, was performed by him, and that his sailing up the river of Lisbon, would have signified nothing to the taking the castle, which was two miles off; and, without reducing that, there was no taking the town. * His next service, was the fatal undertaking in conjunc- tion with Sir John Hawkins, in 1594, for the destroying Nombre de Dios, of which I have already given an account, to the death of the last mentioned commander ; which, as we have shewn, was the day before Sir Francis made his desperate attack on the shipping in the harbour of Porto- Rico. This was performed, with all the courage imaginable, on the 13th of November, 1595, and attended with great loss to the Spaniards, yet with very little advantage to the English; who, meeting with a more resolute resistance and much better fortifications than they, expected, were obliged to sheer off. The admiral then steered for the main, where he took the town of Rio de la Hacha, which he burnt to the ground ; a church and a single house belonging to a lady only excepted. After this, he destroyed some other villages, and then proceeded to Santa Martha, which he likewise burnt. The like fate had the famous town of Nombre de Dios, the Spaniards refusing to ransom any of these places, and the booty taken in them being very inconsiderable. On the 29th of December, Sir Thomas Baskerville marched with seven hundred and fifty men towards Panama, but re- turned on the 2d of January, finding the design of re- ducing that place to be wholly impracticable. This disappointment made such an impression on the admiral's mind, that it threw him into a lingering fever, attended with a flux, of which, he died on the 28th, about four in * Camdeni Annalcs, p. 601 606. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 174. Stone's Annals, p. 755. See Captain William Ten- ner's relation of this MISERABLE ACTION, (as he styles it,) preserved in Dr. Birch's Memoirs of that Rei^n, vol. i. p. 58. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 51 the morning; though Sir William Monson hints, that there were great doubts whether it was barely his sicknesa that killed him. Such was the end of this great man, when he had lived about fifty years ; * but his memory will survive as long as that world lasts which he first surrounded. Hitherto, we have spoken of his public actions ; let us now, as we have ample and excellent materials, discourse somewhat of his person and character. He was low of stature, but well set ; had a broad, open chest, a very round head, his hair of a fine brown, his beard full and comely, his eyes large and clear, of a fair complexion, with a fresh, cheerful, and very engaging countenance, t As navigation had been his whole study, so he understood it thoroughly, and was a perfect master in every branch; especially in astronomy, and in the application thereof to the nautic art. As all men have enemies, and all eminent men abundance of them, we need not wonder that Sir Francis Drake, who performed so many great things, should have as much ill spoken of him, as there was of any man of the age in which he lived. Those who disliked him, alledged, that he was a man of low birth, haughty in his temper, ostentatious, self-sufficient, an immoderate speaker, and, though in- disputably a good seaman, no great general ; in proof of which, they took notice of his neglecting to furnish his fleet thoroughly in 1585 ; his not keeping either St. Do- mingo or Carthagena after he had taken them ; the slender provision he made in his expedition to Portugal; his * Relation of a Voyage into the West Indies, made by Sir Francis Drake, accompanied with Sir John Hawkins, Sir Thomas Baskerville, Sir Nicholas Clifford, and others, who set forth from Plymouth on the 28th of August, 1595 ; London, 1652, 4to. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 583. Cainden, p. TOO. Roberti Johnston! rerum Britannicarum Historiae, Kb. viii. p. 208. English Hero, p. 206. t Stowe, p. 808. Fuller's Holy State, p. 130. See the relation, &c. just cited, p. 58. 2 52 MEMOIRS OF breaking his word to Sir John Norris, and the errors he committed in his last undertaking. * In excuse of these, it is said, that the glory of what he did, might very well remove the imputation of his mean descent ; what was thought haughtiness in him, might b no more than a just concern for the support of his au- thority ; his display of his great services, a thing incident to his profession ; and his love of speaking, qualified by his wisdom and eloquence, which hindered him from ever dropping a weak or an ungraceful expression. In equip- ping his fleet, he was not so much in fault as those whom he trusted ; sickness hindered his keeping the places he took in the West Indies ; his councils were continually crossed by the land officers in his voyage to Portugal ; and, as to his last attempt, the Spaniards were certainly well acquainted with his design, at least as soon as he left England, if not before. His voyage round the world, however, remains an incontestible proof of his courage, capacity, patience, quick-sightedness, and public spirit, since, therein, he did every thing that could be expected from a man who preferred the honour and profit of his country, to his own reputation or private gain, t The only act of his whole life that laid him open to just censure, was his severity towards Mr. John Doughty, which I have touched before, and which many reasons incline me to mention again. The cause he alledged, was Doughty's attempting to raise some disturbance in the fleet ; which, they say, was partly proved from his own * Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 399. Purchas's Pilgrims, vol vi. p. 1185. Stowe, p. 808. See his character, and a brief rela- tion of some of the memorable actions of this worthy person, pub- lished in his life time, in Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1567, 1568. t Camdeni Annales, p. 351. The World Encompassed, p. 108. Sir William Moason's Naval Tracts, p. 399. English Hero, p. 206. Risdon's Survey of Devonshire, vol. ii. p. 260262. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 53 confession, and partly from papers found in his custody. * But in those days, it was shrewdly suspected, that Doughty was sent abroad for no other purpose than to meet with his end ; and this, because he had charged the great earl of Leicester with poisoning the earl of Essex : t a fact, generally believed at that time, on account of the earl's marrying, in a short space, Lettice, countess of Essex; with whom, the world held him to be too familiar before, and this to have made that lord's death necessary. The fullest account I know of this matter, is to be found in a poem, called Leicester's Ghost ; wherein, there is a great deal of true, and, I doubt, not a little, false history. The stanzas relating to this matter, are as follow : | I doubted, lest that Doughtie would bewray My counsel, and with other party take ; Wherefore, the sooner him to rid away, I sent him forth to sea with Captain Drake, Who knew how t' entertaine him for my sake. Before he went, his lot by me was cast ; His death was plotted, and perfonn'd in haste. He hoped well ; but I did so dispose, That he, at port St. Gillian lost his head ; Having no time permitted to disclose The inward griefs that in his heart were bred: We need not fear the biting of the dead. Now let him go, transported to the seas, And tell my secrets to th' Antipodes. Yet it may be offered in defence of Sir Francis Drake, that this man was openly put to death after as fair a trial, by a jury of twelve men, as the circumstances of time and * This story is plainly and circumstantially told in tho relation we have in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 733, and is also mentioned in Mr,. Winter's Account of his Voyage, p. 752 ; but in the relation printed in Pur- chas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 46, it is slipped over in one line. t Winstanley's English Worthies in the Life of Sir Francis Drak*. t P. 22, 23. This is a quarto pamphlet, printed in 1641, and most of the facts contained in it are taken from Leicester's Commonwealth, written by Father Persons, as the reader may perceive, by comparing these stanzas with what is said of Doughty's death in that book, p. 49. 54 MEMOIRS OF place would permit ; that he submitted patiently to his sentence, and received the sacrament with Drake, whom he embraced immediately before his execution. Besides these, there are two points which deserve particular con- sideration : first, That in such expeditions strict discipline and legal severity are often absolutely necessary : secondly, That as to the earl of Essex, for whose death Doughty had expressed concern, he was Drake's first patron : and it is therefore very improbable he should destroy a man for endeavouring to detect his murder. Camden and Johnson mention the fact and the report,* but in such a manner as seems to justify Drake : and indeed, on the strictest review of the evidence, I can see no probable ground to condemn him. It was the felicity of our admiral t3 live under the reign of a princess, who never failed to distinguish merit, or to bestow her favours where she saw desert. Sir Francis Drake was always her favourite, and she gave a very lucky proof of it in respect to a quarrel he had with his countryman, afterwards Sir Bernard Drake, whose arms Sir Francis had assumed; which so provoked the other, who was a seaman, and an enterprising seaman likewise, that he gave him a box on the ear. The queen took up the quarrel, and gave Sir Francis a new coat, which is thus blazoned : Sable a fess wavy between two pole-stars argent : for his crest, A ship on a globe under ruff, held by a cable with a hand out of the clouds ; over it this motto, AUXILIO DIVINO : underneath, Sic PARVIS i . MAGNA ; in the rigging whereof is hung up by the heels a wivern, gules, which was the arms of Sir Bernard Drake, t Her majesty's kindness, however, did not ex- * Caradeni Annales, vol. ii. p. 355. Jolmstoni rerum Britannicarum Hist. lib. ii. p. 67. Dr. Thomas Fuller had a MS. of Mr. George For- lescue, M-ho went the voyage with Drake ; but he says nothing of Captain Doughty. t This story is Delated by Prince from the mouth of Sir John Drake, SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 55 tend beyond the grave; for she suffered his brother Thomas Drake, the companion of his dangers, whom he made his heir, to be prosecuted for a pretended debt to the crown, which not a little diminished the advantages he would otherwise have reaped from his brother's suc- cession. * It would swell this work beyond its intended bulk, if we should enter particularly into the history of all the remarkable commanders who flourished in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and therefore we shall be more concise in our accounts of such heroes as are yet to mention, and whose actions it would be, however, injurious to the reader to pass over in absolute silence. SIR MARTIN FROBISHER, or, as in many writers he is called FORBISHER, was a native of Yorkshire, born near Doncaster, of mean parents, who bred him to the sea. t We have very little account of his junior years, or the manner in which they were spent. He distinguished himself first by undertaking the discovery of the north- west passage in 1576, and made a voyage that year, wherein though he had no success, yet it gained him great reputation. In the year 1577, he undertook a second expedition, and in 1578, a third, in all which he gave the highest proofs of his courage and conduct in pro- viding for the safety of his men, and yet pushing the discovery he went upon as far as it was possible ; | so that, notwithstanding his disappointment, he still pre- served his credit, and this in spite of a little accident, which would certainly have overturned the good opinion Bart a direct descendant from Sir Bernard. The glory of generosity by John Feme ; London, 1586, 4to. p. 144, 145. * Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 400. f Stowe's Annals, p. 808. J A very full account of his voyages above mentioned may be found in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 2946. 50 MEMOIRS OF entertained of a less esteemed commander. He brought from the straits, which he discovered, and which are still known by his name, a large quantity of black, soft stone, full of yellow shining grains, which he supposed to be gold ore ; but after numberless trials it was reported to be worth nothing, and so thrown away. * On this occasion I cannot help taking notice of an accident of the like nature which happened to the mate of a vessel belonging to the Greenland company, sent to make discoveries to the north-west. He brought home likewise a quantity of shining sand, which he apprehended contained gold, but upon trial it was judged to be of no value, and the ill usage, which on account of this supposed mistake the poor man met with, broke his heart. Many years after- wards the chancellor of Denmark shewed a small parcel of this kind of sand from Norway to an intelligent chy- mist, (the rest by his express orders having been all thrown into the sea;) and this extracted a quantity of pure gold out of that sand, t in which also the Copen- hagen artist could find none. But to return to Frobisher : he commanded her majesty's ship the Triumph in the famous sea-fight with the Spanish armada, and therein did such excellent service, that he was among the number of the few knights made by the lord high-admiral on that signal occasion. |^ In 1590, he commanded a squadron on the coast of Spain, which hindered the coming home of the Plate-fleet. In 1592, Sir Martin Frobisher took the charge of a fleet fitted out by Sir Walter Raleigh, which went to the coast of Spain ; *Stowe's Annals, p. 680, 681, 685. Holingshed, vol. ii. p. 1262, 1270, 1271. Speed, p. 852. t La Peyrere, relation du Groanland, a M. laMothe le Vaycr, p. 67. Churchill's Voyages, (where this is translated,) vol. i. p. 558. Egede's Natural History of Greenland, chap. ii. p. 27, 32. chap. iiL p. 47, 48, 49. Camdeni Annalcs, p. 576. || Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 177. SIR THOMAS CAVENDISH. 51 and though he had but three ships, yet he made a shift to burn one rich galleon and bring home another. * In 1594, he sailed to the coast of France, to assist in re-taking Brest ; which was regularly attacked on the land-side by Sir John Norris, with three thousand English forces, at the same time that our admiral blocked up the port. The garrison defended themselves bravely, till such time as Sir Martin landed his sailors ; and, desperately storming the place, carried it at once, but with the loss of several captains, Sir Martin himself receiving a shot in his side ; and this, through want of skill in his surgeon, proved the cause of his death, which happened at Plymouth within a few days after his return, t He was one of the most able seamen of his time ; of undaunted courage, great presence of mind, and equal to almost any undertaking ; yet in his carriage blunt, and a very strict observer of discipline, even to a degree of severity, which hindered his being beloved. THOMAS CAVENDISH, of Trimley, in the county of Suffolk, Esq. was a gentleman (in my conception) of the original house of that great name, though most writers say, descended from a noble family of the same name in Devonshire, but certainly possessed of a very plentiful estate; which he, being a man of wit and great good humour, hurt pretty deeply by his expenses at court. Upon this he took it in his head to repair his shattered fortunes (according to the mode of those times) at the expence of the Spaniards. * Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, by Mr. Oldys, p. 6365. t Camdeni Annales, p. 680. Stowe, p. 809. Fuller's Worthies in Yorkshire, p. 203. J Stowe's Annals, p. 808. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, 1>. 182. R. Johnstoni rerum Britannicarum Hist. p. 203. The memorable service of Sir John Norris at Brest in Bretagne, by Thomas Churchyard, London, 1602, 4to. p. 135 141. Fuller's Worthies in Yorkshire, p. 202, 203. Camdeni Annales, p. 552. Stowe's Annales, p. 808, Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 401. 55 MEMOIRS OF With this view he built two ships ivom the stocks, one of a hundred and twenty, the other of threescore tons ; and with these, and a bark of forty tons, he sailed from Plymouth on the 21st of July, 1586. He first made the coast of Barbary, then steered for Brazil, and entered the Streights of Magellan the 5th of January, 1587, and passed them very happily ; then, coasting along Chili and Peru, he took abundance of rich prizes ; continuing his course as high as California, he there took the St. Anne, which Mr. Cavendish, in a letter to my Lord Hunsdon, rightly calls an Acapulco ship, though in most of the relations of his voyage she is styled the Admiral of the South seas. Her cargo was of immense value, which his ships being too small to carry, he was forced to burn, taking out of her, however, as much gold as was worth sixty thousand pounds. He then steered for the Philippine islands, where he safely arrived, and proceeded from them to Java Major, which he reached the first of March, 1588. He doubled the Cape of Good Hope the first of June, and so without any remarkable accident returned safe to Plymouth the ninth of September in the same year, having sailed completely round the globe, and brought home what was in that age considered as an amazing fortune. * This, however, as his patrimony before, he quickly wasted ; and, in the year 1591, was compelled to think of another voyage, which was far from being so successful as the former. He left Plymouth the 26th of August, 1591, with three stout ships and two barks. On the eighth of April, 1592, he fell in with the Streights of Magellan, and continued in them to the fifteenth of May ; when, on account of the badness of the weather, he determined to return, which accordingly he did to the coast of Brazil, * Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. BOS. Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 57. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 401. Camdeni Annales, p. 552, where he refers his reader to Hakluyt Robert! Johnston! rerum Britannicarum Hist, lib. iv. p. 126. EDWARD FENTON. 59- and there died of grief. One of his ships, the Desire, under the command of Mr. John Davis, actually passed the Streights.* ANOTHER great adventurer by sea, was Mr. EDWARD FENTON, a gentleman who distinguished himself by several gallant exploits in this active and busy reign. He was descended from a very worthy family in Nottingham- shire, t in which county he possessed a small estate, of which himself and his younger brother disposed, in- clining rather to trust to their own abilities than to that slender provision, which devolved to them by descent from their ancestors ; and they are among the very few of those who did not live afterwards to repent so extraordi- nary a procedure. Being naturally inclined to a military life, he courted the favour of Robert earl of Leicester, J and his brother Ambrose, earl of Warwick, and was so happy as to obtain their protection and countenance. In 1577, he engaged with Sir Martin Frobisher, in his design of discovering a north-west passage into the South seas, having before served some time in Ireland with reputation. In this expedition he was captain of the Gabriel, a little bark of twenty-five tons, and accom- panied that famous seaman in his voyage to the Streights, (which bear his name,) in the summer of this year, though, in their return, he was unluckily separated from him in a storm ; notwithstanding which he had the good fortune to arrive in safety at Bristol. In 1578, he commanded the Judith, one of the fifteen sail of which Sir Martin's squadron was composed, in a * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 842. Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. iv. p. 1182. f Thoroton's History of Nottinghamshire, p. 415. Fuller's Worthies in that county, p: 318. t See the instructions given him, on undertaking hi* last voyage, in Pakluyt, vol. iii. p. 755. Stowe's Annals, p. 681. 60 MEMOIRS OF third expedition * set on foot for the like purpose, with the title of rear-admiral ; sailing from Harwich on the 31st of May, and returning to England the 1st of October following. This, like the two former attempts, proved wholly unsuccessful : Captain Fenton, however, remained firmly persuaded that such a design was certainly practi- cable, and was continually suggesting of what prodigious importance the discovery of a passage to the north-west must be to the commerce and navigation of this kingdom ; and which might, notwithstanding the repeated disap- pointments it had been hitherto attended with, be again resumed with the highest probability of success. His frequent solicitations on this head, joined to the powerful interest of the earl of Leicester, at length procured him another opportunity of trying his fortune, and that in a way, and with such a force, as could not fail of gratifying his ambition to the utmost. Of this voyage, which was chiefly set forth at the expense of the earl of Cumberland, we have several authentic accounts, and yet it is not easy to apprehend the true design of it. The instructions given by the privy- council to Mr. Fenton, and which are still preserved, say expressly, that he should endeavour the discovery of a north-west passage, but by a new route, which is laid down to him ; viz. he was to go by the Cape of Good Hope to the East-Indies, and being arrived at the Moluccas, he was to go from thence to the South seas, and to attempt his return by the so-long-sought north- west passage, and not by any means to think of passing the Streights of Magellan, except in case of absolute necessity, t Notwithstanding these instructions, Sir William Monson tells us plainly, that Mr. Fenton was sent to try his fortune in the South seas j | and so, most * Holingshed's Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 1271. t Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 764. t Naval Tracts, p. 402. EDWARD FENTON. certainly, himself understood it. In the month of May, 1582, Mr. Fenton left the English coast, with three stout ships and a bark. With these he sailed, first to the coast of Africa, and then for that of Brazil directly, from whence he intended to have sailed for the Streights of Magellan ; but hearing there that the king of Spain, who had better intelligence, it seems, of his project, and of his real intentions, than he would have obtained if he had read his instructions, had sent Don Diego Florez de Valdez with a strong fleet into the Streights to intercept him, he, upon mature deliberation, resolved to return. Putting into a Portuguese settlement to refit, he there met with three of the Spanish squadron, one of which was their vice-admiral, which he sunk, after a very brisk engagement, and then put to sea, in order to come home. His vice-admiral, Captain Luke Ward, after a long and dangerous voyage, arrived safely in England, on the 31st of May, 1583. * Captain Fenton likewise returned safely to England, and, for any thing that appears, preserved his credit, though he had the mortification not to accomplish his purpose ; and this is the more probable, as we find him again at sea in 1588, and entrusted with the command of one of the queen's ships, the Antelope, as some t write, though others ^ make him captain of the Mary Rose ; whichever ship it was, he is allowed on all hands to have behaved with a becoming spirit, and to have given very singular marks of courage in that famous action. He passed the latter part of his life at or near Deptford, * We Lave an account of this voyage, written by this Captain Luke Ward, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 757. Sir Richard Hawkins, in his observations, sec. xxxv. p. 85. See also Dr. Birch's Memoirs of Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 38. f Stowe, Strype. J Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 17 1 . Camden, torn. ii. p. 574. Ubaldino's Discourse of the Spanish fleet invading England, p. 26, 27. Bishop Carleton's Remembrancer, p. 154. MEMOIRS OF deceasing in the spring of the year 1603, and lies buried in the parish church of that place, where a handsome monument was erected to his memory by the great earl of Corke, who married his niece, with a very elegant inscrip- tion thereon. * Notwithstanding the disappointment which this gentle- man met with, fresh attempts were made for the dis- covery of this so much desired passage to the north-west ; in which Captain John Davis, a most knowing and active seaman, was employed. The first was in 1585 ; a second time he sailed in 1586 ; but in both voyages achieved nothing beyond raising his own reputation, which con- tinued to be very great for upwards of thirty years, t Sir William Monson tells us, that he conferred with this Mr. Davis, as well as Sir Martin Frobisher, on this subject, and that they were able to give him no more assurance than those who had never gone so far ; though he confesses, they did offer him (which was all he could expect) some very plausible reasons to prove, that such a passage there was. In his discourse on this subject, he labours hard to represent the undertaking as, in its nature, impracticable; but, admitting it were not so, he pretends to shew, that no such mighty advantages as are expected could be reaped from this discovery. He con- cludes his discourse with hinting, that a more profitable, and at the same time a more probable attempt, might be made by sailing due north directly under the pole, which he supposes would render the passage between us and China no more than fifteen hundred leagues. ^ * See the inscription at large in Fuller, iu which he is said to hav been esquire of the body to Queen Elizabeth. t We have an account of all the royages in Hakluyt, as also of a voyage of his to the East Indies, in 1604. Purchas's Pilgrims, voL i p. 132. J Naval Tracts, p. GEORGE CLIFFORD, &c. 63 AMONGST the naval heroes of this glorious reign, we must not forget GEORGE CLIFFORD, earl of Cumberland, who undertook many expeditions, both in Europe and the West Indies, at his own expense, and in several hazarded his person, merely to serve his queen and country, and thereby acquire a just right to fame. In some of those voyages Sir William Monson assisted, and has left us accounts of them, and of the rest we have many relations extant. It does not appear, however, that the earl added any thing to his private fortune, by these testimonies of his public spirit ; and therefore, the queen, to shew how just a sense she had of his zeal and resolution, honoured him, in the year 1592, with a garter, which, in her reign, was never bestowed till it had been deserved by signal services to the public. This noble peer survived the queen, and was in great favour, and in very high esteem with her successor. He deceased in 1605, and was the last heir male of his noble family. * SIR ROBERT DUDLEY, son to the great earl of Leicester, by the Lady Douglas Sheffield, daughter of William Lord Howard of Effingham, distinguished him- self by his application to maritime affairs, by his great skill in them, and by his known encouragement to eminent seamen, as well as by his personal exploits, which were such as deserve to be remembered. He was born at Sheen in Surry, in 1573, t and having received the first tincture of letters from one Mr. Owen Jones, at Offington, in Sussex, to whose care and diligence, in that respect, he had been committed by his father ; ^ he was sent to Oxford in 1587, and entered of Christ Church, being recommended to the inspection of Mr. Chaloner, after- wards the learned Sir Thomas Chaloner, and tutor to * Camden, Stowe, Speed, Holingshed. f Hist. Antiq. Univers. Oxen. lib. ii. p. 275. t Dugdale's Antiquities of Warwickshire, edit. 1G56, p, 167. MEMOIRS 01' Prince Henry, under whom he profited so well in his studies, as to raise the highest expectations, and which he lived abundantly to ftilfil. By the demise of his father, who breathed his last, September 4th, 1588, * at his house at Cornbury, in Oxfordshire, Sir Robert became entitled, on the death of his uncle Ambrose, earl of Warwick, to the princely castle of Kenilworth in Warwickshire, and other large estates, t He was considered, at this time, as one of the most accomplished young gentlemen in the kingdom, having a very agreeable person, tall, finely shaped, an admirable complexion, his hair inclining to red ; a very graceful air, and learned beyond his years, particularly in the mathematics ; very expert in his exer- cises, such as tilting, riding the great horse, and other manly feats, in which he is reported to have excelled most of his rank. ^ Having, from his earliest youth, a particular turn to navigation, he took a resolution, when he was scarce two and twenty years of age, of making a voyage into the South seas, for which great preparation* were made ; but, before he could put it in execution, the queen and her ministers interposing, the project was dropped. In 1594, he fitted out a squadron of four sail, at his own expense ; and leaving Southampton on the sixth of November, proceeded for the coast of Spain, where he lost the company of the other three ships. This, however, did not hinder him from continuing his voyage to the West Indies; and, in doing this, he took two large * The celebrated Lord Burleigh's Diary of the Queen's Reign, in Murdin's Collection of State Papers, p. 788. Stowe's Annals, p. 750. f See the last will of Robert earl of Leicester, in Mr. Colhns's Memoirs of the Sidneys prefixed to the first volume of the Sidney Papers, p. 70. J Wood's Athen. Oxon. vol. ii. col. 127. See the Introduction to his Voyage to the Island of Trinidada, written by himself, at the request of Mr. Richard Hakluyt. SIR ROBERT DUDLEY. 65 Bhips, though of no great value. After remaining some time about the island of Trinidada, he found himself under a necessity of returning home, in a much worse condition than he went out ; and yet, coming up, in his passage, with a Spanish ship of six hundred tons, his own vessel being of no greater burden than two hundred, he engaged her, fought two whole days, till his powder was quite exhausted, and then left her; but in so torn and shattered a condition, that she afterwards sunk. This made the ninth ship which he had either taken, sunk, or burnt, in his voyage. * He accompanied the earl of Essex and the lord high- admiral Howard in the beginning of June 1596, in the famous expedition to Cadiz, and received the honour of knighthood on the 8th of August following, for the signal services he there performed, t Endeavouring 1 some years after to prove the legitimacy of his birth, he met with so many obstacles in his attempt, that, conceiving himself highly injured thereby, he determined to quit England, f and, embarking for Italy, fixed upon Florence for the place of his retreat, where he met with a most distinguished reception from the then reigning grand duke of Tuscany, and the Archdutchess Magdalen of Austria, sister to the Emperor Ferdinand II. In this his delightful retirement he became so much admired, and gave such shining proofs of his great abilities, particularly in devising several methods for the improvement of shipping, introducing various manu- factures, instructing the natives how to enlarge their foreign commerce, and other affairs of like consequence, that the emperor, at the request of the archdutchess, to whom Sir Robert had some time before been appointed * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 574. t Stowe's Annals, p. 77 1. Speed, p. 869. t Dugdale's Antiquities of Warwickshire, p. 166, Wood's Athen. Oxon, vol. ii. col. 127. VOL. II. F 66 MEMOIRS OF great chamberlain, was pleased by letters-patent, bearing date at Vienna, March 9, 1620, to create him a duke and count of the empire, by the title of duke of Nor- thumberland and earl of Warwick;* and in 1630 he was by his holiness Pope Urban VIII. enrolled among the nobility of Rome, t It was during his residence in this country, that he formed his great design of making Leghorn a free port, which has been of such prodigious importance to the dukes of Tuscany ever since. ^ In acknowledgment of such infinite merit the grand duke assigned him a very liberal pension, made him a present of the castle of Carbello, a most magnificent villa, three miles from Florence, which he so adorned and beauti- fied as to render it one of the fairest and finest palaces in Italy, and in which he paid his last debt to nature in the month of September, 1649, in the seventy-sixth year of his age, having acquired a very extensive re- putation in the republic of letters by his learned writings, more especially from the following curious work, which is exceeding rare, and of which there are very few copies in this kingdom. The title runs thus : Arcano del mare di D. Ruberto " Dudleo duca di Northumbria, e conte di Warvich. " Diviso in libri sei. Nel prime de quali si tratta della < longitudine practicable in diversi modi, d'invenzione ; ' dell' autore. Nel secondo, delle carte sue generali e :( de portolani rettificati in longitudine, e latitudine nel " Terzo, della disciplina sua marittima e militare. Nel * The letters-patent at large, under the golden seal of the empiw, are prefixed to the first volume of that elaborate performance men- tioned in the text. t Athen. Oxon. vol. ii. col. 127. t Fuller's Worthies in Surrey, p. 84. Bishop Burnet's Travels through Switzerland, letter v. Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 761. Athen. Oxon. vol. ii. col. 128. The copy at Oxford, Anthony V\ ood says, is kept as a rarity in the archives of the Bodleian library. SIR RICHARD HAWKINS. 67 " quarto, dell' architettura sua nautica di vascelli da " guerra. Nel quinta, della navigazione scientifica, e il perfetta, cive spirale, o di gran Circoli. Nel sesto, " delle carte sue geografiche e particolari. Impressione " seconda. Corretta et accresciuta, secondo 1'originale " del medesimo excellentiss. Signer Duca, che si conserva " nella libreria del convento di Firenze della Pace, de " monaci di S. Bernardo dell' ordine Fuliense. Con " 1'Indice de capitoli, e delle figure, et istruzione a " librai per legarle. Al serenissimo Ferdinando Secondo " granduca di Toscana. In Fiorenza, 1661-2, torn, fol." It is elegantly printed on very large imperial paper, enriched with upwards of six hundred fine plates, con- sisting of maps, charts, plans, and other authentic tes- timonies of the excellent genius of its illustrious author, admirably engraved. The chapters to the first five books, which compose the first volume, as well as those of the sixth, which comprehend the second, are again subdivided into several sections, and make in the whole 143 pages. Immediately after the title-page to the first volume, appears a general index to the first five books ; next the letters-patent of Ferdinand II. then a short advertisement by the editor, addressed to the learned reader, setting forth the many advantages of this edition, with a brief index to the whole six books, which is followed by a proemial discourse or preface on the ma- thematical science as far as relates to his subject, in- tended as an introduction to his great work, by the duke of Northumberland. The first edition appeared in 1630 and 1646, the two volumes coming out at different periods. * SIR RICHARD HAWKINS, son to the famous Sir John Hawkins, of whom we have before briefly spoken, was * There is a copy (presented by Sir R. Moray) in the library of the royal society. MEMOIRS OF born at Plymouth in Devonshire; and, as he was little inferior to his father in skill nr courage, he resembled him also but too much in his misfortunes. * In 1593, he fitted out two large ships and a pinnace at his own expense, and had the queen's commission, empowering him to infest the Spaniards in South- America. His expedition was unlucky from his very first setting out; and yet, notwithstanding a number of untoward acci- dents, he resolutely persisted in his design of passing the Streights of Magellan, and surrounding the globe, as Drake and Cavendish had done. He shared, how- ever, in none of their success, though he met with most of their difficulties. One Captain Tharlton, \tho had been very culpable in distressing Mr. Cavendish in his last voyage, was guilty of the like baseness towards Sir Richard Hawkins; for, though he knew his pinnace was burnt, he deserted him at the river of Plate, and returned home, leaving Sir Richard to pursue his voyage through the Streights of Magellan with one ship only, which, with equal prudence and resolution, he performed in the spring of the year 1594 ; and, entering into the south-seas, took several prizes, one of which was of considerable value. On the coasts of Peru he was attacked by Don Bertrand de Castro, who had with him a squadron of eight sail, and two thousand choice men on board; yet Hawkins made a shift to disengage himself, after he had done the Spaniards incredible damage : but staying too long in the South- seas, in order to take more prizes, he was attacked a second time by Admiral de Castro, who was now stronger than before; yet Hawkins defended himself gallantly, for three days and three nights, and then, most of his men being killed, his ship in a manner sinking under ^im, and himself dangerously wounded, he was prevailed * Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 3917 SIR RICHARD HAWKINS. 69 on to surrender upon very honourable terms, viz. that himself and all on board should have a free passage to England as soon as might be. After he was in the enemies hands, Don Bertrand de Castro shewed him a letter from the king of Spain to the viceroy of Peru, wherein was contained a very exact account of Hawkins's expedition, the number of his ships, their burden, men, guns, ammunition, &c. which demonstrated how close a correspondence his Catholic majesty entertained with some who were too well acquainted with Queen Elizabeth's councels. * He continued a long time prisoner in America, where he was treated with great humanity by Admiral de Castro ; but in the end, by order of the court of Spain, he was sent thither, instead of returning to England, and remained for several years a prisoner in Seville and Madrid. At length he was released, and returned to his native country, where he spent the latter part of his life in peace, leaving behind him a large account of his adventures to the time of his being taken by the Spaniards, t and intended to have written a second part, in which he was prevented by a sudden death; for, having some business which called him to attend the privy-council, he was struck with an apoplexy in one of the outer rooms. Mr. Westcott, speaking of this accident, says very justly of this gentleman and his father, ^ " That if fortune had been as propitious to " them both, as they were eminent for virtue, valour, * Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, p. 123, 143, 151, 169. f This book was put to the press in his life-time, but was published by a friend, after his decease, in 1562, in folio, under the title of " The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, knight, in his Voyage " to the South-Sea, A. D. 1593, printed for John Jaggard at the hand " and star in Fleet-street" See also Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. iv. p. 1367, and Captain Ellis's Account, p. 1415. J Description of Devonshire, Art. Plymouth, MS. 70 MEMOIRS OF " and knowledge, they might have vied with the heroes f( of any age." Some of his descendants are still re- maining in Devonshire, but in an obscure condition. * CAPTAIN JAMES (by many called JOHN) LANCASTER was fitted out by some merchants of London to cruize on the coast of Brazil, then in the hands of the Spaniards. He sailed from Dartmouth the 30th of November, 1594, with three ships, one of one hundred and forty, another of one hundred and seventy, and the third of sixty tohs : on board these were two hundred and seventy- five men and boys. In the space of a few weeks they took thirty-nine Spanish ships, four of which they kept, and plundered the rest ; and then, joining with Captain Venner at the isle of May, they steered for the coast of Brazil, where they took the city of Fernambuco, on the 20th of March, 1595, in a manner scarce to be paralleled in history ; for Captain Lancaster ordered his fine new pinnace, in which he landed his men, to be beat to pieces on the shore, and sunk his boats, that his men might see, they must either die or conquer ; the sight of which so frighted the Spaniards and Portuguese that, after a very poor defence, they abandoned the lower town. This the English held for thirty days, in which space they were attacked eleven times by the enemy, t The spoil was exceeding rich, and amounted to so great a quantity, that Captain Lancaster hired three sail of large Dutch ships, and four Frenchmen to carry it home ; and, having thus increased his fleet to fifteen ships, he brought them safely into the Downs in the month of July, 1595. This was the most lucra- tive adventure, on a private account, throughout the whole war; and the courage and conduct of the com- * Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 392. t Camdcni Aimulcs, p. 683. JOHN LANCASTER. 71 mander appears so conspicuously therein, that he de- serves to be ever remembered with honour, * even supposing he had performed nothing more. But it appears from several circumstances in the relations, that he was the same who opened the trade to the Indies. We have already taken notice of the patent granted to the East India Company by Queen Elizabeth, in the year 1600. Their first stock consisted of seventy-two thousand pounds ; and the first fleet they fitted out as a company, consisted of four large ships, which sailed from London, February 13, 1600, under the command of this Mr. James Lancaster, who was afterwards knighted, and who performed his voyage to Achen very successfully, and established the English trade throughout the Indies, as happily and prudently as could be wished. In his return, his ship, which was the Dragon, was in the utmost peril off the Cape of Good Hope, having lost her rudder, and being otherwise much damaged ; yet he refused to go on board the Hector, contenting himself with writing a short letter to the Company, wherein he told them, they might be sure he would do his utmost to save the ship and cargo, by thus venturing his own life and the lives of those who were w ith him, adding this remarkable post- script, in the midst of his confusion : " The passage to the East Indies lies in 62 degrees 30 " minutes, by the north-west, on the America side." He had, however, the good fortune to get into the port of St. Helena, where he repaired his weather-beaten ship as well as he could, brought her safely into the Downs, the llth of September, 160'j, and lived near thirty years afterwards, in an honourable affluence, acquired chiefly by this successful voyage, t * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 708. t Camdeni Annales, p. 639. Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. i. p. 147* 7g MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN WILLIAM PARKER, of Plymouth, was fitted out by certain merchants, to cruize on the Spaniards in the West Indies, in 1601. His whole strength consisted of two ships, one of one hundred and thirty, and the other of sixty tons, with about two hundred and twenty men. * He sailed in the month of November, reduced St. Vin- cent, one of the Cape de Verd islands ; then, steering for the coast of America, he took the town of La Rancheria, in the island of Cubagua, where the pearl fishery is, and plundered it. He proceeded next to Porto Bello, which was then a very strong, well-built town ; entering the port by moon-light, he passed without resistance, and attacked the place by surprize, t The governor, Don Pedro Melendez, made a gallant defence in the king's treasury, to which he retreated ; but at length, that too was carried by assault, and the governor taken. The booty was fer from being considerable, and the best part of it Captain Parker distributed amongst his men. Not' withstanding this disappointment, our hero behaved most generously towards the enemy; he set Don Pedro at liberty, out of respect to his courage ; he spared the place, because it was well built, and burning it could do him no good ; he set his prisoners at large, because the money was really gone, and they had not wherewith to pay their ransom. Having done all this, he passed the forts at the mouth of the harbour, by the fire of which the Spaniards supposed they should infallibly have sunk his vessels, and returned with immortal glory, to Ply- mouth sound, the 6th of May, 1602. $ The Spaniards themselves mention his behaviour with honour and applause. * Harris's Collection of Voyages, vol. i. p. 747. f See the Captain's relation in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. iv. p. 1243. t Life of Captain Parker, in a Supplement to Prince's Worthies of Devon. WILLIAM PARKER. 73 THESE are the principal naval heroes who flourished in that glorious reign, wherein the foundation was strongly laid of the prodigious maritime power, and extensive commerce, which the English nation have since enjoyed. I shall conclude with wishing, that the same generous spirit may again arise with a force that may excite us to emulate the wisdom, courage, industry, and zeal for the public good, which animated our ancestors, and enabled them to surmount all difficulties, and to spread the repu- tation of their arms and virtues through the whole ha- bitable world. 74 NAVAL HISTORY CHAP. I. The Navll History of Great Britain under the Reign of King James L including also an Account of the Progress of our Trade, and the Growti of our Plantations; together with Memoirs of the most eminent Seamen who flourished in that space of time. A. D. J. HE HE were many accidents that contributed to the peaceable accession of the king of Scots to the English throne, notwithstanding what had happened to his mother, and the known aversion of the nation to the dominion of strangers. * On the one hand, the famous Secretary Cecil, and all his friends, who were in the principal posts of the government, had been for a long time secretly in King James's interest ; though, to avoid the suspicion of their mistress, they had sometimes pretended an inclina- tion to the infanta's title ; t which I suspect to have been the cause why some persons of great quality, who sided with the Cecils against Essex, came afterwards to fall into intrigues with the court of Spain. On the other hand, the potent family of the Howards, with all such of the nobility and gentry as were inclined to the old religion, had an unfeigned affection for the king of Scots. The bulk of the people too were inclined to wish him for their king, out of respect for the memory of Essex, who was held to be his martyr, as well as out of dislike to some of Queen Elizabeth's ministry, who they believed would be instantly * Johmtoni Historianim rerum Britannicarum, lib. x. p. 358. Spotswood's History of the Church of Scotland, b. vi. p. 471. Stowe' Chronicle, continued by Howes, p. 812, 817. Earl of Monmouth's Memoirs, p. 175, 185. Camden. Annal. Eliz. p. 912. t State Trials, vol. i. p. 205. The earl of Essex on his trial, affirmed. that Sir Robert Cecil (afterwards earl of Salisbnry,) had declared, no body but the infanta had a title to the crown of England. OF KING JAMES I. 75 discarded, when he should be once seated on the throne. Yet there wanted not many powerful, though few open enemies to this succession, both abroad and at home. The Spaniards had views for themselves ; * the French king had an aversion mixed with contempt for King James; and the Pope had many projects for restoring his power here, by bringing in some prince of his own religion, t There were, besides, some English pretenders, viz. such as claimed under the house of Suffolk, and had been com- petitors against Queen Mary ; ^ and some again, as the Bassets, who affected to derive themselves from the house of Plantagenet ; so that no small precaution was neces- sary to prevent any disturbance on the death of Elizabeth, or opposition to the design the ministry had formed of immediately proclaiming King James, and bringing him with all convenient speed to London. * Camdn. Annul. Elizabeth*, p. 673. Winwood's Memorials, vol. i. p. 52. Osborne's Traditional Memoirs of Queen Elizabeth, in his Works, vol. ii. p. 59. t Lettres du Cardinal d'Ossat, torn. v. p. 51, 55, 59- Memoires de Sully, torn. iv. liv. xiv. Birch's Memoirs of the Reign of Elizabeth, vol. ii. p. 506, 507. t In order to have a just notion of these jarring claims, the reader may consult the famous treatise on successions, or, as the title runs in many editions, " A Conference about the next Succession to the " Crown of England." This was published in 1594, by Father Robert Parsons, a Jesuit ; the most pestilent and pernicious book that was ever penned. His design was to weaken the title of King James ; to expose the earls of Huntingdon, Derby, Hertford, &c. to the jealousy both of Queen Elizabeth and King James, and to cry up the title of the infanta. He most insidiously dedicated it to the earl of Essex, to draw suspicion upon him, and assumed the name of R. Doleman, an inoffensive secular priest, whom he hated, and whom he would gladly have seen hanged for this production of his own, which it was made treason in Queen Elizabeth's reign for any one to have in his custody. Risdon's Description of Devonshire, vol. i. p. 99, 101. Prince's Worthies of Devonshire, p. 213, 214. Wood's Athen. Ox on. vol. i. col. 366. NAVAL HISTORY In the methods made use of for this purpose, the wisdom of the great men by whom they were concerted was very conspicuous ; for in the first place, care was taken that the lieutenants in the northern counties, and all who had any authority in those parts, were such as were either well affected to King James, or absolute dependants on the then administration. * As to the fleet, which was of mighty consequence at such a juncture, provision was made for its security without the least jealousy given that this was the council's intention : for, it having been found of great benefit to the nation to have a strong squadron of ships on the Spanish coast, from February to November, there could be no umbrage taken at the increasing of these in the spring of the year 1603, because the war with Spain still continued; and though the lords had little confidence in Sir Richard Leveson, who for some years had been intrusted with this squadron, yet they would not remove him, but contented themselves with appointing Sir William Monson, on whom they could depend, his vice-admiral, giving him, however, the command of a better ship than the admiral himself had. They likewise intimated to Sir William, when he went to this service, (the queen being then so low that her recovery was not expected,) that, in case of any stir, Lord Thomas Howard should immediately come and take charge of the fleet, by entering Sir William Monson's ship, and Sir William go on board Sir Richard Leveson's, with a supersedeas to his commission. + But, as it fell out, there was no occasion for executing this project ; the queen died ; King James came in peaceably, was proclaimed the 24th of March, * Howe's Continuation of Stowe's Chronicle, p. 817. Speed, p. 844. Mr. Camden's Annals of the Reign of James I. See the letter, at length, of the lords of the council, on whom the administration de- volved by the death of the queen, to that monarch, dated London, the 24th of March, 1603, in Spotswood, p. 473475. t Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 510. OF KING JAMES I. 77 1603, and crowned on the 25th of July following ; the fleet in the mean time keeping sometimes on the English, sometimes on the French coast, and thereby preventing any trouble from abroad, if any such had really been intended. * King James, at his accession to the English throne, was about thirty-six years of age, and, if he had been a private person, would not have rendered himself very remarkable either by his virtues or his vices. Sober and religious he certainly was; and as to learning, he had enough, if he had known better how to use it. The greatest of his failings were timidity, dissimulation, and a high opinion of his own wisdom ; which, however, were more excuseable than modern writers are willing to allow, if we consider the accident that happened to his mother before his birth, the strange treatment he met with in Scotland, from the several factions prevailing in that kingdom, during his junior years, and the excessive flat- teries that were heaped on him, after he came hither, by all ranks of people. The nature of this work does not lead me to speak of any part of his administration, except that which relates to maritime concerns ; and, therefore, I shall content myself with observing, that, though it was impossible for him to have made himself much acquainted with such matters while he continued in Scotland, yet it does not at all appear that he was negligent of naval con- cerns, after he was once seated on the English throne, unless his hasty conclusion of a peace with Spain, (which, however, was done by the advice of his council,) may be reckoned an error in this respect, or his too great fear of engaging in any war afterwards, should be thought liable to the like censure. The accession of King James gave a fair opportunity to the house of Austria to make an end of the long quarrel * Memoirs of the Earl of Monmouth. Moyses's Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland, p. 310. Dr. Birch's Memoirs of Elizabeth, vol. it. p. 507. 78 NAVAL HISTORY which had subsisted with England; because, during all that time, they had been in peace and amity with King; James, as king of Scots. * Immediately on his arrival at London, the arch-duke sent over a minister to the English court ; and, in consequence of his negotiations, a peace was soon after concluded with Spain, t Some of the writers of those times tell us, that it was chiefly brought about by the large bribes given to all the king's ministers and favourites, especially to the countess of Suffolk, for her husband's interest ; to the earl of Northumberland, for his own ; which gratuities, they would further per- suade us, enabled them to build the two famous structures of Audley-End, in Essex, and Northumberland-House, in the Strand ; ^ and, among others suspected as to this particular, there are those who insinuate, that the lord- high-admiral Nottingham, came in for his share on this occasion. It seems, however, more reasonable to con- clude, that this peace was in reality the effect of the king's inclination, supported by the advice of his most eminent statesmen, some of whom were known to have been for A.D. this measure in the queen's time. There were two 4 ' treaties, one of peace and alliance, the other of commerce, both signed at London, the 18th of August, 1604, || the constable of Castile, the greatest subject in Spain, being- sent for that purpose. All the trading part of the nation * Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 229. The duke de Sully in his admirable Memoirs, torn. iv. liv. xiv. and xv. where he discourses very copiously of the political affairs of England at this period. Wilson, p. 673. t Stowe, p. 8!25. Speed, p. 884. Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 3. J Osborne's Traditional Memoirs of the Reign of King James, in his Works, vol. ii. p. 105. Sir A. W. Court and Character of King James, p. 20, 27. See also an Historical View of the Negotiations between the Courts of England, France, and Brussels, from the MS. State Papers of Sir T. Edinondes, by Dr. Birch, p. 222, 223, 224. See the Life of Lord Burleigh, written by one of his domestics, in the first volume of Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, p. 54. y ttymer's Fcedera, vol. xvi. p. 579596. Stowe's Annals, p. 346. OF KING JAMES I. 79 \vere very well pleased with this proceeding, and would have been much more so, if the king had not taken a very strange step upon its conclusion. He erected a company of merchants, who were to carry on the Spanish commerce exclusively, which gave both an universal and very just offence ; for as the whole nation had borne the expense of the war, and trade in general had suffered thereby, it was but reasonable, that the benefits of peace should be as diffusive. This evil, however, was of no long con- tinuance; the parliament represented to the king, so clearly, the mischiefs that would inevitably attend such a monopoly, that his majesty was content to dissolve the new-erected company, and to leave the Spanish trade entirely open. * It must, however, be acknowledged, that there was a very strong party against making this peace, and who did not cease to publish their dislike and apprehensions con- cerning it, even after it was concluded t The point was, certainly, of high importance, otherwise, it would not have been so warmly canvassed in those days ; and it must also have been pretty difficult, since the dispute has reached even to our days, modern writers differing as much about the wisdom of King James in this article, as those who lived in his time. To discuss the matter here, would require more room than we have to spare ; to pass it entirely over would be amiss, considering the near relation it has to the subject of this work. I will, there- fore, content myself with stating the best reasons that have been offered against the peace, as they were drawn up by the masterly hand of Sir Walter Raleigh, and the * Detection of the Court and State of England, by Richard Coke, Esq. p. 27. edit. 1696. Sec likewise the Act 3 James I. c. vi. which recites, among other things, that such a monopoly tended to abate the prices of our \\ ools and cloths, &c. t See Wimvood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 75, 93, 101. Wilson, Osboro, and all the memoir-writers of those times. g() NAVAL HISTORY answers given to them ; both which, I shall leave to the reader's consideration, without fatiguing him with any comment of my own, * Sir Walter's reasons were five, turning chiefly on the inability of the king of Spain to continue the war, and the mighty profits he was likely to reap from the conclusion of the peace. First. He alledged, " That his Catholic majesty had so exhausted his treasure, " that he was no longer able to maintain the arch-duke's " army in Flanders." To this, it was answered, That the fact was very doubtful, especially if the king of Spain was in a condition to bestow those mighty bribes that were said to be distributed at the time this peace was made. Second. " The interruption of his trade, and the " losses of his merchants were so great, as to break both " his banks at Seville." It is granted, that the subjects of the king of Spain suffered excessively by the continuance of this war; but it does not follow, that we gained in proportion ; neither is it clear, that, if his Catholic majesty had been undone, the king of Great Britain or his subjects, would have been gainers. Third. " He was afraid, that " the English and Netherlands would plant in the West " Indies." If this fear drove him to grant us better terms, it was our advantage ; if not, we could have obtained little by settling in those parts of America which are claimed by Spain ; and it was never pretended, that we made this war to extend the trade, or to procure countries for the Dutch. Fourth. " The king of Spain " makes this peace to recruit his coffers, and enable himself " to break into war again." To judge by what was past, this could not well be the motive ; for it could hardly be sup- posed, that Spain would soon recover as great strength as * These, which were possibly the very points of his memorial to the king against the treaty, are to be found in Sir Walter's dialogue between a recusant and a Jesuit, among the genuine remains pub- lished at the end of an abridgment of his History of the World by Philip Raleigh, Esq. 8vo, 1700. OF KING JAMES I. SI she had at the commencement of the war, when yet she was unable to execute her own projects, or to defend herself against us. Fifth. " The king of Spain took this " step, that the English might decline and forget the pas- " sages and pilotage to the West-Indies, and their sea " officers be worn out; for, except a little trade for " tobacco, there is not a ship that sails that way ; and " seeing the Spaniards may hang up the English, or put " them to death by torments, as they do, and that the " English dare not offend the Spaniards in those parts, a " most notable advantage gotten in the conclusion of the O w " peace ! it is certain, that the English will give over " that navigation, to the infinite advantage of the Spanish " king, both present and future." Experience shewed, that, though this was a plausible, yet it was not a true deduction ; for, in consequence of this peace, many plan- tations were settled by us, and our trade to America in particular, as well as our commerce in general, flourished beyond the example of former times. Instead of objec- tions, which are easily framed against the best measures, by men of quick parts and much political knowledge, it would have been more to the purpose, to have shewn what advantages we were to reap from the continuance of the war, and how it might have been better ended at last, than by such a peace as was now made. But if this treaty gave some dissatisfaction at home, it raised no less discontent abroad. * The Hollanders, who were left to shift for themselves, and who had reaped so great advantages from the favour of Queen Elizabeth, were exceedingly exasperated at a step so much to their * View of the negotiations between England, France, and Brussels, by Dr. Birch, p. 287. Wimvood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 453, 454. By comparing these books, the reader will see, that King James was not so pusillanimous a prince, in respect to foreign affairs, as he is generally represented, but had spirit enough to demand satisfaction for an insinuation of this sort by Prince Maurice to the States, and steadiness enough to insist upon and to obtain it. TOL. II. G NAVAL HISTORY immediate disadvantage. But, as they found themselves still strong enough not only to cope with the Spaniards, but also to make a greater figure than most other nations at sea, they lost that respect which was due to the English flag, and began to assume to themselves a kind of equality even in the narrow seas. This was quickly represented to the king as an indignity not to be borne, and thereupon, he directed a fleet to be fitted out, the command of which, was given to Sir William Monson, with instructions to maintain the honour of the English flag, and that supe- riority which was derived to him from his ancestors in the British seas. * This fleet put to sea in the spring of 1604, and was continued annually under the same admiral, who appears to have been a man of great spirit and much experience ; for, as he tells us in his own memoirs, he served in the first ship of war fitted out in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and was an admiral in the last fleet she ever sent to sea. Yet he found it a very difficult matter to execute his commission ; the Dutch, whenever he con- ferred with any of their chief officers, gave him fine language and fair promises ; but they minded them very little, taking our ships on every frivolous pretences, and treating those they found on board them with great severity, till such time as it appeared the admiral would not bear such usage, and began to make reprisals, threat- ening to hang as pirates, people who shewed themselves very little better in their actions. There were also high contests about the flag, which began through some ac- cidental civilities shewn to the Hollanders in the late reign, when they sailed under the command of English admirals, upon joint expeditions, and were, on that ac- count, treated as if they had been her majesty's own subjects; which favours, they now pretended to claim as * Wimvood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 27, 34, 36, 55. Sir Anfhony Weldon's Court and Character of King James, p. 48, 49. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 237. Rapiu, vol. ii. p. 170. OF KING JAMES I. 3 prerogatives due to them in quality of an independent state. * We have no matters of very great importance to treat in this reign, and therefore, I think it will not be amiss to give the reader an account, in Sir William Monson's own words, of the spirit with which he insisted on satisfaction from the Dutch on this head, whereby the right of the English flag, which has been so much stood upon since, was established with regard to this republic ; the rather, because I know there are many who will scarce believe, that matters of this nature were carried so far, (perhaps as far as they were ever carried,) under so pacific a prince. " In my return from Calais," says Sir William, " the A.D. " 1st of July, 1605, with the emperor's ambassador, as I 160 ** " approached near Dover road, I perceived an increase " of six ships to those I left there three days before, one * c of them being the admiral ; their coming in shew was " to beleaguer the Spaniards, who were then at Dover. tl As I drew near them, the admiral struck his flag thrice, * and advanced it again. His coming from the other " coast, at such a time, caused me to make another con- " struction than he pretended ; and indeed it so fell out, " for I conceived his arrival at that time, was for no other IC end than to shew the ambassador, who, he knew, would " spread it abroad throughout all Europe, as also the * Spaniards, that they might have the less esteem of his w majesty's prerogative in the narrow seas, that, by theit ** wearing their flag, they might be reputed kings of the " sea, as well as his majesty. I hastened the ambassador " ashore, and dispatched a gentleman to the admiral, to " entreat his company the next day to dinner, which he u willingly promised. " The gentleman told him, I required him to take in " his flag, as a duty due to his majesty's ships: he See this matter stated in Seldeni Mare Clausum, lib. ii. cap. 26. Molloy de jure maritime, tit, FLAG. C 2 4 NAVAL HISTORY <" answered, that he had struck it thrice, which he thought " to be a verv sufficient acknowledgment, and it was more " than former admirals of the narrow seas had required " at his hands. The gentleman replied, that he expected such an " answer from him, and therefore he was prepared with " what to say to that point. He told him, the times were <; altered; for when no more but striking the flag was " required, England and Holland were both of them in hostility with Spain, which caused her majesty to " tolerate divers things in them ; as, for instance, the " admiral's wearing his flag in the expedition to Cadiz, ' and the island*, where the lord-admiral of England and the lord of Essex went as generals, and that courtesy " they could not challenge by right, but by permission ; " and the wars being now ceased, his majesty did require " bv me, his minister, such rights and duties as have " formerly belonged to his progenitors. " The admiral refused to obey my command, saying, " he expected more favour from me than from other " admirals, in respect of our long and loving acquaintance ; " but he was answered, that all obligations of private " friendship must be laid aside, when the honour of one's u king and country i> at stake. The gentleman advised him, in a friendly manner, to yield to my demand; " if not, he had commission to tell him, I meant to weigh * anchor, and come near him, and that the force of our " ships should determine the question ; for, rather than " I would suffer his flag to be worn in view of so many " nations as were to behold it, I resolved to bury mvself " in the sea. " The admiral, it seems, upon better advice, took in " his flag, and stood immediately off to sea, firing a " gun for the rest of the fleet to follow him. And thus " I lost my guest the next day at dinner, as he had cc promised. OF KING JAMES I. 85 " This passage betwixt the admiral and me was ob- " served from the shore, people beholding us to see the " event. Upon my landing I met with Sciriago, the " general of the Spaniards, who in the time of Queen i; Elizabeth was employed under Mendoza, the ainbas- " sador of Spain. He told me, that if the Hollanders had " worn their flags, times had been strangely altered in " England, since his old master King Philip the second " was shot at by the lord-admiral of England, for wear- " ing his flag in the narrow seas, when he came to marry " Queen Mary." * These disputes continued for many years ; and though, through the vigilance of admiral Monson, the Dutch were defeated in all their pretensions, and the preroga- tives of the British sovereignty at sea were thoroughly maintained; yet the republic of Holland still kept up a spirit of resentment, which broke out in such acts of violence, as would not have been passed by in the days of Queen Elizabeth ; yet our admiral does not seem to charge the king or his ministry in general with want of inclination to do themselves justice ; but lays it expressly at the door of secretary Cecil, afterwards earl of Salisbury ; who thought it. he says, good policy to pass by such kind of offences, t but he does not report any reasons upon which that kind of policy was grounded; yet it did not absolutely or constantly prevail, even in the councils of King James ; for upon some surmises that foreigners took A.D. unreasonable liberties in fishing in our seas, a proclama- 1608 * * Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 242, 2 tS. t The reader may consult the dispatches of this great minister, in AN in wood's Memorials. The grand point upon which the Hollanders .stood, was our old treaties with the House of Burgundy, which, they said, should be observed towards them. The reason, probabl), of Salisbury's countenancing them was this, that his father had advised Queen Elizabeth to insist on those treaties as sufficient to justify her in assisting the provinces, notwithstanding her leagues with Spain. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 241. 6 NAVAL HISTORY tion was published in the year 1608, roundly asserting the king's sovereignty in that point, and prohibiting all foreign nations to fish on the British coast ; this, though O general in appearance, had yet a more particular relation to the Dutch, who found themselves so far affected thereby, especially when the king appointed commissioners at London for granting licences to such foreigners as would fish on the English coast ; and at Edinburgh, for granting licences of the like nature to such as would fish in the northern sea ; and to these regulations, though with great reluctance, they submitted for the present ; the reason of which seems to be, their having then affairs of great moment to manage with the court of Great Britain. * In these important concerns, notwithstanding all that had passed, they succeeded, and two treaties were concluded on the 26th of June, 1608, between the crown of Great Britain and the States-General; the one of peace and alliance, the other for stating and settling the debt due to King James, t One would have imagined, that the advantages obtained by these treaties should have brought the republic to a better temper in respect to other matters ; but it did not, for within a short time after, they disputed paying the assize-herring in Scotland, the licence-money in England ; and, to protect their subjects from the penal- ties which might attend such a refusal, they sent ships of force to escort their herring busses. These facts, as they are incontestible, I think myself obliged to relate, though without the least prejudice against the Dutch, who are a people certainly to be commended for all such Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 358, 359. See a very scarce and curious tract, entitled, England's Way to win "Wealth, Sec. by Tobias Gentleman, London, 1614, 4to. dedicated to the earl of Northampton, where the injuries the British nation suffered by the Dutch fishing in our seas are described at large. t Rymer's foedera, torn. xvi. p. 674, et seq. I Seldeni mare claus. lib. ii. cap. 31. ex Rot. Parliament. 4 Jac. 6. cap. 60. & Rot. Parliament, 6 ejugdem, cap. 86. OF KING JAMES I. 87 instances of their public spirit, as appear to be con- sistent with the right of their neighbours, and the law of nations. * But, at this time of day, ministers were too much afraid of parliaments to run the hazard of losing any of the nation's right, for want of insisting upon them, and therefore they prevailed upon the king to republish his proclamation, (which follows,) that a parliament, when- ever they met, might see they had done their duty, and advise the king thereupon as they should think fit. The Proclamation concerning Fishing. WHEREAS, we have been contented, since our coming A.D. to the crown, to tolerate an indifferent and promiscuous 1609 * kind of liberty to all our friends whatsoever, to fish within our streams, and upon any of our coasts of Great Britain, Ireland, and other adjacent islands, so far forth as the permission, or use thereof, might not redound to the impeachment of our prerogative royal, or to the hurt and damage of our loving subjects, whose preservation and flourishing estate we hold ourself principally bound to advance before all worldly respects : so finding, that our continuance therein, hath not only given occasion of over-great encroachments upon our regalities, or rather questioning of our right, but hath been a means of daily wrongs to our own people, that exercise the trade of fishing, as (either by the multitude of strangers, which do pre-occupy those places, or by the injuries which they receive most commonly at their hands) our subjects are constrained to abandon their fishing, or at least are become so discouraged in the same, as they hold it better for them to betake themselves to some other course of living, whereby not only divers of our coast towns are * The vouchers for these facts may all be found in the paper-office. 88 NAVAL HISTORY much decayed, but the number of our mariners daily diminished, which is a matter of great consequence to our estate, considering how much the strength thereof consisteth in the power of shipping and use of navigation ; we have thought it now both just and necessary, in respect that we are now, by God's favours, lineally and lawfully possessed, as well of the island of Great Britain, as of Ireland, and the rest of the isles adjacent, to bethink ourselves of good and lawful means to prevent those in- conveniencies, and many others depending on the same. In consideration whereof, as we are desirous that the world may take notice, that we have no intention to deny our neighbours and allies those fruits and benefits of peace and friendship, which may be justly expected at our bands, in hoHOiir and reason, or are afforded by other princes mutually in the point of commerce, and exchange of those things which may not prove prejudicial to them; so, because some such convenient order may be taken in this matter, as may sufficiently provide for all those im- portant considerations which depend thereupon, we have resolved, first, to give notice to all the world, that our express pleasure is, that from the beginning of the month of August next coming, no person, of what nation or qua- lity soever, being not our natural born subjects, be per- mitted to fish upon any of our coasts and seas of Great Britain, Ireland, and the rest of the isles adjacent, where most usually heretofore any fishing hath been, until they have orderly demanded and obtained licences from us, or such our commissioners as we have authorised in that behalf, viz. at London for our realms of England and Ireland, and at Edinburgh for our realm of Scotland, which licenses our intention is, shall be yearly demanded for so many vessels and ships, and the tonnage thereof, as shall intend to fish for that whole year, or any part thereof, upon any of our coasts and seas, as aforesaid, upon OF KING JAMES I. 89 pain of such chastisement as shall be fit to be inflicted upon such as are wilful offenders. Given at our palace of Westminster, the 6th day of May, in the seventh year of our reign of Great Britain, anno Dom. 1609. There were also some strangles in this reiffn with the oo O French, about the same rights of fishery and the sove- reignty of the sea, in which, through the vigorous measures taken by Sir William Monson, the nation prevailed, and the French were obliged to desist from their practices of disturbing our fishermen, and otherwise injuring our navi- gation. * In 1614, the same admiral was sent to scour the A.D. Scotch and Irish seas, which were much infested with pirates. We need not much wonder at this, if we consider, that, till Kinsr James's accession to the throne of England, x o o y there was little, indeed scarce any naval strength in his own country ; and that in Ireland the Spaniards, by fre- quently practising this piratical trade during the war, had given the barbarous inhabitants such a relish of it, that they could not forsake it in time of peace. The noise, how- ever, of their depredations, far exceeded the damage ; for, when on the 1st of June, Sir William Monson made the coast of Caithness, the most northern part of Scotland, he found that, instead of twenty pirates, of whom he expected to have intelligence in those parts, there were in fact but two, one of whom immediately surrendered, and the other was afterwards taken by the admiral on the coast of Ire- land; where, by a proper mixture of clemency and severity, he extirpated these rovers, and reclaimed the inhabitants of the sea coast from their scandalous way of living, by affording shelter and protection to pirates, furnishing them * Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 243. Gentleman's Eng- land's Way to win Wealth, p. 34. 90 NAVAL HISTORY with provisions, and taking their plunder in exchange. This service Sir William performed in three months. * A.D. In 1617, Sir Walter Raleigh was released from his im- prisonment in the Tower, and had a commission from the king to discover and take possession of any countries in the south of America which were inhabited by heathen nations, for the enlargement of commerce and the propagation of religion : t in the undertaking which expedition, his expenses were borne by himself, his friends, and such mer- chants as entertained a good opinion of the voyage. His design has been variously represented, and I shall be at liberty to examine it hereafter more at large, in its proper place. At present, I am to speak of it only as a public concern, in which light it was justifiable beyond all question, notwithstanding the outcries that were made against it by the Spaniards. It is indeed pretty evident, that the com- plaints of their minister Don Diego Sarmiento d'Acuna, so well known afterwards by the title of Count Gondemar, were not so much grounded on any notions he himself had of the injustice of this design, as on a piece of Spanish policy, by raising a clamour on false pretences, to discover the true scope and intent of Sir Walter's voyage. In this he was but too successful; for, upon his representations, that excellent person was obliged to give a distinct account, as well of his preparations for executing, as of the design he was to execute ; and this (by what means is not clear) was communicated to the Spaniards, who thereby gained an opportunity, first of disappointing him in America, and then of taking off his head upon his return, to the lasting * Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 247, 251. The Dutch ambassador, by order of the States, had complained loudly of these pirates in 1611, and had even desired the king's permission to pursue them into the very haven of that kingdom, (Ireland.) Winwood's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 285, 286. t Rymer's Foedcra, vol. xvi. p. 789. OF KING JAMES I. dishonour of this reign, as well as the great detriment of the nation ; for, without all doubt, this project of Sir Walter Raleigh's, for settling in Guiana, was not only well con- trived, but well founded ; and, if it had been followed, might have been as beneficial to Britain as Brazil is to Portugal, t The disputes with the States of Holland, * in reference to the right of fishing, broke out again, in the year 1618, from the old causes, which were plainly a very high pre- sumption of their own maritime force, and an opinion they had entertained of the king's being much addicted to peace. It is not at all impossible, that they had a great opinion likewise of their minister's capacity, and that sooner or later, if they could but keep up a long negociation, they might either prevail upon the king to drop his pretensions, or repeat their own ill-founded excuses so often till in the close they gained credit. At this time, those who hated the English ministry, treated these differences with that republic as rather criminal than honourable; but, the same men living long enough to get the supreme power into their own hands, in the time of the long parliament, caused the letters of state written at that juncture to be drawn out of the dust and rubbish, and made them, without the smallest scruple, the foundation of that quarrel, which they prosecuted with force of arms. It is to be hoped, that no occasion of the like nature will ever happen ; but, nevertheless, as those letters are very curious, and much to the purpose, a few extracts from them cannot but be acceptable, and may be useful. * See Oldys's Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 96. f Mr. Camden, in his Annals of the reign of this prince, says, that the deputies of the States, at their audience of the king, on the 31st of December, 1618, entreated, that nothing might be done in respect to the herring fishing, as it was the great support of their common- wealth, and the only succour and relief of the common people, to regard to the troubles then amongst them. NAVAL HISTORY EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM SECRETARY NAUNTON TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON, AMBASSADOR TO THE STATES-GENERAL, DATED THE 21st OF DECEMBER, MS. " I MUST now let your lordship know, that the States " commissioners and deputies both, having 1 attended his " majesty at Newmarket, and there presented their letters " of credence, returned to London on Saturday was " se'ennight and, upon Tuesday, had audience in the coun- " cil-chamber, where, being required to communicate the " points of their commission, they delivered their meditated " answer at length. The lords, upon perusal of it, ap- " pointed my lord Dining and me to attend his majesty for " directions what reply to return to this answer of theirs, '' which we represented to their lordships yesterday to this " effect : That his majesty found it strange, that they, " having been so often required by your lordship, his " majesty's ambassador, as from himself, in their public " assemblies, to send over commissioners fully authorised " to treat and conclude, not only of all differences grown " between the subjects of both states, touching the trade " to the East Indies, and the whale-fishing, and to regulate " and settle a joint and an even traffic in those quarters ; *' but withal, to take order for a more indifferent course " of determining other questions, growing between our " merchants and them, about their draperies and the tare ; " and more especially, to determine his majesty's right for " the sole fishing, upon all the coasts of his three king- " doms, into which they had of late times incroached far- " ther than of right they could ; and, lastly, for the regle- " ment and reducing of their coins, to such a proportion " and correspondence with those of his majesty and other " states, that their subjects might make no advantage to transport our monies by enhancing their valuation there. OF KING JAMES I. 93 u All which they confessed your lordship had instanced " them for in his majesty's name; that, after all this attent 11 on his majesty's part, and so long deliberation on theirs, " they were come at last with a proposition, to speak only " to the two first points, and instructed thereunto with " bare letters of credence only, which his majesty takes " for an imperious fashion of proceeding in them, as if " they were come hither to treat of what themselves " pleased, and to give law to his majesty in his own king- " doin, and to propose and admit of nothing but what " should tend merely to their own ends. " To the second, whereas they would decline all debate " of the fishing upon his majesty's coasts first, by allega- " tions of their great losses, and the fear of an esmeute of " their people, who are all interested in that question, " and would belike break out into some combustion to " the hazard of their state, which hath lately scaped " naufrage, and is not yet altogether calmed. What is " this, but to raise an advantage to themselves out of their " disadvantage ! But afterwards, they professed their loth- " ness to call it into doubt or question, claiming an imme- " morial possession, seconded by the law of nation? : to a which his majesty will have them told, that the kings of " Spain have sought leave to fish there by treaty from " this crown, and that the king of France, a nearer neigh- " bour to our coasts than they, to this day requests leave " for a few vessels to fish for provision of his own house- " hold ; that they, being a state of so late date, should " be the first that would presume to question his majesty's " ancient right, so many hundred years inviolably pos- <; sessed by his progenitors, and acknowledged by all other u ancient states and princes. That themselves, in their " public letters of the last of June, sent by your lordship, t; seemed then to confirm their immemorial possession, as ": they term it, with divers treaties, as are that of the year " 1550, and another between his majesty's predecessor? NAVAL HISTORY u and Charles V. as prince of those provinces, and not by " the law of nations. To which, their last plea, his " majesty would have told them, that he., being- an islander " prince, is not ignorant of the laws and rights of his own " kingdom, nor doth expect to be taught the law of nations " by them, or their Grotius, whose ill thriving might rather " teach others to disavow his positions ; and his honesty, " called in question by themselves, might render his learn- <{ ing as much suspected to them as his person. This " his majesty takes for an high point of his sovereignty, " and will not have it slighted over in any fashion what- * { soever. " Thus I have participated unto you the manner of our " proceeding with them. Let them advise to seek leave '* from his majesty, and acknowledge in him his right, as " other princes have done, and do, or it may well come to " pass, that they, that will needs bear all the world before " them by their mare liberum, may soon come to have " neither terrani Sf solum, nor rempublicam liberum" EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE SAID AMBASSADOR TO SECRETARY NAU.VTON, DATED AT THE HAGUE, THE 30TH OF DECEMBER, 1618. " WHETHER the final resolution here will be according " to his majesty's desire, in that point concerning the fish- " ing upon the coasts of his three kingdoms, I cannot say ; " and, by somewhat which fell from the prince of Orange, " by way of discourse, when he took leave of me on " Monday last, at his departure, I suspect it will not, in " regard the magistrates of these towns of Holland, being " newly placed, and yet scarce fast in their seats, who do " authorize the deputies which come hither to the assem- " bly of the States, in all things they are to treat and ;c resolve, will not adventure, for fear of the people, to " determine of a business on which the livelihood of fifty OF KING JAMES I. 95 w thousand of the inhabitants of this one single province *' doth depend. I told the prince, that howsoever his " majesty, both in honour of his crown and person, and " interest of his kingdoms, neither could nor would any " longer desist from having his right acknowledged by " this state, as well as by all other princes and common- *' wealths, especially finding the same openly oppugned, tf both by their statesmen and men of war, as the writings " of Grotius, and the taking of John Brown the last year, " may testify; yet this acknowledgment of a right and a >' due, was no exclusion of grace and favour, and that the " people of this country paying that small tribute upon " every one of their busses, which is not so much as dis- " puted by any other nation whatsoever, such was his " majesty's well-wishing to this state, that I presumed of " his permission to suffer them to continue their course of " fishing, which they might use thereby with more freedom " and less apprehension of molestation and let, than before, " and likewise spare the cost of some of their men of war, " which they yearly send out to maintain that by force, " which they may have of courtesy. " The prince answered, that for himself, at his return " from Utrecht, he would do his best endeavours to pro- " cure his majesty's contentment ; but he doubted the " Hollanders would apprehend the same effect in their " payment for fishing as they found in the passage of the " Sound, where at first an easy matter was demanded by " the king of Denmark, but now more exacted than they *' can possibly bear ; and, touching their men of war he " said, they must still be at the same charge with them, < because of the pirates. Withal he cast out a question " to me, whether this freedom of fishing might not be , 1622, printed with other things, and directed to be read in Churches, Lon- don, 1621, 4to. t Such as, An Essay of the means to make Travel useful, profitable, and honourable, by Thomas Palmer, London, 1606, 4to. Virginia Richly Valued, by Richard Hakluyt, London, 1609, 4to. The Planter's Plea, or the grounds of Plantations examined, and objec- tions answered, London, 1620, 4to. A Discourse on the Trade to the East Indies, by Thomas Mun. The Maintenance of Free Trade, by Gewrge Malynes, merchant, London, 1622, 8vo. The Center of the Circle of Commerce, by the same hand, London, 1623, 4to. OF KING JAMES I. the royal navy of England by this prince, which list is taken from Sir William Monson, and stands thus : * SHIPS. MEN IN HARBOUR. MEN AT SEA. Reformation 9 250 Happy Entrance 7 160 Garland 7 160 St. George 9 250 Mary Rose 6 120 Triumph 12 ., 300 Swiftsure 9 250 Bonaventure 7 16O St. Andrew 9 250 But that this list is very defective, we may conclude from hence, that there is no mention therein of the greatest ship built in this king's reign, and built too by his express direction ; of which we have so exact, and at the same time so authentic an account, that it may not be amiss to transcribe it. " This year, 1610, the king built a most goodly ship " for war, the keel whereof was one hundred and fourteen *' feet long, and the cross beam was forty-four feet in " length ; she will carry sixty-four pieces of great " ordnance, and is of the burden of fourteen hundred " tons. This royal ship is double built, and is most " sumptuously adorned, within and without, with all " manner of curious carving, painting, and rich gilding, " being in all respects the greatest and goodliest ship " that ever was built in England ; and this glorious ship " the king gave unto his son Henry prince of Wales. " The 24th of September, the king, the queen, the prince " of Wales, the duke of York, and the Lady Elizabeth, " with many great lords, went unto Woolwich to see it " launched ; but, because of the narrowness of the dock, " it could not then be launched ; whereupon the prince " came the next morning by three o'clock, and then, at * Sir WUHam Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 277. 112 NAVAL HISTORY " the launching thereof, the prince named it after hi* " own dignity, and called it the Prince. The great work- " master in building this ship was Mr. Phineas Pet, gen- " tleman, some time master of arts of Emmanuel College, in Cambridge." * In the same author we have an account of the king's going on board the great East India ship of twelve hun- dred tons, which was built here, and seems to have been the first of that size launched in this kingdom. The king called it the Trade's Increase ; and a pinnace of two hundred and fifty tons, which was built at the same time, he called the Pepper-corn, t This shews that he was a favourer of navigation ; and, though I cannot pretend to say exactly what additions he made to the English fleet, yet, from some authentic calculations I have seen, I think I may venture to affirm, that Queen Elizabeth's ships of war, at the time of her death, might contain somewhat more than sixteen thousand tons ; and that, in the days of King James, they amounted to upwards of twenty thou- sand tons. | The king also granted a commission of inquiry for reforming the abuses in the navy, the pro- ceedings upon which are still preserved in the Cotton library. He was liberal likewise to seamen, and natu- rally inclined to do them honour ; but as in other things, so in this, he was too much governed by his favourites. |) Buckingham managed the admiralty very indifferently; and, before his time, Gondamar had persuaded King James, against reason, law, the inclinations of his people, nay, against his own sense of things, to take off the head of the greatest man who flourished in his reign, and of whom I am now particularly to speak. * Stowe's Annals, continued by Howes, p. 996. Mr. Camden> Annals of the Reign of King James, under the year 1610. t Ibid. p. 994. J From some Notes on Hakluyt, MS. VitelKus, E. 8. || Wilson, Baker, Kennet, Eclmrd, and Rapin. MEMOIRS, Sec. MEMOIRS OF SIR WALTER RALEIGH, KNIGHT. As the fame of this gentleman's actions was sufficient to have established and given lustre to any family ; so his descent was honourable enough to exempt him from envy, even in the high posts which he by his merit obtained. There were several families of the name of Raleigh in the west ; and three particularly, which were seated in several parts of the country, and bore different arms. That from which this gentleman sprung, may be, and indeed is> traced to the reign of King John, as the Raleighs, in general, are beyond the conquest. * His father was Walter Raleigh, Esq. of Fardel, in the county of Devon. This gentleman had three wives, and children by them all. The last was Catharine, the daughter of Sir Philip Cham- pernon, of Modbury, and relict of Otho Gilbert, of Compton, in Devonshire, Esq. By this lady, Mr. Ra- leigh had two sons, Carew, who was afterwards knighted, and Walter, of whom we are treating ; as also a daughter, Margaret, who was twice married. Thus it appears, that this gentleman was brother by the mother's side to those famous knights. Sir John, Sir Humphry, and Sir Adrian Gilbert, t He was born in the year 1552, at a pleasant farm called Hayes, seated in that part of Devonshire which borders on the -sea ; and, after laying the foundations of literature in his own country, was sent to Oxford while a very young man ; since, according to the best authority, he was there in 1568, and soon distinguished himself by a proficiency in learning far beyond his age. ]: When he * See these points judiciously cleared, by Mr. Oldys, in his Life of Sir AValter Raleigh, p. 4, 5, 6. t Visitation of Devonshire, by William Hervey, Esq. Clarencieux, MS. in the Herald's Office. | Wood's Athen. Oxon. vol. i. col. 135. VOL. II. I MEMOIRS OF came to, and how long he staid in, Oriel college is not very clear; neither is it well made out, though often and very confidently asserted, that he was afterwards of the Middle Temple. This we may consider as sure, that about J. r )69, he, in company with many young gentlemen of ffood families and martial dispositions, went over into * France, as well to instruct themselves in the art of war, as to assist the Protestants in that kingdom, then grievously oppressed. * He served there some considerable time, and acquired both skill and reputation. The former is evident, from many judicious observations on those ware which we meet with scattered through his works ; and the latter is attested by contemporary and credible authors. It appears from a comparison of facts and dates, that he was somewhat more than five years thus employed ; and having still an earnest desire to improve his military skill, and an eager thirst for glory, he passed next into the Netherlands, where he served likewise some time against the Spaniards, t In these transactions, he followed, as it was natural for a young man to do, the fashion of the times. France and the Netherlands were in those days the schools of Mars ; to which all were obliged to resort who addicted themselves to the sword, and were willing to find a way to reputation, by exposing their persons in the service of their country. But whereas numbers were ruined by this course ; suffering their minds to be corrupted by the licence of camps ; and their behaviour to be infected with that fierce and boisterous humour, which some take for a soldier-like freedom ; Raleigh, on the contrary, made the true use of his service in a foreign country ; increased his stock of knowledge in all kinds ; improved his skill as a soldier, by experience ; and so completely polished hii manner of address, that, at his return, he was considered * Camden's Annals, A. D. 1569. Jac. August. Thuani Historiarum sui tcmpcris, torn. ii. fol. 1626. lib. 46. p. 601. t NauHton's Fragment* Regalia, p, 2a SIR WALTER RALEIGH. as one of the best bred and most accomplished gentlemen in England, at a period when this was no singular cha- racter. On Mr. Raleigh's coming back to his native soil, in 1578, he found his brother, Sir Humphry Gilbert, engaged in a design of making discoveries in North America, for which he had obtained a patent, and for the furtherance of which he had procured the assistance of many friends. Raleigh was much taken with the design, and embarked in it cordially. When it came to be executed, many who had been warmly concerned drew back. Mr. Raleigh, however, not only continued firm to his engagements, but resolved to accompany his brother in person. * This, after all, proved an unfortunate undertaking, and would have frightened a man of less resolution than Raleigh, from venturing to sea again ; for they not only missed the great discoveries they thought to have made, but were attacked by the Spaniards, in their return ; and, though they made a very gallant defence, they had no reason to boast of success, losing one of the best ships in their small fleet, and in it a very gallant young gentleman, whose name was Miles Morgan, t From this unlucky adventure, Mr. Raleigh arrived safe in England, in the spring of the year 1579 ; and had soon after thoughts of serv ing his queen and country in Ireland, where his holiness Pope Gregory VIII. and the Spaniards had sent men, money, and blessings, to comfort and assist such as, in breach of their oaths, would take arms against their lawful sovereign, and cut the throats of the innocent English. ^ It is not very clear at what time our hero crossed the seas ; but it appears from indubitable authority, that in 1580, he had a captain's commission under the president of * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 143. Holiiigshed, vol. ii. p. 1369. Hooker's Dedication of his Translation ajid Continuation of the Irish Chronicles, f See Captain Hayes's relation in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 164. t Hooker's Supplement to the Irish Chronicles, p. 154. I 3 ] 15 MEMOIftS OF Munster, which was then a more honourable commission than now; because there were fewer soldiers, and con- sequently more care was taken in distributing commis- sions. The next year Captain Raleigh served under the noble earl of Ormond, then governor of Ulster; a person conspicuous by his illustrious birth, and near relation to Queen Elizabeth; but still more so by his virtues and steady adherence to his duty, in spite of greater temptations than any other man met with, and by whose directions Raleigh performed many signal services. The Spanish succours, under the command of an officer of their own, assisted by a choice body of their Irish confederates, had raised and fortified a castle, which they called Del Ore ; and which they intended should serve them for a place of retreat, whenever they found themselves dis- tressed ; and prove also a key to admit fresh succours from abroad, which they daily expected, and for which it was mighty well situated, as standing upon the bay of Smer- wick, or St. Mary Wick, in the county of Kerry. The then deputy of Ireland, Lord Grey, was a person of great courage and indefatigable industry; but withal of a very severe temper ; particularly prejudiced against the Irish ; and who resolved at all hazards to dispossess them of this fort ; which he accordingly besieged with his small army for some time. In this dangerous enterprize Captain Raleigh had his share : commanding often in the trenches ; and contributing greatly to the reduction of the place ; which was at last forced to surrender at discretion, and the lord-deputy directed the greatest part of the garrison to be put to the sword. This was accordingly executed, though with great regret, by the Captains Raleigh and Mackworth. t Many other services he performed in Irc- * Cox's History of Ireland, p. 366. t Stowe. p. 6H8. Canulen, p. 334339. Hooker's Supplement tu the Irish Chronicle, Jol. 171. Spenser's State of Ireland, in his Works, vol. >i. p. 158; whore. howc\er, he vindicates the lord-deputy wantilti and speaks 05 an eye and ear witness of all that passed. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. land, of a nature not necessary for me to relate ; and these very justly recommended him to the notice of the govern- ment, which in 1581, honoured him with a joint commission to be governor of Munster. In this character he con- tinued to do the state many important services, which were amply rewarded by the grant of a large estate in the county he had subdued. * Yet all his care and all his services did not hinder his having many enemies, and among them the lord-deputy Grey ; so that he seems to have been recalled in the latter end of the same year, to England, where he was quickly introduced to the queen's notice, and by his own merits attained a large share in her favour ; t and as he was forward to distinguish himself in all public services of reputation ; so, on the return of the duke of Anjou into the Netherlands, he was one of those who accompanied him out of England, by the express command of Queen Elizabeth ; and, on his coming to England in 1582, he brought over the prince of Orange's letters to the queen. J Some months after this he resided at court ; and was ho- noured with the favour and protection even of contending statesmen, who were proud of shewing the true judgment they made of merit, by becoming patrons to Raleigh. In 1583, he was concerned in his brother Gilbert's second attempt ; and though he went not in person, yet he built a new ship, called the Bark Raleigh, and furnished it completely for the voyage ; the unsuccessful end of which it seemed to predict, by its untimely return in less than a week to Plymouth, through a contagious distemper which seized on the ship's crew. || Yet did not either this * Naunton's Fragmenta Regalia, p. 28, 29. f Leicester's Commonwealth, p. 37. Aulic. Coquin. p. 90. J Sir Walter Raleigh's Invention of Shipping, in his Select Essays, p. 36. Shirley's Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 19. Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 487. II Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 149. MEMOIRS OF accident, or the unfortunate loss of his brother, Sir phry, which has been heretofore related, drive from Raleigh's thoughts a scheme so beneficial to his country r as these northern discoveries seemed to be. He therefore y digested into writing, an account of the advantages which he supposed might attend the prosecution of such a design ; and, having laid his paper before the council, obtained her majesty's letters patent in favour of his project, dated the 25th of March, 1584. * By this seasonable interpo- sition, he kept alive that generous spirit of searching out and planting distant countries, which has been ever since of such infinite service to the trade and navigation of England. It was not long before Mr. Raleigh carried his patent into execution; for having made choice of two worthy commanders, Captain Philip Amadas and Captain Arthur Barlow, he fitted out their vessels with such expedition^ though entirely at his own expense, that on the twenty- seventh of April following, they set sail from the west of England for the coast of North America; where they safely arrived in the beginning of the month of July, and took possession of that fine country, which has been since so famous by the name bestowed on it by Queen Eliza- beth, and not given, as is generally surmised, by Sir Walter Raleigh, of Virginia, t About this time, he was chosen knight of the shire for the county of Devon ; J and making a considerable figure in parliament, he, upon some occasion entering the royal presence in his capacity as a member of the House of Commons, received the hononr of knighthood ; but at what time is not exactly known. In 1585, Sir Walter Raleigh fitted out a second fleet for Virginia, in which Historical Account of the Voyages of Sir W. Raleigh, Ixmdojj, 1719, 8vo. p. 8. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 343. Life of Sir W. Raleigh, by Oldys, p. 25. t Willis's NotitiaParliamentaria, vol. ii. p. 354. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 119 he had very good success ; his ships in their return taking a Spanish prize worth fifty thousand pounds. * He was likewise concerned in Captain Davis's undertaking, for the discovery of the north-west passage; for which reason a promontory in Davis's Streights was called Mount Raleigh, t In respect of these public spirited and very expensive projects, the queen was pleased to make him some profitable grants ; particularly two, the first of wine licences, J and the other, of a seigniory in Ireland, consisting of twelve thousand acres, which he planted at his own expense, and many years after sold to Richard Boyle, the first earl of Corke. Encouraged by these favours, he fitted out a third fleet for Virginia, and two barks, to cruise against the Spaniards near the Azores, which had such success, that they were obliged to leave many of their prizes behind them. j| This good fortune of his abroad, was so improved by his own prudent behaviour at home, that the queen, in the latter part of the year 1586, made him seneschal of the dutchies of Cornwall and Exeter, and lord- warden of the stannaries in Devon- shire and Cornwall ; which preferments, though no more than his merit deserved, yet exposed him to the malice of such as, having no deserts of their own, despaired of attaining, by their intrigues, the like advantages. 5 In the year 1587, Sir Walter Raleigh fitted out a fourth fleet for Virginia, at his own expense ; and in 1588, a fifth ; but neither had any great success, notwithstanding all imaginable care was taken to provide them thoroughly in all respects, and to employ none in this service but men of resolution and reputation. ** These disappoint- * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 251. t I bid - P- 101 - J Oldys's Life of Sir W. Raleigh, p. 26. Cox's History of Ireland, p. 389391. || Hakluyt, vol. ii. partii. p. 130. If See Hooker's Dedication of his Supplement to the Irish Chro- nicles to Sir W. Raleigh. ** Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 288. MEMOIRS OF raents, however, served only to shew the constancy of our hero's temper, and the firmness with which he pursued whatever appeared to him conducive to the public good, how little soever it turned to his private advantage. With justice, therefore, was the wise Queen Elizabeth liberal to such a man ; who, whatever he received from her bounty with one hand, bestowed it immediately in acts glorious to the nation with the other. The fertile fteld thus refunds the sun's golden beams in a beautiful and copious harvest of golden ears. When the nation was alarmed with the news of the king of Spain's famous armada, Sir Walter Raleigh was one of the council appointed to consider of ways and means for repulsing those invaders ; and his application of his thoughts to this important question, at that time, produced such a scheme for defence, as may be of the greatest use to this island, while it remains such. * He did not, however, confine himself to this province of giving advice ; but, as he had often fitted out ships for his country's honour and his own ; so he now did the like for its defence; and, not satisfied even with that, he exposed also his person among the many noble volunteers who went to sea upon that occasion, and performed such signal services in the attack and destruction of that formidable .fleet, as recommended him further to the queen's favour; who granted him some additional ad- vantages in his wine office, which he enjoyed throughout her whole reign, and was the principal source of that wealth which he employed so much to his honour in all public services, t About this time, he made an assignment of all his right, title, and interest in the colony of Virginia, to certain gentlemen and merchants of London, in hopes they might * See an extract of this piece in Oldys's Life of Sir Walter Raleigk, p. 39. t Townshend's Historical Collections, p. 244. Sill WALTER RALEIGH. 1 be able to carry on a settlement there more successfully than he had done. He had already spent upwards of forty thousand pounds in his several attempts for that purpose ; and yet it does not appear that he parted with his property, either out of a prospect of gain, or through an unwillingness to run any further hazard ; for, instead of taking a consideration, he gave them, at the time of making the assignment, an hundred pounds toward their first expenses : neither did he make any reserve, except the fifths of all gold and silver mines. All his view was to engage such a number of joint adventurers, as by their concurring interests and industry might strengthen his infant colony, and enable it to reach the end which he had designed. With the same view he continued to assist the company with his advice and protection, when- ever they desired it; and the difficulties they struggled with, for twenty years after, sufficiently shewed, it was not through any fault of the original proprietor that Virginia did not sooner flourish; and that his wisdom and prudence were no less to be admired in this disposal of his concern therein, than his courage and conduct deserved applause in first fixing upon so advantageous a spot, which has since proved itself worthy of all the care and expense employed in the support of it. * When a proposition was made by Don Antonio, king of Portugal, to Queen Elizabeth, to assist him in the recovery of his dominions, the terms he offered appeared so reasonable, that her majesty was contented to bear a considerable share in that undertaking, and to encourage her public-spirited subjects to furnish the rest, t Her majesty's quota consisted of six men of war, and three- score thousand pounds ; to which the adventurers added a hundred and twenty sail of ships, and between fourteen * Hakluyt's Voyages, first edit. p. 815. t See Don Antonio's Letter to the Treasurer in Strype's Annals, vol. iii. p. 536. .MEMOIRS OF and fifteen thousand men, soldiers and sailors. In the fitting out this fleet Sir Walter Raleigh was deeply con- cerned, and took a share himself in the expedition, of which a large account has been given already ; * and, therefore, there is no need of repeating it here, especially since we meet with no particulars, which personally respect Sir Walter, worth mentioning, except it be taking some hulks belonging to the Hanse towns; for which he, together with some other commanders, received, as a special mark of the queen's favour, a gold chain, t The next year, he made a voyage to Ireland, and toward the latter end of it, formed a grand design of attacking the Spaniards in the West Indies, taking the Plate fleet, and sacking Panama. J This enterprise, like that of Portugal, was partly at the queen's charge, and partly at that of private persons ; among whom the principal were Sir Walter Raleigh, and Sir John Hawkins ; the former intending to go in person as commander in chief of the fleet, which consisted of two of the queen's ships, and thirteen sail besides. Many accidents happened, which detained these ships on the English coast for twelve weeks ; but, at last, Sir Walter Raleigh sailed on the 6th of May, 1592. The very next day, Sir Martin Frobisher followed, and over* took him with the queen's letter to recal him; but he, thinking his honour too deeply engaged, continued at sea, till all hopes of success, according to their intended scheme, was lost; and then returned, leaving the com- mand of the fleet to Sir Martin Frobisher, and Sir John Burgh, or Burrough, with orders to cruize on the coast of Spain, and the islands. In pursuance of these orders, Sir John Burgh happily made himself master of the See the Naval History of Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 442. t Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, by Oldys, p. 50. J Hakluyt, vol. ii. part ii. p. 194. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 280. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. Madre de Dios, or Mother of God, one of the greatest ships belonging to the crown of Portugal, which he brought safely into Dartmouth, on the 7th of September, in the same year. * This is said to have been the most considerable prize, till then, taken in this war; and therefore it may not be amiss to give a particular account of it. This carrack was in burden no less than sixteen hun- dred tons, whereof nine hundred were merchandize ; she carried thirty-two pieces of brass ordnance, and between six and seven hundred passengers ; was built with decks, seven story, one main orlope, three close decks, one fore-castle, and a spare deck, of two floors a piece. According to the observations of Mr. Robert Adams, an excellent geometrician, she was in length, from the beak head to the stern, one hundred and sixty-five feet; in breadth, nearly forty-seven feet ; the length of her keel, one hundred feet ; of the main mast, one hundred and twenty- one feet ; its circuit at the partners, nearly eleven feet ; and her main yard one hundred and six feet, t As to her lading, according to the catalogue taken at Leadenhall, the 15th of September this year, the principal wares con- sisted of spices, drugs, silks, calicoes, carpets, quilts, cloth of the rind of trees, ivory, porcelane, or china ware, ebony ; besides 'pearl, musk, civet, and ambergris, with many other commodities of inferiour value. The cargo freighted ten of our ships for London ; and was, by mo- derate computation, valued at a hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling. ^ When this vessel was first taken, both Sir Walter Raleigh and Sir John Hawkins judged it to be worth four times that sum ; and so in all probability she * See a true report of the honourable service by Sir John Burrough, lieutenant-general of the fleet, prepared by Sir Walter Raleigh, in Hakluyt, as before cited. f Ibid. t Affirmed in the close of the said account. This original is still preserved in the Harleian Collection, Oldys's Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 65. MEMOIRS OF was : but in spite of all the care Sir John Burgh could take, the seamen embezzled a vast quantity of valuable effects; neither were the proprietors in a much better situation, when she was brought home. Sir William Monson tells us the reason, and I choose to give it in his own words. " The queen's adventure," says he, " in " this voyage, was only two ships, one of which, and the " least of them too, was at the taking the carrack ; which " title joined to her royal authority, she made such use " of, that the rest of the adventurers were forced to " submit themselves to her pleasure, with whom she dealt " but indifferently." * Thus it appears from unexcep- tionable authority, that the queen, and not Sir Walter, was most benefited by this capture ; and there is reason to believe the like happened upon other occasions, though Sir Walter was generally left to bear the blame. While Sir Walter remained at home, his great genius displayed itself in all the employments worthy of a citizen, in a free state. He shone in the senate as a patriot ; and the remains we have of His speeches, leave us in doubt which we ought most to admire, the beauty of his elo- quence, or the strength of his understanding, t He was, besides, the patron and protector of learned men, the great encourager of all public undertakings, and one of the queen's declared favourites at court. J It was here that Sir Walter Raleigh found himself at a loss. In spite of all his wisdom and prudence he became enamoured of Mrs. Throckmorton, one of the queen's ladies of honour; and the consequences of this amour proved such as could not be concealed. The queen, though she had passed by errors of a like nature in Leicester and Essex; yet * Naval Tracts, p. 181. t Sir Simonds d'Ewes Journal of Queen Elizabeth's Parliaments, p. 478, 484, 488, 490, &c. Hayward Townshend's Historical Col- lections, fol. 65. t Naunton's Frajmenta Regalia. Lloyd's State Worthies. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 125 pttAished this mistake of Raleigh very severely; but, "whether led thereto by the insinuations of his enemies, or from a notion, that the greater a man's abilities the less his offences deserved pardon, I pretend not to deter- mine. * However, the queen's frowns wrought, in this respect, a proper reformation. Sir Walter meditated, in his retirement, a greater design t than hitherto he had undertaken while in the queen's favour ; and that was the discovery of the rich and spacious empire of Guiana, a noble country in South America, which the Spaniards had then only visited, and to this day have never con- quered. From the time he first entertained this notion, he made it his business to collect whatever informations might be had relating to this place, and the means of entering it. When he thought himself as much master of the subject as books could make him, he drew up instructions for Captain Whiddon, an old experienced officer, whom he sent to take a view of the coast ; and who returned with a fair report of the riches of the country ; the pos- sibility of discovering and subduing it ; and the treachery and cruelty of the Spaniards settled in its neighbourhood. This fixed Sir Walter in his resolution ; and, therefore, having provided a squadron of ships at his own expense, and those of his noble friends the Lord high admiral Howard and Sir Robert Cecil, he prepared for this adventure, ^ which he also accomplished. On the 6th of February, 1595, he sailed from Plymouth, and arrived at the isle of Trinidad on the 22d of March. He there made himself easily master of St. Joseph, a small city ; and took the Spanish governor * Camden, p. 097. Dr. Birch's Memoirs of Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 79. Naunton's Fragmenta Regalia. Lloyd's State Worthies. f See the dedication prefixed to his own discourse hereafter men- tioned. J Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, by Oldys, p. 77. MEMOIRS OF Antonio Boreo prisoner; who gave him a full and exact description of the neighbouring continent, and the trade in those parts, unknown before to the English. On this information he left the ship at Trinidad; and with a hundred men, in several little barks, proceeded up the river Oronoque four hundred miles in search of Guiana : Carrapana, one of the petty kings of the country, and several others of them, resigning their sovereignties into his hand for the queen's use. But the weather was so hot, and the rains so violent, that he was forced to retire ; in as much danger of being borne down by the rapid torrents of water, as crushed by the rage and power of hie enemies. The inhabitants of Cumana refusing to bring in the contribution he assigned them to pay to save the town, he fired it, as also St. Mary's and Rio de la Hacha ; which done, he returned home with glory and riches. Of the whole of his proceedings ; the manner of his entering this hidden country ; and making a farther progress there in a month, than the Spaniards had done in half a century ; of the nature of the soil, and the certainty of finding many and rich mines of gold ; Sir Walter has left us so fair, so copious, and so well-written a relation, * that, if his sub- sequent unfortunate voyage had not thrown a shade over so bright a prospect, we could scarcely render a reason why Guiana should not, at this time, have been as thoroughly known, and as completely settled by the English as Virginia. Whatever might be pretended by the deep and cunning statesmen of that age, as that many things fabulous, and more uncertain, were related in Sir Walter's account ; and that it was hazarding too much to send a large fleet, well * Under the title of " The Discovery of the large, rich, and " beautiful Empire of Guiana, with a Relation of the Great and " Golden City Manao, called by the Spaniards El Dorado, and per- " formed in the year 1595, by Sir Walter Raleigh, imprinted at Lou- " don by Robert Robinson, 4to. 1596.'' SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 127 wanned, into so sickly a climate ; whatever, I say, of this kind was pretended, as wise men will never want pre- tences, even when their passions incline them to do weak things ; yet envy was certainly the true cause why his proposals were postponed at first, and afterwards, not- withstanding all his pressing solicitations, absolutely re- jected. * Sir Walter, however, to shew his own entire confidence in this scheme, and perhaps with a view to make things so plain, that even his detractors should have nothing to object ; fitted out two ships at his own expense, the Delight and the Discoverer; and sent them under Captain Kemys, who had served in the former enterprize to Guiana ; as well to make farther inquiries, as, in some measure, to keep his word with the Indians, to whom he had promised, in the name of the queen his mistress, such assistance as might enable them to drive away the Spa- niards, who were continually attempting rather to extirpate, than subdue them. This voyage Kemys successfully per- formed ; and at his return, published such an account of his expedition t as might have converted to Sir Walter Raleigh's opinion of Guiana, all w,hora invincible igno- rance or over- weening prejudice, had not destined to remain infidels. The next important expedition in which we find Sir Walter engaged, was that famous one to Cadiz, wherein the earl of Essex and the Lord high admiral Howard were joint commanders ; and Sir Walter Raleigh, with many other persons of great military skill and prudence, appointed of their council. We have already given a general account of the nature and design of this expedition; and here therefore we shall dwell only on such particulars * See Captain Kemys's Dedication to Sir Walter Raleigh. f A relation of the second Voyage to Guiana, performed and written in 1596, by Lawrence Kemys, Gent. Hakluyt's Voyages, ypl. iii. p. 672. J Camden's Annals, p. 720. .MEMOIRS OF as more immediately relate to the gentleman of whom we are speaking. The fleet sailed in the beginning of June 1596; and on the 20th of the same month, they arrived before Cadiz. The lord admiral's opinion was to attack and take the town first, that the English fleet might not be exposed to the fire of the ships in the port, and that of the city and forts adjacent, at the same time. The council of war which he called upon this occasion, concurred with him in opinion, and so a resolution was taken instantly to attack the town. * It so happened, that Sir Walter Raleigh was not at this council, and the earl of Essex was actually putting his men into boats, before Raleigh was acquainted with the design. As soon as he knew it, he went to the earl, and protested against it; offering such weighty reasons for their falling first on the galleons, and the ships in the harbour, that the earl was convinced of the necessity of doino- it, and desired Sir Walter to dissuade the lord O ' admiral from landing. Sir Walter undertook it ; and prevailed with him to consent, that the fleet should first enter the port, and fall on the Spanish galleons and gallies. When he returned to the earl of Essex with the news, crying out aloud in his long boat, Entramos, the earl flung his hat into the sea for joy, and prepared to weigh anchor. Sir Walter gave the lord admiral a draught of the manner in which he thought best to begin the fight. Two great fly-boats were to board a galleon, after they had been sufficiently battered by the queen's ships of war ; which being agreed on, and both the generals persuaded to lead the main body of the fleet ; Raleigh, in the Wars- pight, had the command of the van, w hich was to enter the harbour ; and consisted of the Mary Rose commanded by Sir George Carew, the Lion by Sir Robert Southwell, * Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 184. Triumphs of Nassau, fol. 187. Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. iv. p. 929. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. the Rainbow by Sir Francis Vere, the Swiftsure by Capt. Cross, the Dreadnought by Sir Conyers Clifford, and the Nonpareil by Mr. Dudley. These were followed by the fly-boats and London hired ships, the Lord Thomas Howard leaving his own ship, the Mere Honeur, to go on board the Nonpareil. Yet the action did not commence that evening, because, being a matter of great importance, the council had not time to regulate the manner of it exactly. * On the 22d of June, Sir Walter weighed anchor at break of day, and bore in toward the Spanish fleet, which had thus disposed itself to resist the attack. Seventeen gallies were ranged under the walls of the city, that they might the better flank the English ships as they entered, and hinder them from passing forward to the galleons. The artillery from Fort Philip played on the fleet, as did the cannon from the curtain of the town, and some cul- verins scoured the channel. When the Spanish admiral, the St. Philip, perceived the English approaching under sail ; she also set sail, and with her the St. Matthew, the St. Thomas, the St. Andrew, the two great galeasses of Lisbon, three frigates, convoy to their Plate fleet from the Havannah, two argosies, very strong in artillery, the admiral, vice-admiral, and rear-admiral of Nueva Espana, with forty other great ships bound for Mexico and other places. Ofthese, the St. Philip, the St. Matthew, the St. Andrew, and the St. Thomas, four capital ships, came again to anchor under the fort of Puntal, in the streight of the harbour which leads to Puerto Real. On the star- board side they placed the three frigates ; behind them the two galeasses of Lisbon. The argosies, and the seventeen gallies, they posted to play on the English as they entered * Sir Walter Raleigh's relation of this action at Cadiz, published by his grandson Philip Raleigh, Esq. at the end of an abridgment of Sir - Walter Raleigh's History of the World, 1700, 8vo. Triumphs of Nassau, and Purchas's Pilgrims, before cited. VOL. II. K MEMOIRS OF the harbour; and, behind these, the admiral, vice-admiral^ rear-admiral of New Spain, with the body of the fleet; hoping by this great strength to defend the entrance ; their line reaching like a bridge over the streight, from point to point, and was guarded by the fort of Puntal. Sir Walter, in the van of the English, was saluted by Fort Philip, by the cannon on the curtain, and by all the gallies in good order. Raleigh scorned their fire, and answered with a flourish of trumpets, without discharging a gun. The ships that followed him beat so thick on the gallies, that they presently betook them to their oars, and got up to join the galleons in the streights. Sir Walter gave them several broadsides as they drove by him, and bore down on the St. Philip and St. Andrew, as more worthy of his fire. The Lord Thomas Howard came to an anchor by him ; Sir Robert Southwell, in the Lion, did the same on the one side, and the Dreadnought and the Mary Rose on the other ; the Rainbow lay on Puntal side ; and thus they cannonaded each other for three hours. About ten o'clock the earl of Essex, impatient to hear the noise of the guns and to be himself out of action ; made through the fleet, headed the ships on the larboard side of the Warspight, and anchored as near Sir Walter as possible. Raleigh kept always closest to the enemy, and stood single in the head of all. After they had played so long on the capital ships, Sir Walter went in his skiff to the admiral, desiring that the fly-boats which were promised him might come up, and then he would board the enemy ; if not, he would board them with the queen's ship, it being the same to him whether he sunk or burnt, and one of them would certainly be his fate. The earl of Essex, and the Lord Thomas Howard, had assured him they would second him. * After a long and desperate fight, Sir Walter despairing of the fly-boats, and depending on Lord Essex and Lord * See the foregoing relations, and the voyage to Cadiz, in Hakluyt's Collection. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 131 Thomas Howard's promises to assist him, prepared to board the Spanish admiral ; which the latter no sooner perceived, than slje, and the other capital ships following her example, ran ashore. The admiral and the St. Thomas they burnt ; the St. Matthew and the St. Andrew were saved by the English boats before they took fire. The English were merciful after their victory; but, the Dutch, who did little or nothing in the fight, put all to the sword, till they were checked by the lord-admiral, and their cruelty restrained by Sir Walter Raleigh. The most - remarkable circumstance in this w r hole affair, seems to be the disproportion between the English and Spanish force ; there being but seven ships of the former against seventy- one of the latter. This great blow rendered the taking of the city, which followed it, the more easy ; which, how- ever, was performed rather by dint of valour than con- duct, and with such an impetuosity, as did less honour to the officers than to the soldiers. Sir Walter Raleigh, to whom undoubtedly the chief honour of the naval victory was due, went ashore, though he was wounded, to have some share of this ; but when he saw that all things were in confusion, he very wisely returned on board the fleet. * The next morning, Sir Walter sent to the lord-admiral for orders to follow the Spanish West India fleet outward- bound, lying then in Puerto Real, where they could not escape him ; but, in the hurry and confusion every one was in on the taking of the town, this opportunity was slipt, and no answer returned to his demand. In the afternoon, the merchants of Seville and Cadiz offered two millions to save those ships ; and, while the bargain hung, the duke of Medina Sidonia caused all that rich fleet to be burnt ; and, thus were all the galleons, gallies, frigates, argosies, and the fleets of New Spain, royal and trading, consumed ; * Camden, Triumphs of Nassau, Hakluyt's Account of the Cadiz Voyage, Vere's Commentaries, p. 39, and Sir Walter's own account before mentioned. K 2 132 MEMOIKS OF except the St. Matthew and the St. Andrew, which were in possession of the English. The town was very rich in merchandise and pfote. Many wealthy prisoners were given to the land commanders, who were enriched by their ransom; some had ten, some sixteen, some twenty thou- sand ducats for their prisoners ; others had houses and goods given them, and sold them to the owners for vast sums of money. Sir Walter got, to use his own words, " a lame leg and deformed ; for the rest, he either spoke " too late, or it was otherwise resolved ; he wanted not " good words, yet had possession of nought but poverty " and pain." In their return home they took Faro, in the kingdom of Algarve ; and Essex proposed some other enterprizes, in which he was opposed, and the point carried against him by the concurring opinions of the chief land and sea officers. Yet, on his return, Essex published some remarks, or, as he calls them, objections in relation to this voyage ; wherein, as Mr. Oldys well observes, and therein justly censures Sir Henry Wotton, the earl questions every body's con- duct but his own. The queen, however, taking time to inform herself, made a right judgment of the whole affair ; in consequence of which, she paid a due respect to every man's merit, and greater to none than to that of Sir Walter Raleigh, t Immediately after his return, our hero bethought him- self of his fav ourite project, the settling Guiana. In order to further discoveries which might effectually lead thereto, he sent a stout pinnace, well freighted with every thing necessary, under the command of Captain Leonard Berrie, which safely arrived there in the month of March, 1597 ; and, having entered into a friendly commerce with the in- habitants of the coast, and learned from them very parti- cular accounts of the present state and riches of the higher , Vcrc's Commentaries, p. 4 2, and Sir Walter's relation. Life of S ir Walter Raleigh, p. 106. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 133 country, they returned again to the port of Plymouth the 28th of June following. This expedition seems to be an indubitable proof of two things : first, that Sir Walter him- self was in earnest in this discovery ; otherwise there can be no cause assigned, why, having so many matters of im- portance upon his hands, he should yet busy himself in an undertaking of this kind. Secondly, that Sir Walter's hopes were as well founded as it was possible for a man's to be, in a thing of this nature, since the account given us of this voyage is such an one as is liable to no just objec- tions. * The next public service wherein we meet with Sir Walter Raleigh, is that called The Island Voyage, of which we have also given a copious account formerly. In this undertaking, of which we have as full and clear me- morials as of any in the glorious reign of Queen Elizabeth) it very plainly appears, that Essex had the command, and Raleigh the abilities ; which was the true reason why the former acquired so little honour, and the latter so much ; though, with a less jealous commander, he had certainly attained more. Their disputes began early. A misfortune fell out in Raleigh's ship, in the Bay of Biscay, which obliged him to lay behind the fleet ; and, afterwards, when this accident was repaired, and he came to the rock of Lisbon, he met with a large number of ships and tenders, which were by him conducted to the Azores. This signal service the creatures of Essex, by a sort of logic in which they were well practised, construed into an high offence ; for, they pretended, that these vessels had quitted the general, to wait on the rear-admiral ; but, Sir Walter having convinced the earl, that these ships came to the rock of Lisbon as the rendezvous appointed by himself; and that he finding them there, had brought them, as became him, to attend upon his lordship, Essex had sense * See the relation of this voyag by Mr. Thomas Masham, in Hakluyt, vol. Hi. p. 692. 134 MEMOIRS OF enough to be pacified for that time : * but, soon after, things went wrong again. It was agreed in a council of war, that the general and Sir Walter Raleigh should land jointly on the island of Fayal, where Raleigh waited four days for his lordship ; and hearing nothing of him, held a council of war, wherein it was resolved, by such as were less concerned for Essex's honour than the nation's glory, that Sir Walter should attempt by himself, what it was settled they should jointly have performed. This resolu- tion he executed, and shewed therein as much personal courage as any private soldier, and all the conduct that could be expected from a very wise and experienced com- mander ; so that we need not wonder he met with suc- cess, and did all that he designed. Essex, on his arrival, forgot the public service, and thought of nothing but his own private disgrace ; which vexed him so much, that he broke some of the officers who had behaved gallantly under Raleigh ; and some talk there was of trying him, and taking off his head ; but, at last, by the mediation of Lord Thomas Howard, who was vice-admiral, and Sir Walter's condescending to excuse his having done so much, before his lordship did any thing, matters were made up once again. The cashiered officers were restored ; Raleigh re- turned to his care of the public service ; and Essex pro- ceeded in his mistakes, t In consequence of these, they missed the West India fleet, though Raleigh had the good luck to take some prizes, the produce of which paid his men ; so that he lost neither credit nor money by the voyage. On his return, though Essex is said to have found means to throw the miscarriage of all his pompous promises on inevitable accidents, with the mob, and some * See the accurate relation of all that passed in this voyage, by Sir Arthur Gorges, in Purohas's Pilgrims, vol. iv. p. 1938. t See an excellent account of this aflair by Sir Walter himself, in h,s History of the World, b. v. c. i. sec. 9, and in the before men- tioned relation. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 135 of his creatures imputed them to Sir Walter ; yet these accusations would not pass with the queen, who shewed Raleigh more favour than ever ; even though he took less pains to vindicate himself, and testified more respect for the great earl than perhaps any other man would have done. * The next year, we find him again in parliament, where he distinguished himself, by uniting what of late have been thought opposite characters, the patriot and the ser- vant of the crown ; but which he shewed to be very con- sistent. By his interest with the queen, he procured some griping projects to be discountenanced ; by his weight in the house, he promoted supplies ; he also obtained some indulgencies for the tinners in Cornwall, and shewed him- self upon all occasions a ready and a rational advocate for the poor. In 1599, when the queen was pleased to fit out, in the space of a fortnight, so great a navy as struck her neighbours with awe ; Sir Walter w as appointed vice- admiral ; which honour, though he enjoyed it but for a single month, yet was a high mark of the queen's con- fidence ; since, at that time, she was no less apprehensive of stirs at home, than of an invasion from abroad. In 1600, the queen was pleased to send Lord Cobham and Sir Walter Raleigh to the Dutch ; and, after conferring with Prince Maurice of Nassau, Sir Walter returned again about the middle of the year; and, a little after, he was by the queen made governor of the island of Jersey ; but, she reserved three hundred pounds a year out of that government to be disposed of as she thought fit. t His next great service was against Essex, in his insur- rection in the February following. It would be a great deal beside our purpose to enter into a long detail of that perplexed affair. Let it suffice then that we observe, after * See Sir Arthur Gorges's account before referred to. Vere's Com- mentaries, p. 65, 66, 67. f Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 1S6 130. MEMOIRS OF a due comparison of what contemporary writers have left us of this matter, that Lord Essex was his own enemy, and that he brought Sir Walter's name upon the carpet to screen his own designs. He gave out, that the cause of his arming was to defend himself against his personal enemies, pretending that Cobham and Raleigh had con- trived a scheme to assassinate him ; whereas Sir Christo- pher Blount had in truth made a proposal of this sort to Essex, with respect to Raleigh ; and, when this was judged impracticable, advised the propagating the other story to colour their proceedings, as himself confessed. When the mischief broke out, Sir Walter did his duty, and no more than his duty. Some, indeed, have reported, that after the earl of Essex was condemned, he pressed the queen to sign a warrant for his execution, and that he shewed a parti- cular pleasure in beholding his death ; which, however, is not strictly true ; for, though he had placed himself near the scaffold before the earl appeared ; yet he removed from thence before his death, because the people seemed to take his appearance there in a wrong light : but this he after- wards repented ; because, when the earl came to die, he expressed a great desire to have seen and spoken to him, from a foresight of which Sir Walter Raleigh had taken that post. The point of fact, as to his sentiments upon this subject, has been effectually cleared since the publishing this work, by the appearance of the following letter, from Sir Walter Raleigh's original, now in the collection of manuscripts belonging to the right honourable the earl of Salisbury, and printed by Dr. Murdin. It makes no great alteration in respect to what was before asserted ; since Sir Walter, though he avowed a very high personal friendship for Sir Robert Cecil, yet at the same time established his advice on his concern for the queen's safety. In this, which is a little strange, he had the earl of Essex's concurrence, who declared to the preacher sent to attend, and to worm out SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 137 his secrets, in prison, that the queen could never be safe while he lived. But to come to the letter, thus it runs : " Sin, " I am not wise enough to give you advice ; but, if you " take it for a good counsel to relent towards this tyrant, " you will repent it when it shall be too late. His malice " is fixt, and will not evaporate by any of your mild " courses; for he will ascribe the alteration to her ma- " jesty's pusillanimity, and not to your good-nature ; " knowing that you work but upon her humour, and not " out of any love towards him. The less you make him, " the less he shall be able to harm you and yours. And, " if her majesty's favour faile him, he will againe decline " to a common person. For after-revenges fear them " not : for your own father, that wag esteemed to be the (t contriver of Norfolk's ruin, yet his son followeth your " father's son, and loveth him. Humours of men succeed " not, but grow by occasions, and accidents of time and " power. Somerset made no revenge on the duke of " Northumberland's hearers. Northumberland that now " is, thinks not of Hatton's issue. Kelloway lives that " murdered the brother of Horsey, and Horsey let him go " by all his life-time. I could name you a thousand of " those ; and, therefore, after-fears are but prophecies, or " rather conjectures from causes remote. Look to the " present, and you do wisely. His son shall be the " youngest earl of England but one ; and, if his father be " now kept down, Will Cecil shall be able to keep as " many men at his heels as he, and more too. He may " also matche in a better house than his, and so that fear " is not worth the fearing. But, if the father continue-, " he will be able to break the branches, and pull up the " tree root and all. Lose not your advantage ; if you do, " I note your destiny. " Let the queeu hold Bothwell while she hath him. " He will ever be the canker of her estate and saufty. MEMOIRS OF Princes are lost by security, and preserved by pre- " vention. I have seen the last of her good days, and all ours, after his libertye. Yours, &c. W. R." * Sir W. R. to Sir R. C. 1601. There is nothing more shrewd and sensible in this letter than the giving Essex the name of Bothwell. This singular person was, in a bastard line, the grandson of James V. king of Scots. He came to the court of King James, then reigning, by the name of Captain Francis Stuart, grew into favour, was created earl of Bothwell, and made lord- high-admiral of Scotland. He was not only a person of boundless arrogance and ambition, but of so restless and unruly a spirit, that he kept the king and kingdom in con- tinual confusion. He was forfeited over and over ; but, by his factious connection with some of the nobility, was as often recalled and pardoned. He surprised and forced the royal palace of Holy-Rood-House ; he had invested the castle of Falkland ; he had entered, sword in hand, into the king's bed-chamber, and took him out in his shirt, but eight years before, and all this purely from a spirit of dominion, and contempt of his master's ministers ; which facts, then recent and notorious, must occur to Cecil's remembrance on reading his name, t It is evident, that Sir Walter, by this admonition, meant to confirm Sir Robert Cecil in his design to crush Essex absolutely ; but, whether it clearly dissuades the sparing his life, the reader may judge. Raleigh's own life had been in great danger ; which was the reason, when Sir Christopher Blount came to die, he actually begged Sir Walter's pardon, and confessed the wrong that had been Murdin's State Papers, p. 811. t Spotswood's History of the Churcli of Scotland, p. 394, 395, 402, 407, 409. Moyses's Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland, p. 139, 154, 155, 179, 188, 206, 337. Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 95, 440, 487. * SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 139 done him, in the reports spread to inflame the populace. Yet it is certain, that even this confession did not quash such reports; but from this time forward Raleigh had more enemies than ever ; and, which was worse, the queen's successor was prejudiced against him, by such accounts as were transmitted to him in Scotland. * It is not at all impossible, that those artful statesmen, who had so much address as to make the populace then, and, by employing the pen of a learned historian, the world in general now believe, they were seconds only in these quarrels, and Essex and Raleigh principals, hated both alike, and contrived to make them ruin each other ; by inflaming Essex against Raleigh first, which induced him to write in bis prejudice to King James, with whom, by the hands of Mr. Anthony Bacon, he kept a constant correspondence; and after bringing him to the block, allowing the truth of those informations, that they might run no hazard, in a new reign, from Sir Walter Raleigh's abilities. The conjecture is rendered probable enough from the whole thread of the relation ; nor would it be a very hard task to prove it was really so, from incontestible authorities. So easy it is, in courts, for malice and cunning to get the better of courage and sense. In the summer of the year 1601, he attended the queen in her progress ; and, on the arrival of the duke de Biron, as ambassador from France, he received him, by her majesty's appointment, and conferred with him on the subject of his embassy. In the last parliament of the queen, Sir Walter was a very active member, and dis- tinguished himself upon all occasions, by opposing such bills as, under colour of deep policy, were contrived for the oppression of the meaner sort of people ; such as that for compelling every man to till a third part of his ground, and others of a like nature. Nor was he less ready to * Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, 133139. j4() MEMOIRS OF countenance such laws as bore hard upon the rich, and even upon traders; where it was evident, that private interest clashed with public benefit, and there was a ne- cessity of hurting some, for the sake of doing good to all. This shews that he had a just notion of popularity, and knew how to distinguish between deserving and desiring it. An instance of this appeared in his promoting a law for the restraining the exportation of ordnance, which, at that time, was of mighty advantage to such as were con- cerned in that commerce, but of inexpressible detriment to the nation ; because it was the source of the enemy's power at sea, the Spanish navy making use of none but English cannon. In the point of monopolies, indeed, he was not alto- gether so clear ; but he shewed that he made a moderate use of the grants he had obtained from the crown, and offered, if others were cancelled, to surrender his freely. * Upon the demise of Queen Elizabeth, Sir Walter was not without hopes of coming into favour with her suc- cessor, whose countenance he had sought by various pre- sents, and other testimonies of respect, which he sent into Scotland ; and from the reception they met with, he had no reason at all to suspect that he stood upon ill terms with King James, f He was not ignorant, however, of the pains taken by Essex, to infuse into the king's mind pre- judices against him ; which, however, he thought to wear out by assiduous service. On the king's coming into England, he had, notwithstanding common reports, fre- quent access to him ; and thereby an opportunity of dis- covering both his desire and his capacity of serving his majesty. But he quickly found himself coolly treated, nor was he long at a loss for the reason. Sir Robert Cecil, * Heyward Townshend's Collections, and Sir Simonds D'Ewes's Journal of Queen Elizabeth's Parliaments. t Dr. Peter Helyn' Examen Historicum, p. 170. A Brief Relation f Sir Walter Raleigh's Troubles, p. 1. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 1H \vno had been his friend and associate, so long as they Were both in danger from Essex, foreseeing that, if ever Raleigh came into King James's confidence, his admi- nistration would not last long; drew such a character of him to that prince, as he thought most likely to disgust him ; and dwelt particularly upon this, that Raleigh was a martial man, and would be continually forming projects to embarrass him with his neighbours. * Sir Walter, in return for this good office, did him another ; for he drew up a memorial, wherein he shewed plainly, that the affec- tion of the Cecils for his majesty was not the effect of choice, but of force ; that in reality, it was chiefly through the intrigues of one of that family, his mother lost her head ; and that they never thought of promoting his suc- cession, till they saw it would take place in spite of them, t This memorial was far from having the effect he expected; nor indeed would he have expected it, if he had known King James thoroughly. That timorous prince saw the power of Cecil at that time, and thought he had need of it, forgetting that it was the effect of his own favour ; and so became dependent upon him, as he afterwards was upon Buckingham, whom for many years he trusted, but did not love. : This, with his aversion from all martial enter- prizes, engaged him to turn a deaf ear to Sir Walter's proposals, and perhaps to do more than this, if we are so just to Cecil as to suppose, that he did not afterwards per- secute Raleigh without a cause, I mean without personal offence given to him. However it was, Raleigh had the mortification to see himself, notwithstanding the pains he * Baker's Chronicle. Osborae's Memorials of the Reign of King James, &c. t See Dr. Welwood's Notes on Arthur Wilson's History of Kin? James, as it is printed in Dr. Kennet's Complete History of England, vol. ii. p. 663, 664. t See the earl of Bristol's answer to the articles of high treason, exhibited against him In parliament, printed in Frauklaad's Annals of King James aud King Charles, p. 127, 128, 189. MEMOIRS OF had taken, slighted and ill used at court ; and this might probably determine him to keep company with some who were in the same situation, and who were his intimate ac- quaintance before ; which, however, proved his ruin. * Among these companions of his was Lord Cobham, a man of a weak head, but a large fortune ; over whom Raleigh had a great ascendancy, and with whom he lived in constant correspondence. This man, who was natu- rally vain, and now much discontented, had an intercourse with various sorts of people, and talked to each in such a style as he thought would be most agreeable to them. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth he had conferred with the duke of Aremberg, a Flemish nobleman in the king of Spain's service, and who was now in England, as ambas- sador from the arch-duke ; but, in truth, with a view to negociate a peace with Spain. With him Cobham re- newed his acquaintance ; and in his name proposed giving Sir Walter a large sum of money, if, instead of opposing, as he had hitherto done, he would forward that peace, t In the mean time, some popish priests, and other dis- affected and designing persons, had framed a plot against the king and royal femily, which was to be executed by seizing, if not destroying, his majesty and his children ; and with some of these people Cobham also had an in- tercourse, by the means of his brother, Mr. Brooke. This last treason being discovered, and traced to the persons we have just mentioned, there grew a suspicion of Cob- ham ; and, in consequence of his intimacy with Raleigh, there arose some doubts also as to him. Upon this, they were all apprehended ; and Cobham, who was a timorous man, was drawn in to charge Sir Walter with several things in his confession, J The enemies of Raleigh con- trived to blend these treasons together ; though they, or * Sec Oldy's Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 152, 15S. t Arraignment of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 97. t See the whole proceedings, in the first volume of State Trials. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. at least Cecil, knew them to be distinct things ; and so hs states them in a letter to Mr. Winwood, wherein he shews his dislike to Sir Walter Raleigh, and his sense, at the same time, of the want of any real evidence which might affect him ; however, what was deficient in proof was made up in force and fraud. The priests, Watson and Clerk, were first tried and convicted ; so was Mr. George Brooke, who had been their associate ; and on the 17th of November, 1603, Sir Walter Raleigh was tried at Win- chester, and convicted of high treason, by the influence of the court, and the bawling Billingsgate eloquence of the attorney-general Coke, without any colour of evi- dence. * This is that treason which was so justly slighted in his days, and which has so much perplexed ours. That there was really no truth in what was alledged against Sir Walter, may be proved to a demonstration, if we consider, that all the evidence that was ever pretended, in relation to his knowledge of the surprizing treason or plot to seize the king and his family, was the hearsay testimony of George Brooke, that his brother Cobham should say, " That it would never be well till the fox and " cubs were taken off;" and afterwards, speaking to this Brooke, " That he, Lord Grey, and others, were only on " the bye, but Raleigh and himself were on the main ;" intimating, that they were only trusted with lesser matters, but that the capital scheme, before mentioned, was con- certed between him and Sir Walter, t Yet, when Brooke came to die, as he did deservedly; upon his own con- fession, he recalled and retracted this circumstance, own- ing, that he never heard his brother make use of that phrase about the fox and cubs ; ^ which takes away, con- * Lord Cecil's Letter to Mr. Winwood, in Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 8. Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, by Mr. Oldys, p. 157. f See Sir Thomas Overbury's copy of Sir Walter's Arraignment, p. 12. t Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii. {. 8. 144 MEMOIRS OF sequently, the credit of that other story grounded upon it ; and this we have upon the best authority that can be, that of Lord Cecil, afterwards earl of Salisbury, himself, who commends Brooke, for shewing this remorse in his last moments. * Thus, out of his capital enemy's mouth, I have proved the innocence of Sir Walter Raleigh, who constantly and judiciously, at his trial, distinguished between the surprising treason, and the conferences with Aremberg. The former, he denied the least knowledge of; but, as to the latter, owned that Gobham had talked to him of a large present, in case he would be for a peace with Spain ; and complained of the hardship of dying, for having once heard a vain man say a few idle things, t Though the law made no distinction between Sir Walter Raleigh and the rest who were involved in this treason, yet the king made a great deal ; for he never signed any warrant for his execution ; $ but, on the contrary, pro- jected that strange tragi-comedy, of bringing the two lords, Cobham and Grey, with Sir Griffin Markham, to the block, and then granting them a reprieve, purely to discover the truth of what Cobham had alledged against Raleigh, and what might be drawn by the apprehension of death from the other two. As all this brought forth nothing, the king laid aside all thoughts of taking away his life ; and, if Raleigh laboured some time under an uncertainty of this, it ought to be attributed rather to the malice of his potent adversaries, than to any ill intention in the king, of which 1 discern no signs ; and of the contrary to which Sir Walter himself in his letters, seems to be positive. Neither do I say this with any view of excusing King James, but purely out of respect to truth ; and that it may appear how dangerous a thing it is to live under a * In the before-cited letter of Lord Cecil to Mr. \Vimvood. t Arraignment of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 101, 10<3. J Stowe's Annals, p. 831. Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. u. Raleigh's Remains, p, 192. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 145 prince who suffers himself to be absolutely directed by his ministers, since not only the vices of such a monarch are destructive, but even his virtues become useless. As there seems to be a desire in the present age to know the certainty of things, without resting in that scrupulous report of facts, which cautious historians, from a strict regard to truth, are inclined to deliver; it may not be amiss to acquaint the reader, in few words, with what seems to be the reality of this mysterious business. Lord Cobham, in the preceding reign, had been connived at in carrying on a correspondence with one Lorenzi or Lau- rencia, a Flemish merchant at Antwerp, who was at this. time in England ; and through him Cobham corresponded with the duke of Aremberg. It is not my conjecture, but that of those who lived in these times, that it was this man disclosed the secret to Sir Robert Cecil, probably by Aremberg's direction ; who thought this was the surest way of ruining Raleigh, and that the shortest method of coming at a peace. When Sir Walter was arrested, he saw his danger, but had no apprehension of his accuser ; and therefore, in hopes of disentangling himself, directed Sir Robert Cecil by letter, where to find Lorenzi and Lord Cobham. It was the shewing this letter, that pro- voked Cobham to accuse Raleigh so deeply ; but, at the same time it is a proof of Sir Walter's innocence, of any thing more than that Cobham had corresponded with Aremberg ; for if there had been any veracity in Cob- ham's charge, instead of giving up that lord and Lorenzi, Sir Walter Raleigh would, in reality, have been furnish- ing two witnesses against himself. The naked truth then seems to be, that the duke considered the plot as an idle, impracticable undertaking ; but, at the same time, judged that he should render a very acceptable service to his court, in thus getting Sir Walter Raleigh involved in it ; and in this light King James and his ministers seem after* wards to have considered it. There is no great doubt, VOL. xi. L 146 MEMOIRS OF that this heightened Sir Walter's hate to the Spaniards, which subsisted with the like force in them against him ; till Count Gondomar, pursuing Duke Aremberg's blow, brought this unfortunate gentleman to the block. On many accounts, therefore, this treason might be styled, as it was in those times, RALEIGH'S RIDDLE; but in nothing more so than in this, that by the arts of two Spanish ministers, the most inveterate enemy of Spain was brought to an untimely end, for having, as it was pretended, en- tered into a correspondence with Spain against a prince, who had seen through the whole contrivance so many years before he put him to death. * In the month of December, Raleigh was remanded to the Tower; and, upon the petition of his wife, w r as allowed the consolation of her company, and by degrees obtained still greater favours ; for the king was pleased to grant all the goods and chattels forfeited to him by Sir Walter's conviction, to trustees of his appointing, for the benefit of his creditors, and of his lady and children, t In a rea- sonable time, his estate followed his goods ; and now he began to conceive himself in a fair way of being restored to that condition from which he had fallen. In this, how- ever, he was much mistaken; for a new court favourite arising, who had a mind to enrich himself by such kind of grants, he discovered a flaw in the conveyance of Raleigh's estate to his son; which, being prior to the attainder, gave the crown a title paramount to that which was understood to be therein, when the forfeiture was granted back to Raleigh. Upon an information in the court of exchequer, judgment was given for the crown; * Winwood's Memorials, p. 8. Sir Anthony Wcldon's Court and Character of King James, p. 31 41. Aulicus Coquinariae, p. 7497. Dr. Hcjlin's Examen Historicum, p. 169172. Osborne's Works, vol. u. p. 107. Rushworth's Historical Collections, vol. 1. p. 9. State Trials, vol. i. p. 212. t Rymer's Foedera, tom. xvi. p. 596. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 147 and the effect of that judgment was turned to the benefit of the favourite ; who, in 1609, had a complete grant of all that Sir Walter had forfeited. * This courtier was Sir Robert Carr, afterwards so well known to the world by the title of earl of Somerset ; to whom Sir Walter wrote an excellent letter, wherein he stated the hardship of his own case without bitterness ; expostulated freely, and jet inoffensively, about the wrong done him ; and entreated the favourite's compassion without any unbecoming con- descension, t All this, however, signified nothing ; Sir Walter lost his estate, but not his hopes. He spent a great part of his confinement in writing that shining and immortal monument of his parts and learning, THE HISTORY OF THE WOULD ; wherein he has shewn that he consulted the wise rule of Horace, and fixed upon such a subject as suited with his genius, and under which, if we may guess from former and subsequent attempts, any genius but his must have sunk. He likewise devoted a part of his time to chymistry, to rational and useful chymistry ; wherein he was no less successful, discovering that noble medicine in malignant fevers, which bears the name of his cordial, though I think it is now doubtful whether the true receipt of it be preserved or not. : Besides these, he turned his thoughts on various other subjects, all beneficial to mankind, and in that light worthy of Sir Walter Raleigh. Of these treatises many are printed ; some are still preserved in MS. ; and not a few, I doubt, are lost. The patron of his studies was Prince Henry, the glory of the house of Stuart; the * A Brief Relation of Sir Walter's Troubles, p. 7. t Printed from a MS. in Oltly's Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 165. t See an excellent and copious account of his writings, in the Life before cited. Dr. Quiucy, in his Dispensary, p. 445, 446, of the eleventh edition, seems to undervalue this medicine, chiefly on account of the number of ingredients ; but Mr. Oldys shews, in his Life of Sir Walter, p. 169, that great liberties have been taken with this receipt, and the number of ingredients much heightened by physicians, L 2 148 MEMOIRS OF darling of the British nation while he lived; and the object of its sincere and universal lamentation by his untimely death. After his demise, Sir Walter depended chiefly upon the queen, in whom he found a true and steady protectress while the earl of Somerset's power lasted, whose hate was chiefly detrimental to Raleigh; for the king trusted him now, as he had Salisbury before, with implicit confidence, even after he had lost his affec- tion : but he, by an intemperate use of his authority, having rendered himself obnoxious to the law, Sir Walter saw him his companion in the Tower, and his estates, by that favourite's forfeiture, once more in the hands of the crown. * His enemies thus out of the court, Sir Walter was able to obtain the favour he had been long seeking, which was, after thirteen years confinement, to get out of the Tower ; not to lead a lazy and indolent life in retire- ment, for which, though cruelly spoiled by his enemies, he yet wanted not a reasonable provision ; but to spend the latter part of his days as he had spent the first, in the pursuit of honour and in the service of his country ; or, as he himself has with great dignity expressed it in a letter to secretary Winwood, by whose interest chiefly this favour was obtained; " To die for the KING, and not by " the KIXG, is all the ambition I have in the world." t The scheme he had now at heart was his old one of settling Guiana ; a scheme worthy of him, and which, as he first wisely contrived, so he as constantly prosecuted. We have seen how many voyages he encouraged thither in the days of Queen Elizabeth ; when, considering the many great employments he enjoyed, one would have thought his mind might have been otherwise occupied ; and indeed, * Prince Henry endeavoured to obtain it for him : at last Sir Wal- ter had 8000/. for it, as he tells us in his apology, p. 47. t Raleigh's Remains, p. 164. He had said the same before in regard to Queen Elizabeth. See his letter to Sir Robert Cecil ia Murdin'* Collection of State Papers, p. 657. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 149 so it must have been, if he had not been thoroughly per- suaded, and that too upon the best evidence in the world, his own eye-sight and judgment, that this was the richest country on the globe, and the worthiest of being settled for the benefit of Britain. This persuasion was so strong upon him, that during his confinement he held a constant intercourse with Guiana ; sending at his own charge every year, or every second year, a ship to keep the Indians in hopes of his performing the promise he had made them, of coming to their assistance, and delivering them from the tyranny and cruelty of the Spaniards, who now encroached upon them again. In these ships were brought over several natives of that country, with whom Sir Walter conversed in the Tower ; and from whom, questionless, he received the clearest and most distinct intelligence of the situation and richness of the mines that he could possibly desire. * Upon these informations he offered the scheme for prosecuting his discovery to the court, three years before he undertook it in person ; nor was there then any doubt either as to the probability of the thing, or as to its lawfulness ; notwithstanding the peace made with Spain, otherwise the king would not have made such grants as he even did at that time ; which shews that he was then con- vinced Sir Walter had in his first voyage discovered and taken possession of that country for the crown of England ; and that, consequently, his subjects were justly entitled to any benefits that might accrue from this discovery, without the least respect had to the pretensions of the Spaniards, t It may also deserve -our notice, that, at the time Sir Walter first moved the court upon this subject, the Spanish match was not thought of; but the wants of King James were then very pressing, and he may reasonably be pre- sumed to have at this time placed as great hopes in this * Raleigh's Apology, p. 52, 55. t See Harcourt's Voyage to Guiana, 4to. 1613. 150 MEMOIRS OF discover/ as he did in that match ; though, when he came to idolize this project afterwards, he grew somewhat out of conceit with Sir Walter's ; so that, if he had pleased, he might, for seven hundred pounds, have had an ample pardon, and leave to relinquish his voyage; but he re- maining firm to his purpose, and the king feeling his necessities daily increasing, was yet willing that he should proceed in his enterprize, in hopes of profiting thereby, without losing the prospect he then had of concluding the Spanish match. Such was the situation of Sir Walter, and such the disposition of the court, when he obtained leave to execute his design; and was empowered by a royal commission, but at the expense of himself and his friends, to settle Guiana. * It has been a great dispute, among writers too of some eminence, what sort of a commission that was with which Sir Walter was trusted. According to some, it should have been under the great seal of England, and directed, To our trusty and well-beloved Sir Walter Raleigh, knight ;+ according to others, and indeed according to the account given by King James himself, it was under the privy-seal, and without those expressions of trust or grace. ^ To end this dispute, 1 have consulted the most authentic collection we have of public instruments, and there I find a large commission to Sir Walter Raleigh, which agrees with that in the declaration, and is dated the twenty-sixth of August, in the fourteenth year of the king's reign over England, and over Scotland the fiftieth. It is likewise said to be per breve de privato sigillo ; yet I think that it is not impossible it might pass both seals; Camden's Annals of King James, A.D. 1615, 1617. t Coke's Detection of the Four Last Reigns, p. 85. Rapin's History of England, and Tindal's Notes. See a declaration of the demeanour and carriage of Sir Walter Raleigh, knight, as well in his Voyage, & c . 4to. 1618, p. 4. 5 Rymer's Foedera, tome xvi. p. 789. SIR WALTER RALEIGH. 151 and I apprehend the conjecture is warranted by an ex- pression in one of Sir Walter's letters. * However, the commission was certainly a legal commission ; and, though the formal expressions of grace and trust are omitted; yet, the powers granted him are very extensive in themselves, and as strongly drawn as words can express; so that Sir Walter had all the reason imaginable to conceive, that this patent implied a pardon. By one clause he is constituted general and commander in chief in this enter- prize. By another he is appointed governor of the new country he is to settle ; and this with ample authority. By a third he has a power rarely intrusted with our admirals now, that of exercising martial law in such a manner as the king's lieutenant-general by sea or land, or any of the lieutenants of the counties of England had. It is impossible, therefore, to conceive, that, when this commission was granted, Sir Walter Raleigh was looked upon as a condemned man, or that the lords of the privy- council, or the lord privy-seal, could think it reasonable for the king to grant such full power over the lives of others to one who had but a precarious title to his own ; and therefore I think, that Sir Francis Bacon's opinion, when Sir Walter consulted him whether it would not be advisable for him to give a round sum of money for a pardon in common form, answered like an honest man and a sound lawyer; " Sir, the knee-timber of your voyage " is money ; spare your purse in this particular ; for upon " my life you have a sufficient pardon for all that is past " already, the king having under his broad seal made you " admiral of your fleet, and given you power of the " martial law over your officers and soldiers." t It is now time for us to inquire what force this gentle- man had when he sailed upon this expedition; for it * Oldys's Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 193. t Howel's Letters, vol. ii. p. 371. MEMOIRS OF appears clearly by the king's commission, that the whole expense of the undertaking was to be defrayed by him and his friends ; which shews how sincere Sir Walter must have been in this matter, especially if we consider that he vested his whole fortune therein ; and even prevailed upon his wife to sell her estate at Mitcham for the pro- moting this design, in the issue of which he interested also all his friends ; and how extensive his influence in this kind was, the following list of his fleet will sufficiently inform us. First, then, was the Admiral, a fine, new, stout ship, built by Raleigh himself, called the Destiny, of the burden of four hundred and forty tons, and carrying thirty-six pieces of cannon. On board it were Sir Walter Raleigh, general, and his son Walter, captain, besides two hundred men, whereof eighty were gentlemen- volun- teers and adventurers, most of them Sir Walter's relations ; which number was afterwards increased. Second, the Jason of London, two hundred and forty tons, and twenty- five pieces of ordnance, Captain John Pennington, vice- admiral, eighty men, one gentleman and no more. Third, the Encounter, 160 tons, seventeen pieces of ordnance, Edward Hastings, captain; no man more, except the master, mentioned; but he, dying in the Indies, was succeeded in the command by Captain Whitney. Fourth, the Thunder, one hundred and fifty tons, twenty pieces of ordnance, Sir Warham Sentleger, captain, six gentle- men, sixty soldiers, and ten land- men. Fifth, the Flying Joan, one hundred and twenty tons, fourteen pieces of ordnance, John Chidley, captain, twenty-five men. Sixth, the Southampton, eighty tons, six pieces of ordnance, John Bayly, captain, twenty-five mariners, two gentlemen. Seventh, the Page, a pinnace, twenty-five tons, three rabnets of brass, James Barker, captain, eight sailors. But before Raleigh left the coast of England) he was joined by as many ships more ; so that his whole fleet consisted of thirteen sail, beside his own ship. And, SIR WALTER RALEIGH. , , 153 though we cannot be so particular in the remaining part, we may yet learn thus much of it ; that one ship, named the Convertine, was commanded by Captain Keymis ; another, called the Confidence, was under the charge of Captain Woolaston; there was a shallop, named the Flying Hart, under Sir John Feme ; two fly-boats, under Captain Samuel King and Captain Robert Smith, and a caravel, with another named the Chudley, besides.* With part of this fleet Sir Walter sailed from the Thames on the 28th of March, 1617; but it was the month of July before he left Plymouth with his whole fleet ; after which, he was forced to put into Cork through stress of weather, and remained there till the 19th of August. On the sixth of September, he made the Canaries, where he obtained some refreshments, and an ample cer- tificate from the governor, that he had behaved with great justice and equity. Thence he proceeded to Guiana, where he arrived in the beginning of November. He was received with the utmost joy by the Indians, who not only rendered him all the service that could be expected from them, but would have persuaded him to end all his labours by remaining there, and taking upon him the sovereignty of their country ; which, however, he refused. His extreme sickness hindered him from undertaking the discovery of the mine in person; and obliged him to intrust that important service to Captain Keymis. For this purpose, he ordered, on the fourth of December, five small ships to sail into the river Oronoque ; aboard these five vessels were five companies of fifty men each ; the first commanded by Captain Parker, the second by Cap- tain North, the third by Mr. Raleigh, the fourth by Captain Prideaux, the fifth by Captain Chudley ; t Keymis, was to conduct them, intended to have gone to the * Oldys's Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 197. t Raleigh's Apology for his Voyage to Guiana, p. 26. 154 MEMOIRS OF mine with only eight persons, which Sir Walter thought too great a hazard, and therefore wrote him the following letter. " KEYMIS, whereas you were resolved, after your " arrival into the Oronoque, to pass to the mine with my " cousin Herbert and six musqueteers, and to that end " desired to have Sir John Feme's shallop; I do not " allow of that course ; because you cannot land so secretly " but that some Indians on the river side may discover having done little hurt to the enemy, and acquired less honour themselves : * all which was foreseen, nay, and foretold too, before the fleet left England. On their return, a charge was exhibited against the general by the earl of Essex, and nine other officers of distinction : Lord Wim- bleton justified himself in a long answer to their charge. Both pieces are yet remaining ; and serve only to demon- strate, that want of experience, and, which was worse, want of unanimity, proved the ruin of this expedition, t These proceedings increased the discontents of the people ; exposed the duke, if possible, to still greater odium ; and lessened the reputation of our naval force, which quickly produced, as under like circumstances will be always the case, numerous inconveniencies. While the clamour still subsisted for the want of success A.D. attending the fleet abroad, the duke of Buckingham fell into another error in the execution of his office, as lord- high-admiral at home. He was vexed at the noise that had been made about the merchant ships put into the hands of the French, and employed against Rochelle ; ^ * See the several accounts of this voyage in the authors before eited. f Both the officer's charge and Lord Wimbleton's answer are printed in the genuine works in verse and prose of the Right Honour- able George Lord Lansdowne, vol. iii. p. 197, edit. 1736, 12mo. The reader, who shall compare these with Sir William Monson's reflections on this lord's conduct, will discern, that he is hardly and unjustly treated. Sir William arraigns him for calling councils when he should have been acting ; the officers accuse him for not calling councils, but acting of his own head. The truth seems to be, he had no notion of a sea command, and his officers no inclination to obey him. J Sir Philip Warwick accounts for this distaste of the duke towards the French. He says, that Cardinal Richlieu duped the Dutch and English both, by pretending to execute a very feasible scheme for preventing the Spaniards sending any supplies into Germany ; and under that pretence procuring their ships, and then using them against the Rochellers. NAVAL HISTORY and therefore took occasion, in the latter end of the year 1626, to cause a French ship, called the St. Peter, of Havre de Grace, to be arrested. The pretence was, that it was laden with Spanish effects ; which, however, the French denied, and asserted, that all the goods in the ship be- longed to French merchants, or to English and Dutch. * Upon this a commission was granted to hear evidence as to that point ; and it appearing plainly there was no just ground of seizure, the ship was ordered to be, and at last was released ; but not before the French king made some reprisals, which so irritated the nation, that this also was made an article in the duke's impeachment, t The mat- ter, however, was compromised between the two kings, and the good correspondence between their subjects, for a time, restored ; but, at the bottom, there was no cordial reconciliation : and so this quarrel, like a wound ill cured, broke quickly out again, with worse symptoms than before. $ The war in which the king was engaged, in order to have procured the restitution of the Palatinate to his brother-in-law, had drawn him into a league with Den- mark, which obliged him to send a squadron of ships to that king's assistance ; and, this being attended with small success, he was called upon for further supplies. His par- liaments all this time were little inclined to assist him, because he would not part with Buckingham ; and this obliged him to have recourse to such methods for supply as his lawyers assured him were justifiable. Among the rest, he obliged all the sea-ports to furnish him with ships ; of the city of London he demanded twenty, and of other places in proportion. * Rennet's Complete History of England, vol. iii. p. 28. t It is the fifth article of the impeachment ; and the duke, in his answer, drawn by Sir Nicholas Hide, justifies himself very plausibly. I Rushworth, Frankland, Baker, Echard, Rapio. OF KING CHARLES I. 173 The inhabitants thought this so hard, that many who A D< had no immediate dependence upon trade, were for quit- 1626. ting their residence in maritime places, and retiring up into the country. This conduct made the burden still more intolerable upon those who staid behind ; and, the consequence of their remonstrances was a proclamation, requiring such as had quitted the sea-coast to return im- mediately to their former dwellings ; and, this it was gave rise to the first disturbances in this unfortunate reign. * They were quickly increased by the rash management of Buckingham, who, though he saw his master so deeply embarrassed with the wars in which he was already engaged ; yet plunged him into another with France, very precipitately, and against all the rules of true policy. The queen's foreign servants, who were all bigotted Papists, had not only acted indiscreetly in matters relating to their religion ; but had likewise drawn the queen to take some very wrong, to say the truth, some ridiculous and extravagant steps ; upon which, Buckingham engaged his majesty to dismiss her French servants, which she did the 1st of July, 1626; and then sent the Lord Carleton to represent his reasons for taking so quick a measure to the French king, t That monarch refused him audience ; and, to shew his sense of the action, immediately seized one hundred and twenty of our ships, which were in his ports, and undertook the siege of Rochelle ; though our king had acted but a little before as a mediator between him and his Protestant subjects. | Upon this, the latter ap- * Kennet, voL iii. p. 28. Frankland's Annals, p. 206, 207. Whit- loeke, p. 7, 8. Rushworth's Collections, vol. i. p. 415, 416. f Hammond L'Estrange's History of Charles I. p. 58, 59. Bul- strode's Memoirs, p. 31. Memoirs of the duke of Rohan, b. iv. p. 129, 130. t Dupleix Histoire de Louis le Juste, p. 298. Le Gendre His- toire de France, torn. v. p. 174. Aubre Histoire du Cardinal due de Richlieu, Paris, 1660, fol. liv. ii. chap. xL Rushwortti, vol. i. p. 424. 174 NAVAL HISTORY A.D. plied themselves to King Charles, who ordered a fleet of 1626 " thirty sail to be equipped for their relief, and sent it under the command of the earl of Denbigh : but this being so late in the year as the month of October, his lordship found it impracticable to execute his commission ; and so, after continuing some time at sea in hard weather, he re- turned into port, which not only disappointed the king's intention, but also blemished his reputation; for the Rochellers began to suspect the sincerity of this design, and doubted whether he really intended to assist them or not.* A.D. The duke of Buckingham, to put the thing out of 1627. dispute, caused a great fleet to be drawn together the next year ; and an army of seven thousand men to be put on board it, resolving to go himself as admiral and com- mander in chief. He sailed from Portsmouth the 27th of June, and landed on the island of Rhe ; though at first he intended to have made a descent on Oleron, and actually promised so much to the duke of Soubize, whom he sent to Rochelle to acquaint the inhabitants of his coming to their relief. They received this message coldly ; for the French king having corrupted some by his gold, and terrifying many more by his power ; the Rochellers were now afraid to receive the very succours they had demanded, t The duke landed his troops on the last of July, not without strong opposition from Mr. de Toyras, the French governor, whom he forced to retire, though with some loss. Upon this occasion, the English fell into the very same errors in conduct which they had committed in the * Rennet, voh iii. p. 29. L'Estrange's History of Charles I. p. 62, 63. Frankland's Annals. t Rushworth's Collections, vol. i. p. 426. Memoirs of the Duke of Rohan, b. 4. p. 132. See Sir Richard Grenville's Journal of the Expedition to the Isle of Rhe, anno, 1627, in Lord Lansdowne's >V orks, vol. iii. p. 216. OF KING CHARLES I. [75 Cadiz expedition. The fort of la Pre, which covered the landing-place, they neglected, though the French them- selves in their fright had slighted it; so that it might have been taken without any trouble ; and it was a place of so great consequence, that if it had been in the hands of the English, it would have prevented the French from introducing any supplies. At first, it is certain, the French court was exceedingly alarmed; and, it is said, the king fell sick upon it ; but their terrors quickly di- minished, when they were informed that the duke had no great capacity as a commander, and withal too much pride to take advice. The town of St. Martin's, however, was speedily taken by the English, and his grace then invested the citadel ; but gave evident proofs of his want of military skill in managing the siege. At first, he quartered his troops about the place without entrenching, which at last, how- ever, he was forced to do ; then he entered into con- ferences with the governor, and refusing to communicate the substance of them to his officers, discouraged his own people, and enabled the French to deceive him by a sham treaty; during which the fort received a considerable supply. By this time, the Rochellers had declared for the English ; their confidence being as unseasonable for themselves, as their suspicions had been before for their friends ; for this declaration, and the expectation he had of succours from England, which w r ere to be sent him under the command of the earl of Holland ; engaged Buckingham to remain so long in his camp, that his troops were much diminished. At length, on the 6th of November, he made a general A.D. assault ; when it appeared that the place was impregnable, at least, to forces under such circumstances as his were. Two days after he resolved upon a retreat, which was ill conducted as the rest of the expedition. It was made in the sight of an enemy as strong in foot, and more nti- 176 NAVAL HISTORY merous in horse than themselves, over a narrow causeway, with salt pits on each side : yet there was no precaution taken by erecting a fort, or so much as throwing up a retrenchment to cover the entrance of the passage ; by which mistake and neglect the army was so much exposed, that abundance of brave men were killed, which the best accounts now extant sum up thus : fifty officers of all ranks, two thousand common soldiers, and thirty-five volunteers of note. With equal shame and loss, therefore, the duke concluded this unlucky expedition, embarking all his forces on the 9th of the same month, and sending the poor Rochellers a solemn promise, that he would come back again to their relief; which, however, he did not live to perform. To complete his misfortune, as he entered Plymouth, he met the earl of Holland with the promised succours sailing out, who now returned with him. There never was, its immediate effects and future conse- quences considered, a more fatal undertaking than this. It was highly prejudicial to the king, and entirely ruined the duke. The merchants were discouraged from carrying on trade by impressing their ships ; and the treasury was so little in a condition to pay the seamen, that they came in crowds and clamoured at Whitehall. * A.D. To remedy those evils, a parliament was called in the beginning of 1628, wherein there passed nothing but dis- putes between the king and the commons ; so that at last it was prorogued without granting supplies. The king, however, exerted himself to the utmost, in preparing a naval force to make good what the duke of Buckingham had promised to the inhabitants of Rochelle. With this View, a fleet of fifty sail was assembled at Plymouth in the spring, and a large body of marines embarked ; the command of it was given to the earl of Denbigh, who was * Kennet, vol. iii. p. 38 40. Wliitlocke, p. 9. L'Estrange's History of Charles I. p. 6871. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 2428. Sir Richard Bulstrode's Memoirs. OF KING CHARLES I. 177 brother-in-law to Buckingham, and who sailed from that A.D. port on the 17th of April, coming to anchor in the road of Rochelle on the 1st of May. On his arrival, he found twenty sail of the French king's ships riding before the harbour; and being much superiour in number and strength, he sent advice into the town, that he would sink the French ships as soon as the wind came west, and made a higher flood. About the 8th of May, the wind and tide served accordingly, and the Rochellers expected and solicited that deliverance. But the earl, without remem- bering his promise or embracing the opportunity, weighed anchor and sailed away; suffering four of the French ships to pursue, as it were, the English fleet, which arrived at Plymouth on the 26th of May. This second inglorious expedition was still a greater discouragement to the poor Rochellers ; and increased the fears and jealousies of a Popish interest at home. One Le Brun, a Frenchman, but captain in the English fleet, gave in depositions before the mayor of Plymouth on the 16th of May, which argued treachery, or apparent cow- ardice, in the management of this late expedition. This account was certified by the mayor of Plymouth, and the two burgesses of that town in parliament, by whom it was communicated to the council-table ; whence, a letter was directed to the duke of Buckingham, as lord high- admiral, dated the 30th of May, 1628, to signify his majesty's pleasure, that the earl of Denbigh should return back to relieve the town of Rochelle, with the fleet under his charge, and with other ships prepared at Portsmouth and Plymouth. But, notwithstanding this order of council, no such return was made, nor any inquiry into the disobedience of the king's order for it. * * Kennet, vol. iii. p. 48. Memoirs of the duke of Rohan, p. 171. Whitlocke, p. 10. Frankland's Annals. Rushworth's Collections, vol. i. p. 586, 58T. VOL. II. N )7b NAVAL HISTORY A.D. Notwithstanding these repeated defeats; the cries of 1688 - the Rochellers, and the clamours of the people were so loud, that a third fleet was prepared for the relief of that city; now, by a close siege, reduced to the last extremity. The' duke of Buckingham chose to command in person, and to that end came to Portsmouth ; where, on the 23d of August, having been at breakfast with Soubize and the general officers ; John Felton, late lieutenant of a com- pany in a regiment of foot, under Sir John Ramsay, placed himself in an entry, through which the duke was to pass ; who, walking with Sir Thomas Frier, and in- clining his ear to him in a posture of attention, Felton, with a back blow, stabbed him on the left side into the very heart ; leaving the knife in his body, which the duke pulled out with his own hand, and then fell down ; saying only, " The villain hath killed me!" Felton slipped away, and might have gone undiscovered, but that either his conscience or his insolence betrayed him; for while the general rumour w r as, that the murderer must be a Frenchman, and some began to suspect Soubize as a party in it, Felton stepped out, and said, " I am the man who " did the deed; let no man suffer that is innocent." Upon which, be was apprehended and sent prisoner to London. This accident did not prevent the king's prosecuting his design : the very next day, his majesty made the earl of Lindsey admiral, Monson and Mountjoy vice and rear- admirals; and, as an illustrious foreign writer assures us, his care and presence had such au effect in the preparing for this voyage, that more was despatched now in ten or twelve days than in many weeks before : * which is a demonstrative proof of two things ; of which, many of our * Duke of Rohan's Memoirs, p. 188. His brother, the duke of SoubJzo, was here at the time, aud on the spot; and, consequently, witness of the gn-at preparations made, as well as of the great exerted on the occasion. OP KING CHARLES I. 179 writers of history have affected to doubt, viz. that the king was hearty in his design, and that the Rochellers were convinced of it. This expedition, however, was not more fortunate than the former. The fleet sailed the 8th of September, 1628, and arriving before Rochelle, found the boom raised to block up the entrance of the port, so strong, that though many attempts were made to break through it, yet they proved vain ; so that the Rochellers were glad to accept of terms from their own prince, and actually surrendered the place on the 18th of October, the English fleet looking on, but not being able to help them ; and, to complete their misfortunes, the very night after the city was given up, the sea made such a breach as would have opened an entrance for the largest ship in the English fleet. * With this expedition ended the opera- tions of the war with France, though a peace was not made till the succeeding year, t From this time, the French began to be ambitious of A.D. raising a maritime power, and to be extremely uneasy at the growth of the English shipping. This was the effect of Richlieu's politics, who best understood the different interests of the several European powers, and how to manage them, so as to make them subservient to the end.? of France, of any minister that nation ever had ; or, it is to be hoped, for the peace of Christendom, will ever have. * Frankland's Annals, p. 338. Rennet, vol. iii. p. 49. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 635. L'Estrauge's History of Charles I. p. 93. Memoirs of the duke of Rohan, p. 190. f Rymer's Foedera, torn. xix. p. 66 86. The duke of Rohan wrote a very long and pathetic letter to the king, which the reader M'ill meet with in Rushworth's Collections, under the year 1629, p. -4. imploring his further aid on the behalf of the reformed churches in France, prior to the treaty of peace ; but his majesty, as he informed that nobleman in his answer, having been constrained to dissolve the parliament, from whom he expected supplies, being in no condition to contribute any farther assistance thereto, recommended it to him, and those interested, to make the best terms they could with the court of France. N 2 jg NAVAL HISTORY He brought in the Swedes to destroy the power of the House of Austria in Germany; and had address enough to engage us to assist in that design, upon the plausible pretence of favouring the Protestant interest. * Then his agents in Holland very dexterously infiised a jealousy of our dominion over the narrow seas ; our claim to the sole right of fishing, or permitting to fish in them ; and ex- pecting the honour of the flag, at a considerable distance from our own shores. After these notions had been a while the subjects of common discourse among the Dutch, the famous Hugo Grotius was induced to write a treatise, under the title of MARE LIBERUM ; wherein, with great eloquence, he endeavoured to shew the weakness of our title to dominion over the sea ; which, according to his notion, was a gift from GOD, common to all nations, t This was answered by Selden, in his famous treatise, intitled, MARE CLAUSUM ; wherein he has effectually demonstrated, from the principles of the law of nature and nations, that a dominion over the sea may be ac- quired ; from the most authentic histories, that such a dominion has been claimed and enjoyed by several nations, and submitted to by others, for their common benefit ; that this, in fact, was the case of the inhabitants of this island, who at all times, and under every kind of government, had claimed, exercised, and constantly enjoyed such a dominion ; which had been confessed by their neighbours frequently, and in the most solemn manner. All this, with learning, industry, and judgment superiour to praise, this great man hath fully and unquestionably made out, * This matter is very fairly stated by Sir Philip Warwick, in bis Memoirs, p. S7. t The title of this book runs thus, Mare Liberum ; seu, de Jure quod Batavis competit ad Indica Commercial Lug. Bat Elzevir. 1609. 8vo.; reprinted about this time. t Sdden's title is short and plain ; Mare Clausum ; sen, de Dowim* Maris, lib. ii. Loudini, 1635. foL OF K1\G CHARLES L 181 for the satisfaction of foreigners ; as it is the design of this work, if I may be allowed to mention it in the same page with Mr. Selden's, to impress the same sentiment on the minds of all sensible Britons, viz. " That they have an " hereditary, uninterrupted right to the sovereignty of tl their seas, conveyed to them from their earliest ances- " tors, in trust for their latest posterity." This book of Mr. Selden was published in 1634 ; and by the coun- tenance then, and afterwards, shewn by King Charles toward this extraordinary performance, we may fairly conclude, that he had very just and generous notions of his own and his people's rights in this respect ; though he was very unfortunate in taking such methods as he did to support them. * The French minister persisted steadily in his Machia- velian scheme, of using the power and industry of the Dutch, to interrupt the trade, and lessen the maritime force of Britain. With this view also, a negociation was begun between that crown and the states of Holland, for dividing the Spanish Netherlands between them; and under colour of thus assisting them, in support of their pretensions to an equal right over the sea, and in pro- moting their trade, to the prejudice of ours ; Richlieu carried on secretly and securely his darling project, of raising a naval force in France ; to promote which, he spared not either pains or expense, procuring from all parts, the ablest persons in all arts and sciences any way relating to navigation, and fixing them in the French service, by giving them great encouragement. Our king formed a just idea of his design, and saw thoroughly into its consequences, which he endeavoured to prevent, by publishing proclamations for restraining shipwrights, and other artificers, from entering into foreign service ; for asserting his title to the sovereignty of the * See Rushworth, under the year 1636, p. 320. Frankland'c Annals, p. 476. Whitlocke, I/Estrange. jgg \\VAL HISTORY sea; and for regulating the manner of wearing flags,* If to these precautions he had joined a reasonable con- descension to the temper of his subjects, in dismissing froln his service such as were obnoxious to them, either through their arbitrary notions, or bad behaviour ; and had thereby fixed them, and their representatives, firmly in his interest; without doubt he had gained his point, and carried the glory of this nation higher than any of his predecessors. But his want of skill in the art of gaining the affections of the people; and, to speak without reserve, that want of true public spirit, in some who were now esteemed patriots by the people ; prevented the good effects of the king's laudable intentions ; and turned what he meant for a cordial, into a corrosive poison. I am far from affecting an allegorical style; but there are some things of so nice a nature ; and the tempers of men are in some seasons so strangely turned ; that it is not expedient either for them to hear, or for the historian to tell, even truth, too bluntly. Yet, it is equally dangerous, on the other hand, for one who undertakes such a task as this, to be afraid of delivering his sentiments freely, even supposing his fears to flow from an apprehension of in- juring, what he thinks it his duty to recommend. Under a strong sense, therefore, of what in one respect it becomes me to say, for the service of my country ; and what in regard to the opinions of very great men, who have thought in another way, it is unfit for me to shew myself positive ; I come now to speak of ship-money, a subject exceedingly tender in the last age, and little less so at present, t A.D. The apprehensions which the king had entertained of 1636. new i eague between the French and Dutch, were so * Kennet's Complete History of England, vol. iii. p. 74. Whit- locke's Memorials, p. 24. Frankland's Annals, p. 471. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs. L'Estrange's Life of Charles I. p. 130, 131. t Compare our modern histories with those written near those OF KING CHARLES I, 183 heightened in the year 1635, by the junction of the fleets of those two powers ; and the intelligence he had, that France was shortly to declare war against Spain ; and from thence to derive that occasion they had been so long seeking, to divide the Netherlands between themselves and their new allies ; all whose pretensions, in respect to the right of fishing, and using an unrestrained navi- gation in the seas, they had undertaken to support, that he resolved to be no longer passive. * In order to defeat this design, and maintain the sovereignty annexed to the English crown, as well as the credit of the nation as a maritime power, the king sa.w that it was necessary to equip, and put to sea, a superiour naval force. This it seemed exceedingly hard to do, without the as- sistance of a parliament; and yet the delays in granting aids, had been so great in former parliaments, that his majesty was very doubtful of succeeding, if for this he trusted to a parliamentary supply. His lawyers, knowing both the nature of the case, and his deep distress, sug- gested to him, that upon this occasion, he might have recourse to his prerogative ; which opinion having been approved by the judges, he thereupon directed writs to be issued, for the Je vying of ship-money. These writs were, for the present, directed only to sea-ports, and such places as were near the coast ; requiring them to furnish a certain number of ships, or to grant the king an aid equivalent thereto. The city of London was directed to provide seven ships for twenty-six days, and other places in pro- portion. To make the nation the more easy under this tax, the king directed that the money raised thereby, should be kept apart in the Exchequer ; and that a distinct account should be given of the services to which it was applied. Yet, in spite of these precautions, the people * Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 289. Frankland's Annals p. 468. 184 NAVAL HISTORY murmured grievously; which, however, did not hinder this project from being carried into execution. * A.D. But as our neighbours were likely to be as much alarmed, 1635. f rQm fa e e q U ippi n g o f so strong a fleet, as our people were disturbed at home by the method taken to defray the expense of it ; Secretary Coke, by the king's orders, wrote a letter to Sir William Bo&well, then charged with his majesty's affairs at the Hague, in order fully to explain what the fleet was to perform ; which letter, for the honour of those times, shall be inserted here, and is as follows : SIR, " By your letters, and otherwise, J.perceive many jea- " lousies and discourses are raised upon the preparations " of his majesty's fleet, which is now in such forwardness, u that we doubt not but within this month it will appear " at sea. It is, therefore, expedient, both for your satis- " faction and direction, to inform you particularly what " was the occasion, and what is his majesty's intention in " this work. " First, we hold it a principle not to be denied, that the " king of Great Britain is a monarch at land and sea, to " the full extent of his dominions ; and, that it concerneth " him, as much to maintain his sovereignty in all the Bri- " tish seas, as within his three kingdoms ; because, with- " out that, these cannot be kept safe, nor he preserve his " honour, and due respect with other nations. But, com- " manding the seas, he may cause his neighbours, and all :t countries, to stand upon their guard, whensoever he lt thinks fit. And this cannot be doubted, that whosoever * will encroach upon him by sea, will do it by land also, " when they see their time. To such presumption, MARE " LIBERUM gave the first warning piece, which must be * Kennet's complete History of England, vol. iii. p. 81. WLit- locke, p. 22, 24. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 51. Clarendon, to!, i. p. 68. Rushwortb, vol. ii. p. 334, 335. Bulstrode's Memoirs, p. 36, 37. OF KING CHARLES I. 185 " answered with a defence of MARE CLAUSUM, not so " much by discourses, as by the louder language of a " powerful navy, to be better understood, when over- " strained patience seeth no hope of preserving her right " by other means. " The degrees by which his majesty's dominion at sea " hath of later years been first impeached, and then " questioned, are as considerable as notorious. " First, to cherish, as it were, to nurse up our unthank- u ful neighbours, we gave them leave to gather wealth and " strength upon our coasts, in our ports, by our trade, " and by our people. Then they were glad to invite our " merchants residence, with what privileges they could " desire. Then they offered to us even the sovereignty " of their estates, and then they sued for licence to fish " upon the coasts, and obtained it, under the great seal of " Scotland, which now they suppress. And when thus by " leave, or by connivance, they had possessed themselves " of our fishing, not only in Scotland, but in Ireland and " in England, and by our staple had raised a great stock ** of trade, by these means, they so increased their ship- " ping and power at sea, that now they endure not to be " kept at any distance ; nay, they are grown to that con- " fidence, to keep guards upon our seas, and then to pro- " ject an office and company of assurance, for the advance- " ment of trade, and withal prohibit us free commerce, " even within our seas, and take our ships and goods, if " we conform not to their placarts. What insolencies and the Spaniard at length outwitted his enemy ; and found means, by a stratagem, in the night, to convey away through the Downs, round by the North Sand-head and the back of the Godwin, twelve large ships to Dun- kirk, and in them four thousand men. In excuse for this gross neglect of the Dutch admirals, in leaving that avenue from the Downs unguarded ; they affirmed they vv ere assured by the English, that no ships of any con- siderable burden could venture by night to sail that way. The two fleets had now continued in their stations nearly three weeks, when King Charles sent the earl of Arundel to the admiral of Spain, to desire him to retreat upon the first fair wind ; but , by this time, the Dutch fleet was, by continual reinforcements from Zealand and Holland, in- creased to an hundred sail ; and seeming disposed to attack their enemies, Sir John Pennington, admiral of his ma- jesty'g fleet, who lay in the Downs with thirty-four men of war, acquainted the Dutch admiral, that he had OF KING CHARLES I. 197 received orders to act in defence of either of the two parties who should be first attacked. This transaction shews plainly how much it imported England to have had a superiour fleet at sea, which was prevented by the general discontent about ship-money, and the religious disturbances in Scotland ; so that probably nothing more than was done could be done, though some blame fell upon Sir John Pennington in those days. The Spaniards, however, growing too presumptuous on the protection they enjoyed ; a day or two after fired some shot at Van Tromp's barge, when himself w r as in her ; and killed a man with a cannon-ball on board of a Dutch ship, whose dead body was presently sent on board Sir John Pennington, as a proof that the Spaniards were the first aggressors, and had violated the neutrality of the king of England's harbour. Soon after this, the Dutch admiral, on receiving fresh orders from the States, came to a resolution of attacking the Spaniards ; but before he put it in execution, he thought fit to write to admiral Pennington, telling him, that the Spaniards having in- fringed the liberties of the king of England's harbours, and having clearly become the aggressors, he found himself obliged to repel force by force, and to attack them ; in which, pursuant to the declaration he had made to him, he not only hoped for, but depended upon his assistance ; which, however, if he should not please to grant, he requested the favour that he would, at least, give him leave to engage the enemy ; otherwise, he should have just cause of com- plaint to all the world of so manifest an injury. * This letter being delivered to the English admiral, Van Tromp immediately weighed, and stood to the Spaniards in six divisions, cannonading them furiously, and vigor- ously pressing them at the same time with his fire-ships ; * Commelyn Leeven van Fred. Hen. fol. 55. Lettres P'Esuades, torn. i. p. 40. Le ^Clerc Histoire des Province* Unies, liv. xii. p 193, 194. J93 NAVAL HISTORY to that he quickly forced them all to cut their cables, and of fifty-three, which the Spaniards were in number, twenty-three ran ashore, and stranded in the Downs : of these, three were burnt, two sunk, and two perished on the shore ; one of which was a great galleon, the vice- admiral of Galicia, commanded by Don Antonio de Castro, and mounted with fifty-two brass guns. The remainder of the twenty-three, which were stranded and deserted by the Spaniards, were manned by the English, to save them from falling into the hands of the Dutch. The other thirty Spanish ships, with Don Antonio de Oqnendo, the commander in chief, and Lopez, admiral of Portugal, got out to sea, and kept in good order, till a thick fog arising, the Dutch took advantage thereof; interposed between the admirals and their fleet, and fought them valiantly till the fog cleared up ; when the admiral of Portugal began to flame, being set on fire by two Dutch ships fitted for that purpose. Oquendo per- ceiving this, presently stood away for Dunkirk, with the admiral of that place, and some few ships more ; for, of these, thirty-five were sunk in the fight, eleven taken and sent into Holland, three perished upon the coast of France, one near Dover, and only ten escaped. The first hostility having been indisputably committed by the Spaniards, was a plea of which the Dutch made use of in their justification to us; and, at the same time, it became sufficient argument to defend the conduct of the English government ; which otherwise would have appeared re- pugnant to the law of nations, in suffering one friend to destroy another within its chambers, * See Sir John Pennington's relation of this engagement in Frank- land's Annals, p. 793, 794. Whitlocke, p. 31, 32. Sir Philip War- wick's Memoirs, p. 119, 120. Memoires de Monsieur le Compte D'Kstrades, torn. i. See the count's letter to the cardinal de Richlieu, dated, Bergen-op-zoom, Sept. 20, 1639, acquainting him with the defeat of the Spanish fleet. OF KING CHARLES I. 199 It may not be amiss to observe, that, in reality, the _\J). people of England were not sorry for this misfortune 1639 - which befel the Spaniards, though the court took all the care imaginable to prevent it; and the reason of this was, that some surmised this to be a new Spanish armada, fitted out nominally against the Dutch; but, in truth, intended to act against heretics in general. At first sight, this may appear a wild and extravagant suggestion ; but, perhaps, the reader will, in some measure, change his opinion, when he is told, that in the next parliament there really appeared some kind of proof of it ; a popish book being produced, in which, among other superstitious things, were prayers for the holy martyrs who perished in the fleet sent against the heretics in England. * How- ever it was, the bare report undoubtedly was more than sufficient to alarm the populace, and revive their resent- ments against the Spaniards. Some of our own writers have affected to represent the conduct of the Dutch as derogatory on this occasion from our sovereignty at sea ; but foreigners, who are the best judges in such cases, intimate nothing of this kind ; t though, it must be allowed, our affairs were then in such confusion, that it is very doubtful whether his majesty could have properly resented any indignities, in case they had offered it. I had nearly slipped over, as some of our historians have done, the expedition of the Marquis of Hamilton against the Scots, which was undertaken this year ; and, indeed, there is very little in it worth mentioning, except to shew how exceedingly difficult it is to come at truth in relation to these affairs. Bishop Burnet, in his memoirs of the Hamilton family, has given us a very plausible account of this matter. He says, the duke embarked at Rushwortli, under the year 1639, p. 974. Pryniie's Royal Fa- vourite, p. 59. Fiery Jesuits, a 4to. pamphlet, printed in 1G67, p. 118. t See Nauis's History of Venice, b. xi. j>. 472, 473. 200 NAVAL HISTORY Yarmouth about the middle of April, 1639 ; that he had with him about five thousand men, among whom there were not above two hundred that knew how to fire a gun : but he does not say what number of ships he had, or of what burden; only that the troops were transported in colliers, and arrived in the Frith of Forth the 1st of May. There he continued for some time, treating with the Scots to little or no purpose; till, the season being lost, he ret .i-ned without effecting any thing. * Another gentleman, who lived in those times, and seems to have known much of them, gives a quite dif- ferent detail; which, as it is very short, may not be unworthy of the reader's notice, in his own words. " Hamilton," says he, " was to be a distinct general " both by sea and land, and with a good fleet, was to " block up the Scots seas; nay, to my knowledge, he " promised so to visit his countrymen on their coasts, as * { that they should find little ease or security in their " habitations : for he had three good English regiments " on board him ; but the very choice of his ships shewed " he had more mind to make war upon the king's treasure " than on his own country or countrymen ; for he had " chosen some of the second and third rate, whereas, the f( least frigates would have done the greatest service; " thus, by the very bulk of his ships, obliging himself to " an inactivity. One might well have expected, that he * who had so prodigally, as a commissioner, lavished his " majesty's honour, and unhinged the government, would " have vigorously employed those forces under his com- " mand to have restored both; and that a man of his " importance would have found some party ready to have * Memoirs of James and William, dukes of Hamilton, p. 121, 139. Rushworth, under the year 1639, p. 930935. Kennet, vol. iii. p. 99. Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. i. p. 114, 120, 121. "Whitloeke's Memorials, p. 30. Davis's History of the Civil Wars of England, p. n. OF KING CHARLES I. 201 x< countenanced and assisted him : but instead thereof, t( when he comes and anchors in the Frith, his mother, *' a violent spirited lady, and a deep Presbyteress, comes " on board him; and surely she had no hard task to " charm him. Afterwards, the great ships, like the great " formidable log let down to be a king, lying still, he had 61 several visits from many of the great men who were " most active against the king ; as if he had been rather 59. Whit- locke, p. 72. J Clarendon, vol. iii. p. 281, 336. RushworuY* Collections. Whitlocke. 30 NAVAL HISTORY all the officers by him appointed. Every summer a stout squadron v r as fitted out to serve as occasion required; and by these means the trade of the nation was tolerably protected. * But in the year 1648, when the Independents came by their intrigues to prevail, things took a new turn ; and it was resolved to remove the earl of Warwick from his command, notwithstanding the services he had per- formed, and to make Colonel Rainsborough admiral, t This gentleman had been bred a seaman, and was the son of a commander of distinction, but had for some time served as an officer in the parliament army, and was- then a colonel of foot. When this news came to the fleet in the Downs, it put the seamen into great confusion ; and their officers, the earl of Warwick and Vice-admiral Batten, were so little pleased with the usage they had met with, that, instead of softening, they augmented their discontents ; insomuch that they seized upon Rainsborough and such officers as adhered to him ; set them on shore ; and resolved to sail over to Holland, in order to take on board the duke of York, whom they called their admiral, because the king's intention of making him so was a thing generally known. ^ A.D. Though the king was then a prisoner, and his affairs 48 ' reduced to a very low ebb, yet, if this revolt of the fleet * Clarendon, vol. v. p. 132. Rushworth's Collections. Whitlocke. Heath. History of Independency, p. i, ii. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs. t Clarendon's History, vol. v. p. 122, 132. Rush-worth's Collections under the year 1648, p. 822. Lndlnw's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 236. Heath's Chronicle, p. 175. Sir Thomas Herbert's Memoirs of the two last Years of the Reign of King Charles I. p. 53. Mauley's History of the Rebellion, p. 182. I Clarendon, vol. v. p. 136, 137. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 308. Dr. Bates's Elencus Motuum, p. 100. Rushworth, p. 1131. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 316. Sir William Dugdale's History of the late Troubles, p. 283. Davies's History of the Civil Wars in England, p. 231. Bulstrode's Memoirs, p. 168. Sir John Bovring's Memoirs, p. 146. DLRING THE CIVIL WAR. 23 1 had been properly managed, it might have had very happy effects : but, as it was conducted, it is scarcely possible to conceive how little advantage was drawn from an incident which promised so much. It is true the parliament, upon the first intimation of the growing disaffection among the seamen, had directed but half the usual provisions to be put on board the fleet. This might have been easily remedied, considering that Kent w r as in arms for the king, and many of its inhabitants went on board the fleet, in order to do him all the service they could. * The great misfortune was, that this strange turn was entirely concerted by the seamen ; so that, when they declared for the king, they had very few officers among them ; and, as they were little inclined to use the advice of any who were not of their own profession, there was a good deal of time lost before they positively resolved what to do ; which gave the parliament an opportunity of recovering them- selves from the consternation into which this unexpected event had thrown them ; and the first resolution they took was a very wise one, viz. the restoring the earl of Warwick to his title and command, sending him orders to draw together a fleet as soon as possible, t This revolted fleet, if we can properly call it so, which at last sailed for Calais, consisted of seventeen good ships ; and for the present the parliament had nothing near the same force to oppose to them. | They left a ship riding before the place last mentioned to receive the prince of Wales, and then proceeded for Holland. Soon after, both the prince and the duke came on board, with many persons * Clarendon's History, vol. v. p. 136. Heath's Chronicle, p. 176. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 231. Coke's Detection, p. 185. f Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 237. Dugdale's short View of the late Troubles, p. 284. Rushworth, p. 1131, under the year 1648. Whitlocke, p. 308. Life of Dr. John Barwick, p. 102. Bates's Elencus Motuum, p. 102. J Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 137, 138. HefitL Whitloeke. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p, 231. 252? KAVAL HISTORY of quality who were now abroad with them in exiled Instead of considering what service the fleet might best be employed in, those who were about the princes fell into- intrigues for obtaining the command ; and the contending' parties filling the seamen's heads with very different stories, that spirit of loyalty was quickly extinguished^ which had induced them to take this extraordinary step. * A.D. In the midst of these disputes, admiral Batten came in with the Constant Warwick, one of the best ships in the parliament navy, and several seamen of note. The prince of Wales, upon this occasion, took a very wise resolution : he knighted Batten, and made him rear-admiral, his brother the duke of York having before made the Lord Willoughby of Parham, who was also a new convert from the parliament, vice-admiral, t As the fleet con- sisted now of about twenty sail, it was judged proper to enter upon action, and two schemes were proposed : the first was, to sail to the Isle of Wight to rescue the king, which might certainly have been effected ; the other, to enter the river Thames, in order to awe the city of London, by interrupting their trade ; and to enfeeble the parlia- ment, by hindering their supplies of seamen from the outward-bound ships : which scheme was thought the most practicable, or perhaps the most profitable, and was therefore immediately carried into execution. ^ The success of this enterprize was in the beginning very favourable ; and, on their coming into the mouth of the river, the prince's fleet took abundance of rich prizes, particularly a ship laden with cloth bound for Rotterdam, worth forty thousand pounds. Soon after he entered into Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 138, 139. Echard. Rapin. t Clarendon, vol. v. p. 140. Heath, p. 176. J Clarendon, vol. v. p. 141. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 315. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 237. Mauley's History of the Rebellion, p. 189. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 233 a treaty with the city, which ended at last in a com-, position for his prizes. * The earl of Warwick, in the mean while, had fitted out a strong fleet at Portsmouth, with which he came into the Downs, and anchored within sight of the prince. Great endeavours were used on both sides to draw over each others seamen, but to no great purpose ; at last, the prince resolved to engage the enemy, which he attempted, but was prevented by the shifting of the wind ; and then, provisions falling short, it was judged expedient to sail for the coast of Holland, where the fleet arrived safely; but those who should have com i anded them were divided in opinion, and in such confusion among themselves, that no new courge could be resolved on. t The earl of Warwick, who sus- pected what would happen, and knew they could meet with no supplies of money to enable them to pay the fleet, followed them in their retreat, and sent to the states of Holland, requiring them to oblige certain ships, which had revolted from the parliament of England, to put to sea. The states were very much embarrassed in forming a resolution in this critical juncture : they were unwilling to break with the parliament's admiral ; but, on the other hand, it would have been a reproach to them to have suf- fered the prince of Wales to be insulted on their coasts, and in their harbours. In the mean time, the two parties being excited by hatred, as well as necessity, to fight, it was difficult to prevent it : both sides at first flattered themselves with the hopes of a victory, because both sides were persuaded the ships of their antagonist would desert * Clarendon's History, vol. v. p. 156, 157. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 327. Heath's Chronicle, p. 176. f Clarendon's History, vol. v. p. 159. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 241. Whitlocke, p. 327. Rushworth's Collections, under the year 1648, p. 1251, 1254. Sir Richard Bulstrode's Mewoirs, p. 171, Mauley's History of the Rebellion, p. 183. NAVAL HISTORY and come over to them. The first step the states took was to give orders to the admiralty of Rotterdam to fit out every ship they had, with all possible expedition, and to fall down the river to prevent the two fleets coming to an engagement. In the mean time, they sent four de- puties on board the two admirals, to beg of them, in the name of the states, not to undertake any thing on their coasts, and in the very sight of their harbours, which might affect the sovereignty of their republic. A.D. The prince of Wales was the most tractable, because l48 * his sailors, being badly paid, deserted ; and even some of his ships and officers, which had lately left the parliament to go over to him, had now left him, and took part with their old masters again. He had only fourteen ships remaining, very poorly equipped, with which he retired under the cannon of Helvoet, to avoid an engagement or insult, instead of offering any. * The earl of Warwick upon this began to talk in a higher strain, insisting that such as were on board this fleet were deserters, and ought to be delivered up to him but at last, finding that there was little good to be done, he put to sea, and returned home ; after which, the fleet Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p." 197. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 241, 242. Rushworth's Collections under the year 1648, p. 1268, 1274, 1278, 1294, 1297, 1307, 1319. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 139, 140. A pamphlet made its appearance about this time at London, intended no doubt, to draw the earl of Warwick into suspicion with those of his party, entitled, A Declaration of the Earl of Warwick, while that nobleman was on the coast of Holland with the fleet, intimating a resolution to join the prince, in case the treaty at Newport in the Isle of Wight did not take effect : who was so much offended with the aspersions it contained, that he opposed it with a counter-declaration, dated on board the St. George in Helvoetsluys ; Nov. 11, 1648, wherein he testifies all imaginable obedience to the parliament ; his abhorrence of such a conduct as inconsistent with his duty and the peace of the kingdom ; and a solemn assurance of his persevering to the last in support of their cause ; and which, with letters to the same purport, he transmitted forthwith to England. Rushwortb, p. 1326. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. was put absolutely under the command of Prince Rupert, who determined, as soon as he had the command, to carry on a piratical war : and thus this extraordinary accident, which, properly managed, might have been a mean of preserving the king and kingdom, turned to no advantage to the former, and proved of infinite detriment to the latter, as it divided their naval force, and rendered pre- carious the trade of the nation. These transactions hap- pened between the latter end of July, 1648, and the close of the same year, about which time Prince Rupert left the Dutch coast, in order to repair to Ireland. In this scheme he succeeded happily ; taking many prizes in his passage ; and arriving safely at last in the port of Kinsale. * The parliament, however, had now recovered their A.D. sovereignty at sea, where they kept such strong squadrons continually cruizing, that it was not thought adviseable for King Charles II. to venture his person on that element, in order to go to Ireland, where his presence was neces- sary, t Yet the earl of Warwick, who had served them so faithfully, and with such success, was removed from the command of the fleet ; which was put into the hands of land-officers, such as Blake, Deane, and Popham; who, notwithstanding, behaved well; quickly gained the love of the sailors; and grew in a short time very knowing seamen themselves. ^ * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 201, 205207. Rushworth's Collections under this year, p. 1361, 1366, 1389, 1428. VVhitlocke's Memorials, p. 349, 361, 374, f Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 323, 324. Whit- locke's Memorials, p. 389, 397. Heath's Chronicle, p. 240. t Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 383. Ludlow's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 290. The Moderate Intelligencer, a paper published in those times, No. 207, in which is the act at large appointing Blake, Pop- ham, and Deane, or any two of them, to be admirals and generals of the fleet at sea. See their instructions in Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i, p. 134. 330 NAVAL HISTORY As for Prince Rupert, he continued cruizing and making prizes throughout the greatest part of the year 1649, * while the war continued hot in Ireland ; but things taking a new turn there, entirely in the parlia- ment's favour, orders were given by the parliament to their admirals Blake and Popham, to block up the prince's squadron in the port of Kinsale, which they accordinglj did, and reduced them to such extremities, that his men began to desert in great numbers ; so that finding his case desperate, the whole kingdom of Ireland in a manner subdued, all hopes of succour lost, and very indifferent terms to be hoped for from the conquerors ; he at last took a desperate resolution of forcing a passage through the enemy's fleet, which he effected on the twenty-fourth of October, with the loss, however, of three ships, and so sailed away to the coast of France ; t where he con- tinued to obstruct the English trade, and to make prize of such ships as fell in his way, acting entirely on his own head, and without asking or receiving any directions from the king. A.D. Prince Rupert, after he had made his escape, in the 1650. manncr we have before related, out of the harbour of Kin- sale, resolved to sail into the Mediterranean ; but with what other view than that of carrying on his trade of pri- vateering, does not appear. J When he came upon the coast of Spain, his fleet suffered exceedingly by a storm r * Heath's Chronicle, p. 254, 256. Whitloeke's Memorials, p. 391. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 298. The Moderate Intel- ligencer, No. 207. They complain loudly in this paper of the many prizes daily made by the prince, as well on the coasts of Cornwall as on the Irish seas. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 338, 339. Bates's Elencus Motuum, part ii. p. 32. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 429. Heath's Chronicle, p. 254. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. Heath's Chronicle, p. 289. Whitlocke's Memorials. A brief Relation of some Affairs and Transactions Civil and Military, both Foreign and Domestic, a paper f those times, No. 10, p. 101, 103, No. 14, p. 152. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. "which drove five of his ships into the port of Carthagena, where they were ill treated by the Spaniards, who plun- dered two of his ships, and compelled many of the men to enter against their will into their service. * A fleet be- longing to the parliament, under the command of Blake and Popham, arrived soon after at St. Andero, and the former of those admirals wrote from thence a letter in strong terms to the king of Spain, demanding that both ships and men, in case any of Prince Rupert's were in his power, should be delivered up, with threats in case they were refused. To this a very civil answer was given ; and a ring, worth fifteen hundred pounds, was sent to the admiral, as a token of the king of Spain's respect, t After this, Blake followed Prince Rupert into the river of Lis- bon, where, in the months of September and October, 1650, he ruined the Brazil fleet ; which induced the Portuguese to force Prince Rupert out of their port ; whence he sailed to Carthagena. Blake pursued him thither; but being obliged, for want of provisions, to put to sea, his highness escaped to Malaga, where he took several English ships. * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 339. Heath, Whitlocke, and other writers. We are informed in the Mercurius Politicus, a paper of these times, No. 3, p. 579, among other parti- culars regarding Prince Rupert ; that while his highness lay in the road of Toulon, in February, 1651, soliciting leave to enter that port with his ship the Admiral, in order to procure a mast and other neces- sary repairs, having been separated from his brother in a storm near Majorca, after the great defeat given to his fleet by Blake ; the five captains of the vessels mentioned in the text arrived there, against whom, it seems, the prince was so highly incensed, as to have it in con- sideration to call them to an account at a council of war, for their lives ; as well for their misconduct in that business, as for their having left seventy of the mariners behind them, who were unwilling to serve the parliament; and who besought them with the utmost earnestness to suffer them to attend them to Toulon ; professing to ask no more than bread and water on the journey, though the officers had a great sum of money about them. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. r. p. 339, 340. 938 NAVAL HISTORY One of these Blake drove ashore, burnt two more, and forced Prince Rupert himself to make his escape. * A.D. Hi* highness soon after went to sea again, and cruized I65L now on the Spaniards and Genoese, as well as the English; t and having taken several rich prizes, sailed to the West Indies, whither his brother, Prince Maurice, with a small squadron, was gone before. In those seas they did like- wise a great deal of mischief, till Prince Maurice, in the Constant Reformation, was cast away ; ^ and Prince Rupert, finding the few ships he had left so leaky and rotten that they were scarcely able to keep the sea, was glad to return to France ; and arriving in the port of Nantes in the year 1652, with a man of war, and three or four other ships, he was forced to sell them to pay the people's wages. Such was the end of about twenty-five good ships, well manned, which had deserted the parlia- ment service ! and the reader will easily judge how great * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 449, 463, 470, 475, 484, 485. Heath's Chronicle, p. 267, 275. Mauley's History of the Rebellion, p. 233. Bates's Elencus Motuum, part ii. p. 73. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. Mercurius Politicus, No. 14, p 221. See two original let- ters of Sir Heury Vaae ; one te Cromwell, then at the head-quarters in Scotland, and the other to Thomas Scott, the regicide, each dated Dee. 28, 1650, with the news of Blake's having ruined Prince Rupert's fleet, and the great terror this defeat had occasioned in the different courts of Europe, particularly those of Spain and Portugal ; both of whom, in consequence thereof, despatched ambassadors to England, to acknowledge the power of the parliament ; the former, at his audience, presenting the House with a complete narrative of the loss the prince sustained at Carthagena, in Nicholls's Collection of State Papers, p. 40, 41. See also Mr. Thomas Chaloner's Letter in the same Col- lection, p. 42. t Clarendon, vol. v. Heath's Chronicle, p. 293. Whitlocke's Me- morials, p. 494. Life of Prince Rupert. I Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 299. Mauley's History of the Rebellion, p. 233. Bates's Eleucus Motuum, part ii. p. 74. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 430. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, TO!, vi. p. 513, 515. Heath's Chronicle, p. 337. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 552. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. L DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 239 ft loss this was to the nation, more especially as it was soon after engaged in the Dutch war. Admiral Blake, on his return to England, was received A.D. with great favour by the parliament ; he had the thanks of 1651< the house given to him ; and, in conjunction with Deane and Popham, had the supreme power at sea vested in him for the year 1651. * The first exploit that his masters thought of, was the reduction of the islands of Scilly, which were still held for the king by Sir John Granville. The privateers fitted out from thence did a great deal of mischief to trade, and therefore might well have de- served the parliament's notice ; but there was another in- cident which made them uneasy at this juncture, and this was the arrival of a Dutch squadron there of twelve men of war, commanded by Admiral Van Tromp. t The pre- tence of sending him, was, to demand satisfaction of the governor for about twenty prizes, which in a short period had been carried into his ports by his privateers : but the true design was, to drive a bargain with him, if possible, for those islands ; which might have had very bad conse- quences, had it been carried into execution. Admiral Blake, in the Phcenix frigate, in conjunction with Sir George Ayscue, with a small fleet, sailed thither in the month of May, and very quickly performed what they were sent for ; the governor being glad to deliver up his charge upon honourable terms, and the admiral as willing to grant all he could reasonably expect. * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 488, 489. The thanks of the parlia- ment, with a full approbation of their services, though success had not attended them in respect to their conduct on the coast of Portugal, had been likewise transmitted to Blake and Popham, in a letter from the speaker, while at sea, dated Whitehall, July 12, 1650. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 155. t Heath's Chronicle, p. 284, 288, '289. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 326. Mauley's History of the Rebellion, p. 253. Bates's Elencus Motuum, part ii. p. 77. J The original articles, a MS. in folio of two sheets, are still pre- served in the library of the society for propagating the gospel in foreign parts. NAVAL HISTORY Blake sailed from thence with the fleet to Jersey, where he arrived in the month of October, and reduced it by the end of the year ; as he did likewise Cornet Castle, which was the only place that held out for the king in Guernsey ; and thus secured the sovereignty of the sea, in this part of the world, for the parliament. * A D . Sir George Ayscue, after the reduction of Scilly, having 1651. strengthened his fleet with some ships, sailed to the West Indies, in order to reduce such of the plantations as had declared for the king. On board his fleet sailed Colonel Allen, a gentleman of Barbadoes, who had been sent by such persons, in that Colony and the Leeward Islands, as were well affected to the parliament, to demand relief. This fleet arrived in Carlisle Bay, in Barbadoes, on the 16th of October, 1651, and took fourteen sail of Dutch were trading there. Francis Lord Willoughby, of Parham, whom we before mentioned, was governor of the island for the king, and shewed so good an inclination to defend himself, that it was the 17th of December before Admiral Ayscue thought fit to attempt landing ; which at last he effected with some loss, Colonel Allen, with between thirty and forty men, being killed in the attempt. After his forces were on shore, the governor thought fit to capitulate, and had very fair conditions given to him ; for which it is thought. Admiral Ayscue was never forgiven by his masters at home, t While he lay at Barbadoes, he sent a few ships under Captain Dennis to reduce Virginia, which with some trouble he effected. Sir George likewise subdued the Leeward Islands ; and having thus thoroughly fulfilled * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 465. Whit- Jocke's Memorials, p. 518, 519. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 343. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 326. t Whitlockc's Memorials, p. 527, 531. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. L p. 385. Heath's Chronicle, p. 306. Bate's Eleacus Motown, part ii. p. 78. Manley's History of the Rebellion, p. 254. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. his commission, he returned into Europe, where, as we shall see, he found the Dutch war already broken out. * The causes of this war are differently related, according to the humours and opinions of different writers ; + the truth, however, seems to be, that the old commonwealth grew quickly jealous of the new one, and began to appre- hend, that whatever the rest of the world might be, Hol- land was likely to be no gainer by this change of govern- ment in England. The parliament, on the other side, was no less jealous of its newly acquired sovereignty; and expected, therefore, extraordinary marks of regard from all the powers with which it corresponded. ^ The murder of Dr. Dorislaus, whom they had sent with a public character to the States, incensed them exceedingly ; nor were they better satisfied with the reception that St. John and the rest of their ambassadors met with ; and therefore had little regard to the expostulation of the Dutch about their act of navigation, which was certainly a well contrived measure, both for preserving and for extending the trade of that nation. The Dutch, on the other hand, were extremely alarmed when they found the English common- wealth insist upon the sovereignty of the sea, the right of fishing, of licensing to fish, and disposed to carry the point of saluting by the flag to the utmost height ; and behaving * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 466,467. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 327. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 532, 534, 536, 542. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 197. t Heath's Chronicle, 285, 286, 308, 314. Dugdale's Short View of the Late Troubles, p. 40-2, 403. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, chap. 98. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 344346, 388, 389. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 363, S64. Bates's Elencus Motuum. part ii. p. 75, 76. Manley's History of the Rebellion, p. 256, 262. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 19. t See the proposals made by Oliver St. John, and Walter Strick- land, ambassadors for the Commonwealth to the States-General at the Hague, dated the 10th of May, 1651. in Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 182. Nichol's State Papers, p. 3942. Letters of State, and other Papers, in Milton's Prose Works, vol. ii. edit. 1753, 4to. VOL, II. R NAVAL HISTORY so in all respects, that the States were convinced they would act upon King Charles's plan, with this great ad- vantage, of raising money in much larger sums, and yet with far less trouble than he did. * A.D. It was in the spring of the year 1652, that things came 1652. to extremities ; but it was warmly disputed then, and is not fully settled at this day, who were the aggressors. From the best comparison I have been able to make of facts stated in all the authentic accounts on both sides, it seems to me most probable that the Dutch were the ag- gressors : and this for many reasons ; but particularly, be- cause they had made secretly great preparations for war, and had actually one hundred and fifty ships of force at sea ; whereas the English parliament equipped no more than the usual squadron for guarding the narrow seas, which was under the command of Admiral Blake, and consisted of twenty-five ships only.t A.D. The first blood that was drawn in this quarrel, was occa- 165i? * sioned by Commodore Young's firing upon a Dutch man- of-war, for the captain's refusing him the honour of the flag. This was on the 14th of May, 1652, and proved very honourable for our nation. Commodore Young acted with great caution, and gave the Dutch all the opportunity of avoiding a dispute they could desire. He sent his boat on board the Dutchman to persuade him to strike : but the captain answered plainly and honestly, that the States had * The reader, if he inclines to enter deeply into the reasons ou V Inch the Dutch war was grounded, may consult Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 457460. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 437, 491, 492, 495, 496. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 187, 195, who .was himself secretary to the embassy for the parliament. Heath's Chronicle, p. 314, and other writers, on one side, and Basnage Annalcs des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 215, 216, 220, 221, 247253. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. liv. xiii. p. S07 315. Neuville Histoire de Hollande, torn. iii. p. 52 (31, and the Lives of the Dutch Admirals on the other. t Heath's Chronicle, p. 314, 315. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. threatened to take off his head if he struck : and upon this the fight began, in which the enemy was so roughly handled, as to be at last obliged to strike. There were two other ships of war, and about twelve merchantmen, none of which interfered ; and, on the other side, after the Dutch ships had taken in their flags, Commodore Young retired without making any prizes. This affair would have been much more the object of public notice, if an engagement of greater consequence had not happened quickly after. * Admiral Van Tromp was at sea with a fleet of upwards of forty sail, to protect, as was given out, the Dutch trade. This fleet coming into the Downs on the 18th of May, they met there with a small squadron under the command of Major Bourne, to whom the admiral sent word, that he was forced in by stress of weather; Bourne answered roundly, that the truth of this would best appear by the shortness of his stay, and immediately sent advice of it to his admiral. The next day, Van Tromp, with his fleet, bore down upon Blake in Dover road, and on his coming near him, Blake fired thrice at his flag ; upon which the Dutch admiral returned a broadside. For nearly four A.D. hours Blake was engaged almost alone ; but, by degrees, 1G5a> the weather permitted his fleet to come in, and then they behaved bravely. Toward the close of the engagement, which lasted from four in the afternoon till nine at night, Bourne joined him with his eight ships, upon which the enemy bore away. In this battle, the victory was clearly on the side of the English, as the Dutch writers themselves confess, there being two Dutch ships taken, and one disabled; whereas the English lost none: and yet the inequality * This account I take from Young's letter to the parliament, dated on board the President, Plymouth-sound, May 14, 1652. UhiUocl^ft Memorials, p. 533. The Perfect Politician: or, a Full View of th Life and Actions of Oliver Cromwell, p. 167. 2 NAVAL HISTORY in force was very great ; for the Dutch fleet consisted at first of forty-two ships, and Blake's only of fifteen ; and even at the end of the fight, he had no more than twenty- three. The admirals wrote each of them an account of this affair to their respective masters, wherein they plainly contradict each other : but with this difference, that there is no disproving any one fact mentioned in Blake's letter ; whereas there are several falsehoods, or mistakes, at least, in Tromp's ; such as, that Bourne's squadron con- sisted of twelve large ships, which could not be true. Besides, though he insists upon Blake's being the ag- gressor, yet he owns, that his flag was out all the time. * The states themselves were so sensible of their being in the wrong, and at the same time so mortified that their fleet, notwithstanding its superiority, had been beaten, that they apologized for it, and sent over another am- bassador, Adrian Paauw to proceed on the treaty. But the demands of the parliament were, in their opinion, too high ; so all thoughts of peace were dismissed on both sides, and the war was proclaimed in Holland on the 8th of July, t The English in the mean time, in virtue of the act of navigation, and by way of reprisal for the late damages, affronts, and hostilities, received from the states-general and their subjects, took many Dutch ships. June II, Blake brought in eleven merchant-ships with their convoy coming from Nantes. June 12, the Captains Taylor and A.D. Peacock, in two English frigates, engaged two Dutch men of war, on the coast of Flanders, for refusing to strike; one of which was taken, and the other stranded : : * This account is copied from that printed by order of tlio parliament, with both admirals letters and other papers annexed, 4to. 1C52. t Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 407. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. ) Tlmrloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 207, 208, '210212. i*-~* f The parliament were so pleased with the gallant behaviour of tho Captains Taylor and Peacock, that they directed the speaker to write them letters of thanks for their services oil that occasion. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 245 and, on the 13th of the same month, Blake took twenty- six merchant ships, with their convoys, homeward bound from France. July 4, vice-admiral Ayscue, who, in his late return from the reduction of Barbadoes, had taken ten merchant ships, and four men of war, attacked the St. Ubes fleet of about forty sail, of which nearly thirty were taken, burnt or stranded, and plundered, on the French coast. After this, while the states with the utmost diligence were getting ready a fleet of seventy men of war, under the command of admiral Van Tromp, Blake, with about sixty, received orders to sail to the north to disturb and distress the Dutch fishery. Sir George Ayscue, who, since the destruction of the St. Ubes fleet, had taken five Dutch merchant ships, was left with the remainder of the English fleet, consisting of no more than seven men of war in the Downs. While Blake triumphed in the north, as we shall shew in another place, Tromp with his great fleet came into the mouth of the Thames, in hopes of either surprising Ayscue, or of insulting the coast. Failing in this, he sailed northward to intercept Blake; but his ships being dispersed by a storm, he was disappointed in that scheme also, and lost five or six frigates, which fell into the hands of Blake, on his return toward the south. * The people in Holland were very much dissatisfied with the conduct of admiral Van Tromp, which is the case in all free countries, where a commander in chief is unsuccessful. He acted upon this occasion like a very wise man, and one who had a nice sense of honour, first by justifying himself to the states, and then in laying down his commission to gratify the people. The main objection against him was his being no great seaman ; and this en- gaged the states to cast their eyes upon de Ruyter, the * Basnage Annales dcs Provinces Unies, vol. i. p. 258. 246 NAVAL HISTORY ablest man among them in his profession. He accepted the command, but accepted it unwillingly ; for he saw A.D. that as things then stood, the English were superiour. * 1652. ,p ne p ar ii amen t ? J n the mean time, took care to strengthen Sir George Ayscue's fleet, so that it increased to thirty- eight sail ; of which only two were large ships, and the rest, frigates and fire-ships. With these he put to sea in search of the Dutch ; took many rich prizes ; and at last met with de Ruyter, who, with a fleet equal to his own, was convoying home between fifty and sixty merchant- men. This was on the 16th of August, 1652, and as our admiral was cruizing off Plymouth. It was about one in the afternoon when the fleets came in sight. De Ruyter took twenty of the merchant ships into his line of battle, and was then very ready to engage. The fight began about four, when the English admiral, with nine others, charged through the Dutch fleet ; and having thus gotten the weather-gage, attacked them again very bravely, and so they continued fighting till night, which parted them ; the rest of Sir George's fleet having very little to do in the action. The rear-admiral, Peck, lost his leg, of which he soon afterwards died ; and most of the captains who did their duty, were wounded, and a fire-ship was lost. On the other side, the Dutch were miserably torn, so that many of their best ships were scarcely able to keep the sea. Sir George Ayscue followed them for some time the next day, and then returned into Plymouth-sound to refresh his men, and to repair his ships, t * Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 461. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 538. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. 1. p. 419, 420. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 329. Mauley's Hist, of the Rebellion, p. 264. t Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 541, 542. Sir Philip Warwick's Me- moirs, p. 265. Bates's Elencus Motuum, part ii. p. 175. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 15. Le Clero, torn. ii. p. 322. Neuville, torn, iii. liv. x. chap, x. La vie & les actions memorables du Sieur Michel DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 217 The Dutch gave a very partial account of this business, in which, without question, the English had some, and might have had much greater advantage, if all their cap- tains had behaved as they ought to have done. This the parliament very well knew; but by a refined stroke of policy, chose rather to lay the fault on a single man, than endanger the obedience of the fleet, by punishing many ; upon which principle they laid aside that gallant and able seaman Sir George Ayscue ; yet softly, and with a reward of three hundred pounds in money, and a pension of three hundred pounds a year. The true reason of this was, his granting so good terms to the Lord Willoughby, which they, however, performed very punctually. * The war was not long confined to the coasts of Britain, A.D. but spread itself into almost every sea ; and every wind brought the news of fresh destruction and slaughter. About the latter end of the same month the Dutch admiral Van Galen, with eleven men of war, met and attacked the English commodore, Richard Bodley, with three men of war, a fire-ship, and three or four merchant ships, home- ward-bound from Scanderoon and Smyrna. The first day's fight began in the afternoon off the island of Elba on the coast of Tuscany, and lasted till night with little advantage to either party. The Dutch historians agree, that three of their men of war being separated in the night, and afterwards becalmed, could not come up so as to have a share in the second engagement. On the other side, the English parted from their merchant ships, which* being heavy and richly laden, were ordered to make the best of their way to the nearest harbour. The next morning, the four remaining English being attacked by the eight Hollanders, the fight was renewed with great fury; Van Galen began a close engagement de Hunter, due, chevalier & 1'amiral general des Provinces Unies, Amsterdam, 1677, 12mo. partie i, p. 912. * Heath's Chronicle, p. 323. 248 NAVAL HISTORY with the English commodore ; but being disabled in his rigging, and having received three shots under water, and been thrice on fire, he was forced, as the Dutch historians acknowledge, to leave him. Another of the enemy's largest ships, renewing the attack, was likewise so well received that she lost her main-mast; whereupon the English frigate the Phoenix, taking the opportunity, boarded the disabled Hollander; but, being too weak, was taken after a sharp fight of an hour, wherein most of her men were either killed or wounded. In the mean time, the English commodore Bodley, being again boarded by two of the enemy's ships at once, defended himself so resolutely, that, by the confession of the Dutch w riters, they were both beaten off with a dreadful slaughter of their men, and the loss of both their captains : w r hereupon Bodley, seeing himself left by the enemy, after having lost about a hundred men, killed and wounded, with his three remaining ships, followed the merchant-men to Porto-Langone, leaving the Hollanders to cast up the account of the honour and profit they had gained by this encounter. The enemy lost three of their captains in the fight, whom they afterwards buried at the last-mentioned place, where the English and they, being in a neutral harbour, continued very friendly together for some time. * A.D. Admiral Blake, who was now in the channel, did infinite ' 52> damage to the enemy ; and, some hostilities having been committed upon the coast of Newfoundland by the French, our gallant admiral attacked a strong squadron of their ships going to the relief of Dunkirk, took or destroyed them all, by which means this important place fell into * Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 365. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 15, 16. Manley's History of the Rebellion, part ii. book ii. p. 266. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, toni. i. p. 263. Neuville Histoire dc Holland, torn, iii. p. 65, 66. Thiuloe's State Papers, vol. i.p. 219. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 249 the hands of the Spaniards. * The Dutch, seeing their trade thus ruined, and apprehensive of still worse con- sequences, fitted out another fleet under the command of de Witte, and sent it to join de Ruyter, who was appointed to bring home a large number of merchant-men. After the junction of these fleets, and the sending the ships they were to convoy into Holland, the admirals shewed a design of attacking the English navy, and Blake gave them a fair opportunity of executing their intention. But, when it came to the point, the Dutch fleet covered themselves behind a sand-bank, which, however, did not hinder Blake from engaging them on the 28th of Sep- tember. He divided his fleet into three squadrons ; the first com- manded by himself, the second by vice-admiral Penn, and the third by rear-admiral Bourne. It was about three when the engagement began, and the English quickly discovered their rashness in attacking an enemy under such disadvantages ; for the Sovereign, a new ship, struck immediately on the sands, and so did several others ; but, getting off again, the English fleet stood aloof till de Witte came freely from his advantages to a fair engage- ment, which was boldly begun by Bourne, and gallantly * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 463. Heath's Chronicle, p. 325. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 329, 330. Basnage Aunales des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. p. 264. Memoires de Montglat. torn. iii. p. 321, 322. Martiniere Histoire de Louis XIV. torn. ii. 215. The Count d'Estrades in his Memoirs, torn. i. in a letter to Cardinal Mazarine, dated Dunkirk, Feb. 5, 1652, infonns his eminence, that Cromwell had made him an offer by one Fitz- James, the colonel of his guards, to furnish fifty men of war, to join the king's army with fifteen thousand foot, to pay two millions, and to declare war against Spain, if they would surrender Dunkirk to him rather than to the Spaniards; which proposal the cardinal approved, as appears by his answer to the count, dated Poictiers, March 2, 1652, and which, as he says, would have been accepted, if Mr. de Chateau- neuf had not opposed it so strongly, as that the queen could not be induced to give her consent. NAVAL HISTORY seconded by the rest of the fleet. A Dutch man of war, attempting to board the Sovereign was sunk by her side, and this by the first discharge she made. Soon after, a Dutch rear-admiral was taken by captain Mildmay, and two other men of war sunk, a third blowing up before the end of the fight. De Witte was then glad to retire, and was pursued by the English fleet as long as it was light. The nextday they continued the chace, till they were within twelve leagues of the Dutch shore, and then seeing the Dutch fleet entering into the Goree, Blake returned in triumph to the Downs, and thence into port> having lost about three hundred men, and having as many wounded. * For the reception of the wounded, the par- liament took care to provide hospitals near Dover and Deal, and sent also their thanks to the admiral and his officers, t The Dutch writers pretend they lost no ships. They admit, however, that one was taken ; but add, this vessel, being afterwards deserted, was brought safe into port. De Witte fairly confessed the loss, and charged it first on the bad behaviour of no less than twenty of his captains, who withdrew out of the line of battle ; and next on the states having bad intelligence, the English fleet being more numerous, and composed of ships of greater bulk than he expected. These excuses were certainly true, and yet the people used their admirals so ill, that de Ruyter grew desirous of throwing up his commis- sion, and de Witte fell sick upon it. The states, how- ever, behaved with great prudence and courage ; repaired and augmented their fleet to eighty sail in six weeks time ; and then engaged Admiral Van Tromp to take the command of them, though fome say, that the king of Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 545, 546. Davies's History of the Civil Wars of Great Britain and Ireland, p. 330. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 426, 427. Coke's Detection, tol, ii. p. 16. t Heath's Chronicle, p. 327. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 251 Denmark drew them into this resolution by promising them a powerful squadron of his ships, provided Tromp had the command. * This prince had very unadvisedly engaged himself in a A.D. quarrel with the parliament, by detaining, at the request 1652 ' f the Dutch, a fleet of twenty English ships in the harbour of Copenhagen. At first he pretended that he did it for their safety ; and therefore Commodore Ball was sent with a squadron of eighteen .sail to convoy them home ; when his Danish majesty declared his resolution to keep them ; and the fear he was under for the consequences of this strange and inconsiderate step, induced him to offer the Dutch his assistance. This fell out happily for them ; for the English now filled their ports with Dutch prizes, while the people of Holland, suffering in so tender a point, began to lose all patience; which forced the states to hurry out Tromp with his ships, in order to convoy a fleet of about three hundred merchantmen through the channel, t It being now the beginning of November, Blake, who thought the season of action over, had detached twenty of his ships for the security of the Newcastle colliers; twelve more were sent to Plymouth, and fifteen had retired into the river, in order to repair the damage which they had received in a storm. Admiral Tromp having intelligence of this, and that Blake had with him no more than thirty-seven ships, and many of these but thinly manned, resolved to attack him in the Downs, not * Basnage Aimales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 260, 261. Le Clerc Hist, des Provinces Unies, toin. ii. p. 323, 324. La vie d Ruyter, partie i. p. 15. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 16. t Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 545, 546. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 330. Bates's Elencus Motuum, part. ii. p. 174. LudJow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 429. Manley's History of the Rebellion, p. 266. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 289, 290. Neuville Hist, de Hollande, torn. iii. p. 68. 252 NAVAL HISTORY far from the place where they had fought before. * On the 29th of November he presented himself before the English fleet, and Blake, after holding a council of war, resolved to engage notwithstanding this great inequality : but, the wind rising, they were obliged to defer fighting till next day ; and that night our fleet rode a little above Dover-road. In the morning, both fleets plied west- ward, Blake having the weather-gage. About eleven the battle began with great fury ; but, very unluckily for the English, half of their small fleet could not engage. A.D. The Triumph, in which Blake was in person, the Victory, and the Vanguard, bore almost the whole stress of the fighf, having twenty Dutch men of war upon them at once ; and yet they fought it out till it was dark. Late in the evening, the Garland, commanded by Captain Batten, and the Bonaventure, Captain Hookston, clapped Van Tromp aboard, killed his secretary and purser by his side, and had certainly taken his ship, if they had not been boarded by two Dutch flags, by whom, after their captains were killed, both these ships were taken. Blake, who saw this with indignation, pushed so far to their relief, that he was very near sharing the same fate, if the Vanguard and Sapphire had not stood by him with the utmost resolution, and at last brought him off. t The Hercules was run ashore in the retreat ; and, if the night had not sheltered them, most of the ships that were engaged must have been lost ; but they took the advantage of its obscurity, and retired first to Dover, and then into the river. Admiral Tromp continued a day or two in the Downs, sailed from thence towards Calais, took part of the Bar- badoes fleet, and some other prizes, and then sailed to * Heath's Chronicle, p. 229, 230. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 437, 438. t Whitlockc's Memorials, p. 551. Coke's Detection, voL ii. p. 16, 17. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 330, 331. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 253 the isle of Rhe with a broom at his top-mast head, in- timating that he would sweep the narrow seas of English ships. * There appears, however, no such reason for boasting as the Dutch writers suggest ; their fleet had indeed many advantages ; yet they bought their success very dear, one of their best ships being blown up, and two ships of their admirals in a manner disabled, t The parliament shewed their steadiness by caressing Blake after his defeat, and naming him, in conjunction with Deane and Monk, their generals at sea for another year. In order to the more speedy manning the navy, they issued a proclamation, offering considerable rewards to such as entered themselves within the term of forty days ; they also raised the sailors pay from nineteen to twenty-four shillings a-month : and this had so good an effect, that in six weeks time they had a fleet ready to put to sea of sixty men of war ; forty, under Blake in the river, and twenty more, at Portsmouth. On the llth of February, both fleets joined near Beachy Head, and thence Admiral Blake sailed over against Portland, where he lay across the channel, in order to welcome Tromp on his return. This was a kind of surprise on the Dutch admiral, who did not think it possible, after the late defeat, for the parliament to fit out, in so short a period, a fleet capable of facing him again. He had between two and three hundred merchant-ships under convoy, and was therefore much amazed, when, sailing up the channel, he found Blake so stationed, that it was impossible to avoid fighting. English and Dutch authors vary pretty much as to the strength of their respective fleets; but, by comparing both the admirals letters, I apprehend f Basnage Annales des Provinces Ucies, torn. i. p. 261. Le Clerc. Hist, des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. p. 324, 325. Neuville Hist, de Hollande, torn. iii. p. 69, 70, f Heath's Chronicle, p. 330. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 17. Eehard's History of England, book iii. chap, i, p. 701. 251 NAVAL HISTORY they were nearly equal, each having about seventy sail. * The generals Blake and Deane were both on board the Triumph, and with twelve stout ships led their fleet, and fell in first with the Dutch on the ISth of February, 1653, about eight in the morning. They were roughly treated before the rest of the fleet came up, though gallantly seconded by Lawson in the Fairfax, and Captain Mildmay in the Vanguard. In the Triumph, Blake was wounded in the thigh with a piece of iron which a shot had driven, and the same piece of iron tore General Deane's coat and breeches. Captain Ball, who commanded the ship, was shot dead, and fell at Blake's feet ; his secretary, Mr. Sparrow, was likewise killed receiving his orders : he lost besides these, an hundred seamen, and the rest were most of them wounded, and the ship so miserably shattered, that it had little share in the two next days fights, t In the Fairfax there were an hundred men killed, and the ship wretchedly torn ; the Vanguard lost her captain and abundance of men. The Prosperous, a ship of forty- four guns, was boarded by de Ruyter, and taken ; but, de Ruyter's ship being in that instant boarded by an English man-of-war, Captain Vesey, in the Merlin frigate, entered the Prosperous, and retook her. The Assistance, vice- admiral of the blue squadron, was disabled in the begin- ning of the fight, and brought off to Portsmouth, whither the Advice quickly followed her, being no longer able to keep the sea. Tromp, who was long engaged with Blake, lost most of his officers, and had his ship disabled ; De Ruyter lost his main and fore-top-mast, and very narrowly * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 464. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 331. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol.ii. p. 439. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 17. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 298, 299. t Heath's Chronicle, p. 335. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 55 1, Echard, Rapin, and other historians. PURING THE CIVIL WARS. 955 escaped being taken. One Dutch man-of-war was blown up ; six more were either sunk or taken : the latter had their rigging so clotted with blood and brains, that it was impossible to look upon them but with horror. * Friday night was spent in repairing the damage, and A.D. making the necessary dispositions for a second engage- ment. On Saturday morning, the enemy was seen again sevenleagues off Weymouth,whither the English plied, and came up with them in the afternoon, about three leagues to the north-west of the Isle of Wight. Tromp had drawn again his fleet together, and ranged it in the form of a half-moon, inclosing the merchant ships within a semicircle, and in that posture he maintained a retreating fight. The English made several desperate attacks, striving to break through to the merchant ships : on which occasion De Ruyter's ship was again so roughly treated, that she was towed out of the fleet. At last the merchant-men, finding they could be no longer protected, began to shift for them- selves, throwing part of their goods overboard for the greater expedition. According to Blake's own letter, eight men-of-war, and fourteen or sixteen merchant ships were taken, and the fight continued all night, t On Sunday morning, the Dutch were near Boulogne, where the fight was renewed, but w ith little effect. Tromp had slipped away in the dark with his merchant-men to Calais-sands, where he anchored that day with forty sail ; the wind favouring him, he thence tided it home, our fleet pursuing but slowly; for Blake, though he feared not Dutchmen, yet dreaded their shallow coasts : however, the Captains Lawson, Martin, and Graver, took each a Dutch * Heath's Chronicle, p. 337. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, vol. i. p. 300. Le Clerc, torn. ii. liv. 13. Neuville, torn. iii. liv. i. ch. 10. f Davies's History of the CivU Wars, p. 331. Coke's Detection, vol. U. p. 17. 236 NAVAL HISTORY man-of-war ; and Penn picked up many of their merchant* men. On the whole, the Dutch had the better the first day, lost ground the second, and were clearly beaten the third. They lost eleven men of war, their own accounts say but nine, thirty merchant-men, 1500 men killed, and as many wounded. As for the English, they lost only the Sampson, which Captain Batten, finding disabled, sunk of his own accord ; as to their men, it is certain their loss was little inferiour to the Dutch. * It is remarkable, that, in this fight, Blake, who had been long a land officer, made use of a good body of sol- diers, and with all the success he could wish : yet this is no precedent in any but such a war as this was, since these troops had no time to languish or grow sick, but were engaged almost as soon as they were put on board. The people contributed readily and plentifully to the relief of our wounded seamen ; and the Dutch on their side com- plimented Tromp on his conduct, which was certainly no more than he deserved, t In the mean time, things went but ill in the Streights, where an English and Dutch squadron lay together in the road of Leghorn. An action happened there which deserves to be related, because there appears as much true bravery and maritime skill in the English officers who had the mis- fortune to be beaten, as ever rendered a victory conspi- cuous ; and it ought to be the business of an historian, to celebrate merit rather than success. * Heath's Chronicle, p. 335. Easnage Annalcs des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 301. La vie de Ruyter, torn. i. p. 22 30. Holland's Mer- curius van Het Jaar, 1653, p. 44. t Heath's Chronicle, p. 335. The States made a present of a gold chain to Van Tromp, of the value of two thousand guilders. Evertson and De Ruyter were gratified with fifteen hundred guilders each, and lesser gratuities were bestowed ou other officers. Whitlocke's Memo- rials, p. 553. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 257 The English squadron consisted of six ships, com- manded by Commodore Appleton, of the burden and force expressed in the following list : SHIPS. GUNS. MEN. The Leopard 52 180 Boiiayenture 44 150 Sampson 36 90 Levant Merchant 28 60 Pilgrim 30 70 Mary 30 70 Commodore Appleton took this opportunity of lying so &?* near the Dutch squadron, to send three boats manned with resolute seamen, and commanded by one Captain Cox, to execute a design upon the ship Phoenix, which had been taken from the English in the rencounter near Elba, and which, at this time, made a part of the enemy's squadron. This design was undertaken on the 26th of November, 1652, and it succeeded so well, that the ship being boarded by the English, the Dutch were so surprized, that they made but little resistance ; and young Van Tromp, who commanded her, was forced to leap into the water to avoid being taken. The action was performed with such expe- dition, that before the Dutch, who lay next her, were well apprized of what had happened, she was carried away. But the great duke of Tuscany being informed of this ad- venture, and judging it to be at violation of the neutrality of that port, he ordered the English either to restore the Phrenix, or to depart from thence. To depart was not without danger ; for Van Galen, with the whole strength of the enemy in those seas, consisting of sixteen men-of- war, a fire-ship, and several stout merchant ships, the crews of which were offered a share of the booty if they would engage, lay ready before the harbour to intercept them. * * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 552. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 16. Mauley's History of the Rebellion, p. 269. Heath's Chronicle, p. 330, VOL. II. 8 258 NAVAL HISTORY Yet they rather chose to run all hazards, than to deliver up the ship. With this resolution they despatched away advice to Commodore Bodley, who lay at the island of Elba with two men-of-war, a fire-ship, and the four mer- chant ships which were in the former engagement with Van Galen ; and it was agreed between the two commo- dores, that Bodley with his small squadron, though unfit for action, partly from the loss of men in the late fight, partly on account of the merchant ships under their convoy, which were laden with fifteen hundred bales of silk, and other valuable goods, should appear about the time fixed, within sight of Leghorn, in order to amuse the Dutch, and thereby, if possible, to draw them from before the harbour, and so open a passage for Appleton to escape. According to this agreement, Bodley, on the 2d of March, 1653, came within sight of the place. On the 3d, he caused three or four of his best sailors to approach the enemy, who were stationed before the port : whereupon, their whole squa- 331. The grand duke, by his letters of the 7th and 9th of December, 1652, and more at large by Signior Almcrie Salvolti, his minister in England, complained loudly of the violation of his port, and of Ap- pleton's behaviour on that occasion, and insisted upon a proper satis- faction. The parliament were so highly offended with the miscon- duct of the commodore, that they referred the whole matter to the council of state, who sent immediate orders to Appleton, to return home by land, without the least delay ; wrote a most obliging answer to the grand duke, which bears date the 14th of "the same month, and which they despatched on purpose by an express, testifying their great concern for the accident ; and an assurance, that such a course should be taken with the commodore as should sufficiently manifest to all the world, they could no less brook the violation of his right, than the infringement of their own authority, which had been trampled upon in this instance, contrary to those repeated commands to their chief officers and captains arriving in his ports, which was to carry themselves with the most respectful observance possible. And, in regard to the ship Phoenix, they promise, after hearing Appleton, and farther conference with his resident, to pronounce such a sentence as shall be agreeable to justice and equity. . DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 259 dron, as was expected, stood to sea, and gave them cliace. This Appleton perceiving 1 , took the opportunity to weigh and come out ; but a little too soon : for the Dutch being- aware of their design, immediately gave over the chace, and tacking about, fell upon Appleton's squadron' with nine of their men of war, while the rest observed Bodley. At the first encounter, an unfortunate shot from Van Galen's ship set fire to the Bonaventure, which blew up, though not unrevenged ; for at the same time a shot from that ship broke Van Galen's leg, of which hurt he soon after died. In the mean time, Appleton was attacked by two of the Hollanders at once, against whom he main- tained a close fight of four or five hours, with such resolu- tion, that both the Dutch ships were at length so disabled, that they scarcely fired a shot. Van Galen seeing the resolution of the English commodore, and going, though desperately wounded, to the assistance of his friends, was in great danger by a fire-ship sent from Bodley's squa- dron. But another ship coming to the assistance of the Hol- landers who were engaged with Appleton, they renewed the attack with greater vigour. Some Dutch writers report, that Appleton finding himself oppressed by such unequal numbers, after having made all possible resist- ance, ran down, and would have blown up his ship; but that, being hindered by his seamen, he was obliged to yield. The young Van Tromp, who attacked the Sampson, was beaten off after a desperate fight; but the Sampson was soon after burnt by a fire-ship. The Levant Merchant being encountered by one of the enemy's ships, beat her off, and stranded her. But being at last taken, together with the Pilgrim, which had lost her main and mizen-masts in the fight, the Mary, thus left alone, made her escape, and joined the nearest ships of S 2 260 NAVAL HISTORY Bodley's squadron, which put an end to the engage- ment. * A.D. Before we can regularly return to the events of the war 1653> nearer home, it is absolutely necessary to take notice of the great change made in our civil government by Crom- well, who, on the 20th of April, 1653, entered the House of Commons, and dissolved the parliament by force, t An action stupendous in itself, and which seems to have struck too many of our own and of foreign historians with want of discernment. They attribute to Cromwell, whatever was done after the murder of the king ; and the Dutch historians parti- cularly impute this war to him, and among other reasons for his dissolving the parliament, make this to have been one, that he suspected they were inclined to peace ; $ whereas, in truth, never two governments were less alike, than those of the parliament and the protector ; the former acted upon national principles, the latter from private views. The Dutch war was the parliament's war, begun upon the old quarrel, which King Charles would have prosecuted, had he been able. It is true, that Cromwell carried on the war, but it was only till he could make such a peace as served his turn ; and our noble historian rightly observes, that it was the parliament's persisting in carrying on this war, that compelled Cromwell to act sooner than he would have done ; from his foresight, that Heath's Chronicle, p. 337. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 551, 553. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, vol. i. p. 306, whero this writer tells us, that the body of Admiral Van Galen was transported into Holland, buried at Amsterdam, and a magnificent monument erected to his memory, at the expense of the States. t Clarendon's History of the INbellion, vol. vi. p. 478. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 456. >Vhitlocke's Memorials, p. 554. Bates's Klencus Motuum, part ii. p. 161. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 367. Dugdale's Short View of the Troubles, p. 405. Bulstrode's Memoirs, p. 194. t Basnajje Annales des Provinces Unies, vol. i. p. 303, and tin same error runs through all the Dutch historians. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. if they once conquered their foreign enemies, they would not so easily be overturned at home by their own crea- tures. * It must be confessed, that the Dutch did not instantly receive any great benefit from this sudden revolution ; but then it must be considered, that the chief officers of the fleet concurred in this measure. The government of the parliament was a government of order and laws, however they came by their authority; the government of the general, afterwards protector, was entirely military: no wonder, therefore, that both the navy and the army were pleased with him. t Some advantage, however, the enemy certainly reaped from this change in English affairs ; for Van Tromp convoyed a great fleet of mer- chant-men of the north, for they were now forced to try that route rather than the channel, and though our navy followed him to the height of Aberdeen, yet it was to no purpose : he escaped them both going and coming back, which gave him an opportunity of coming into the Downs, making some prizes, and battering Dover-castle. This scene of triumph lasted but a week; for Tromp came thither on the 26th of May, and on the last of that month he had intelligence, that Monk and Deane, who com- manded the English fleet, were approaching ; and that their whole fleet consisted of ninety-five sail of men of * Clarendon's Hist. vol. vi. p. 464, where he proves, that Cromwell was never heartily inclined to the Dutch war, and p. 476, where h shews what the causes were which hastened Cromwell in the execu- tion of his projects. f Heath's Chronicle, p. 339, 340. Warwick's Memoirs, compared with Whitlocke. Cromwell received the most flattering addresses from almost all parts of the united kingdom for dissolving the parlia- ment: but none appeared more hearty in their congratulations, or professed greater submission, than the officers of the army and nayy. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 333. J Clarendon's Hist of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 487. Davies' Hist, of the Civil Wars, p. 336. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 556, 557. Heath's Chronicle, p. 344. 262 NAVAL HISTORY war, and five fire-ships. The Dutch had ninety-eight men of war, and six fire-ships, and both fleets were commanded by men the most remarkable for courage and 'Conduct in either nation; so that it was generally con- ceived this battle would prove decisive. A. 1}. On the 2d of June, in the morning, the English fleet 1653. discovered the enemy, whom they immediately attacked with great vigour. The action began about eleven o'clock, and the first broadside from the enemy carried off the brave admiral Deane, whose body was almost cut in two by a chain-shot. Monk, with much presence of mind, covered his body with his cloak : * and here appeared the wisdom of having both admirals on board the same ship ; for as no flag was taken in, the fleet had no notice of this accident, but the fight continued with the same warmth as if it had not happened. The blue squadron charged through the enemy, and rear-admiral Lawson bid fair for taking de Ruyter ; and after he was obliged to leave his ship, sunk another of forty-two guns, commanded by captain Buller. The fight continued very hot till three o'clock, when the Dutch fell into great confusion, and Tromp saw himself obliged to make a kind of running fight till nine in the evening, when a stout ship, com- manded by Cornelius Van Velsen, blew up. This in- creased the consternation in which they were before ; and though Tromp used every method in his power to oblige the officers to do their duty, and even fired upon such ships as drew out of the line ; yet it was to no purpose, but rather served to increase their misfortune. In the night, Blake arrived in the English fleet, with a squadron of eighteen ships, and so had his share in the second day's engagement, t * Gamble's Life of General Monk, p. 59. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 487. Whit- locke's Memorials, p. 557. Ludlow's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 466. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 34. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, DURING THE CIVIL WAR. Tromp did all that was consistent with his honour to A.D. avoid fighting the next day ; but he would not do more, 1653 ' so that the English fleet came up with them again by eight in the morning, and engaged with the utmost fury : the battle continued very hot for about four hours, and vice-admiral Penn boarded Tromp twice, and had taken him, if he had not been seasonably relieved by de Witte and de Ruyter. At last, the Dutch fell again into con- fusion, which was so great, that a plain flight quickly followed ; and, instead of trusting to their arms, they sought shelter on the flat coast of Newport, from whence, with difficulty enough, they escaped to Zealand. Our writers agree, that the Dutch had six of their best ships sunk, two blown up, and eleven taken; six of their principal captains were made prisoners, and upwards of fifteen hundred men. Among the ships before mentioned, one was a vice-admiral, and two were rear-admirals. * The Dutch historians, indeed, confess the loss but of eight men of war. On our side, admiral Deane and one captain were all the persons of note killed : of private men there were but few, and not a ship was missing ; so that a more signal victory could scarcely be obtained, or indeed desired. Besides, the enemy's ships were now blocked up in their ports ; and the sight of a foreign fleet now at their doors had this farther bad consequence, that it excited domestic tumults. We need not wonder, then, p. 337. I have likewise consulted Monk's Letter, printed in the Proceedings of the Parliament called by the authority of General Cromwell in 1653, p. 27. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 269. * Heath's Chronicle, p. 345. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 360. Manley's History of the Rebellion, p. 267. Bates's Elencus Motuum, part ii. Gurnble's Life of Monk, p. 60, 6l. See Van Tromp's Let- ter to the States in Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 270. See the letters sent by the States to their ministers at foreign courts, dated Hague, June 16, 1653. In the same collection, p. 273. Mercurius Politicus, a paper of those times, No. 158, p. 2516, 2517. Echard, p. 705. Kennet, vol. iii. p. 208. Rapin, and other historians. NAVAL HISTORY that the Dutch, white in such circumstances, sent am- bassadors into England to negociate a peace almost on any terms. * These Cromwell received with haughtiness enough, talked high, and assumed to himself the credit of former victories, in which he could have little share, t but of which he very ably availed himself now. A.D. The states, however, were far from trusting entirely 1653 ' to negociations, but, at the time they treated, laboured with the utmost diligence to repair their past losses, and to fit out a new fleet. This was a very difficult task ; and, in order to effect it, they were forced to raise the seamen's wages, though their trade was at a fall stop : they came down in person to their ports, and saw their men embarked, and advanced them wages before-hand ; and promised them, if they would fight once again, they would never ask them to fight more. J Yet all this would hardly have done, if the industry of De Witte, in equipping their new-built ships, and the care and skill of Van Tromp in refitting their old ones, and encouraging the seamen, had not contributed more than all the other methods that were taken to the setting out a fresh fleet, of upwards of ninety ships, in the latter end of July, a thing admired then, and scarcely credible now. These were victualled for five months ; and the scheme laid down by the states was this ; that to force the * Basnage Annale des Provinces Unies, yol. i. p. 508, 309. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. liv. xiii. Neuville His- toire de Hollande, torn. iii. liv. x. chap. xi. xii. La vie de Ruyfer, part i. p. SO. There are innumerable letters in the first volume of Thurloe's State Papers, which describe the infinite uneasiness the states and people were under at seeing their ports blocked up. The many tumults and other disorders in the different towns occasioned thereby, and the great pains taken by the Dutch minister in England, as appears also by their letters, to conclude a peace. See p. 293, 294, 295, 307, 8 15 318, 331, 340, 341. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 487, 488. Bas- nage Annales des Provinces Unies, vol. i. p. 311. J Heath's Chronicle, p. 346. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 301, 307, 335, 367. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 265 English fleet to leave their ports, this navy of theirs should come and block up ours. But first it was resolved, Van Tromp should sail to the mouth of the Texel, where De Ruyter, with twenty-five sail of stout ships, was kept in by the English fleet, in order to try if they might not be provoked to leave their station, and give the Dutch squadron thereby an opportunity of coming out. * On the 29th of July, 1653, the Dutch fleet appeared in sight of the English, upon which the latter did their utmost to engage them : but Van Tromp, having in view the release of De Witte, rather than fighting, kept off; so that it was seven at night before General Monk in the Resolution, with about thirty ships, great and small, came up with them, and charged through their fleet. It grow- ing dark soon after, there passed nothing more that night, Monk sailing to the south, and Van Tromp to the northward, and this not being suspected by the English, he both joined De Witte's squadron and gained the weather-gage, t The next day proving very foul and windy, the sea ran so high that it was impossible for the fleets to engage, the English particularly finding it hard enough to avoid running upon the enemy's coasts. J On Sunday, July 31, the weather having become A.D. favourable, both fleets engaged with terrible fury. The battle lasted at least eight hours, and was the most hard fought of any that had happened throughout the war. The Dutch fire-ships being managed with great dexterity, * Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 308, 312. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. liv. xiii. p. 334. Neuville Histoire de Hollande, torn. iii. chap. xii. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 488. Tluirloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 359, 364, 392. f Heath's Chronicle, p. 346, 347. Proceedings of the parliament, A. D. 1653, p. 28. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 488. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 562. J Heath's Chronicle, p. 347. Datiea's Uistery of the Civil Wars, . 337. Gumble's Life of Monk. 966 NAVAL HLSTORY many of the large vessels in the English fleet were in the utmost danger of perishing by them ; and the Triumph was so effectually fired, that most of her crew threw them- selves into the sea, and yet those few who staid behind were so lucky as to put it out. * Lawson engaged De Ruyter briskly, killed and wounded above half his men, and so disabled his ship, that it was towed out of the fleet ; yet the admiral did not leave the battle so, but returned in a galliot, and went on board another ship. About noon, Van Tromp was shot through the body with a musket ball, as he was giving orders, t This miserably discou- raged his countrymen, so that by two they began to fly in great confusion, having but one flag standing among them. The lightest frigates in the English fleet pursued them closely, till the Dutch admiral, perceiving they were but small, and of no great strength, turned his helm and resolved to engage them ; but some larger ships coming to their assistance, the Dutchman was taken.:}: It was night by the time their scattered fleet recovered the Texel. The English fearing their flats, rode very warily about six leagues off. This was a terrible blow to the Dutch, who, according to Monk's letter, lost no less than thirty ships ; but from better intelligence, it appeared, that four of these had Escaped, two into a port of Zealand, and two into Ham- burgh. Their loss, however, was very great : five cap- * Clarendon. Whitlocke. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 366. f Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 4S8, 189. Whit- locke's Memorials, p. 562. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 468. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 35. Bates's Elencus Motuum, part ii. p. 176. Man- ley's History of the Rebellion, p. 268. Skinner's Life of General Monk, p. 48. Seethe Journal of Vice Admiral De Witle of the Pro- ceedings of the Fleet, written with his own hand to the States, dated llth August, 1653, N. S. in Thurloe's Collection, vol. i. p. 392. Lee- ven Van Tromp, part iii. Vie de Ruyter, part i. p. 39, S3. J Heath's Chronicle, p. 348. See Monk's Letter, printed in the proceedings of the parliament ef this year, and which was written the very evening of the fight, viz. July 31, 1653. Gumbje's Life of Monk, p. 67, 68. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 357 tains were taken prisoners, between four and five thousand men killed, and twenty-six ships of war either burnt or sunk. On the side of the English, there were two ships only, viz. the Oak and the Hunter frigate burnt, six captains killed, and upwards of five hundred seamen. There were also six captains wounded, and about eight hundred private men. * The Dutch writers dispute many of these points, and some of them will not allow, that they lost above nine ships. The contrary of this, however, appears from De Witte's letter to the states, wherein he owns many more ; confesses, that he had made a very pre- cipitate retreat, for which he assigns two reasons ; first, that the best of their ships were miserably shattered, and next, that many of his officers had behaved like poltrons.t Some very singular circumstances attended this extraor- dinary victory, and deserve therefore to be mentioned. There were several merchantmen in the fleet, and Monk, finding occasion to employ them, thought proper to send their captains to each other's ships, in order to take off their concern for their owners vessels and cargoes ; a scheme which answered his purpose perfectly well, no ships in the fleet behaving better. | He had likewise observed, that in most engagements much time and many opportunities were lost, by taking ships and sending them into harbour ; and considering that still greater inconve- niencies must arise from their nearness to the enemy's * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 562, 564. Daries's History of the Civil Wars, p. 338. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 489. Bates's Elencus Motuum, part ii. Heath's Chronicle, p. 348. Echard, Kennet, Rapin, and the rest of our historians. f Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 313, 314. Leeven Van Tromp, p. 142. See DC Witte's Journal, before cited, wherein he tells the slates, among other things, he had discovered, to Lis great vexation, that divers of the captains had retired out of the reach of the enemy's cannon, as well in this engagement as formerly ; and intimates, that if they had been hanged for behaving so before, they had not had it in their power to have acted the same part over again. t Heath's Chronicle, p. S48. 258 NAVAL HISTORY coast, and distance from their own ; he issued his orders in the beginning of the fight, that they should not either give or take quarter ; which, however, were not so strictly observed, but that twelve hundred Dutchmen were taken out of the sea, while their ships were sinking. * General Monk himself was so active, that, in his letter to Cromwell, dated the 2d of August, 1653, he takes no- tice, that of five Dutch flags that were flying at the be- ginning of the fight, he had the good fortune to bring down three, viz, those of Tromp, Evertson, and De Ruyter ; t and so long he continued in the heat of the dispute, that his ship, the Resolution, was at last towed out of the line : and, indeed, most of the great vessels had been so roughly handled, that there was no continuing on the enemy's coast any longer, without danger of their sinking. A.D. The parliament then sitting, who were of Cromwell's 1653. appointment, upon the 8th of August, 1653, ordered gold chains to be sent to the generals Blake and Monk, and likewise to vice-admiral Penn, and rear-admiral Lawson ; they sent also chains to the rest of the flag-officers, and medals to the captains. The 25th of August was appointed for a day of solemn thanksgiving; | and, Monk being then in town, Cromwell, at a great feast in the city, put the gold chain about his neck, and obliged him to wear it all dinner-time. As for the states, they supported their loss with inexpressible courage and constancy; they buried Tromp very magnificently at the public expense ; jj * Gamble's Life of Monk, p. 62. t Proceedings of the Parliament, p. SS. where there is an extract only ; but I have seen a copy of the entire letter. I Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 563, 564. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 338. Manley's History of the Rebellion, p. 269. Par- liamentary Proceedings, p. 39, 45. Gumble's Life of Monk, p. 77. H Basnage Anuales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 315, 316. lift Clerc Histoire dcs Provinces Unies, torn. ii. liv. xiii. Neuville His- toire de Hollande, torn. iii. p. 83. Various medals were struck by order of the states to perpetuate to latest posterity the great and gal- DURING THE ClVIL X? AR. and, as soon as the return of the English fleet permitted, sent De Witte with a fleet of fifty men of war and five fire- ships to the sound, in order to convoy home a fleet of 300 merchantmen, there assembled from different quarters.* This he performed very happily, though the English fleet A.D did all that was possible to intercept him : but the joy which the Dutch conceived upon this occasion, was soon qualified by accidents of another sort; for an English squadron, falling i n with a large fleet of merchant-men in the mouth of the Ulie, took most of them ; and admiral Lawson, sailing to the north, destroyed their herring- fishing for that year, and either took or sunk most of the frigates sent to protect them ; besides, a great storm drove twelve or thirteen of their best men of war from their an- chors, so that, running on shore, they were lost, t The negociation carried on by the Dutch ministers at London met at first with many difficulties. The terms prescribed were in number many, and in their nature hard, insomuch that it is scarcely to be conceived, that the Dutch could ever have submitted to them; but an accident, if, indeed, the effect of Cromwell's intrigues ought to be called so, delivered them out of their distress. The parliament, on the 12th of December, 1653, took a sudden resolution of delivering up their power to him from whom it came, viz. the lord General Cromwell, who soon after took upon him the supreme magistracy, under lant actions of this distinguished hero, independently of the sumptuous, monument erected to his memory in the church of Delft. They painted him after death, with a laurel crown, as supposing him vic- torious over the English. Hymns, songs, and elegant poems, were Written in his praise by the most celebrated wits of those times. No- thing was omitted by the Dutch nation that could testify the great loss they had sustained, or manifest the people's gratitude. Gerard Van Loon Hist. Metallique des Pays Bays, torn. ii. p. 364. * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 564, 568. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. SI 7. t Heath's Clironicle, p. 49. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 564. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 317. g70 NAVAL HISTORY the title of Protector. * He quickly admitted the Dutch to a treaty upon softer conditions, though he affected to make use of high terms, and to behave toward their am- bassadors with a great deal of haughtiness ; which, for the sake of their country's interest, they knew well enough how to Ijear. A.D. This treaty ended in a peace, which was made the 4th of April, 1654. In this negociation, the coalition, upon which the parliament had insisted, was entirely dropped. No mention at all was made of our sole right to fishing on our own coast, or any annual tribute secured to us for the Dutch fishing in our seas, which had been actually paid to King Charles, and was offered to the parliament ; though Cromwell, because his administration stood in need of peace, thought fit to dispense with it. He likewise gave up all claim to the searching Dutch ships, which the par- liament had rigorously insisted upon. The right of li- miting the number of their ships of war was another of their articles that he overlooked ; neither did he oblige them to grant the English a free navigation on the river Scheldt, f But it is now time to see the terms to which he held them. It was in the first place stipulated, that such as could be found of the persons concerned in the massacre at Am- bojna should be delivered up to justice. This was very specious, and calculated to give the people a high idea of the protector's patriotism; who thus compelled the Dutch to make satisfaction for an offence, which the two * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 484, 485. Heath's Chronicle, p. 353. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 570. Lud- low's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 474. Dugdalc's Short View of the late Troubles, p. 411. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 637. t Heath's Chronicle, p. 357. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 337. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 487. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 583. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 372. Bates's Elencus Mo- timm, part ii. p. 176. Gamble's Life of Monk, p. 74. Flagellum on the Life and Death of Oliier Cromwell, p. 147. ThurWs State Tapers, vol. i. and ii. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 27J former kings could never bring them to acknowledge. But, as this article was never executed, so we may rea- sonably conclude, that the Dutch knew the protector's mind before they made him this boasted concession. They acknowledged the dominion of the English at sea, by consenting to strike the flag ; they submitted to the act of navigation ; undertook to give the East India Com- pany satisfaction for the losses they had sustained ; and, by a private article, bound themselves never to elect any of the house of Orange to the dignity of stadtholder. * Thus, taking all things together, this ought rather to be considered as a close conjunction between the new pro- tector of England and the Louvestein faction in Holland) than an alliance between the two nations : for, though it be true that some regard was had in this treaty to the honour and interest of England, yet, considering our success in that war, and the situation things were in at the conclusion of it, there can be no reason to doubt, that, if the parliament, which begun the war, had ended it, they would have done it upon much better terms in respect both of profit and glory. Hostilities between the two states had not continued quite two years, and yet, in that time, the English took no less than one thousand seven hundred prizes, valued by the Dutch themselves at sixty-two millions of guilders, or nearly six millions sterling. On the contrary, those taken by the Dutch could not amount to the fourth part either in number or value. Within that period, the Eng- lish were victorious in no less than five general battles, some of which were of several days ; whereas the Hollander* cannot justly boast of having gained one ; for the action between De Ruyter and Ayscue, in which they pretended some advantage, was no general fight ; and the advantage gained by Tromp in the Downs, is owned to have been * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 489. Corps Di- plomatique du droit des gens, tom. vi. part ii. p. 7480. 272 NAVAL HISTORY gained over a part only of the English fleet. As short a this quarrel was, it brought the Dutch to greater extre- mities than their fourscore years war with Spain. The states shewed great wisdom in one point, viz. including their ally the king of Denmark in this treaty, by under- taking that either he or they should make satisfaction for the English ships which had been seized at the beginning of the war in his port. * The rupture between France and England &till con- tinued; our ships of war taking, sinking, or burning theirs wherever they met them; and the French privateers disturbing our commerce as much as they were able, t An attempt was made by the French ministry to have gotten France, as well as Denmark, included in the peace made with the States ; but Cromwell would not hear of this, because he knew how to make his advantage of the difficulties the French then laboured under another way ; in which he succeeded perfectly well, obliging them in 1655, to submit to his own terms, and to give up the interests of the royal family, notwithstanding their near relation to the house of Bourbon. He likewise obtained a very advantageous treaty of commerce ; and without question, his conduct with regard to France would have deserved commendation ; if, for the sake of securing his own government, he had not entered too readily into the views of cardinal Mazarine, and thereby contributed to the aggrandizing of a power which has been terrible to Europe ever since, J and which he might have reduced within just bounds, if he had so pleased. * Verwerd Europa, p. 122. Interest van Holland, p. 34. Basnage Annales dcs Provinces Unies, vol. i. p. 335. Le Clerc Hist, dcs Pro- vinces Unies, torn. ii. liv. xiii. p. 340348. Neuville Hist, de Hol- lande, torn. iii. p. 87. Aiteema Zaaken Van Staat en Oorl, iii. deel. fol. 804 931. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 589. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 504. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 583, 584, 590. Heath's Chronicle, p. 356, 357. I Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 503. Davies's History of th Civil Wars, p. 352. See the speech made by Monsieur DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 273 He did not discover his intentions in this respect all at once, but by degrees only, and as they became necessary. He affected to have his friendship earnestly solicited both by France and Spain ; and even declared publicly, that he would give it to the court which deserved best, or, in plain terms, bid highest for it. * The first sign of his reconciliation to the French, was, the restoring the ships taken by Blake, with provisions and ammunition for the garrison of Dunkirk ; and yet nothing of confidence ap- peared then between the cardinal and him, though it is generally supposed, that the primary as well as principal instigation to the Spanish war came from him, who gave the protector to understand, that the English maritime force could not be better employed, than in conquering part of the Spanish West Indies, while France attacked the same crown in Europe ; and, to purchase his assistance, would readily relinquish the royal family, and so rid him from all fears of an invasion, t Besides these hints from abroad, the protector had some notices of a like nature at home, especially from one Gage, a priest, who had been long in America, and who furnished him with a copious Chanut, the French ambassador to the States, upon that occasion, in Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 515632. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 558, 559. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 373. The whole progress of this treaty, and the insuperable difficulties attending the concluding it, may be seen in Thurloe's Collection, vol.ii. p. 159, 228, 566, 629 ; vol. iii. p. 311, 312, 313, 368, 381, 415, 696, 734; vol. iv. p. 75, 115. See a Letter of the cardinal to Monsieur Bourdeaux, the French ambassador in England, expressing the great joy it gave him, that the treaty was at length accomplished, p. 120, 259. * See Mr. Thurloe's account of the negociations between England, France, and Spain, from the time of Oliver Cro m well's assuming the government to the Restoration, delivered to the Lord-Chancellor Clarendon, in Thurloe's Collections, vol. i. p. 759. t Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 503. Heath's Chronicle, p. 365, 369. Whitlocke's Memorials. See Mr. George Downing's Letter to Secretary Thurloe, in Thurloe's Collections, voL iii. p. 734. VOL. II. T 274 NAVAL HISTORY account of the wealth and weakness of the Spaniards there. * A.D. Immediately after the conclusion of the Dutch war, the 1654. p ro tector ordered all the ships of his navy to be repaired, and put into good condition. He likewise directed many new ones to be built ; storehouses, magazines, &c. to be filled with ammunition and provision ; whence it was evident enough, that he intended not to be idle, though no body knew against whom this mighty force was to be exerted, t In the summer of the year 1654, he ordered two great fleets to be provided, one of which was to be commanded by admiral Blake, and the other by vice- admiral Penn. Neither of these had any knowledge of what the other was to attempt ; so far from it, they knew not perfectly what themselves were to perform. ^ Their orders were to be opened at sea ; and they had no farther * See a curious paper entitled, " Some brief and true Observations " concerning the West Indies, humbly presented to his Highness " Oliver, Lord-Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scot- " land, and Ireland, by Thomas Gage," in Thurloe's Collections, Tol. iii. p. 59. He M'rote a book likewise, entitled, " A Survey of " the West Indies," of which the first edition was in folio, and ther have been several in octavo ; but these latter want a chapter, which 5s the most curious in the whole book. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 577. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 621. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 493. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 346. The Perfect Politician, or the Life and Death of Oliver Cromwell, p. 212. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 400. I Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 576. Peun's sailors mutinied at Portsmouth, some of them threatening to lay their grievances before the protector ; their complaints were the bad- ness of the provisions ; the hardships they sustained in being sent upon an expedition already known to all the world ; and the still greater difficulty they laboured under of being compelled to go whether they Mould or not ; insisting to be listed by beat of drum as in the Nether- lands. The provisions were changed, and Desborough and Penn with some difficulty pacified them, as to the other two articles. Thur- loe's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 709. See the protector's commission to Venables, in Thurloe, vol. iii. p. 16, DURING THE CIVIL WAR. $75 lights given them than were absolutely requisite for making the necessary preparations. Blake, as soon as all things were ready, put to sea, and sailed into the straits ; where his orders were to procure satisfaction from such princes and states, as had either insulted the government, or injured the commerce of England. But, before his de- parture, it had been industriously given out, that he was to intercept the duke of Guise, and to protect the kingdom of Naples from the French. This had the desired effect : it lulled the Spaniards into A.D. a false security, and even disposed them to shew the 1654 ' admiral all possible civilities, who very probably had himself as yet no suspicion of Cromwell's design to break with that nation. The first place he went to was Leghorn, where he had two accounts to make up with the grand duke ; the first was, for his subjects purchasing the prizes made by Prince Rupert ; the other, for the damage done by Van Galen, when Appleton was forced out of Leghorn road. These demands surprised the prince on whom they were made ; especially when he understood how large a sum was expected from him, not less in the whole than a hundred and fifty thousand pounds, which, however, was moderated to sixty thousand pounds ; and this sum there is reason to believe was actually paid. * Thence he proceeded to Algiers, where he arrived the 10th of March, 16 j5, and anchored without the mole, sending an officer to the dey, to demand satisfaction for the piracies that had been formerly committed on the English, * Heath's Chronicle, p. 366. Vie de Cromwell, vol. ii. p. S43. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 609. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 507. Thurloe's Collections, vol. iii. p. 41 , 103. Most of the princes of Italy were alarmed at the sailing of this fleet. The pope was no sooner Informed of its arrival in the Mediterranean, than he gave orders for the removal of the great treasure at Ixwetto, with a view of defeating any design the protector might have formed, as to the plundering that rich monastery, which some industriously spread abroad, (not knowing the real secret,) was his principal aim. T 2 NAVAL HISTORY and the immediate release of all captives belonging to his nation. The dey answered very modestly, that as for the ships and slaves they were now the property of private persons, from whom he could not take them with safety to himself; but that he would make it his care they should be speedily redeemed upon easy terms ; and would make a treaty with him to prevent any hostilities being com- mitted on the English for the future. * A.D. The admiral left the port upon this, and sailed to Tunis, where he sent the like message on shore ; but received a very short answer, viz. " Here are our castles of Guletta " and Porto Ferino : you may do your worst ; we do not " fear you." Blake entered the bay of Porto Ferino, and came within musket-shot of the castle and line, upon both which he played so warmly, that they were soon in a defenceless condition. There were then nine ships in the road, which the admiral resolved to burn ; and with this view ordered every captain to man his long-boat with choice men, and directed these to enter the harbour, and fire the ships of Tunis ^ while he and his fleet covered them from the castle, by playing continuallv on it with their cannoij. The seamen in their boats, boldly assaulted the corsairs, and burnt all their ships, with the loss of twenty-five men killed, and forty-eight wounded. This daring action spread the terror of his name, which had long been formidable in Europe, through Africa and Asia, t From Tunis he sailed to Tripoly, and concluded a peace with that government. Thence he returned to * Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 580- Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 349. Bates' a Elencus Motuum, part ii. p. 205. Mauley's History of the Rebellion, p. 273. Vic. do Cromwell, torn. ii. p. 348, 34i. p. 586. Heath's Chronicle, p. 381. Davies's Hist, of the Civil Wars, p. 351. Manley's Hist, of the Rebellion, p. 274. Thmloe's State Papers, vol. iv. p. 100, 107, 117, 443, 531, &c. t Clarendon, Ubi Supra, Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 332. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 560. Bates's Elencus Motuuin, partiii. p. 112. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 383. Mauley's History of the Rebellion, p. 275. Captain Richard Stayner's relation of this action, in a letter addressed to the generals of the fleet. The letters of the generals Blake and Montague to the protector; and that of the last mentioned admiral to Secretary Thiirloe. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. that was sunk. The admiral who carried the flag, for concealing the richest ship, with the Portugal prize, recovered the shore. Soon after, General Montague, with the young marquis of Badajox, and part of the fleet to escort the silver, returned to England, delivered the bullion into the mint, and, upon his earnest interposition, the young marquis was set at liberty. * For this, a thanks- giving, with a narrative to be read thereon, was appointed by the parliament, who issued their declaration of war against Spain, t The protector took a great deal of care of his new conquest, Jamaica; and within a very short time after the return of Penn and Venables, sent a considerable *upply thither, and a squadron of men of war. These troops were commanded by Colonel Humphreys, but * In the letters before referred to, the deplorable fate of this illus- trious family is painted in very moving terms ; and the reader, perhaps, will not be displeased to learn from them some particulars. The marchioness and her eldest daughter, a young lady of fifteen years of age, who was to have espoused the son of the duke of Medina* Celi, seeing the vessel in flames, were so terrified that they fell down in a swoon, and were burnt to death. The vice-roy, her lord, had opportunity sufficient to have escaped ; but when he saw his lady and daughter, whom he loved exceedingly, in that dreadful situation ; unable to survive their loss, he said, he would die where they died ; and tenderly embracing the former, perished with them, together with one of their sons. Two sons, and three daughters, one of the latter an infant of twelve months old, with ninety other persons, the wretched remains of this scene of horror and ruin, were saved. General Montague is very copious in his praises of the young mar- quis, whom he describes as a most ingenious, learned, and accom- plished youth of about sixteen. Soon after their arrival in England, this young nobleman and his brother were brought from Chelsea, where they resided, and presented to the protector at Whitehall, who treated them with great kindness and generosity ; and in a short time, as we have before observed, set them at liberty. t Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 653, where we find, that the thanks also of the parliament, by the speaker, were, in pursuance of their resolution, given to General Montague, for his great services done to the commonwealth by sea, on his taking his seat in the house, VOL. II. TI 290 NAVAL HISTORY Major Sedgwick went with him, and had a commission to be governor of the island. * When they came thither, they found things in a much better posture than they expected. Colonel Doily, to whom Fortescue, on account of sickness, had resigned his command, was a person so indefatigable, that he had subdued all the opposition he met with; and had driven the Spaniards out of the island, notwithstanding they had fortified themselves in two or three places very strongly, and had been abundantly sup- plied with artillery and ammunition from Cuba, t It is easy to account for the different behaviour of these men here, and at Hispaniola. They fought there for the profit of others, but at this time, for their own. They were then utterly unacquainted with the climate, and so less able to bear it ; whereas they were in some measure seasoned to it : yet this Colonel Doily, who did so much for the colony, was to be removed at all events from the government, because he had been formerly a cavalier. Sedgwick, however, who was to have been his successor, quickly died, and so did Fortescue ; and Humphreys, according to his orders, returned home with a small fleet, j: Upon this, the protector despatched another thousand men from Scotland, with one Colonel Brayne, who was to take the government out of Colonel Doily's hands; but he likewise dying, almost as soon as he set his foot on the island, Doily still continued in the exercise of his authority, and with great skill and integrity managed all things there to the time of the Restoration; and then * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 580. Whit- locke's Memorials, p. 627. Heath's Chronicle, p. 377. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 348. Manley's History of the Rebellion, p. 272. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 532. See the protector's pro- clamation, inviting merchants and others to settle in the island, in Thurloe's State Papers, vol. iii. p. 753. t British Empire in America, vol. ii. p. 308. 1 Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 533. British Empire in America, *oUi. p. S09, 310. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 291 Jamaica was become, through his care and vigilance, a very considerable, and, for the time it had been settled, a very populous plantation. * We are now to return to the proceedings of the fleet in A.D. the Mediterranean. Admiral Blake continued to cruize 1657 ' before the haven of Cadiz, and in the Straits, till the month of April, 1657 ; and having then information of another Plate-fleet, which had put into the haven of Santa-cruz in the island of Teneriff, he immediately sailed thither, and arrived before the town the 20th of April, t Here he found the flota, consisting of six gal- leons very richly laden, and ten other vessels. The latter lay within the port, with a strong barricado before them ; the galleons without the boom, because they drew too much water to lay within it. The port itself was strongly fortified, having on the north a large castle well supplied with artillery, and seven forts united by a line communi- cation, well lined with musketeers. The Spanish governor thought the place so secure, and his own dispositions so well made, that when the master of a Dutch ship desired leave to sail, because he apprehended Blake would pre- sently attack the ships in the harbour; the Spaniard answered tartly, " Get you gone, if you will, and let Blake come, if he dares. " The admiral, after viewing the enemy's preparations, called a council of war, wherein it was resolved to attempt destroying the enemy's ships; for it was impossible to bring them off: and to this end, he sent Captain Stayner * Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 557- See the whole of these transactions in a treatise intitled, Jamaica Viewed, with all the Ports, Harbours, &c. by E. H. i. e. Edmund Hickeringhill, London, 1661, 8vo. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 600. Davies 8 History of the Civil Wars, p. 357. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 383. J Heath's Chronicle, p. 391. Bates's Elencus Motuum, part ii. p. 227. r 2 92 mVAL HISTORY with a squadron to attack them, who soon forced his passage into the bay, while other frigates played on the forts and line, and hindered them from giving the ships much disturbance. Stayner's squadron was quickly sup- ported by Blake with the whole fleet, who boarded the Spanish galleons, and in a few hours made himself master of them all, and then set them on fire ; so that the whole Spanish fleet was burnt down to the water's edge, except two ships which sunk outright ; and then, the wind veering to S. W. he passed with his fleet safe out of the port again, losing in this dangerous attempt no more than forty-eight men killed, and having about one hundred and twenty wounded. * It was without question, the boldest undertaking of its kind that had ever been per- formed ; and the Spaniards, who are romantic enough in their own conduct, were so much astonished at his, that they quite lost their spirits, and thenceforward never thought themselves safe either from numbers or fortifi- cations, t When the protector had the news of this glorious suc- cess, he immediately sent it by his secretary Thurloe to the parliament then sitting; and they, on hearing th particulars, ordered a day to be set apart for a thanks- giving ; a ring of the value of five hundred pounds to the general as a testimony of his country's gratitude ; a present of one hundred to the captain who brought the news ; and their thanks to all the officers and soldiers concerned in * Manley's History of the Rebellion, p. 274, 275. The Perfect Politician, or the Life and Actions of Oliver Cromwell, p. 228, 229. See the letter of Thomas Maynard, Esq. the English consul at Lisbon, to Mr. Secretary Thurloe, acquainting him with the news of this great victory, dated the 6th of June, 1657, in Thurloe's State Papers^ vol. vi. p. 312. t Clarendon, vol. vi. p. 601. Heath's Chronicle, p. 392. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 357. Sir Philip "Warwick's Memoirs, Bates, Eohard, Keimet, and Rapia. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 93 the action. * Captain Richard Stayner, returning soon after, was knighted by the protector : t nor was it long before Blake and the fleet returned, which put an end to the Spanish war by sea ; for the protector had lately entered into a closer conjunction with France; and, in consequence thereof, sent over a body of land-forces into Flanders, where they assisted in taking the fortress and port of Dunkirk, which was delivered into the hands of the English, who kept it till after the Res- toration. | There had been for some years a very sharp war carried on in the north between the kings of Sweden and Den- mark, which in its consequences was likely to affect the rest of Europe, especially the maritime powers. The Dutch saw that their trade to the Baltic would be ruined if the king of Sweden prevailed, who was now become the superiour both by land and sea ; they therefore resolved to send a fleet to the assistance of the Danes, which they * Heath's Chronicle, p. 392. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 66 1. The Perfect Politician, or the Life and Death of Oliver Cromwell, p. 321. See the protector's letter to General Blake upon this occasion, dated Whitehall, June 10, 1657, in Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vi. p. 342. f Heath's Chronicle, p. 392, who, says he, deserved that honour from a better hand, nor did his merit miss it. See the list of Oliver'* lords, baronets, and knights, at the end of the Perfect Politician, or Life and Death of Oliver Cromwell, p. 263. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 640, 644. Lud- low's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 560, 562, 671. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 665, 673, 674. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vi. p. 33, 63, 87, $37. vol. vii. p. 151, 155, 156, 160, 169, 173. Memoires de Montglat, torn. iv. p. 174179. Memoires pour servir a 1'Histoire d'Anne d'Autriche, par Madame d'Mottevile, tern. v. p. 267271. edit. 1750. Quincy Histoire Militaire de Louis XIV. torn. i. p. 233236. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 665. Heath's Chronicle, p. 39f. Bates's Elencus Motuum, part ii. p. 228, 229. Basnage Annale* des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p, 383. Le Clerc Hist, des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. liv. xiii. Neuville Histoire de Hollande, torn. 111 liy. 11. NAVAL HISTORY A.D. did, and thereby saved Copenhagen.* In England, it 1658 ' was judged to be of no less consequence to succour the Swedes ; yet it was not thought proper to avow the design, as the Dutch had done, and therefore Sir George Ayscue, who was drawn out of his retirement to command upon this occasion, had orders to accept a commission as admiral from the king of Sweden; which would have enabled him to act more effectually for his service, than the Dutch did in favour of their allies. This was in the year 1658 ; but it was so late in the season, that the squadron was not able to reach Copen- hagen for the ice. t All expeditions by sea are liable to great uncertainty, even when planned with the greatest skill. The protector and his council projected this. Sir George Ayscue went in a Swedish ship with a number of gallant officers attached to him, and resolved to follow his fortunes ; but the English squadron was commanded by vice-admiral Goodson, who was to act in conjunction with Sir George, when he published his Swedish commission. But, this fleet being long retarded by contrary winds, the protector died in the mean time. However, Richard pursuing his father's scheme, had sent it ; and on account of the ice, as is before mentioned, this fleet returned again to England, without effecting any thing, to the great joy of the Danes and the Dutch. This disappointment, joined to the many difficulties arisen upon the demise of Oliver, it was generally conceived that the English would have meddled no farther in this affair. $ It proved otherwise, however; for a stojit fleet was fitted out, and sent into * Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 521. Lc Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. i. liv. 13. Neuville Histoire de Hollande, torn. iii. liv. 1 1. t Heath's Chronicle, p. 416. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vii. p. 412, 509, 510, 513, 528, 529, 541, 550, 581. J Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 553. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 295 the Baltic under the command of Admiral Montague, who had acquired a great reputation by serving in conjunction with Blake. He had, besides his commission of admiral, another, whereby he was joined in the negociation in the north with the ambassadors Sidney and Honeywood. * He arrived at Copenhagen, and managed his affairs with great dexterity ; for he avoided coming to blows, that he might not begin a new Dutch war; compelled the king of Sweden, by talking to him in a proper style, to think of peace, to which he was otherwise very little inclined ; and while he did all this, and executed effectually the duties of those high offices with which he was intrusted ; he entertained a secret correspondence with the king, and disposed all things on board the fleet for his service, t When measures were concerted for Sir George Booth's A.D. rising, which was the last attempt made in favour of his majesty before his restoration; notice of it was given to Admiral Montague at Copenhagen ; who instantly resolved to return to England. His fellow-ambassadors, who were very able men, and very hearty republicans, had by this time gained some intelligence of his intercourse with the king, and therefore intended to have seized him in case he came ashore. J He was wise enough never to put it in their power, and took care also to run no risk in returning without orders; for having called a council of war, he complained to them that provisions grew short, and that it Avould be a very difficult thing to supply themselves in that part of the world, there * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 636, 730. Heath's Chronicle, p. 4 1 6. Tluirloe's State Papers, vol. vii. p. 626, 606. t See General Montague's letters to the kings of Sweden and Denmark ; as also to the Dutch admiral Opdam. See his letter to Secretary Thurloe. See the protestor Richard Cromwell's letter to General Montague in Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vii. p. 6t4, 651, 666. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 700. Heath's Chronicle, p. 416. J Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 731. NAVAL HISTORY being a Dutch fleet there at the same time. Upon this it was unanimously resolved to sail home immediately ^ and this resolution was no sooner taken, than the admiral weighed anchor, and returned to England, * very oppor- tunely, and very unexpectedly. A.P. On his arrival he found things in quite another situation- 1659. jjj an jj e ex p ec t e d . gj r George Booth had been defeated and taken prisoner, and the old parliament was again restored ; so that Admiral Montague, though he had forty sail of stout ships under his command, and the seamen much at his devotion ; yet thought it safest to leave the fleet, and to come up freely and give an account of his conduct to the parliament : which he did in September, 1659, and was afterwards allowed to retire to his house in. the country, t The command of the fleet was then in- trusted to Admiral Lawson, who continued in the channel with a larger squadron of ships than ordinary, till General Monk came out of Scotland. ^ As soon as the designs of that great man began to ripen, he proposed that Montague should be recalled, and restored to the command of the navy ; which was accordingly done, and the supreme power in maritime affairs vested in him and Monk. A.D. Admiral Montague went instantly to his command, and was not a little surprised to find that Lawson and the rest of the officers were much better inclined to the intended * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 731. Heath's Chronicle, p. 426. See Algernon Sydney's Letter to the Council of State, dated Copenhagen, August 21, 1659, complaining bitterly of the general's sailing without his concurrence and that of his colleagues. t Clarendon, vol. vi. p. 732. Manley's History of the Rebellion, 1>. 282. Heath's Chronicle, p. 426. t Clarendon, vol. vi. p. 728. LudloVs Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 666. tVhitloeke's Memorials, p. 690. A perfect Diurnal of every Day** Proceedings in Parliament, London, 1669, 4to. No. I. p. 3. Clarendon, vol vi. p. 729. Heath's Chronicle, p. 439. Whit- locke's Memorials, p. 697. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 863. Gumble's Life of Monk, p. 264. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. change than he expected ; and therefore he did not much dissemble either his inclinations or intentions. On the 4th of April, 1660, he received his majesty's letter, and caused it to be read publicly in the fleet ; immediately after which, without waiting for the parliament's orders, he failed for Holland, and sent an officer to the Hague, to inform the king that he was ready to receive him. * We have thus, without entering deep into politics, run through the naval transactions of this memorable period, and have now only the lives of the most eminent seamen who flourished therein to employ our care. But, previous to this, it may not be improper to observe, that it was wholly owing to the unanimity of our sailors, and their generous disregard to domestic broils, that we obtained so many glorious victories at sea. and spread the terror of the English name abroad, when the English nation at home was on the brink of destruction ; that the parliament followed the king's steps exactly, in claiming the honour of the flag, asserting the sovereignty of the seas, and looking with a jealous eye on the encroachments of the French and Dutch ; that in all our naval expeditions we came off with honour, and mostly with victory ; whereas, in conjunct expeditions, wherein land were joined with * See the king's letter to the generals of the navy at sea, together with his majesty's declaration to the captains, commanders, and seamen belonging to the fleet, &c. London, 1660, 4to. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 768. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 701. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 435. Heath's Chronicle, p. 446. In the Minutes of the Journal of Admiral Montague, after- wards earl of Sandwich, printed in Rennet's Chronicle, p. 144, that noble person tells us, that Sir John Grenville came on board the Naseby, on Thursday, May the 10th, about ten of the clock at night, w ith a message from General Monk, that the king's friends judged his majesty's present repair to London was absolutely ne- cessary ; and therefore desired him to sail, and waft the king over, which he promised to do ; and sent Sir John over in the Speaker, to assure the king the fleet should attend him, which it accordingly ditl, the admiral sailing for the Dutch coast the next day. 298 MEMOIRS OF sea forces, we were less fortunate ; that our readiness in protecting trade, and resolution to revenge any insults upon our honour, contributed not a little to the extension of our commerce, and raising our reputation ; lastly, that these advantages were all the nation had to balance a multitude of misfortunes ; our country being harassed and destroyed by contending parties; our industry dis- couraged by so long a war ; and most of our manufactures ruined. On the other hand, the iniquitous oppressions, the hypocritical dissimulations, the scandalous outrages on our most excellent constitution, were so notorious, that we must have become very despicable in the eyes of our neighbours, but for the courage and conduct of our sea- men. * Among whom, all parties have agreed to give the first rank to one who brought no other qualities than good sense, and a bold spirit, when he assumed the com- mand of the English fleet ; and yet soon became the ablest sailor in it, and as such, claims our first regard. MEMOIRS OF ADMIRAL BLAKE. His descent was very honourable, the family from which he sprung having been long settled at Plansfield, in the parish of Spaxton, in Somersetshire, t Mr. Humphry Blake, his father, was a Spanish merchant, and having acquired a considerable fortune for the times in which he lived, bought a small estate in the neigh- bourhood of Bridgewater, where his family had been long settled. He had several children, the eldest of whom was Robert, whose life we are now to write. See the conclusion of Lord Clarendon's History, and of Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs. t Wood's Fasti Oxon. vol. i. col. 203. Lives, British and Foreign, vol. ii. p. 75. ADMIRAL BLAKE. 299 He was born in the month of August, 1598 ; and, during his father's life-time, was educated at a free school in Bridgewater. * He afterwards removed to Oxford, where he was first a member of St. Alban's-hall, and next of Wadham-college. After taking a degree, and meeting with more than one disappointment in his endeavours to obtain academical preferment, he left the university, when he had staid there seven years, t During his residence in that seat of the muses, he sufficiently displayed his temper; which in reality was that of a humourist, usually grave, and in appearance morose ; but inclined in an evening, and with particular friends, to be very chearful, though still with a tincture of seventy, which disposed him to bear hard on the pride of courtiers, and the power of churchmen ; which, as the noble historian well observes, rendered him very agreeable to the good fellows in those days ; though whether there were any ground from this disposition of his to conclude him a republican, is, I think, not easy to be determined. J This is certain, that his reputation for probity, and his known aversion from persecution, engaged the Puritans to promote his election as a burgess for Bridgewater, in the parliament which sat in April, 1640. That assembly was dissolved too early for Mr. Blake to make any discovery therein of his talents as a senator ; and in the long parliament, which sat soon after, he lost his election. When the war broke out between the king and the parliament, he declared for the latter, and took arms very early in their service ; but where, and in what * Wood, ubi supra. f Lives, English, and Foreign, vol. ii. Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 601. The Perfect Politician, or the Life and Death of Oliver Cromwell, p. 245. J Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 602. $ Lives, English and Foreign, vol. ii. p. 76. Rushworth's Collec- tions, under the year 1640, p. 1111. 300 MEMOIRS OF quality, is not very clear. However, he was very soon made a captain of dragoons, in which station he shewed himself as able and active an officer as any in the service; and as such was constantly employed upon all occasions, whether either boldness or dexterity were particularly requisite. * In 1643, we find him at Bristol, under the command of Colonel Fiennes, who intrusted him with a little fort on the line, in which he first gave the world a proof of his militarj' virtues ; for, on the 26th of July, when Prince Rupert attacked that important place, and the governor had agreed to surrender it upon articles, Mr. Blake still held out his fort, and killed several of the king's forces. This exasperated Prince Rupert to such a degree, that he talked of hanging him, had not some friends inter- posed, and excused him on account of his want of expe- rience in war ; and at their request, though not without much difficulty, he was at last prevailed upon to give up the fort, t After this He served in Somersetshire, under the com- mand of Popham, who was governor of Lyme, to whose regiment Blake was lieutenant-colonel. As he was much beloved in his country, and as the greatest part of the regiment were Somersetshire men, he had so good an intelligence in those parts, that he, in conjunction with Sir Robert Pye, surprised Taunton for the parliament, where he found ten pieces of cannon, and a great deal of ammunition.^: In 1644, he was constituted governor of that place, which was of the utmost importance, being the only garrison the parliament had in the west. The * Wood's fasti Oxon. vol. 1. col. 204. Bates's Elencus Motumn, part ii. p. 228. The Perfect Politician, or the Life and Death of Oliver Cromwell, p. 228. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 602. t Whitlock's Memorials, p. 95. Rushworth's Collections under the year 1644, p. 685. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol.i. p. 113. ADMIRAL BLAKE. works about it were far from being strong. He had no very numerous garrison; yet, by keeping a strict dis- cipline, and treating the townsmen well, he made a shift to keep it ; though no great care was taken to furnish him with supplies, and notwithstanding he was sometimes besieged, and often blocked up by the king's forces. At length General Goring came before the place with near ten thousand men, and pressed Blake so close, that he carried all the outworks, and actually took from him a part of the town. However, he held out the rest of it and the castle with wonderful obstinacy till relief came ; for which extraordinary service the parliament gave the garrison a bounty of two thousand pounds, and honoured Colonel Blake with a present of five hundred pounds. All who have preserved the memory of the signal events in that unhappy war, allow this to have been a singularly gallant and soldier-like action. * Colonel Blake, in April, 1646, marched with a detach- ment from his garrison, and reduced Dunster castle, a seat belonging to the ancient family of Lutterel, the troops posted therein having given great disturbance to the coun- try ; which was the last military achievement he per- formed during this war. t On the 24th of December fol- lowing, the parliament ordered five hundred pounds to be paid him for disbanding some forces. \ When the parlia- ment voted that no further addresses should be made to the king, Blake, as governor of Taunton, was prevailed upon to join in an address of thanks to the House of Com- mons, for having taken this step. I say, prevailed upon ; because this could aever have been agreeable to his own * Hushworth's Collections, under the year 1645, p. 28. Heath's Chronicle, p. 76, 77, 81. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 135, 144, 151, 161. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 107, 144, 146. f Heath's Chronicle, p. 106. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 202. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 187. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 171. t Whitloeke's Memorials, p. 231. 302 MEMOIRS OF sentiments if what the writer of his life tells us be true, that, when the king came to be tried, Blake disapproved that measure as barbarous in itself, and illegal in its nature ; insomuch that he was frequently heard to say, " He would " as freely venture his life to save the king, as ever he did " to serve the parliament." * This expression, however, we must attribute rather to the generosity of his temper, than to his political prin- ciples; since, after the king- was murdered, he fell in roundly with the republican party ; and, next to Crom- well and Ireton, he was the ablest and most successful officer they had. One would wonder how so honest and disinterested a person could take a share in such measures as were certainly contrived by men of quite another stamp; but it seems he satisfied himself in all these changes with the integrity of his own purpose, of adhering, as far as he was able, to his country's interest, and exerting, his utmost capacity to exalt her glory. These, though noble qualifications of themselves, gave men of less honour, and more cunning, an opportunity of using his great abi- lities and undaunted courage for the furtherance of their own private views ; with which he grew afterwards very uneasy, and some say his discontent swelled so high, that it became at length a mortal disease. It is not easy to guess what induced the parliament to make choice of him, who had always served as a horse- officer, to take the supreme command of the fleet. All our historians and memoir writers are silent as to their motive; and therefore I hope the reader will excuse me if I hazard a conjecture on this head. The parliament had lately taken upon themselves the rank, though not the title, of States-General, and therefore might be inclined to make use of deputies for the direction both of fleets and armies, who were to judge in great points, and to be obeyed by * Lives, English and Foreign, vol. ii. p. 37. ADMIRAL BLAKE. 303 such as were skilful in their profession, either as seamen or soldiers ; for, in their judgment, to command was one thing, and to act another. On the 12th of February, 1648-9, he was appointed one of the commissioners of the navy, and upon the 21st an act passed, as we have else- where taken notice, appointing him, in conjunction with Deane and Popham, to command the fleet. His first ser- vice was driving Prince Rupert's fleet from the Irish coast, and then following him into the Mediterranean. This gave his masters high satisfaction, both in respect of his capacity and his fidelity in their service, which they like- wise acknowledged very obligingly. * His conduct indeed was equally prudent and successful ; for it not only put an end to that kind of piratical war, which did so much damage to trade, but also struck such a terror into the Spaniards and Portuguese, as to prevent all those disputes which otherwise would have naturally happened on the appearance of so new a power in Europe, as the common- wealth of England. ]n the month of February, 1651, Blake, in his return homewards, took a French man-of-war of forty guns ; in respect of which action there happened some circumstances that certainly deserve to be particularly mentioned. The admiral commanded the captain on board him, and asked him, if he was willing to lay down his sword ? He answered, he was not ; upon which Blake generously bid him return to his ship, and fight it out as long as he was able. The captain took him at his word ; fought him bravely for about two hours; and then submitting, went again on board Blake's ship ; first kissed and then presented his sword to the admiral upon his knees. This ship, with four more, the admiral sent into England; and not long after arriving at Plymouth with his squadron, he there received the thanks of the parliament for his vigilance and valour * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 381, 383. MEMOIRS OF in his station ; and was constituted one of the lords- war- dens of the cinque-ports, as an additional mark of their esteem and confidence. * In March following, Colonel Blake, Colonels Popham and Deane, or any two of them, were again appointed bj act of parliament to be admirals and generals of the fleet for the year ensuing, in which he reduced the islands of Scilly, Guernsey, and Jersey, to the obedience of the par- liament ; and, as a new mark of honour, he was, on the 25th of November, elected one of the council of state. When the necessity of a Dutch war became apparent, the parliament gave the highest testimony of their sense of his merit, and of their entire confidence in his conduct, by constituting him, in March 1652, sole general of the fleet for nine months. But though 1 mention this as a proof that they were apprehensive of the war, yet, as I have said elsewhere, there is no appearance of their judging a rupture to be so near as it really was ; otherwise they would certainly have sent Blake to sea with a better fleet, t We have already given a distinct account of the first battle in the Downs, on the 19th of May, 1652, excepting some circumstances which relate to Blake, and which were therefore reserved for this place. When he observed Van Tromp bore nearer his fleet than he had any occasion to do, he saluted him with two guns without ball, to put him in mind of striking sail ; upon which the Dutchman, in contempt, fired on the con- trary side. Blake fired a second and a third gun, which Van Tromp answered with a broadside : the English ad- miral perceiving his intention to fight, detached himself from the rest of the fleet to treat with Van Tromp upon * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 487, 488. Lives, English and Foreign, Vol. ii. p. 92, 93. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 459. Whit- locke's Memorials, p. 525. Heath's Chronicle, p. 314. Vic d* Cromwell, voL ii. p. 254. ADMIRAL BLAKE. 305 that point of honour, and to prevent the effusion of blood, and a national quarrel : when Blake approached nearer to Van Tromp, he and the rest of his fleet, contrary to the law of nations, the English admiral coming with a design to treat, fired on Blake with whole broadsides. The admiral was in his cabin drinking with some officers, little expecting to be saluted, when the shot broke the windows of the ship and shattered the stern ; which put him into a vehement passion, so that curling his whiskers, as he used to do whenever he was angry, he commanded is men to answer the Dutch in their kind, saying, when his heat was somewhat over, " he took it very ill of Van Tromp that " he should take his ship for a bawdy-house, and break u his windows." Blake singly sustained the shock of the Dutch fleet for some time, till his own ships, and the squadron under Major Bourne could join them ; and then the engagement grew hot on both, and bloody on the enemy's side, till night put an end to it. * After this battle, Blake lay in the Downs for a con- siderable time, which he spent in repairing and augment- ing his fleet, and in detaching small squadrons to cruize against the enemy. About the beginning of June, finding- he had force enough to undertake any service, he caused a solemn fast to be held on board his ships, to implore the blessing of God upon their arms ; and encouraged his seamen by the example of his zeal on this occasion, as much as he had ever done by his personal bravery in a time of action, t In the course of this month, he sent forty rich prizes into the river ; and so effectually ruined the Dutch trade, and broke the spirits of such as were ap- pointed to support it ; that most of their vessels declined coming through the Channel, even under convoy ; chusing rather to put into French ports, land their cargoes there, * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 533. Davies's History of the Ciyil Wars, p. 328. Lives, English and Foreign, vol. ii. p. 99. t Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 534. TOL, II. x 306 MEMOIRS OF and afterwards transport them to Holland, by land or water, as they could. * In the beginning of July, finding Sir George Ayscue returned from Barbadoes, and a force sufficient to guard the Downs, he resolved to sail northwards, to execute a design he had long meditated, of destroying the herring- fishery ; which he thought would have put an immediate end to the war, by convincing the Dutch of the folly of disputing our sovereignty in our own seas. This appears to have been the most judicious scheme laid down through the whole war ; because it tended to clear the ground of the quarrel, and to shew the Dutch their error in disputing with a nation, who had it in their power to distress them at any time in the tenderest part ; that which afforded a subsistence to many, and was the main source of wealth to all.t On the 2d of July, Blake bore away to the north, and quickly fell in with the Dutch fishing vessels, which were there in great numbers, under the protection of twelve men-of-war. Blake attacked their convoy, and they know- ing the importance of their charge, and having taken on board a great supply of fresh men from the vessels under their care, fought bravely, and sold their freedom dearly ; but at last were every one taken, which left the fishery entirely at the admiral's mercy, who upon this occasion shewed the rectitude of his heart, and the solidity of his understanding; for having first threatened those busses with utter destruction, if ever they were found there again without leave, he afterwards freely permitted them to compleat their ladings, on their paying the TENTH her- ring, which was what King Charles demanded ; and where this was refused, he sunk or drove away their ships. * Heath's Chronicle, p. 322. Vie de Cromwell, t Whitfocke's Memorials, p. 540. Heath's Chronicle, p. 322. His- foire de Holland par M. de la Neuville, torn. iii. p. 66. J Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 461. Davies's ADMIRAL BLAKE. 307 This most important service is far from being properly treated by our own writers ; but the Dutch, who felt the weight of the blow, have set it in a true light. They acknowledge the fact, as I have stated it, in every circumstance, except the taking the whole convoy, of which they tell us one ship escaped, and assign so good a reason for it, that I am apt to think the fact is true. The captain fled, say they, as soon as he heard Blake was coming ; but an ingenious author observes, that Tromp's not following Blake time enough, was the ruin of their fishery. And though, says he, the herring- fishery may appear contemptible to strangers, or to such as do not reflect that commerce is, as it were, the soul of some states ; yet it is of infinite consequence in Holland, on account especially of the vast number of ships employed therein, which amount to more than three thousand every year. * Besides, there are an incredible multitude of people employed in several sorts of works relating to this fishing ; insomuch that Mr. De Witte, who computed the inhabitants of Holland at two millions and a half, thought that near half a million acquired a subsistence from their fishery, t If therefore the parliament had pursued Blake's scheme, and had stationed a stout squadron on the coast of Scotland, they must have quickly ended this war on any terms they had thought fit to describe. I must upon this occasion take notice of the only censure i have met with on our admiral's conduct, as I find it reported by Lieutenant-General Ludlow, who says, hat some thought the releasing the herring busses, and suffer- ing the seamen to return safely into Holland, was not to be justified ; because, by the help of these vessels, we History of the Civil Wars, p. 329. Heath's Chronicle, p. 322. Whitlocke, ubi supra. Manley's History of the Rebellion, p. 264. * Basnage Aimales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 258. t Memoirs de Jean dc Witte, p. 30. X 2 308 MEMOIRS OF might have been enabled to erect a fishery, and thereby have obtained some reparation for the damages sustained from the Dutch, and by detaining their mariners, they must have been exceedingly weakened and distressed. * There is, I must own, something very plausible in this objection ; and yet, when it is thoroughly considered, I believe it will appear, that the admiral took the better course. He found most of these busses near harbours, into which they would undoubtedly run, had he pro- ceeded to extremities. The men on board these vessels were between six and seven thousand. To have destroyed so many, would have been an act of great cruelty ; and to have taken them, considering he had already above a thousand prisoners, would, upon the whole, have proved but an imprudent step ; so that, considering him as a brave man, an Englishman, and a Christian, one cannot well avoid commending him for so generous a behaviour toward enemies. The Dutch writers readily acknowledge his courtesy and magnanimity, t which I doubt not was approved by the parliament ; who, however they came by their authority, used it with honour and moderation, and thereby set a proper example, to the officers they employed. His subsequent conduct during the Dutch war has been already thoroughly accounted for ; and therefore I shall only take notice here of the method our admiral took to keep the seamen easy, notwithstanding all the changes that happened in the government. He told them, it was his and their business to act faithfully in their respective stations, and to do their duty to their country, whatever irregularities there might be in the councils at home ; and * Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 420. This charge is transcribed in Columna Rostiata, p. 99. t Particularly Basnage, torn. i. p. 258, and the writer of Tromp's Life. ADMIRAL BLAKE. would often say among his officers, that state affairs were not their province, but that they were bound to keep foreigners from fooling us. * These principles rendered him agreeable to all parties ; and gained him so generally the reputation of a patriot, that when Cromwell, in his new model of a parliament, left the populous town of Bridgewater the choice of one representative only, they very prudently fixed on their countryman Mr. Blake, t He was also very acceptable to the protector, though he was far enough from being his creature ; Cromwell knew that he was by principle for a Commonwealth, and there- fore chose to employ him abroad as much as possible; knowing, that contributed to the safety of his government, and that Blake's concern for the glory of England would influence him to do all, and even more than any other man could be excited to, by views of interest and ambi- tion. $ When ke sailed in 1654, into the Mediterranean, he came in the month of December into the road of Cadiz, where he was received with great respect and civility by the Spaniards, and indeed by all nations as well as the English, who were then in port. A Dutch admiral would not wear his flag while the English admiral was in the harbour ; one of the victuallers attending his fleet, being separated from the rest, fell in with the French admiral and seven men of war near the Straits mouth. The cap- tain of the victualling-sloop was ordered on board the admiral, who enquired of him where Blake was, drank his health with five guns, and so wished the captain a good voyage. The Algerines stood in such awe of him, that they were wont to stop the Sallee rovers ; and, in case * Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 357. The Perfect Poli- tician, or the Life and Death of Oliver Cromwell, p. 247. Lives, English and Foreign, vol. ii. p. 109. t Heath's Chronicle, p. 363. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 573. J Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 60S. 310 MEMOIRS OF they had any prisoners on board, took them out, and sent them to Blake, in hopes thereby of obtaining his favour. * He sailed from Cadiz to Malaga ; and while he lay in that road, gave such a testimony of heroic zeal for his country's honour as was scarcely ever equalled. Some of his seamen, going ashore, met the host as it was carrying to some sick person, and not only paid no respect thereto, but laughed at those who did. The priest who accompa- nied it, highly resented this, and put the people on reveng- ing the indignity ; upon which they fell upon the sailors, and beat some of them very severely. When they returned on board, they complained of this ill usage, and the ad- miral instantly sent a trumpet to the viceroy, to demand the priest who was the author of this insult. The viceroy answered, that he had no authority over priests, and therefore could not send him. Upon this Blake sent a second message, that he would not enter into the ques- tion who had power to send him ; but that, if be was not sent within three hours, he would infallibly burn the town about their ears. The inhabitants, to save themselves., obliged the viceroy to send the priest ; who, when he came on board, excused himself to the admiral on account of the behaviour of the sailors. Blake with much calmness and composure told him, that, if he had complained of this outrage, he would have punished them severely ; for he would not suffer any of his men to affront the esta- blished religion of a place where he touched; but he blamed him for setting on a mob of Spaniards to beat them, adding, " that he would have him and the whole "world know, that none but an ENGLISHMAN should " chastise an ENGLISHMAN.'^ * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 609. Heath's Chronicle, p. 366, Vie de Cromwell, vol. ii. p. 347. Lives, English and Foreign, vol. ii, p. 113, 114. t Bishop Burnet's History of his own Times, vol.i. p. 80, 81. ADMIRAL BLAKE. gjj We have already mentioned the taking part of the Plate fleet by Captain Stayner, an incident of such consequence to Cromwell, that the ingenious Mr. Waller wrote a poem to persuade him to lay hold of this opportunity, while the people were pleased with the sight of so much Spanish bullion, to work on their passions, and engage them to set the crown upon his head. * We have likewise entered into a detail of the celebrated action at Santa Cruz ; and have shewn how glorious it was for his country and his profession, no seaman having ever attempted any thing of that kind before. But there is a circumstance yet be- hind, which will perhaps redound more to his own glory than even the burning of the Spanish ships in so well- fortified a port. His brother, captain Benjamin Blake, for whom he had a very tender affection, being guilty of some misdemeanour or misbehaviour in the action; he was, by sentence from Blake, removed from his ship, and the command of it given to another, t This was such an instance of disinterested discipline as must have had a very strong effect on the minds of all who served under him ; so that we need not wonder such ex- traordinary things were performed by men so strictly tied to their duty. To say the truth, discipline is the soul of service. Men are apt to measure the consequences of things by the rewards and punishments which attend them; and if resolution purchase nothing, or neglect be easily excused, an army or a fleet may, by the help of the land- taylor and ship-carpenter, make a fine shew, but, after all, will prove a terror to none but those who are to pay them. An officer like Blake, who will do justice upon his brother, will be generally feared, highly admired, and yet sincerely beloved ; his sailors will be ready to undertake any thing at his command; and his acts of courage will so * Waller's Poems, p. 274. t Lives, English and Foreign, vol. ii.p. 121. 312 MEMOIRS OF far transcend what happens among the trifling and de- bauched posterity even of those heroes, that they will be glad, rather than attempt imitating, to style that teme- rity, which in its day passed only for a bold attempt. In a short time after the destruction of the enemy's fleet at Teneriff, we find Blake cruizing again off the harbour of Cadiz ; where, perceiving his ships were become foul, and that his own health and spirits hourly wore away, he resolved to sail for England. * His distemper was a com- plication of dropsy and scurvy, brought upon him by being for three years together at sea ; and wanting all that time the conveniencies requisite for the cure of his disease, t In his passage home it increased upon him ; and he became so sensible of his approaching end, that he frequently in- quired for land ; a mark of his affection for his native soil, which, however, he did not live to see, dying as his ship the St. George entered Plymouth-sound, on the 17th of August, 1657) at about fifty-nine years of age. | His body was the next day embalmed and wrapped in lead ; his bowels taken out ; and buried in the great church at Plymouth; and his corpse, by order of the protector, conveyed by water to Greenwich-house, whence he re- solved to have it carried in great pomp to Westminster- abbey, and there interred with the utmost solemnity, as the last mark of respect that could be paid by men to the noble spirit which once animated this tenement of clay. * Heath's Chronicle, p. 401. t Bates's Elencus Mohmm, part ii. p. 228. Wood's Fasti Oxon. vol. i. col. 204. Manley's History of the Rebellion, p. 273. Mercu- rius Politicus, No. 375. J Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 664. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 357. Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 601. The Perfect Politician, or the Life and Death of Oliver Crom- well, p. 246. Carrington's Life of Cromwell, p. 247. Heath's Chronicle, p. 402. Lives, English and Foreign, p. 122, 123. ADMIRAL BLAKE. 313 On the 4th of September, after the corpse had lain several days in state, it was carried from Greenwich in a magnificent barge, covered with velvet, adorned with escutcheons and pendants, accompanied by his brothers, remoter relations, and their servants, in mourning; by Oliver's privy council, the commissioners of the admiralty and navy, the lord-mayor and aldermen of London ; the field- officers of the army, and many other persons of honour and quality, in a great number of barges and wherries, covered with mourning, marshalled and ordered by the heralds at arms, who directed and attended the solemnity. Thus they passed to Westminster-bridge ; and, at their landing, proceeded in the same manner, through a guard of several regiments of foot, to the abbey. His dear friend, general Lambert, though then in disgrace with the protector, attending on his horse. The funeral proces- sion over, the body was interred in a vault, built on pur- pose, in the chapel of Henry VII. * This was an honour which had been paid to the re- mains of his predecessors, Deane and Popham, by. the parliament ; and the protector would not be behind them in civility or magnificence, where it cost so little, and had a visible tendency to raise the credit of his administration so much. But very great offence has been taken at the re- moving his body after the Restoration. The writer of his life is particularly angry at this disturbance of his bones .t A late reverend author, to make the injury still greater, tells us, that at the Restoration, his body was taken out of the grave, and flung, with others, into a common pit.$ This had been a great indignity indeed ; but it luckily so happens, that the fact is not true. * Wood's Fasti Oxon. vol. i. col. 205. Heath, p. 400, who says, general Lambert's attendance was particularly remarked. Echard's History of England, p. 725, and other historians. i Lives, English and Foreign, p. 123, 124. } Neale's History of the Puritans, vol. iv. p. 174. 314 MEMOIRS OF An order was sent, some time after the Restoration, di- recting the dean and chapter of Westminster, to cause such bodies as had been interred in that church during the troubles, to be removed ; which we may the less won- der at, if we consider that Cromwell's, Ireton's, Brad- shaw's, and Sir William Constable's bodies were all in- terred there. The order, therefore, was general, and had no sort of distinct or injurious reference to this great ad- miral. So far from it, that it appears, by a very authentic memorandum, that, on the 12th of September, 1661, his corpse was removed from the abbey, and decently buried in the church-yard : neither could this be called taking it out of the grave, since the coffin stood in a vault. * Nay, to shew the respect the cavaliers or royalists had for him, we need only mention the characters that have been given him, since they come all, or at least the far greatest part of them from persons of that party. The earl of Clarendon says, " He was the first man " that declined the old tract, and made it manifest that " the science might be attained in less time than was " imagined ; and despised those rules which had been long " in practice, to keep his ship and men out of danger, " which had been held in former times a point of great " ability and circumspection ; as if the principal art re- " quisite in the captain of a ship, had been to be sure to " come home safe again. He was the first man who " brought ships to contemn castles on shore, which had " been thought ever very formidable, and were discovered " by him to make a noise only, and to fright those who " could be rarely hurt by them. He was the first that ** infused that proportion of courage into the seamen, by " making them see by experience what mighty things u they could do, if they were resolved ; and taught them <{ to fight in fire, as well as upon water ; and though he " hath been very well imitated and followed, he was the * Bishop Rennet's Register and Chronicle, p. 536. ADMIRAL BLAKE. 315 " first that gave the example of that kind of naval cou- " rage, and bold and resolute achievements." * Dr. Bates, in drawing his character, says, " He was a " man deserving praise, even from an enemy. Being " advanced to a command at sea, he subdued the Scilly " islands, near home ; and having attained the office and *' title of an admiral, performed things worthy of im- " mortal memory, abroad. For he humbled the pride of " France ; reduced Portugal to reason ; broke the naval " force of Holland, and drove them to the shelter of their " ports ; suppressed the rovers of Barbary, and twice " triumphed over Spain. Alone blameable in this, that " he complied with the parricides." + Honest Anthony Wood, who observes, that he was admired and applauded by the royalists, in his blunt manner, celebrates his praises thus : " He was a man wholly devoted to his country's 61 service ; resolute in undertakings, and most faithful in " the performance of them. With him, valour seldom " missed its reward, nor cowardice its punishment." J We have a fine picture of him by Kennet, in his Complete History of England, and a very fair one by Echard : to these, because the lines were never printed before, I will add a short encomium in verse. While Portugal shall her bless'd Indies boast, While Naples glories in her flow'ry coast, While pirates unto Afric's shore resort, While Tuscany's enrich'd by her fair port, While the Dutch fish, the Spaniard vaunts his mines, To stealing conquests while proud France inclines, While seas still roar, while ships divide their waves, While death, for fame, each gallant sailor braves, Thy praise shall live ; and future heroes take, As Caesar's once the nobler name of BLAKE. ' History of the Rebellion, *ol. vi. p. 602. t Elencus Motuum, p. 323. t Fasti Oxon, voL i. col. 204. 316 NAVAL HISTORY In reference to the Admirals Deane, Popham, and Rains- borough, we have very few, scarce any, memorials left. As to the first, he is mentioned by Lord Clarendon, as a person raised by his own merit ; and though this entitled him, when slain in the Dutch war, to a pompous funeral in Westminster abbey ; yet no care was taken to preserve to posterity, either by tomb or inscription, the memory of those military achievements by which his reputation was acquired. * Colonel Popham was raised to the command of the fleet, rather out of regard to his fidelity to the par- liament, and his being known for a gallant and well- accomplished gentleman, than for any skill in sea affairs ; and as to Rninsborough, we hnve already shewn how he came in, and went out of the fleet, through the prejudice of the sailors against him, particularly on account of his promoting a very severe discipline. After this, he re- turned to his command in the army, where he made a con- siderable figure, chiefly by the favour of Cromwell, who is thought to have had a greater regard for him than for any other person ; and that exposed him to the fury of the royalists, who having surprised him in his quarters at Doncaster, to which place he came in order to form the siege of Pomfret castle, on his making some resistance, killed him. t In respect of other famous seamen within this period, such as Monk, Montague, Lawson, Ayscue, Penn, and * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. \i. p. 487. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 559. In a letter of Mynheer Van De Perre's, onr of the Dutch ambassadors, dated Westminster, July 18, 1653, N. S. it is said, that since the day of the decease of General Deane, till the day of his funeral, there had been allowed to his widow and children, one hundred pounds sterling per diem; and that an estate of six hun- dred pounds per annum, was likewise settled upon her, as a reward for the great services rendered by her husband to the commonwealth. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 339. t Clarendon, Whitlocke, Heath, Kennet, Rapin. Bates'* Elencus Motuum, p. 101. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 25?. He wajs killed October 29, 1648. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 317 many more, to whose memory a just tribute of praise is certainly due, they fall properly under the next chapter ; for though their merit was first made known in these times of distraction, as civil wars generally manifest great spirits, yet their noblest exploits were afterwards performed, and those, too, whence they acquired the titles of honour, by which they are now known to posterity. Let us then con- clude this part of our subject, with a few remarks on the state of our trade and our plantations. The commerce of England had been increasing for many years, when the civil war broke out ; and there seems to be good reason to believe, that it continued in a flourish- ing condition during the parliament's administration ; but after that, it certainly declined, in some measure, from foreign and unavoidable causes ; and in some measure, too, from the errors of the succeeding government. In regard to the former, we must consider, that the peace of Munster in 1618, changed the face of affairs in Europe, as to trade, and this altogether to our disadvantage. Before that time, the French had few or no ships ; and though it be true, that our trade with France, even then, created a balance against us ; yet we were no losers by it, but rather gainers on the whole ; because we exported to Italy, and elsewhere, a great part of the goods we took from France. Before the treaty of Munster, we had the whole Spanish trade in our hands ; whereas, afterwards, the Dutch came into a large share of it, at the same time that they managed the whole trade of the French ; till, by degrees, rather through the wisdom of the French ministry, than of the nation, it was taken out of their hands also. As to the errors of the protector's government, in respect of trade, they were great and fatal, though, not to load his memory unjustly, perhaps they arose from necessity, and were not intended. In the first place, taxes were raised much higher than in former times. He imposed 318 NAVAL HISTORY sixty thousand pounds per month, by his own authority ; and afterwards, he procured from parliament an annual grant of two hundred thousand pounds for his civil list ; four hundred thousand pounds for the expense of the navy ; and seven hundred thousand pounds for the army ; so that the whole revenue came to one million three hun- dred thousand pounds per annum^ a sum almost incredible, compared with the modest grants of former times. * In the next place, these taxes were very unequally laid ; and most of those burdensome methods of levying money were then introduced, which have lain heavy upon us ever since, t I say nothing of the violent methods taken to raise vast sums upon particular occasions ; which rendered every species of property very precarious, and altogether brought such a discouragement upon industry, as shewed itself in the declension of the coinage ; in the lessening the number of the inhabitants of the city of London ; in decreasing our shipping ; and in many other instances. But the greatest, and most mischievous of all his mis- takes, as to the true interest of England, was in the affair of the Spanish war ; for though the state, separately con- sidered, might be a gainer by the vast quantity of plate taken by Blake and Montague, yet the nation lost thereby ; since, if the peace had continued, we must have drawn larger sums from Spain, in payment for our manufac- tures ; and consequently, that mighty mass of wealth, which was destroyed at Santa Cruz, was a very consi- derable detriment to us, as well as to the Spaniards ; * Happy Future State of England, p. 187. This book lias no author's name in the title, but the dedication of it to the earl of Sun- dcrland, is subscribed P. P. t. e. Peter Pett ; and abundance of curious observations are to be found therein. t For a comprehensive view of these exactions, the reader may have recourse to a calculation prefixed to Heath's Clxronicle, wherein it is shewn, that in five years time little less than twenty million pounds were levied upon the people. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 319 for if it had come into their hands, we must have had a large share of it ; whereas it was buried in the sea, and so the whole amount lost to the trading interest in Europe, for ever. Add to this, that in the end, the Spaniards were so exceedingly reduced, that they were forced to hire Dutch ships to go to the Indies ; and this opened a new scene of trade to that wise and industrious people, which otherwise had never fallen into their hands. Part indeed of these losses were concealed at that season from the sight of the nation, by the increase of our plantation trade, of which I shall give a very succinct account. As the ill-timed, impolitic, and uncharitable severities, exercised by the prelates, in the reign of King Charles I. drove multitudes to New England; so the distractions of succeeding times contributed greatly to the increase of all our colonies ; but more particularly Barbadoes and Virginia, which, as consisting in self-banished royalists, Cromwell, for his own ease, encouraged; and the plan- tation of Jamaica gave a new face to things in that part of the world, by opening several branches of commerce unknown to us before ; this, together with the navigation act, preserved us, as I have said, from feeling all the bad effects, which otherwise must have followed from the very gross mistakes in policy before mentioned, and the consequences of which, in reality, have been severely felt since. Besides, our plantation trade was then absolutely new ; and no other state interfered in the commerce carried on in Europe, with the commodities which we then brought from those parts; insomuch, that very large and even immense estates were made in a short time, more especially in Barbadoes ; where some, who car- ried over only a few hundred pounds, came in a very narrow period, to be possessed of several thousand pounds a year ; which, without question, encouraged numbers of 320 NAVAL HISTORY adventurers, and enabled the English to extend their trade, and their colonies, in that part of the world, as will hereafter be more largely shewn. * * The reader may receive satisfaction, as to the facts above-men- tioned, by consulting the British empire in America, or the particular histories of our plantations. This was said before the publication of that excellent work, entitled, " The European Settlements in Ame- " rica," in two volumes in octavo, which alone will furnish an intelli- gent peruser with all he can wish to see upon this subject, and is penned with a spirit and perspicuity not to be found in the labours of any former writer. OF KING CHARLES II. 50] CHAP. IV. The Naval History of Great Britain, during the Reign of King Charles II. from the time of his Restoration ; containing a distinct account of the several Expeditions against the Algerines ; the two Dutch Wars, and other Naval Transactions; the state of our Foreign Trade and Plantations ; with Memoirs of all the Eminent Seamen who flourished in his Reign. WHEN the miseries flowing from the ruin of our old A.D. constitution had taught the nation, that the shortest as 166 *' well as only way to peace and happiness, was to build up again what they had destroyed; the seamen shewed greater readiness than any other description of men to execute this salutary design ; and, without waiting for any further orders than those which came from their own officers, cheerfully carried the fleet over to the Dutch coast ; where, after giving new names to the ships, they received his majesty, the duke of York, and other persons of principal quality, who had attended him, on board, the 23d of May, 1660, and safely landed them in Kent. * For this service, Mr. Montague, who commanded that fleet, was created carl of Sandwich, had a garter, and was appointed vice-admiral of England, under his royal high- ness the duke of York. Sir John Lawson, Sir Richard Stayner, and other officers, received the honour of knight- * See the close of the earl of Clarendon's History. Heath's Chro- nicle, p. 450. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 700, 701 ; who is pleased to observe, that the soldiers at this time were quite altered from their former principles and masters ; but the best account is in the earl of Sandwich's Journal, a MS. in the hands of the honourable Edward Wortley Montague, Esq. Sir William Lower's Account of this Voyage. VOL. II. Y 322 NAVAL HISTORY hood ; and the king was pleased to promise the seamen in general a particular share in his favour and esteem. * A.D. In the beginning, at least, of this prince's administra- 1660 ' tion, he certainly shewed a great attention to the public interest ; and, as he had good natural abilities, and was inclined to look into naval affairs ; so for some time he kept a strict eye on whatever related to the fleet, of which many instances occur in the memoirs of several of its principal officers. In September, J660, the earl of Sand- wich went with a squadron of nine men of war to Hel- voetsluys, to bring over the king's sister, the princess of Orange, who not long after died in England, t Upon this occasion he received great honours in Hol- land; and it is conceived, that the affection which the people shewed for our king's nephew, the young prince of Orange, afterwards king William, and for the English on his account, gave some jealousy to the states, or at least to such as had the principal direction of affairs; which was increased by a memorial presented by the princess at her departure, recommending her son to their care, and desiring they would now declare their intentions of conferring upon him the charges and dignities which his ancestors had enjoyed. On the twenty-fourth of the same month the fleet returned ; and his majesty and the duke of York going on board the admiral's ship, named the Resolution, lay there that night; and reviewed and examined the state of every ship in the squadron next morning. | * Dugdale's Baronage, vol. ii. p. 445. Continuation of Baker's Chronicle, by Mr. Edward Philips, from the manuscript papers of the duke of Albemarle, p. 715. Anstis's Register of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, vol. i. p. 41. in the introduction. t Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 618. Laney Histoire d'Angleterre, torn. iv. p. 417. Sir John Reresby's Memoirs, p. 7. J Earl of Sandwich's Journal. Heath's Chronicle, p. 470. Gesta Britannorum, p. 488, 489. Skinner's continuation of Bates's Elen- CHS Motuuin, part iii. p. 60. Public Intelligencer, 4to. No. 37. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. L p. 618, t>19. OP KING CHARLES II. 333 A treaty of marriage having been concluded between A.D. bis majesty and the infanta of Portugal, with whom he 1661 - was to receive a portion of three hundred thousand pounds, the island of Bombay in the East Indies, and the city of Tangier in Africa; it became necessary to send a fleet to bring over the queen, and to secure the last-men- tioned city against any attempt from the Moors. For this purpose, the earl cf Sandwich was again sent with a numerous fleet, which sailed on the 19th of June, 1661, from the Downs, after having been first visited by the duke of York. * His lordship sailed first to Lisbon, and from thence to Tangier, which place was put into the hands of the English on the 30th of January, 1662; when the earl of Peterborough marched into it with an English garrison, a;.d had the keys delivered to him by the Portuguese governor, t The admiral then returned to Lisbon, where he received the queen's portion, consisting of money, jewels, sugars, and other commodities, and of bills of exchange, and then sailed with her majesty for England, and arrived at Spithead the 14th of May, 1662. J There was certainly no occasion for so large a fleet, merely to bring over the queen ; but as it afforded a fair pretence for sending such a force into the Mediterranean, this opportunity was seized to execute things of greater moment. The Algerines, and other piratical states of Barbary, taking advantage of our intestine confusions, had broken the peace they made with admiral Blake; arid began to take English ships, with as little ceremony * Life of the earl of Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 182. Echard's History of England, p. 800, 801. Stevens's History of Portugal, p. 503. Memoires d'Ablancourt, p. 7477. Journal of the earl of Sandwich. t Heath's Chronicle, p. 500. Kennet's Chronicle, p. 617. Annals of the Universe, p. 53. t Life of the earl of Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 313317. Philips's Continuation of Baker's Chronicle, p. 750, 751. Kennet, vol. iii. p. <255. Skinner's Continuation of Bates's Elencus Motuum, part iii. p. 69. 324 NAVAL HISTORY as they did the Dutch and French. To put an end to this, the earl of Sandwich with his fleet came before Algiers A.D. the 29th of July, 1661, and sent captain Spragge with the 166 L king's letter to the principal person in the government, and a letter of his own, with orders also to bring off Mr. Brown, the consul; which was accordingly done. That evening a council of war was holden, and, the next morning, certain propositions were made to the regency, by captain Spragge and consul Brown. About eleven o'clock these gentlemen returned on board the admiral, with an answer, that the government of Algiers would consent to no peace, whereby they were deprived of the right of searching our ships. This insolence of these sea- robbers sprung out of the jealousy of the Christian powers, who would never unite to crush this nest of pirates, and give the beautiful and rich country they inhabit to some prince of their own faith, which would be a common benefit to all commercial nations. In the mean time, to shew they were in earnest, they wrought very hard at a boom, which, with much ado, they brought over from the mole-head to the opposite corner of their port ; that, by the help of this, and many other new works which they had raised, they might be able to defend themselves from any attempts that could be made by sea. The earl of Sandwich, however, resolved to make a bold trial to burn the ships in the harbour, but the wind prevented him ; so that, after a good deal of firing on both sides, wherein more hurt was done to the city than the ships, the admiral thought fit to sail for Lisbon,* on the 1st of August, leaving Sir John Lawson with a strong squadron, to protect the English trade and harass the enemy ; which he performed with such success, * Heath's Chronicle, p. 500. But most of the facts above men- tioned are taken from the earl of Sandwich's Journal. Kennet, rol. ii. p. 250. Aiuwls of the Universe, p. 56. OF KING CHARLES II. that, after taking many of their ships, he forced, by degrees, all these piratical states to conclude a peace with Great Britain, without any reservation as to their favourite article of searching our ships; though it must be con- fessed, that the Algerines, retaining still a strong opinion of the strength of their fortifications, did not keep it long, but returned to their old practices ; * which obliged the government here to send fresh orders to Sir John Lawson, to employ force in bringing them to reason. We are now to enter upon a more serious affair than any that had hitherto claimed the care of the English court. On his first return to the throne of his ancestors, King Charles and his ministers had certainly shewn a great concern for the true interest of the nation ; as will appear to any attentive reader of our history, who ob- serves the advantages we gained by the treaties of com- merce which he concluded with Spain and Holland. By the former, he secured the possession of J amaica, though it had been acquired by Cromwell ; and thereby obtained some sort of satisfaction for the injury intended him a little before his restoration, when it is certain that the Spaniards would have secured his person, if he had not prevented them by an unexpected retreat out of their dominions to Breda, t He also restored to the nation the advantages they drew from the Spanish trade ; and the affection of the * Life of the earl of Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 313. Heath's Chronicle, p. 500. Annals of the Universe, p. 56. Corps diplomatique du droit des gens, torn. vi. part ii. p. 419, 420. f Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 740, where it appears, that Mr. William Galloway, then page to Don Alonzo de Cardinas, carried an order he had received (his master being in bed and asleep) from the M. de Carcenas, then governor of the low Countries, to secure his majesty's person next day, to tho king at midnight, who, thereupon, rose and made his escape about three in the morning. This no doubt left a strong impression on his majesty's mind to the jirejudice of the Spaniards. 326 NAVAL HISTORY Spanish people to the English, preferable to any other nation, appeared in this, that they immediately fell out with the Dutch, and even forbade their ships of war to> enter their ports, as the Dutch writers themselves tell us. * The treaty with Holland carried things also to a great height; for it not only secured the respect due to the English flag, but likewise procured some other conces- sions very honourable for the nation ; and the island of Poleron, more correctly Pulo Ron, i. e. the Isle of Ron, for the East India Company. His majesty had also an intention to have secured absolutely and for ever, the fishery on the British coast to his own subjects : but, before that could be effectually done, the war broke out ; for the true grounds of which it is not over easy to account ; and yet, without accounting for them, books of this nature can be but of little value, t The Dutch began early to conceive jealous prejudices against the king's government, and in reality, to appre- hend our becoming their superiours in commerce, in which, we were every day visibly increasing. These sentiments engaged them, and especially their East and West India Companies, which then can : ed on the greatest part of their commerce, to take various steps, in those parts of the world where their power prevailed, to the prejudice of the English. The East India Company, * Kennet, vol. iii. Echard. Welwood. Life of the earl of Cla- rendon, vol. ii. Letters of the earl of Arlington, p. 43, 44. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. f Corps Universe! Diplomatique du Droit des Gens, torn. vi. part ii. p. 422. Ludlow in his Memoirs, vol. iii. p. 112, says, The founda- tion of this treaty having been laid in the blood of three of his friends, (Barkstead, Okey, and Corbet, all of them regicides, and deservedly put to death for the share they had in the execrable murder of their sovereign,) the superstructure was raised with the like materials; and complains, that the Dutch agreed to an article, that if any who had been the judges of Charles I. or otherwise excepted, should be found in their territories, they would, upon demand, deliver them up t such as the king of England should appoint to receive them. OF KING CHARLES II. particularly, delayed the liquidation of the damages the English were to receive ; peremptorily refused to deliver up the island before mentioned ; and pretended to pre- scribe the places where, and the terms on which, the English should trade in the rest of the ports of India. The other Company trod exactly in their steps, and pro- ceeded so far as to get Cape-corse castle into their hands, which belonged to the English Company, * trading to Africa. The duke of York, who, through his whole life was the patron, was at this time governor, of the African company ; and, being informed of this, sent major, after- wards Sir Robert Holmes, with four frigates, to the coast of Guinea, in order to make reprisals. This was in 1661 ; and Sir Robert, in consequence of this commission, sum- moned the Dutch to surrender Cape Verde to the Com- pany within a limited time ; yet offered them the liberty to continue their trade there as before. He then pro- ceeded to a small fort possessed by the Dutch, who, firing their cannon to prevent the landing of the English, were at length obliged to surrender ; and the fort, being in the hands of our Company, received the name of James-fort in honour of the duke. From thence proceeding to the river Gambia, he dislodged the Hollanders, and built a new fort, t The Hollanders still refusing to deliver up to us Cape A.D. Corse, Sir Robert was sent a second time, anno 1663, with a small squadron, to take it out of their hands by force. But, searching a Dutch ship by the way, he found * Philips's Continuation of Heath, p. 525. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. book iv. chap. 2. Skinner's Continuation of Bates's Elencus Motuum, part iii. p. 74. Bishop Parker's History of his own time, p. 85. See the king's letter to the states-general on the causes of this war, and Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 682,683. t O. Dapper Description de 1'Afrique, p. 502. Vie de Ruyter, p. in. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. p. 58. 32$ NAVAL HISTORY express orders, as King Charles informs the states in hf# letter, October 4, 1666, from the Dutch West India Company to their governor, General Valkenburg, to seize the English fort at Cormartin ; which discovery dis- posed him to go, as he thought he had a right, beyond his original commission. * In the latter end of the month of January, 1664, Sir Robert Holmes arrived with his squadron at Cape Verde. This cape is part of the main land of Africa, and lies on A.D. the west side of the kingdom of Jaloffii, and to the north- 1664. west of the river Gambia, in the 15th degree of north latitude. About a cannon-shot from thence lies the now so well known island Goree, whereon were two forts. The lower fort was furnished with about twenty pieces of cannon, and the upper with eight : the former was called Fort Nassau, the latter Fort Orange. Sir Robert first summoned these two forts on the island Goree ; and, because the governor refused to surrender, he attacked and took them next day, together with a ship called the Crocodile, lying under their protection ; after having the evening before taken two other Dutch ships, called the Vich-korf and the Vischer. In these forts he found a great quantity of goods ready to be shipped for Holland, and, among the rest, twenty thousand hides. These he loaded on his own and the Dutch ships, and transported them to Sierra Liona. t He next proceeded to attack St. George del Mina, the strongest of all the Dutch forts ; but though himself and his seamen acted with great bravery, yet the design mis- carried, and he was obliged to sheer off with some loss. To repair this misfortune, he resolved to attack Cape * Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 535 y where there is an extract of Major Holmes's proceedings. t Account of Captain Holmes's Proceedings on the Coast of Africa. Heath's Chronicle, continued by Philips, p. 535. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 32. Annals of the Universe, p. 36. Colunma Rostrate, p. 151155. Otf KING CHARLES II. Corse castle ; which, though it was so strong by situation, that one hundred men might have kept it against one thousand, yet he soon took it and some other places; after which he sailed from the Coast of Guinea to North America, where he reduced a Dutch settlement, called the New Netherlands, in the month of August, 1664, changing the name into that of Xew York, in honour of the duke. Yet this was not done merely by way of reprisal, but partly by virtue of a claim of right : for the New Netherlands, being first discovered by the English under the conduct of John and Sebastian Cabot, who took possession of all that northern coast in the name of King Henry VII. of England, had been always esteemed a part of the English-American dominions, and the title to it maintained by our monarchs till the year 1637, when it was first seized and planted by the Dutch. * These proceedings were hitherto of a private nature. The injuries done to the English were done by the Dutch West India Company ; the reprisals made by the English were under the charter of the African company ; the crown had not either fitted out Sir Robert Holmes, or given him any commission. But, when the news of what was done reached Holland, the De Witte faction, who then carried all at their pleasure, resolved instantly to * Douglas's Summary, Historical and Political, of the British Set- tlements in North America," vol. i. p. 204. vol. ii. p. 221. The short and true state of the matter is this : The country mentioned in the text was part of the province of Virginia ; and, as there is no settling an extensive country at once, a few Swedes crept in there, who sur- rendered the plantations they could not defend to the Dutch ; who having bought the charts and papers of one Hudson a seaman, who, by commission from the crown of England, discovered a river to which he gave his name, conceited they had purchased a province. Sometimes, when we had strength in those parts, they were English subjects ; at others, when that strength declined, they were subjects of the United Provinces. However, upon King Charles's claim th states disowned the title, but resumed it during our confusions. March 12, 1663-4, Charles II. granted it to the duke of York. NAVAL HISTORY fall upon the English in those parts with a great fleet ; and this without any declaration of war, or even intima- tion of their design to repair themselves in damages for what, without any royal commission, Holmes had taken from them. * The chief difficulty lay in sending such a fleet safely into those seas, before the design could be known in England, and the project formed by them, so it wa* executed with equal cunning and success. Admiral de Ruyter was at that time in the Mediterranean, where he had orders either to make a peace with, or at least to defend their merchants from the insults of the piratical 'states; to which end, as we before observed, Sir John Lawson was also there with a squadron of English ships, and the states requested of King Charles, that these two admirals might act in conjunction. Yet now it was thought convenient to remove De Ruyter from thence, and to send him to commit hostilities against us, then acting as their allies, on the coast of Guinea, and in the West Indies. To this he was himself well enough in- clined, from a difference that had happened between him and Sir John Lawson about the salute at sea, which the Dutch admiral paid, and Sir John refused to return ; alleging, that his orders did not allow him to strike to the subjects of any king or state whatever. In other respects, he assisted the Dutch as friends and allies as much as was in his power. * So far from it, that the king confined Holmes when he returned, and did not discharge him, till he made it evidently appear, that he had not infringed the law of nations. Gesta Britannorum, p. 493, 506. Philip's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 583. Nay, M. de Neu- ville, Hist, de Hollande, torn. Hi. p. 242, says expressly, that the king made this war, that he might accommodate himself to the disposition of his parliament and people. t Brandt leeven van Ruyter, fol. 29O, 291. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Uuies, torn. iii. p. 63, 64. See also the Memoirs of Sir J. OF KING CHARLES II. The majority of the states-general of the United Pro- vinces were not for a war with England ; and, conse- quently, such orders as the ministers of the De Witte party wanted, to authorise De Ruyter, were not to be had from them in a fair and open way ; yet, rather than not have them, the Lovestein faction resolved to sacrifice their constitution. De Ruyter had sent home an account of his proceedings against the pirates : they got this report referred to a committee of seven who were in their interests ; and this committee drew up an order, directing the admiral to sail to the coast of Guinea, there to make reprisals upon the English. But, as this order must be read to, and approved by the states, the ministers took care to draw it up in loose and equivocal terms ; pro- curing also the secretary to read it over to them in such a hurry as rendered it altogether unintelligible ; then they thrust it among some orders of course, and engaging such as they thought would be against it, in private con- versation, it was read without being attended to, or its importance apprehended. Lastly, it was brought with a bundle of papers, most of them were matters of form, to be signed by the president for the week ; who, as usual, set his hand to this among the rest, without reading it. This is a true state of the fact, as reported by the Dutch historians. * When De Ruyter received this order, he did not commu- nicate it to his officers ; but, having first got such a supply of provisions as he thought might be necessary, pretended to have sudden information of certain pirates cruizing near the Canaries ; and, under colour of giving chace to these, he sailed to Cape de Verde, and so for executed * Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 714. Le Clerc Hiitoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. liv. 14. La vie de Ruyter. Lettres de d'Estrades, torn. ii. p. 12. See Lord Arlington's letter to Sir Richard Fanshaw, the king's ambassador at Madrid, dated th 29th of September, 1664. NAVAL HISTORY his commission, as to oblige the governors for our African company either to surrender or demolish several of their forts. He likewise seized a great quantity of goods belonging to that company : after which, he made himself master of Fort Cormantin, a place which was built by, and had always been in the possession of, the English. But Cape Corse and Chama, two of the places taken by Sir Robert Holmes, remained unreduced. From the coast of Guinea De Ruyter sailed to Barbadoes ; where he attacked a considerable fleet of merchant-ships lying under protection of the forts, but was repulsed with great loss. Then passing over to Montserat, Nevis, and New- foundland, he took above twenty sail of English ships, and so returned to Holland. * A.D. These actions on both sides served to exasperate the - f*& f two nation?, and to hasten the preparations for war; which was proclaimed by the Dutch in January, and by the English in February, 1665. t But, before it came to that, the Heer van Goch was sent by the states to im- portune the king with memorials and complaints. To which the lung's answer was, that he had received no particular information of the affairs in Guinea, and that the two companies must decide their disputes. These complaints of the ambassadors being likewise retaliated by the English merchants, whose incessant representations of their wrongs obliged the king to repeat his demands of * Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 530. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 32. Bishop Parker's History of his own Time, p. 86. Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. 76. Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 64. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 744. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. liv. 14. Neuville Histoire de Hollande, torn. iii. chap. 7. La vie de Ruyter, p. 192204. t Heath's Chronicle, p. 531. Annals of the Universe, p. 1 14. Gesta Britannorum, p. 506. Basnage Ajuiiales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 736. OF KING CHARLES II. 333 satisfaction, as the constant refusal of the satisfaction demanded was the cause of the open rupture. * Several writers, who have censured King Charles's government, would have us believe, that this war was of his majesty's procuring : whereas nothing can be more certain than that he was supported in it by advice of parliament, as he had been driven into it by the clamours of the people. The house of commons told him in one of their representations, that the Dutch had injured his subjects to the amount of eight hundred thousand pounds. The king promised to take care of the merchants, and of the nation ; and when he found a war necessary, and desired the city of London to lend him one hundred thousand pounds, they did it very readily, and even repeated the favour as readily, when the king conde- scended to shew them that the first loan was not sufficient to fit out the fleet. The parliament, as the king had acted in these matters in consequence of their address, and was, by thus acting, on the brink of a war, for which he was unprovided, and had been assisted by the city of London ; thought themselves obliged to take notice of this, and therefore both houses named a com- mittee to carry the city their thanks, t These surely are demonstrative proofs, that this was not, as many writers style it, a court war; but a just, and therefore a popular war. Yet, it must be allowed, that it was chiefly brought about by the artifices of France, the emissaries of that crown instigating the Dutch, and especially De Witte, who, though a wise man, was their dupe, to do all they did ; and, at the same time, omitting * Kennet's History of England, vol. iii. p. 271. Annals of the Universe, p. 1 10. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 735. t History and Proceedings of the House of Commons, vol. i. p. 82. Coke's Detection, partii. p 32. Kennet's Complete History, vol. iii, p. 71. NAVAL HISTORY no opportunity of inflaming us against them for what they did. Their design was to engage the two maritime powers in a cruel war, that they might again, as before, weaken and waste each other's strength ; and so be less able to oppose the designs of the French ministry, one of which was to render France a naval power. * A.D. The first action of consequence, that happened after the war actually broke out, was the attacking a Dutch fleet coming richly laden from Smyrn% upon the Spanish coast near Cadiz. It consisted of forty merchant-ships, some of them very large, and well provided with ord- nance ; and their convoy was composed of four third-rate men of war. Sir Thomas Allen, who commanded the English squadron, had with him about nine ships, t With these he attacked the enemy so successfully, that having killed their commodore Brackel, and taketo or sunk four of their richest ships ; he drove the rest into the bay of Cadiz, where for some time he blocked them Bp. A misfortune of the same kind befel the Dutch Bour- deaux fleet, out of which about one hundred and thirty ships were taken. Some of these, however, appearing to * Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 527, 528. Skin- ner's Continuation of Bates, part iii. p. 75. Annals of the Universe, p. 95, 96, 97, 98. Bishop Parker's History of his own Time, p. 86. Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 25. Coke in his Detection, vol. ii. p. 35, is pleased to say, he will not dispute the justice of entering into this war, but, that he may have something to cavil at, condemns the precipitancy with which the government embarked in it, and thinks the crown should first have formed alliances abroad. See a very curious letter of Sir William Temple to his brother in his Works, vol. ii. p. 41. wherein he has copiously stated the grounds and occasions of this war, as alleged by all parties. See Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. iii. p. 164, 165. The History and Proceedings of the House of Commons, vol i. p. 8083. Lettres, Memoirs, et Nego- tiations de Monsieur le Comte d'Estrades, torn. i. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 737. t His own narrative says but eight. OF KING CHARLES II. 335 be French bottoms, were discharged ; but the far greater part were declared good prize. * These heavy misfortunes obliged the Dutch, contrary to their inclinations, and indeed to their usual practice, to lay an immediate embargo on all vessels in their ports ; by which their fisheries, and all the annual commerce, were stopped for that season. They likewise settled a fund of fourteen millions of guilders for the support of the war ; and, in order to shew that there ought to be some difference between such as are made by trading nations, and those entered into by arbitrary princes, for the mere thirst of dominion ; they ordered about fifty English and Scots vessels, which had been seized in their harbours, to be set at liberty ; and, on the arrival of those ships in England, the civility was returned by a like release of all the Dutch ships that had been stopped here, t The English fleet was first ready, though the Dutch A.D. were the first who began to arm. This fleet of ours con- 1665> sisted of one hundred and fourteen sail of men of war and frigates, twenty-eight fire-ships and ketches, and had about twenty-two thousand seamen and soldiers on board. The whole was commanded by the duke of York, as lord high-admiral ; Prince Rupert was admiral of the white ; and the earl of Sandwich of the blue. April 21, 1665, the English sailed for the Dutch coast, and on the 28th sent in a squadron so near the shore and harbour of the Texel, that the country was exceedingly alarmed. After remain- ing there a month, the fleet was so ruffled by a storm, that it was found necessary to retire toward our own shore. * Philips's Continuation of Heath's Cliroiiicle, p. 529, 530. Skin- ner's Continuation of Bates, p. 78. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 36. Annals of the Universe, p. 114. Gesta Britannorum, p. 506. Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 67. t Busnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 736. Le Clerr Hiatoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. liv. xiv. Neuville Histoiro d? HoJlande, torn. iii. chap. 8. Leevcn van de Witte. p. 52. 336 NAVAL HISTORY This opportunity the Dutch took of sending out their fleet, which, by the latter end of May, appeared about the Dogger Sands. They were divided into seven squa- drons, the first under Opdam, consisting of fourteen men of war, and two fire-ships ; the second under John Everts, of the like force ; the third commanded by admiral Cor- tenaer, consisting of fourteen men of war and one fire-ship ; the fourth was under Stillingwert, composed likewise of fourteen men of war and a fire-ship ; the fifth conducted by Van Tromp, the son of the famous old admiral, made up of sixteen men of war and two fire-ships; the sixth under Cornelius Everts, consisting of fourteen men of war and a fire-ship ; the last commanded by Schram, in which were sixteen men of war and two fire-ships ; in all, a hun- dred and three men of war, eleven fire-ships, and seven yachts. A mighty fleet ! far superiour to what the French conceived it possible for the states to fit out, and well furnished with men ; but this was by the help of their India ships, whence they were mostly taken, partly by persua- sion, and partly by force. * A.D.' The Duke of York having retired with our navy from the Dutch coast when they came out, afforded them an opportunity to fall on our Hamburgh fleet, which they did not neglect ; and they were so fortunate therein as to take the greatest part, by which our merchants suffered nearly two hundred thousand pounds loss. Some attributed this to ill management ; others, with more reason, to unavoid- able accidents ; for they had a convoy, and the duke of York sent the Roe-ketch to inform them of his departure, Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 536. Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. 79. Bishop Parker's History of his own Time, p. 90. Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 78. Annals of tho Universe, p. 115. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 740. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. liv. xiv. Neuville Histoire de Hollande, torn. iii. p. 348. Lecvcn van dr Witte, p. 252. OF KING CHARLES II. 337 which not meeting this fleet, proved their ruin. * This exceedingly exasperated the English, and, at the same time, raised not a little the spirits of the Dutch. Admiral Opdam, who commanded the latter, was a prudent as well as a truly gallant commander. The great John De Witte raised him to this envied employment ; but finding him inclined to the prince of Orange, he became his enemy, and as soon as he was out at sea wrote him a letter, directing him to fight at all events, and this with such a peculiar quickness of style, as proved the letter his, though written in the name of the states. Opdam resolved to obey these orders, though contrary to the ad- vice of most of his officers, and his own opinion, as ap- peared by his sending on shore his plate before the en- gagement: but more so from his expressions on taking the sentiments of a council of war: " I am," said he, " entirely in your sentiments : but here are my orders. " To-morrow my head shall be bound with laurel or " with cypress :" and in this disposition he sailed to find out the English navy, t That did not require much time ; for the duke of York was no less eager to revenge the loss of the Hamburgh fleet. On the third of June the C7 English and Dutch navies engaged about three in the morning off Lowestoffe ; when, by an oversight of the Dutch, as their writers say, the English had the weather- gage, an advantage they knew how to use as well as keep. J Things went at first very equally on both sides ; several squadrons charging through and through, without any * Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 538. Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. 80. Gesta Britannorum, p. 508. Rennet's History of England, vol. iii. p. 276. f Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 741. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. Hv. xiv. p. 73. J Annals of the Universe, p. 116. Philips's Continuation of Baker's Chron. p. 753. Basnage, Le Clerc, Neville, and otfeer Dutch writers. VOL. II. z 338 NAVAL HISTORY remarkable advantage. But about noon, the earl of Sand- wich, with the blue squadron, fell into the center of the Dutch fleet, divided it into two parts, and began that confusion which ended in a total defeat. * The duke of York in the Royal Charles, a ship of eighty guns, and admiral Opdam in the Eendracht, of eighty-four, were closely engaged. The fight continued for some hours with great obstinacy, and his royal highness was in the utmost danger. Several persons of distinction were killed on board his ship, particularly the earl of Falmouth, the king's favourite, t Lord Muskerry and Mr. Boyle, son to * Earl of Sandwich's Journal, MS. t " The victory and triumph of that day," says the noble historian, " was surely very great, and a just argument of public joy: how it " came to be no greater, shall be said anon ; and the trouble and " grief in many noble families, for the loss of so many worthy and " gallant persons, could not but be very lamentable in wives, in fa- " thers and mothers, and the other nearest relations ; but no sorrow " was equal, at least none so remarkable, as the king's was for the " carl of Falmouth. They who know liis majesty best, and had seen '' how unshaken he had stood in other very terrible assaults, were " amazed at the flood of tears he shed upon this occasion. The im- " menseness of the victory, and the consequences that might Lave " attended it, the safety and preservation of his brother, with so much " glory, on whose behalf he had had so terrible apprehensions during " the three days fight, having, by the benefit of the wind, heard the " thunder of the ordnance from the beginning, even after, by the les- " selling of the noise, as from a greater distance, he concluded that " the enemy was upon flight ; yet all this, and the universal joy that " he saw in the countenance of all men, for the victory and the safety " of the duke, made no impression in him towards the mitigation of *' his passion, for the loss of this young favourite, in whom few other ** men had ever observed any virtue or quality, which they did not " wish their best friends without, and very many did believe that *' his death was a great ingredient and considerable part of the victor}". " He was young, and of insatiable ambition, and a little more ex- " perience might have taught him all things of which his weak parts ** were capable. But they who observed the strange degree of favour ** he bad on the sudden arrived to, even from a detestation the king M had towards him, and concluded from thence, and more from the " deep sorrow the king was possessed with for his death, to what * OF KING CHARLES II. 339 the earl of Corke, with one ball, and so near the duke, that he was covered with their blood and brains ; nay, a splinter from the last mentioned gentleman's skull razed his hand. * About one, the Dutch admiral blew up, with a prodigious noise ; but how the accident happened is un- certain. Some say, a shot fell in the powder-room; others, that Opdam's black blew up the ship, to be re- venged of his master for beating him. The most probable account is, that it was occasioned by some accident in dis- tributing the powder, t In this vessel, together with the admiral, perished five hundred men, only five of the whole crew escaping ; many of those lost were volunteers, of the best families of Holland, and not a few Frenchmen, who took this opportunity of being present in a sea-fight. ^ A little after this unlucky blow, the Dutch received still a greater. Four fine ships, the largest of sixty, the least of forty guns, ran foul on each other, and were burnt by one fire-ship : soon after, three larger vessels, by the " prodigious height he might have reached in a little time more, vrere " not at all troubled that he was taken out of the way." Life of the earl of Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 512. * Philip's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 538, 539. Skin- ner's Continuation of Bates, p. 80, 81. Gesta Britannorum, p. 508. Echard's History of England, p. 820. The lord Muskerry was the eldest son of the earl of Clancarty, and a young nobleman of extraor- dinary courage and expectation ; he had been colonel of a regiment of foot in Flanders, under the duke, and had the general estimation of an excellent officer. He was of the duke's bedchamber. Mr. Richard Boyle was a younger son of the earl of Burlington, a youth of great hopes, and newly come home from travel, where he had spent his time with singular advantage, and took the first opportunity to los his life in the king's service. Life of the earl of Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 507, 508. t Annals of the Universe, p. 130. Bishop Parker's History of Iws own Times, p. 91. Basuage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 741. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. Hi. p. 75. Neu- ville Histoire de Hollande, torn, iii, chap. 9. t History of the three Dutch Wars, p. 390. 340 NAVAL HISTORY same accident, shared the same fate. The Orange, a ship of seventy-five guns, after a most gallant defence, was also burnt ; and thus, towards four in the afternoon all fell into confusion. Vice-admiral Stillingwert was shot through the middle by a cannon-ball ; vice-admiral Cortenaer received a shot in his thigh, of which he in- stantly died. These ships bearing out of the line on the death of their commanders, without striking their flags, drew many after them ; so that, by eight at night, Tromp, who held out bravely to the last, and fought retreating, had not above thirty ships left with him. This was the most signal victory the English ever gained, and the se- verest blow the Dutch ever felt at sea. * According to our accounts, which upon a strict exami- nation I have always found moderate, the Dutch had eighteen ships taken, several of which we quitted, and fourteen sunk in this action, besides such as were burnt or blown up. Yet their accounts admit of no more than nine ships taken, one, their admiral, blown up, and eight burnt, t As to our loss, which was far more unaccount- able, there is no dispute about it. We lost the charity, a ship of forty-six guns, with most of her men, in the be- ginning of the fight; we had in the whole, but two hun- dred and fifty men killed, and three hundred and forty men wounded ; on the other side, they lost at least six thousand men, including two thousand three hundred taken prisoners. % Yet some great men of ours bought * Basnage Annales ties Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 741. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. liv. xiv. Levens dcr Zee- helden Tweede deel, p. 166. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 37. Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. 82. t Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 538. Rennet's History of England, vol. iii. Echard's History of England, p. 820. State Letters of Roger earl of Orrery, p. 99. t Philips's Continuation of Baker's Chronicle, p. 753. Echard. Kennet. Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 81. where he says, the dissipating the enemy's fleet, killing their admirals, and forcing them OF KING CHARLES II. this advantage to their country at the expense of their blood ; such as the earls of Portland and Marlborough, * vice-admiral Samson, and Sir John Lawson, who died of a wound he received in the knee, though he survived the battle. The Dutch ascribe this signal defeat in a great measure to the ill conduct of their own officers and seamen, many of whom, according to the genius of the nation, were severely punished. Thus much is allowed on all sides, that, except sixteen or seventeen of their captains who had served in the former war, they had none of tolerable knowledge, or true courage, most of them being the sons of rich burgo-masters, brought in, to secure their father's interest, by De Witte; who, though he thus incapacitated again into their ports, is what we value ourselves most upon ; and all this with the loss only of one ship on our side, two hundred and eighty- three men killed, and four hundred and forty wounded. The enemy, besides their ships, will find they want at least seven thousand of their men. * " In Prince Rupert's ship," says the earl of Clarendon, " who did wonders that day, and in that of the earl of Sandwich, who behaved himself with notable courage and conduct, there were many men slain, and some gentlemen volunteers of the best families, whosa memories should be preserved. The earl of Marlborough, who had the command of one of the best ships, and had great experience at sea, having made many long voyages at sea, and being now newly returned from the East Indies, whither the king had sent him with a. squadron of ships, to receive the island of Bombayne from Portugal, was in this battle likewise slain. He was a man of wonderful parts in all kinds of learning, which he took more delight in than his title ; and having no great estate descended to him, he brought down hi mind to his fortune, and lived very retired, but with more reputation than any fortune could have given him. The earl of Portland was a volunteer on board his ship, and lost his life by his side, being a young man of very good parts, newly come of age, and the son of a very wise and worthy father, who died a few months before : and he having a long and intire friendship with the earl of Marlborough, his son, though of a melancholic nature, intended to lead an active life, and to apply himself to it under the conduct of his father's friend, with whom he died very bravely." See his life, written by himself, ToL li. p. 508. 342 NAVAL HISTORY them for fighting, yet compelled them against reason, and their own opinion, to fight; because, at all events, a battle was for his interest; since, gained, it raised his authority at home ; or, lost, it must from abroad bring in his allies the French. This refined policy had well nigh ruined himself and his friends; for the mob rose, and threatened nothing less than a total revolution. At the Brill, Admiral Everts was thrown into the river, and with much difficulty rescued by the magistrates from the popu- lace : and similar tumults happened at Rotterdam, and elsewhere. * There is very little room to doubt, that if there had not been some mismanagement on the side of the English, this, as it was the first might have been also the last action in this war ; for the Dutch fleet fled in great con- fusion, their captains behaving ill, and their admirals quarrelling about command ; so that if the English had pressed them vigorously, as it was in their power, having the wind ; so many ships might have been either sunk, disabled, or taken, as must have forced a peace ; for which there was a very strong party in Holland, who did not like the dominion of the pensionary De Witte, and the dependence in which he held even the States, who seldom ventured to do any thing of importance when he was absent, t This great opportunity was lost, through the English fleet's slacking sail in the night, contrary to the * Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 743. Le Clerc, torn. iii. p. 74. Three of their captains were shot onr the 4th of July ; two were ordered to have their swords broken over their heads, and declared incapable of serving more in their navy ; and the master to vice-admiral Cortenaer was condemned to stand two hours upon a scaffold, with a halter about his neck. Annals of the Universe, p. ISO. Rennet's History of England, vol. iii. p. 277. t Wicquefort Histoire des Provinces Unies, liv. xv. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. p. 272, 273. See also Mr. (after- wards Sir William) Coventry's account of this action, who was secretary to his royal highness. OF KING CHARLES II. express directions of his royal highness the duke, before he went to rest. It is far from being an easy matter to inform the reader, how this came to pass. But after having examined the point, with as much impartiality, as well as diligence, as the great importance of it deserved, it appears to have stood thus. The duke, in quality of lord-high-admiral, had two captains on board his ship, Sir William Penn, who had the rank of a vice-admiral ; and captain, after- wards Sir John Harman. Sir William was gone to rest, as well as the duke, so that the command remained in Captain Harman, who was himself at the helm, when one Mr. Brounker, who was of the duke's bed-chamber, came and told him, " that he ought to consider, how " much his royal highness's person had been already " exposed in the action, and how much greater risk he " might run, if their ship, which was the headmost of " the fleet, should fall in single with those of the enemy, " upon their own coasts." Harman heard him, but answered like an honest brave man, as he was, that he could do nothing without orders. Brounker upon this, went to the duke's cabin, and returned with orders, in his royal highness's name, to make less sail; these Captain Harman, without the least scruple, obeyed; which created some confusion in the English fleet, several ships being very near running foul on each other. * In the morning, the duke expressed surprise and re- sentment, to find they were at such a distance from the Dutch, that there was no longer any hopes of coming up with them. It then appeared, that either through cow- ardice, or something worse, Brounker had carried Captain Harman orders, which he never received, t However, this * Life of the earl of Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 513. North's Examen, p. 119, 120. Bimiet's History of his own Times, vol. i. p. 209, 210. f Coke's Detection, p. 37. 344 NAVAL HISTORY was concealed from his royal highness, and other excuses made, such as a brisk wind from shore, and their fire- ships being all spent. But the truth was nevertheless very soon whispered, though the duke was not acquainted with it, in less than six months after ; upon which he discharged Brounker his service, and would have done more, if the celebrated duchess of Cleveland, then countess of Castle- main, with whom he was a favourite, had not by her interest with the king, protected him. * However, at the end of the war, when the House of Commons was out of humour, this affair was mentioned, and inquired into ; upon which Brounker, who was a member, was most deservedly expelled, and ordered to be impeached, but that was never prosecuted, t His royal highness left the fleet soon after, and returned to London, to make a report of all things to the king. His majesty having attended his mother to the coasts, went on board the Royal Charles in the river, where he made a strict enquiry into the conduct of the officers, and the state of their ships ; and receiving satisfaction as to both, he there, as an encouragement to a like behaviour in time to come, knighted the most considerable commanders, viz. Admiral Tyddiman, Captain Cuttings, Captain Jor- dan, Captain Spragge, &c. after which, he directed that all the ships should be repaired with the utmost diligence, and the fleet, as soon as possible, be put into a condition to go out again to sea. | * The reader, who consults the authors I have cited, will see very different editions of this story, and I hope agree with me, that it proves the fate of nations may depend on very slight events, as in this case, on a private man's telling a lie ; that princes should immediately examine and clear up whatever respects their honour; that resentment operates on most minds. Clarendon is for throwing it on Sir William Coventry ; Xorth, upon the Dutch ; Bishop Burnet, on Sir William Perm. AH of these could not be possibly guilty ; but for any evidence that has appeared, they might be all equally innocent. f History and Proeeedings of the House of Commons, vol. i. p. 118. I Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 539. The Intel- OF KING CHARLES II. 345 The king's command, their generous sense of their late victory ; and the news of two rich Dutch squadrons being at sea ; quickly brought out the English navy, to the number of sixty sail ; and on the 5th of July, they steered from Southwold-bay, into which they put imme- diately after the last engagement, for the coast of Holland. The standard was borne by the gallant earl of Sandwich, to whom Sir George Ayscue was vice-admiral, and Sir Thomas Tyddiman rear-admiral. Sir William Penn was admiral of the white, Sir William Berkley vice-admiral, and Sir Joseph Jordan rear-admiral. The blue flag was carried by Sir Thomas Allen, whose vice-admiral and rear-admiral were, Sir Christopher Myngs, and Sir John Harman. The designs they had in view were, to intercept De Ruy ter on his return ; or, at least, to take and burn the Turkey and East India fleets, of which they had certain intelligence. * They succeeded in neither of these schemes. De Ruyter returned unexpectedly by the north of Scotland, and arrived safely in Holland, where he was immediately promoted to the chief command of the fleet, f The Turkey and India fleet, consisting of twenty sail, under the command of Commodore Bitter, chose to take the same northern route, in hopes of avoiding the English navy; but, having intelligence at sea, that this would ligencer, No. 47, p. 464. Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. 83. Annals of the Universe, p. 115. Journal of the Earl of Sandwich. Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 82. The queen-mother, at part- ing with the king, prevailed on him to promise her, that the duke should not go to sea again in the next expedition. Life of Lord Cla- rendon, vol. ii. p. 516. * Annals of the Universe, p. 118. Lord Arlington's Letters, p. 83, 84. Kennet, vol. iii. p. 277. Echard's History of England, p. 821. t Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 744, 745. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces, torn. iii. liv. xiv. La Vie De Ruyter, p. 250. Lord Arlington's Letters, p. 85. Lettres et Memoires du Comte d'Estrades, torn. ii. p. 250. 346 NAVAL HISTORY prove very difficult, if not impossible, they took shelter in the port of Bergen in Norway. * The port was pretty easy of access, and covered only by an old castle ; the Danish governor indeed promised the Dutch to do for them what he could, and they were willing to contribute as much as in them lay to render him able. In order to this, they landed forty-one pieces of cannon, which were disposed on a line before the fort: then the Dutch drew another line cross the bay, consisting of their largest ships; and in this posture they waited for the English. It was not long before they appeared ; for the earl of Sandwich having advice of their having put into Bergen, had detached Sir Thomas Tyddiman with fourteen sail of men of war, and three fire-ships, to attack them. This he performed with great courage, though the wind was against him, and the enemy made a pro- digious fire from the castle, the line, and the ships ; so that at last he was forced to bear out of the bay, and this he performed without the loss of a ship ; though he had five or six very ill treated, t The States by this time, partly by threats, partly by punishment, but still more by promises and rewards, had again manned out a stout fleet. Admiral de Ruyter Jiad the command of it, which gave no small displeasure to Tromp ; but he grew into a better temper, when he per- ceived that his competitor had the command only in appearance. % Their great statesman De Witte, not satis- * Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. 84. Annals of the Universe, p. 118. Gesta Britannorum, p. 510. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 38. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 747. t In order to come as near the truth as possible, I have compared the Dutch commodore's letter with one MTote by the earl of Arling- ton, secretary of state, dated from Salisbury, Aug. 22, 1665, where the court then resided on account of the plague being in London. Arlington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 86, 87. See also Miscellanea Aulica, p. 359, 360. J Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. p. 82. Hist de Hollande, torn. iii. c. 10. Leeyan Van Tromp. OF KING CHARLES II. fied with directing all things in the Dutch councils, resolved also to direct their fleets : to which end he got himself, and two other deputies, Messrs. Huygens and Boreel, appointed to attend the admiral. A step op- posed by all his friends, and directly contrary to the sen- timents of the French king ; who was afraid, if by any accident he lost M. De Witte, he should not find the states so tractable as they had been for some years past. * The pensionary, however, persisted in this design, and gained a very great reputation in his new character, even before the fleet put to sea; and, though 1 cannot say that this relates to English history, yet, as it has a near relation to naval affairs, I hope the reader will not be displeased at my telling him, how De Witte acquired so suddenly this high reputation. When he came on board the fleet in the Texel, the pilots, captains, and admirals, were unanimously of opinion, that they must wait for a fair wind in order to get out, though there were two pas- sages. As to the larger, they said, that two and twenty winds might absolutely hinder a fleet from sailing through it ; and that in respect to the latter, it was too shallow for large ships to pass. M. De Witte, who was no seaman, inquired into the reason why so many winds should keep them in, and the next morning demonstrated to the pilots upon their own principles, that no winds blowing from more than four of these points, could produce this effect ; which experience has since fully justified. Yet the wind being at that time in one of these four points, De Witte went the same day and examined the Spanish passage with a lead, and having done this, he and M. Van Haaren, who accompanied him, undertook with the next tide, to carry out two of the largest ships in the fleet, which they performed very safely, and the rest followed the next * Basnage Annalcs des Province* Unies, torn. i. p. 745. NAVAL HISTORY day; and ever since this has been called DE WITTB'S PASSAGE.* The point he had principally in view was, to bring off the East India fleet from Bergen, which was a very difficult thing, considering the English fleet was then at sea. He found means, however, to pass by them, and arrived safely before Bergen, where the Dutch had found a new enemy in their old defender. The Danish governor modestly desired a hundred thousand crowns for the assistance he had given them in the late affair ; and threatened to sink them without ceremony, if they offered to stir out of the port before they had complied with his demand. The arrival of the fleet made him change his language : he was content they should sail then without paying the money ; but in order to have somewhat towards it, he kept the cannon they had put ashore, t Thus far De Witte was very successful ; but in his return home, the fleet was scattered by a storm, in which were lost two fire-ships, and some of the merchantmen. The vice-admiral, and rear-admiral of the East India fleet, ships of very great value, with four men of war, were taken by five English frigates, which the same storm had separated from our fleet ; and soon after, four of their men-of-war, two fire-ships, and thirty merchantmen, joined our fleet instead of their own, and by this mistake were all taken ; which ended the operations of this year. | The French perceiving that the scales were no longer even, but that the Dutch would certainly be destroyed, if * Wicquefort Histoire des Provinces Unies, lib. xv. The Dutch term in the maps was Spanjards Gat, now they call it, Heer De Witte's Diep. t Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, vol. i. p. 747. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. liv. xiv. t Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 38. Annals of the Universe, p. 119. Gesta Britannorum, p. 511. Lettres, Memoires, &c. du Contfe d'Estrades, torn. ii. p. 364. Miscellanea Aulica, p. 361. OF KING CHARLES II. 349 left entirely to themselves ; or, which they more appre- hended, would be forced to make such a peace as we should prescribe, resolved to declare in their favour. It may not be amiss, in order to shew what sort of an enemy this court has always been, to observe, that immediately upon this declaration, she began to cabal with our repub- licans, and actually endeavoured to draw General Ludlow from his retreat, that she might send him over to head their friends, as they now called them, on this side the Water. By the persuasion of France, the king of Den- mark, who had concurred with us in the business of Bergen, and the elector of Brandenburgh declared also for the Dutch; but the former was well paid for it, since the States forgave him a debt of six millions of guilders, and undertook to pay him an annual subsidy of one million and a half more, so long as the war should last. * It quickly appeared, that France, by taking this measure, meant to make herself at once a maritime power ; for having promised to assist the Dutch with a fleet of six and thirty men-of-war, they were thus made up. Twelve were built by Dutch carpenters, in the Dutch docks ; twelve more were made out of large Iridiamen, purchased in the same country ; and the other twelve were either built or bought in the ports of Denmark. Besides this, the French minister, the Count d'Estrades, insisted upon the delivering up two East India ships, of which the Dutch had made prizes ; and wrested from them many other concessions, to purchase his master's declaration in their favour, agreeably to his secret treaty in anno 1662 ; which was the genuine source of this war, and a long train of miseries with which this state was afflicted, t * Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 549. Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. 85, 86. Annals of the Universe, p. 149. Memoires du Comte d'Estrades. torn. ii. p. 318, 502, 525. torn. iii. p. 29, 30, 53, 64. Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. i. p. 58, 59. t Lettres d'Estrades, torn. ii. Basnage, torn. i. p. 770,771. Le Clerc, torn. iii. p. 102, where it appears the French meditated the 350 NAVAL HISTORY When all this was done, the French were for setting on foot a negociation ; but King Charles being then in th* true interest of his subjects, was, at least, to them, very deaf on that ear. He said, the Dutch had injured England to the amount of two millions ; and if they thought fit to pay so much money, he was willing to grant them a peace without any mediation at all. Nay, the king carried it still higher; for he declared, in case he made such a peace with the Dutch, their allies should be left out of it ; which, considering the strength of the confederacy, and that the plague then raged in England ; seems to prove that this prince did not want spirit enough, when his own good sense told him he was engaged in a right cause ; for, at that time, we had not a single ally, but the martial and mercenary bishop of Munster ; who, though he gave the Dutch a great deal of trouble, yet did it entirely at our expense. * The next year opened a new scene ; the king recalled his ambassador, Lord Holies, from the French court, and sent the earl of Sandwich in that quality to Spain : two of the wisest steps in his whole reign ; for, by the first, he broke entirely, for this time, at least, with that perfidious court ; and, in consequence of the second, he concluded the most beneficial treaty of commerce, that was ever made for this nation, i As to naval affairs it was resolved, that the fleet should be commanded by Prince Rupert, and surprise of two of the seven provinces by the troops said to march for their assistance. * Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 544. Gesta Bri- tannorum, p. 511. Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. i. p. 1, 34, 35, 36, 81. Echard's History of England, p. 828. Lettres, Memoires, &c. du Comte d'Estrades, torn. ii. p. 390, 406, 408, 415. Letters of Sir William Temple, in his works, vol. ii. p. 4. t Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 545. Annals of the Universe, p. 137, 139. Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. i. p. 62, 63, 75. vol. ii. p. 178. Lettres et Memoires du Comte d'Estrades, torn. iii. p. 231. Corps Universe! Diplomatique du Droit de Gens, torn. yii. part i. p. 27. OF KING CHARLES II. the duke of Albemarle; the former, to look after the French, who began to talk very high ; and the latter, to act against the Dutch. * Before we speak of the consequences of these capital undertakings, it may not be amiss to take some notice of an incident which happened at Lisbon, because it shews the gallant spirit of that age. There were in that port a considerable number of English merchantmen, which were to come home under the convoy of the Guinea frigate. A large French man-of-war was also there, and the captain daily boasted to the Portuguese what he would do when- ever the English frigate put to sea. This coming to the ears of Captain Coite, who commanded her, he sent the Frenchman word he would sail the next morning, which he performed accordingly; but having hovered on the coast three days, in expectation of being chased, he re- turned into port, carried out his fleet of merchantmen, and brought them safe into the river Thames, the French- man continuing, all the while, quiet in the harbour of Lisbon, t Prince Rupert, and the duke of Albemarle, went on A.D. board the fleet on the 23d of April, 1666, and sailed with it in the beginning of May. Toward the latter end of that month, the court was informed, that the French fleet, under the command of the duke of Beaufort, were coming out to the assistance of the Dutch. But this rumour of their joining the Dutch, was spread by the court of France, in order to deceive us, and distress the Dutch ; themselves in reality having no such intention. Upon receiving this news, the court sent positive orders to prince Rupert to sail with the white squadron to look out for, and fight the French; which command that brave prince obeyed; but found it, what many wise people before thought it, a mere * Gumble's Life of General Monk, p. 424. The Historian's Guide, p. 57. Coke'r. Detection, vol. ii. p. 39. t Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 550. NAVAL, HISTORY gasconade, intended to hurt us, and to raise the courage of their new allies, in order to bring them into still greater dangers. * At the same time that prince Rupert sailed from the Downs, the Dutch with their whole force put to sea, the wind at north-east, and having a fresh gale. This brought the Dutch fleet on the coasts of Dunkirk, and carried away his highness toward the Isle of Wight ; but the wind suddenly shifting to the south-west, and blowing hard, brought both the Dutch and the duke of Albemarle with his two squadrons to an anchor. Captain Bacon in the Bristol first discovered the enemy ; and, by firing his guns, gave notice of it to the English fleet. Upon this a council of war was called ; wherein, without much debate, it was resolved to fight the enemy, notwithstanding their great superiority, t After the departure of prince Rupert, the duke of 1666. Albemarle had with him only sixty sail; whereas the Dutch fleet consisted of ninety-one men of war, carrying four thousand seven hundred and sixteen guns, and twenty- two thousand four hundred and sixty-two men. It was the first of June when they were discerned, and the duke was so warm for engaging, that he attacked the enemy before they had time to weigh anchor ; and, as De Ruy ter himself says in his letter, they were obliged to cut their cables ; and, in the same letter, he also owns, that, to the * Skinner's Continuation of Bates, part iii. p. 86. Bishop Parker's History of his own Time, p. 101. Gamble's Life of General Monk, p. 427. Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 175, 178, 180, 188, 194- Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 39. Lettres et Mem. duComte d'Estrades, torn. iii. p. 78, 113, 129, 135. t Gamble's Life of General Monk, p. 428. Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 39. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 772. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. liv. 14. Neuville Histoire de Hollande, torn. iii. chap. 13. Leevens der Zeehelden Tweede Dcel, p. 207. Sir John Harmon's account of this en- gagement. OF KING CHARLES II. last, the English were the aggressors, notwithstanding their inferiority and other disadvantages. The English fleet had the weather-gage, but the wind bowed their ships so much, that they could not use their lowest tier. Sir William Berkley's squadron led the van. The duke of Albemarle, when he came on the coast of Dunkirk, to avoid running full on a sand, made a sudden tack, and this brought his top-mast by the board, which compelled him to lie by four or five hours, till another could be set up. The blue squadron knowing nothing of this, sailed on, charging through the Dutch fleet, though they were five to one. * In this engagement fell the brave Sir William Berkley, A.D. and his ship, the Swiftsure, a second rate, was taken; so was the Essex, a third rate ; and Sir John llarman. in the Henry, had the whole Zealand squadron to deal with. His ship being disabled, the Dutch admiral Cornelius Evertz, called to Sir John, and offered him quarter, who answered, " No, Sir! it is not come to that yet;" and immediately discharged a broadside, by which Evertz was killed, and several of his ships damaged; which so dis- couraged their captains, that they quitted the Henry, and sent three fire-ships to burn her. The first grappled on her starboard quarters, and there began to raise so thick a smoke, that it was impossible to perceive where the irons were fixed. At last, when the ship began to blaze, the boatswain of the Henry threw himself on board, and having, by its own light, discovered and removed the grappling irons, in the same instant jumped back on board his own ship. He had scarcely done this, before another fire ship was fixed on the larboard, which did its business so effectually, that the sails being quickly on * Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 550. Bishop Par- ker's History of his own Time, p. 101. Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. 87. Annals of the Universe,?. 139- Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 773. La Vie De Ruyter, p. 200. VOL. II. A A 3,54 NAVAL HISTORY fire, frightened the chaplain and fifty men overboard. Upon this, Sir John drew his sword, and threatened to kill any man who should attempt to provide for his own safety by leaving the ship. This obliged them to en- deavour to put out the fire, which in a short time they did; but the cordage being burnt, the cross-beam fell and broke Sir John's leg, at which instant the third fire-ship bore down ; but four pieces of cannon loaded with chain- shot disabled her : so that, after all, Sir John brought his ship into Harwich, where he repaired her as well as he could; and, notwithstanding his broken leg, put to sea again to seek the Dutch. The battle ended on the first day about ten in the evening. * A .IX The following night was spent in repairing the damage suffered on both sides, and next morning, the attack was renewed by the English with fresh vigour. Admiral Van Tromp, with Vice-admiral Vander Hulst, being on board one ship, rashly engaged it among the English, and their vessel was in the utmost danger of being either taken or burnt. The Dutch affairs, according to their own account, were now in a desperate condition ; but Admiral De Ruyter at last disengaged them, though not till his ship was disabled, and Vice-admiral Dander Hulst killed. This only changed the scene ; for De Ruyter was now as hard pressed as Tromp had been before. However, a rein- forcement arriving preserved him also ; and so the second day's fight ended earlier than the first. + * These circumstances are taken from Sir John Harman's relation, who blames the duke's eagerness for fighting, and mentions his own affairs only to shew, how hard the English were put to it. As to the matters of fact in this account, they are confirmed by all the Dutch authors. t Skinner's Life of General Monk, p, 342. Kennet's Complete History of England, vol. iii. p. 281. Echard's History of England, J). 830. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. liv. 14. Lettres et Memoires du Comtc d'Estrades, torn. iii. p. 268. Mcmoires du Comte du G niche, p. 235. Neuville Histoire de Hollande, torn, iii. p. 275. OF KING CHARLES II. 355 The third day, the duke of Albemarle, found it ne- cessary to retreat; and he performed it with wonderful courage and conduct. He first burnt three ships that were absolutely disabled: he next caused such as were most torn to sail before ; and, with twenty-eight men of war that were in a pretty good condition, brought up the rear. * Sir John Harman, indeed, says he had but sixteen ships that were able to fight, t Yet, in the evening, his grace, discovering the white squadron coming to his assistance, resolved to engage the enemy again. In joining prince Rupert, a very unlucky accident happened ; for Sir George Ayscue, who was on board the Royal Prince, the largest and heaviest ship in the whole fleet, ran upon the Galloper; and being therein danger of burning, and out of all hopes of relief, was forced to surrender; and night then falling, ended this day's en- gagement. ^ On the 4th of June, the Dutch, who were still consi- derably stronger than the English, were almost out of sight ; but the duke of Albemarle, having prevailed on the prince to follow them, about eight in the morning they engaged again, and the English fleet charged five times through the Dutch ; till prince Rupert's ship being disabled, and that of the duke of Albemarle very roughly handled ; about seven in the evening the fleets separated, each side being willing enough to retire. In this day's engagement fell that gallant admiral Sir Christopher * See an extract from the journal book of a principal flag-officer in this battle, in Gamble's Life of General Monk, p. 430. Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. 89. Pbilips's Continuation of ] Chronicle, p. 551. t In bis narration, an extract of was for many good reasons suppressed. t Philips, Keunet, Burchet. Annals of the Universe, p. 302. OF KING CHARLES IL wished we had of every battle, a distinct relation of what was performed by each squadron, very particular and clear; and, from the relation of the blue squadron, com- pared with Prince Rupert's, these facts are collected. The great aim of the Dutch admiral was, to take or sink the Royal Prince : but the earl of Ossory, and Sir John Kempthorne, together with Spragge himself, so effectually protected the disabled vessel, that none of the enemy's fire-ships could come near her, though this was often at- tempted. At last, the St. George being terribly torn, and in a manner disabled, Sir Edward Spragge designed to go on board a third ship, the Royal Charles ; but, before he was got ten boats length, a shot, which passed through the St. George took his boat ; and though they imme- diately rowed back, yet, before they could get within reach of the ropes that were thrown out from the St. George, the boat sunk, and Sir Edward was drowned. * When Prince Rupert drew near the blue squadron, he found the admiral disabled, the vice-admiral lying to the windward, mending his sails and rigging ; the rear-admiral a-stern of the Royal Prince, between her and the enemy, bending his new sails, and mending his rigging. The first thing his highness did, was to send two frigates to take the Royal Prince in tow. He then steered in between the enemy and the lame ships, and perceiving that Tromp had tacked, and was coming down again upon the blue squadron, he made a signal for all the ships of that squa- dron to join him : but it was in vain ; for, except the two flags, Sir John Kempthorne and the earl of Ossory, there was not one in a condition to move. The French still continued to look on with all the coolness imaginable; * Parker's History of his own Time, p. 156. Kennel's History of England, vol. iii. p. 324. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. p. 420. Le Clerc, torn. iii. p. 343. De Neuville, torn. it. p. 300, 301. L* Vie De Ruyter, p. ii. p. 152. NAVAL HISTORY and notwithstanding the prince put out the blue flag upon the mizen-peek, which was the signal to attack, set down in the general instructions for fighting, and known not only to all the English captains but also to those of the white squadron; yet they remained, as before, wholly inactive. But, to give some kind of colour to this con- duct, the Count d'Estrees, after the battle was in a man- ner over, sent to know what this signal meant. * About five in the evening, De Ruyter, with all his flags and fleet, came close up with the prince, and then began a very sharp engagement. His highness had none to second him but the vice-admiral and rear-admiral of the blue, Sir John Harman, Captain Davis, and Captain Stout, of his own division, Sir John Holmes in the Rupert, Captain Legge in the Royal Katharine, Sir John Berry in the Resolution, Sir John Ernie in the Henry, Sir Roger Strickland in the Mary, and Captain Carter in the Crown ; in all about thirteen ships. The engagement was very close and bloody till about seven o'clock, when his highness forced the Dutch fleet into great disorder, and sent in two fire-ships amongst them to increase it, at the same time making a signal for the French to bear down ; which, even then, if they had done, a total defeat must have followed : but, as they took no notice of it, and the prince saw that most of his ships were not in any con- dition to keep the sea long, he wisely provided for their * An Exact Relation, &c. p. 18, 19. where it affirmed, that Count d'Estrees sent this message after night had parted the fleets. The officer who wrote that account says very judiciously, that the sending to inquire the meaning of the signal was cunningly done : but one of De Ruyter's sailors seems to have had as much penetration as the French ministry had artifice ; for, upon one of his companions asking him what the French meant by keeping at such a distance, " Why, " you fool," said he, '.'they have hired the English to fight for them ; " and all their business here, is to see that they earn their wages/ So transparent to honest men are the boasted politics of this court! OF KING CHARLES II. safety, by making with an easy sail toward our own coasts. * This battle ended as doubtfully as any of the rest ; for the Dutch very loudly claimed the victory now, as they did before, and with full as much reason. The truth is it seems to have been a drawn battle ; since the Dutch, notwithstanding all their advantages, did not take or sink a single English man-of-war, and killed but two captains, Sir William Reeves and Captain Havard, besides our gal- lant Admiral Sir Edward Spragge, and no great number of private men. On their side, they lost two vice-admirals, Sweers and Liefde, three captains, and about one thousand private men. The consequences, indeed, which, from the prudence of the admiral, they drew from this battle, were exceedingly great ; for they opened their ports, which be- fore were entirely blocked up, and put an end to all thoughts, by removing the possibility of an invasion, t It would be equally unsatisfactory and unjust to con- clude this account of the last battle fought in this last Dutch war, without taking particular notice of the grounds upon which I have represented the conduct of the French in so bad a light. I must in the first place declare, that I have no intention to asperse the nation in general, much less to injure the particular character of the noble person who commanded, and who afterwards gave signal proofs of his true courage, and able conduct, as a sea-officer; as in this engagement he gave undoubtedly the highest de- monstration of his steadiness in obeying orders. Those I blame are such as drew up his instructions, and conse- quently were alone answerable for his behaviour. The * Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 754. Kennet, JEchard, Burchet, Rapin. f Basnage Annalcs des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. p. 420. Le Clerc, torn. iii. p. 345. Quincy, torn. i. p. 359. Neuville, torn. iii. liv. XT. chap. vi. La Vie De Ruyter, torn. ii. p. 157159. VOL. II. E E 418 NAVAL HISTORY French were and are a brave nation); but it has been their great misfortune to suffer by perfidious ministers, who have broken their national faith, both in war and peace, so often, that it is in a manner become proverbial, like ihejides Punica of old. For the truth of what I have ad- vanced in the present case, I have the testimony of friends and enemies, nay of themselves too, which 1 think is suffi- cient to put the matter out of doubt. The conduct of Lewis XIV. is thus represented by honest Andrew Marvel. He first practised the same art at sea, when he was in league with the Hollanders against us, his navy having never done them any service ; for his business was only to see us batter each other. Now he was on the English side, his business was to sound our seas, to spy our ports, to learn our building, to contemplate our manner of fighting, to consume ours, to preserve his own navy, to increase his commerce, and to order all things so, that the two great naval powers of Europe being crushed together, he might remain arbitrator of the ocean. This behaviour was complained of by Prince Rupert in such strong terms, that his letter was suppressed ; though at other times his accounts, which were constantly very plain and very modest, were instantly published. * All the Dutch writers agree in giving the same account ; and indeed, if they did not, the conduct of their admirals might sufficiently justify this to have been their sense of the thing ; since it is impossible to conceive, that Admiral Bankert would have sent eight small ships to attack a squadron of thirty large ones, if from their former conduct, and their countenance then, he had not been well assured that fighting was not much their business, t * Columna Rostrata, p. 243. Secret History of Europe, History of the Dutch War. t Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn, ii. p. 423, Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Uuies, torn. iii. p. 344, 345. Neuville, torn. iv. p. 302. . OF KING CHARLES II. 419 Lastly, poor Admiral Martel, who was too much a man ofhonour to beinthe Fre nch minister's secrets, wrote a fair relation of the battle, and sent it to the French, court, con- cluding with these words : That if Count d'Estreea " would have fallen in with a fair wind upon De Ruyter " and Bankert, at their first engaging, when in numbers they much exceeded the prince ; they must of necessity a have been inclosed between his highness and d'Estrees, " and so the enemy would have been entirely defeated." * Soon after this battle, the English fleet came into the A - D - Thames, and the French squadron, about the middle of September, sailed home ; but suffered so much by a storm, that it was the middle of November before they reached Brest. When Prince Rupert returned to court, he joined his representations to those of our worthy patriots, who were desirous that peace, as soon as possible, should be restored, to which the king was, at this time, no longer averse. There had, through the mediation of Sweden, been some conferences holden at Cologne ; but they had not proved so effectual as was expected : the States- General also had written to his majesty, but in terms that, instead of making things better, had rather widened the breach. After this battle, however, they condescended to write another letter, wherein they shewed their earnest desire of peace, and their true sense of the obstacles which had hitherto retarded it. t In this letter they spoke very freely to the king of his ministers and of his ally ; they shewed him how glorious, * Exact Relation, Sec- p. 17. P. Daniel slurs over all these battles in his Histoire de la Milice Frangoise, torn. ii. p. 489, and again in his Histoire de France, torn. x. p. Ill, he crowds the three battle* into a paragraph of so many lines, and says, they were fought with little order, and small regard to reputation, by all parties. t Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, vol. ii. p. 458469, where these letters are inserted. The earl of Shaftsbury was now disgraced, the earl of Arlington was inclined to pacific measures, and the soon saw this was his true interest. E 3 2 NAVAL HISTORY as well as how advantageous a step a separate peace must prove, which would give umbrage only to the French, and ' content to all. the great powers of Europe beside : and further to incline his majesty to this, they suggested the base and insidious behaviour of his allies in the late sea- fights, and the offers that had been already made them by France of a separate peace, without any respect had to his majesty. These, with the propounding of fair conditions, had such a weight with the king, that he proposed the terms offered to his parliament ; and, on their passing a vote, " humbly desiring him to proceed in a treaty with " the States, in order to a speedy peace ;" he directed Sir William Temple to negociate with the marquis Del Fresno, the Spanish ambassador, who was provided with full powers from the States-General for that purpose ; and, at three meetings, the treaty was concluded and signed, to the mutual satisfaction of both parties. * A.D. While this treaty was upon the carpet at home, there 1673. happened an accident in the Mediterranean, which though of little consequence in itself, yet, from certain circum- stances that attended it, deserves to be recorded. The Dutch admiral Evertz, being in those seas with his squadron, it happened that Captain De Witte, in a man of war called the Schaerlaes, which carried thirty-six pieces of cannon, and one hundred and forty men, met with Captain Harman, in the Tyger, a small English frigate which had been careening at Tangier, and came with him into the harbour of Cadiz, where the Dutch- man also careened. The Spaniards jesting- with Captain * Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 459467. Sir William Temple's Letters to Hie Prince of Orange, to the Duke of Florence, am! to Sir John Temple, in his Works, vol. ii. p. 288292, 294. Bishop Parker's History of his own Time, p. 159. Sir Richard Bul- strode's Memoirs, p. 236. Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. p. 458 470, 498. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. liv. xv. p. 388. NeuviUe Histojre de Hollands, torn. iv. lib. Xv. chap. x. p. 3S3. OF KING CHARLES IL De Witte, and telling him that he durst not fight the English captain, and that this made them so good friends ; Admiral Evertz heard it, and thereupon told De Witte, that he must, for the honour of his nation, challenge Captain Harman. He did so ; and his admiral lent him, that he might come off with glory, sixty mariners and seventy soldiers. Captain Harman had but one hundred and eighty-four men in all ; however, at a day's notice he stood to sea, and fairly engaged the Dutch frigate, in sight of the town. * Their ships were within pistol-shot before either of them fired ; and then Captain Harman's broadside brought the Dutchman's main-mast by the board, and killed and wounded him fourscore men. The English captain fol- lowed his advantage, entered the enemy's vessel with his resolute crew, and became master of the ship in an hour's time ; but she was quite disabled, and had one hundred and forty men in her killed and wounded. The English had only nine killed, and fifteen wounded; amongst whom was their brave captain, by a musket-shot, which went in at his left eye, and out between the ear and the jaw-bone ; of which wound he was well cured, and lived several years after, t Thus the maritime powers, though their interest was and must ever be the same, did their utmost, from false notions of honour, to destroy each other and answer the ends of their common enemy ; till the voice of the people, both in England and Holland, roused their governors to a just sense of their common danger, and procured thereby an alliance which has lasted ever since. * Lord Arlington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 470, where his lordship, then secretary of state, takes notice to Sir William Godolphin, our am- bassador at the court of Madrid, that his majesty had been acquaintec with Captain Harman's behaviour, and was extremely pleased with it. t Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 595. 422 NAVAL HISTORY A.D. This treaty of peace was signed at London, February 9, 1674, and thereby those differences were all adjusted, which had so often and so long disturbed both states. * In the first place, the business of the flag was regulated according to the king's sense of his rights, which the States, till now, would never admit. In their treaty with Cromwell, they did indeed stipulate, that their ships should salute the English ; but then this was expressed in such loose terms, as afforded the Dutch room to suggest, that the doing it was no more than a point of civility. As the treaties of 1662, 1667, and 1668, were all, in a manner, built on this sandy foundation, the case had been hitherto the same, and asserted so to be by the States : but now the thing was put out of all dispute; and what was before styled courtesy, was here confessed to be a right. The extent of the British seas were particularly mentioned; and the States undertook, that not only separate ships, but whole fleets, should strike their sails to any fleet, or single ship, carrying the king's flag, as the custom was, in the days of his ancestors, f The East India trade was likewise settled so as to pre- Tent subsequent debates, and not leave either party at liberty to encroach upon the other. As to lesser matters, commissioners were to meet on both sides at London to decide them ; and in case they did not agree in the period of three months, then the queen of Spain was to arbitrate. Such of the planters as had been restrained by the Dutch at Surinam were to be left at their full liberty to retire, if they thought fit, with their effects. Places taken on both sides were by this treaty to be restored; and the * See the Proposals from the States-General to the king of Great Britain, printed by authority, 1675, 4to. Life of Sir Wiliam Temple, p. 200. Corps Diplomatique du Droit des Gens, torn. vii. p. i. p. 253. t The whole of this matter is very judiciously explained by Bishop Parker in his History of his own Time, p. 159; and the intire article s to be found in the proposals made by the states themselves, which shews how great a point was carried in the concluding this treaty. OF KING CHARLES II. 423 states general were to pay his majesty eight hundred thousand patacoons at four payments; the first, imme- diately after the ratification of this treaty, and the other three, by annual payments. By a particular treaty' it was agreed, that the English regiments in the French service should be suffered to wear out for want of recruits ; and by a secret article, it was settled, that neither side should assist the enemies of the other either by land or sea. * We may guess how ac- ceptable this treaty was to the states, by the present made to the Spanish ambassador for negociating it ; which was sixteen thousand crowns, and the gratification of six thousand, which were given to Don Bernardo de Salinas, t Thus ended the last of our Dutch wars ; which, though made against the interest and will of the people, terminated highly to their advantage ; whereas the former war, though it was begun at the instance of the nation, ended but indifferently; so little correspondence is there between the grounds and issues of things. * I take what I have here given the reader from a very accurate and authentic writer, who has left us the best political memoirs of Europe that are extant ; I mean the sieur du Mont in his Memoires pour Servir a 1'Histoire de la Paix de Ryswick, torn. ii. p. 272, &c. f Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. p. 499. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. liv. 15. Neuville Histoire de Hollande, torn. iv. p. 333. It is proper to observe, that, though the treaty was negociated by Sir William Temple, it was not signed by him, but by the following committee of council; viz. the lord-keeper Fineb, the lord-treasurer Latimer, afterwards earl of Danby, and duke of Leeds, the duke of Monmouth, the duke of Ormond, the earl of Arlington and Secretary Coventry. J In consequence of this, a treaty of commerce was concluded between his majesty and the states-general at London, Dec. 1, 1GT4 ; by the eighth article of which, in pursuance of former treaties, free ships were to make free goods, which has made great noise of late. Upon this article two remarks may be made : First, That at this time it was in our favour ; so that the king or his ministers were not over- reached: Secondly, This clause extends only to such places as either party might trade to in time of peace; but in time of peace the NAVAL HISTORY A.D. The corsairs of Tripoli having for some time committed 1675> great outrages on the English trade, Sir John Narborough was sent, in the latter end of the year 1675, to reduce them to reason. The 14th of January following, Sir John came before the place, and having blocked up the port in the night, so that no ship could go in or come out ; he Aj). manned all his boats, and sent them under the command 1676. o f Lieutenant Shovel, afterwards Sir Cloudesley, the famous admiral, into the harbour, where he seized the guardship, and afterwards burnt the following vessels,, which were all that lay at that time in the harbour; viz. the White Eagle crowned, a fifty gun ship ; the Looking- glass, which carried thirty-six ; the Santa Clara of twenty- four ; and a French yessel of twenty ; after which, he safely returned to the fleet without the loss of a single man. This extraordinary action struck the Tripolines with amazement, and made them instantly sue for peace : which, however, did not immediately take place, because they absolutely refused to make good the losses sustained by the English. Sir John thereupon cannonaded the town ; and, finding that ineffectual, landed a body of men about twenty leagues from thence, and burnt a vast ma- gazine of timber, which was to have served for the building of ships. When all this failed of reducing these people, Sir John sailed to Malta; and, after remaining there for some time, returned suddenly upon the enemy, and distressed them so much, that they were glad to submit to a peace on the terms prescribed. * However, soon after the conclusion of this treaty, some of their corsairs, returning into port, not only expressed a great dislike thereto, but actually deposed the Dey for Dutch were not allowed to trade to the French islands ; and, there- fore, by this treaty they can claim no such liberty in time of war. * Rennet's complete History of England, vol. iii. p. 335. Annals of the Universe, p. 331, 347. Corps Universel Diplomatique, ton. v. part I p. 319. OF KING CHARLES II. 425 making it; and, without any regard thereto, began to take all English ships as before. Sir John remaining still in the Mediterranean, and having immediate notice of what passed, suddenly appeared with eight frigates before Tripoli; and began with such violence to batter the place, that the inhabitants were glad once more to renew the peace, and deliver up the authors of the late dis- turbance to condign punishment. * In 1679, we had some differences with the Algerines on ^.D. account of their making prize of English ships, under 167a> pretence that they were not furnished with proper passes. Upon this Sir John Narborough was sent with a squadron to demand satisfaction; which he procured, as it must always be procured, by dint of force. This peace, how- ever, did not last long; for, in a year or two, they com- mitted the like outrages': upon which, Commodore Herbert, afterwards so well known to the world by the title of earl of Torrington ; went thither with a few ships, and com- pelled them to make satisfaction for what had passed, and to give the strongest assurances of their acting in another manner for the future. That expedition, which was performed in 1682, proved the last in this reign, t There is yet one transaction more which calls for our A.D. notice, and that is, the demolition of the strong and expen- sive fortress of Tangier. We have already shewn how that place came into the hands of the English, and what pains were taken to preserve it. In the period of twenty years it cost the nation an immense sum of money ; and yet many doubted, all things considered, whether, after all, it were of any real use to us or not. When we first had it, the harbour was very dangerous; to remedy which, there was a fine mole run out at a vast charge. * Columna Rostrata, p. 252. f Annals of the Universe, p. 269, 278. Columna Rostrata, p. 252. Burchet's Naval History, p. 404, 405. 426 NAVAL HISTORY Several societies, or copartnerships, which undertook to perfect this work, raised great sums for that purpose ; and, after wasting them, miscarried. At last, however, all difficulties were in a manner overcome, and this work finished in such a manner, that it might be said to vie with those of the Romans. But the house of commons, in 1S80, having expressed a dislike to the management of the garrison kept there, which they suspected to be no better than a nursery for a Popish army ; and discovering, withal, no thoughts of providing for it any longer, the king began, likewise, to entertain thoughts of quitting and destroying it, and of bringing home his forces thence. He endeavoured to keep this as secret as possible ; how- ever, the Lord Arlington is said to have given some hint of his majesty's intention to the Portuguese ambassador, who expressed great discontent thereat; and was very desirous that it should be again delivered into the hands of his master. A.D. But King Charles doubting, not without reason, whether the king of Portugal would be able to maintain the pos- session of it against the Moors; and foreseeing the terrible consequences of such a port falling into their hands, not- withstanding the offer of large sums, persisted steadily in his first resolution. In 1683, the lord Dartmouth was constituted captain-general of his majesty's forces in Africa, and governor of Tangier ; and sent, as admiral of an Eng- lish fleet, to demolish the works, blow up the mole, and, bring home the garrison ; all which he very effectually per- formed : so that the harbour is, at this time, entirely spoiled; and, though now in the hands of the Moors', is a very inconsiderable place. One circumstance attending its demolition deserves to be remarked, because it shews the temper and spirit of the king. He directed a considerable number of new-coined crown-pieces to be buried in the ruins, that if, through the vicissitudes of fortune, to which all sublunary things are liable, this city should ever be OF KING CHARLES II. festered, there might remain some memorial of its having had once the honour of depending on the crown of Britain. Thus, through disputes between the king and parliament, whatever party-suspicions might suggest, the British nation lost a place and port of great importance. * It is on all hands confessed, that never any English, perhaps I might, without distinction of countries, say, any prince, understood maritime concerns so well as Charles II. He piqued himself very much on making, as occasion offered, minute inquiries into whatever regarded naval affairs : he understood ship-building perfectly, and made draughts of vessels with his own hands ; t he was no stranger to the conveniences and inconveniencies of every port in his dominions. He listened to proposals for making a yard, dock, and arsenal, at Christchurch in Hampshire. He once intended to restore and improve the haven at Dover. He caused a survey of Guernsey to be made ; and had actually the plan drawn, of a har- bour, mole, and citadel, which were to have been con- structed in that island ; and which would have been all of infinite use and benefit to this nation : || but he was so expensive in his pleasures the jealousies raised against him were so strong ; he was so much in the hands of * Rennet's Complete History of England, vpl. iii. p. 376, 408. Echard, p. 994, 1040. Burchet, p. 405. f See the Duke of Buckingham's Character of Charles II. Wei- wood's Memoirs, p. 146. Bishop of Rochester's History of the Royal Society, p. 149, 150. J Captain Yarranton's England's Improvement, vol. i. p. 41. If the Clarendon Interest had continued, this, which was once strongly in contemplation, would probably kave been carried also into execution. A Discourse of Sea-ports, principally of the Port and Haven of Dover; written by Sir W. Raleigh, and addressed to Queen Elizabeth. To which is added, proposals and remarks upon the same subject, written by command of Charles II. London, 1700, 4to. || The Rev. Mr. Falle's Account of Jersey in the Introduction, from the Memoirs of the Sieur De Saumarez. 428 NAVAL HISTORY favourites and mistresses; he was so frequently and so egregiously betrayed by both ; and 4 his finances, through his whole reign, were so cramped, and' in such disorder ; that he was not able to accomplish any one of these great designs ; which, nevertheless, it is not improper should be here succinctly remembered. But, in respect of the royal navy, which through his whole reign claimed his peculiar attention, he was more fortunate. On his entering into possession of his king- doms, it was commonly believed, from the fine appearance of the squadron that convoyed him from Holland, that his marine was in excellent order ; and, for reasons of state, the king himself encouraged and confirmed that opinion : but the fact, notwithstanding this, was quite otherwise. After the death of Cromwell, the funds for the fleet were diverted to various other purposes ; the stores were in a great measure exhausted, in fitting out Admiral Mon- tague's squadron to the Baltic; the small remains of arms and ammunition were issued, by the rump, for sup- pressing Sir George Booth ; the confusions that ensued, gave opportunities to embezzle what little matter was left; and there remained no authority to restrain, much less to repair, these mischiefs. This accounts for the king's find- ing things, in reference to the fleet and ordnance, in so weak and defenceless a condition ; and explains likewise his conduct in covering it as carefully as it was possible, to prevent either domestic or foreign enemies, of both which he had enough, from availing themselves of this his weak and distressed situation. It was to conceal this that he demanded nothing from parliament ; but, putting both departments into the hands of those in whom he could entirely confide ; supplying them, from time to time, with such sums as he could borrow ; he, with much silence, and secrecy, rectified all things ; so that, at the opening of the first Dutch war in his reign, the navy and ordnance were both in perfect order; and all parts of the service OF KING CHARLES II. 439 provided for in an ample and regular manner.* But though this was truly the state of ships and stores at his restoration, yet, in respect to men, it was far otherwise. The sailors were numerous, brave, and well-disciplined : as to commanders of every rank, no navy was ever better furnished, as they had been picked by the long parliament, trained under Blake, Monk, and Ayscue ; inured to hard- ships, flushed with victories, covetous of honour : the superior officers were all of distinguished merit, and abundance of very able men employed therein. It must likewise be confessed, to the honour of his government, that he preserved them in their several posts, without any respect of party : which, without question, contributed not a little to the increase of our naval power, t How intent he was, for the first ten years of his reign, in promoting whatever had a tendency this way, appears from all the candid histories of those times ; from the collections of orders ; and other public papers relating to the direction of the navy w r hile the duke of York was admiral, published of late years, and in every body's hands ; ^ and, in a short and narrow compass^ from the speech made by the lord-keeper Bridgeman ; who affirmed, that, from 1660 to 1670, the charge of the navy had never amounted to less than half a million a-year. But, after Continuation of the Life of Edward Earl of Clarendon, p. 146, where the reader may meet with an ample, accurate, and authentic account of this matter. ' t Such as Sir George Ayscue, Sir William Batten, Sir John Lawson, Sir Richard Stayner, Sir William Penn, and many others. I The title of this book is. Memoirs of the English A flairs, chiefly naval, from the Year 1660 to 1673, by His Royal Highness James Duke of York. London, 1729, 8vo. Happy Future State of England, by Sir Peter Pert, p. 185. The design of this speech was to induce the house of commons to grant a supply for this particular sen ice of increasing the royal na?y ; and, after having shewn the great importance of such a proceeding, his lordship goes on thus: '"My lords and gentlemen, his majesty is " confident, that you will not be contented to see him deprived of 430 NAVAL HISTORY the second Dutch war, the king grew more saving in this article; and yet, in 1678, when the nation in general expected a war with France, his navy was in excellent order. The judicious Mr. Pepys, secretary to the admi- ralty, has left us a particular account of its state in the month of August that year ; which, as it is very short, I think it may not be amiss to insert it. * ABSTRACT OF THE FLEET. Rates. Number. Men. 1 5 3135 2 4 1555 3 16 5010 4 33 6460 5 12 1460 6 T 423 Fire-ships 6 340 Total.. 83 .. ... 18323 Of these seventy-six were in sea-pay; the store-houses and magazines were in complete order ; and, which is still more to the purpose, thirty capital ships were then actually in building, eleven newly launched, and nineteen upon the stocks ; and that the reader may frame a just notion of the increase of the navy, during this part of the king's reign, I must observe, that, at mid-summer, 1660, the whole fleet all the advantages which he might procure hereby to his kingdoms, nay, even to all Christendom, in the repose and quiet of it ; that you will not be content alone to see 3 our neighbours strengthening themselves in shipping so much more than they were before, and at home to see the government struggling every year with dif- ficulties, and not able to keep up our navies equal with theirs. He finds that, by his accounts from the year 1660 to the late war, the ordinary charge of the fleet, comimmibis annis, came to about " five hundred thousand pounds a year ; and it cannot be supported " with less." * Memoirs relating to the State of the Royal Navy for ten Years, by Samuel Pepyi, Eaq. p, 6. OF KING CHARLES II. 431 of the nation consisted but of sixty-five vessels of all sizes, as appears by an original letter under the hand of Mr. Secretary Coventry. * But, after this period of time, I mean from the date of the list, the king finding himself extremely distressed at home, and, consequently, in a situation perplexed enough abroad; was persuaded, or rather compelled, to alter the management of his navy ; which he did in 1679, in order to make himself easy in his civil government; Sir Anthony Deane, Mr. Pepys, and several other old officers of the navy, having been so un- fortunate to incur the displeasure of the House of Com- mons, by whom they were committed, t This new administration, with respect of naval affairs, subsisted for about five years ; and, if it had continued five years longer, would, in all probability, have remedied even the numerous and mighty evils it had introduced, by wearing out the whole royal navy, and so leaving no room for future mistakes. It was a just sense of this that induced the king, in 1681, to resume the management of the fleet into his own hands, to restore again most of the old officers, and to undertake the bringing things once more into order : but before any considerable progress could be made in so great a work, his majesty died, and left the care of it to his successor. J The trade of the nation I have heretofore shewed to have been in a very declining situation at the time of the Restoration; I have also observed, that it was much helped by several treaties of peace made soon after ; and though I am far from denying, that, through the king's too strict intercourse with France, his running counter, in many respects, to the interests as well as inclinations of * Memoirs of English Affairs, chiefly Naval, p. 12. f The History and Proceedings of the House of Commons, printc4 for Richard Chandler, vol. i. p. 260. t Memoirs of the Royal Navy, by Mr. Pepys, p. 10. See p. 317, 325. NAVAL HISTORY his best subjects, and that dissolute spirit of luxury and corruption, which, if not introduced, was at least coun- tenanced and encouraged by the king's temper and prac- tice, might hinder our trade from reaching that height which otherwise it would have done. * Yet, upon the whole, I am fully persuaded, that, during his whole reign, we were very great gainers thereby ; and this, I think, I can make clearly appear. In the first place, the former Dutch war was most certainly under- taken for the sake of trade ; nor can it be conceived, that in the second, the Dutch would have pushed as they did, from any other motive than an apprehension that, from rivals, we should become their superiours in commerce ; to which, from the very genius of their state, they could not patiently submit. In the next place, let us consider the mighty losses sustained in the course of fifteen years by the plague, the fire of London, and the two Dutch wars. They have been computed, by men much better skilled in political arithmetic than I pretend to be, at little less than twenty-seven millions, t But supposing them to have amounted only to twenty millions, the nation must have been reduced to the lowest ebb of poverty and distress, if she had not been relieved by the vast profits of her foreign trade. This it was that re- paired the loss of our people in a surprising manner ; raised the city of London, like a Phoenix, brighter and more beautiful for having been in flames ; and increased * The World's Mistake in Oliver Cromwell, written by Slingsby Bethel, Esq. who, in the latter end of the treatise, does justice to this king's administration hi respect to commerce. Coke's Detection of the four last Reigns, p. iv. p. 205. t By Sir William Petty in his Political Arithmetic, who without question understood the grounds of that art as well as ever any mail did. Dr. Davenaut also was of the same mind, and says expressly, that these losses might be computed at between twenty-four and twenty-seven millions. Discourses on the Public Revenue and Trade /* England, vol. ii. p. 44. OF KING CHARLES II. 433 our shipping to double what it was at the time of the kind's O coming in. These are facts agreed on by the greatest men that ever handled subjects of this nature, grounded on such evidence as could not deceive them: and justified by effects which even posterity may contemplate, and thence discern the wisdom and truth of their computations. * The East India Company were exceedingly favoured and protected, especially in the beginning of this reign ; the African company was in the zenith of its glory, and brought in vast profits to the proprietors and the nation. + Many of our plantations were settled by his majesty's favour ; such as Pennsylvania, Carolina, &c.^: Others were re- stored to this nation by his arms; such as New York, and the Jerseys ; and all had such encouragement, that they made quite another figure than in former times, as we may guess from w r hat a modern writer, no way partial to this prince, says of Barbadoes ; that, during his reign, it maintained four hundred sail of ships, produced two hundred thousand pounds a year clear profit to this nation ; and maintained one hundred thousand people there and here. || These are high calculations ; but I believe the person who made them is able to justify them, and therefore I make no question that Sir William Petty was in the right, when he calculated our exports at ten millions per annum. 5 This agrees very well with the state of our customs, which * See Pett's Happy Future State of England, Sir William Petty's Political Arithmetic, and his Essays, Dr. Davenant's Book before cited, and his Essay upon the Probable Methods of Making People Gainers in the Balance of Trade. f See a General Treatise of Naval Trade and Commerce, vol. ii. chap. 5. I Curson's Compendium of the Laws and Government of England, p. 512. See the British Empire in America, under those titles, || Ibid. p. 166, 167. ^[ Political Arithmetic, p. 244. VOL. II. * F 431 MEMOIRS OF fell then little short of a million ; though in 1660 they were farmed for four hundred thousand pounds, as thej were once let by Queen Elizabeth at thirty-six thousand. Dr. Davenant, an excellent judge in these matters, having duly weighed all the calculations I have mentioned, and compared them with all the lights he had received from long experience ; pronounces the balance of trade to have been in our favour, in this reign, two millions a year ; and less, I think, it could not well be. * The bounds pre- scribed to this work will not allow me to say more on this subject ; and I must have violated the duty I owe to truth and my country, if I had said less. We are now to speak particularly of the most remarkable among those illustrious persons, whose gallant actions at sea have been already occasionally mentioned in this his- tory ; men, who, in point of military and civil virtue, have deserved as well of their country as men could do, and whose fame, therefore, ought to be transmitted to posterity with due respect. Among these, in the first place, let us take notice of him to whose loyalty we owe the virtues and services of all the rest. MEMOIRS OF GENERAL GEORGE MONK, DUKE OF ALBEMARLE, AND KNIGHT OF THE GAUTER. IF the intrinsic worth of a man's actions were sufficient to secure the applause of succeeding times, there would be little occasion to enter minutely into the memoirs of thii great soldier and seaman ; and, on the other hand, if there be any thing laudable in removing those shades which the envious are always labouring to throw over the reputation of the worthy ; then certainly no man's life would claim * Discourses en the Public Revenues and Trade of England. vol. ii. p. 47. GENERAL MONK. 435 greater attention than his of whom I am speaking; the merit of whose services scarcely raised him more friends, than the glory of them excited detractors. He was by birth a gentleman, descended on the father's side from an ancient and honourable family, settled from the time of Henry III. at Potheridge, in Devonshire ; and, by the female line, sprung from the victorious Edward IV. * He was the second son of Sir Thomas Monk, a man whose qualities and virtues deserved a better fortune ; for time, in doing honour to his family, had almost worn out his estate. His son George, was born on the 6th of Decem- ber, 1608 ; and his father having not much wealth to give, intended him from his childhood for the sword, and there- fore bestowed on him such an education as was requisite to qualify him for the profession of arms, for which he gave a proof of his capacity when he was scarce able to wield them. + In the first year of the reign of King Charles I. his majesty, who had then in view a war with Spain, came * The first notice that I believe the world ever had of this matter, was from a. pamphlet, printed in 1659, entitled, " The Pedigree and " Descent of his Excellency General Monk, setting forth how he. is " descended from King Edward III. by a branch and slip of the " White Rose, the House of York, and likewise his extraction from " Richard, King of the Romans." This was published with a view, I suppose, to countenance a design some people had entertained of inclining the general to assume the crown himself, instead of restoring the king. The fact, however, is true as to his descent, which may be seen in Dugdale and other authors. But this descent could not pos- sibly give liim any title to the crown, since the Lady Frances Planta- genet was first married into the family of Basset, and had issue of that marriage; and, which is still more to the purpose, her father Arthur, Viscount Lisle, was only natural son to Edward IV. We cannot wonder, therefore, that so thinking a man as General Monk despised such a pitiful strain of flattery, OH a circumstance otherwise very honourable to his family. f These particulars are taken from the Life of General Monk, written by Dr. Guinble ; his Life by Dr. Skinner; and what is said of him in Prince's Worthies of Devon. 436 MOIOIKS OF down to Plymouth, in order to inspect the naval prepara- tions that were making there. Sir Thomas Monk had a mind to pay his duty to his prince, though his debts, derived rather from his ancestors extravagance than his own, made him somewhat afraid of the law. To remedy this evil, he sent his son George to the under-sheriff of Devonshire, with a considerable present ; desiring that, on so extraordinary an occasion, he might lie safe from any insult while he attended the king. The sheriff took the present, and granted his request ; but, soon after receiving a larger from one of his creditors, took him in execution in the face of the county. George Monk, whose youth led him to think this a strange action, went to Exeter ; and after expostulating with the pettifogger, who was altogether insensible as to reproaches ; took his leave of him in a more intelligible language, and caned him so heartily, that he left him in no condition of following him* This adventure sent him on board the fleet, which, under the command of Lord Wimbleton, shortly after sailed for Cadiz, when he was in the seventeenth year of his age ; and thus he began, as he ended, his service to his country at sea. * , In this voyage he served as a Tolunteer under his near relation, Sir Richard Green vile ; the next year, we find him with a pair of colours, under the brave Sir John Burroughs, in the unfortunate expedition to the Isle of Rhe. Such unlucky beginnings would certainly have daunted a less resolute mind than that of Mr. Monk, who was distinguished in his youth, by a steadiness of temper which he maintained to his dying hour, and which was equally incapable of being heated by passion, or chilled by fear. ' In 1628, being then completely of age, he went over to Holland, and served in the regiment of the earl of Oxford. * Skinner's Life of General Mock, p, 11. GENERAL MONK. and afterwards in that of the Lord Goring, who gave him the command of his own company, before he was thirty years of age. In this service, Mr. Monk was present in several sieges and battles ; and pursuing steadily the study of his profession, became a complete master therein. In the last year of his stay in Holland, his winter-charters were assigned him in Dort ; where the magistrates punish- ing some of his soldiers, for matters rather proper for the inspection of a court-martial, Captain Monk expostulated the matter so warmly, that the point came to be decided by the prince of Orange ; who, though he in a like case had given judgment in favour of Sir Richard Cave, and thereby misled the captain, now, to gratify the people, gave it for the burghers ; which so disgusted Monk, who under a calm behaviour concealed a very high spirit, that he soon after threw up his commission, and never saw the Dutch more, as a friend. * On his return home, he found his country in great con- fusion ; a war newly broken out with the rebellious Scots 5 and an army raising to chastise them, in which he served as a lieutenant-colonel, under the earl of Newport ; and^ if his advice had been taken, things had not ended as they did. t When the war blazed out in Ireland, in 161 1$ " * Gumblc's Life of General Monk, p. 4. Journal of the expedition to the Isle of Rhe, in Lord Lansdow n's Works, vol. iii. p. 253 ; in which is the following passage : " July 28. The day following Mr. " Monk came from England through the main, passing the army " which lay before Rochelle with great hazard of his life, and brought " a message by word of mouth, from the king to my lord duke, with " intelligence of thirty or forty sail of ships, with three or four " thousand men, preparing in Franco." Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. 102. Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 699. f Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 18, where lie asserts, that Lieutenant Monk was one of the few officers who seconded the carl of Straflbrd in his desire of fighting the Scots, instead of treating with them, which at all events must have served the king's purpose ; but his tenderness for his countrymen ruined him, and, by bearing so much from rebels in one kingdom, he invited a rebellion iu another, 43S MEMOIRS OF through the favour of his cousin, the earl of Leicester, then lord-lieutenant, he was appointed to command his own regiment ; in which post he did great service, and might have been governor of Dublin, but for the jealousy of the earl of Ormond. * In 1643, he returned into England to serve his majesty, to whom he was introduced at Oxford, and honoured with a conference which lasted some time ; and which satisfied the king how ill he had been used by his ministers, who, upon some dirty intelligence from Dublin, prevailed upon his majesty to take away his regiment, and give it to Major Warren ; a man of so much honour, that they found no small difficulty in prevailing upon him to accept it. To make Colonel Monk some amends, the king constituted him a major-general of the Irish brigade, and then sent him to his command; which he had not enjoyed long, before he, with many other officers, were surprized by Sir Thomas Fairfax, and sent prisoners to Hull ; from whence, by special direction of the parliament, he was transferred to the Tower of London, where he remained several years a prisoner, in circumstances narrow enough ; though his brother, who was a royalist, and consequently the less able, did what he could for him, and his generous master sent him from Oxford, one hundred pounds in gold ; which was a large sum out of so low an exchequer. + In 1646-7, when the fury of the civil war was over, by the total ruin of the king's affairs, Colonel Monk accepted * Skinner's Life of General Monk, p. 21. Ludlow tells us, in his Memoirs, p. 77, that, when Ormond sent him over, he ordered him to be confined in the ship, because he had made a scruple of serving against the parliament, with forces raised by their authority. This shews, that General Monk was not such a soldier of fortune as Burnet and some other writers would make him ; but that he had always a great respect to principle. t Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 25. See also the Preface by Dr. Webster, where there is a letter from Mr. Monk to his elder brother, dated from the Tower, Nov. 6, 1644, acknowledging the receipt of fifty pounds, and desiring the like sum. GENERAL MONK. 439 a commission under his relation the Lord Lisle, whom the parliament had appointed to the government of Ireland. When, in consequence of this, he obtained his liberty, he went, before he left the Tower, to pay his respects to the venerable Doctor Matthew Wren, Lord Bishop of Ely ; and, having received his blessing, the colonel took his leave in these words : " My lord, I am now jroino- to * * O o : < serve the king, the best I may, against his bloody rebel* " in Ireland ; and 1 hope I shall one day live to do further " service to the royal cause in England." * At this time, however, he was not very fortunate ; for, after a short stay in that kingdom, he returned with Lord Lisle, whose difference with the marquis of Ormond hindered either of them from serving their country effectually ; but Colonel Monk did not long remain idle in England ; for the par- liament knew his abilities too well, and had too quick a sense of the state of Irish affairs, not to employ him in the only service to which he was inclined ; and thus he returned a third time into Ireland, with the title of com- mander-in-chief of the English forces in the North ; t where, in conjunction with Colonel Jones and Sir Charles Coote, he took Athboy, Portlester, Ballyshannon, Nab- ber, and Ballyho. Afterwards, with the assistance of Sir Price Coghrun, and Lieutenant-colonel Cunningham, he surprised Carrickfergus, the head of the Scots quarters in that kingdom, and in it Major-General Monroe and his troops, who was drawing them out, with an intention to * Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 28. P.\RENT,VLIA, or Memoirs of th<> Family of the Wrens, viz. of Matthew, Bishop of Ely, Christopher, Dean ot Windsor, but chiefly of Sir Christopher Wren, late Surveyor- General of the Royal Buildings, Sec. compiled by his son Christopher, and published by his grandson Stephen Wren, Esq. fol. London, 1750, p. 27, where this remarkable incident is related at large. See also Coke's Detection, vol. ii. p. 48, who says he had it from that reverend prelate's own mouth. t Heath's Chronicle, p. 123. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 227. Cum- Lie's Life of Monk, p. 25. Clarendou's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 319. 440 MEMOIRS OF join the forces of his nephew, Sir George Monroe, iff Scotland. * This action and success, says Whitlocke, "T was one of the first that brought Colonel Monk into extra- ordinary favour with the parliament ; who began to have more confidence in him than they had formerly, since his revolt to them. A letter of thanks was sent to Monk, his officers, and soldiers ; he was likewise appointed governor of Carrickfergus, and five hundred pounds were ordered him, as a reward for his good services. As to Major- General Monroe, he was conducted to England ; where, upon his arrival, he was committed to the Fleet ; the officer, Major Brough, who had the care of him, receiving two hundred pounds, by command of the parliament, for his attention in that particular. As for our colonel, he pursued the path he was in with patience ; and though it was a very difficult thing to manage such a divided authority, yet the prudence of Monk enabled him to surmount this difficulty, and many others, some of which were yet greater. He was forced to make war without money, which he did so effectually, as to reduce Owen Roe O'Neile to the utmost distress, by carrying off provisions where that was practicable, and burning them where it was not. Yet, in the spring of the year 1649, Colonel Monk found himself in so weak a con- dition, by the desertion brought on his army through the detestation the soldiers had of the king's murder, that he was constrained to enter into a treaty with this Owen Roe O'Neile; which certainly saved the few troops he had under his command, and thereby preserved the par- liament's interest in that country. | However, it gave * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 275, 339. Cox's History of Ireland, p. 196, 203. Gamble's Life of Monk, p. 27. t Memorials, p. 339, 341. See also Carte's Collection of Original Letters and Papers respecting the Affairs of England, from the Papers of the Ormond Family, London, 1739, 8vo. 2 vols. vol. i. p. 172. J Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 359. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 391. Heath's Chronicle, p. 238, 239. Davies's His- GENERAL MONK. 441 such offence, that, on his return, he was subjected to a strict inquiry by the house of commons ; who, after a very full hearing of the matter, came to a resolution against the treaty ; but in justification of Monk's intention therein, which, though but a partial censure, some think the general never forgot. * I must own, this appears to me one of the darkest parts of his history ; but what I find most probable is, that the parliament's resolution was intended purely to wipe off the odium of having treated with an Irish papist, and that Colonel Monk did nothing therein but under direction ; and this, 1 think, sufficiently appears from the parliament's having carried on a private treaty with an agent of O'Neile at London ; t and from the style of their resolution, in which, though they declare the fact to be criminal, yet they admit the man to be innocent ; which I conceive he could not well be, unless he had known their intentions. J Oliver Cromwell was now entrusted with the sole direc- tion of the Irish war, and Monk was out of all employ- ment ; which might have straitened him in his private for- tune, if his elder brother had not died without issue-male, by which he inherited the estate of the family. About this time also he declared his marriage, or perhaps somewhat tory of the Civil Wars of Great Britain and Ireland, chap xc. The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 221. * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 419. Moderate Intelligencer, from June 7 to 14, 1649, No. 221. History of Independency, vol. ii. p. 226. Cox's History of Ireland, p. 5. f Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 294, 295. J The resolution is in these words : " That this house doth utterly " disapprove of the proceedings of Colonel Monk, in the treaty and " cessation made between him and Owen Roe O'Neile ; and that this " house doth detest the thoughts of closing with any party of Popish * rebels there, who have had their hands in shedding English blood. " Nevertheless, the house being satisfied, that what the said Colonel " Monk did therein was, in his apprehension, necessary for the pre- " servation of the parliament of England's interest; that the house " is content the farther consideration thereof, as to him, be laid aside, and shall not at any time hereafter be called in question." 442 MEMOIRS OF later ; for it seems he did not care the world should know he had a wife, till he was in possession of a competent fortune to maintain her. * His repose was of no long continuance; for, in the year 1650, Cromwell, when he was about to march into Scotland against the king, engaged him to accept of a new commission. Skinner and some other writers talk, upon this occasion, of a secret fate which over-ruled him in this action ; i nay, some of them would insinuate, that it was purely to revenge the treason of the Scots against King Charles I. that he took arms against them now, when they were fighting to restore King Charles II. J But I must freely own, that it appears to me the highest impiety to charge upon the pro- vidence of God what would be thought weakness in man ; as, on the other hand, I see no reason- why we should sacrifice truth to our zeal for any person, or any cause. I revere Monk as much as any man ; and yet I must speak it as my opinion, that he deserted his principles upon this occasion, that he might gratify his ambition. Cromwell was so sensible of his merit, that he took a very unusual way to provide him with a regiment, by drawing six com- panies out of Sir Arthur Haslerig's, and six out of Colonel Fenwick's ; and, to secure him still farther, he made him lieutenant-general of the ordnance ; and thus he was again mbarked with the parliament, through the interest of their general. In this expedition Cromwell, though he was a very knowing and great officer, certainly run into a dangerous error, which he discovered somewhat of the latest ; and then began to retreat toward Dunbar, the Scots pressing * Skinner's Life of General Monk, p. 33. Lives, English and Foreign. Thurloe's Papers, vol. i. p. 470. t Life of General Monk, p. 36. t Gamble's Life of General Monk, p. 34, 35. Heath's Chronicle, p. 274. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 327, Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 466. " GENERAL MONK. 443 hard upon his rear. Finding himself distressed, he called a council of war, in which opinions were divided, till general Monk delivered his in these words : " Sir, the " Scots have numbers and the hills; those are their " advantages : we have discipline and despair, two things " that will make soldiers fight ; and these are ours. My " advice, therefore, is, to attack them immediately ; which " if you follow, I am ready to command the van." His proposal being accepted, he began the attack; and, as Ludlow acknowledges, was the sole instrument of that victory which gained Cromwell so great reputation. * The following summer he spent in reducing the best part of Scotland, and particularly the town of Dundee, which made a good defence ; he took it, notwithstanding, by storm, put six hundred of the garrison to the sword, and committed other acts of severity, which, however necessary they might be to his private interest, were cer- tainly detrimental enough to his public character, the thing itself rendering him terrible to the royalists; and the manner of it gave distaste to General Ludlow, and all the sober men of that party, t The fatigue of so much business, and perhaps some extraordinary agitations of mind, threw him into a dangerous fit of sickness : upon this he applied for leave to return into England ; which having obtained, he went to Bath, recovered his health, and, coming to London, found himself named a commis- * Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 38. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. I>. 328. f Skinner's Life of General Monk, p. 40, where he slips over the matter without any particular notice. Lives, English and Foreign, p. 437. where it is expressly said, that he put the governor Robert Lumsdale, and eight hundred of his garrison, to the sword. Sir Philip Warwick in his Memoirs, p. 361, says, the governor was barbarously shot, after quarter given, by a fanatic officer. General Ludlow in lite Memoirs, vol. i. p. 3(56, affirms quite the contrary, viz. that he stormed Dundee, and, being entered, put five or six hundred to the sword, aud commanded the governor, with divers others, to be killed in cold blood. Unjustifiable severity to men engaged upon principle ! 4-14 MEMOIRS OF sioner for bringing about an union between Scotland and England ; in which, without doubt, he was properly em- ployed, since few people at that time knew the interest of both nations better than he did. * The Dutch war gave a new occasion for removing General Monk from his command in Scotland, to employ him on board the fleet. The death of Colonel Popham made way for this : it was necessary to supply his loss, by sending an experienced officer in his stead, and this induced the parliament to cast their eyes upon Monk. He was now nearly forty-five years of age, which seemed a little of the latest to bring a man into a new scene of life ; yet it must be remembered, that he was bred in a maritime county, and had served at sea in his youth; so that the preferment was not absolutely out of his way ; or, if it were, he soon made it appear, that he could easily accom- modate himself to any service that might be beneficial to his country. We find him with the fleet in May, 1653 ; and on the second of June he engaged that of the Dutch, being on board the Resolution with Admiral Deane, who, in the 'beginning of the action, was killed by a chain-shot, a new invention generally ascribed to De Witte.t Monk with great presence of mind threw his cloak over the body ; and having fetched two or three turns, and encouraged the men to do their duty, ordered it to be removed into his cabin. The dispute continued two days, and ended at last in a complete victory gained by the English. The Dutch, it is true, denied this ; and the states went so far as to send a letter to their foreign ministers, directing them to assert, that it was but a drawn battle :^ yet Van Tromp in his * Gamble's and Skinner's Life of Monk. t Skinner's Life of Mouk, p. 45. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 557. Lives, English and Foreign, p. 139. Mercurius Politicus, No. 158, p. 2515. J The reader may find this letter in Thurloe's Papers, vol. i. p. 273. t GENERAL M0NK. 445 better acknowledges the contrary, and lays the blame on the want of ammunition, and the base behaviour of many of his captains. * This is certain, that Monk discovered upon this occasion, such a spirit for pushing things to the utmost, as gave him great reputation. He soon increased this, by engaging the Dutch again on the 29th of July, where he likewise fought two days, and gained a second complete victory, as we have elsewhere shewn ; t and shall therefore insist only on a few parti- culars relating to his personal conduct in this place. The Dutch fleet was far superiour to his ; and yet he not only attacked them, but engaged with thirty sail of light frigates, while the rest of the fleet were astern, and could not get up. The 30th proved a foul day, and so prevented any further fighting ; on the 31st, the Dutch had a supply of twenty-five large ships, which did not hinder Monk, who now commanded in chief, from attacking them, though he knew they had another great advantage, viz. a number of fire-ships, whereas he had none : nay, as if he had been secure of victory, he gave orders that no ship should be taken, or quarter given ; for he saw that sending off ships to convoy them weakened his own fleet, and thereby lessened the effects of their victories. | His judgment appeared to be right, from the consequence of this battle ; in which the loss of the Dutch, especially that of their gallant Admiral Van Tromp, was so great, that it would not admit of any disguise; but the states were forced to send their ministers hither, to conclude a peace upon an/ terms that could be obtained. * Tins letter is also printed in the same collection, vol. i. p. 270. t See p. 265. t Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, vol. i. p. 240. Heath's Chronicle, p. 348. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. liv. 12. Neuville, torn. iii. liv. x. chap. 11, 12. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, fol, Yi. p. 489. Ludlow's Memoirs, yol, ii. p. 469. 446 MEMOIRS OF After this, he was sent upon the coast of Holland, to destroy all the pretences of the Dutch, in case they had set up any ; and to make their people sensible that they were thoroughly beaten. On his return to London, he found the little parliament sitting, by the authority of General Cromwell ; which assembly treated Monk, however, so kindly, that the general began to be jealous of him ; till, upon repeated conversations, he was thoroughly persuaded that Monk thought them, what he was willing every body should think them, a crew of ignorant enthusiasts ; and then he became perfectly easy, and took Monk into his favour ; who, notwithstanding all this kindness, declared himself against the peace intended with the Dutch ; which Cromwell, nevertheless, made, having, in order to that, taken upon him the title of Protector. To this great change the states contributed not a little by their ambassadors ; who represented to General Crom- well, that the parliament he had been pleased to call were a set of men fitter for Bedlam than the government of a state, with whom it was impossible to treat or conclude any thing ; but that, if he would assume the government, they would submit to any terms he should think reason- able. * When he was once fixed in his protectorate, and felt the weight of governing three kingdoms, he began to think of easing himself, by sending proper officers into two of them : and, in this partition, Scotland fell to the share of General Monk. It was in the spring of the year 1654, that Cromwell took this resolution, and Monk, readily accept- ing the commission, went down thither in the month of April the same year, t * Heath's Chronicle, p. S49 353. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, chap. 99. Skinner's Life of General Monk, p. 51. See Crom- well's Commission to General Monk, dated April 28, 1654, in Thurloe's , State Papers, vol. ii. p. 222. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 494. Ludlow ? s Memoirs, vol ii. p. 504. Whitlocke's Memorials, p, 589. GENERAL MONK. 447 He found the kingdom in the utmost confusion; the English army very small, and very ill governed, being under the command of Colonel Deane, a timorous man, and one that knew not how to direct any thing in such a critical conjuncture. A great part of the nobility were in arms for the king ; and as to the rest of the people, they were split into innumerable parties, by quarrels among their ministers. * The general shewed himself a true servant of Cromwell ; he not only pursued the business of the war indefatigably ; but, by setting a price on the heada of the principal cavaliers, filled their minds with such dis- trusts, that they ever after actod in such a manner as shewed they were in confusion, t He settled garrisons and magazines in the most distant parts of the nation, using such severity towards all who resisted, and such lenity to all who submitted, that, in a very short time, ha subdued the whole kingdom. CT When the war was once over, he fixed himself at the house of the Countess of Buccleugh, at Dalkeith, within four miles of Edinburgh; where, while he governed the kingdom more absolutely than most of its monarchs had done, he lived with all the moderation of a private man, and made husbandry and gardening his sole amusements. | Cromwell sent down a commission, empowering certain persons to direct civil affairs, under the title of a Council * Heath's Chronicle, p. 360, 361. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 590, 591, 592, 597. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 342, 343. f See this Proclamation, signed G. Monk, and dated at Dalkeith, May 4, 1654. In it he mentions Major-general Middleton, the earl of Athol, the earl of Seaforth, the Lord-viscount Kenmure, and Major- general Dalziel, for the killing of whom, or bringing them in prisoners to an English garrison, he offered two hundred pounds a head. This proclamation is in the late Collection of Thurloe's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 261. I Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. 103. Gamble's Life of Gene- ral Monk, p. 86, 87. Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebel] ioti, Yl. vi. p. 505. 448 MEMOIRS OF of State, consisting of the Lord Broghill, who was presi- dent, Colonel Howard, afterwards earl of Carlisle, Colonel William Lockhart, Colonel Adrian Scroop, Colonel John Wethum, and Major-general Disbrow. * The majority of this council concurred with Monk in every thing ; so that, in the main, the civil as well as military power was in his hands : and he luanaged it in such a manner, that the people had not either reason or inclination to complain; but, on the contrary, were very thankful and contented. He seems, however, by his letters, to have been strongly and steadily attached to Cromwell ; since we find, that he not only communicated to him all that he could discover of the king's intelligence there with others; but sent him also the copy of a letter, written by King Charles II. to himself; which hitherto has been always mentioned as a proof of Monk's early affection for the king's service ; on a suppo- sition, that, though he .did not answer, he concealed it; which supposition is now clearly and absolutely over- turned, t Yet all his precaution did not secure him from the jealousy of the protector, who was actually contriving how to remove him, when death put a period to his pro- jects. A little before his end, however, he wrote the general a long letter, concluding with the following post- script; which, I conceive, affords us a better picture of Oliver than is any where to be met with, and, which is no less singular, drawn by his own hand. ^ * Heath's Chronicle, p. 374. Skinner's Life of General Monk, p. 69. Thurloe's State Papers, vol. iii. p. 711, 727. f This Letter of King Charles II. to Monk is dated Colen, August 12, 1655, and was communicated to Dr. Peter Barwick by Monk's son, as a proof of his father's early loyalty : but it appears from Thurloe's Papers, that Monk gave an account of every thing that passed in Scotland ; and particularly sent him up this very letter, with many others. J Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 72. The Mystery and Method of his Majesty's Happy Restoration laid open to Public View, Lond. 1680, 8vo. p. 12. GENERAL MONK. 449 ' P. S. There be that tell me, that there is a certain cun- '' ning fellow in SCOTLAND, called GEORGE MONK, who is '< said to lie in wait there to introduce CHARLES STUART. 1 I pray you use your diligence to apprehend him, and send " him up to me." Yet, as a creature of Cromwell, he wa"s hated by the commonwealth party; and a conspiracy had been formed against him by Colonel Overton, in which Sindercome had undertaken to murder the general, who afterwards made a like attempt upon Cromwell; but Monk having discovered and disappointed the plot, contented himself with sending the authors of it up to London. * The principal cause of the protector's jealousy was, the kindness shewn by the general to the Scots, for finding them of his own temper, that is to say, of a civil, though reserved nature, he admitted them freely to his presence, of what party soever they were. Immediately on Oliver's death he proclaimed Richard, from whom he received a very kind letter, which con- tained a fact not likely to be true, tiz. that his father had directed him to be governed chiefly by Monk's advice; whereas he was scarcely in his senses, when he appointed him to the succession, t This, however, was very well judged in the new protector, and seemed to bespeak his advice in such a manner, as that he could not, consistently with the deep regard he professed for his father, refuse giving it him ; and therefore the general, some time after, sent it by his brother-in-law. The paper is yet remain- ing;^: and will convince whoever reads it, that Monk, though a very plain man, was a very sound politician; and, * Thurloe's State Papers, vol. iv. p. 182. t Ibid. vol. vii. p. 363, 372. Gumble's Life of General Monk, p. 94, 95. Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 75. I Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vii. p. 387. VOL. JI. G G 450 MEMOIRS OF like an honest and sensible counsel, gave the clearest and best opinion, upon his intricate and perplexed case, that it would bear. If Richard could have supported himself at all, it would have rivetted Monk in his favour ; who, how- ever, might doubt the possibility of that, when he gave it. He judged rightly, that, if things went well, it would do him much good; and, if they went ill, it could do him no hurt. The further to conciliate Monk's friendship, the protector sent down Commissary Clarges, brother to Lady Monk, laden with promises : which, however, had no effect upon the wary general ; who received his commands respectfully ; wrote a civil answer to Thurloe's smooth letter; and took all the care he could to secure his com- mand in Scotland, till he saw what turn things in England would take ; it having been his opinion, that, if Oliver had lived much longer, he would have been shaken in his seat. * The succeeding troubles in England, therefore, were very far from surprising him : on the contrary, they were precisely what he looked for and expected ; and it was very easy to foresee, that, in consequence of them, some attempts might be made to restore the king. It would be beside the design of this treatise ; it would require much more room than we have to spare ; and, after all, it would be in a great measure needless, considering what has been already written on the subject, for us to enter minutely into the intrigues that were used, while General Monk was in Scotland, to bring him into that interest : t we shall * See the character of the Protector, as drawn by the noble histo- rian in his History of the Rebellion, yol. vi. p. 46. Discourse con- cerning the Government of Oliver Cromwell, by Abraham Cowley, in the second volume of his Works. The World's Mistake in Oliver Cromwell, by Slingsby Bethel, Esq. Gamble's Life of Monk, p. 95. Burnet's History of his own Time, vol. i. p. 68. f The curious reader may consult the Life of Dean Barwick, wherein he will find the best accounts that were ever published of this matter j and yet the earl of Clarendon says nothing of the services of GENERAL MONK. 451 content ourselves, therefore, with saying, that he acted in this matter with the utmost prudence and circumspection ; so that what the earl of Clarendon and Bishop Burnet have suggested, that he was a man of slow parts and slen- der abilities, ought to be considered rather as the effect of their prejudices, than of the general's conduct. * The truth is, they were both out of this secret ; that is to say, the former had no hand in it, and the latter never so much as heard of it; which was reason enough for them to write as they did. The general's council con- sisted chiefly of ladies. He corresponded in England with the lady Savile ; he managed all Scotland by the assistance of the countess of Buccleugh ; and consulted much, in regard to his personal conduct, with his wife, a woman of quick parts, and a thorough royalist. He had, besides, some confidents, who will appear to pos- terity more worthy of the truth he reposed in them, for having never boasted of the assistance they gave him, as others did, who afforded him much less. Among the first, I reckon his wife's brother, Dr. Clarges, Colonel Cloberry, and General Morgan ; among the latter, his chaplains Price and Gumble, with many others, t this Dr. John Barwick, though no man was better acquainted with them than himself; which shews, that there are some things in which that history is not altogether to be depended upon. * It is clear from what Lord Clarendon says, that he was altogether unacquainted witli the general's intentions, and could only collect his design from his manner of acting. His reservedness, therefore, to so haughty a man, might well enough induce him to speak so coldly as he does of the general's performances. Yet he does not pretend to enter deeply into his character, as Burnet does, who must know much less of it, and that only from conversation in a court where Monk's patriotism, and severity of morals, had left him few friends, and created him many enemies. f The capital secret of the restoration was, the general's forming the design of it, which he did in Scotland; and, by the assistance of the countess of Buccleugh, drew all the loyal nobility to confide in him; a thing of which Bishop Burnet knew nothing, though it was G G 2 452 MEMOIRS OF In the management of all great undertakings, the surest signs of a true genius is, the disposition of its several parts. This shews the-first mover ; this marks the ruling character, that superiority of skill and conduct which denominates a man truly wise and great. Let us see, then, what it was " Monk was to overthrow ; what to . ' establish ; and what force he had to do it with. He was to change a settlement, new indeed in itself, but in ap- pearance so much the stronger ; having all the authority in the three kingdoms; a veteran army of upwards of thirty thousand men in England and Ireland ; and a vic- torious fleet on its side. He was to restore a lost cause, in the opinion of its best friends : a cause which he durst not so much as own ; a cause against which himself had done much, and the troops he commanded more; all which he was to do with a body of between five and six thousand men, which were so far from being better troops than those they were to oppose, that, in reality, they were not their equals. Yet, with the blessing of GOD, he performed what he proposed; he triumphed over all these difficulties; and he did this by a just distribution of the several parts of his scheme, any one of which, had it been omitted or misplaced, had ruined the whole. He secured Scotland behind him ; raised a sufficient sum of money to put the first springs in motion ; and excited such a spirit in his army, as fitted it for the present work. * Next, he took care to stir the humours in the body-politic ; to rouze ajid animate all the parties in the nation ; that they might move, act, and shew their humours and their strength. He set up Fairfax against Lambert ; and broke his veteran army by shewing them in truth the great spring of the affair, and the clearest proof, that the general acted sincerely and uniformly through the whole ex- pedition. * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. 'i. p. 702. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 809. Life of Dr. Banvick, p. 222, 223. GENERAL MONK. 453 their old general. * He made use of honest Dr. Price to feed the royalists with hopes, while his own actions could give them none, t By the talkative Mr. Gumble, he wrought upon the commonwealth men : by gracious and yet general answers he kept himself well with all parties, without declaring for any. $ ' He pr&vailed with. the parliament to part with a better army than his own, merely from the opinion of his being their best friend : when he came to London, he shewed himself the very best of their servants, by obsequiously performing the dirtiest of their work ; and, proving them thereby to be the worst of masters, he paved the way for ousting them of their authority. || Thus, he went beyond them in their own arts ; outstripped them in cunning ; and having the city and the country, as well as the fleet and the army, on his side ; he gave law to those who had been so long dictators. 5 By recalling the secluded members, he of a rump made them a house ; and, by their own consent, fairly dissolved that long parliament, which might otherwise have been * Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 412. Skinner's Life of General Monk, p. 139. MS. papers of Sir Philip Monckton in the possession of his worthy descendant, the right honourable the lord viscount Galway. Parliamentary Intelligencer, No. 6, p. 65. f Mystery and Method of His Majesty's Happy Restoration, p. 84. I Mr. Gumble had a hundred pounds given him for bringing Monk's letter from Newcastle, and was recommended also by the house of commons to be a fellow of Eton college. Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 692, 693. Philips's Continuation of Baker's Chronicle, and other writers. Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. iii. p. 27. Davies's History of the Civil Wars, p. 375. || Gumble's Life of General Monk, p. 236. Sir Richard Bulstrode's Memoirs, p. 209. Heath's Chronicle, p. 437. Mercurius Politicus, No. 607. If See the authors last cited, as also Kennet, EcLard, Rapin, and all our historians. 454 MEMOIRS OF everlasting. * After doing all this, he did still more : he refused the kingdom, when it was offered him by the distracted republicans, to keep it from its right owner; and then our old enemies, the French, would have lent him their assistance to have hindered the return of a monarch, who they foresaw, unless they misled him, must be the first in Europe ; and this they did as politicians, though that monarch was a grandson of France, t But Monk generously despised a diadem to which he had no right; and, with equal greatness of mind, refused to make any terms with him to whom it belonged. ^ He saw the folly of cobbling constitutions, and pretending to take power from one set of men to give it to another ; he chose therefore, like a wise and honest man, to fix things upon their old bottom, and to leave the king's power, and the people's freedom, to be discussed in the only assembly that could have a right to meddle with them. * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 720, 721. Heath's Chronicle, p. 438, 439. Public Intelligencer, by Ofder of Parliament, No. 608, 609. A Perfect Diurnal of Every Day's Proceedings in Parliament, No. 1, 2, 3. Mercurius Publicus, 4to. No. 612. t Philips's Continuation of Baker's Chronicle, p. 693. Sir Arthur Haselrig offered to procure a hundred thousand hands to subscribe to his title, if he would assume the government. Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 252. Price's History of the Restoration, p. 128. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 426. t Mr. Locke, on the credit of the earl of Shaftsbury, has published a very strange story in relation to the conduct of this great man, as if he had agreed with the French ambassador to take upon him the government; which story is reported at large by Echard in his history, p. 757. But this, as it is incredible in its nature, so it is improbable in its circumstances ; and supported by no authority in the world but that of a vain man, who was desirous of taking the merit of the restoration to himself. The very enemies of Monk have always allowed him this eminent sen-ice of restoring the king without conditions, to which we owed that ten years calm succeeding the king's return ; whereas, if he had submitted to conditions, we must, from the nature of things, have relapsed into confusion immediately. GENERAL MONK. 455 Thus was the restoration begun, prosecuted, and per- fected, by Monk; who received, as favours from the king, his titles, preferments, and fortune; all which, to be sure, he might have had in another way. And yet this is the man whom almost all our histories treat as having only second-rate parts, acting as he was prompted by men of brisker tempers, and invited by favourable occasions ; as a horrid dissembler, though he refused to take the engagement, and was never concerned in the war against Charles I. ; as an avaricious all grasping person, though ' it is confessed that he asked NOTHING from his sovereign, to whom he gave ALL; as a man utterly unfit for busi- ness, who yet had shewn himself a great captain in Ireland, an excellent governor in Scotland, and a pro- found statesman in England, not to mention his reputa- tion as an admiral, acquired by humbling Holland ; but it is one thing to merit a character, and another to pur- chase it. The latter was not Monk's talent : he provided for his relations and friends, but he was no encourager of flatterers; and, withal, being a bad courtier, he was seldom called for after the restoration, but when he was necessary; and this happening pretty often, leads us to the rest of his history ; in which we shall still find him appear with honour, and perform with success. The command of the army was continued to the duke of Albemarle, as long as there was, properly speaking, an army to command: he was, likewise, made master of the horse, and one of the king's bed-chamber.* Bishop Burnet, as also the noble historian, have said abundance of invidious things of him; and this will make it necessary to shew how false they are, and how little credit is due to their insinuations against this great man's character. The former says he was ravenous, as well as his wife, who was * Philips's Continuation of Baker's Chronicle, p. 712. Skinner's Life of General Monk, p. 312. 450 -MEMOIRS OF a mean contemptible creature, bad words these in a bishop'* mouth, who at other times could say soft things of the- ladies ; and adds, that he soon lost all personal regard, by becoming useless. * When he was created a duke, t the king settled seven thousand pounds a-year upon him, though one hundred thousand pounds a-year had been proposed before the restoration took place. ^ When he was called up by writ to the house of lords, he was attended by almost the whole house of commons to the door : a very unusual mark of respect, which could only be due to extraordinary merit, and must have flowed from their sense of it. Various plots were framed, immediately after the king's return; and, in all these, the duke of Albemarle's life was particularly aimed at : this seems to be a strong proof of his consequence ; and, if we were to demand another, we cannot desire a better than what all the histories of those times tell us ; -012. that these insur- rections were chiefly suppressed by his activity, at the head of his own faithful regiment. j| His success, in this respect, gave him an opportunity of deserving as much from the nation by his patriotism, as ever he did from the king by his loyalty. It was suggested in council, that * Burnet's Hisfory of his own Time, vol. i. p. 98. Life of the earl of Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 46. t His elevation to the peerage was so acceptable to that august body, that, upon notice given of it to the house by the lord chancellor, they ordered the lord great chamberlain of England, and the Lord Berkeley, to wait upon his majesty to return him their thanks for the honours he had been pleased to confer upon the duke of Albemarle. Journal of the house of lords. t Gumble's Life of General Monk, p. 396. Price's History of the Restoration, p. 9. Lord Lansdown's Works, vol. ii. Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 272. Heath's Chronicle, p. 455. Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 314 Keunet, Ecbard. || Heath's Chronicle, p. 471, 472, 512. Skinner's Continuation of Baies, p. 73. Bishop Parker's History of his own Time, p. 11 2O. Philips's Continuation of Baker's Chronicle, p. 734. Mercurius Polt- ticus, No. 3. Life of the earl of Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 135. GENERAL MONK. these tumults shewed how little use could be made of trained bands ; and therefore, that it was fit a part of the army should be kept up. The duke said, " this could not " be done without giving the people a jealousy of the " king ; and that the best way to gain their affections, " was to rely upon them."* I leave the reader to judge, with what decency this man could be said to forfeit all personal regard, and to become in a short time useless. But the bishop is not content with barely characterising this noble person ; he charges him with three glaring crimes, which, as they relate to the most eminent actions of his life, we shall briefly consider. The first is, the murder of the marquis of Argyle. This nobleman was questioned, before the parliament of Scotland, for con- curring with the late rebellious powers : he pleaded, that he complied with them only, and made a very strong defence ; t but the bishop says, that Monk having several letters of his, which fully shewed that his inclinations, as well as his actions, were with the prevailing party, he sent these down, which were read in parliament ; and by this breach of private friendship, he brought the marquis to- the block. J Now, to this I say, that the fact cannot be true, for many reasons. I shall mention only a few. 1. The marquis, in his defence, complains, that he was surprised into being present at Oliver's proclamation, as protector, by General Monk's sending for him to the council, with- out letting him know what was to be done. Would he have complained of this, and have passed by the letters ; or would not this complaint have been ridiculous, if there had been any such letters ? 2. The marquis died with * Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 322. t The proceedings against him may be found in the second volume of State Trials, p. 417. J Burnet's History of his own Time, vol. i. p. 125, State Trials, vol. ii. p. 431. 45S MEMOIRS OF an appeal to God for the sincerity of his defence, and wrote a letter to the king, affirming the same thing, a copy of which I have seen. * Would so wise a man, as the marquis certainly was, have done this, if, as Burnet says, his own letters had made the thing so plain, that his friends had nothing to say ? 3. This does not at all agree with Monk's character. He was an advocate for mercy to the regicides in the house of lords ; he was silent on the bench at the Old-Bailey, when commissioned to try them ; and, which is much more to the purpose, he saved Sir Arthur Haselrig's life and estate, the bitterest personal enemy he had in the world, by owning a promise to him, which some say he never made. This seems to shew him of no be- traying spirit, t 4. There was no occasion for Argyle to write any such letters, for Monk never was in England after Oliver became protector : and it is hard to under- stand, why the marquis should apply to him in Scotland, when he could so easily have had an audience of Cromwell in London, where he often was. J 5. The thing is now out of all doubt ; for, by the publication of Thurloe's papers, it appears that Mohk never considered the marquis in this light; but always represented him as a secret friend to the king, and an active enemy to the protector's government.^ The second imputation on the duke of Albemarle's con- * By the favour of his nephew, the honourable Mr. Archibald Campbell. In this letter the marquis insists on his loyalty in very high terms ; and indeed there is all the reason in the world to believe he never meant any thing more, in his proceedings in Scotland, than to restrain the power of the crown within due bounds. ' f Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 319, 320. t Ibid. chap. 7. See the correspondence of Argyle and Monk in the third, fourth and fifth volumes of Thurloe's State Papers; and thence it will plainly appear, that there was no harmony between them, and conse- quently no ground to suppose, that the marquis would lay himself open 4o him by his letters. GENERAL MONK. 459 duct is, his recommending the match with Portugal. * It is admitted, that this proposition might possibly be made by the Portuguese ambassador to the duke of Albemarle, before the king's actual return to his dominions ; and that he proposed it to his majesty as a measure proper for ex- tending the trade, and increasing the influence of his subjects abroad. It is likewise true, that his grace thought the acquisition of Tangier a very considerable thing; which will be the less wondered at, if we consider that, in Cromwell's time, there was a project of getting it into our possession. If, therefore, the duke of Albemarle was for this match from right motives, and with a view to the interest of his king and country, as it is plain he was ; it is very hard to arraign his behaviour upon consequences, which, it is certain, he could not foresee, and very probably had never considered. Besides, another queen might have been childless as well as Catherine, and have brought the nation no advan- tage at all ; whereas it is certain, that our close conjunc- tion with Portugal has been very beneficial to us as a trading people ; and that our acquisitions of Bombay and Tangier became useless, or at least inconsiderable, entirely through our own fault, from the perpetual struggle of factions among us, which have been always our greatest misfortune ; and therefore, to attribute these to the con- duct of Monk, or to condemn him for advising a treaty of marriage, which was thoroughly canvassed in, and ap- * Burnet's History of his own Time, vol. i. p. 166. Coke's Detec- tion of the Four last Reigns, book iv. chap. i. p. 8. Echard's History of England, from a MS. of Sir Robert Southwell, p. 800. The points insisted on are, 1. That the first motion came from General Monk, who constantly promoted this marriage ; 2. That the chancellor had incontestible intelligence of the Infanta's incapacity of having children ; 3. That upon this he warmly and passionately opposed it in a cabinet comicil, which he prevailed on tlie king to call upon this subject. 460 MEMOIRS OF proved by, th parliament, is as unreasonable us ft is unjust. * Thus the thiug stood in the first edition of this work : but we are now m a condition to clear up all difficulties, from the authority of the noble person, in the needless justification of whose character that of the duke of Albe- marle has been unjustly aspersed, t We are assured by him, that the first overture, in relation to the Infanta of Portugal, was made to his majesty by the lord chamberlain, that is, the earl of Manchester ; and, it seems, from the beginning was well received. The king next consulted the chancellor himself, and afterwards with a private com- mittee, of which the duke of Albemarle was no member. There that business came to such maturity, that the Conde de Mello, the Portuguese minister, was sent home, in order to bring with him those securities and assurances that were necessary to the conclusion of the treaty. It was during his absence that an opposition was set on foot by Baron Batteville, or, as his countrymen the Flemings call him, Baron Watteville, the Spanish minister, and his friend the earl of Bristol, who prevailed upon the king to give him a commission to go in search of a princess worthy the king's bed, to some of the courts of Italy. Upon the * This matter was warmly, and, as most people thought, fully dis- cussed in three quarto pamphlets by the ingenious Lord Lansdown, the indefatigable Mr. Oldmixon, and the learned Dr. Colebatch, of Trinity College in Cambridge, all of which I perused attentively, that I might do no injustice to any. f Earl of Clarendon's Life, p. 78, of the folio edition. J This committee was composed of the chancellor, the duke of Ormond, the earl of Manchester, and secretary Nicholas; and therein his Majesty declared, he had consulted the earl of Sandwich, and Sir John Lawson, as to the situation and importance of Tangier. The Count d'Estrades, though so well acquainted with the in- trigues of this court, thought the earl of Bristol was sent on this idle errand by the chancellor, in order to get him out of his way; bal the fact was quite otherwise. GENERAL MONK. return of the Portuguese minister, with the title of mar- quis de Sande, the negotiation was renewed; and the Spanish minister, who had been imprudent enough to publish aspersions on the infanta of Portugal, in the English language, and even to throw them out of his window amongst the guards, was ordered to quit the king- dom. * The matter was then laid before the whole privy- council, where, without doubt, the duke of Albemarle wa present ; and then it was unanimously approved. This unanimity so much pleased the king, that he took notice of it as a good omen, in his speech from the throne, at the opening of the next sessions of parliament, and was con- gratulated upon it by both houses, t Hence it is evident, that the duke of Albemarle had no particular concern in this business; that the chancellor was very early con- sulted ; that he considered the insinuation to the prejudice of the infanta as an invention of the Spanish minister; $ and was so far from protesting against this marriage, that he promoted it ; and, whatever calumny might afterwards suggest, promoted it, no doubt, from very just and laudable motives. The last point to which we are to speak, regards the * The indiscreet conduct of this minister was the source of the greatest disgrace, and some of the heaviest misfortunes, the court of Spain ever received. So true it is, that the honour always, and often the safety, of every state, is entrusted to every ambassador she sends. t Baker's Chronicle, p. 749. This speech was made May 6, 1661. J Earl of Clarendon's Life, p. 437, mentions the queen's miscarrying twice ; the first time, as the king affirmed, of his own knowledge, to the queen his mother, of a son. Lady Wyche, who attended near her person, asserted, she was able to have borne children at the king's death. The circumstance of the duke of York having children by the chancellor's daughter, gave a colour to the aspersions on the chancellor for promoting the king's marriage ; and the desire of vindicating him Itnsbeen the motive for aspersing other characters. 462 MEMOIRS OF sale of Dunkirk, in which the bishop assures us,* that the censure thrown upon the lord-chancellor Clarendon was unjust, since he relied intirely upon the sentiments of Monk. In this he does not, however, go so far as another writer ; who affirms, that the chancellor and the treasurer protested against it ; which, he says, is a point that may be cleared by inspecting the council-books, t Echard seems to lay the blame upon the earl of Sandwich,:}: and is also positive, that the chancellor and treasurer were the two ministers who opposed the measure. Monsieur d'Estrades, the French plenipotentiary, who transacted this important affair, on the part of his master; and who, in his letters to Louis XIV. at the time, gives a very distinct and particular account of what happened through the whole of the negociation ; set things in a very different light. He produces a letter from the chancellor, dated * In all altercations of this sort, it is but just to let men speak for themselves. History of his own Time, vol. i. p. 172, 173, the bishop says, " The matter under debate was, whether this place [Dunkirk] " ought to be kept or sold. The military men, who were believed to " be corrupted by France, said, the place was not tenable ; that in "" time of peace it would put the king to a great charge, and in time of " war it would not quit the cost of keeping it. The earl of Clarendon " said, he understood not those matters, but appealed to Monk's *' judgment, who did positively advise letting it go for the money that *' France offered. So it was sold ; and all the money that WHS paid ** for it was immediately squandered away amongst the mistress's " creatures." The facts are, 1. That the military men acted as if .Corrupted by France. 2. The chancellor Clarendon was passive, relying on Monk's opinion. 3. His opinion was positive, to let it go for what France offered. 4. Upon his advice it was sold. 5. And the money squandered among the countess of Castlemain's creatures. t Coke's Detection of the Four last Reigns, book iv. p. 8, and upon his authority Bishop Kennet relies; complete History of England, vol. iii. p. 255. See also his own Account of the Sale of Dunkirk, and by whom charged upon Clarendon, p. 259. I History of England, p. 781, 801. This is a quite different book from the Lettres, Memoires, ct Negotiations de Monsieur le Comte d'Estrades, in five vols. 12me. GENERAL MONK. June 29, 1662, delivered to him by Mr. Beling,* who was to explain to him that noble person's intention, the king and his lordship having both written, two days before, to invite him to take England in his way to Holland, where he was then going ambassador, t Upon his ar- rival, he was informed, that the motive for desiring his presence was, to enter into a treaty for the sale of Dun- kirk. He says expressly, the chancellor told him, that the king's necessities obliged him to this step ; that he was the only person of the council in that sentiment : that he was to bring over MONK, the treasurer, and the earl of Sandwich, which he could not hope to do, if a round sum was not offered. + The French king, in a letter to d'Estrades, expresses great uneasiness at the secrets being communicated to the other lords. At length, when the treaty was advanced, the king of England, on the first of printed at Brussels 1709, which were stolen out of the French king's library "by John Aymond, and which contain letters and dispatches from 1663 to 1668. The work here referred to is entitled, Ambassades ct Negotiations de Monsieur le Comte d'Estrades, en Italic, ett Angleterre, et en Hollaude, depuis 1'annee 1637, jusqu' en 1'annee 1662, A Amsterdam, chez J. F. Bernard, 1718, 12mo. An English transla- tion of which appeared in 1753, in 8vo. printed for R. Willock in Cornhill, and contains many curious and important passages relating to England. * This Mr. Beling, though a Papist, was in great confidence with Chancellor Clarendon, acted as interpreter between him and Count d'Estrades, was in the whole secret of this negociation, and for this was recommended by his minister, to Lewis XIV. for a present which tc received. t Ambassades d'Estrades, p. 387. English Translation, p. 228. J An incautious writer might cite this as a proof out of the chan- cellor's own mouth, that he alone was the author of this measure, and not either the general, the treasurer, or the earl of Sandwich. But, though the chancellor might say so, it was not true, at least, if we believe his own account ; but was thrown out partly to force d'Estrades to make a greater offer. The chancellor did not want address, but d'Estrades had more. Ambassades d'Estrades, p. 430, 431. English Translation, p. 241, 252, MEMOIRS OF September, gave full powers, under his hand, to the chancellor, the treasurer, the duke of Albemarle, and the earl of Sandwich, to proceed therein, and to conclude it. * It was signed, accordingly, on the 27th of October, 1662, by the commissioners on both sides ; and, in a letter dated November 6, Count d'Estrades tells the king, his master, that King Charles, the duke of York, and the chancellor, were the only persons from whom he had met with no opposition ; and, in consequence of this, and much more to the same purpose, that monarch wrote a letter to his brother of England, and another to the chancellor, to thank them for their obliging conduct in that affair, t The chancellor himself, who best knew his own thoughts, and who could certainly give the clearest account of his own actions, places the whole of this affair in another point of view. J He ascribes the original motion, for the sale of Dunkirk, to the French king, to the lord-high- treasurer Southampton ; and, upon his communicating it to the chancellor, he expressed himself very warmly against the proposition. He next informs us, that a cabinet- council was called, at which his majesty, the duke of York, the duke of Albemarle, and the earl of Sandwich, were present, as well as himself and the treasurer, at whose request this meeting was appointed ; and who humourously advised his majesty to take away the chancellor's staff, for fear he should make a rough use of it when he knew the subject they were met upon. In this cabinet-council, the sale of Dunkirk was debated, and resolved for the reasons which the chancellor mentions in his memoirs. | This was * Rennet's Chronicle, p. 760, where the commission is preserved. t Ambassades d'Estrades, p. 508. English Translation, p. 297. J The earl of Clarendon wrote a vindication of his own conduct against the accusation of the House of Commons, dated at Mont- pelier, July 24, 1668. This may be found in his Tracts, and his ac- count of this transaction, p. S3. See also his Memoirs, p. 201. The reasons are inserted also in the Vindication, and in effect were these : 1. That the place, being no harbour, was of little utility ; GENERAL MONK. 405 previous to the inviting over d'Estrades, who had been in England, and treated with the chancellor upon affairs of state before ; and had so far recommended himself to the king and the chancellor, as he was indeed a minister of great address, that they were both desirous of treating with him again. What the chancellor said to d'Estrades, was to engage him to raise his price ; for he at first talked only of two millions, because that was the sum at which it had been valued by Cromwell, as has been mentioned in another place ; * however, he was afterwards brought to offer three millions, and at last to add two millions more for the artillery, ammunition, military stores, and the materials for building ; which sum, it appears, that all the commissioners, except the chancellor, thought too little, and upon that account concluded the bargain with re- luctance, t This drew an immediate odium upon the chancellor. His bitterest enemy, the earl of Bristol, put it the next year into his accusation against him : the people called the house he was building DUNKIRK HOUSE ; and it was mentioned afresh in the articles that were framed against him, by the House of Commons, upon his disgrace. ^ The discussing this matter having led me so far, I think myself obliged to go a little farther, that I may not seem to have exculpated the duke of Albemarle at the expense 2. That the charge of keeping it was more than the crown could afford ; 3. That the keeping it would necessarily involve the nation in a war. * See p. 249, in the notes. t So the Count d'Estrades says expressly, and complains extremely of the trouble given him in wording the treaty by the other commis- sioners, and commending highly the assiduity of the chancellor, though he knew it rendered him obnoxious. I See the earl of Bristol's articles in the Complete History of Eng- land, vol. iii. >. 265. Echard, p. 809. See also Burnet's History of his own Time, vol. i. p. 249. Proceedings in the case of Edward carl of Clarendon, 1700, 8vo. VOL. II. H H MEMOIRS OF of other councilors, who, in my conscience, I think as in- nocent as he was. The true state then of the matter, at least to me, appears to have been this : The revenue set- tled upon the king, in customs, excise, and hearth-money, amounted to one million two hundred thousand pounds ; and the constant stated expense of the king's government to upwards of one million four hundred thousand pounds; though that of his household came but to one hundred and fifty thousand pounds. * There was consequently a de- fieiency of upwards of two hundred thousand pounds a year, t The weight of this, as the chancellor well observes, being chiefly felt by the treasurer, suggested to him the inquiry into the utility and worth of Dunkirk ; and finding or believing he had found, good reasons for the parting with it ; he was thereby led to make the proposal, as it n ould take away one half of the annual exceeding ; and, at the same time, furnish the king with a large sum of money, of which he was then in the greatest want. This measure seems to have been taken about a year after the king's restoration ; and, we may be sure, was taken with- out any sinister or iniquitous views, since it came from the great and good earl of Southampton, whose character was never yet Dispersed. It has, indeed, been said, that the king was moved to it chiefly out of consideration for certain ladies ; and, perhaps, when this comes to be explained, there will not appear to be any great harm in that : for * See this stated at large, from the farl of Halifax's MSS. iu Ralph's History, vol. i. p. 89. f This would have been the ease, if the funds, given by parliament, had actually produced \vLat they were given for; whereas they fell short no less than three hundred thousand pounds. J Earl of Clarendon's Life, p. 202. The king, at the instance of General Monk, made Sir Edward Harley governor of Dunkirk immediately after his return; and would have constituted him governor for life, consequently had then no thoughts of selling it. When ho had, he removed him by; warrant dated May 22, 1661. GENERAL MONK. 45.7 these ladies wore, the queen his mother, the queen his consort, and the Princess Henrietta Maria his sister, who was to be married to the duke of Orleans, and for whom a portion was to be provided out of this money. * If the reader be desirous of knowing how this came to be afterwards considered in so foul a light, and why so much pains had been taken to shift the odium from one minister upon another; it will be necessary to observe, that, at the time of the transaction, there were no very loud complaints, but they grew up afterwards from a variety of causes. 1. The cabal formed against the earl of Cla- rendon represented this as a base and corrupt measure, because they were pleased to style it his measure : and every minister that is to be removed by a faction, must first be placed in the blackest light, t 2. The Spanish party joined themselves to these : they did not consider whether the measure was right or wrong, as it regarded England; but they knew that it was injurious to Spain, and therefore they heartily joined in decrying the minister, to whose account it was placed. $ 2. The French court, * Upon reviewing this evidence, it appears, l. That the French king was displeased at the negotiations being communicated to the military men, and consequently had not corrupted them. 2. The chancellor managed the whele transaction, brought it to bear, and for this had the thanks of the French king. 3. Monk was not satisfied with the price, or privy to the sale, till the price was settled. 4. Upon the treasurer's proposal, the design of selling Dunkirk was taken up, carried on, and concluded, not by Monk, but the chancellor. 5. The money was carefully expended, and not squandered. Clarendon's Life, p. 205. t See the Earl of Clarendon's Vindication against the Eleventh Article of the Charge against him by the House of Commons. Coke, Kennct, Echard, Bnrnet, as before cited. Sir Thomas Osborne, who was afterwards duke of Leeds, affirmed, on the authority of a great lord whom he did not name, that the chancellor made a bargain for the sale of Dunkirk nine months before it was known. See Chandler's Debates of the House of Commons, vol. i. p. 108. J It appears evidently from d'Estrade's Letters, and indeed from all the authentic papers of that time, the chancellor was pushed by the H H 3 468 MEMOIRS OF though at the time the bargain was made, they had pre- tended a perfect indifference, whether Dunkirk was de- livered up to Spain, annexed to the crown of England, or demolished ; yet, after they were once possessed of it, they magnified its importance, and the great policy of their monarch in procuring it. * 4. The Dunkirk that was thus sold, was by no means the Dunkirk that it afterwards was : Lewis XIV. spent many millions sterling t in improving and fortifying it ; not because the place deserved it, but that it was the only port by which he could annoy us. J 5. After it was thus improved and fortified, all those in- conveniences taken away which made it useless in our Jiands, and a multitude of works raised, for which England would never have been at the expense ; it became such a thorn in our sides, and we were made so thoroughly sen- sible of its importance, in the situation it then stood ; that it is no wonder at all posterity believed whatever they were told, of the iniquity of selling this place, and heartily Spanish party, who had the earl of Bristol at their head, a man of great parts, and who was particularly able in intrigue. * As much indifference as the French king expressed about the place, while the negociation was depending, he vaunted sufficiently the advantage accruing to him from the bargain, as soon as it was made. His troops took possession November 28, 1662. He made his public entry, and caused TE DEUM to be sung in his presence on the 2d of December. He caused two medals to be instantly struck. On the reverse of the first was, Providentia principis Dunqnerhn rect*- perata ; i. e. " By the skill of the prince, Dunkirk recovered :" on the reverse of the second, a jetton or counter, a brazen tower w ith a golden shower falling on it with these words ; Sic vincit amicos ; i. e. " Thus we get the better of our friends." As if this had not been in- sulting enough, a third was struck the next year, with the brazen tower and golden shower again, with this legend ; Ictu fiilmineo po- tentior ; i.e. "By a stroke surpassing thunder ;" on the reverse. Justice menacing two harpies with her sword, and these words; Harpyas pellere regno. See Gerard Van Loon Hist. MetaMiqur. torn. ii. p. 489. t Boulainvilliers etat de la France, torn. i. p. 347. J See the importance of Dunkirk considered, and other Tract* in the reign of Queen Anne. GENERAL MONK. detested the ministers, whoever they were, by whom the measure was taken ; though certainly they did not, indeed could not, perceive the consequences. But, however, the state of the king's affairs ; the diffi- culty and expense of keeping the place; and the impossi- bility of foreseeing then what afterwards happened ; taking in also the known characters of the persons concerned ; may excuse them from any suspicion of corruption, or ill intention in this transaction : yet, the sale of Dunkirk to the French is a thing never to be vindicated. For it was not acquired by the king's arms ; and, therefore, whatever right he might have to restore, it is not easy to discern how he could have any to sell it. In the next, the House of Commons had prepared and passed a bill for annexing it to the crown of England, which would have thrown the charge of maintaining it upon them : and though it be true, that the motive to this bill has been misrepresented, by supposing it was meant to hinder what afterwards hap- pened, whereas, in fact, it took its rise from the Spanish ambassador's demanding it, in a peremptory manner ; yet, assuredly, it shewed, that the sense of the nation was for preserving it. Lastly, the merchants, even at the time it was sold, expressed great apprehensions of the mischiefs that might be done to trade, by privateers fitted out from thence : and these were reasons sufficient to have deterred the king, and his ministers, from parting with it, unless by consent of parliament; which, if we consider what after- wards happened in regard to Tangier, it will not appear impossible that they might have obtained ; and, whether they could or not, they ought at least to have desired. When the first Dutch war broke out in 1664, we find the duke of Albemarle's name among the lords of the council subscribing the proclamation ; * and there seems * The reader will find the proclamation at large in Kennet, vol. iii. p. 272. 170 MEMOIRS OI' to be no reason to doubt, that he was very hearty in that measure : whereas the chancellor, and the treasurer, were both extremely against it. * The duke of York, as we have before seen, at the commencement of the war, com- manded the fleet in person : and, upon this occasion, he devolved the whole administration of the admiralty on the duke of Albemarle; and this with such circumstances of confidence, as evidently demonstrated his sense of his grace's capacity and fidelity, t This, added to all his former employments, might have sufficiently marked the confidence reposed in him, and have even rendered the conferring on him any other charge, a thing not at all expected : and yet, when the plague broke out in the suc- ceeding year, and the king saw himself obliged to leave his capital; he entrusted the care of it, of his subjects, and the chief concerns of his kingdom, to this good duke ; who resided at the Cock-pit near Whitehall, and, with the assistance of the earl of Craven, and some other public- * Life of the Earl of Clarendon, p. 200. t This epistle deserves the reader's perusal, because it is a direet proof of the falsehood of the assertion, that the duke of Albcmaile left his credit soon after" the Restoration. It runs thus : " My lord " duke of .ALBEMARLI:, having formerly by the kind's approbation de- " sired you to take the care of giving all necessary orders for the " affairs of the navy during my absence, in the same manner as I " ought to do if present, I should not now need to repeat it to " you, were it not to acquaint yon, that I have not only by\vord " of mouth, but also by writing, given the principal oflicers and " commanders of his majesty's navy, directions to execute all " commands. I desire jou, if you find any commanders or *' other officers negligent in the dispatch expected from them for " his majesty's service, not to be sparing in using your authority " for their punishment, whether by displacing them, or .^uch other " way as you shall think fit. I have commanded my secretary to " leave with you all such things as may be necessary for your infor- " mation ; if any tiling be wanting, upon the least intimation it shall " be supplied. So bidding you heartily farewell, I am, &c. " March 22, 1661-5. JAMF.S." This letter was transcribed from a MS. in the hands of the late Lord Frederick Howard. GENERAL MONK. /1 71 spirited persons of distinction, took care of the health, the properties, and the government of the inhabitants of this great city ; distributing daily the vast charities that were raised for the supply of the distressed : giving audience to all who had any business with him ; directing the affairs of the navy, while we were engaged in a war of such con- sequence ; and giving a constant account of whatever hap- pened to the king and his ministers at Oxford. * Such was the courage, such were the labours, of this great man, who, in the midst of devouring infection, did, in a manner, the whole business of the nation : and yet this is he who is said to have forfeited all personal regard, and to have become useless in a short time after the Restoration. While he was still charged with all these fatiguing offices, the king, in the spring of the succeeding year, sent for him suddenly to Oxford. He went thither post ; and on his arrival, after paying his compliments to his majesty, and giving him a succinct account of the posture in which he had left affairs at London, he was told, that the intent of sending for him thither was, to make him joint admiral of the fleet with Prince Rupert ; and that he must imme- diately prepare to go to sea. He desired a day's time to consider of it ; in which interim he consulted with his friends, who were almost unanimously against his accept- ing that command. They said, that he had already esta- blished his character as a soldier, seaman, and statesman ; and that it was unreasonable, at his time of life, for him to stake all the honours he had won on the fortune of a day : that the Dutch were already driven into that fury which made them most dangerous at sea; and that attack- in- them now was quite another thing than it was at the * Skinner's Life of Monk, p. 331333. Gamble's Life of Monk, p 414 42 0. The earl of Clarendon gires quite another account of this matter ; and assures us, that, being informed it was highly for the king's service, the duke of Albcmarle accepted at one., and eve* offered, if it was thought necessary, to serve uudcr Prince Rupert. 472 MEMOIRS OF beginning O f the war : that, in short, the loss of a battle would exceedingly tarnish his reputation ; whereas a vic- tory gained, could add very little thereto, t The duke thanked them for the respect they had shev, n for his person and character ; but at the same time added, " these were out of the case ; that he valued neither << farther than they were useful to his country ; and that " he was determined to obey the king's commands, since 11 he was sure he either should accomplish them, or die in " the attempt." * Having accepted this commission, he returned to London the third day ; and though the war and the plague had both made great havock among the seamen ; yet it was no sooner known, that the duke of Albemarle was to command the fleet, than great numbers offered themselves to the service, because, as they phrased it, they were sure, " honest George," for so they called the duke, " would see them well fed, and justly paid." t His grace, in conjunction with Prince Kupert, used such diligence in equipping the fleet, that on the 23d of April, being St. George's day, they took leave of the king, and fell down the river, in one of the royal barges, to join the fleet. When they arrived in the Downs, the king received intelligence, that the French had fitted out a stout squadron to join with the navy of the States ; upon which he was prevailed upon to send down positive orders to Prince Rupert to sail, with twenty of the best frigates in the fleet, to fight the French squadron before it could join the Dutch. This, without question y had been a right measure, if the king's intelligence had been well founded ; but, as in truth there was no such French squadron, so the taking away so great a part of the fleet exposed the re- mainder exceedingly. Some have suggested, that there was treachery in this; and indeed, from Sir John Har- * Memoirs of the Dutch Wars. Skinaer's Life of Monk, p. 33. Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 471. t Memoirs of the Dutch Wars, p. 39- GENERAL MONK. 473 man's letter, giving an account of the battle which ensued, one would apprehend, that he was of this opinion. * It is, however, easy to account for the thing otherwise ; and, by laying all circumstances together, I must own myself persuaded, that this intelligence proceeded from the arts of the French ; who, by pretending to equip a great squa- dron, and to send it early to sea, thought to amuse both us and the Dutch ; and to engage us, by dint of these pre- parations, to take false measures, in which they succeeded ; for the Dutch fleet actually expected to be joined by them, as certainly as Prince Rupert did to meet them, t The duke of Albemarle, commanding now alone, dis- covered, on the 1st of June, the Dutch fleet, consisting of about seventy-six sail of large ships ; whereas his grace had not more than fifty. We have already given an account of this battle ; ^ and shall here therefore confine ourselves to such circumstances as concern the duke's per- sonal behaviour. He immediately called a council of war, composed of some of the gallantest men that ever bore commands in the English navy ; and there, " In regard " several good ships, besides the Royal Sovereign, then " at anchor in the Gun-fleet, neither fully manned nor " ready, would, upon their retreat, be in danger of a " surprizal by the enemy, and that such a course might " make some impression upon the spirit and courage of " the seamen, who had not been accustomed to decline " fighting with the Dutch, it was at last unanimously " resolved to abide them, and that the fleet should pre- " gently be put in readiness to fall into a line." Thus it appears, that this was an act done by the whole council of war, and upon very rational motives ; so that to charge the duke with running too great a hazard, from his contempt of the Dutch, is treating his memory ill, without any just * Kennet's Complete History of England, vol. iii. p. 281. f Le Clerc, torn. iii. p. 138. De Neuville Vie De Ruyter. I See p. 352, Skinner's Life of General Monk, p. 340. 474 MEMOIRS OF grounds. * The first day the enemy gained little or n advantage, notwithstanding their great superiority ; this was entirely owing to the duke's example, who, though he was once obliged to be towed out of the line ; yet, after making the necessary repairs in his rigging, bore into the centre of the Dutch fleet, where he engaged De Ruyter with incredible fury, t hoping his own success might have opened a path to victory. The next morning the duke called a second council of war, in which he delivered himself thus : " If we had " dreaded the number of our enemies, we should have " fled yesterday ; but, though we are inferiour to them in f disrespect, the king was pleased to cover Mr. Mon- tague, by sending him an order that was antedated. Soon after, he had the honour to convoy his majesty to Eng- land, who, within two days from his landing at Dover sent Sir Edward Walker, garter king at arms, to deliver im his declaratory letters, with the ribband and George of the most noble order of the garter, which he presented him on the 28th of May, in the morning, in his ship, then riding in the Downs. * Among the honours conferred upon such as had been particularly instrumental in restoring his majesty to his just rights, our admiral had his share ; and by letters patent, dated the 12th July, 1660, he was created Baron Montague of St. Neots, in the county of Huntingdon, Viscount Hinchinbrooke, in the same county, and earl of Sandwich in Kent ; sworn of his majesty's most honour- able privy-council; made master of the king's wardrobe; admiral of the narrow seas ; and lieutenant-admiral to the duke of York, as lord high-admiral of England. At his majesty's coronation his lordship carried St. Edward's staff; and was now looked upon as one of the king's principal ministers, as well as the person chiefly entrusted with the care of the fleet, t He constantly attended the council, when any transactions relating to foreign affairs were under debate, and always gave his opinion like a good subject and a true patriot. When the marriage * Walker's Historical Account of the Knights of the Garter, a MS. p. 104. penes Joh. Anstis, arm. See also p. 297. t Pat. 12 Car. II. Philips's Continuation of Baker's Chronicle, p. 758, 739. Rennet's Chronicle, p. 417, in which there is a complete relation of the coronation ; at which ceremony his lordship, in con- junction with the dukes of Buckingham and Albeinarle, and the earl of Berkshire, assisted in holding a rich pall, of cloth of gold, over the king's head, during the time that prince wa anointing by the arch- bishop. YOL. II, K K 498 MKM01RS OF with the infanta was concluded, he brought her majesty over, and performed other services, as has been already mentioned. * His lordship has been aspersed for joining, as is sur- mised, with the duke of Albemarle, in the project for giving up Dunkirk to the French. I have already ex- amined this affair so fully, that I shall say but little of it here, and only as it relates to this noble person. The thing was proposed but by halves at the council; and, at first the strength and importance of the place was only canvassed : upon which the earl of Sandwich, who knew it as well as any man, said, that the coast of Dunkirk was generally so tempestuous, and the ground so rolling, upon every storm, that there never could be any certain steerage to the port, t This was the truth, and nothing more ; yet was the earl far from proposing that it should be put into the hands of the French, though he judged it too expensive for his master to keep ; and therefore he declared for demolishing it. J How this proposition came to be rejected, I cannot say ; but it is plain, that though the earl of Sandwich did not set a higher value upon Dun- kirk, than, in the condition it was then, the place de- served ; yet he never desired to see it fall into the hands of the French, as has been very falsely, and, I very much suspect, maliciously asserted. When the Dutch war began, in 1664, the earl of Sand- wich went heartily into the measure, as conceiving it for the honour and interest of England ; and when the duke of York took upon him the command of the fleet as high- admiral, his lordship commanded the blue squadron ; and, by his industry and care, abundance of the enemy's ships were taken, and the best part of their Bourdeaux fleet. In the great battle fought on the 3d of June, 1665, wherein * See p. 323. f Which is the expression mentioned by Echard. J The Freneh king takes notice of this, in his answer to Count d'Estrades, August 27. See p. 334* ADMIRAL MONTAGUE. the Dutch lost their admiral Opdam, and had eighteen men of war taken, and fourteen destroyed ; a large share of the honour of the victory was justly given to the con- duct of the earl of Sandwich ; who, about noon, fell with the blue squadron into the centre of the enemy's fleet, and thereby began that confusion, which ended soon after in a plain flight. * Most of our historians agree, that if this victory had been properly pursued, the Dutch fleet had been totally ruined ; and the neglect of this advantage is, as I have elsewhere observed, t by some, without just grounds, charged on the duke of York. On the return of the English navy, his majesty, at the request of the queen-mother, declared the duke should not expose his person again on board the fleet ; but that the command of it should be left to the earl of Sandwich ; who was or- dered to employ his utmost diligence to put it, as speedily as possible, in a condition to return to the Dutch coast; which he accordingly performed. ^ The earl of Sandwich sailed on the 5th of July with sixty men of war to the coast of Holland, wearing the royal standard of England, and having under him se- veral of the bravest seamen that perhaps ever bore the English flags. Finding the Dutch fleet not at sea, and having information that both their East India and Smyrna fleets were to return north about ; he resolved to steer for the coast of Norway, in hopes of meeting with them : nor was this a difficult thing, since it was soon after known, that they had taken shelter in the port of Bergen. We * See p. 338. t See p. 343, 345, where this affair is treated very copiously. I Philips, Kennet, Echard. In the Earl of Clarendon's Speech, as Chancellor, to the Parliament, at Oxford, October 10, 1665, the keep- ing the duke at home is represented as a mark of the king's tender- ness for his royal highness's person. Philips's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 541. Rennet's History of England, vol. iii. p. 277. Burchet's Naval History, p. 399. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. liv. xiv. K K 2 500 MEMOIRS OF have already given some account of this action, but re- served a more particular detail of it for this place, to which it properly belongs; the rather, because the attempt on the Dutch fleet in the harbour of Bergen was the oc- casion of our Avar with Denmark, which some have ven- tured to charge on the earl of Sandwich, as brought about by his ill management ; whereas, in truth, he did every thing that could be expected from an experienced officer, and a man of honour, as we shall shew in few words, be- cause our naval historians are very unaccountably silent on this head. Sir Gilbert Talbot was then envoy at the court of the king of Denmark; and he, finding a disposition in that prince to fill his coffers at the expense of the Dutch ; pro- posed to him, as the most effectual way of doing it, seiz- ing on their fleets in his harbour, which would indemnify him for all the losses he complained of, and bring into his treasury many millions of dollars. The king of Denmark readily embraced the project, and insisted only upon one objection, which was, his own want of force to execute it. Sir Gilbert immediately answered this by saying, that he did not doubt but the king of England would furnish him with a fleet sufficient to make prize of all the Dutch ships. on condition that the profit of the enterprize should be di- vided between them ; to which his Danish majesty very 'readily assented.* This proposal, being transmitted to the English court, was as willingly closed with, and ad- vice thereof sent to the earl of Sandwich. As this was a transaction very little to the king of Denmark's honour, so he insisted upon it, that the agreement should not be * " A true and perfect Narrative of the late secret Negociation in * Denmark, by Sir Gilbert Talbot, MS." This piece was in the hands both of Bishop Biirnet and Mr. Echard, who have made use of it in their histories. I have likewise consulted another piece, published by authority, intitled, " A true Deduction of all the Transactions be- ' " tweeti his Majesty of Great Britain, and the King of Denmark ;' f which differs, hi many respects, from Sir Gilbert Talbot's relation. ADMIRAL MONTAGUE. 50J put into writing; and this nicety it was that spoiled the whole affair; for, when the earl of Sandwich had intel- ligence of De Ruyter's having retired with the East India fleet into Bergen, he resolved not to slip so fair an oppor- tunity, but to sail thither with the utmost expedition. He sent, however, Mr. Worden, a gentleman of distinction, to Sir Gilbert Talbot, to inform him, that he was deter- mined not to lose the opportunity of attacking the Dutch fleet ; and therefore desired that he would send him a dis- tinct account of the nature of the king of Denmark's en- gagements, that he might the better know what he was doing. Sir Gilbert took some pains to comply with this request ; but by various unlucky accidents they were all frustrated, and the earl of Sandwich arrived in those seas, without hearing any thing from the envoy. * Sir Thomas Tyddiman, being sent with a stout squa- dron to block up the port of Bergen, appeared before it on the 1st of August, 1665. The first thing he did was to send a gentleman to the governor, to inform him of the design, and to enquire what orders he had. To this the governor answered, that as yet he had none, but that he expected them by the post in two or three days; and therefore desired the English would desist from making any attempt for that time. The same evening, however, the castle fired upon the English fleet, and did some mis- chief; and the Dutch were suffered by the governor to bring seventy pieces of cannon on shore, to fortify their line* Admiral Tyddiman perceiving this, immediately called a council of war, wherein he laid the whole matter before his officers; who, after a full and free debate, resolved to lose no time, but to attack the Dutch fleet the next morning; and this for three reasons. 1. Because the Danish governor had not given them any direct answer, or promised them any sort of favour or assistance. * Sir Gilbert Talbot's relation before cited. 502 MEMOIRS OF $. If the Dutch had farther time given them to fortify themselves, an attempt might become impracticable. 3. That the grand Dutch fleet was now at sea, and might probably come into their relief, * before the Danish go- vernor would acknowledge his receiving orders. This resolution taken, Sir Thomas Tyddiman gave all his captains strict charge, that they should not fire against the castles or ports ; and should also be very careful to direct all their shot low at the hulls of the Dutch ships, to prevent, as far as they could, any damage happening to the town that lay behind the ships ; both which orders all the seamen did unanimously agree were performed, ac- cording as, in the several conferences with the governor, those directions were promised to be given. The dispute continued till near eight of the clock, during which time, it is true, the castle hung out a white flag, but to what intent the English could not guess ; for the seamen, whose station was nearest to it, agreed also in this point, that the castle never left firing from some quarter or other. They were led to imagine from thence, that the Dutchmen, who might haye been taken in for the strengthening the castle, had fired against the general's orders during the time of hanging out the white flag, as indeed it proved ; for there were at least three hundred of them there. The greatest mischief that the English received was from the artillery in the castle, which by accidental shots cut some hawsers that kept the first line together; and so, to avoid falling foul one on another, they were forced from their stations ; and, when they were out of the reach of the Dutch guns, the fort upon the outmost point on the starboard side, played upon them afresh, the guns of which the English had once silenced during the engagement; but being remounted, they, in their going off, had many of their men killed by them ; notwithstanding which, the * Deduction of all Transactions between his Majesty of Great Britain, &c. p. 11. ADMIRAL MONTAGUE. ' 503 English came that day to anchor within the rocks of Norway, five leagues distant from Bergen, having no pilots that could shew them anchoring hold nearer, for so many ships together. While the English were repairing their ships, the Danish governor endeavoured to draw them into a new nego- ciation, affirming, that now he had received his master's orders, and was content to afford them what assistance he could. But, after mature deliberation, it was not thought proper to trust to these promises ; * and therefore, on the last of August, the earl sailed with the rest of his fleet, towards the coast of Holland ; but, suffering much by a storm, his ships were forced back again to the northward ; and, on the 4th of September, he met with four Dutch East Indiamen, and several other of their merchant-ships, under a good convoy ; and, though the stormy weather favoured their escape, yet he took eight men-of-war, two of their richest East India ships, and twenty sail of their merchantmen. On the 9th also, a part of our fleet fell in with eighteen sail of the enemy, the greatest part of which they took, with four men-of-war, and above a thousand prisoners, t * True Deduction of the Transactions between his Majesty of Great Britain, Sac. p. 11, 12. It must be allowed, that these facts are con- tradicted by the MS. account of Sir Gilbert Talbot, to which both Echard and Burnet have adhered, and, consequently, lay all the blame on Sir Thomas Tyddiman and the earl of Sandwich. But, besides the Deduction's being a public paper, owned by King Charles II. and consequently more authentic than Sir Gilbert Talbot's relation, there is in the former a copy of the governor's letter, which flatly contradicts the substance of the same letter given in Sir Gilbert's account, which I take to be, at bottom, rather an apology for his own conduct, truth seems to be, that the earl of Sandwich considered this whole negation as a dishonourable thing; and indeed it is very apparent, that if no respect at all had been had to this agreement, but 1 English had attacked the enemy's fleet without giving them time fortify themselves, the whole, or at least the greatest part, must r been either sunk or taken, f See p. 348. 504 MEMOIRS OP On his return, the earl was received by the king with distinguished marks of favour ; but his royal highness's conduct in the great engagement on the 3d of June, being much censured, and the king declaring the duke of York should go no more to sea ; as the earl's behaviour in the same action had been much applauded, lest his continuance in the sole command of the fleet might be interpreted to the disadvantage of the duke, and our affairs in Spain requiring an extraordinary embassy to be sent into that kingdom, his majesty despatched the earl of Sandwich to the court of Madrid, to mediate a peace between the crowns of Spain and Portugal. * This negociation was a work of equal difficulty and importance ; we had many things to ask from Spain in favour of trade, and there was nothing to which the Spaniards were less inclined than to make peace with Portugal ; and, in order to that, to own it for an independent kingdom. The earl of Sandwich, however, managed his business with such address, that he concluded a most advantageous treaty for us with the court of Spain, consisting of forty articles ; and this, too, in a surprising short period of time, if we consider the nature of Spanish negociations ; for his lordship arrived at Madrid, on the 28th of May, 1666, and the treaty was signed the 13th of May, 1667. t His lordship applied himself next to the other part of his commission; and, by insisting principally upon the interests of Spain, and making it evident that the con- tinuance of the Portugal war would be the total ruin of their affairs, and that a peace might be made without the least prejudice to their honour, at that juncture ; he so far prevailed as to gain the queen of Spain's consent, that a treaty should be set on foot, under the mediation of the crown of Great Britain. The great and unusual confidence reposed in him upon this occasion, was managed with such * Philips's Continuation of Heath's ChronicFe, p. 545, 566. t See p. 381. ADMIRAL MONTAGUE. 505 dexterity by the earl of Sandwich, that, in three weeks after his arrival at Lisbon, he concluded a peace between the two nations to their mutual satisfaction. This treaty was signed the 13th of February, 1668 ; * and as it was extremely advantageous to the Portuguese, who, con- sidering the distracted state of their government, had very little reason to expect so fortunate an event, it was no less honourable, in the mediation, to the crown of Great Britain. Upon the conclusion of these treaties, the earl of Sand- wich was complimented both by the king and duke under their hands, and his great services acknowledged in such terms as they most certainly deserved; which let- ters do no less honour to the memory of the princes who wrote them, than his to whom they were written. Many of the despatches, penned by his lordship in this embassy, have been made public ; and remain so many indelible marks of his wisdom, integrity, and public spirit. They serve also to shew how unnecessary a qualification cunning is in a public minister ; for they are written with a plain- ness that cannot be counterfeited ; and manifest, in their composition, a strength of genius capable of carrying its point, by setting truth in a strong as well as proper light, without the assistance of any of those little arts, which are so much and so undeservedly admired in modern poli- ticians. As he was too quick-sighted to be deceived, he had too much candour to impose on any one with whom he trans- acted ; and, when his temper became thoroughly known, he was able to do all things in Spain ; for, being well informed of the nobility of his birth, and his great actions at sea ; and having themselves received repeated proofs of his strict regard to honour; they readily believed every thing he said, and willingly assented to whatever he pro- posed. After the conclusion of the treaty with Portugal, * See p. 382. 506 MEMOIRS OF he returned again to Madrid ; where he spent some time in settling affairs, and confirming that court in the opinion, that Britain was its. most useful and natural ally; and, then taking his leave, arrived September 19, 1668, at Portsmouth. * On his return to court, he was received with all imaginable testimonies of respect by the king and duke, who were equally solicitous in fixing him to a good opinion of those measures upon which they were then en- tering. The intercourse with our colonies by this time was become very considerable ; and, growing daily more and more advantageous to the nation, his majesty was gra- ciously pleased to erect a council for inspecting matters relating to trade, and for the special encouragement of the plantations. As this was in itself a very popular act, so King Charles, who knew as well as any prince the art of pleasing his subjects, when he thought fit to practise it ; judged it convenient to put at the head of this new council a man as acceptable in his character, as the project was in its nature ; and this determined him to the choice of the earl of Sandwich, who, Augusts, 1670, was sworn presi- dent of the council of plantations ; and, in that quality, he swore the duke of York, Prince Rupert, the duke of Buckingham, and other persons of the highest quality, who were declared members thereof. + In this capacity, as well as in that of vice-admiral and privy-counsellor, he gave no small disturbance to the CABAL : for, in the first place, he was a sincere and zealous Protestant ; next, he was a true Englishman, loyal to his prince, but steady in the cause of his country, an enemy alike to faction, and to every thing that looked like arbitrary power. He was, besides, for regarding no qualification but merit in the pre- ferments of the navy; declaring upon all occasions against shewing favour to the relations of peers, or other persons * Pointer's Chronological Historian, vol. i. p. 226. t See the Gazette of that date. ADMIRAL MONTAGUE. 507 of distinction, to the prejudice of such as had served longer or better. This rendered him the darling of the fleet, who, after the death of the duke of Albemarle, looked upon him as their father and protector ; which, however, gained him a great many enemies among such as could not bear the thwarting of their private interests, though for the sake of the public good. The secret histories of those times, to which I must own I do not always give credit, insinuate, that his royal highness the duke of York was displeased with him : but, however that might be, it is very certain, that the king had always a just sense of the earl of Sand- wich's services, and shewed him upon every occasion, as much favour and esteem as he did to any of his sub- jects. * On the breaking out of the third and last Dutch war, his lordship went to sea with the duke of York, and com- manded the blue squadron, the French admiral, Count d'Estrees, commanding the white. The fleet was at sea in the beginning of the month of May ; and toward the end of that month came to an anchor in Southwold bay, in order to take in water. We are told, that on the 27th, which was Whit-monday, there was great merry-making on board the fleet ; and many officers and seamen were per- mitted to go on shore, and were at Southwold, Dunwich, and Aldborough. Things being in this situation, and the weather withal very hazy, the earl of Sandwich delivered it as his opinion, at a council holden in the evening, that, the wind standing as it did, the fleet rode in danger of being surprised by the Dutch, and therefore he thought it ad- visable to weigh anchor, and get out to sea : to this the duke of York, it is said, made such an answer as seemed to hint, that the earl spoke out of fear ; which insinuation, if really made, was certainly both barbarous and unjust, t I * Bishop Parker's History of his own Time, p. 151. f See Echard's History, p. 883. Columna Rostrata, p. 217. SOS MEMOIRS OF cannot say who it was that first reported this story ; but of this we may be positive, that, as it is reported by a certain author, it could not possibly be true. * Several very judi- cious persons have inclined to think, that it was framed long 1 after the transaction, in order to heighten some cir- cumstances which we shall presently relate. On the 28th of May, between two and three in the morning, the fleet was informed of the approach of the Dutch ; upon which his royal highness made the signal for weighing anchor, and getting out to sea ; and, the occasion being of so pressing a nature, many of the captains were obliged to cut their cables. The blue squadron, however, was out first, and in good order, the red next, and the * This author is Bishop Burnet, who, in the History of his own Time, says, " I saw nothing of the sea-fight in Solbay, in which De " Ruyter had the glory of surprising the English fleet, when they " were thinking less of engaging the enemy, than of an extravagant " preparation for the usual disorders of the 29th of May ; which he " prevented, by engaging them on the 28th." It is an odd whim of this prelate, that, because people might be disposed to be drunk on the 29th, they should be out of their wits on the 28th. Now the truth of the matter was, that the feasting happened on the 27th, because it was the Monday in \\liitsun-week ; but some people have a great mind to set a black mark upon the 29th of May, and on the charac- ter of General Monk for the same reason. Yet let us once more hear his lordship : " The admiral of the blue squadron was burnt by a " fire-ship, after a long engagement with a Dutch ship, much inferior " to him in strength. In it the earl of Sandwich perished, with a " great many about him, who would not leave him, as he would not " leave his ship, by a piece of obstinate courage, to which he was " provoked by an innocent reflection the duke made on an advice he " had offered, of drawing near the shore, and avoiding an engage- " meut ; as if in that he took more care of himself than of the king's " honour.'* We have seen above, that the earl's advice was, to put to sea, that they might engage the sooner, and not be surprised. The Dutch Gazette treated the earl's memory better than this bishop: for in it we find, " The earl of Sandwich engaged for several hours with " many of our men-of-war, disabled seven of our ships, among which " was Lieutenant-admiral Van Ghent's, Vice-admiral Van Nesse's, " and Captain Brakel's ; and after putting off three fire-ships, was at " last burnt by the fourth." ADMIRAL MONTAGUE. 509 White, in its proper station, much a-stern. * The earl of Sandwich, in his fine ship the Royal James, which carried one hundred pieces of cannon and about eight hundred men, began the fight, and fell furiously on the squadron of Van Ghent : this he did, not from a principle of distin- guishing himself by an act of heroic valour; for he knew his character was too well established to need that ; his view was, to give the rest of the fleet time to form ; and in this he carried his point. Captain Brakel, in the Great Holland, a sixty-gun ship, depending upon the assistance of his squadron, attacked the Royal James, but was soon disabled, as were several other men-of-war; and three fire- ships were sunk. By this time most of his men were killed, and the hull of the Royal James so pierced with shot, that it was impossible to carry her off. In this distress he might have been relieved by his vice- admiral, Sir Joseph Jordan, if that gentleman had not been more solicitous about assisting the duke : when, therefore, he saw him sail by, heedless of the condition in which he lay, he said to those who were about him, " There is nothing left .for us now, but to defend the ship " to the last man ;" and those who knew him readily un- derstood, that, by the last man, he meant himself. When a fourth-fire-ship had grappled him, he begged his captain, Sir Richard Haddock, and all his servants, to get into the boat, and save themselves ; which they did : yet some of the sailors would not quit the admiral, but staid, and en- deavoured at his command to put out the fire, which, in spite of all their efforts, they could not do ; and so they perished together, the ship blowing up about noon, t The Dutch writers give a different account of this matter : they say, that the earl, and one of his sons, were smothered * I lake this from Mr. Savile's Letter to the Earl of Arlington, then secretary-of-state, and published by authority, t Gazette, May 30, 1C72. 510 MEMOIRS OF m the long-boat, by the crew jumping in upon them ; * which cannot be "true, since the genuine cause of the earl's remaining on board was, his apprehension that he might be taken in the long-boat, and made a spectacle to the Dutch ; the same thought which occurred to the duke of Albemarle, and determined him, in case no other way was left, to blow up his ship and himself. Such as ascribe this resolution to the resentment of what his royal highness had said the evening before, asperse one great man's character, in order to tarnish that of another, It is a strange pleasure that some malevolent people take, in attributing the noblest actions to the worst motives ; and always presuming that to be the spring of a man's conduct, which seems least fitted to be so. In this case, from the temper of the person, and the circumstances at- tending his death, there is the highest reason in the world to presume, that he sacrificed himself from a principle of public spirit. Why, then, should we be so inhuman, as to fancy he did it from private pique ? The ancient Romans would have had nobler notions : they would have said, he devoted himself for his country ; and merited, by his man- ner of dying, the victory which ensued. His lordship's body was found, near a fortnight after- wards ; and the king testified, by the honours he paid to the corpse, how much he admired the man, how sensible of his hard fate, and how willing he was to mingle with the dust of his ancestors, the remains of such as died gloriously in their country's service. The fact stands thus in the Gazette : Harwich, June 10. " This day the body of the right honourable Edward, " earl of Sandwich, being, by the order upon his coat, dis- " covered floating on the sea, by one of his majesty's " ketches was taken up, and brought into this port ; where t Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. ii. p. 208. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. p. 325. ADMIRAL MONTAGUE. 1 Sir Charles Littleton, the governor, receiving it, took " immediate care for its embalming, and honourable dis- " posing, till his majesty's pleasure should be known con- " cerning it ; for the obtaining of which, his majesty was " attended at Whitehall, the 'next day, by the master of " the said vessel, who, by Sir Charles Littleton's order, " was sent to present his majesty with the George found " about the body of the said earl, which remained, at the " time of its taking up, in every part unblemished, saving " some impressions made by the fire upon his face and " breast : upon which his majesty, out of his princely " regard to the great deservings of the said earl, and his " unexampled performances in this last act of his life, hath " resolved to have his body brought up to London, there, " at his charge, to receive the rites of funeral due to his " great quality and merits. * " The earl of Sandwich's body being taken out of one " of his majesty's yachts at Deptford on the 3d of July, of it, which was a great trust, and a very -honourable command, that exempted him from receiving any orders but from the duke ; and so extinguished the emulation of the others; the other two being flag-officers, and to command several squadrons. Lawson, however, was the man for whose judgment the duke had the highest esteem ; and he was in truth for a man of that breeding, for he was a perfect tarpawlin, a very extraordinary person. He understood his profession incomparably well ; spoke clearly and pertinently ; but not pertinaciously enough, when he was contradicted. Ayscue was a gentleman, but had kept ill company too long, which had blunted his understanding, if it had been ever sharp. He was of few words, yet spoke to the purpose, and to be easily understood. Penn, who had much the worst understanding, had a great mind to appear better bred, and to speak like a gentleman. He had gotten many good words, which he used at adventure ; he was a formal man, and spoke very leisurely, but much; and left the matter more intricate and per- plexed than he found it. These are the judicious Cla- rendon's characters of these three great seamen, with whom he was personally and intimately acquainted; and therefore his own words are retained. On the 21st of April, 1665, the duke of York sailed with a grand fleet to the coast of Holland, himself carrying the red flag, Prince Rupert the white, and the earl of Sandwich the blue. Towards the latter end of the engage- SIR JOHN LAWSON. 537 nient, which happened off LowestofFe on the memorable 3d of June, that day twelve years in which they had been beaten by Monk ; Lawson, after he had exceeded all that he had done before, was by a musket-shot in his knee disabled from enjoying that victory which he had laboured so hard to gain. He did not, however, die till some days after, viz. June 29, 1665, when he had the satis- faction of knowing that his country triumphed, and that, as he had lived, so he died with glory. We shall here subjoin the earl of Clarendon's account of this extraordinary person in his life lately published, and that in his lordship's own words : " There was," say? he, " another almost irreparable loss this day in Sir John " Lawson, who was admiral of a squadron, and of so " eminent skill and conduct in all maritime occasions, " that his counsel was most considered in all debates, " and the greatest seamen were ready to receive advice " from him. In the middle of the battle he received a " shot with a musket-bullet upon the knee, with which " he fell ; and finding that he could no more stand, and " was in great torment, he sent to the duke to desire him " to send another man to command his ship, which he " presently did. The wound was not conceived to be " mortal, and they made haste to send him on shore as " far as Deptford or Greenwich, where for some days " there was hope of his recovery ; but shortly, his wound " gangrened, and so he died with very great courage, " and profession of an entire duty and fidelity to the " king. " He was indeed, of all the men of that time, and of " that extraction and education, incomparably the mo- " destest and wisest man, and most worthy to be confided in. He was of Yorkshire, near Scarborough, of that " rank of people who are bred to the sea from their " cradle; and a young man of that profession he was when the parliament first possessed themselves of the 558 MEMOIRS OF 44 royal navy : and Hull being in their hands, all the 44 northern seamen easily betook themselves to their " service : and his industry and sobriety made him quickly " taken notice of, and to be preferred from one degree " to another, till, from a common sailor, he was promoted 44 to be a captain of a small vessel, and from thence to 44 the command of the best ships. 44 He had been in all the actions performed by Blake, 44 some of which were very stupendous, and in all the 44 battles which Cromwell had fought with the Dutch, in 44 which he was a signal officer, and very much valued by 44 him. He was of that class of religion which were called 44 Independents, most of which were Anabaptists, who 44 were generally believed to have most aversion to the 44 king, and therefore employed in most affairs of trust. 44 He was commander in chief of the fleet when Richard 44 was thrown out ; and, when the contest grew between 44 the rump and Lambert, he brought the whole fleet into 44 the river, and declared for that which was called the 44 parliament ; which broke the neck of all other designs, 44 though he intended only the better settlement of the 44 commonwealth. 44 Nor, after the restoration, did any man perform hi 44 duty better. He caused all persons, however well 44 qualified soever, who he knew were affected to a re- 44 public, to be dismissed from the service, and brought 44 very good order into his own ship, and frequented the 44 church-prayers himself, and made all the seamen do 44 so. He was very remarkable in his affection and coun- '' tenance towards all those who had faithfully served the 44 king, and never commended any body to the duke to 44 be preferred but such, and performed to his death 44 all that could be expected from a brave and an honest 44 man. 44 It looked like some presage that he had of his own 44 death, that, before he went to sea, he came to the trea- SIR JOHN LAWSON. * surer and the chancellor, to whom he had always borne 1 much respect, and spoke to them in a dialect he had < never before used; for he was a very generous man, f .< and lived in his house decently and plentifully, and had ' never made any the least suit or pretence for money. Now he told them, that he was going upon an expedi- < tion in which many honest men must lose their lives ; !< and though he had no apprehension of himself, but that < GOD would protect him, as he had often done in the * same occasions, yet he thought it became him, against < the worst, to make his condition known to them, and " the rather, because he knew he was esteemed generally " to be rich. He said, in truth he thought himself so " some few months since, when he was worth eight or " nine thousand pounds; but the marriage of his daughter " to a young gentleman in quality and fortune much " above him, Mr. Richard Norton of Southwick in Hamp- " shire, who had fallen in love with her, and his father, out " of tenderness to his son, had consented, it had obliged " him to give her such a portion as might in some degree " make her worthy of so great a fortune ; and that he had " not reserved so much to himself and wife, and all his " other children, which were four or five, as he had " given to that daughter; he desired them therefore, " that, if he should miscarry in this enterprize, the king " would give his wife two hundred pounds a-year for " her life ; if he lived, he desired nothing ; he hoped he " should make some provision for them by his own " industry ; nor did he desire any other grant or security " for this two hundred pounds yearly than the king's " word and promise, and that they would see it effectual. " The suit was so modest, and the ground of making it " so just and reasonable, that they willingly informed his " majesty of it, who as graciously granted it, and spoke " himself to him of it with very obliging circumstances ; " so that the poor man went very contentedly to hi* 540 .MEMOIRS OF u work, and perished as gallantly in it, with an universal " lamentation. And it is to be presumed, that the promise " was as well performed to his wife. Sure it is, it was " exactly complied with whilst either of those two persons " had any power." It is worth observing, that all the writers of those times, though they differ widely in respect to many characters, concur in commending Sir John Lawson as a brave, honest, loyal commander, and as a very able and intelli- gent seaman; and, as such, deserves to be honourablf remembered. * MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN KEMPTHORNE. SIR JOHN KEMPTHORNE was descended from a good family in Devonshire, and was born in the parish of Widscombe in that county, in the year 1620. His father, being a royalist and in low circumstances, was of an opportunity of binding him apprentice to the captain of a trading vessel belonging to Topsham, with whom he lived very happily for some years ; and, being a young man of good natural abilities, he attained an extraordinary degree of knowledge in his profession ; by which, and by the favour of his master, he grew into great credit with the most eminent traders in Exeter ; in whose service he made various voyages into the Mediterranean, with large profit to them, and no small reputation to himself, t In the beginning of our wars with Spain, he distinguished himself by a very extraordinary action. He was attacked by a large Spanish man of war, com- * Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 415. Continuation of Hcalh's Chronicle, p. 538. Kennel's Complete History of England, vol. iii. ji. 276. Echard's History of England, p. 827. t Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 437. SIR JOHX KEMPTHORNE. 541 manded by a knight of Malta; and, though the odd* were very great, yet Captain Kempthorne defended himself gallantly, till all his ammunition was spent; and then, remembering that he had several large bags of pieces of eight on board, he thought they might better serve to annoy than enrich the enemy; and, therefore, ordered his men to load their guns with silver, which did such execution on the Spaniards' rigging, that, if his own ship had not been disabled by an unlucky shot, he had in all probability got clear. At last, however, overpowered by numbers, he was boarded, taken, and carried into Malaga. The knight, to whom he was prisoner, treated him with the utmost kindness and civility; carried him home to hU house; gave him the free use of it; spoke of him with much respect ; commended his valour to every body ; and declared, that he never knew a man who deserved higher preferment ; and, after a short stay in this manner, which I can scarcely call a confinement, he sent him to England. Jt is a great misfortune, that one is obliged to relate spch a passage as this, without the proper circumstances of names and dates ; but, when these have been slighted by such as first committed the fact to writing, they are not afterwards easily recovered. However, there can be no doubt made as to the truth of the relation ; since, upon the credit of this action, Captain Kempthorne laid the foundation of his subsequent fortunes. Having premised this, we may proceed to the second part of this adventure. Some years after, the same knight of Malta was taken in the Streights by Commodore Ven, and brought prisoner into England, where he was committed to the Tower: this afforded the captain an opportunity of returning all the civilities he had received, and of procuring his liberty, which he did at his own expense^ and furnished him with every thing necessary to return to Spain; an action 542 MEMOIRS Ol> generous and grateful in itself, and which could not fail of doing our English commander great honour. * After the restoration, Captain Kempthorne had some merit to plead ; his father having quitted the profession of the law, to serve as a lieutenant of horse in the king's army, which honest and loyal act proved his total ruin. Whether this or any personal interest which his son might have, brought him into the navy, it is not easy to say ; but, soon after the king's return, he was provided with a ship, viz. the Mary Rose, a third rate, carrying forty- eight guns, and two hundred and thirty men. In this ship he went as convoy to a considerable fleet of merchantmen into the Streights ; and in the month of December, 1669, met with a squadron of seven Algerine men-of-war : by his prudence and courage he preserved, however, all the vessels under his care ; and obliged the enemy to sheer off, after leaving behind them several of their men, who had boarded the Mary Rose, and were brought by Cap- tain Kempthorne into England, t This gallant action justly, merited him to a flag; and yet it was some years afterwards outdone, with great satisfac- tion to the captain : for his son, a young gentleman of three and twenty, in the King's Fisher, a frigate of forty- six guns and two hundred and twenty men, engaged seven Algerines, three of which carried as many guns as the whole squadron that his father had to deal with ; and after many hours fight, in which he was several times boarded, made them weary of their undertaking, and carried the king's ship safe into a Spanish port, where he himself died of his wounds. | As for our hero, he was in both the Dutch wars, and behaved so well, that, upon the duke of Albemarle's taking the command of the fleet in 1666, he carried one of the * Remarkable Sea Deliverances, p. 52. f See the particular relation of this engagement cited before, p. 383. J Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 438. SIR JOHN KEMPTHORNE. flags ; and, in the succeeding war, he served as rear- admiral, and had the honour of knighthood. * He spent the latter part of his life in a post both of profit and repu- tation, vh. commissioner of his majesty's navy at Ports- mouth ; and yet it is said, that he was disgusted, as is fre- quently the case, at his being thus laid aside, and pre- cluded, as he understood it, from any farther promotion which his merit might have entitled him to in the navy. We have no account of the motives which might induce the court to slight a man of Sir John Kempthorne's merit ; only we are told, that he was a very zealous Protestant, and, having been chiefly raised by the favour of Prince Rupert, it is probable his interest declined with that of his highness. However it was, it has been transmitted to posterity, that his sharp sense of his disappointments shortened his days ; and thus a man, who had with such courage ventured his life for the honour of the crown, and had done such signal service to the nation ; was sacrificed to some low, secret, pitiful court-intrigue ; and left to wear away his life in a little employment, which would have been esteemed a high promotion by a person of a money-loving temper, and who had less passion for glory than this worthy gentleman, who ended his days on the 19th of October, 1679, when he wanted but one year of threescore. His body lies interred on the north side of the altar in the great church at Portsmouth ; and I have heard, that some of his posterity are yet remaining in Devonshire, t This Sir John Kempthorne had an elder brother, Captain Simon Kempthorne, who also distin- guished himself at sea, but of whose actions 1 can say nothing particular ; I shall therefore content myself with having thus endeavoured to preserve his NAME. The care taken by the Dutch, as 1 have more than onco hinted before, to preserve the memories of those who have * Philip's Continuation of Heath's Chronicle, p. 551. Burchet's Naval History, p. 399. Kennet's History of England, vol. iii. p. 882. t Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 439. MEMOIRS OF eminently served the state, by burying them at the public expense ; erecting for them magnificent tombs ; adorning these with honourable inscriptions ; settling pensions on their families ; and by such acts of gratitude, obliging all historians, as well as putting it into their power, to relate whatever concerns such persons carefully and distinctly, can never be enough commended. It is indeed one of the greatest instances of the wisdom of their government ; since it supports and encourages public spirit ; maintains the power, and secures the reputation of the republic ; which are things of the highest consequence to society, and the source of that liberty and happiness by which they are so gloriously distinguished from their neighbours. Happy had it been for us, if a like spirit had prevailed here ! I should not then have been obliged to apologize so often for omissions, which I find it impossible to supply ; nor would there have been occasion for this remark, to excuse the shortness of those accounts, which I am yet to give, of some of the greatest seamen who lived in this reign ; and who, by their gallant behaviour, justly merit the praise of succeeding times. MEMOIRS OF SIR GEORGE AYSCOUGH, OR, AS GENERALLY WRITTEN AYSCUE, ADMIRAL OF THK WHITE. Ax intrepidity, which no danger can either dismay or distract, is that kind of temper which distinguishes our sea commanders ; and has exalted the Howards, Green- villes, Blakes, and several others that might be named, into the rank of heroes. It is a disposition that peculiarly endears an officer to seamen, who never fail to imitate his example ; and from a resolution of this kind, such amazing and almost incredible events have flowed, as shew that high courage, when accompanied with cool and steady SIR GEORGE AYSCUE. 515 conduct, in which intrepidity consists; is very different from either rashness or obstinacy ; and may be justly con- sidered as the standard of military virtue, and therefore the best entitled to fame. This rare and admirable qua- lity, if the evidence of friends or foes can establish the possession of it incontestibly, was never more conspicuous than in Sir GEORGE AYSCUE, whose merit was so great, and so generally understood, that he was preferred without envy ; nay, his preferments were attended with such uni- versal applause, as at length, which often happens in popular states, rendered him obnoxious to his masters. This did not hinder his appearing again in a higher station with equal reputation ; and, having often vanquished enemies, he, in the last action of his life, triumphed over fortune. He was a gentleman of an ancient and worthy family, settled at South Kelsey, in Lincolnshire. * His father, William Ayscough, or Ayscue, Esq. was one of the gen- tlemen of the privy-chamber to Charles I. t by whom himself, and his elder brother Sir Edward Ayscue, were knighted. By intermarriages he stood allied to some as respectable families as any in the north ; particularly the Savilles of Thornton, the Cookes of Wheatly, in York- shire, f the Williamsons of Markham, in Nottingham- shire, and many others. At the breaking out of the civil war, Sir Edward and Sir George Ayscue both adhered to the parliament ; || by whom the former was appointed one of their commissioners to reside with the Scots army in 1646, 5 and the latter was continued in his command in * Camd. Britannia, p. 408, where the name is written Ashcough. f Aubrey's Antiquities of Surrey, vol. iii. p. 121, 122. J Baronetage of England, vol. i. p. 159. iii. P- 279. Thoroton's Antiquities of Nottinghamshire, p. S8C. II Lloyd's Loyal Sufferers, p. 706. H Whitlocke's MeraoriaJs, p. 184. Rushworth's Collections, A. 1) 1645. VOL. II. N N 540 MEMOIRS OF (he nary, and always treated with the utmost deference and respect ; which made such an impression upon him, that he remained attached to them with inviolable fidelity, though he had not been promoted in their service, or, except those testimonies of esteem, had received any marks of their favour. When a great part of the fleet revolted in the summer of 1648, and set Colonel Rainsborough on shore, who was sent to take the command ; Sir George Ayscue preserved his ship the Lion, for the parliament, and brought her into the river Thames, of which he gave them notice. * This important service at so critical a conjuncture, was received with great satisfaction ; and he was desired, with Captain Moulton, to sail over to tiie coast of Holland, to watch the motions of the ships then under the prince of Wales, t The next year he was declared admiral in the Irish seas, and directed to relieve Dublin, which was a thing of the utmost consequence. This he very success- fully performed, as also many other serv rces ; which in- duced them to continue him in that office for another year, in which term he did all, and even more than they ex- pected ; for which they honoured him with their thanks, and assured him they w ould retain a suitable sense of what he had done in support of the English and Protestant in- terest in that kingdom. | The war, at least as far as it was a sea war, being brought to a conclusion in Ireland, the parliament found themselves at liberty to make use of their fleet elsewhere ; and thereupon resolved to reduce the island of Barbadoes, which was held for King Charles, by the Lord Willoughby, of Parham, who had served them long ; but when he saw they meant to subvert the constitution, he quitted them, * Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 3 1 7. f Baker's Chronicle, continued by E. Philips, p, 710. WhiflockeV Mf>morials, p. 368. Heath's Chronicle, p. 176. ; Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 385, 406. SIR GEORGE AYSCUE. and went to King Charles II. in Holland, by whom he was declared vice-admiral of the revolted fleet, and after- wards governor of the Leeward Islands. * In order to accomplish this, orders were sent to Sir George Ayscue to form a squadron, which he was to man and victual as soon as possible, and then proceed to Barbadoes; but, before he was in any readiness to sail, those orders were countermanded. The reason of this was, the parliament had information that the Dutch were treating with Sir John Greenville, in order to have the isles of Scilly put into their hands ; and therefore it was thought necessary to reduce those islands first. Blake and Ayscue were employed in this expedition in the spring of the year 1651, and performed it with honour and success. They had but a small body of troops on board ; and Sir John Greenville had a considerable force in the island of St. Mary, com- manded by some of the best officers in the late king's army ; so that, if things had been decided by the sword, the dispute must have been both bloody and doubtful. Sir John easily perceived that this must end fatally in respect to him, and the remains of the king's forces under his command ; and therefore entered into a treaty with General Blake and Admiral Ayscue, who used him very honourably, and gave him fair conditions; after which Blake returned to England, and Ayscue prepared for his voyage to Barbadoes. t The parliament, when they first heard of the reduction of Scilly, were extremely well pleased, as indeed they had very just reason ; since privateers from thence did so much mischief, that scarcely any trade could be carried on with tolerable security; but, when the conditions were known, some great men changed their opinions, and gave * The Civil Wars of Great Britain and Ireland, chap, xcvii. p. 325327. f Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, voL vi. p. 465. Whitlockc's Memorials, p. 493, 495, See also p. 240. V'l'f 548 MEMOIRS OF Blake to understand, that he and his colleague had been too forward; so that it was doubtful, whether the par- liament would ratify this agreement. Blake said, that it they had given Sir John Greenville good conditions, they had not done it without good reason ; that, in the first place, it saved the effusion of English blood ; and next, that there was a strong squadron of Dutch ships at no great distance, the commander of which had offered Sir John one hundred thousand pounds to put these islands into his hands ; that, if the parliament did not approve of his conduct, he should be sorry for it, and would take care to prevent a mistake of that sort for the future, by laying down his commission, as he was confident Sir George Ayscue would likewise do. * Upon this, there was no more said of the articles, which were very punctually and honourably complied with, and Sir George received orders to sail immediately to the West Indies: which he obeyed. He arrived at Barbadoes on the 16th of October, 16.51, and became quickly sensible of the difficulty of that enter- prize. His own force was very inconsiderable in com- parison with that of the island ; the governor was a man of quality, good sense, and well beloved, and had assem- bled a body of nearly five thousand men to oppose him. t In spite of all these difficulties, he was determined to do his utmost to reduce the place; and how well he suc- ceeded, the reader may learn from the following succinct relation of General Ludlow. " Sir George opened a passage into the harbour, by " firing some great shot, and then seized upon twelve of " their ships without opposition ; the next day he sent a " summons to the Lord Willoughby, to submit to the " authority of the parliament of England ; but he, not " acknowledging any such power, declared his resolution " to keep the island for the king's service. But the news * Lansdown's Piose Works, vol. ii. p. 257. f See p. 240. SIR GEORGE AYSCUE. 549 of the defeat of the Scots and their king at Worcester being brou ht to Sir Qeorge Ajscue? a > ntercepted letter from the Lady Willoughby, containing same account, he summoned him a second time, and accompanied his summons with the lady's letter to ' assure him of the truth of that report. But the Lord Willoughby relying upon his numbers, and the fewness >f those that were sent to reduce him, being in all but teen sail, returned an answer of the like substance < with the former. Whereupon Sir George Ayscue sent two hundred men on shore, commanded by Captain Morrice, to attack a quarter of the enemy's that lay by the harbour, which they executed successfully, by taking 4 the fort and about forty prisoners, with four pieces of ; < cannon, which they nailed up, and returned on board " again, ' At this time, the Virginia fleet arriving at Barbadoes, ' it was thought fit to send a third summons to the Lord c Willoughby ; but finding that neither this, nor the de- ; < claration sent to them by the commissioners of parlia- ' ment to the same purpose, produced any effect, Sir ' George Ayscue landed seven hundred men from his own " and the Virginia fleet, giving the command of them to " the same Captain Morrice, who fell upon thirteen hun- " dred of the enemy's foot, and three troops of their horse, " and beat them from their works, killing many of their " men, and taking about one hundred prisoners, with all " their guns. The loss on our side was inconsiderable, " few of ours being killed upon the place, and not above " thirty wounded. Yet these successes were not sufficient " to accomplish the work, there being above five thousand " horse and foot in the island, and our Virginia fleet pre- f( paring to depart for want of provisions. " In this conjuncture, Colonel Muddiford, who com- " manded a regiment in the island, by the means of a 50 MEMOIRS OF " friend that he had in our fleet, made his terms, and " declared for the parliament. Many of his friends, fol- " lowing his example, did the like, and. in conjunction " with him, encamped under the protection of our fleet. " Upon this the most part of the island were inclined to t( join us ; but the Lord Willoughby prevented them, by " placing guards on all the avenues to our camp, and " designed to charge our men with his body of horse, " wherein he was much superiour to them, had not a 4i cannon-ball, that was fired at random, beat open the " door of a room where he and his council of war were " sitting, which, taking off the head of the centinel who " was placed at the door, so alarmed them all, that he " changed his design, and retreated to a place two miles " distant from the harbour. Our party, consisting of two " thousand foot and one hundred horse, advancing towards " him, he desired to treat ; which being accepted, Colonel 11 Muddiford, Colonel Collyton, Mr. Searl, and Captain " Pack, were appointed commissioners by Sir George " Ayscue; and by the Lord Willoughby, Sir Richard " Pierce, Mr. Charles Pym, Colonel Ellis, and Major " Byam. " By these it was concluded, that the islands of Nevis, " Antigua, and St. Christopher's, should be surrendered " to the parliament of England ; that the Lord Wil- " loughby, Colonel Walrond, and some others, should be " restored to their estates ; and that the inhabitants of the " said isles should be maintained in the quiet enjoyment " of what they possessed, on condition to do nothing to " the prejudice of the commonwealth. This news being " brought to Virginia, they submitted also, where one " Mr. George Ludlow, a relation of mine, served the par- " liament in the like manner as Colonel Muddiford had " done at Barbadoes." * * Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 385 387. SIR GEORGE AYSCUE. 55) Sir George Ayscue returned to Plymouth, on the 23th of May, 1652, with great reputation. * The Dutch war, which broke out while he was abroad, was now very warm ; and Sir George was forced to take a share therein, though his ships were, with so long a voyage, extremely foul, and in a manner unfit for service ; yet, when General Blake sailed to the north, he performed glorious, indeed almost incredible things; for, in July, he took five Dutch mer- chantmen, and afterwards attacked a fleet of forty sail, under the convoy of four men of war, took seven, burnt three, and forced the rest on the French shore. On the 16th of August, 1652, the Dutch attempted to surprise Sir George with a great fleet, who was just then returned from convoying a rich fleet of East India ships into Ply- mouth. Though he was much inferiour in strength, he fought notwithstanding ; and at last, with considerable loss, forced them to retire, t After this, he continued to behave vigorously against the enemy ; and though his services were not very well received by the parliament ; yet both the seamen and the people agreed that he had acted like a hero. Of this we have a strong testimony in Lilly's almanack, which was a kind of oracle in those days. $ * In Lilly's Astrological Predictions for 1653, we have this account of what passed in the preceding year : " May 25, Sir George Ayscue, " Knight, returned safe from the Western Islands to Plymouth, to " the great joy of the people, having reduced all the Western Isles. " and taken from the Dutch above forty sail of ships." Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 534. Davies's Civil Wars of Great Britain and Ireland, p. 329. t Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 539541. J This passage occurs in his observations on August, 1653, and runs thus: " August 1(5, 1652, Sir George Ayseue, near Plymouth, with " fourteen or fifteen ships only, fought threescore sail of Dutch men- " of-war, and thirty shot in the hull of his own ?hip. Twenty mer- " chant (I suppose merchantmen converted into) men-of-war, never " came in to assist him ; yet he made the Dutch give way. Why our " state shall pay those ships which fought not, we of the people know " not. This is he that is a gentleman, lives like a gentleman, and acts " the part of a geuerous commander in all his actions." MEMOIRS OF In some short time after this, the parliament thought fit to consider Sir George's former services, and to vote him, as a reward, three hundred pounds a year in Ireland, and also three hundred pounds in money ; but they thought proper, at the same time, to lay him aside, under pretence that the honour of the nation was some way affected by the loss he had suffered in the late fight in Dover road ; but this was a mere pretence ; for not only our own his- torians, but the Dutch writers also, agree, that never any man behaved better than he did upon that occasion ; and so far was the honour of the nation from being at all injured by any loss he sustained; that this very action was then, and still is, considered as one of the strongest proofs of the invincible courage of the English at sea. * Nay, immediately before he was dismissed from his command, he gave a most extraordinary proof of his courage ; for he protested against Blake's retreat, after he had been worsted in the battle of the 29th of November ; and declared, he thought it more honourable to perish at sea, than to retire in the sight of an enemy ; and upon this occasion he inti- mated a design of throwing up, which gave his enemies so fair an opportunity of taking away his commission, t The true grounds of the parliament's displeasure toward him, though they did not care to own it, was the fair agreement he had made with the Lord Willoughby at Barbadoes ; and the largeness of those articles of capitula- tion which he had granted him. They thought he might have been sufficiently cautioned by the resentment they had shewn on the treaty he made with Sir John Greenville ; and were therefore the more deeply touched with this, which they looked upon as a second offence. ^ Another reason for their inclining to lay him dow n softly was his * Heath 'f. Chronicle, p. 323. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 421. Columna Rostrata, p. 101. Basnage Aiinales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 260. Le Clcrc Hisloire des Provinces Uuies, torn. ii. p. 322, Sat. La Vie De Ruvtcr, vol. i. p. 19, 20. t Columna Rostrata, p. 101. J Heath's Chronicle, p. 323. SIR GEORGE AYSCUE. 533 great influence over the seamen, by whom he was exceed- ing!} 7 beloved. In this transaction they were too wise for themselves ; for they parted with a man who was certainly firm to their interests; disobliged the sea-officers, who knew not what to think of such a proceeding ; and lost the aftection of the sailors, as appeared very soon after, when General Cromwell turned them out of doors, the whole fleet concurring in the approbation of that measure; which shews how dangerous a thing it is to sacrifice a man of known merit to secret distrusts. * After this the admiral led a retired life, without con- cerning himself with public affairs. The grant he had of an estate in Ireland, induced him to go over thither in 1655, where he had frequent conferences with Henry Cromwell who then governed that kingdom ; and who conceived from thence so great an esteem for him, that he wrote expressly to Secretary Thurloe, to take his advice about a certain matter of moment then in agitation, and in any thing else which required the opinion of a very knowing and expe- rienced person, t Yet it doth not appear, that he was ever employed, or perhaps chose to be employed, in the protector's service ; for I find him, in 1656, at his seat in Surrey, which is thus described by Whitlocke : " The " house stands environed with ponds, moats, and water, " like a ship at sea ; a fancy the fitter for the master's " humour, who was himself so great a seaman. There, " he said, he had cast anchor, and intended to spend the rest of his life in private retirement." J He changed his resolution, however, for which, if 1 mistake not, this visit laid a foundation ; since Whitlocke went, in company with the Swedish ambassador, and Sir George was afterwards * See the postscript to Lilly's Almanack for 1654. t This letter is printed among Thurloe's State Papers, yol. IT. P t Whitlocke's Memorials, p. 649, where there is a long: account of a very curious conversation, on maritime affairs,, between the t bassador and the admiral. VOL. II. O O 551 MEMOIRS OF prevailed upon to quit his retreat, to go over to Sweden, where he was to be admiral. * This scheme, of sending him into the north, was one of the last formed by the Protector Oliver. He had always kept a close correspondence with Charles Gustavus, king of Sweden, from the time that prince mounted the throne, and drew many advantages from this conjunction. He saw, therefore, with great regret, the success of the Dutch in settling the affairs of the north, and their awing his ally, the king of Sweden, by keeping a strong fleet in the Baltic. He had his reasons for avoiding a second war with the Dutch ; and yet he could not think of abandoning the Swedes, t At last, therefore, he took a resolution of send- ing a stout squadron, well manned, under the command of Vice-admiral Goodson, who was to act in conjunction with Sir George Ayscue, as we have shewn in another place ; i the latter having accepted of a commission in his Swedish Majesty's service ; by which stroke of policy, the protec- tor thought he should avoid all disputes with Holland, and yet do as much for the Swedes as they could desire. But * Thurloc's State Papers, vol. vi. p. 260. f Basuage Aunales dcs Provinces Unies, vol. i. p. 545, where there is a better account of Cromwell's designs than I have found ill any of our own historians. t See p. 294. How much the news of this project alarmed the Danes, will ap- pear from the following letter of their minister to Secretary Thurloe, dated September 27", 1658; when, in prosecution of Oliver's design, Richard had resolved to send Ayscue to Sweden. " May it please your lordship, " Talk has been this many months, that Sir George Ayscue, and " teu or twelve sea-captains, were to take service under the king of " Sweden, which I could not be induced to believe, thinking the * said Ayscue would not turn a mercenary soldier of another prince, " whilst the war in his own country lasted : if he could not be satisfied " with that wealth and honour he has gotten, and lived a retired and " quiet life. But I have been deceived in my opinion, and find, that " certainly he and the said captains are to depart in a few days ; they " to command each a man-of-war, and Sir George the whole Swedish " fleet." Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vii. p.. 412. SIR GEORGE AYSCUE. 555 this squadron sailing too late in the year, the ice prevented its arrival at Copenhagen : however, Admiral Ayscue pro- ceeded to Sweden by land, and was treated with great marks of esteem and favour by his Swedish majesty, with whom he continued to the time of that monarch's decease, which happened in the beginning of the year 1660; * so that Sir George Ayscue had no manner of concern in England. He returned home soon after the Restoration, and was received with all the respect that was due to a man of his high rank and merit. He was, as we have already men- tioned, appointed one of the commissioners for regulating the affairs of the navy, and in high esteem with the duke of York, who always consulted him in whatever regarded maritime concerns. When the Dutch war broke out, in 1664, he went to sea as rear-admiral of the blue squadron, and behaved with great honour in the battle of the 3d of June, 1665. t On the duke of York's return to court, and the earl of Sandwich's hoisting the royal flag, Sir Richard Ayscue served as vice-admiral of the red, and was very fortunate in making prizes. ^ In 1666, when Prince Rupert and the duke of Albemarle commanded, Sir George Ayscue, in the Royal Prince, the largest and heaviest ship in the fleet, bore the white flag, as admiral of that squadron, having Sir William Berkeley for his vice, and Sir John Harman for his rear-admiral. In the famous battle on the 1st of June, he did remarkable service, not only against the enemy, but in the preserva- tion of such of the English ships as were disabled by their superiour force. With the same successful diligence he acted the two next days ; but toward the evening of the * Histoire de Suede, par Puffendorf, torn. iii. p. 30. Memorials, p. 677, C98. Burchct's Naval History, P- 397. f Echard, p. 820. J Life of the earl of Clarendon, vol. iii. p. 571. Annals of the Universe, p. 119. Burehet's Naval History, p. 39P. 656 MEMOIRS OF SIR GEORGE AYSCUE. third, when prince Rupert appeared with the frigates under his command, and a signal was made for the fleet to join ; Sir George Ayscue's ship unfortunately ran upon the Galloper, and could not be gotten off. There, beaten by the waves, surrounded by his enemies, and unassisted by his friends, he was, as the Dutch M'riters themselves confess, compelled by his own seamen to strike ; upon which, the Dutch took them on board, and finding it im- possible to bring off the Royal Prince, set her on fire. * This capture of Sir George Ayscue, gave the enemy great satisfaction. They carried him from place to place, by way of triumph ; and at last shut him up in the castle of Louvestein, where he continued for some months, t After his return, which was in November, when he was graciously received by his majesty, he went no more to sea, but spent the remainder of his days in quiet. ^ But where, or when, this great and gallant seaman concluded his life, I have not hitherto been able, with certainty, to discover. * Life of the Earl of Clarendon, vol. iii. p. 653. Heath's Chronicle, p. 551. Gamble's Life of General Monk, p. 430, 431. Skinner's Continuation of Bates, p. iii. p. 90. t Basnage Annales des Provinces Unies, torn. i. p. 776. Le Clerc Histoire des Provinces Unies, torn. iii. p. 141. La Vie de Ruyter, p. 145. See Sir George Ayscue's letter to the king, dated from the castle of Louvestein, June 20, 1666. J Annals of the Universe, p. 161. EXD OF THE SECOND VOLUME. W. SMITH AND CO. printer^, KING STREET, SEVEN DIALS. 3 07 fi THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY This book is DUE on the last date stamped below 01945 i is45 'MAY 9 . JUL i RECD DISCHARGE-URL ,tf, MAR21|1978 3 1158 00276 8215 UC SOUTHERN re&OWLUW DA70 C15 1 v.2 A 000189370